^ ^^^« vO. v^ v^^ vJ^ \^ ^i^ 4^' A ^^ r .^ 9MAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^- />.*^!^ 1.0 I.I Itt IS£ 12.2 w -.« M2.0 14.0 IL25 nil u ILSi 11^ ^^ <^ / Hiotographic Scoices CorpoHtion 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WnSTIR.N.Y. 14SM (716)172-4303 e ^'^i^ k ,^ OniM, MM oTBcaa, WBo hats bekh itorcDt AMOiie Tfei TAmiout iiiDUN KATioifi UFoif TU cofrmniiT. ALIO, A HISTORY OF THEIR WARS; TUn MANNBBS AND CVBTOMB; AND THB MOST OLmEATID or THEIR OBATOH8, FEOM THKQl FIBBT BONO KNOWN TO KUBOfEANB TO THB PBESBNT TIMB. LIKBWIIX EXHIBITING AN ANALT8I8 OP THB MOST OltTIIISUIBHBD, Al WBU. All AHIUBD AnTHOBt, Wl HATB WBITTBIT DPOIf THB SBBAT qOBSTIOH OP THB FIRST PEOPLING OP AMERICA. . *■ A :'V:iu««£^^iiWiv>*.;? ::• ... . T m ji n r .i Nn mag im»wfewy . ...>.. *.; .*MI»Mfi)«i(iMab»jr4MHMiL.i.^TAii». BT 8AMUEL O. DRAKE, *\ , tMfi AMUoM Md ComdiaM, •at mm iBi«r BOSTON: O. h. PBRKUfB, Se OOBNHUX, AND HILUARD, ORAT U Oa NBW TORKi a. It C. ft N. CABVILL. PHUiAOBLPHIA: ORIGG 4b EIJJOT. 1834." ••:•••:••: :: :.•% ,'/ ctt hai cati of< fan bea OMM tOI mo( eiei mn ao. ' <► '.i?^ TO WILLIAM JENKS, D. D RcrcRCND Sib; I HOPS I thaU not hs thodght eating my labon in Indian Hiitory to yov. Bat I kid haiard such unkindness, than to deprife myadf of tko cation of appearing before the pobKc under ths of one who jusdj commands the rejqfMet of alL forego an opportunity to show raqieet for bearing testimony to great worth, true most exemplary piety ; would be a fiv greater a o wwe of to me, than any thing that6st»ilioaa erilioa osold^Kjr DMytive. Mweover, I am aware, that, te e^rary aalpiMrjr, it exceedingly gratifying, to ne an aneii more espedally, when its object is mMf to bealow where it is so eminently doe. T09KV> to ;of tin be BesTOR^ 9SAW. UOB. 38134 .* ■>JVi "^^^"^ili ■^;.- %: *" AAA I •Y % -.if ao.'- ( S19l{«r ' 'i}i\:'ji • PREFACE. fj ><■ aviti'tf .tif Ir the wooiMl«ditioaoftlikwork,itwMi]it0iided tliatfrweon«aliaM«ral« dMoM ■faould ba ntcmmrj to otben ia ftitaie, if Mnj slioald .be nquirad hgf Iba pub/io. It ww mmo wen, howcTcr, that Mvenl «Tion were ■ cmttef 4 ban «nd tiiere in the work; tndutbe printing wu going on at the time oTwiitfaig, the/ were not diaeorered until it waa too late to correct them. HoreoTcr, it aometimea happened, that all waa not aaid apon a aahioat thi would have been aaid, if more information, at the time of writing, baa beta ( hand. Hence it <^Um happened, that a Airther notice of a former aobjael «i necemary, and may aeem out of place. The author waa perfeetlj awan, tbM thia would a\|^iect him to the charge uf a want of method, but aa it waa iatautf- ed to aecompaajr the work with a tolerably complete index, it waa thoogbt that anch aeemin^ immethodical arrangement would in a meaaora be eooipenaatod for: at leaat, m proportion to the perfection of that indiapenaaUe aceonpanimmt Tboae onaoquainted with the nature of auch an undtrtakiag, may c< that we ahould publiah before we had fili \ up all Taoanoiea in mu 4oei and hence have been able, not only to have been completely ftill apon tVMJ head, but at the aame time have given a more oontinuoaa namtim of tba whole. Thia object, could it have been attained, would hare been aa inti^rfalf to the author aa to the reader. But we can aaaure all aooh aa are diapoaad tS eenanre ua upon thia acore, that, had they been obliged to twa over, < pare, examine and collate one fourth aa many volumea and dalheed raoonb •■ the author haa in oompiling laniioi fiiooRArar, thev would abandaii tbelr aMi> auiea bv the time they haa well entered upon their labora. Work! of thia kind will alwaya appear premature in aome leapeeti, (le fbrii authora, if no othaia,) for the raaaon that there ia no e&d to the uonmmtiam ofmateriala. A writer may think himaelf in poaaeaaion of every mattrial ttaew* aaiy for hia undertaking, may write and pint hia waik, and the nest day dkn cover facta of ao much importance, aa to ihfJK it |ppear to hia. mfaid, that all ht haa done b of no value, compared with hia laat macovery. Thia ahould apt deter ua from putting into a atate of preaervation, by printing, iirom time to tioMi, valuable n»ttera,even though they might be much improved by withhdllBaf them for a time ; becauae, from variona ocetureneea, the beat eolloetiona IM extremely liable to be acattered, and irfeeoverafaly leat. Should an author reaolve not to write ikpoa a nAjjeet until eveiy tbiof upon it ahould be ooUeoted, and in Ua poaaeaaion,. it to pretty certain be never WDold begin ; and hia lab4»a, however well directed or loaf exerted, or however valuable to himaell} might, by a common accident, be loat to the world in eveo arBborter qiace of time than an hour. The firat edition oflnoian Biography waa iapoed in June, 18!tl, and tbe aeeond in September, 1833. Of the fermer, tfiere were IflOO eopiea, and of tbe latter 9000. Tbe firat waa a anwll duodecimo, of 346 pagaa. The aeoond ww in the aame loH aad (type aa the praaent. When 400 MMa of the aeeond edition were printed, there remained a Iwie •mount of vaniule matter untouched ; therefore forty pogea nwie #ere aodad, and thia waa the extent of that edition. Even thia extenaion V.i ndl 9»itj •• through with all our material ; but it waa eondnded to iaane tbe edHhm, end wait until another ahould be required by the pi^blic, in which eveat It waa determined that each additiona and correctiona mould be made, aa a ooaetaiit examination of matariala would enable the author. In tbe mean tinw,Bnif lare and c u rio— werka came into bla jfommdnm, ly waiMief wNchwaw urn eoBeideraUy to enrieb oar addttkoa. PREFACE. Th«r« have alio fUlen into our huida MVtnl of the moat ntt poftnita tt diatinguiihed Indians, aeveral of which hav* been enfraved eapreaair for this edition. They ma^ be relied upon aa exact copiei of the orifiBals. That oTtlte " LADr Rbbecca, ' tlie aavior of Virginia, more proper!/ Mra. ti»{f; who was ■o other than the renowned Pocahortai, muat gladden the heart of erery aa- tiqoary. — Few could have linown that such existed ; but it haa exiated, and we laj it before the public with high gratification : all, we feel confidant, will traaaure it up aa a pearl of great price. The likenCM of SAaorswATiiA may be n>lied upon aa a fkithflil one. B«t- eral of the author's firiends, who have seen him, attest the fant. All we can aajr of NiAMATHLA and Odtacitk, ia, they are faithfltl copiea, and doubt not they in correct likenesses. Borne have called our portrait of tho great Wampanoag sachem, a " aonj" one. We arc not to blame for it. Vfe wish our fathers had left us a better ; but it is not our manner to slight a book because it is small, or because ita covers are defaced, or a portrait hecause it does not exactly coneapond with oar idea of a man. We had an exact copy made of the old print which accompa- nied Of. Sri/««'« edition of Church's Hiitort or Philif's War,* which it is sup- aoaad he had copied f^om an original painting of King Philip, atill said to be In existence. If this be true, and our copy be a fkithAil one, we want no other. At any rate, we do not like to part with it until we can aubstitate a better one. In regard to the wood engravings interspersed throughout the work, it may be observed, that those representing Indian habits, costume, and some peculiar mannera and customs, have been selected Oom a large collection ; and it is hoped the selection will be approved. The portraits done in the same material pre- Mrre the likenesses of tne originds with great exactness. Several of these de- ■erre to be executed in the best manner, and they were not cut in wood fVom any otlier cause than that required by economy. They were engraved as they oame into our handa, without regarding their celebrity. We have mentionedt the existence of portraits of the four Iroquois ohiefii who visited England in 1710 ; — theae the author is exceedingly happy in pos- Waaing ; and although not being able, on account of the expense, to enrich this edition with copies of them, he hopes they will be engraved in due time ; which if they are. peraons possessing the work may procure tiiem separately. The author aubmita his work with aome confidence, firom a conaciouaneaa of bnving used great exertiona to make it usefbl, and of having treated hia auhjeet with tne atrictest impartialiu. All verbiage has been avoided, in as (kr as prae- tieaBle, and plain matters of fact have been arrived at by the shortest and moat diieet course. Circumlocution, the offspring of verbiage, is a fault of modem book-makers ; and every observer muat nave been forcibly struck by the con- tnat at a modem title-page and the reat of the book ; in the former, muUnm in jMrw ia true to the letter, and that page is too often the only one in which it H to be found, throughout a performance. There may be aome, probably, who will look into oar book to aee what we hvn said upon aome recta known to them, and be much disappointed in finding, that we have not imtieed them at ail. To such we can only aay, lee havtgmtm ttktrfaeU instead tf them; in other words, tee have fitted our took as fmas U wmda katd. And although we may not alwaya have selected the best matter, W0 thoacht, at the time of writing, we had : and when oar information ia &ither •standeo, we jnay agree better with thoae who ahall find i%alt with ua. Extradfimn Oit Prrfau iff ike FM JEcKKm. ^te IbDowing noticea have been thrown together within a few months, al- tfiongb OMUiy yeara have elapaed aince the author began the collection of mate- tiala, and set ahont gaining a knowledge.of this kind of history. ''lie fiiat adventorer in any untrodden path, must often find himself emlar- nMcd fbr want cf land-marks, by which to direct his course. This will be ap- • Mated at Newport, B. I. hj Bolomoh S«uthwiok, 1779.— Tbe »m •diUoa kad no nialss. II waaprlaiad at BosIob, by B. GBaBn, in the year 1716. Copies at both edttlou ate la pos- ■ssrtsn of tke anihor. tlsebeok v. ebap.l,andaat<«teab«a.vti booklv. IV portnito af pivMlv Tor thki I. That ofUw lo\f; who wM rt of ererj >b- listed, tnd w* sonfidaDt, will (bl one. Ber- All we ean w^j loubt not they em, •"•oiry" ft ui • better ; or becauM it* ipond with our hich aooompa- irhich it is rap- ■till Mid to be want no other. • a better one. 9 work, it maj •ome peculiar and it H hoped p material pre- ral of these de- wood fVom any das they* roquoii ohiefii happjr in poa- , to enrich this etime; which naoiousneaa of led hia aubject as (hr as prae- rtest and moat ult of modem ;k by the con- ler, midtum in ne in which it aee what we ited in finding, wthavgntm k a* fidlmi it m best matter, ktion is &tther th us. w months, al- Btion ofoate- mself embar- will be ap- tlou an iapss- /" PREFACE. m paimt Ut the rrader. But he will not be the first to when it has been thw ••> Crent. A small edition is now offipred. which, if well reoeivad, will be aaw iproTed and enUrged, and placed at the public diapoaal. It will be remembered hj some, that, in an edition of Ckttrtk't Histofj «f PkUif'B War, published bjr the author five jears ago, he advertiaad in a ncM apon page nimtty-tntn of that work, that he had it in contemplation to pohliah • work of this kind This he considers a redemption of that pledge. The edition ot HmhUrd't Indian IVars, which be sometime siaee a nn omwed as pre|Kiring with large notes, is in a forward state. the reader should be reminded, that where the ** Hittary of JftwEtglmt' ia eited, /eferenee to Mr. Huhkmri'a is understood. Acknowledgments are due to several individuids, who have, directly or in* directly, sided the author in his work ; and he can only express his regret that he is not indebted to more, equally eminent in thia brancn of American an> tiquitics. The reverend Dr. Jenks, to whom, by permission, his work is dedi* oated, has many thanks for his kindness in fkciliUting hb researches in the library of the MassaohusetU Historical Society, as also Mr. /psAim C«Jim,ot Boston, and the revererd Dr. Hmrrit, of Dorchester, who have obligingly loued him several valuable maauaeripts ; and Edmtrd D. Btmg; Etq. Beerelary or Bute, for his poUteness in accelerating tlie examination of our State Papaia. Extract from the Prtfaee to the Second Edition. Aoenraey, and minuteness of detail, where the subject seemed to ie<|nir« it, have been our land-mark throughout thia laborioua performance. We jay W borious ; but were all readers antiquarians, even so much need not have Seen said. Although we have been very minute, in numerous instances, in oar Uvea of chiefs, yet tnere are many others in which we gladly would have been mora 80, if materials could, at the time of writing, have oeen had. Howerer, we do not presume that we arrogate to ourselves too much, when we promise to give the reader a much greater amount of Indian hiator^, than he can elsewher* find in any separate work. The merits or demerits of Iiini4ii BiooRAenv rest solely npon ita wtlioe, whose variooa cares and avocations, could they be known to the critical reader, would cause him to be sparing of his criticisms. We cnll this the seooad edition, although we have treated the subieot under a now arraagemenl The method of hooka and chaptera waa adopted mainly for the benefit of eonMalng history with biography. Besides containing all u the first editiou wlUdIi vt> important, this will be found to contain, in addition, three timis as much new matter. Many names of the same persons and placea will, perhapa, be found spelt diA fiirently in various parts of the work ; but this our plan could not obviate, h^ cause we wished to preserve the orthography of each author from whom we ez> tracted, in that particular. Except in qaotatious, we did intend to haw been uniform ; but we are aware that we have not been entirely so, firom aev*ral causes, which need no explanation. In general, the notes give due credit to all such as have aaaisted the avtber in any way in hia work. As to the works of deceased authors, we have made use of them as public property, taking oaie alwaya to cite them, except when the same facta were common to many. There is no work before the public upon Ijidiait BiooRArRY, unless, indeed, some juvenile performancea be so considered, recently pnbliahed in New York. Those we have not found time partieulwly to examine. UST OF THE ENGRAVINGS. -.4 it;* 1. Poitnit of POCAHONTAS, m a Fron^upiMe. 2. Engraved Title Page and dihtjjit view of Mount Hope. 3. View of a weatern cbif C in full costume, in the 2d Title Pag*. 4. Manner in wiiich many kind« of game were taken B.i. 5. Manner in which tome tribes dispose of their dead 'i. 6. Natives viewing the approach of an European ship 9. 7. Flight of an Indian family , jj, 8. Fortrwt, at lull length, of POMETACOM, alias KiMO Phihf iii. 9. Plan of landa near Metapoiset, drawn by King PhUip iii. 0. View of the seti. of King Philip, from an accurate drawing. iii. . Chieft of t«ro diOerent tribes in the act of concluding peace iii. t. A loutbem chief and bis squaw or wife ^ iy. 3. Capture of Captain Smitli by the warriors of Opekankanough iv. 4. Pocahontas in the net of saving the life of Captain Smith iv. 6. A Seminole hunter in the act of killivj^a deer iv. 6. Portrait of OUT ACITE, a Creek chief. iv. 7. Portrait oftiltLUCCO, or the Longtearrior, chief of the Seminoles. . iv. 8. Portrait of NEAM ATHLA, a late Seminole chief. iv. 19. Retnni of a hunter to bis family , v. V). Maaaer in which game and other articles are carried v. S!i. Portrait of SAGOYEWATHA, alias J{«< Jocite/ v. «. Portrait of WAWANAHTON, a Yankton chief. v. SS. PtRtndlDf ONQP ATONOA , or B^gtlk, cUef of the Omrarhawa v. M. Portrait of PETALE8HAROO, a Pawnee v. 2S. Portrait of METEA, a Pottowattomie ehief. y. f& Portrait of BLACK-HAWK, or AAicotemuAiairacii'f v. n. Portraitof WABOKIESHIEK, pnfitet io Blaek^umk. v, p. « 1 19 86 IS M 36 « 1 9 10 26 29 32 09 1 20 76 112 lUi 116 118 I2S 188 NOTE. L'rom llie compariaon of various recordj and printed documents, we had arrived at he ey the •ea; but that there wab a continent situated beyond these, which was of immense dimensions, even without limits ; and that it was so luxuriant, as to produce animals of prodigious magnitude, and men grew to double the height of themselves, and thnt they lived to a far greater age ;* that they had many grcnt cities ; and their usages and laws were different from ours ; that in one city there was more than a million of inhabitants ; that gold and silver wore there in vast quantities.! This is but an abstract from J^iatata's extract, but contains all of it that can be said to refer to a country west of Europe and Africa.} iEliau or iElianus lived about A. D. 200—230. Hanno flourished when the Carthaginians were in their greatest pros- perity, but the exact time is unknown. Some place his times 40, and others 140, years before the founding of Rome, which would be about 800 years before our era.§ He was an officer of great enterprise, having suled around and explored the coast of Africa, set out from the Pillars of Hercules, now called the Straits of Gibraltar, and sailed westward 30 dtfkjrs. Hence it is inferred by many, that he must have visited America, or some of its islands. He wrote a book, which he entitled Periplus, giving an account of his voyages, which was translated and published about 1533, in Greek.J Many, and not without tolerably good reasons, believe that an island or continent existed in the Atlantic Ocean about this period, but which dis- iqmmred afterwards. Diodama Siadtta says that some " Phoenicians were cast upon a most ftltile island opposite to Africa." Of this, he says, they kept the most ■ittdied secrecy, which was doubtless occasioned by their jealousy of tk« advantage 'the discovery might be to the neighboring; nalions, and which they wished to secure wholly to themselves. Dvodonut l^culus liyed about 100 years before Christ. Islands lying west of Eui-of . and Africa are certainly mentioned by Homer and iiorace. They wn** called Maniides, and were supposed to be about 10000 furlongs from Africa. * Btfffbn and RayiuU either had not read this story, or they did not believe it to have ban America ; for Ihey taught that all animals degenerated here. Many of the first od- vfntUMr* to ibe eoants of unknown countries reported ilicm inhabited by siants. Swift wrote OtiUivtr'i Travels to brine >"ich accounts into ridicule. How wellhe succeeded it evident from a comparison of books of voyages and travels before and after his time. IkAaHas has this passage : — " Our fearless sailors, in far voyages 8 fore led by gain's hope than their compasses), n Ih' Indian shore have sometime noted some Whose bodies covered two broad acres room ; And in the South Sea Ihey have also seen Some like high-lopped and huge-amicd Ireen ; And other some, whose monstrous backs did bear Two mighty wheels, with whirling spokes, that were Much life tne winged and wide-spreading sails Of any wind-mill turned with merry gales." Dimne Wctkt, p. 117, ed. 4to, 1613. t ^!ia|i, Variar. HIsloriar. lib. iii. chap. viii. 1 Sim* the text was written, there has come into my hands a copy of a trau'-lai'on of .iBi^'i wor|u " in Englishe(at well according to the truth of the Greeke lexte a of the Ijut^jl, bv Abratiam Fl/tmmg^' London, 1576, 4la. It differ* not materially from the •UHrtB, Wmch is civen from a French version of it. . tEneyelopadia Perlhensis. The oeal account of Hmmo and h:s voyages, with which we are acquainted, is to l>e M ihrbtm's Hilt, ef Spain, vol. i.^, 109, U9, ISS, 133, aiia ISO, od. Paha, Chap. I.] Here existed with Diodoru the islands w which lie mu of it, is an ii Its soil is vei leys. Its coa are well culti trees." Ho inhabitants hi To say the lei that given of < haps it will c< Plato's ace He lived aboi is as follows: Atlantic was i kings in it, wl And BO a mos with the comi became the c( quake, was in swallowed up of the sea, in did exist ; ant from which t( those islands t "JVep/une sett rivea, and div treinity of the signified fertUi reipled here, I ordlt o.* primi sessed e sveral dued all Lybii the island sunl thereabouts w ihixod with t ancients had |ilain and as v .Aristotle, or speaks of an h something of Pillars of He but without ir dance. It is i ians, charmet settle there ; I sottl«fment up< power so as u ISrisMle had i •''A "lerira kn< t F..»pyclopied i I>e mirahil. honnsiir anx Cai sur Us MaiHrt Paris,.l£17, in ( 17».«v9b.4ie.. CaAr. L] PLATO.— ARISTOTLE. 8 Here existed the poets* tabled Elysian fields. But to be mora particular with Diadonu, we will let him spnak for himself. " After having pund the islands which lie beyond the Herculean Strait, we will speak of those which lie much farther into the ocean. Towards Africa, and to the weat of it, is au immense island in the broad sea, many days' sail from Lybia. Its soil is very fertile, and its suriace variegated with mountains and val- leys. Its coasts are indented with many navigable rivers, and its fields are well cultivated ; del>'*iou8 gardens, and various kinds of plants and trees." He finally seta it down as the finest country known, where the inhabitants have spacious dwellings, and every thing in the greatest plenty. To say the least of this account of Diodorus, it corresponds very well with that given of tlie Mexicans when first known to the S|)aniard8, but per- haps it will compare as well with the Canaries. Plato's account has more weight, perhaps, than any of the ancients. He lived about 400 years befiire the Christian era. A part of his account is as follows: "In those first times [time of its lieing first known], the Atlantic was n most broad island, and there were extant most |>owerful kings in it, who, with joint forces, appointed to occupy Asia and Europe : And so a most grievous war was carried on ; in which the Athenians, with the common consent of the Greeks, op|)o8ed themselves, and they became the conquerors. But that Atlantic island, by a flood and earth- quake, was indeed suddenly destroyed, and so that warlike people were swallowed up." He adds, in another place, " An island in the mouth of the sea, in the passage to those straits, colled the Pillars of Hercules, did exist ; and that island was greater and larger than Lybia and Asia ; from which there ^vas an easy passage over to other islands, and from those islands to that continent, which is situated out -of that region."* ^JVeptuTie settled in this island, from whose son. Atlas, its name was • w xur les Mmnrs et Vttfrit det ntUims, chap. cxiv. p. 70S. vol. iv. of his works, f.jii Piiri«,.l£17, in 8vo. SENECA.-ST. GREGORY— HERRKRA. [Book I. ElMe IP regard to son)e future uation, no one, pcrha(i8, would have called im a fabc prophet, for the American revolution would have been its fuUUinent. This philosopher lived about 384 years before Christ. Smeea lived about the commencement of the vulgar era. He wrote tragedies, and ui one of them occurs this passage : — ' Vcnionl annis > Siprula scria, qnibus occanui Vinoula rprum laxct, ct ingcns Palcat tellua, Typhia'|ue novo* Detcgat orbes : nee tit tenis Ultima Thulc/' Medea, Act 3. v. 375. This is nearer prophecy, and mav be rendered in English thus: "The time will come when the ocean will loosen the chains of nature, and we nhall behold a vast country. A new Typhis shall discover new worlds : ThiUe shall no longer he considered* the last country of the known world." Not only these passages from the ancient authors have been cited and e-cited by moderns, but many more, though less to the point, to show nat, in some way or other, America must have been peopled from some of tlie eastern coiitinenta. Almost every country has claimed the honor of having been its first discovf.or, and hence the father or mother of the Indians. But since the recent ciscoveries in the north, writers upon the subject say but little atraut getting over inhabitants irom Europe, Asia, or Africa through the difficult way of the Atlantic seas and islands, as it is much easier to pass them over the narrow channels of the north in canoes, or upon tho ice. Grotiua, C. Mather, Hubbard, and after them Robertson, are ^lad to meet with so ( asy a method of solving a question which they consider as having puzzled their predecessors so much. "^1 . * CHAPTER II. Ofmodam Theorists upon thepeoj^ing of America, — St. Ortgory. — Hemra. — T. Morton. — fFiUtamson. — fFoo3.—Josseljfn. — TTutroumKla. — Adair.— R. fmiams.—C. Mather— Hubbard.— R(Aertson.—SmSh.— VoUaife.— MiftkUlr-M'CSdloh. — Ijord Kaim. — iSirinton. — Cabrera. St. Gregory, who flourished in the 7th century, in an epistle to St. dement, said that beyond the ocean there was another world.* Herrera argues, that the new world could not have been known to the ancients ; and that what Seneca has said was not true. For that God had kept It hid from the old world, giving them no certain knowledge of it ; and that, in the secrecy and incomprehensibility of his providence, he lias been pleased to give it to the Castilian nation. That Seneca's predic- tion (if so it may be considered) was a false one, because he said that a new world would be discovered in the northj and that it was found in the west.t Herrera wrote about 1598, X before which time little knowl- * " 8. Gregpire snr 1'epistre tic S. Clement, dil que pass^ I'ucean, it y a vn autre mond." {Herrera, I Decade, 2.) This is the whole passage. t Ibid, 3. t H« died 27 Mar. 1625, at the at^e of about CTt years. His name was Tordettilaa Aimamo de Herrera— uue of the best Spanisli historians. His history of the voyafes to. Mid sett]em«nt of America is very minute and very valuable. The original in Span- ish is very rare. Aco»ta'* translation (into Ffcnch) 3 v. 4to, 1660, is oIm scarce and ▼alaable. It is this we cite. cuAf. n.] MORTON.— WlLLUinON. n commendations of the place unto which they should he drawn to remove. And if it may be thouglit that these people came over the frozen sea, then would it be by compulsion. If so, then bv whom, or when ? Or what part of this main continent jnay be thought to border upon the country of the Tar- tars ? It is yet unknown ; and it is not like that a people |Well enough at ease, will, of their own accord, undertake to travel over a sea of ice, considering how many difficulties thev shall encounter with. As, lot, whether there be any laud at the end of their unknown way, no land being in view ; then wont of food to sustain life in the mean time upon that sea of ice. Or how shall they do for fuel, to keep them at night from freezing to death ? which will not be had in such a place. But it nuy perhaps be granted, that the natives of this country might originally come of the scattered Trojans ; for aAer that BriUiu, who was the fourth from Enetu, left Lat:ura upon the conflict hekl with the Latins (where, although he gave them a great overthrow, to the slaughter of their grand captain and many others if the heroes of Latium, yet he held it more safely to depart unto some other place and people, than, by staying, to run the hazard of an unquiet life or doubtful conquest; which, as history maketti mention, he performed.) This people was dispersed, there is no question, but the people that lived v^ith him, by reason of their convenm- tion with the Grecians and Latins, had a mixed language, that participated of both."* This is the main ground of Morton, but. he says much mora upon the subject ; as that the similarity of the languages of the Indians to the Greek and Roman is very great. From the examples he gives, we presume he knew as little about the Indian languages as Dr. JmMer, Adair, and BoudHnot, who thought them almost to coincide with the Hebrew. Though Morton thinks it very improbable that the Tartars came over by the north from Asia, because they could not see land beyond the ice, yet he finds no difficulty in getting them across the wide Atlantic, although he allows them no compass. That the Indians have a Latin origin he thinks evident, because he fancied he heard among their words Paaco-pan, and hence thinks, without doubt, theur ancestors were acquainted with the god Pan.\ Dr. muiamaont says, " It can hardly be questk>ned that the Indians of South America are descended from a class of the Hindoos, in the southern parts of Asia." That they could not have comt' from the north, because the South American Indians arc unlike those of the north. This seems to clash with the more rational views r>f Father Fen^^.§ He writes as follows : " Of all the parts of America hitherto discovered, the Californians lie nearest to Asia. We are acmiainted with the mode of writing in all the eastern nations. We cat) aistiiigiiish between the characters of the Japanese, the Chinese, the Chinese Tartars, the Mogul Tartars, and other nations extending as fur ss the Bay of Kamschathka ; ■nd learned dissertations on tlictn, by Mr. Boyer, are to be found in the acts of the imperial academy of sciences at Petersburg. What discovery * New Canaan, hook i. paees 17 and 18, ( In his Hist. N. Carolina, i. 216. t Ibi(l. 18. Hid. Caliroraia, i. 60. Hi* work wa* published at Madrid in 1758. 'fi e WOOD.— JOS8GLYN.— DARLOW.— THOROWGOOD. (Boov t. would it he to ine«t with any of them charactera, or others like them, among the Atncricnn Indiana nearest to Aoin ! But as to the Califnmiatie, if ever they were [lofweesed of any invention to perpetuate their memoirs, they have eiitirely loHt it; and all that is now found among them, amonntti to no more than some obscuro oral traditions, prolmbly more and more adulterated by a long succession of tiuie. They have not so much an retained anv knowledge of the |)articular country from which th-^y emi- Cftted." This is the account of one who lived many years among the diaos of California. Mr. IfUliam Wood,* who left New England in 1633,t after a short stay, aays, " Of tlieir language, « hich is only peculiar to themselves, not in- clining to any of the renneu tongues : 8ome have thought they might be of the dispen^ Jews, because some of their words be near unto the Hebrew ; but by the same rule, they may conclude them to be some of the {;ieanings of all nations, because they have words which sound after the Ureek, Latin, French, and other tongues.''^ Mr. John Jostelyn, who resided some time :n N. England, ftt>m the year IffiS, says, ''The Mohawks are about 500: their speech a dialect of the Tartars (as also is the Turkish tongue)."§ In another work,|| he says, **N. England is by some affirmed to l)e an island, bounded on the north with the River of Canada (so called from Monsieur Cane), on the soutli with the River Monhegan or HxidaonCs River, so called, because he was the firat that discovered it. Some will have America to be an island, which out of question must needs be, if there be a north-east passage found out into the South Sea. It contains 115S400000 acres. The discovery of the north-weat passage (which lies within the RiTcr of Canada) was imder- taken with the help of some Protestant French uen, which left Canada, and retired to BoMon about the year 1669. '1 he north-east people of America, that Is, N. England, &C., are judged to be Tartars, called Samoades, being alike in complexion, shape, nabit and manners." We have given here a larger extract than the immediate suhject required, because we would let the reader enjoy his euriority, as well as we ours, in seeing how people understood thiols in that day. Barlow, looking but a small distance beyond those tiroes^ with great elegance says, — " In those blank periods, where no man can trace The gleams of thought that first Illumed his race, His errors, twined with science, look their birth. And forged their fetters for this child of «arth. Jjad when, as oft, be dared expand his mw, And work with nature on the line she drew, Some monster, gendered in his fears, munanned His opening soul, and marred the work* he planned Fear, the first passion of his helpless state,^ Kedoubles all the woes that round him wait, Block* nature's path, and sends him wand'.-r :\^ wide. Without a guaraian, and without a guidb." CobtmNad, ix. 137, 8tc. Rev. Tkonuu THorouigBocf publishedasmall quarto, in 16S2,f to prove that the Indians were the Jewa, who had been " lost in t\e world for the space * The author of a work entitled iUw EngUuuPt Proipeet, pnblished in London, I6M, in 4to. Il i» a very rare, and, in som% respects, a curious and vahiabie work. PraMMet,5]. Ibid. lit. ed. 17M. tHit account of two voyaifee to N, EngUnd, printed London, 167S, page 124. N. Enr. Rarities, 4, A,^ printed London, IVK. Its tilM eooBMiiees. " DigiN* Dri: Netu Ditenvtriet, wUh turt Argt mt t t t t» I," 4(e. lit, i.iiiiilKllllltiiiiilrf CiiAr. n.] WlLLIAMS-^fATHEft^WARD. of newilOOyMun.'' But ./hoerar basreadwIiWr or Ji0ii^iN«<,ha%bMidv ■ good deal that is irrational, raad all that in Thontegood can Im Mrnwd rauonal. Rev. Rtger WiUimu was, at one time, as appear* firom JVrpiigoa / r work,* of the mnie opinion. Being written to for his opinion « the ori^n of the natives, <* he kindly answers to those letters from Salem in N. Eng. 90th of the 10th month, more than 10 yeen* since, in kae terhar That they did not come into America Aom the N. Sast, as some had imagined, he thought evident for these reasons : 1. their ancesloM affirm they came fiom the 9. West, and retfim thence when they die: 3. because they " separate their women in a little wigwam by themselves in their feminine seasons:" and 3. "beside their god Kuttand to the 8. West, they hold that Minmfitmwii\ (a god over head) made the heavens and the earth ; and some tast of mnity with the Hebrew I have found." Dr. Cotton Mather is an author of such singular qualities, that we afanoat hesitate to namp him, lest we be thought without seriousoees in so weighty a matter. But we will aanire the reader, that he is an author with whom we would in no wise part ; and if sometimes we appear not serious in our introduction of him, what is of more importance, we believe him really to be so. And we are persuaded that we should not be par- doned did we not allow him to speak upon the matter before us. He days, " It should not pass without remark, that three most memora* ble things which have borne a very great aspect upon human qffairt, did, near the same time, namely, at the conclusion of the jyieanthy and the beginning of the aixUenth, century, arise unto the world : the firat was the JlerrfrrecnoM of literature; the second was tiie opening of Amtriea; the third was the R^ormation of Religion." Thus far we have an instructive view of the subject, calculated to lead to the conclusion that, in the dark ages, when literature was neglected and forgotten, discoveries might have been also, and hence the knowledge of America lost for a time. The reader must now summon his gravitv. " But," this author continues, " ss probably the Devil, seducing the nrst inhabitants of America into it, therein aimed at the having of them and their posterity out of the sound of the aUver trunmets of the gospel, then to be heard through the Roman empire.} If the Devil had any expectation, that, by the peopling of Amer- ica, he should utterly deprive any Europeans of the two nenefits, litera- ture and rdigion, which dawned upon the miserable world, (one just before, the other just ({^er,) the first famed navigation hither, 'tis to be hoped he will be disappointed of that ex|)ectation.*'§ The learned doctor, having forgotten what he had written in his first liook, or wishing to in- culcate his doctrine more firmly, nearly repeats a passage which he had at first given, in a distant part of his work ;|| but, there being consiilershle * Poj^s 5 and 6. t GetannitotBit is god in De\aviate.'^Hecke!oelder. X This, we apprHbend. is not entirely originni with our autlior, but borders upon pla- giarism. Ward, the celebrated author of the " Simpie Coble r of Aggawavi," savs o! Uw Irish, "I'bese Irish (anciently called anthropofihagi, man-eaters) have o Irn'VitinM ainonci' them, that when the Devil showed our Saviour all the ''ingtloms of the earth, and their poty, that he would not show him Ireland, but reserved il for himself. It is, prol'- ably, true j for he hatli kept it ever since for his own peculiar : thu ol/lfox foresaw ii would eclipse the giory of all the rest : he thought it wisdom to keep the Innd for n Boggards linr his unclean spirits employed in (his hemisphere, and the people to do his son and heir ('he Pope) that sc rvice lor which Lfieis the XI kepi his Barbor Oliver, which makes Hem so bloodthirsty."— £liii^>/e Cobler, 86, 87. Why so much f^all is poured out upon the poor Irish, we cannot satisfactorily account. Tlic circumstance of . his writinr in the time of Cromwell will explain a part, if not the whole, of the ^nigmu. He was the first minister of Ipswich, Mass, but was born and died in England. ^ M agniUa Chriat. Amer. b. i. U Ibid. b. lii. ADAnU-AOUOmOT^HUBBABD [Book L adiUtioo,, we recite il : " The nativee of tfae oouotiy now poMened by tb* Meweoiibuidek's, had been ibrlom and wretched keatken ever since thebr fifnt heixiing he c ; ^ud though ne know not when or how these Indians fifsl fcwnae iu habitants of this raigiity continent, yet we ma^ guess that prob- dMjr the IkvU deeoved those misenible salvages hither, in hopes that the goapel of Lbe Lord Jeaua Christ would never come here to destroy or diMurb his ubsolute ompue over them. But our t'iliot was in such iU tMrms with tine Devil, as to alarm him with sounding the niver irumpdt of heaven in i>is territories, and make some noble and zealous attempts towards outing him of ancient possessions here. There were, I think, 90 aaveral furftons (if I may call them so) of Indians upon that spot of ground wbich fell under the influence of our Thrte UnUed CoUmia ; and our EMot was willing to rescue as many of them as he could from that old usurping iandlonl of America, who is, Ajr IA«. wrath of God, the prince of this wond." In seventl pihCcs he is decided in the opinion that Indians •re Sovtbians, and is confirmed in the opinion, on meeting with this pas- sago of JuUu$ Casar: ** DifficUiua hvmire qv€m interfiure" which be tbue renders, " It is harder to find them tlian to foil tbem." At least, tliis i« a happy application of the passage. Casar was speaking of tbu Soytbians, and our historian applies tlie paasage in speaking of the sudden attacks of the Indians, and their agility in biding themselves fh>m pursuit.* Dr. Mather wrote at the close of ue seventeenth century, and his famous book, Magnolia CkrM Amaricana, was puUisfaed in 1703. Jiaat.', who resided 40 years (he says) among the southern Indians, previous to 1775, published a huge quarto upon their origin, history, &c. He tortures every custom and usage into a like one of the Jews, and almost every word in their language into a Hebrew one of tlie same meaning. Dr. BouiHnnt, in his book called "The Star in the West," has folio ved up the theory of Adair, with such certainty, as he thinks, as that the " long lost ten tribes of Israel** are clearly identified in the American Indiana. Such theories have gained many supporters. It is of much higher antiquity tha. Adair, and was treated as such visionary speculations should be by authors as far back as the historian Hubbard, Hubbard, who wrote about 1680, has this, among other passages : " If any observation be made of their manners and dispositions, it's easier to sa^ firom what nations they did not, than from whom they did, derive their original. Doubtless their conjecture, who fimcy them to be leacended fit>ro the ten tribes of the If^raelites, carried captive by SaUaiUAtiaer and Eaarhaddon, hath the least show of reason of any other, therv lieiug no foot8te|)K to be observed of their propinquity to them more than to any other of the tribes of ^e earth, either as to their language or rianner8.''t This author is one of the best historians of his times ; and, generally, he writes with as much discernment upon other matters as upon this. That because the natives of one country nnd those of another, and each unknown to the other, have some customs and practices iu common, it has been urged by some, and not a few, that they must have had a com- mon origin ; but this, in our apprehension, does not necessarily follow. Who will pivtend that diflTerent people, when placed under similar cir- cumstances, will not have similar wants, and hence similar actions? that like wants will not prompt like exertions? and like causes produce tut like effects? This mode of reasoning we think sufficient to show, that, although the Indians may have some nnstonis in common with the Scythians, the Tartars, Chinese, Hindoos, Welsh, and indeed every other nation, still, the former, for any reason we can see to the contrary, have * See Magnalia, b. vii. tUut.N. EBglHid,S7. (Book I, Cbap. II.] ROBERT8>3N,^GROTIUe.-«. 8. SMITH. M good rigbt to elaim to theivelTM priortojr of orifia m either or ■■ of the hitter. Dr. Robertaon should have proved that people of color produce othen of no color, and the coutrary, before he aaid, " We know with iaftlBble certainty, ttmt all the human race spring fh>m the same aouree,"* meaahif Mam. He founds thra broad oasertion upon the Mae notioa thai,t» admit any other would be an inroad upon the verity of the holy Seriptufea, Now, in uur view of the subject, we leave them equally inviolate in a» Burning a very different grounu ;t namely, that all hnfaitahte parts of tlM . world limy have been peopled at the same time, and by diftrent races of I men. Thnt it w ho p«)pled, we know : that it imw so peopled v. Su baek as we have any account, we see c reason to disbelieve. HevHW, when it waa not so is as futile to inquire, m it vould be impoastUe to cMM^ive of the iuiuihilation of space. When a new country was diocovered, much inquii^ wr.« made to ascertain from whence came the inliabitants found upon It — not even asking whence came the other animaJs. The answer to us is plain. Man, the other animals, trees and plants of every UM, were placed there by the suprenie directing hand, which carries on eveiy operation of nature' by fixed and undeviating laws. This, it must be plain to every reader, is, at least, as reconeibdMe to the BiUe history as the theory of Robertson, which is that of Onima,X and all those who have fbllowcd them. When it has been given in, at least by all who have thought upon the subject, that climate does not change the complexion of the human race, to hold u(> the idea still that all must Iiave sprang from the same scuroe, . {.Sdam,) only reminds us of our grandmothers, who to this day laugh at us when we tell them that the eanh is a globe. Who, we ask, will ame that thong them ? Has the Indian ever changed his complexion by Uving in London ? Do those change which adopt our manners and enaimni^ and are suiTouudf^ by us ? Until these questions can be answered in the affirmative, tve discard altogether that urdtarian system of peopKag the world. We would indeed prenfer OviiPt method : — '' Ponere daritiem coBMie, suumqne ricomn ; Mollirique mora, mollitaque diieefe formam. Mox ubi crevorunt, naturaque milior iJli* CooUgit," tee. Stc Metamor. lib. i. ftb. si. That is, Deucalion and Pyrrha performed the office hy traveling over the country and picking up stones, which, as they cast them over their heads, became young people as they strurtk the earth. We mean not to w) unaerstood that the exterior of the skin of people is not changed by climate, for this is very evident ; but that the chiklren of persons would be any lighter or darker, whoae residence is in a climate djnerent from that in which they were bom, is what we deny, as in the former case. As astonishing as it may appear to the succinct reasoner, it is no less due, that Dr. Samud Stankrve Smith has put forth an octavo book of more than 400 '^agecj to prove the unity, as he expresses it, "of the human race," that is, that all were originally descended from one man. His reasoning is of this tenor: " The Ameri«;«o and European • Hist. America, book iv. t Why talk of a theory's clarhinir with holy wnt, and say noOuBf of the cerlaiMy of the scirnccs ofKeogTaphy^astL'oiiomy, geology, ii*. T i He died in 16M, aet. 61 to DUVFUfl.-~EAYWAL. |BeoK L wmioT n«iA» rsons will, in process of time, produce offspring marked io the same way. That is, if a man practise flattening hin nose, his oflipring will have a flatter nose than he would have had, had his pro- genitor not flattened his ; and so, if this ofllspring repeat tho proceiw, his oflipring will have a less pruiniiient nose ; and so on, until the nose Iw driven entirely into or on the face ! In tliis, certainly, our author has taken quite a roundabout way to vanquish or put to flight a nose. We wiah he could tell us how many ages or generations it would take to make this formidable conquest. Now, for any reason we can see to the contrary, it would be a mrch less tedious business to cut ofl" a memlter at once, and thus accomplish the business in a short |ieriod ; for to wait ■everal generations for a fashion seems more novel than the fashion itself^ and, to iay the least, is as incompatible with human nature as the fashion itaelf. A man must be monstrously blind to his prejudices, to maintain a doctrine like this. Asw<-ll might he argue that colts would he tnii< leas because it has lone been the practice to shorten the tails of horses, of both sexes ; but we nave never heard that colts' tails are in the least affected by this practice which has been performed on the horse so lon^.| Certainly, if ever, we should think it time to discover something of it! Nor have we ever heard that a female child has ever been born with its ears bored, although its ancestors have endured the painful operation for nuaiy generations ; — and here we shall ckMe our examination of Mr. SmWa 400 poges.^ Another theory, almost as wild, and quite as ridiculous, respecting tho •niinals of America, seems here to present itself. We have reference to the well known assertions of Buffon and l{ayna/,|| two philosophers who were an honor to the times of FrankUru, which are, tnat man and other animals in America degenerate.lT This has been met in r\xc\\ a masterly manner by Mr. Jefferson,** that to repeat any thing here would be entirely out of place, since it has been so often copied into works on both sides of the Atlantic. It may even be found in some of the best English Encyclopffidia8.ff • Smith on Complexion, N. Brunswick, N. J. 1810, p. 11. t Ibid. 170, 171. X Tho author plead* not guilty to the charge of plagioriim ^ Tor it was not until «oine months after the text was written, that he knew that even this idea had occurred to any one. lie lins since read an extract very similar, iu Dr. Lawrence's valurlile Lectures on Zoology, Sic. Oil rcficolion, we have thouglit our remarks ratht-r pointed, as Mr. Smith is not a living' autli'M' ; but what called them forth must N' their apology. H After spf-uking of the efluct ol' thi: climate of the oUi worUI in producing roan and otber animals in perfection, hn 'dds, "Combien, au cvutraire. la nature paroit aroir a^ig^ nouvea^i mond ! Les hommes y sont moins forts, moins courageux ; sans barbe et fans poU," &c. Hitloire Philoa. des deux /nrfc«, yiii. 210. Ed. Geneva, 1781. 12 volt. 8vo H VoUaire does not say quite as much, but says this ; " La nature enfin avail donn6 anx Americanes beaucoup moins d'industrie qu'aux hommes de I'ancien monde. Toules CM cause* ensemble ont pu nuire beaucoup 4 la population." [CEuvres, iv. 19.1 I''*'* is, however, only in reference to the Indians. ** In his Notes on Vii|^ia, Quer. vii. ft Perthensis, i. 637. (Art. Amir. ( 38.) OlAP. II-I 8. BMITH^VOLTAIltB^LAFITAU. mitli is nol a Smith* doM not deal Airijr with a paiMme of Kottoirc, rdatinf to th* pao|)liiiK of Anierina ; as hn lakea only a part of a ■entence to conuiMM upon. I'erhapa he thought it aa rrnieh aa ho waa capable of mana«taiif.f Tbe completB aentenee to whieh w» refer we tranaiate aa MIowat ''There are found men and animala all over the habitable earth : wb* baa put thorn u|mn it ? We have already aaid, it ia he who haa madt tbe graao grow in the (ielda ; and we ahouM be no more mrpriaed to 1M m America men, than we HhouM to find fliea.") We can diaeover no contradirtion between thia paaaage and another in a diatant part of the aamo work ; and which vwrna more like the paiwage Mr. SmM haa died ! "Some do not winh to heliere that the caterpillara and the anaila of one part of the world should he orifrinally from another pan : wherefore be aatoniiilicd, then, that there flhould be in America aome kinda of animala, and some mces of men like our own ?"4 VoUetin has written upon the auhject in a manner that will alwaya !*#' attracting, howevor much or little credence may be allowed to what fa*> ' haa written. Wo will, therefore, extract an entire article wherein h»' engag(!S more prnfcHsedly upon the question than in other iians of hi* works, in which he haH rather incidentally spoken upon it. The ehapter ia as follows :|| *' Since many fail not to make systems upon the manner ' in which America has been peopled, it ia left only for us to aay, that bo who created flics in those regions, created man there also. However pleasant it may be to dispute, it cannot be denied that the Supreme Beinc, who lives in all nature,1I haa created about the 48° two-legged animaib without feathers, the color of whose shin ia a mixture of white and car- nation, with long beards approaching to red ; about the line, in Afiriea and its islands, negroes without beards ; and in the same latitude, other negroes with beards, some of them having wool and aome hair on their heads ; and among them other animals quite white, having neither bur nor wool, but a kind of white silk. It does not very clearly appear what should have prevented Ood from placing on another continent animala of the same species, of a copper, color, m the same latitude in wbieb, in Africa and Asia, they are found black ; or even from making them without beards in the very same latitude in which others ^oaaeaa them. To what lengths are we carried by the rage for systems jomed with the tyranny of prejudice ! We see these animals ; it ia agreea that Ood haa had the power to place them where they ore ; yet it is not agreed that he hai so placed them. The same persons who readily admit that tbe beavera of Canada are of Canadian origin, assert that the men must have come there in boats, and that Mexico must have been peopled by some of the descendants of Magog. As well might it be said, that, if there be men in the moon, they must have been taken therb bv Jiiiolpho on hia hippogriff, when he went to fetch RoUmdI't sensoi, which were corked up in a bottle. If America had been discovered in his time, and there had then been men in Europe gyttemalic e'>iu:igb to have advanced, with tbe Jesuit LtMau,** that the Caribbees de.ic ^nded fh>m the inhabitaota of Caria, ana the Hurons from the Jews, }.e would have dune well to Imve brought back the bottle containing ihe wits of these reasoneni * Beuimd Smith, who publidwd a Uatory of New Jersey, ia 176A, printeil at Bi^ liniton. f See irirt. N. J. 8. iEssai sur les Moeura et I'Espril det Nations. (OE^ivres, iv. 18.) Ibid. 708. (Euvrei, t vii. 197, 198. Wili the reader of tlAa call VnUaire an atheist T ** He wrote a history uf the savages of America, aaJ awnla'aed that iha Ca rib bea languaf(e was radically lieorew. INDIAN TRAUITlON.-MITiHEL^KEKS. (riixiN r. which b« woukl doubllem iiavt* ('niind in ilin moon, alonfr with ihoiw of AHgdiea'i lover. Tliti fint tiling tluno wlu'n an iniiabitcd iaiaod ia db* oovM«d in the lodiao Ocean, or in the South Sea, m to inquire, Whence oame theae people ? but aa for the uvea and the lortoiaea, tt«y are, withoat ■ay heaitation, pronouneed to be indi>;enoua ; aa if it were more diflleuk fcr nature to make men than to make tortoiaea. One thing, bowerer, whteb aeema to countenance thia ayalem, ia, that there ia aearcely an taland in the eaatem or weatem ocean, which Joea not contain juKglen, quneka, knavea and foola. This, it in probable, gave riaa to the opmion, tnat tbeae animala are of the aame race with ouraeWea." Some account of what the Indiana tbempeivea bare aaid upon the aulgeet of their origin may be very naturally i^wl^d for in thia place. Tbeir notiona in thia reapect can no more be relied upon than the laMed atoriea of the goda in ancient my thologv. Indeed, their accounta of prim- itive inliabitanta do not agree beyond their own neighborhood, and often diMgree with themaelvea at different timea. Some aa^ their ancestora came from the nortii, othera from the north-west, olhera from the east, and othara from the weat ; aome from the regiona of the air, and some from under the earth. Hence that to raise any theory upon anv thing coming flam them upon the auliject, would show only that the theorist himaeff waa M ignorant aa hia inlbrmantsk We mi((bt as well ask the forest treea Imw they came planted upon the soil in which they grow. Not that the IndiMM are unintelligent in other affairs, any further than the neeeaaary oonaequence growing out of their aituation impliea ; nor are they leaa ao than many woo have written, upon their hlstoiy. " Since, then, the witMt are m doll at we, In one grave maxim let us all fiee Nature ne'er meant her lecreti thouM be found. And mau'i a riddle, which man can't expound !" Pain^t Ruling Pasrion. fbe difllsrent notiona of the Indiana will be best gathered from their HfM In their Pfuper places in the following work. Dr. S. L. JmtehiUf of Now York, a man who writes learnedly, if not wisely, on almost ertirf aubiect, has, in his opinion, like hundreds before hfan, set the great (Question, How wai America ptopkd ? at rest. He has no doubt but the Indians, in the first place, are of the same color originally as the north-eastern nations of Asia, and Iienpe sprung from them. What time be settles them in thn country he does not tell us, but prcts them into Oreenhnd about the year 8 or 900. Thinks hu saw tlip Scuiiiliuavinns as far as the shores of the St. Lawrence, but what tiinc this woh ho docs not say. He must of course make these people the builders of the mounds scattered all over the western country. After nil, wo a])|>rehend the doctor would have short time for his emigrants to do nil that nature and art have done touching these mattcm. In the first place, it Is evident that many ages passed away firom the time these tuuiuli were began until they were finished : 3d, a multitude of ages must have passed since the use for which they were reared has been known ; for trees of the ago of 900 yean crow from the ruins of others which must have had as great age: and, So, no Indian nation or tribe haa the least tradition concerning them.* This could not have happened had the ancestors of the present In- dians been the erectors of them, in the nature of things.f The observation of an author in Dr. Reai'a Encyclopcdia4 ahhouf^ * Or none bat mch ai are at t-ariance with all hittofjr and latioaality. t Arehaotogia AflMiieaaa, i Stt,SK,Ml, fce. % Alt. Amuuca. If . Ca*r. m REES^M'CVLLOH. 18 Mjrinf no mora Uian hu been ■Iready Mid in our iiynopiis, is, ncverthelMi^ go bappy. that we Bhould uoi feel clear to omit it : — ** Ae to thnae who preteod tliat tlie human race has only of late found iia wav into Amerlei, by croainc the na at Kamwhatka, or the Straita of TichutAi, eilbv upon the netda of ice or in canoea, thev do not consider that tbit opiakm, beaidea that it ia extremely difficult of comprrliensinn, tiaa not the laMI tendency to diminish the pro«liay ; for it would he siiriirisinc indeed lh« one half of our planet Rhould nave romained without InhnbitMts during thouaaniis of years, while tlie other half was fwopled. What rendera thb opinion li^tis probable is, that America is supposed in it to hare had animals, since we cannot bring thosu speries of animals flnom the old world which do not exist in it, as those of the tapir, the glaina, and the tajaclu. Neither ran wo admit of the recent orKoiiization of matter fbr the western hemisphere ; because, independently of the accumulated difficulties in this hypotbeslM, and whicli ran by no means be solved, w« shall observe, that the fomil tmnes discovered m so many parts of Ameri- ca, and at such small depths, provo that certain 8|>ecios of animals, so tkt ftom having bceu recently organized, have been annihilated a long while ago." Before we had known, that, if we wore in error, it was in the company of philosophers, such as wo have in this chapter introduced to our readers, we felt a hesitancv in avowing our opinions upon a matter of y(^ so great moment. But, after all, as it is only matter of honest opinioB, no one should be intolerant, although he may be allowed to make himself and oven hu friends merry at our expense. When, in the da)'a of Cfoy*- asfom, some ventured to assert their opinions of the rotunmqr of the earth, that learned father "did laugh at them!"* And, when soience shall have progressed sufficiently, (if it be possible,) to settle this question, there is a possibility that the Cknftoidoma of these davs will not nave the same excuse for their infidelity. But as it is a day of prodigie^ there is some danger of treating lightly even the most seemingly ahmrd conjectures. We therefore feel very safe, and more especially ■■ it r»- quired considerable hardihood to laugh even nt the theory of the late Mr. Symmta. When we lately took up a book entitled " Researdie$, PhOom^phieti and Antiquarian, concerning the Moririnal History of America, by J. H. M'Coi.LOH, Jr. M. D."! we did think, fVom the imposing appearance of it, that some new matters on the subject had been discovered : and tnow espNBcially when we read in the preface, that " his first object was to ex- plain the origin of the men unci animals of America, so far as that que** tion is involved witli the apparent physical impediments that have ao long kept the subject in total obscurity." Now, with what success this has been done, to do the author justice, he shall speak for himself and the reader then may judge fbr himself. " Before we attempt to explain in what manner the men and animoli o/ America reached this continent, it is necessary to ascertain, if powiUe, the circumstances of their original creation ; for upon this essential par- tKular depends the great interest of our present investigation. [We ar« not able to discover that he has said an^ thing further upon it] It must be evident that we can arrive at no satisfactory conclusion, if it be doubt- fbl whether the Creator of the universe made man and the animals bat in one locality, fix>m whence they were dispersed over the earth ; or whether he created them in each of those various situations where we now find them living. So far as this inquiry rsapects mankind, there can be no • Sm Aeoita'f HUt. E. and W. Indies, p. 1. ed. London, 1604. t PgbUMd at Baltintuic, 18S9, in 8vo. a u M'CULLOH. [BOOE 1. neMonable ground to doubt the one origin of the species. This fact may be proved licrh physically and morally. [If the reader can discover any thing that amounts to proof in what follows, he will have made a discovery that we could not.] That man, notwithstanding all the diver- sities of tlieir appearance, are but of one species, is a truth now univer- ■•ny admitted by every physiological naturalist. [That is, notwithstanding a oegro be black, an Indian brown, a European white, stiU, they are aO ipuD. And then follows a quotation from Dr. Lawrtnct* to corrob>)rate tfie fiict that men are all of one species.] It is true, this physiologist does not admit that the huvian species had tiicir origin but from one pair ; for bo observes, the same species might have been created at the same time in very different parts of the earth. But when we have analyzed the moral history of mankind, to which Mr. Lawrence seems to have paid little attention, [and if our author has done it, we would thank him to show us where we can find it,] we find such strongly marked onalogies in alwtract matters existing among nations the most widely separated from each other, that wc cannot doubt there has l)een a time, when the whole human family have intimately participated in one common system of things, whether it be of trnth or of error, of science or of prejudice. FThis does not at all agree wiili what he soys aAerwards, ' We have men unable to discern anv traces of Asiatic or of European civilizatysn in America prior to the discovciy of Columbus.' And again : 'In com- paring the barbarian notions of America with those of the eastern con- tinent, we perceive no points of resemblance between them, in their Qioiml institutions or in their habits, that are not apparently founded in the necessities of human life.' If, then, there is no affinity, other than what would accidentally happen fi-om similar circumstances, wherefore tbis prating about * stronffly-marked analogies,^ &c. just copied.] As respects the origin of animals, [we have given his best proofs of the origin of man and their transportation to America,] the subject is muck Ipiiore refractory. Wo find them living all over the surface of the earth, IUM) suited by their physical conformity to a great variety of climates and •lHl^liu' localities. Everjr one will admit the impossibili.y of ascertain- mg the history of their original creation from the mere natural history of the animals tLemselvcs." Now, as " refractory" as this subject is, wo did not expect to see it fiithcred off upon a miracle, because this was the easy and convenient manner ia which tlie superstitious of every age ac- cpiinted for every thing which they at once could not comprehend. And we do not expect, when it is gravely announced, that a discovery in any science is to be shown, that the undertaker is going to tell us it is accomplished bv a miracle, and that, therefore, " he knows not why lie idfaould be called upon to answer objections," &c. As it would be tedious to the reader, as well as incompatible with our plan, to quote larger fVom Mr. JifCuttoVi Iraok, we shall finish with him titer a few remarks. We do not object to the capacity of the ark for all animals, but we do object to its introduction in the question undertaken by Mr. M'CttUoh ; fi>reverv child knows that affair to liave been miracifous; and if any put of the question depended upon tlie truth or falsity of a miracle, why l4l«ue the world with a book of some 500 peges, merely to promulgate SUGA a belief]! when a sentence would be all that is required ? No on& that admits an overruling power, or the existence of God, will doubt of bis alulity to create a myriad of men, animals, and all matter, by «. bpi^ath ; or tlut an arlf ten feet square could contain, comfortably, ten * The celebrated author of Lieelures oa Phyriology, Zoology, and tht Natural HUtorf •fMmu Chap. II.] IkTCULLOH.— KAIM. thoumnd men, as well as one of the dimensiona (riven in aeripture to con- tain wImii that did. Therefore, if one in these days should luaku a book expressly to explain the cause of the different lengths of days, or the changes of the seasons, nnd fiud, after he had written a vast deal, that he could in no wise unravel the mystery, and, to close his account, declare* it was nil a miracle, such an author would be precisely in the predicament ofHlr.ATCtiUoh. We do not pretend that the subject can be pursued with the certain^ of mathematical calculations ; and so long as it is contended that tKe whole species of man sprins from one pair, so long will the subjoot admit of controversy: therefore it makes but little or no difference whether the inhabiUints are got into America by the north or the south, the east or the west, as it regards the main question. For it is very cer- tsia that, if there were hut one pair originally, and these placed upon • ceit^in spot, all other places where people are now found must have been soHleU by people from the primitive spot, who found their way thither, some how or other, and it is very unimportant how, as we have just olMerved. Iv-rd JJCatmef, a writer of great good sense, has not omitted to say some- thing upon this subjects* He very judiciously asks those who maintain that America was peopled from Knmskatka, whether the inhabitants of that region speak the same language with their American neighbors on the opposite shores. That they do not, he observes, is fully confirmed by recent accounts from thence ; and " whence we may conclude, with great certainty, that the latter are not a colony of the former."! We have confirmation upon confirmation, that these nations speak languages entirely different ; and for the satisfaction of the curious, we will give a short vocabulary of words in both, with the English against them. EngKsk, Kamakadak. MiauUanJ^ God Nionstichtchitch AgfaogoGh. Father Iskh Auuui. Mother Nas-kh Anaan. Sou Pa-atch L'laan. Daughter Souguing Aschkinn Brother Ktchidscli Koyota. Sister Kos-Khou Angiin. Husband Skoch Ougiinn. Woman Skoua-aou Al-yagar. Girl Kh-tchitchou Ougeghilikinn. Young boy Pahatch Auckthok. Child Pahatchitch OuKkolik. A man Ouskaams Toyoch. The people Kouaskon. Persons Ouskaamsit. The head T-Khousa Kamgha. The face Koua-agh Soghiniaginn. The nose Kaankang Aughosinn. The nostrils Kaanga Gouakik. The eye Nanit Tlmck. * Sec his " Sikftchts of the Hittory of Man," a work which he publiihed ia 177i, at Edinhtirfth, in 2 vols. 4to. t Vol. ii. 71. X The Al^miteanR inhabit the chain of iaiands which stretch from the N. W. point of \merirn into the neighborhood of Kamskatka. It mitHl be remembered that these namei tire in ilin French orthorraphv, hnin); taken from a French translation of BUlingt's voy- age into those repons, from 1786 to 1794. 16 SWINTON.— CABRERA. [Book I. ^4 Af;;r ii'....;i>. iii^ that "there are Beveral cogent argumcuts to evince tliAt tlic Atnciicuiia are not descended from any people in the north of ^liiia, or ia lln' i.fuih of Europe," Lord Kaimtt continues, — •' I venture Bti)l ftirtlicr ; whirh is, to conjecture, that America has not been fieopled from say part of ilie old world." But although this last conjecture is in unison with those of man}' others, ^et his lordship is greatly out in Home of the proofs which ho adduces in its support. As we have no ground on which to controvert this opinion, we may he excused from examining its proofs; but this we will observe, that Lord JTatmMisin the same error about the beardlcssncss of the Americans as some other learned Euro- peans. The learned Dr. Sivinton,* in u dissertation upon the peopling of America,f iifter stating tiit! diiTerciit opinions of various authors who have advocated in fuvor of the "dispersed )>eople," the Phoenicians, und other enstcrii nations, observes, " that, therefore, the Americans in general w»rnger grope in the labyrinth of his own forming, our reader would be just in condemning such waste of time. When every thing which we cannot at first si^ht understand or comprehend must not be inquired into, from superatitious doubts, then and there will be fixed the bounds of all science; hvt, as Lord Bjiron said upon another occasion, rmt till tken, ■ "If it be allowed (savs Dr. LAWRENcc)f that all men are of the same species, it does not follow that they arv all descended flrom the same nmilv. We have no data for determining this point : it could indeed only be settled by a knowledge of t'aels, which have long ago been in- volved in the impenetrable darkness of antiquity." That climate has nothing to do with the complexion, ho offers the following in proof: "The establishments of the Europeans in Asia and America have now subsisted about three centuries. Faamtez Dt Gama landed at Calicut in 1496; and the Portuguese empire in India was founded in the bee- tling of the following century. Brazil vfas discovered and taken poases- sion of by the same nanon in the very first ycir of the sixteenth century. Towards the end of the 15th, and the beginning of the 16th century, Coltunbus, Cer(ez,8iid Pixam, subiugated for the Spaniards the. West Indian islands, wkh the empires of Mexico and Peru. Sir fFaUer Raiegh planted an English colony in Virginia in 1584 ; and the French settw- ment of Canada has rather a later date. The colonists have, in no in- stance, approached to the natives of these countries: and their deaoea^ ants, where the Mood has been kept pure, have, at this time, the same characters as native Europeans.*^ The eminent antiquary, De Witt CItnton,§ suppciged that the anoieni works found in this country were similar to those supposed to be Roman by Pennant in Wales. He adds, ** The Danes, as well as the natkons which erected our fortifications, were in all probability of Scythian orijj^ According to P/iny,the name of Scythian was common to ul the natms Bving in the north of Asia and Europe.''^ t harmonize CHAPTER III. Mmmm .er he bad been preaching to them, invited by their chief to visit his wigwam. After having been kindly entertained, and being about to depart, the chief took him by the hand and said, " 1 have very bad squaw. She had two little children. One she loved well, the other she hated. In a cold night, when I was gone hunting in the woods, she shut it out of the wigwam, and it froze to death. What must be done with her ?" The missionary replied, " She must be hanged." " Ah !" said the chief^ "go, then, and hang your God, whom you mako just like her." Revenge. — "An Indian, in Chatanque coimty. New York, a stout man, known by the name of the DevWs-ramrod, lately had a rencounter v/ith a white man, in which he came off second liest. Mortified at the result, he twice jumped into a neighboring creek to drown himself, but was dragged out by the people present. He made a third attempt, and succecded."§ Magnammittf. — A hunter, in his wanderings for game, fell among the back settlements of Virgiriia, and by reason of the inclemency of the weather, was induced to seek refbge at the hous(< nf a planter, whom he met nt his door. Admission was refused him. K( ing both hungry and thirsty, he asked for a morsel of bread ai>d a cup of water, but wok answered in every case, ** No ! you shall have nothing here ! Get you gone, you Indian dog."" It happened, in process of time, that this same planter lost himself in the woods, and, afler a fatiguing day's travel, he came to an Indian's cabin, into which he was welcomed. On inauiring the way, and the distarce to the white settlements, being told by Uie In- dian that he could not go in the night, and being kindly oflTered lodsing and victuals, he gladly refreshed and reposed himself in the Indian's cabin. In the morning, he conducted him through the wilderness, agroeably to * Universal MuMum for 1763. t Peters'* Hist. Connecticut. t Ibid. i Nilet'i Regi. i K.368. fSfiin Cbap. ni] DECEPTION.— SHREWDNESS. 19 hii promise the night before, until they came in si^t of the habitatioM of the whites. Aa he waa about to take his leave ol the planter, bo lodk^ him full in the face, and asked him if he did not know him. Horror- ■truck at finding himself thus in the power of a man he had so inhuman- ly treated, and dumb with shame on thinking of the manner it was re- quited, he beoBU at length to ipake excuses, and beg a thousand pardona, when the Indian interrupted him, and said, ^ When you see poor Indiana funting for a cup of com water, don't say again, 'Get ^ou gone, you Ib- dian dog !' " He then dismissed him to return to his frieni^. My author adds, " It is not difficult to say, which of these two had the best claim to the name of Christian."* Deception. — ^The captain of a vessel, having a desire to make a present to a lady of some fine oranges which he had just brought from " the sunr islands," gave them to an Indian in his employ to carry to her. Lest Be should not perform the office pnnctualiy, he wrote a letter to her, to be takm along with the present, thut she might detect the besren if he should fail to deliver the whole of what he was intrusted with. The Indian, during the journey, reflected how he should refresh himself with the oranges, and not be found out. Not having any apprehension of the manner of communication by writing, he concluded that it was only necessary to keep his design secret from the letter itseli^ supposing that would tell of him if he did not ; he therefore laid it upon the ground, and rolled a large stone upon it, and retired to some distance, where he regaled himself with several of the oranges, and then proceeded on his journey. On deliver- ing the remainder and the letter to the lady, she asked him where the rest of the oranges were ; he said he had delivered all ; she told him that the letter said there were several more sent ; to which he answered that the letter lied, and she must not believe it But he was soon confronted m his falsehood, and, begging forgiveness of the offence, was porduned.f Shrnodness, — As Governor Joseph Dudley of Massachusetts was superin- tending some of his workmen, he took notice of an able-bodied Indian, who, half naked, would come and look on, as a pastime, to see his men work. The governor took occasion one day to ask hmi why he did not work and fit tome clothes, wheretoUh to cover himsey. The Indian answered by askmg him why he did not work. The governor, pointing with his finger to his head, said, " I work head work, and so have no need to work with my hands as you should." The Indian then said he would work if any one would employ him. The governor told him he wanted a calf killed, and that, if he would go and do it, he would give him a shilling. Ho accepted the ofier, and went immediately and killed the calf, and then went saunter- ing about as before. The governor, on observing what he had done, asked him why he did not dress the calf before ho left it. The Indian answered, " Ao, no, Coponoh ; that was not in the bargain : I was to have a shilling for killing him. ^m hf no dead, Coponoh? [governor.]" Ttu: governor, seeing himself thus outwitted, told him to dress it, iuid he would give him another shilling. This done, and hi possession of two shillings, the Indian gocc directly to a grog-shop for rum. Afler a short stay, he returned to the governor, and told him he had given him a bad shilhng piece, and presented a bruiO' one to be exchanged. The governor, tliinkmg possibly it might Imvc been the case, gave him another. It wus not long before lie returned a second time with another brass shilling to be cxchnugcd ; the governor was now convinced of his knavery, but, not caring to innkc words at tlu; time, gave him another ; and thus the fellow got four shillings for one. * Caroy'i Museiun, vi. 40. t Urinip* Voyage lo N. England in 1709, Svo. London^ 17S6. EQUALiry.— MATRIMONY^TOLERATION. (Book f. The governor determined to have the rogue corrected for his abuM, ■d, meeting with him aoon after, told him he must take a letter tu Bee- ton for him [and gave him a half a crown for the service.*] The letter was directed to the keeper of hridewell, ordering him to give the bearer ■o many lushes ; but, mistrusting that all woe not exactly agreeable, and ■Meting a servant of the governor on the road, ordered him, in liie name of his tnaMer, to carry the letter immediately, as he was in haste to return. •The consequence was, this servant got egregiously whipped. When the Evertior lcai|ied what had taken place, he telt no little chagrin at being iW twice outwitted by the Indian. He did not sec the fellow for some time after this, but at length, falling in with him, asked him by what means he had cheated and deceived him ■o many times. Taking the governor again in his own play, he answer- ad, pointing with his finger to his head, " Head work, Coponoh,^uad work!" The governor was now so well pleased that he forgave the whole ofTence.f E^ialiiy. — An Indian chief, on being asked whether his people were fiee, answered, ** Why not, since I myself am free, although their king ?**! Matrimony. — ** An aged Indian, who for many years had spent much time among the white people, both in Pennsvlvania and New Jersey, one day, about the year 1770, observed that the Indians had not only a much easier way of getting a wife than the whites, but also a more certain way of getting a good one. » For,' said he in broken English, ' white man court— court —may l»e one whole year ! — may be two years before he marry ! Well — may be then he get very good wife — but may be not — may be very cross ! Well, now suppose cross! scold so soon as get awake in the morning! ■cold all day ! — scold until sleep ! — all one — he must keep him ! — White people have law forbidding throw away wife he be ever so cross — must keep him always! Well, now does Indian do ? Indian, when he see in- dustrious squaw, he like, he go to him, place his two fore fingers close aside each other, make two like one — then look squaw in the face — see him smile — this is all one he say yes ! — so he take him home — no danger he be cross ! No, no — equaw know too well what Indian do if he croos ! throw him away and take another! — Squaw love to eat meat — no hus- band no meat. Squaw do every thing to please husband, he do every thing to please squaw — live happy.' "§ TvUnmon. — In the year 1791, two Creek chiefs accompanied an Ameri- can to England, where, as usual, they attracted great attention, and many flocked around them, as well to learn their ideas of certain things as to behold "the savages." Being asked their opinion of religion, or of what religion they were, one made answer, that they had no priests in their coun- try, or established religion, fur they thought, that, u{)on a subject where there was no possibility of people's agreeing in opinion, and as it was alto- gether matter of mere opinion, " it vrau best that every one should paddle his canoe his own way." Here is a volume of instruction in a short eurwer of a savage ! A recruiting officer, engaged in the service of the United States' govern- ment in the time of the Western Indian wars, (about 1790,) wrote thus to a friend : " Where I am, the recruiting business goes on heavily ; none but the refuse of creation to be picked up ; ^llows-looking fellows, (like Sir John FalstaiTs regiment,) who only enlist with a design to desert ; and, when collected, will, I fear, be pronounced So worn, so wanted, so despised a crew, All even Indians mig^ht wilh pity view." * A scntenre added in a version of this anocdole in Carry's Mtuevm, vi, S04. t Urin^. lit tupra. ISO. \ Carei^i mutum, vi. 482. \ Heckeweldef'* lliit. lad. NalioM. ^ v^V >. i. - CRAr. m.] JUSTICE^HUNTINO. Ju$tice. — A white tnulsr aold a quantity of powder to an Indian, and im- poaed upon him by making him believe it was a grain which grew like wheat, by sowing it upon the ground. He woa greatly cinted by the proflpect, not only of raising h'n own powder, but of i)eing able to ■uppHr others, und thereby becoming immensely rich. Having prepared nis ^und with great cure, he sowed his powder with the utmost exactnea in the Bjiriug. Month aAer mouth passed away, but his powder did not even spiout, and winter came l^iefore he was satisfied that he had bewi deceived. He said nothing ; but some time after, when the trader had forgotten the trick, the same Indian succeeded in getting credit of him to a large amount. The time set for payment liaving expired, he sought out the Indian at his residence, and demanded payment for his gomlii. The Indian heard his demand with great complaisance ; then, looking him shrewdly in the eye, said, " Me puy you when my powder grow." Thk was enough. The guilty white man quickly retraced his steps, satisfied, we apprehend, to balance his account with the chagrin he had received. Hunting, — The Indians had methods to catch game which served them extremely well. We will give here an anecdote of one of their snares etUching a pilgrim, and then explain, by an engraving, their fence traps. The same month in which the Mayflower brought over the fatuenL November, 1620, to the shores of Plimouth, several of them ran^^ about the woods near by to learn what the country contained. Havug wandered larther than they were apprised, in their endeavor to return, they say, " We were shrewdly puzzled, and lost our way. As we wan- dered, we came to a tree, where a young sprit was bowed down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. Stephen Hopkins said, it had been to catch some deer. So, as we were looking at it, William Bradford being in the rear, when be came looking also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was immediately caught up by tlie legs. It was (they continue) a very pretty device, made with a rope of their own making, [of bark or some kind of roots probably,] and having a noose as artificially made as any roper in England can make, and as like ours as can be; which we brought away witti ua."* ^-Mourt's Relation. # « PREACHITVO AOAINST f>RACTICG. tBooil. OrratRM* «/■ Mind, a .Yarrative. — Silimee vtms n Cherokee chief, and vrns intr-<>(l by Mr. Jrjhnon, to jlliirtrntp tlic < l:.-rinciple so mneh, as to recede from their determination." A more impolitic and barbarous measure, perhaps, never entered the heart of man, than that of offering a reward for human scalps. This Was done by Virginia. It is true the government of Virginia was not alone in this criminal business, but that betters not her cose. The door of enormity being thus opened, it was easy to have foreseen, that many men upon the frontiers, "of bad lives and worse principles," aayi an intelligent writer.f stood ready to step in. As the event proved, onany fViendly Indians were murdered, and the government defrauded. It was at the news of a murder of this description that Col. Myrd was seized. Preaehinr against Practiee. — John Simon was a Sogkonate, who, about the year 17^, was a settled minister to that tribe. He was a man of strong mind, generally temperate, but sometimes remise in the latter particular. The fbllowlng aneooote is told as characteristic of his notions of justice. Simon, on account of his deportment, was created justice of the peace, and I othe^^ boa commiiiea some onence. 4 usuce •ovi'mv anu mmon, in makinc up 'heir minds, estimated the amount of the o&nce differ- ently ; wfwiy thought each shoukl receive eight or (en stripes, but Simon ■aid, " JVb,ybwr orJh>e are enough — ^Poor huStma are ^pu)rant, and iti* not Chrtitian-ltke to puniak n hardly, tho$e who are ignorant, a» thp»e who have knowledge.^ SimonU judgment prevailed. When Mr. Mmy asked John how many his wife should receive, he said, "DouNe, because she had knowledge to have done better ;" but Cnl. Mmy, out of regard to John*s feeliugs, wholly remitted liis wife's punishment. * Jof-n looked very serious, and made no reply while in presence of the court, but, on the first fit opportunity, remonstrated very ssvcrelv against his judgment ; and said to him, *' 7b what purpose do we preach a religion of justice, ^ we do unrighteousness in judgments * Perhaps the same mcntioiMHl by Oldntixon, (i. 283.) in speaking of the Indian pow- wows; one or whom he says, "very lately conjured a shower of rain for Col. Byrd * plantation in a time of drouth, for two botiles of rum," and of which Mr. Oldmixon says, " bad we not found tliis in an author who was on the spot, we sliould have rejected it as a fable." i Dr. Buntaby. Chap. Ill] OF MANNERS, CUSTOMS, iu. O Sam Hlle. — There am few, we imaf ine, who hare not heard of this persunngu ; hut, nutwitlistandiug hia great notoriety, we might not be thoii^lit Bcrioua in the rest of our work, were we to enter aenously into h'w hioffrnphy ; for the reason, that finm hia day to thia, hia name has been u liy-woni in ail Now England, and ineana aa much aa to an ibe gnalzd qf liars. It is on account of the following anecdote that be ia QOtici'J. San Hile was a notorious cider-drinker as well aa liar, and uaed to travi'I the country to and fVo begging it (Vom door to door. At one time he liti|>|)euc(l in u region of country where cider waa very hard to be pro- cured ; eitlicr from its scarcity, or from iSiMt'« fi«quenf visita. However, cider hu wus dctrrinincd to have, if lyins, in any ahape or color, would gain It. liuing not fur from the house of an acquaintance, who he knew hod ciilcr, but lie knew, or was well satisfied, that, in the ordinary wray of begging, he could not get it, he set his wits at work to lay a plan to enaiure it. Tills did not occupy him long. On arriving at the house of the gen- tleman, instead of askuig ibr cider, he inquired for the man of the houae^ whom, on a|>(>!;aring, Sam requested to go aside with hint, as he had some- thing of iM)|)()rtnncu to communicate to tiim. When they were by tbem- selvea, •Sctm told him he had that morning shot a fine deer, and tliat, if he would <;lvc him a crown, he would tell hun where it was. The gentle- man did not incline to do this, but offered half a crown. Finally, iSail, said, ns he hud walked a great distance that morning, and was veiy diy, ' for a half a crowu and a mug of cider he would tell him. Thia was agreed upon, and the price paid. Now >Siim waa required to point out the spot where the deer was to he found, which he did in this manner. He raid to his friend. You know qf such a meadow, describing it — Yes — You know a big cuh ti-ee urilh ai^Uq>bytke liitU brwdt — ^Yes — fFcfi, taukr that tree lies the deer. This was satisfactory, and Sam departed. It is un- necessary to mention that the meadow was found, and the tree by tha brook, hut no deer. The duped man could hardly contain himself on considering what he hod been doing. To look afhir Sam for satis&ntlon would be worse than looking after the deer ; so the farmer concluded to go home contented. Some years after, he happened to fiill in with the Indian ; and he imn '^lintely began to rally him for deceiving him so, and demanded Iwck his money and pay for his cider and trouble, ffhf, said Sam, would you find fauU }f Irmtian kid truth haif the time ? — No — Wdt, says Sam, you pud him meadow ? — ^Yes — You &m him tive ? — Yes — What for then you find fault Sam Hide, toA«n fye tola you two truth to one lie f The affair ended here. iSoni heard no more from the farmer. This is but one of the numerous anecdotes of iSKiiin Hide, which, could they be collected, would fill many pages. He died in Dedham, 5 Jan. 17X2, at the great age of 105 years. He waa a great jestpr, an tpeak to me — I make hit grant ahne. / can no /we ktrt. He gave up Ma. -M *"*. ^ 9i ANE(;!X)TKS, Stc, ILLUSTRATIVE [Rook t. fiimi, fluff up llio im*>] It [Voyages, ii. 349 :] tfoU [Geor* ii. 194;] J. Z.c»ur, [Voyages and Travels Botmanj [Mainland, 35 ;] Mouiton, [N. York, i. 131 ;] Ufartin, [Louisianp, i.7.] Jotulytt vaaJtffryi seem to be without company as well as authorities for thoir der- ivaiions. The former [N. Eng. Rarities, 6,] says, Canada was " so called from Moa- ■ieur Cant." The latter [Hist. America, 1,] says, " Canada, in the Indian language, rimiflet the Mouth of the Countrtj, Trom can, mouth, and ada, the country." I Quelques-unes d^rivent ce nom du mot Iroouois Kannata, qui se prononce Canada, •I iignilie un amas de eabonnes. Hitt. Nouv. France, i. 9. f TrvveU through the hUtrUtr Parts ofN. America, 1776, ttc. vol. ii. 46, 47. Anr- was an officer in Gen. Burgoyn^t army, and wan among the captives surrendered C'HAF. ni] OF MANNERS AND CU8TOII8. without name. •nonce Canada, ttmkke, which siniiflM coward and slave. Thw epithet of ymikte WM bestowetl u\wn tlio iiiiiabitnnti* of N. Kngland hy the Virginiana, for not aaaisting ihem in a war with the Cherolceca, and they have alwaya been held in derision by it. But the name lias been more prevalent ainee [1775] the commencement ofhostilitieM; the soldiery at Boston used it m a term of reproach ; but after the nHair at Bunker's Hill, the AmerknM gloried in it. Yankee-doodle is now their pcean, a favorite of fkvoriiea, played in their army, esteemeci as warlike as the grenadier's march — it ii the lover's spell, the nurse's lullaby. After our rapid successes, we held the yankees in great contempt; but it was not a little mortifying to hear them play this tune, when their army marched down to our surrender."* But Mr. Hecketpelder thinks that the Indians, in endeavoring to pro- nounce the name Engluh, could get that sound no nearer than these letters give 'n,yengeea. This was perha|)s the true origin of Yankte. A aingular Stratagem to eacape Torture. — ** Some years ago the Shawano Indians, Iteiug obliged to remove from their habitations, in their way tg them, in the act of dying, that he was still aa much their sufierior, as when he headed his f^nllnnt countrymen : that although he had fallen into their hands, and forf«;ited the protection of the divine power by some impurity or other, >vhen carrying the holy ark of war against his devoted enemies, yet he Imd so much remaining virtue as would enable him to punish himself more exquisitely than all their den- picable ignorant crowd possibly could ; and that he would do so, if they gave him liberty hy untying him, and handing him one of the red hot gun-barrels out of the fire. The proposol, and his method of address, appeared so exceedingly l)old and uncommon, that his request was grant- ed. Then suddenly seizing one end of the red-hot barrel, and brandish- ing it from side to side, leaped down a prodigious steep and high bank into a branch of the river, dived through it, ran over a small island, and passed the other branch, amidst a shower of bullets ; and though numbers of his enemies were in close pursuit of him,hvgot into a bramble swamp through which, though nakea and in a mangled condition, he reached hia own country." An unparalleled Case of Suffering. — " The Shawano Indians captured a warrior of the Anantooeah nation, and put him to the stake, according to their usual cruel solemnities : having unconcernedly suffered much tor- tare, he told them, with scorn, they did n)t know bow to punish a noted enemy ; therefore he wns willing to teach them, and would confirm tfac truth of his assertion if they allowed him the opportunity. Accordingly he requested of them a pipe and some tobacco, which was given him ; as soon as tie had lighted it, lie sat down, naked as he was, on the women's burn- ing torches, that were within his circle, and continued smoking his pipe without the least discomposure : On this a head warrior leaped up, and said, they saw plain enough that he was a warrior, and not afraid of dy- ing, nor should he have died, only that he was both spoiled by the fire, and devoted to it by their laws ; however, though he was a very dangor- OUB enemy, and his nation a treacherous people, it should be seen that they paid a regard to bravery, even in one who was niaiked with war streaks at the cost of many of the lives of their beloved kindred ; end then by This derivation is almost as ludicrous as that given by Iroing in his Knickerbocker. 3 ANECDOTES, tec. ILLUSTRATIVE IBooc I yny of Avnr, >ie with Iim Oii^ndly toinaliawk iimtantly put in end to all iiw psins."* ivnoronre the Offiiprinp nfnhsurd Opimotu. — Tho reflohition ami rniiragr of ttie Iiiiliaiis, nnyn Col. Hogem, " iiiitlcr Hickiit'tw and |Miin, ia truly aur- priaing. A yoiiiij^ woman will In! in labor a whole day without utirring oae iroan or cry; uhould hIh! Iiclray such h wcakni^M, they would im- mediately any, thnt alio wiu iiiiworthy to be a niotlicr, and that her ofl*- iprinff could not fail of Iwinj? cowanw."f ^ \ortktm Custom. — When Mr. Htame waa on tlie Coppennine River, in 1771, Home of tho Cop|ier Indians in his company kiml a number of Esquimaux, by which act they considered themselveH unclean ; and •II concerned in tho rnurdcr were not allowed to cook any provisiona, either for thcmselveH or others. They were, however, allowed to cat of others* cooking, but not until they had painted, with a kind of red earth, •11 the space l)etwcen their nose and chin, as well oa a (greater part of their cheeks, almost to their ears. Neither would they use any other dish, or pipe, than their own.^ Another Pocahontaa. — While Letois and Clarke were on the shore of die Pacific Ocean, in 180.5, one of their men went one evening into n Tillage of tho Killamuk Indians, alone, a small distance from his party, and on the opposite side of a creek from that of the encampment. A iHrange Indian happened to he there also, who expressed great respect luid love for tho white man ; hut in reality he meant to murder him for the articles he had aliout him. This happened lo come to the knowledge )>f a Chinnook woman, and she determined at once to save his life: there- fore, when the white man was about to return to his companions, the In lUan was going to accompany him, and kill him in the way. As they were about to set out, the woman caught the white man by the clothes, to pre- vent his going with the mdian. He, not understanding her intention, pulled away rrom her ; but as a last resort, she ran out and shrieked, which raised the men in every direction ; and the Indian became alarmed for bis own safety, and made his escape before the white man knew he liad been in dan^r. Sey-eommand tn Tiine of Danger. — There was in Carolina a noted chief of the Yamoisees, who, in the year 1702, with about 600 of his country- men, went with Col. Daniet and Col. Moore against the Spaniards in Flor- rda. His name was ^rratomnutkaw. ^'h«>n the English were obliged 10 abandon their undertaking, and as the; t»ere retreatmg to their boats, i hey became alarmed, supposing the Sptniards were upon them. Jlrra- lommakaw, having arrived at the boats, was reposing himself upon his :iara, and was fast asleep. The soldiers rallied him for being so slow in Ilia retreat, and ordered him to make more haste : *' But he replied, ' No — ■fHOUGH TOUR GOVERNOR LEAVES YOU, I WILT. NOT STIR TILL I HAVE ikEN ALL MT MEN BEFORE ME.'" Indifference. — Archihau was a sachem of Miiryiand, whase resideiicf •▼as upon the Potomack, when that country was settled by the I'^nglisli .•a 1633-4. The place of his residence was named, like the river, Poto- inack. As usual with the Indians, he received .he English under Gov. *7alvert with great attention. It should be noted, that Archihau was not tioad sachem of the Potomacks, but governed instead of his nephew, who tfaa a child, and who, like the head men of Virginia, was called werowance. lf!rom this place the colonists sailed 20 leagues farther up the river, to a {ilaoe called Piscattaway. Here a werowance went on board the govcm- • The two preceding reialions are from Lon^i Voyages and Travels, 7S and 73, a book ti imall pretensions, but one of ihe best on ^dian history. Its author fived among Ike Jndiaui of the N. West, as an Indian trader, about 19 years. t Concise Accotmt qfN. America, S12. X Journey to Ihe Norther* Ocean, 206. MM CRAr. Ill ] OP MANNEBS AND OUflTOMS. I the shorp of or's piniuM90, to treat with him. On heing Mkad whother he ww wiH- ing the Biifiish bIiouM wttie in his country, in caae they found » |>Im« oooveuieot for tlieiu, he inade uiawer, " / wiU twt bid jfim go, neHkn imU I Ud you «ain- tenance of our young men, while with you, wouul be very expenaive la you. We are convinced, thert'fore, tliat you mean to do ua good by your proponal, and we thank you heartily. But you who are wiae muat knoiw, that niici|ml historical facts on which our religion is founded; such as the fall of w>\ firat liarcnts by eating an apple; the coming of Christ to repoir the mis- chief; his miracles and sufferings, &c. — When he hud fiiuHhui, »u In- dian orator stood up to thank him. ' IVhal you have told U4,' sitid ho, ' t* tdl very good. It ia indeed bad to eat apples. It is belter to make them al'. into cider. Ife are mucA obliged by your kindness in coming so far lo tell ?w thoae things, which you have heard from your mothers.^ "When the Indian had told the missionary one of the legends of his na- tion, how they had been supplied with inuize or corn, beans and tobacro, he treated it with contempt, nnd said, ' What I delivered to you wcni sacred truths ; but what you toll me is mere fable, fiction and fiilsehood.' OUmixon, [Hist. Maryland t Franklin's Essay*. 28 ANECDOTES, ttc., ILLUSTRATIVE [Book I. The Indian Mt indignant, and replied, * My brother, it seenu vowJriend» have not done you justice in j/our Mucation ; they have not well instructed you in the rules '/common ctvility. You say that u>e, who undtrttand and practise those rules, believe all your stories : why do you re/use to believe ours V " Curiosity. — " When any of the Indians come into our towns, our peo- ple are apt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and incommode thenv where they desire to be private ; this they esteem great rudeness, and the effect of the want of instruction in the rules of civility and good manners. ' fFe have^ say they, < as much curiosity as you, and when you come into our towns, we wish for opportunities qflooking at you ; but Jor this pwrpou we hide ourselves behind bushes where you are to pass, and never intrude ourselves ivto your company! " Rules of Conversation. — " The business of the women is to toko exact notice of what passes, imprint it in their memories, (for they have no writ- ing,) and communicate it to their children. They are the records of the council, and they preserve tradition of the stipulations in treaties a hun- dred years back ; which, when we compare with our writings, we always find exact. !^^ that would speak rises. The rest observe a profound silence. Wneu he has finished, and sits down, they leave him five or six minutes to recollect, that, if he has omitted any thing he intended to say, or has any thin^ to add, lie may rise again, and deliver it. To interrupt another, even m common conversation, is reckoned highly indecent. flow different this is from the conduct of a polite British House of Com- mons, where scarce a day passes without some confusion, that makes the speaker hoarse in calling to order; and how different from the mode of conversation in many polite companies of Europe, where, if you do not deliver your sentence with great rapidity, you are cut off in the middle of it by the impatient loquacity of those you converse with, and never suf- fered to finish it !" — Instead of being better since the days of fVanklin, we apprehend it has grown worse. The modest and unassuming of\en find It exceeding difficult to gain a hearing at all. Ladies, and many who consider themselves examples of good manners, transgress to an insuper- able degree, in breaking in upon the conversations of others. Some of these, like a ship driven by a north-wester, bearing down the small craft in her course, come upon us by surprise, and if we attempt to proceed b^ raising our voices a little, we are sure to be drowned by a much greater elevation on their part It is a want of good breeding, which, it is hoped, every young person whose eye this may meet, will not be guilty of through life. There is great opportunity for many of mature years to profit by it. Singular Fraud. — The following story, M. Bayard says,* was told him by Corn-planter. We have often heard a similar one, and ns often a new origin ; but never before that it originated witli William Penn. However, as our author observes, as we have more respect for truth than great names, we will relate it. Penn proposed to the Indians to sell hin^ as much land as he could encompass with the hide of a bullock. They, supposing he meant only what groi id would he covered by it, when it was spread out, and looking upon what was offered as a goo() price, con- sented to the proposition. Penn, like Didon, cut the skin into a lino of immense length, to the astonishment of the venders, who, in silent indig- nation, religiously observed their contract. The quantity of land encom- passed by the line is, not mentioned ; but, more or less, iho Indians had passed their word, and they scorned to break it, even though they would have been justified by the discovery of the fraud. We do not vouch fbp the truth ot this matter, and indeed we do not believe WiUiam Penn ever practised a trick of the kind. No doubt some person did; and pcrhapn Corn-planter had Iteen told that it was Penn. * Vi^ij^i^c (has PlntMeur des Efats-Unis, ci cct. p». 20C, 207. r BOOK II. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NORTHERN OR NEW ENGLAND INDIANS. .1 M r ; ■, , • , . ►■■■; : .' .;,,- • . V . •m L»' ' ' ■ t-:/' 1 r 4 1^' t ■■ ■M -■X ■ ^ ;_,„£(? -3?^— 4:^v. : '■ -r;-i ~=^^^P' ^g^^^~ ~ . ^- ,- , .. |l= ^^I " Tii good to muae on nationi puied aw*;, Forever ftom tho land we call our own." CHAPTER 1 Jtn occounl of nuh as have been carried away by the early voyagen. — Donacona—y^ona — Taaquantum, or Squanto — Dehamda — Skettivarrou ^ — Asaacumet—Manida — Pechmo—Monopet — Pekenimne — SakawerionF— - Epanow — Matutwet — fVanape — Coneconam. The fint voyagers to a country were anxious to confirm the truth, of their accounts, and therefore took from thair newly-discovered lands whatever seemed best suited to the objects in view. The inhabitants of America carried ofl' by Europeans were not, perhaps, in any instance, taken away merely for this object, but that they migh;, m time, learn from them the value of the country from whence they canie. Besides thaw forcibly carried awny, there were many who went through overpermis- sion, and ignorance liotli of the distance and usage they should meet in a land of strangers ; which was not always as it should have Iteen, aad hence such as were ill used, if they ever returned to Iheir own country, were prepared to be revenged on any strangeni ff'tibe same color, that chanced to come among them. 1 " ^1 DONACONA.— AGONA.— TASQUANTUM. [Book II. There were three natives presented to Henry VII. by Sebastian Cabot, ID 1502, which ho had taiten from New-foundland. What were their names, or what became of them, wo are not informed ; but from the notice of historians, we learn that, when found, " they were clothed with tlie skins of lieasts, and lived on raw flesh ; but aAer two years, [residence in England,] wei-e seen in the king's court clothed like Englishmen, and could not be discerned from Englishmen."* These were the first Indians ever seen in En^land.f They were brought to the English court " in tjUeir country habit," and " spoke a language never heard before out of their own country ."J The French discovered the River St. Lawrence in 1508, and the captain of the ship who made the discoveiy, carried several natives to Paris^ which were the first ever seen in France. What were their names, or even how many they were in number, is not set down in the accounts of this voyage. The name of this captain was Thomas ^uhert.§ John Veraxzini, in the service of France, in 1^4, sailed along the American coast, and landed in several places. At one place, which we judge to be some part of the coast of Connecticut, "20 of his men land- ed, and went about two leagues up into the country. The inhabitants fled before them, but they caught an old woman who had bid herself in the high grass, with a young woman about 18 years of age. The old woman carried a child on her back, and had, besides, two little boys with her. The yoiiug woman, too, carried three children of her own sex. Seeidg tbemseiv^s discovered, they began to shriek, and the old one gave them to understand, by signs, that the men were fled to the woods. They oflere4 her sometning to eat, which she accepted, but the maiden refUaed it. This girl, who was tall and well shaped, they were desirous of takiqg along with them, but as she made a violent outcry, they con- tented themselves with taking a boy away with them."|| The name of New Framce was given to North America in this voyage. In another Torage here, Verazzini was killed and eaten by the Indians. DonaeotM, a chief upon the River St. Croix, was met with, in 1535, by the voyager James Cartier, who was well received and kindly treated by him and his people ; to repay which, Cartier, "partly by stratagem and putly by force," carried him to France, where be soon afler died.lT Not- withstanding, Cartier was in the country five years afler, where he found w^otio, the successor of Donacona, and exchanged presents with him, probably reconciling him by some plausible account ( f the absence of IhnaeotM. Tasmumtum, or TKsmtantum, was one of the five native" carried from the eoutof New England, in 1605, by Capt. George fVai/motUh, who had been MDt out to discover a north-west passage. This Indian was known afterwards to the settlers of Plimouth, by whom he was generally called * Rapin't Hut. England, i. 685. ed. fol. t Hiis is upon the authority of Berkely. Instead of England, however, he snvs £«■ Topt ; bul_, by sayinr the rix, which Columbta had before taken from St. Salvador, Ibeir escape, ne ihows hit superfieial knowledge of those aflairs. Hear HtT' " Eh mdtU de ceta. [that U, afitr Columbus had rtplied to Hie king's Utter abo^ » second voyage,^] il [Columbus] partit pour alter h Barcelone auec sept Indiens, pares fM Ih mdrts tstoient marts en ehemin. B Jit porter aueque luy des perroquels rerds, tt is tmigtl, et d'autres choses dignes d'admiration qui n'aiioietU iamais est4 veufs en St- MfM " Hist, des Indes Occident, i. 102. Ed. 16G0, 3 tomes, 4to. See also Harris, vSfagf, ii. 16. ed. 1764, S v. fol. ; Robertson, Amtrica, i. 94. ed. 1T78, 4lo. I Krkely's NomI Hist. Brit. 368. ed. 1756, M. and Harris, Vovagts, ii. 191. i Fonler, 433. |II)id.434,438. 1 1bid. 440— 44S. CHAP. I.] TASQUANTUM. 'Sguonto or *Sqttarduvi, by ahbreviation. The names of the other four were MattiJa, Skettwarrota, Dehamda* and ^taeumd. Sir FeriHnando Gorges snys, fVaynumik, "■ falling short of his course, [in seviung the N. W. (Nissoge,] happened into a river on the coast of America, culhid Pemmaquid, from whence he brought five of the natives." "And it so pleased otir great Gi lived many years in England, went a soldier to the wan of Boheuiia."§ Whether he ever returned, we are not told. From this island thev proceeded to Capawick, since called Capnge, [Martha's Vine- yard.] riere " they tooke Coneconam and Epenoto," and " so, with fiue Saliiages, they returned for Englan:' ." Epenoto, or, as some wrote, Epanow, seems to have been much such a character as Pechmo — artful, cunning, bold and daring. Sir Ferdinando Gorges is evidently erroneous in part of his statement about this native, in as far as it relates to his having been brought away by Hunt. For Harloto'a voyage was in 1611. and Eparwto was sent over to Cape Co ,1-tvventy of those poor salvages aboard his ship, and most dishoiiestly and inhumanly, for their kind usage of me and all onr men, carried them with him to Malaga ; and there, for a little private gain, sold these silly salvages for rials of eight ; but this vile act kept him over after fi-om any more employment to those parts." F. Gorffts the younger is rather co.ifused 'v\ his account of Hwnfs voyage, as well as the elder. But the former intimates that it was on account of Hunt's selling the Indip.ns he took as slaves, the news of which having got into England before Epanoto was sent out, cauf;ed this Indian to make his esr^ipe, and consequently the overthrow of the voy-. age; whereas the latter. Sir Ferdina:,'h, does not attribute it to that.. We will now bear him again upon this interesting subject : — * If in this ho rerera to those taken by Hunt, as I suppose, he sets lite number higher than others. His grnndsoD, F. Oorgtt, in America Pamltd, 6u., my» X4 was the nnm- ber seized hy llimt. i Smith had on luilian mmed TVmtom with him in this voyage, whom hi set on skon •t Cape Cod. 1 Cbat. 1.1 EPANOW, « 77i« nasotui of my underlaking tha employment for the island qf Capawiek. " At the time tiiis new Hnvagc [Epanoie] ranie unto me, I had rcrovered Asacumel, one of tho nutivea 1 sent witli Capt. Chaloumes in hio unhappy employment, with wliotn 1 lodged Epcnatr, who at the first hardier under- stood one the other's 8|)ccch, till aAcr a while ; I perceived the diflTircnce was no more than that as ours is between ttie norlheni and soutliem people, so t!.at I was a little eased in the use I made of my old servant, whom I engaged to give account of what he learned by conferebce between themselves, and he as faithfully performed it." There seems but little doubt that Evanow and Jlasacvrntt had con- trived a plan of escape Ix^fore they left Ln^land, anti also, by finding out what the English most valued, and avsiirmg them that it was in abun- dance to be liad at a certain place in their own country, prevailed upon them, or by this pretended discovery were the meant) of the voyage being undertaken, of which we are now to spt^ak. Still, as will be seen, Sir FerJinando does not speak as though he had been quite so liand- Bomely duped by his cunning man of the woods. Gold, it has been said, was the valuable conunodity to which Eparuno was to pilot the Euglisb. Gorges proceeds: — "They [Capt. Hobaon and those who accompanied him] set sail in June, in Anno 1614, being fully instructed how to demean themselves in every kind, carrying with them Epenow, ^ssacomet and fTanape,* another native of those parts sent me out of the Isle of Wighr,f for my better 'information in the parts of the country of his knowledge : when ns it pleased God that they were arrived upon the coast, they were piloted from pla e to place, by the natives themselves, as well as their hearts could desire. And coming to the harbor where Epenow was to make good his undertaking, [to point out the gold mine, no doubt,] the princi- pal inhabitants of the place came aboard ; some of theui being his bro- thers, others his near cousins, [or relatives,! who, after ^thcy had com- muned together, and were kindly entertained hy the captain, departed in their canoes, promising the next morning to come aboard again, and bring some trade with them. But Epenow privately (as it appeared) had contracted with his friends, how he might * make his esrape without peiforming what he had undertaken, being in truth no more than he had told me he was to do though with loss of his life. For otherwise, if it were found that he hud discovered the secrets of his conntry,J he was sure to have his brains knockt out as soon ns ho came ashore ;§ for that cause I gave the captain strict charge to endeavor by all means to pre- vent his escaping from them. And for the more surety, I gave order to have three gentlemen of my own kindred to be ever ut hand with hitn ; clothing him with long garments, fitly to be laid hold on, if occasion should require. Notwithstanding nil this, his friends being all come at the time appointed with 20 canoes, and lying at a certain diat...ice with their bows ready, the captain calls to tl.cm to come aboard ; but they not * Doubtless the same i jieil by others Afanawct, who, it would seem from Mr. Hubbard, {Hist. N. Eng. 39.) died before Epanow cscafied, "soon allcr the ship's arriviil." f How he came there, we are hi a loss lo determine, unless natives wore carried ofT, ot'whom no mention is made. This was unquestionably the c'a«e, for whon it came to be a common thine[ for vessels to bring home Indians, no mention, of coriii^ shores of Cape Co<), whatever they are now, existed only in faith of sach sanguine minds m Sir Feidinando and his adherents. ^ We need no belter diaplay of tlie craft of Epanow, or proof of his cunning in derp pk>u. EPAMOW. (Book V. Cui oaoyiiig, ho speakn to Epenow to como unto him, where he was in the forecastle of the ship, ho being then in the waste o( the sliip, between the two gentlemen that hod him in gnard ; starts suddenly from them, and coming to the captain, calls to his friends in English to come alioard, in the interim slips himself orerboard : And although he were taken hold of b}' one of the company, yet, being a strong and heavy man, could not be stayed, and was no sooner in the water, but the natives, [his friends in the boats,] sent such a shower of arrows, and came withal desperiitely so near the snip, that they carried him away in despight of all the nmsquet- teers aboard, who were, for the number, as good as our nation did afford. And thus were my hopes of that particumr [voyage] made void, and frustrate." From the whole of this narration it is evident that Epatiow was forci- bly retained, if not f(-rcihly carried off, b}^ the English. And some relate* that lie attacked Capt. Dermer and his men, supposing they had come to seize and carry Iiim b:ick to England. It is more probable, we think, that he meant to be revenged for his late captivity, and, according to real Indian custom, resolved that the first whites .should atone for it, either with their life or liberty. Gorges does not tell us what bis brave "musquetteers" did when Epanmo escaped, but from other sources we iearn that they fired upon his libL>rators, killing and wounding some, but how many, they could only conjecture. But there is no room for con- jecture about the damage sustained on the part of the ship's crew, for it 18 distinctly stated that when they received the " shower of aiTows," Capt Hobaon and many of his men were wounded.f And Smithl siiys, " So well he had contrived liis bu8ine88e,a8 many reported he intended to have surprised the ship ; but seeing it could not be effected to his liking, before them all he leaped ouer boord." We next meet with Epanow in 1619. Capt. Thomas Dormer, or Der- mer, in the employ of Sir F. Gorges, met with him at Capoge, the place where, five years before, he made his escape from Capt. Hobson. Gorges writes, "This savage, speaking some English, laughed at his owne escape, and reported the story of it. Mr. Dormer told him he came from me, and was one of my servants, and that I was much grieved he had been so ill used as to be forced to Pteal away. This savage was so cunning, that, after he had questioned him about me, and all he knew belonged unto me, conceived he was come on purpose to betray him ; and [so] conspired with some of his fellows to take the captain ; thereupon they laid hands upon him. But he being a brave, stout gentleman, drew his sword anted Mourt'a Relation. It was, no doubt, written by several of the company, or the writer was assisted by several. Mourt seents to have been the publisher. I have no scruple but that the suggestion of Judge Daris is correct, viz. that Ricliard Gardner was tlw principal author. About tlie early settlement of any country, there never was a more important document. It was printed in 1622, and is now re|prinli)d in the Mdu. IE$L , 10 THE PLAGUE^WEW WTERVIEW.-CAPT. HUNT. IBaoK n lying hrticc [to Uik eastward] a day'H 'uil with a frrcut wind, and 5 dayi by liiml. 111! diHcout-Hcd of tlio wliolc i;ouiitn, imd of every pruvince, uii.l ot'lli'ir Nu^iiiiorcH, uikI tiifir iiiiihImt ut int ii, iiiid Htrciigth." "He iiad liow aiiil two urrovvH, tliu uiit; licmlcil, uiid tho otlicr iinlioadnd. He wan u tall, atriut inaii ; liie hair of Itis head black, long behind, only short befuM ; none on hiit fure at ail. Hu ankcd some beer, but we gave hihi Htrong water and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and ixidding, and a piece of a mallard ; all which he liked well." " He told us the pUice where we now live is called Patuxet, and that about 4 years ago all the inhabitants died of an extraordinary pluvue, and there is neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we nave found none : so as there is none to hinder our imssession, or lay claim unto it. All the aAernoon we spent in communication with him. We would gladly been rid of him at night, but he was not willing to go this night. Then we thought to carry him on ship-lioard, wherewith he was well content, and went into the Hhullup ; but the wind was high and water scant, that it could not return back. We lodged [witli him] that night at Stephtn Hopkins' house, and watched him.'^ Thus, through the means of this innocent Indian, was a correspondence happily begun. He left Plimouth the next morning, to return to Masaa- «oU, who, he said, was a sachem having under him (iO men. The Eng- lish having left some tools exposed in the wootis, on finding that they were missmg, rightly judged tho Indians had taken them. They com- !>lained of this to Samosel in rather n threatening uir. " We willed him say they) that they should be brought again, otherwise wo would right ourselves." When he left them " he promised within a night or two to come again," and bring some of MaasaaoU^a men to trade with them in beaver skins. As good as his word, Samoaet came the next Sunday, " and brought with him 5 other tall, proper men. They had every man a deer's skin on him ; and the principal of them had a wild cat's Hkin, or such like, on one arm. They had most of them long hosen up to their groins, close made ; and aboue their groins, to their waist, another leather: they were altogether like the Irish trousers. They are of complexion like our Englisn gipsies; no hair, or very little on their faces; on their beads longnair to tlieir shoulders, only cut before; some trussed up before with a feather, broadwise like a &a ; another a fox tail hanging out" The EIngiish had charged Samoaet not to let any who came with him bring their arms ; these, therefore, left *' their bows and aiTows a Juarter of a mile from our town. We gave them entertainment as we lought was fitting them. They did eat liberally of our English victuals;" and appeared very friendly; "sang and danced after their noanner, like anticks." " Some of them had their faces painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four or five fingers broad: others after •ther fashions, as they liked. "They brougKc three or four skins, but we would not truck with them all that day, but wished them to bring more, and we would truck for all ; which they promised within a night or two, and would leave these behind them, though wu were not willing they should ; and they brought all our tools again, which wen; taken in tho woods, in our absence. So, because of the day, [Sunday,] we dismissed them f^} soon as we could. But Satnoset, our first acquaintance, either was sick, or feigned himself so, and would not go with them, and stayed with us till Wednesday morning. Then we sent him to them, to know tbe reason they came not according to their words ; and we gave him a hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and a piece of cloth to tie about his waist." Samoaet returned again, the next day, bringing with him Sqttanto, men- tioned in the last chapter. He was " the only native (says Mourt's Rm Cbap. 11] THK LOST DOY.— lYANOUGII OF CUMMAQUID. II lUTioN) ofPatuxnt, where we now inhabit, who waa one of the 90 [m 34] caittivefl, tliut by Hwit were carriitl away, and had been in KngiawL •nd dwelt ill Coriihill witli inaater John iSauu, a merchant, and could §amk A liille Eugiiah, with three others. " They brought a Tew articlM wr trutk, but the inoro iin|)onant news " that their great aagamore, Ma»- SASovT, woa hard Ity," wiiosu introduction tu them accordingly ibUowod. In Jiini', W2\, a Iniy, John Billinglon, having been lost in the wooda, Mvenil KiigiiHli, with Squanto and Tokamahamon, undertook a voyage to NouHtt in aearch for hitn. Sauaiito v/tm their inteqireter; "the other, Tokamahamon, u sjK'ciul liriend." Tlie weather was fair when they set out, " but vre tliey had benn long at st-a, there arose a storm of wind and nin, with much lightning uiid thunder, insomuch that a [water] spout •rose not fur iruin tlii-in." However, they escaped danger, and arrived at night at Cumniaqiiid. Here they met with suine Indians, who informed them that th*: l)oy woii at Nuuset. Tiieso Indians treated them with great kiodn(;s8, inviting tlicm on HJioro to cat wilh them. Ij/anough was Huciieui of tiiia place, and tlicse were his men. '*TImv brought us to their sochim, ^says Mourt,) or governor, whom they call aanovgh" who then ap[)eoreu about 3(1 years of age, " but very person- ile, gentle, courteous, and fair conditioned, indeed, not like a savage, save fur his attire. His entertainment was answerable to his parts, and his cho(ir plentiful and various." Thus is portraved the amiable character, lyanough, by those who knew him. We can add but little of him exc«iit bis wretched fiite. The severity executed upon WUtuwoanei and Ptknutt caused such consternaiion and dread of the English among many, that tliey forsook their wonted habitations, fled into swamps, iind lived in unheahhy places, in a state of starvation, until many died with diseases which tiiey had thus contracted. Among such victims were lyanoughf Aipinet, Coruconam, and many more. Hence the English supnosed tiiey were in Pekauot^s conspiracy, as will be more particularly related here- after. While the English were with fytnovgh at Cummaauid, they relate that th'?re was an old woman, whom they judged to be no less than 100 yeiuB old, who came to see them, because she had never seen English, "yet (say they) [she] could not behold us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping and crying excessively." They inquiroo the reason of it, and were told that she had thnse sons, "who, wfaeD mato.<^r Hunt waa in these parts, went aboard his ship to trade with him, and he carried them captives into Spain." Sqtianto being present, who was carried away at the same time, was acquainted with the circum- stances, and thus the English became knowing to her distress, and told her they were sorry, that Hunt was a bad man^ but that aH the other English were well disposed, and would never injure her. They then gave her a few trinkets, which considerably appeased her. Our voyagers now proceed to Nanset, accompanied by luanoturh and two of his men. ^spinet was the sachem of this place, to whom Squanto was sent, Iwmough and his men having gone before.* Squanto haviiig informed Aspinet that his English frieris had come for tlie boy. he "came (they relate^ with a great train, a; d brought the boy with bimt" one carrying him tnrough the water. At this time, Aapinet had in his company "not less thon an hundred]" half of whom attended the boy to the boat, and the rest " stood alooC" with their bows and arrows, looking on. .^spinet delivered up the boy m a formal manner, " behung with beads, and made peace witli us ; we .. * Thit wa$ the place where an aUa/ck waa inatlc (,.i the Eogllch jn their fint^aniyal, which cauMd them to be much on Uicir guant Hi this time. j lYANOJtfill— AS.';\;,T.-l)i:ATn of RQUANTO. fB«0K I!. bellowing a knifi! on Iiini, itiul liN'wiw; hii Another, timt first entertainsd Ibe boy, and Itroiiglit hiiti tliitlKtr." fymough liid not accoiii|«iiy tli« expedition in their return fVcin N«uwt, but wont home hy luiid, and was ready to entertain the company on their return. From eontmry winds anrl a want of fresh water, tho ▼oyagers were obliged to touch again at Cuinmaquid. "There (say they) W0 met again with lijanough, and the most of his town." " He, being ■till willing to gratify us, took ■ rundlet, and led our men in tho dark • grtMt way for water, but could find none good, yet brought such as than was on his neck with them. In the meantime the women joined hand in band, singing and dancing before the shnllop ;* the men also showing all the kinnncsB they could, luanough hiiiiHelf taking a bracelet flrom about his neck, and hanging it about one of us." They were not able to get out of tho harbor of Cummaquid firom baffling winds and tides, which h/anough seeing, the next morning he ran along the shore after them, and they took him into their shallop and retunied with liim to his town, where he entertained them in a manner not inferior to what he had done liefore. They now succeeded in getting water, and shortly after returned home in safety. While at Naiiset, the English heard that Maaatuoit had been attacked and carried off by the Narmgansets, which led to the expedition of Slandiah ^nd JUkrton against CaunbUant, as will be found related in hit life. About this tirpe, six sachems of the neighboring country had their fidelity tested, by being called upon to sign a treaty subjecting thcmselvea to King JamM, as will be foui d, also, in that life. But to return again to Amnd, and other sachems of Cape Cod. By the improvidence of a company settled at Wessogusciis, under the direction of Mr. Thomas Weaton, in 1G22, they had Iteen brought to the ▼ery brink of starvation in the winter of that year. In fact, the Plimouth people were but very little better off; and but for the kindness of the Indians, the worst of con8e<]uenceB might have ensued to both these infant colonies. As the winter progressed, the two colonies entered into articles of agreement to go on a trading voyage among the Indians of Cape Cod to buy com, and whatever else might conduce to their livelihood. Squanto waa pilot in this expedition, but he died before it was accomplished, and the record of his death stands thus in Winslow's Relation : — ''But here, [at Manamoyk, since Chathnin,] though they had deter- mined to m«die a second essay, [to pnss witliiii tlin slioals oi' Cnpc* Coil,] yet God had otherwise disposed, who atrnck Tiaqnnntum with sickness,! insomuch as he there died ; which crossed thoir southward trading, and the more, because tho master's sufficiency was much doubted, and the •eaaon very tempestuous, and not fit to go upon discover}', having no guide to direct them." Thus died the famous Squanto, or rasquantum, in December, 1633. To him the pilgrims were greatly indebted, although he often, through extreme folly and shortsightedness, gave them, as well as himself and others, a great deal of trouble, as in the life of Maaaaaoit and Hobomok will appear. * It was a custom with mo«t Indian nations to danre when slransers came among tbam. Baron Lahontan says it was the manner of the Iroquois to dance " lorsque let Grangers passcnt dans leur paTS, ou que Icurs ennemis envoicnt de& ambassadeurs poor Aire aet propositions de paix.*' Mtmoirts de L'Ameriqtte, ii. 110. t His disorder was a fever, " bleeding mucli at thn nose, which the Indians reckon a fatal svmptom." He desired the covernur would pray for him, that he might go to llM Eaglinimen's Qod, " bequeathing nis things to sundry' of his English friends, as i brwees of bii love } of whom we have a great loss." Prince out of Brad/Ml. Cbap. Ill 8QUANTO 13 ThuB, at the commencenMsnt of th« voys^e, tlio pilot wm taken away by (ieuth, and the ux|>«dilion ciuiio near Imng al>an«ion«)(i. lluwovur, before S<]uanto tli«>(l, he HUfcctidt-d in inirodurinK hia friends to the ■achein of Manainoirk and hia iiouple, where they wera received and entertained in u manner (hat wuuld do honor to any people in any age. It ia the morn worthy of nminrk, an none of the Kngliah hail ever been there liefore, and were utter HtranKt^m to them. AArr they had refreahed them "with store of veniwiu uiid otlutr vietualH, which thev brought them in great abundance," they sold them " 8 hogiheaclt qf com tmd btaru, ihimgh the people were but ftwP From Mana'uoicK they proceeded to MHaaachuBCtta, but could do nothing there, as Mr. fVetlorCt men had ruined the market by giving "aK much tor a quart of (:orn, as we used to do for a beaver's skin.'"* There- fore they returned again to Cape Cod, to Nauael, " where the sachem Asfinei used the governor very kindly, and where they bought 8 or 10 hogsheads of corn an(! lieans : also at a place called Mattachiett, where they had like kind entertainment and corn also." While here, a violent storm drove on shore, and so damuged their pinnace, that they could not get their corn on liourd the ship ; so they made a stack of it, and secured It from the weather, by covering it with mats and sedge. Aspinet v/tm desired to watch and keep wild animals from destroymg it, until they could send for it. Also, not to suffer their boat to lie concerned with ; all this he faithfully did, and the governor returned home by land, " re- ceiving great kindness from the Indians by the way." Some time after, Standish vvont to bring the com left at Nauset, and, as usual, gets himself into mlKculty with the Indians. One of AtpituPt men happening to come to one of StandiaK's boats, which being left entirely without guard, he took out a few trinkets, such as " beads, scis- sors, and other trifles," which when the English captain founu ou^ " he took certain of his cotnpany with him, and went to the sachem, telling him what had happened, and requiring the same again, or the ptuty that stole them," " or else he toould revenge it on them before hia dtjmrture^ and so departed for the night, "rtfunng whatsoever kindneaa they offend^ However, the next morning, Aapintt, attended by many of his men, went to the English, " in a stately manner," and restored all the " trifles ;" for the exposing of which the English deserved ten times as much reprehen- sion as the man for taking them. Squmdo being the only person that escaped the great sickness at Pa- tuxet, inquirers for an account of that calamity will very reasonably expect to find it in a history of his life. We therefore will relate all that is known of it, not elsewhere to be noticed in our progress. The extent of its ravages, as near as we can judge, was from Narraganset Bay, to Kennebeck, or perhaps Penobscot, and was supposed to have commenced about 1617, and the length of its duration seems to have been between two and three years, as it was nearly abated in 1619. The Indians gave a frightful account of it ; saying that they died so fast "■ that the living were not able to bury the dead." When the English arrived in the country, their bones were thick upon the ground in many places. Tliis they looked upon as a great providence, inasmuch as it had destroyed " multitudes of the barbarous heathen to make way for the chosen people ofGod." " Some had expired in fight,— the brand* Still rusted in their bony hands,— Id plague and famine- some!" Campbkll * At this lime, there was a great sickness amonr the Massaehusett Indians, " not unlike the plague, if not the same." No particulars of it are racordod. 14 8QUANTO. [Book U. All wars and disasters in those days were thought to be preceded by some strange natural appearance ; or, as appeared to them, unnatural appearance or phenomenon ; hence the appearance of a comet, In 1618, was considered by some the precursor of this pestilence.* We will give here, from a curious work,t in the language of the authoi. in interesting passage, relating to this melancholy period, of the history of the people of Mcuaasoit ; in which he refers to Squanto. After relating the fate of a F'ench ship's crew among the Wampanoags, as extracted in the life of MMttumt, in continuation of the account, he proceeds thus: "But contrary wise, [the Indians having said " they were so many that God could not kill them," when one of the Frenchmen re- buked them for their "wickedness," telling them God would destrov them,] in short time afler, the hand of Crod fell heavily upon them, witn such a mortall stroake, that they died on heaps, as they lay in their houses, and the living that were able to shift for themselves, would runne away and let them dy, and let their carkases ly above the ground without buri^;*'- For in a place, where many inhabited, there hath been but one left ti've, to tell what became of the rest ; the living being (as it seems) not able to bury the dead. They were left fpr crowes, kites, and vermine to prav upon. And the bones and skulls upon the severall places of sheir habitations, made such a spectacle after my comining into those parts,! that as I travailed in that forrest nere the Massachussets, it seemed to me a new*found Golgotha." Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as we have seen, was well acquainted with the coast of New England. After his design failed at Sa^dahock, he tells us that he sent over a ship upon his own account, which was to leave a «;ompany under one Vmea,\ to remain and trade in the country. These were his ovirn servants, and he ordered " them to leave the ship and ship's compauy, f- to follow their business in the usual place, (for I knew they WO", id not be drawn to seek by any means,) by these, and the help of thoe.. ti.:tivee forr-erly sent over, I come to be truly informed of so much ■s gave 'ne assu Mce that in time I should want no undertnkei's, though as yet I ^•vs forced to hire men to stay there the winter quarter at ex- treme rate.), and not without danger, for that the war|| had consumed the Basbaba, aud the most ;>f the great sagamores, with such men of action as fbllowed them, and those that remained were sore afflicted with 'the plague ; for that the country was in a manner left void of inhabitants. Notwithstanduig, Vines, and the rest with him that la^ in the cabins with those people that died, some more, some less, mightily, (blessed be God fbr it) not one of them ever felt their heads to ache while they stayed there." Here, although we are put in possession of several of the most important fhcts, yet our venerable author is deficient in one of the main particulars — I mean that of dates. Therefore we gain no flirther data * The year I61R seems to have been very fruitful in comets, '' as therein no less than four were observed." /. Matlier't Diicourte toneeminr Comett, 108. Boston, ISmo. 1683. There may be- seen a curious passage concerning the comot of 1618 in Ruth»orih!* Kit, Col. of tha't year. t New English Canaan, 23, by Thomat Morton, 4to. Amsterdam, 1637. X Mr. Morton first came over in 16S2. He settled near Weymouth. After great trouble and losses from those of a different religion, he was banismd out of the country, and had his property sequestered, but soon aAer returned. Ho died in York, Me., 1646. If it be pretended that Morton f'od no religion, we say, "Judge not." He professed to Iwve. &Mr. Richard Vinet. Amtriw painttd to the Life, by Ftrd. Gorget, Esq. 4to. Load. ) A great war among the Indians at this time is mentioned by mcst of die first writen, bat the particulars of it cannot be known. It teoms to have been between the Tarralines and tribes to the west of Paseataqua. cbap. n.] MASSASOIT. 15 tt, Esq. 4(0. Lond. as to the time or continuance of this plague araons the Indians ; for Sir J^Vrduunwb adds to the above, "and this course I held some years to> gether, but nothing to my private profit," &c. In Capt SnuiK$ account of New England, published in 1631, he has a passage about the plague, which is much like that we have given above from Morton. The ship cast away, he says, was a fishing vessel, and the man that they kept a i^risoner, on telling them he feared his God would destroy them, ineir king made him suind on the top of a hill, and collected his people about it that the man might see how numerous they were. When he bad done this, he demanded of the Frenchman whether his God, that he told so much about, had so many men, and whether they could kill all those. On his assuring the kine that he could, they derided him as before. Soon aAer, the plague carried off all of the Massachusetts, 5 or 600, leaving only 30, of whom 28 were killed bv their neighlM)r8, the otlier two escaping until tlie Dngiish came, to whom they gave their country. The English told the Indians that the disease was (he plague. Cant Smith says this account is second bund to him, and therefore liegs to be excused if it be not true in all its particulars. We have now come to one of the most interesting characters in In- dian history. Massasoit, chief of the Wampanoags, resided at a place called Poka- uoket or Pawkunnawkut, by the Indians, which is now included in the town of Bristol, Rhode Island. He was a chief renwned more in peace than war, and was, as lung as ho lived, a friend to the English, notwith- standing they committed repeated usurpations upon his lauds and liberties. This chiePs name has been written witli great \'ariation, as Woosamt- out'n, Aauhmtquin, Oosamequen, Oaamekin, Owaamequitif Ousamequinef Utsameqiien, ff^aaamegin, &c. ; but the name by which he is generally known in history, is that with which we commence his life.* Mr. Prince. in his Annals, says of that name, " the printed accounts generally spell him Maataaoii ; Gov. Bradford writes him Maxaaaout, and Maaaaaoytt ; but I find the ancient people, from their fathers in Plimouth colony, pro- nounced his name Ma-aaa-$o-it.^ Still we find no inclination to change a letter in the name of an old friend, which has been so long established ; for if a writer suffer the spirit of innovation in himself, he knows not where to stop, and we pronounce him no antimutry. It has often been thought strange, that so mild a sachem as Maaaaaoit should have possessed so great a country, and our wonder has been in- creased when we consider, that Indian possessions are generally obtained by prowess and great personal courage. We know of none ho could boast of such extensive dominions, where all were contented to consider themselves his friends and children. Poniiac, LUUe-turtle, Tecumaeh, and many more that we could name, have swayed many tribes, but theirs was " temporary union, in an emergency of war. That Maaaaaoit should be able to nold so many tribes together, without constant war, required qualities belonging only to few. That he was not a warrior no one will allow, when the testimony of .Snnawon is so distinct. For that great chief gave Capt. Church "an account of what mighty success he had had formerly, in the wars against many nations of Indians, when he served Jlauhmequin^ Philip^a father." The limits of his couiitry towards the Nipmuks, or inlond Indians, are • Some have derived the name of Massachusetts from this chief, but that roqjertnm is not to bo heeded. If any man knew, we may be allowed to suppose iliui Ro;rei' Willinms did. He lenrncd from the Indians themselves, "that the jVassachiixetlt weit railed so from the Itlur Hilts." In the vocabulary of Indian words, bv Rev. John Cot- ton, the definitiou of Massachusett is, " an hUl in the form of an arrow * head." 16 MA3SAS0IT. [Book fl rather uncertuiti, but upon the cast and west wc are sure. It is evident, however, from the following cxtra(% thnt, in 1647, the Nipmuks were rather uncoruiiii about thoir sachem, and probably belonged at one lime to Maasaaoit imd at another to the Narrai^ansnts, &c., as circumstances favored. " The Nonnat [Nipnet, or Nipmuk] Indians having noe sachem of their own are at liberty ; part of them, l)y their own choice, doe apper- taine to the Narragauset sucliem, and parte to tlie Mohegens."* And ^ certainly, in 1660,tho!^e of Quabao;^ beloiige'd to Massasnitf or fVasaamtgm, as he was then called, as will be evident from facts, to be found in the life of Uncos. He owned Cape Cod, and all that part of Massachusetts and Rhode Island between Nairaganset and Massachusetts bays; extend- ing inland between Puwtucket and Charles rivei-s, a distance not satis- factorily ascertained, as was said before, together with all the contiguous . islands. It was filled with many tribes or nations, and all lookinr up to.V him, to sanction all tlieir expeditions, and settle all their' dimcMltieB*^ And we may remark, further, with rej^rd to the Nipmuks, that at ooe time they were his tributaries. And this seems the more probable, fof^ PkUip^a war there was a constant intercourse between them, and when any of his men made an escape, their course was directly into the country of the Nipmuks, No such intercourse subsisted between the Narragansets and either of these. But, on the contrary, when a messenger from the Narragansets arrived in the country of the Nipmuks, with me heads of some of the English, to show that they had joined in the war, he wab at first fired upon, though afterwards, when two additional heads were brought, they were received. * MoBsasoit had several places of residence, hut the principal was Mount Mop?, or Pokanoket. The English early gave it the name of Mount Hope, but from what circumstance we have not learned. Some suppose the words Mount Hope corrupted from the Indian words Mon-top,^ but will) what reason we are not informed. Since we have thus early noticed the seat of the ancient chiefs, b-fore proceeding with the life of the first of the Wampanoags, we will give a description of it. It a|)peai's to the best advantage from the village of Fall River, in the town of Troy, Massachusetts, from which it is distant about four miles. From this place, its top very much resembles the dome of the state-house in Boston, as seen from many places in the vicinity, at four or five miles' distance. Its height b^ admeasurement is said to be about 200 feet.^ It is very steep on the side towards Pocasset, and its appearance is very regular. To its natural appearance a gendeman of Bristol has contributed to add materi- ally, by placing upon its summit a circular summer-house, and this is a* pnncipai reason why it so much resembles the Massachusetts state-houser ' Tills mount, therefore, since some time previous to 1824, does not appear as in the days of McusasoU, and as it did to his early friends and visitors, ffirulow and Hamden. It was sufficiently picturesque without such ad- dition, as an immense stone§ originally for ned its summit, and completed its domelike appearance. The octagonal summer-house being placed • upon this, completes the cupola or turret. From this the view of Provi- ' * Records of the U. Col. in Hazard, ii. 92. t Alden'a Collection of Epitaphs, iv. 685. President Stiles, in his notes to tho second edition of Church's Hist. Philip's War, p. 7, spells it Mont-haup, but it is not so in the text of either edition. Moreover, we have not been able to discover that Mon-tap is derived from Indian words, and do not hesitate to pronounce it a corruption of The noble and generous nnnded Smith, unlike Jimericus, would not permit or suflfer his respected friend and cotemporary to be deprived of any honor duo to him in his day ; and to which we may attribute the revival of the name New England in 1614. It was upon some part of Cape Cod that the great circumnavigator Iand( ' He was visited by the " king of the country," who submitted his territd les to him, ns Hioh had done on the westeni coast. After several days of mutual imdo, and exchange of kindnesses, during which time the natives became greatly attached to Sir Francis, ho departed for England. Whether the " king of the comitry" here mentionrd were Massasoit, we have not the means of knowing, as our accoimis do not give any name ; but it was upon his dominions that this first landing was made, and we have therefore thought it proper to be thus particular, and which, we venture to predict, will not be imacceptable to our readers. Smith landtHi in many places n|>oii the shores of Massasoit, one of which places he named Plimouth, which happened to be the suiiie which now bears that name. Our accotmts miikc Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold the next visitor to thti shores of Massasoit, after Sir Francis Drake. His voyage was in 1602, aivd he was the first who came in a direct course from Old to New Eng- i&nd.f He landed in the same place where Sir Francis did 16 years btifore. * * Seo Ills " Description of N. England," and the error may hcncofbrlh be dispensed • with. f Thp roulo ho'! h'lherto l)ccn by the Canariefi nnd Wrst India Iilandii, and a voyage to and from Nnw England took up nearly a year's time. it *■ is MASSASOIT. [Book 1L ^ Wo can know noUiin^' of the onrly times of Massaaoit. Our next visitor to iiia couiitry, thut w«j «hnll here notice, was dipt. Thomas Der' mer. This was in Mny, 1G19. He sailud for Monliigon ; thence, in that month, for Virginia, in an open pinnace ; consequently was obliged to keep close in sliorc. He found places wiii(h hud been iidiabitey savage and I discoursed unto them, (being de- sirous of novelty,) gave me content in whatsoever I demanded ; where I found that former relations were true. Here I redeemed a Frenchman, end ai^crwardu another at Masstacbusit, who three yeara since escaped shipwreck at the north-east of Capo Cod."* We have mentioned his interview with Maaaaaoit, which we supposed was one of the kings mentioned in the letter. ^uaJdequina was no doubt the other. In another letter, Mr. Dermer says the Indians would have killed him at Namasket, had not Squanlo entreated hard for him. " Their desire of revenge (he adds) was occasioned by an Englishman, who, having many of them on board, made great slaughter of them with their murderers and small shot, when (as they say) they offered no injury on their parts," Mr. Thomaa Morton,^ the author who made himself so merry at the expense of the pilgrims of Plimoinh, has the following i)assage concern- ing these Frenchmen : — "It fortuned some few veares before the English came to inhabit at new Plimmouth in New ll^ngland, that, upon some distast given in the Massachussets Buy, by Frenchmen, then trtiding there with the natives for beaver, they set upon the men, at such advantage, that the^ killed manie of them, burned their shipp, then riding at anchor bv an island there, now called PeddocKa laland, in memory of Leonard Pea- dock that landed there, (where manv wilde anckies| haunted that time, which hee thought had Isin tame,) distributing them unto five sachems which were lords of the severall territories adjoyning, they did keep them so long as they lived, only to sport themselves nt tliem, and made these five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, which is the gencrall worke they require of a servant. One of these five men outliving the rest, had learned so much of their language, as to rebuke them for their bloiidy deede : saying that God would be angry with them for it ; and that he would in his displeasure destroy them ; but the salvages (it seems, boast- ing of their strength) teplyed, and said, that they were so many that God could not kill them." This seems to be the same story, only differently told from that related above from Smith. * This cxtraot is in Dai-ia's notes to Morton. t In his " NetB Canaan," 22, 23. i Modern naturalists do not se«m to have been acquainted with this animal ! »WTw«>V [Book IL aur.U.) MABSABOtT. 19 Dec. 11, O. S. 1620. The pilgrims arrived at Plimouth, and pooessed themselves of a portion of Massaaoifa country. With the nature of their proceedings, he was at first unacquainted, and sent ociasionaliy t >me of his men to observe their stranee motiono. Very few of these, however, were seen hy the pilgrims. At length he sent one of his men, who bad been some time with the English fishing vessels about the country of the Kennebeck, and had learned a little of their language, to observe more strictly what was progressijig among the intruder^ at his place of Patuxet, which was now called Plimouth. This was in March, 1621, as before related. We have, in speaking of Samoset and Sqiianio, obt'erved that it was through the agency of the former that a knowledge was ghiined o{ Mauaaoit. It was upon vl March, 1621, that they brought the welcome news to Pli- mouth, that their chief was near at hand f "and they brought with them (say the pilgrims) some few skins to truck, and some red herrings, newly taken and dried, out not salted ; and signified unto us, that thcirgreat saga- more, Maaaaaoii, was hard by, with Qiuu/egutna, his brother. They could not well express in English what they would ; but after an hour the king came to the top of an hill [supposed to be that now called fVataon^a, on the south side of Town-brook] over against us, and had'in his train 60 men, that we could well behold them, and they us. We were not will- ing to send our governor to them, and they unwilling to come to us: so Squanto went a^in unto him, who brought word that we should send one to parley with him, which we did, which was Edward fVinalmo, to know his mind, and to signify the mind and will of our governor, which was to have trading and peace with him. Wo sent to the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain, with a jewel in it. To Quadequina we sent likewise a knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear, and witliul a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter, which were all willingly accepted." The Englishman then made a speech to him, about his kind's Icve and goodness to him and his people, and that he occe^ted of him as his friend and ally. "He liked well of the speech, (say the Engiit'li,') and heard it attentively, though the interpreters did not well express it. Aftur he had eaten and drunk himself and given the rest to his conipnny, he looked * Monti's narrative is here coiitiimed from the last extrnct in p. 10, without any omitsion. mmtmiiT. (RookU. upon our QieSSeogRr's Bwoni and armor which ho had on, with intimation of his df abw M biiy it ; but, on the other aide, our meuuiifer ithnwcd his unwiliinj^rneag to port with it. In tiie end he left him in the cuMmly of Quadeqi^mn, bu* brother, niid cume over the brook, and soiiiu 20 tnen followii.f li^ We kept six or seven as liostages for oor wmmint^'r" As Maatgmii proceeded t» lueet the English, they met b«n with six soldiers, who wnlted each other. Several ot' liis nieu wew ^ith him, but all left tb*ir bi»ws and arrows behind. They were a(Miidi|ct<-d to a now housa wbifdi we* jwrtiy fiui«hed,and a green nig wiMa^fe««l upon the floor, and wvenl ciwhtoBH tor Mu$atoit and his chiefs to ai| down upon. Then came the English goveruor, followed by a driimtner «oid Irninpeter and a fow soldiera, aud after kissing one another, all sut dowil. Some strong w^'«r being brought, the governor drank to MaaaaaoU, who in his turn "dni»iem ; a^iil ilint if the EngKsb did any harm to him or any of his peo|ile, the/ the Engliah, would do the like to them. That if aiiy did unjustly war ugtuiisi him, the EugliHli were to aid him, and he was to do the same in his tun), and by so doing King Jamea would esteem him his friend and ally. "All which (tliny say) the king seemed to like well, and it was applaud- ed of his followers." And they add, "All the whilo he sat by thu gov- ernor, he trembled for fear." At this time he is descrilxid as "a very lusty man, in his host y^iirs, an able liody, gmve of countenance, and spare of speech ; in his atVin- little or nothing diifering from the rest of his followers, only in a great cliain of white bone beads about his neck ; and at ir, behind his neck, hangs a little bas; of tobacco, which he drank, and gave us to drink.* His i'm-M was 1>ainted with a sad red like murrey, and oiled both head and faco, timt he ooked greasily. All his followers likewise were, in their faces, in part or in whole, painted, some black, some red, some yellow, and sonn white; some with crosses and other antic works; some had skins on tlxwii, and some naked; all strong, tall men in appearance. The king hail in his bosom, hanging in a string, a great long knifi). ' He marvelled iniieh at our triimjiet, and some of his men would sound it as well as tiicy could. Samoazt and SqiuttUo stayed bli night with us." MaaaaaoU reiir ■acpo-l>at>'. with a pipe, in it, hang^in^ ni tlieir liark." f And, wilh'lhis fact before him the author of" Tales oft'u. Indians" »nys, the treaty was made with delibtriition and cheerfulness on Iho port of Mastatoit ! CnAP. II.] MASSASOIT. 9t iK'jir by, i'|ii good inoming ctTitils, as lino of U8 (lie treaty eome to see him. Capt Standiah and Isaac Mdtrton went venterously, who were welcomed of him afler their manner. He gave them three or four gnmiid nuts and some tobacco. We cannot yet conceive, (they con- tinue,) but tliat he is willing to have peace with us ; for they have seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work and fowling, when as they offered them no harm, as they might easily have done ; and especially because he hath a potent adversary, the Narrohi- gansets,* that me at war with him, against whom he thinks we may be some strength to him; for our pieces are terrible unto them. This morning they stayed till 10 or 11 of the clock ; and our governor bid them send tne king's kettle, and filled it with peas, which pleased them well ; and so they went their way." Thus ended the first visit of Maa- satoit to the pilgrims. We should here note that he ever afler treated the English with kindness, and the peace now concluded was undisturbed fur nearly 40 years. Not that any writing or articles of a treaty, of which he never had any adequate idea, was the cause of his friendly behavior, but it was the natural goodness of his heart. The pilgrims report, that at this time he was at war with the Narragan- nets. But if this were the case, it could have been nothing more than some small skinnishing. Meanwhile S^vanio and Samoaet remained with the English, instructing them how to live in their country; equal in all respects to Robinson Crusoe's man Friday, and had Dt Foe lived in that age he might have made as good a story from their history as he did from that of Mexandxr Selkirk, — " Squanto went to fish [a day or two afler Massasoit left] for eels. At night he came home with as many as he could lifl in one hand, which our people were glad of They were fat and sweet. He trod tli(>m out with his fdet, and so caught them with his bands, without any other instrument." This Squanto became aflerwards an important personage in Indian politics, and some of his manoeuvres remind us of some managing politicians of oiir own times. In 1629, he forfeited his life by plotting to destroy that of Massasoit, as will be found related in the life of Hobo- mok. On that occasion, JMa««a«oi( went himself to Plimouth, "being much offended and enraged against T^squantum i** but the governor succeeded in allaying his wrath for that time. Soon afler, he sent a messenger to entreat the governor to consent to his death ; the governor said he deserved death, but as he knew not how to get along without him in his intercourse with the Indians, he would spare him. Determined in his purpose, Massasoit soon sent the same messenger again, accompanied by many others, who offered many beaver skins if Tisquantum might be given up to them. They demanded him in the name of Massasoit, as being one of his subjects, whom, (says Winslow,) by our first articles of peace, we could not retain. But out of respect to the English, they would not seize him without their consent. Massasoit had * Few Indian names have been spelt more ways than this. From the nature of the Indian langua^, it is evident ihat no r should be used in it.— Nahironsik and Nantig^. sick, R. Irt//iuiiu,— Ncchegangitt. ^oo^tn.— Nantvg'^nsiks, CalUnder. — Nanohirffan* set, Winslow's Good News from A. £ng'."— Nanhyganset, Judge Johnson's Ltje of Cfen. Greene. —These are but few of the permutations without the r, and those with it are still more numerous. The meaning of the name is still uncertain. Madam Knight, in her Journal, 22 and 2S, says, at a place where she happened to put up for a right in that country, she heard some of the " town topers" disputing about the origin of the word Narragahset. " One said it was so named by Indians, because there grew a brier there of a prodigious height and bigness, who quoted an Indian of so barbarous a name fur his author Ihat she could not write it." Another said it meant a celebrated spring, which was very cold in sum> mer, and " as hot as could be imagined in the winter." MAS9ASOIT. IBm»I1. mnt hk own IcDifo to bo tmod in cutting cff his liend and hands, which w«r() to Im! lirougiit to^liln. MeantiiiiH Squanta cairR and tloljvcred himMill' up to the governor, charging Hohomok with his overthrow, and telling him to deliver him or not to the meaaengera of Jlf was coming, the English began to prepare to shoot oft* their gims ; this so frightened the women and children, that they ran awny, and would not return until the interpreter assured them that they need not fear ; and when MauaaoU arrived, they saluted him b^ a discharge, at which he was very much elated ; and ** who, after their manner, (says one of the company,} kindly welcomed us, and took us into his house, and set us down by him, where, having delivered our message and presents, and having put the coat on hia back, and the chun about his neck, he was not a little proud to behold himaeKj and his men also, to see their king so bravely attired."* A new treat; was now held with him, and he very good-naturedly assented to a*l that was deauwd. He then made a speech to his men, many of them being assembled to see the Eng[lish, which, as near as thev could learn its meaning, acquainted them with what course they might pursue in regard to the English. Among other thing's, he said, " ^m I not Maaaoioit, eommander of " tkti f)eo|!.. _^^ , ^ which he had control. "This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of England and of the king's majesty, marvelling that he should live without a wife." He seems to have beon embittered against the French, and wished " us not to suffer them to come to Narra- S inset, for it was King Jamea*a country, and he was King Jamea^a man.^ e had no victuals at this time to nve to the English, and ni^ht coming on, they retired to rest supperleas. He bad but one bed, if so it might be called, "being otdy planks laid a fbot fiom the ground, and a thin mat • Mourt's Rtlation, in Col. Man. Hut. 8oc< .■s^.i Chap. II.] MAS8A80IT the upon thtfin.*^ " He laid lu on the bed whh bimnif and h» wife, tkaf at the one end, and we at the other. Two inoi« of hia men, for want of room, preaaed by and upon ua; ao that wa were woiw weaiy of ow lodging than of our journey." **Tiie next dav, many of their aachinM or petty govemon came ta aea ua, and many of their men alao. There thej went to their mamiar of fwnee for skine and knivea." It ia amuaing to leant that the Fngliih tried to set a chance in thia gambling affiiir. They aay, " There we ehal> leaged them to shoct with them for skina," hut they were too cunning fer them, " onl V thev desired to aee one of ua shoot at a mark ; who i ' with iiaii snot, they wondered to aee the mark so ibU of holea." Tde next day, about one o'clock, Mauaaoit brought two large I and iKiiled them ; but the pilgrims still thoueht their chance for refireah- ment very small, os "there were at leaat forty looking for a share in them f but iicancy as it was, it came very timely, aa they had fasted two nighta and n day. The EngliHh now len him, at which he waa very aorrowfuL *' Very imfrartunate he waa (says our author) to have ua star with tbcon longer. But wo des'red to keep the sabbath at home, and feared we should either be light-headed for want of sleep ; for what with bad lodciiiiS, the snvuges' barbarous singing, (for they used toeing themaelvesasleeptTUce and fleas within doors, and musketoes without, we could hardly aleep Ml tlw time of our being there ; we much fearing, that if we ahoukl aiay any kMiger, we should not be able to recover home for want of strenctb. So that, on Friday morning, before sunrising, we took our leave, and deputad, . Maaaatoyt being both grieved and ashamed, that he could no better enter- tain us. And retaining TiaquarUum to aend fiom p}*ce to place to pro- cure truck for us, ana appointing another, called TtAamahamtm, in hm place, whom we had found fliithful before an*'. tuLat upon all OGcaaionB." This faithfbl servant, T\AamiAanumt war. in the mmoua "voyage to the kingdom of Nauset," and waa conspkuous for his courage in the expedition agunst Caunbiiant. In 1G23, Maaaaaoii sent to hia fnends in Flimouth to inform them that he was very dangerously sick. Desiring to render him aid if poaaible, the i^vernor despatched Mr. ffmslow again, with aome medieinea and ''^rdials, and Hobbomok as interpreter ; " having one Master John Hamdm, a gentleman of London, who then wintered with ua, and desired much to see the countr}', for my consort.'f In thejr way they found many of his subjects were gone to Pokanoket, it being their custom for all frienda to attend on such occasions. "When we came thither (saya Mr. fFmaloio) we found the house so full of men, aa we could acarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make way for ua. There were they In * La Salle fj.ya (Expedition in America, p. 11.) of the Indians' beds in gcnenl, Ikat " Ihey are n A« up with sonui pieces of wood, upon which tkejr lay skins full of wool or straw, but, for their covering, they tise the finoit sort of skins, or ebe mats fiaely wroueht." t Winslow's Relation. The Mr. Hamden mentioned, is suppo:^. by some, to be the celebrated John Hamden, famotu in the time of Charlu I., and vrho died of a wamd I'eceived in an attempt to intercept Prince Rmj^rt, near Chiford, while rapponia|^ l4e canse of the parliament. See Rapin's England, ii. 4T7, ami Kemtet, iii. 137. It would bie highly gratifving, could the certainty of this matter ko known ; but, as yet, we must aekaowlrage that all is mere speculation. NerwUMlaM, we are plouad to meet with the names of such valued martyrs of liberty apaa aay page, and oren though they should sometimes seem rather mat aprope* to tke case in hand. We ca n— t learn that any of Hamden'i biognipberii have diieewered that ka visited AaMiiea. fiMU I is a strong presumption that lie was " The village Hampdm, that, with dauntlosa bfosat, The liuie tyrant if his fields wilksteod." Orvy't Elegy. MASSA80IT. (Book II the midst of their charms for liim, making surh a hellish noise, as ii distempered us that wore well, uiid, therctitrc, unlike to ease him that was sick. Altout him were six or eight women, who chafed his arnvk legs and thighs, to keep heat in him. When •*">* had made an end of their charming, one told him that his friends, the English, were come to see him. Having understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, who toot come. They told him fVirunow, (for they cainiot pro- nounce the letter /, but ordinarily n in the place thereof.)* He desired to ■peak with me. When I came to him, and they told him of it, he put rorth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said twice, though very inwardly. Keen H%Tumou>9 which is to a&\,Art thou fVinanow9 I an- swered, Jihhe, that is, Yea. Then he doubled these words : Matla ne«n wonckanef namen, Winsnow! that is to say, O Winslow, I ahall never see thee r^at'n/" But contrary to his own expectations, as well as ail his friends, by the kind exertions of Mr. fVinalow, ho in a short time entirely rocovored. This being a passage of great interest in the life of the great Ma»r.asoit, we will here go more into detail concerning it. When he had become able to sneak, he desired Mr. Winalow to provide him a broth from some kind of fowl : " so (says he) I took a man with me, and made a shot at a couple of ducks, some sixscore (races off, and killed one, at which he wondered : so we returned forthwith, and dressed it, making more broth therewith, which he much desired ; never did I see a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hohhamock I must take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if he did eat it ; this he acquainted Mataassowat therewith, who would not be persuaded to it, though 1 pnmed it very much, showing the strength thereof, and the weakneas of his stomach, which could not possibly bear it. Notwithstanding, he made a gross meal of it, and ate as much as would well have satisfied a man in health." As ffinalow had said, it made him very sick, and he vomited with such violence that it made the blood stream from his noee. This bleeding caused them great alarm, as it continued for four hours. When his nose ceased bleeding, he fell asleep, and did not awake for 6 or 8 hours more. After he awoke, Mr. ffinalow washed his face "and sup- plied his beard and nose with a linnen cloth," when taking a quantity of water into his nose, by fiercely ejecting it, the blood began again to flow, and again his attendants thought he could not recover, but, to their great satisfaction, it soon nopped, and he gained strength rapidly. . For this attention of the English he was very grateful, and always believed that his preservation at tliis time was from the benefit received from Mr. Winalow. In his way on his visit to Masaasoit, he broke a bottle containing some preparation, and, deeming it necessary to the sachem's recovery, wrote a letter to the governor of Plimouth for another, and some chickens, and giving hirr. an account of his success thus far. Tlie intention was no sooner made known to Maaaaaoit, than one of his men was set off, at two o'clock at night, for Plimouth, who returned again with astonishing quickness. The chickens being alive, Maaaaaoit was so pleased with them, and, being better, would not suffer them to be killed, * Every people, and consequently every lanffua^, have their peculiarities. Baron LoAontan, Memaiftt dt la Amerique, ii. 236, 237, says, " Je dirai ie la langue det Hu- ron* and det Iroqmi* mm choit assez ciirieuse, qtd est qu'U ne s'y trottve point de lettre* labialei ; o'eat a dire, de b, f, m, p. Cependant, celfe langue des Hurons paroit Hrefort belle tt de un son tout a fait beau; quoi qu'ils ne ferment jamais leurs Uvres en parlant." And " J'ai passi quatre jours i vouloirfaire prononcer a des Hurons les leltres tabiaU*, MOM it n'ai p& y rHlsnr,et je erois qu'en dix ans Us n • pourrout dire ces mots, bon, fils, Monsieur, Ponlchartrain : ear em lieude dire bon, Us Uiroient ouon, au lieu de b\»,it» prononceroienl rils ; au lieu de monsieur, caounsieur, au lieude Ponlchartrain, Concnar train." Hence it leema their languages are analogous. f CHir. II.] MAStiASOIT. 25 lish noisp, as h and kept them, with ^o idea of raising more. While at Mi.': .-nWf rcHi< dence, and just oa (bey were about tn depart, the HnrliPiii tnlil Hobomok of a plot laid by aome of tiis nuborriinate chicfR for tlie |)iir|iotii; at' rutting off tho two Engliah plantations, which he charged hiui to acqtmint the Engliah with, wnich he did. MeusoMoit stated that he had been urged to join in it, or give his consent thereunto, but liad always refuRer JtStrnti- nomy, whatever they desired of me." Hence their love and attacbmtat for biin, for this is their own mode of living. It appears that, befbre J\RantutmomoVa reverses of fortune, he had. by some means or other, got possession of some of the dominions of Omtome- ^tn. For at the meeting of the Commissioners of the United Cobi^iM, m the autumn of 1643, the^ order, "That Plymouth labor by alt^ue means to restore fFootamequm to his full liberties, in respert of any en- croachments by the Nanohiggansetts, or any other natives; that so 'the properties of the Indians may be preserved to themselves, and thai no one sagamore encroach upon the rest as of late: and that')Too«dme^n be reduced to those former terms and agreements betweeiji Plynaouil^i and Under d»te.l638, Gov. WinOirop says, 'VOiMomeitn, the SBchein.of t * Recptdf oC tN U. Colooiei. >♦ m MAssAsorr. (Bool II. Acoomemeck, on this tide Connecticut, came to [him] the governor, anil brought a present of 16 HitiiiH uf beaver from liimMlf and the rachi-ma of Mohegan beyond Connecticut and Pakontuckett" They having heard that the Englitth were about to make war upon them was the cause of their sending this present. The governor accepted it, and told Ovtame- quin, that if they had not wronged the English, nor assisted their enemies, they had nothing to fear; and, givins him a letter to the governor of Con- necticut, diamimed him well satiMfiea.* In 1649, Oiuanuquin sold to Miles Standuh, and the other inhabitants of Duxbury, "a tract of land usuullv called Saufrhtuckd,^ seven miles square. Tliia was Uridgewatcr. It had been before granted to them, only, however, in preetiiiilion. They agreed to nay Ousamequin seven coats, of n yard and a half each, nine hatchets, eignt hoes, twenty knives, four moose skins, and ten and a half yards of cotton cloth. By a deed bearine date 9th March, 16.53, Ouiamequin and his son fVam- titto, [ ffamaulta,] uTlerwards called Jlltxander, sold to the English of Pli- mouth " all those severall parcells of land lyving on the south-easterly side of Sinkunke, alias Reholmth, boimded by a littlo brooke of water called Moskituasli westerly, and soo riming by a dead swamp eastward, and ■oe by marked trees as Ovuamequin and fFamtHto directed, unto the great riuer, and all the meadow about the sides of both, and about the neck called Chachacust, also Papasouosh neck, also the meadow frotn the bay to Keecomewctt," &c. For tliis the consideration was " £S!i ster- linff." By a writing boaringdate " this twenty-one of September, 1657," Ouaatne- quin says, " I Vssameqxun do by these presents ratifV and allow the sale of a certain island called Chesewonockc, or Hogg Island, which my son WamsiUa sold to Richard Smith, of Portsmouth inn. I., with my consent, which deed of sale or bargain made the 7th of February in the year 1653, I do ratify, own and confirm." In 1656, Mr. WtUiams says that Ousamequin, by one of his sachems, * was at daily feud with Pumham about the title and lonlship of Warwick ;" and that hostility was daily expected. But we are not informed that any thing serious took place. This is the }rear in which it has been generally supposed that Owame- ouin died, but it is an error of Hutchinson's transplanting from Mr. Hub- oard's work into his own. That an error should flourish in so ^ood a aoil as that of the " Historv of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay,** is no wonder; but it is a wonder that the "accurate AutcAttwon" should set down that date, from that passage of the Indian Wars, which was evi- dently made without reflection. It being at that time thought a circum- stance of no consequence. That the sachem nf Pokanoket should be scarcely known to our records between 1657 and 1661, a space of only about three years, as we have showm, is not very surprising, when we reflect that he was entirely sub- servient to the English, and nearly or quite all of his lands being before disposed o^ or given up to them. This, therefore, is a plain reason why we do not meet with his name to deeds and other instruments. And, be- sides this consideration, another sachem was known to be associated with him at the former perioid, who seems to have acted as Ousamequin's rep- resentative. He was alive in 1661, and as late in that year aa September. Several months previous to this, Oneko, with about seventy men, fell upon a de- fenceless town within the dominions of Otuamequin, kiUing three persons and carrying away six others captive. He complained to the General * Jmtrnal, i. 264. Chap. II.) CAUNDITANT. 37 Court ofMnanchuMtta, which intprfered in hia behali|uMl the matter wu Hoon Mitivd.* From the " Ralation" of I)r. /. Mtdhtr, it b clear that he hved until 1663. His wonls are, " Mtxandtr being dcuil, [>iavin^ died in 1(163,] hii brothci I Mtp, of late ciirMd memory, roae up in his stead, an«i he Was no sooner styled sachem, but immediately, in the year MWfi, there were vehement suspicions of his blooe given at large, >vnen we come to treat of the life of l/ticas. t Relation, 72. 1 1. Mather, 44. $ Church, 38, edit. 4to. II Corbilant, Coubatant, and CorJrMtU, H'ere ways of writing his name also, by hit eotemporaries. U Ten, says the Relation. CAUNRITANT. [Book It. of T\tqua)Uuin on (HovbatarU our bitter enemy, and to retain ATepeqff aqotber aachem, or sovemor, who was of this confederac}*, till we heanl what was become (jt our friend Masaasmt.^ AAer much tuil, the little army arrived near tiie place they expected to find Caunbitant. ~"Beibre we came to the town (says the narrator) we sat down and eat eucli as our knapracks afforded *, that being done, we threw the m aside, and all Buch tbin-rs as might hinder us, and so went on and beset tiie house, according to our last reHoiution. Tlioae that entered, demanded if Covhatant were not there ; but fear had bereft ihe savages of speech. Wc cburged them not to stir, for if CtmbcUarU were not there, we would not meddle w^ith them ; if he were, we came principally for him, to be avenged on him for the supposed death of Tu^uantum, and other matters : but howsoever, we would nut at all hurt their women or children. Notwithstanding, some of them pressed out at a private door, and escaped, but with some wounds. At lenj^.h perceiving our principal ends, they told us CoubatarU was returned [home] with all his train, and tliat J 'isquantum was yet living, and in the town; [then] offering some tobacco, [uud] other, such ns they had to cat." In this hurley liurley, (as they call it,) two guns were fired "at rondotn," to tiie great terror of all but Sfiuanto and Tokaniahamon, ** who, though they knew not onr end in coming, yet assured them [so frightened] of our honesty, [and] that we would not huit them." The Indian boys, seeing the squaws protected, cried out, J^eensquaes ! JVeentquaes ! that is, / am a squaw! lam a squaw! and the women tried to screen themselves in Robomolc's presence, reminding him that he was their friend. This attack upon a defenceless house was made at midnight, and must have been terrible, in an inconceivable degree, to its inmates,, espe- cially the sound of the English guns, which few, if any of thenij had ever heard before. The relater proceeds : " But to be short, we kept them we had, and made them make a fire that we might see to search tlie house ; in the meantime, Hobbamok gat on the top of the house, and called Ti^quantum and Tokamahaman.^* They soon came, with some others witii them, some armed and others naked. The English took away the bows and arrows flrom those that were armed, but promised to return them as soon as it was day, which they probably did. They kept possession of the captured wigwam until daylight, when they released their prisoners, and marched into the town (as they oall it) of the Namaskets. . Here, it appears, Sqiumio had a house, to which they went, and took breakfast, and held a court afterwiurd, from which they issued forth the following decree against CautAUant : — ^ Thither came all whose hearts were upright towards us, but all Cou- bataTWt faction were fled away. There in the midst of them we mani- fested again our intendment, assuring them, that, although CoubUant had now escaped us, yet there was no i>lace should secure him and his from us, if he continued his threatening us, and provoking others against u& who had kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towar(M him till he now so justly deserved it. Moreover, if Massasoyt did not return in safety from Narrohigganset, or if hereaflor he should' make any insurrec- tion against him, or offer violence to JSaquantum, Hobomok, or any of MassasoyCs subjects, we would revenge it u|Kin him, to the overthrow of him and his. As for those [who] were wounded, [how many is not mentioned,] we wrere sorry for it, though tboinselves ]>rocured it in not staying in tne house at our to^nand : yet, if they would return home with us, our surgeon should 'fieal them. At this offer one man and a woman that were wounded went home with us, TSaquantum and meay other known friends accompanying us, and offering all help that might be by carriage of any thing we had to ease us. So that by God's good an< Pli of^ doc [Book II. Chap. 11.] CAUNBITANT. 39 providence we safely returned home the morrow night after we set forth."* Notwithstanding these roueh passages, CnunbUant became in appear- ance reconciled to the Englisn, and on the 13th Sept. following went to Plimouth and signed a treaty of amity. It was through the intercession of Maaaeuoit that he became again reconciled, but the -English always doubted his sincerity, as most probably they had reason to. The treaty or submission was m these words : — " Know all men by these presents, that we whose names are under- written, do acknowledge ourselves to be the royal subjects of King /amet, king of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. In witness whereof, and as a testimonial of the same, we have subscribed our names, or marks, as followeth : — OHQDAMEHnD, Cawnacome, Obbatinnua, Nattawahunt, Cadnbatant, Chikkatabak, qcadaquika, hottmoidek, Apankow." Of some of these sachems nothing is known beyond this transaction, and of others very little. ObbatintM is supposed to have been sachem of Shawmut, where Bos- ton now stands. Catmacome and Jlpannmo may be the some before spoken of as Cone- conam and £panow.f JS/attawahunt we shall again meet with, under the name ^ashoonon, Coneconam was snchcm of jifanomet, on Cape Cod. When, in the winter of IG23, the English traversed the country to trade with the Indians for corn, they visited him among other chiefs \ who, they say, " it seemed was of good respect, and authority, amongst the In- dians. For whilst the governor was there, within night, in bitter cold weather, came two men from ManaAioyck, before spoken of, and having set aside their bows and quivers, according to their, manner, sat down by the fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting when they would speak. At length they looked toward Canacum; and one of them made a short speech, and delivered a present to him, from his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco, and many beads, which the other received thankfully. After which he made a long speech to him," the meaning of which Hobomok said was, that two of tneir men fell out in a game, " for they use gaming as much as any where, and will play away all, even their skin from their backs, yea their wive's skins also," and one killed the other. That the munlerer was a powow, " one of special note amongst them," and one whom they did not like to part with ; yet they were threatened with war, if they did not kill the murderer. That, therefore, their sachem deferred acting until the advice of Coneconam was first obtained. After consulting with this chief, and some of his head men, these mes- sengers desired Hobomok'a judgment upon the matter. With some def- erence he replied, that " he thought it was better that one should die than many, smce be had deserved it ;" " whereupon he passed the sentence of death upon him." Wc shall have occasion again to notice this chief, at whose house the first act of a tragic scene was acted, which in its course brought ruin upon its projectors. * From Mourt, ut sttpra, and signed only with the capital letter A, which ig supposed to stand for Isaac Allerlon, who facccmpanied Slandiah perhaps. From the use of the pronoun in the first person, the writer, whoever he was, must have been present. t See chapter i. of b, ii. 3* ao WITTUWAMET AND PEKSUOT. [Book II. Wben Mr. Edward JVinslow and Mr. John Hamdtn went to visit Maa- toBoU in bis sickness, in 1G3.3, they heard by some Indiuiis, when near Caunlntant^a residence, that MaaaaaoU was really dead : they, therefore, liMHigh willi iniicli hesitation, ventured to his house, hoping tliey might U«at with him, tie being then thought the successor of Maaaaaoti But ha vyas not at home. The squaw saclicm, his wife, treated them witti great kindness, and learning here that MassaaoU was still alive, they made all haste to Pokanoket. When they returned, they staid all night with t'zunbitant, at his house, who accompanied them there from Jmu- aaaoWat Mr. Winalow gives the account in these words: — '^That night, through the earnest request of Conhatard, who, till now, remained at Sowaams, or Puckanokick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way, I had much conference with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry jests and squibs, and never better pleased than wben the like are returned oeain upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in case ht were thus dangerously sick, as Maaaaaoit had been, and should send word thereof to Patuxet, for maakwaty* [that is, physic,] whether their master governor would send it ; and if he would, whether I would come therewith to him. To both which I answered, yea ; where;^t. he rave me many joyful thanks." He then expressed his surprise that two Englishmen should adventure so far alone into their country, and asked them if they were not afraid. Mr. Winalow said, "where was true love, there was no fear." "But," said CaunbUanl, **%/ yawr love be arteh, and it bring forth auchfruUa, how cometh it to paas, thai when we come to Patuxtt, you atand upon your guard, toith the mouth of your piecea preaented towarda ua V Mr. ninahw told him that was a nuu-k of respect, and that they received their best friends in that manner ; but to this he shook his head, and answered, that he did not like such 8aIutationB.f When Caunbitant saw his visiters crave a blessing before eating, and return thanks afterwards, he desired to know what it meant. "Here- upon I took occasion (says our author) to tell them of God's works of creation and preservation, of the laws and ordinances, especially of the ten commandments." They found no particular fault with the command- ments, except the seventh, but said there were many inconvenielTKies in that a man' should be tied to one Woman. About which they reasoned Asoodwhile. When Mr. ffinalow explained the goodness of CM in bestowing on them all their comforts, and that for this reason they thanked and blessed him, "this all of them concluded to be very well ; and said they believed almost all the same things, and that the same power that we call God they called JStcUan." " Here we remained only that night, but never had better entertainipent amongst any of them." What became of this chief is unknown. His nunc appearing no more in our records^ leads us to suppose that he either tied his country on tho murder of ffiUuwamet, Pekauot, and others, or that he died about that time. Wittuwamet was a Massachusetts chief, as was his companion Pekaubt, hut their particular residence has not been assigned. ffiUuwamet was & desperate and bold fellow, and, like most other warriors, delighted in the blood of his enemies. It is not improbable but that he became exasper- ated against the English from the many abuses some of thetn had practised upon his countiymen. This will account, peiiiape, fbr all the sererity and malignity portrayed by the forefathers in his character. ^t . _ * In Williams's Key, Matkil is translated, '' Give me some physic." > ' t Good News from N. England, Col. Matt. Hitt. Sot. Cb Hff Fr thii the the (nil wit me ''Is^Nfw^i'" It mannei* ^Aprl.l WtTTUWAMET AND PBK8U0*. flf Rff was one of thoHO, they say, who murdered some of the crew of thtt French ship, cast away upon Cape Cod, as we have before mentioned. That ffiUuwamd, Peluuot, and some other chiefs, mtended to have ft-eed their country of intruders in the year 1683, there can be no doubt, and in relating the rise, progress and termination of their league to efifect this object, we shall, to avoid the charge of partially, adhere closely tb the record. We have before, in speaking of Counecum, or Corueonam, InentionM the voyage of the governor of Plimouih to that sachem's counti^ to trade fur com ; that was in January, 1633. Not being able to bring urmf all he obtained, Capt. JMUm Standith was sent the next month to tkke it to Plimou^, also to purchase more at the same place, but be did not meet with very good reception, which led him to apprehend there Was nnischief at hand. And inunediately afler, while at Cinueonam^i hoitte witl< two or three of his company, ^ in came two of the MassachusettH men. The chief of them was called fFUtuvmnat, a notable insultite villain, one who had formerly imbrued his bands in the blood of Englim and French, and had oft boasted of his own valor, and derided tbHiit weakness, especially because, as he said, they died crying, making sotir fiices, more like children than men. This villain took a dagger fieom about his neck, which he had gotten of Master WtstmCa peopte, alid presented it to the sachem, ^Contconam^ and after made a long speech in an audacious manner, frammg it in such sort as the captain, uou^h he be the best linguist amon^ us, could not gather any tning iVom It The end of it was afterwards discovered to be as followeth. Tne Milsaa- ohuseucks formerly concluded to ruinate Mr. Weatori's colony ; and thouritt themselves, be*ng about 30 or 40 men, strong enough to execirte me same : yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered more strength to themselves, to make their party good against us at Plimouth ; concluding that if we remaiaed, though they had no Othi!r arguments to use agamst us, yet we would never leave the dettth uf oUr Gouutryraen unrevenged ; and therefore their safety could not be withont the overthrr/w of both plantations. To this end they httd fohh^riy solicited this sachem, as also the other, called lanougk, and many othet«, to assist them : and now again came to prosecute the same ; and since there was so fair an opportunity offered by the captain's presence, thiey thought best to make sure of him and his company." Conectmam, after this speech, treated Standith with neglect, and Was very partial to fVittuwamet, which much increased the jealousy of the former. These Indians meantime contrived to kill Standish, having employed a "lusty Indian of Paomet" to execute the plan. The weather was 'severely colcl, and Standiah lodged on shore at night, and this was the time he was to have been killea. But the extreme coldness of tho night kept him from sleeping, and thus he avoided assassination. We have had occasion, m the life of Massasoit, to mention that that chief had been solicited to engage in this confederacy, and of his charg- ing Hobomok to warn the English of it. The people of the places named at that time by MasaasoU, as in the plot, were Nauset, Paomet, Succonrt, Mattachiest, Manomet, Agowaywam,and the Island of Cupawack. "Ttjorc- fore, (says Mr. Winalow in his Relation,) as we respected the lives of our countrymen and our own safety, he advised us to kill the men of Massn- chuset, who were the authors of this intended mischief. And wlierenn we were wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began, If, snid he, [Maaaeuoit to Hobonu^] u\ma tliis intelligence, they iiiuke that answer, tell thern, when their countrymen at Wich«eu8<^»»sBet are killed, they not being able to defend themselves, that tiMtnit will be too late to recover their lives," and it would be with difficulty that thoy pre- » WITTUWABIET.— WESTON'S COLONY. TBooK U. ■er^fld their own; '^and therefore he counselled, without delay, to take awav the principals, and then the plot would cease." Alean while WutotCa men had fallen into a miserable and wretched condition ; some, to procure a daily sustenance, became servants to the Indians, " fetching them wood and water, &c., and all for a meal's meat." Those who were thus degraded, were, of course, only a few who had abandoned themselves to riot and dissipation, but wnose conduct had afl^ted the well being of the whole, notwithstanding. Some of these wretches, in tlieir extremities, hod stolen corn from the Indians, on whose complaint they bad been put in the stocks and whipped. This not fiving the Indians satisfaction, one was hanged. This was in February, About this capital punishment much has been written $ some doubting the fitct that any one was hanged, others that it was the real offender, &c. But in our opinion the facts are incontestable that one was hanged ; but whether the one really guilty or not, is not quite so easily settled. The fact that one was hanged for another appears to have been of com- mon notoriety, both in Old and New England, from shortly after the afiair until the beginning of the next centunr.* Mr. Hubhard\ has this passage upon the amur: — "Certain it is, they [the Indians] were so provoked with their filching and stealing, that they threatened them, as the Philistines did Samsor^s father-in-law, after the loaa of their corn ; insomuch that the company, as some report, pretended, iu way of satisfaction, to punish him that did the theft, but, in his stead, hanged a poor, decrepit old man, that was unserviceable to the company, [aa old bed-rid weaver41 and burdensome to keep alive, which was the ground of the story witn which the merry gentleman, that wrote the poem called Hudibras, did, in his poetical fancy^ make so much sport." And from the same author it appears that the circumstance was well known at Plimouth, but they pretended that the right person was hanged, or, in our autfior's own words, " as if the person hanged was really suilty of stealing, as may be were many of the rest, and if they were driven by necessi^ to content the Indians, at that time, to do justice, ther, being some of Mr. WeaUm^t company living, it is possible it might be executed not on him that most deserved, but on him that could be best spared, or who was not like to live long if he had been' let alone." It will now be expected that we produce the passage of Hudibi.Vk Here it is : — " Though nice and dark the point appear, -^ iQuotn Ralph,) it may hold up, ana clear. That Sinnert may supply the place Of suffering Saints, is a plain bate. Justice gives Sentcnrp, many times, On one Man for another's crimes. Our Brethren of New England use Choice Malefactors to excuse, And hart)^ the Guiltless in their stead, ' ^ , or whom the Clutrches hatre less need: As lately 'I happen'd : In a town There lived a Cobbler, and but one, That out of Doctrine could cut Use, And mend Men's Lities, as well as Shoes. This precious Brotlier having slain, In Times of Peace, an Indian, (Not out of Malice, but more Zeal, Because he was an infidel,) The mighty Tottipottymoy Sent to our Elders an Envoy, * See Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. iii. 148. and b. i. chap. iii. ante. t Hill. N. Eng. 77. | Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. iii. 148, .t.. C«4P. II.] WITTUWAIIBT.— WESTON'S COLONY. Compiaininr lorely of the Bi«uh Of League, beld forth bj Bfotber Patch, Againit the ArticUs in foKe, Between bolh cburche*, bi* and our*, For which he craved the BttinU to render Into hia Hands, or hanj Ih* Ofender : But they, maturely havuig weicbed, They hui no more but hiK J wf Trade, (A Man that served Ihero in a doable Capacity, to Teach and Cobble,) KesolvM to spare him j yet to do The Indian Hoghan moghgcm, too. Impartial Jnatiee, in bis stead, did Hang an old Weaver that was Bed-rid. : , Then wherefore may not you be skip'd. And in your Room another Whipp'a ?" The following note was eariy printed to this ptututfe:^'* The history of the cobbler bad been attested by persons of good credit, wlut by that conclusive motion ; alleging such d(!cuits might be a means iereail<>r to exa8|>ornto the minds of tlio complaining salvages, and that, by his death, the salvages should see their zeal to justice, and, therefore, he should die. This was concluded ; yet, nevertheless, a scruple was made ; now to countermand this act did represent itself unto their minds, which was how they should do to get tlie man's good will : this was indeed a special obstacle: for without that (they all agreed) it would be dangerous, for any man to attempt the execution of it, lest mischief should bemll them every man. He was a person that, in his wrath, did seem to be a second Samjpson, able to beat out their brains with the jaw-bone of an ass : thererore they called the man, and bv persuasion got him fast bound in jest, and then hanged him up hard by in good earnest, who, with a weapon, and at liberty, would have put all these wise judges of this Parliament to a pittiful non plua, (as it hath been credibly report- edj) and made the chief judge of them all buckle to him." This is an entire chapter of the New Canaan, which, on account of its great rarity, we hevo ^ven in full. In his next chapter Mr. Morton Jroceeds to narrate the circumstances of the " massacre" of ffittutoamet, *eksuot, and other Massachusetts Indians, and the consequences of it. But we shall now draw from the Plimouth historian, and afterwords use Murton^s chapter as we find occasion. Mr. ff^nalow says that Mr. Weaton'a men " knew not of this conspiracy of the Indians before his [John Sanders, their ' overseer'] going ; neither was it known to any of us till our return from Sowaams, or Puckanokick : at which time also another sachim, called Waaaapinewat, brother to Ohta- kieat, the sachim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for partaking with Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to purge himself, revealed the iame thing," [as Maaaaaoit had done.] It was now the 23d March, 1623, " a yearly court day" at Plimonth, on which war was proclaimed, " in public court," against the Massachusetts Indians. "We came to this conclusion, (says WhuHow,) that Captain StanHah should take so many men, as he thought sufticient to make his pai^ good against all the Indians in the Massachusetts Bay; and as oecause, as all men know that harve to do with them in that kind, it is impooaUe to deal with them upon open defiance, but to take them in such trape as they lay for others ; therefore he should pretend trade as at other times : but first so to the English, [at Wessaj^cus,] and acquaint them with the plot, and the end of their own coming, that, comparing it with their own caniages towards them, he might better judge of the certainty of it, and more fitly take opportunitjr to revenge the same : but should forb&re, if It were possible, till such time as he could make sure WiUuummat, that bloody and bold villain before spoken of; whose head he had order to bring with him, that he might be a warning and terror to all that disposition." W will now hear a woi-d of what Mr. Morton has to say upon this transaction. "After the end of that Parliament, [which ended in the hanging of one,*] soine of the (ilaiuution there, about three persons, went to ' live with Checatawback and his company, and had very gfood quarter, for all the former quaiTel with the Plimouth plantcrs.f They are not like fFiU SommerSft to take one for another. There they purposed to stay until Master JVeaton^a arrival : But the Plimouth men intending no good "'"1 * As mentioned in our last extract from this author, t Referring', it is supposed, to the quarrel witli Caunbitanl. X The person who proposed hanging u sick man instead of the real ofiender. Kll * Crip. 11] MASSACRE AT WE88AGU8CUS. 8S ITA to biiii, (08 appeared by the .conae lira know it^ bat fiMur him not, neither will we shun bim; but let him "iMjrin when be at homt^ vhermith 7 haibt kiOed both IVeneh and EngKah, and that haih a MonV/d yn it .. m-'lby rt$t kSUed, and took Ae yonik, whim the captain caused to be banged" [up «li«re.f] Weeeuki now wish this bhrady tale were finished, but we have prom> ised to keep close to the record. Mr. WmaUtw continues, "£u< itia iherediUe how many wounda theae too panieaea received before they difd, not making any fearful noiae, but catching at their loeapona, and atriving to >^laat. ^Hohbamock stood by all this timej and meddled not, observing how "«ur men demeaned themselves in this action." After the affray was ^ ended, he said to iStoncKvA, " Yesterday Peckauot brag^d «if his own '^Mreni^h and stature', stid, though you were a great captain, yet you were Ch but gro kiU son thii the I' * " The Panieaes wk iMn of neat courage a&d witedome, and to these also the Deu* b^ili appeared! more famiKariy than to others, and, as wee conceiue, makoth eoueiMuit VI with Uiem to pnMerae them from death by woonds with arrows, knives, hatehets^&e." viWbuldm't K«laHoH. Did Clmrlev.'ix (Voyage dans I'Amenque) mistake "Pans" ' > [Paaicso] for a nation of Indians 7 In speddng of the orij^n of oa/tMwt, some told Aim that it was friven by the smi to Poms, a nation upon the Missouri. Perhaps bis opillion ^ wa* strenguiened ftom seeing (hem blow the smoke towards the sun upon importiant occasions. •i t New English Canaan, 111. ' tThis,'we mppose, is the affair to which President Allen alhides, in his American Biography, (Sd ed ) when he says, " he [Hoiomok] fotuht braoely by his [8tanMM*\ todds 'to 16SS." If staadiBg and k)oking on be fighting, Sen did Hokomokjighi tir^foely on thii oceasioB. fnrioK !l. CUAP. U.I OBTARIEST.--HODOMOK. 87 ■ » u and but a little man ; but to-day I see you are big enough to lay hint on the ground." J^ndith now sent to a company of JVtaton^a men, and ordered thorn to kill the Indians that were among them. T^fy kUleid itoo. Himself with some of his men killed another, at another place. As they were piirsuinc this business, intending to kill all they could iuy liands u|ion, " through the negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who discovered [discloaed] and crossed their proceedings." Joined by some of Mr. We»ton^$ men, Standiih discovered a few Indians, and pursued thenu Sandish ^ined a hill which the Indians also strove to occupy, and who, afler shooting u few arrows, fled. " Whereupon Hob- bamock cast oflT his coat, and being a known paniese, theirs being now killed, chased them so tiist, as our people were not able to hold way with him." One who made a stand to shoot Slandish had his arm broken by a shot, which is ail the advantage claimed by tiie English. The Indians got into a swamp, and after some bravadoing on both sides, the porttey separated. After assisting the settlers of Wessaguscus to leave the place, the English returned to Plimoutli, taking along the head of WitiuuHsmfi. which mey set up in their fort. Meanwhile the Indian that followed Prai from Wcssaguscus, as ; *> returned from Manomct, called at Pliinouth in a friendly maimer, and wmh there seized and put in irons. Being asked if he knew the head of 'il- tuwamatf said he did, and "looked piteoiisly" upon it. "Then he confesft- ed t'i'! plot," and said his sachem, Obtakiest, had been drawn into it by the importunity of all the people. ■ He denieid any hand in it himE:e]f, C' \ beggei i his life might be spared. Said he was not a Massachuset, Lut only r»ided as a stranger amon^ them. Hobomok "also gavr ^ good report of him, and besought for hun ; but was bribed so io do it. They finally concluded to spare him, " the rather, because wo desired lit; might carry a message to OotakieaV^ The message tlicy charged iiiiM witli wt;? this, that they had never intended to deal so with him, until tlioy won; forced to it by tlieir treachery, and, therefore, they might tliuuk them- selves for their own overthrow; und as he had now licgun, it he persisted in his course, " his country should not hold him ;" thut he should forth- with send to Plimouth "the three Englishmen he had, aijd not kill them."* The English heard nothing from Obtakiest for a long time ; at length he sent a woman to them, ^probably no man would venture,) to tell them he was sorry that the English were killed, before he heard from them, also that he wished for peace, but none of his men durst come to treat about it. The English learned fit>m this woman, that he was in great consternation, "having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to place, expecting when we would take further vengeance on him." The terror was now general among them, and many, as we have else- where said, died through fear and want. To this dismal narrative Mr. Winslow adds, "And certainly it is strange to hear how many of late have, and still daily die amongst them ; neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease ; because through fear they set little or no com, which is the staff of life, and without which they cannot long preserve health and strength." These afiairs call for no commentary, that must accompany every mind through every step of the relation. It would be weakness, as «p- * Morton, in bis New Canaan, 111, says, these three men went to reticle with CkUtaUm' but ; hence Morton very reasonably surgesls, that if the Plimouth people intended the men of Wessa^usrus any good, why did they not tint see that all of lacai wet* sot of , danger, before oeginning war 7 4 HODOMOK^-SQUANTO'S PERFIDY. [Book II. pean to us, to attempt a vindication of the rash conduct of the English. Amid their sufTerings, some poor Indiana resolved to attempt to appease the wrath of the Eiifflish governor by presents. Four set out by water in a boat for Plimoutli, but by accident were overset, and three of them were drowned ; the other returned back. When Mr. Robinaon, the father of the Plimoiith church, heard how his people had conducted in thiH affair with the Indians, he wrote to them, to consider of the disposition of Capt. Slandi$hj ''who was of a warm temper," but he hoped the Lord had sent him among them for a good end, if they UHed hitii as thoy ought. "He doubted, he said, "whether there wss not wanting that tenaeriiesii of the life of man, made after Qod's image," which was so necessary ; and above all, that " it would have been happy if they hud converted some before they had killed » any. The reader has now passed through a period of Indian history of much interest ; wiicrein he will doubtless have found much to admire, and more that hi; could have wished otherwise. Our business, however, we will here roitiiud liiiii, is tliut of a dealer in facts altogether, and he must take them, (hy as tiiey arc, without any labored commentiirios from us. Although we have hud occasion to introduce Hobomok several times, yet there rcinaiu transactions of considerable interest in his Ufe yet to be noticed. Hobomok, or Hobbamock, was a great panicse or war captain among the Wampanoags, as wc have already had occasion to observe. He came to Plimouth about the end of July, 1G31, and continued with the English as long as he lived. He was a principal means of the lasting friendship of MaaaasoU, which Morton says, he "much furthered; and that he was a proper lusty young man, and one that was in account amon^ the Indians in those parts for his valor." He was of the greatest service in learning them now to cultivate such fruits as were peculiar to the country, such as corn, beans, &c. The account of his tnission to Maasaaoit, to learn the truth of a report that the Narragansets had made war upon him, and his interruption and trouble from Caunbilant are already related. Being a favorite of Maaaaaoit, and one of his chief captains, the pilnims ||)und that they need not apprehend any treachery on his part, as nobomok was so completely in their interest, and also in that or the great sachem, that he would advise them if any thing evil were on foot against them. What strengthened them in this opinion was the follow- ing circumstance. The Massachusetts Indians had for some time been inviting the English into their country to trade for furs. When, in March, 1623, uey began to make ready for the voyage, Hobomok " told us, (says Wirulow,) that he feared the Massachusetts, or Massachuseuks, for they so called the people of that place, were joined in confederacy with the Nan- obigganneuks, a people of Nanohigganset, and that they, therefore, would ^ take this opportunity to cut off Capt. Standiah and his company abroad T but howsoever, in the meantime, it was to be feared, [he said,] that the Nanohi^ganeuks would assault the town at home ; giving many reasons ftr bis jealousy ; as also that Tiaqxtantum was in the confederacy, who, [he said,] we should find, would use many persuasions to draw us firom our shallops to the Indians' houses for their better advantage." Nevertheless, they prdceeded on their voyage, and >^'nen they had turned the point called the Gumefa JYoae, a false messenger came run- ning into Plimouth town, apparently in a great fright, out of breath, and bleming from a wound in his face. He told them that CaunbUant, with inanv of the Narragansets, and he believed MaaaaaoU with them, were boDung to destroy the English. No one doubted of his sincerity, and the fint thought of the people was to bring back their military Mader, who med retu Hobi plot boat witli self all howi set meat mor< [Book II. 'Chap. II.] HOBOMOK.— SQUANTO'S PERnOY. A piece of cannon mm im- who had juat cone in the boat with Hobomok. A mediately diacharged, which, to their great jov, hood cauned the boat to return, not having got out of hearing. They had no looner arrired, than Hobomok told them there was no tnitli in the report, nnd mid it waa • plot of Squnntoy who was then with them, and even one of those in the boat; that he knew ^a««a«ot< would not undertake such an enternrise without consulting him. Hobonwk was confident, Itecuuse he was him- self u great chief, and one of MaaMoaoxVi counsellors. Swaido denied all knowledge of any plot, and thus ended t)ie affair. The English, however, seemed well satisfied that Sqiumto had laid this shallow plot to set them against Mauatoii, thinking they would destroy him, by which means he expected to liecome chief sachem himself; and this seems the more probable, as MaucuoU was for some time irreconcilable becauao they withheld him from hint, when ho had forfeited his life, as in our narration has been set forth. But entirely to satisfy the Englisli, Hobomok sent his wife to Pokauokct privately to gain exact intelligence, and her return only verified what her husband had said. " Thus by degrees (continues Witulow) we began to discover Tisguan- fum, whose ends were only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, by means of his nearness and favor with us ; not caring who fell, so he stood. In general, his course was, to persuade them he could lead us to peace or war at his pleasure ; and would ofl threaten the Indians, sending them word, in a private manner, we were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifts to himselfj to work their peace, insomuch as they had him in greater esteem than many of their sachems : yea, they themselves sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of us ; yea, and protection also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas divers were wont to rely on MaasaasowcU for protection, and resort to his abode, now they began to leave him, and seek after TKtquanttun. But when we understood his dealing, we certi- fied all the Indians of our ignorance and innocency therein ; assuring tliem, till they begun with us, they should have no cause to fear : and if any hereafter should raise any such repoits, they should punish them as liars, and seekers of their and our disturbance ; which gave the Indiana good satisfaction on all sides." " For these and the like abuser^he gov- ernor sharply reproved him, yet was he so necessary and profitable an instrument, as at that time we could not miss him." To the end that he might possess his countrymen with great fear of the English, T%squanlum told them the English kept the plague buried in their store-house, and that they could send it, at any time, and to any place, to destroy whatever persons or people they would, though they themselves stirred not out of^ doors. Among the rest, he had made Hobo- mok believe this tale, who asked the English if it were true, and being informed that it was not, it exploded like his other impostures. There is but little doubt, that Squanto was in the interest of Caunbitant, and lived among the English as a spy, while Hobomok was honestly, as he pretended, a strong friend to them ; but for some time it was nearly impossible for them to know which waa their best friend, as each seemed emulous to outvie the other in good offices. They were, however, at this time satisfied ; for, HobomoVs wife having told McuaasoU what had hap- Eened, and that it was one of Squanto^a men that gave the alarm, satisfied ira that that sagamore had caused it, and he therefore demanded liim of the English, that he might put him to death, according to their law, as has been related. But the English, regarding the benefit resulting to them from saving his life, more than keeping inviolate the treaty before made with McuaasoU, evaded the demand, and thus Squanto was permit- ted to escape. . ^ .. ,„ ,^ ,,, ^ ^, ^^ .,, „ 40 A VOYAnrt— NANKPASIir.MF.T.— Onn.'.TINEWAT. [IteoK tt. Hobomtj!, v.tm greatly bi^Idviil by Mcutaao'.l, iiotwitlistanding lio liccame a profcHBod Christian, ami Maainaoit vi'u. alwavN o[ipoBcd to the F^nffliflh religion liiiiiMclf. It Iimh liorn told in tho lit'o nf tlin gront Massaioit, now valual)lo w'fiH tlin agrnny of Hoboiiiok, in fiiitlirnliy rovealing tiie niiH- chievouB pjct of Caunbilant, wliicli terininnted in tho dvatn of fVittu- wamet and Fcfcmot. llu wua thu pilot of the English when they visited Masaaaoit iji his Hickncss, whom hcfuro their nirival they considered tiead, which raiised great nianifestntions of grief in Hobomok. Ho oAen exclainnod, as tliey were on their way, "A^cen teomaau Sagimuafiiun tcomasu Sagimua, &c.," which iu, "My loving Hrchoni, my loving Sachem! many have I known, hut never any liku thee." Then, turning to Mr. fUrulow, 8«i(l, " VViiile you live you will never see his like among the Indiana ; that he was no liar, nor bloody and cruel like other Indians. In anger mid pnv<)ion he was soon reclaimed ; easy to be reconciled towards Nuch 08 bad offended him ; tlint his reason was such as to cause him to receive advice of mean men ; and that ho govcmod his people better with few blows, than otherd did with many." In the division of thn lunrl at Plimoutn among tho inhabitants, Hobo- mok received n lot as his share, on which he resided after the English manner, uud died a Christiun among them. The year of bis death does iiot appear, but was previous to U'AQ. It has already been mentioned that tho pilgrims made a voyage to Massachusetta iti the autumn of 1G21. It was in this voyage that they became acquainted with the ftime of JVanepashemet. The Enfflish had heard that tho Indians in the Massachusetts had threatened themv tind they wert (says Mowi) "partly to see the country, ])artly to make peace with them, and jtnrtly to |)rocure their truck." Squanto was pilot in this voyage. They went ashore in the bottom of the bay, and landed under a cliff which some* have supposed was what has been since called Conn's Hill,t now tho north part of Boston. This was on 20th Sept. 1()21. They saw no Indians until some time after they went ashore, but found a parcel of lobsters which they had collect- ed, with which they refreshed themselves. Soon after, as they wore nroceeding on an excursion, " they met a woman coming for her lobsters." rhey told^her what they had done, and paid her for them. She told them where to find Indians, and Squ€tnto went to them to prepare them for meeting with the Enfflish. Obbatinewat now received the voyagers. This sachem (if he be the same) had made peace with the En^ish at Plimouth only seven days previous, as we have had occasion to say before. He told them he was sachem of the place, and was subject to Mnaaaaoit ; and that he dared not remain long in any place, from fe-xr of the Tarratines, who were *' wont to come at harvest and take away their com, and many times kill them." Also that Sqxiaw-ScKhem of Massachusetts was his enemy. This Squaw- Saehem,\ as we believe, was chief of those inland Indians since denominated the Nipnets, or Nipmucks, and lived at this time near Wachuset Mountain. The English intended§ to have visited her nt this * Dr. Belknap appears lo have hccii the first who sugweslcd this. See his Biog. ii. 224. - t We had supposed this emiacnce to have been so called from a copse or rlump of trees, which for a long time remained upon it, after ii became known to the whites ; bul Slum, Descrip. Boston, 67, says it was nnmed from one Copp, a shoemaker. And Snom, Hut. Boston, 103, says William Ci/pp was llio proprietor of "a portion of the hill." ^ " Sachems or sagamores,— which arc but one and the same title,— the first more usual with the southward, the other with the northward Indians, to express the title of him thai bath the chief command of a place or people." Hist. N. E. 60. $ Mr. Shalluck (Hist. Concord, 2) says she was visited at this time by these voyagers. CHir. II.] NANEPASIIEMET.— HIS DEATH, tu. 41 tfi, Hoho' ! English * eath does oyage to ,' that they rlish haa nem, and ' ike peace ) bottoiQ * osed was \ r Boston. ^^ ime after ; 1 collect- won ters.*' 3he told i ire them ' time, lint foiintl the distance too great to proceed. They received tb* greiL?<-8t kindnefln rroni all the Indians they met with, and mentioned that of Obhatinewat in particular. And thoy wiy, <• We told him of divers sarhinia that had arkiiowledged tht^inselvcs to be Kinc Jamu his men« and if Ke tdao teould siibmit Inmtty,* we would be his safeguard fVoni his enemiefl, which he did." At another place, ** Ilavms gone three miles, in arms, up in the country, we camt) (say they) to a place where corn had been newly gathered, a house pulled down, and the people gone. A mile from hence, JVanepo- $ktmtty their king, in his life-time had lived.f His house was not fike others, hut a scanold was largely built, with poles and planks, some six foot from [the] ground, and the house upon that, being situated on tlie top of a hill. Not far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort," built by Aotw- pathemet. It was made with " poles some 30 or 40 foot k>ng, stuck in the ground, as thick as they could be set one by another, and with these they enclosed a ring some 40 or 50 foot over. A trench, breast high^ waH digged on each 8iae.| One way there was to get into it with a Dridjge. In uie midst of this p.lisado stood the frame of an house, wherein, being dead, he lay buried. About a mile iVnm hence, we came to such another, but seated on the top ot an hill.. Here AbncpatAfmei was killed, none dwelling in it since the time of his death." According to Mr. Lewis, ^anepaihemet was killed about the ^ear 1619^ and his widow, who was S^vaw-Saehem before named, continued the S)vernment.§ He left five children,! four of whose names we gather fVom e interesting History of Lvnn ; viz. 1. Montoummpak, called by the English Sagamore Jama. He was sachem of Saugus. 2. JihngaSlf a daughter. 3. Wonohaquaham, called Sagamore John, sachem of Winne- sLmet. 4. H^nnepurkitt, called Sagamore George, or George Runrney- mar*h, the successor of Montotoampate at Saugus. Of most of these we she. I speak in detail hereafter. Squme-SMhem, according to the authorii^ last mentioned, was the spouse of Wappacowtt,^ or Webcowit, in 1(m5. She and her husband, four years after, 1639, deeded to Jotfiam Gibbonea " the reversion of all that parcel of land which lies against the ponds of Mystic, together with the said ponds, all which we reserved from Charlestown and Cambridge, late called Newtown, after the death of me, the said Sqiuai>-S€uhem" The consideration was, " the many kindnesses and benefits we have received from the hands of Capt. Edward Gibbonea, of Boston." The Sqva-Sachem's mark ^^ Webcowit's mark Webcowit was a powwow priest, or magical physician, and was consid- ered next in importance to ^anepaahemd amon^ the subjects of that chief, after his death ; as a matter of course, his widow took him to her bed. It does not appear, that he was either much respected or thought much of; especially by his wife, as in the above extract from their deed, l)Ul but I am not able to arrive at any such conclusion from any source of infonnalion in my possession. * It does not s. m from this that he is the same who before had Mibmitted at Plimoulh, a* Mr. Prince na/poses. t Mr. Shattuci, ,n his valuable Hitt. Concord, says, this " was in Medford, near My>- tic Pond." 1 Mi^ht not, then, the western mounds have been formed by Indians 1 6 Hist. Lynn, 16. I Bhatluei, ib. who fixes her residence at Concord; she, doubtless, bod several plac«t of residence. H His name is spelt WthcomU (o MS. deed in my possession, and in Mr. Shattufifi MS8. WibbaeotoiUi, as appears from his History. 4* # SOME ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACHUSETTS. (Book li- no provision scema to havo been made for Iiii.i after her dctUl), if he outlived her. At all events, we may roncliidc, without hazard w«t think, tiint if breeches had been in fashion ainona Indians, the wife of Wtbcoicit wonld [iiivc been accounta1)lo for tlic article in this cose. lu 1643, Ma!:s!,, .lusetts coventinted witli ^'■Wassamtquin, ^ashoonou, Kutckamaqui::, Massaconotnet and Squaio-Sachcm"* to the end that niiitnnt benefit tniglit accrue to eacli party. The sachems put thennsclvewnnder the ffoverniiient of the English, agreeing to olisorve tlicir lavVs, in us far as they should be made to understand thnni. For this confidence and conoeE'jion of th6ir persons and tends lUto their bandtf, -itlCHnglisb on theJi p:^rt. agreed to extend tiio same protection to them arwl their people 'ifi to I'aeir English subjects.f What .*tad become of Wehcoieel at this time docs not appear ; |X}rhaps he was off powwowing, or at home, doing the ordinary lalior of the household. We hear of him, however, four years after, (l(i47,) " taking an active '^rt" in the endeavors mndn by the Englisri to Christianizo his cou'itrymcn. "He asked the English why sonic of them had been 27 years m the land, and never taught them to know God till then. Had you done h sooner, (said he,) we might have known much of Goid .b^his time, and much ein might have been prevented, but now sor^ie^ us are grown [too] old in sin." The English suid they repetlfed of their neglect r but recollecting themselves answered, "You were not willing to neare till now," and that God had not turned their hearts till then.t Of the sachems who made the covennnt above named, the fn-st we suppose to have been Massasoit, on the part of the Wampanoags, who at this time was, perhaps, among the Nipmuks ; J^ashoonon, a Nipmiik chie^ with whom Massasoit now resided. His residence was near wliat was since Magus HitI in Worcester county. He was prolnibly at PliiuGUtli 13 Sept., 1631, where he signed a treaty with eiglit others, as we have F«t down in the life of CaunSitant, Hia name is there spelt j\raffawahunt. In Wmthrop'a Journal, it is JVashacowam, and we suppose he was father of JV*a««otKinno, mentioned by Wkitn^.^ Kutchamaquin was aachenn of Dorchester and vicinity, and Maasaconomet was Mcucononomo. Cbj oft b0< the the] wh( not Tar thei acui ed. tect CHAPTER III. Some account of the Massachiuetts—^'tmgraphifia/ their cotnUry— -Chika- TAUBOT — Wampatock — hif war toith the Mohawks — Mascoptonomo — Canomicus — Geography of the JVdrraganset country — Account of that Nation — Rogerf^tlliams — ■Mot«TOWAMPATE — Small-pox diatreaaes the In- tKana — WowoHAqnAHAM — Winnepitrkit — Maxatahqua — Scittery- ei;S9ET NaTTAHATTA WANTS — WaHGUMACBT-JaCK-StRAW— jAMESr Not long before the settlement of Plimouth, the Massachusetts had* been a great people, but were greatly reduced at this time ; partly from the Seat plague, of which we have already spoken, and subsequently from eir wars with the Tarratines. Of this war none but the scanty records of the first settlers are to be had, and in them few particulars are preserved ; * In the Hittory of the Narraganitt Country, these names arc written Wastamtputf Jfailunoanon, Cutsltamacke, Massanomell, and 8qua-8achem. See 3 Col. Kait. Hi^. 00C. i. 212. t Sec Qookin's M8. Hiit. Praiiing Jndkau. i Hiit. Cencord, S&. 4, I Uisl. Worcester Co. 174. ' " . "W- ■■',<•««. cbap. m.] CHKATAUBUT OP PASSOHAOeAtt. , if he , in us far ,|l- ; of this, too, we have written in a previons chapter.* Therefore it will not he expected that ever a complete account of the territoriefl and power of the Momachusetts can be triven ; broken down as they were at the time they becatiie known to the Europeans ; for we h'b.ve seen that their sachems, when first visited by the Plimouth people, were shifting for their livea — not daring to lodge a second night in the same place, from their fear of the Tarratinee. Hence, if these Indians had existed as an independent tribe, their history was long since swept away " in gloomy tempests," and ob- scured in "a night ofclouds," and nothing but a meagre tradition remain- ed. For some time after the country was settled, they would fly for pro- tection from the Tarratines to the houses of the English. It is said by Mr. Gookin, that '* their chief sachem held dominion over many other petty governors ; as those of Weechagaskas, Neponsitt, Pun- kapaog, Nonantum, Nashaway, some of the Nipmuck people, as fiir as PoKomtakuke, as the old men of Massachusetts affirmed. This people could, in former times, arm for vrar about 3000 men, as the oltt vidians declare. They were in hostility very often with the Narragansitts ; but held amity, for the most part, with the Pawkunnawkutts."! Near the mouth of Charles River **u8ed to be the general rendezvous of all the In- dians, Imth on the south and north side of the country.'^ Hutchinmn^ says, " Tliat circle which now makes the harbors of Boston and Charles- town, roimd by MAlden, Chelsea, Nantasket, Hingham, Weymouth, Bnin- tree, and Dorchester, was the capital of a great saclieni,H much revered b^ all the plantations round about. The tradition is, that this sachem had hu principal seat upon a small hill, or rising upland, in the midst of a body of salt marsh in the township of Dorchester, near to a place called Squar- tum."ir Hence ii will be observed, that among the accounts of the earli- est writers, the dominions of the different sachems were considered as compi'dhcnded within very different limits; a kind of general idea, there- fore, can only be had of the extent of their possessions. It is evident that tlie Massachusetts were either subject to the Narragansetts, or in alliance with them ; for when the latter were at war with the Pequots, Chikataubid and Sagamore John both went with many men to aid Canonicut, who had sent for' them. This war began in 1632, and ended in 1635, to the advan- tage of the Pequots. We shall now proceed to speak of the chiefs agreeably to our plan. C^ikaiaubut, or Chikkalabak, in English, — a houat-a-jlrt, wap a sachem of considerable note, and generally supposed to have had dominion over the Massachusetts Indians. Thomas Morton mentions him in his New Ca- naan, as sachem of Passonagosit, (about Weymouth,) and sjiys his mother was buried there. I need make no comments* upon the aiitliority, or warn the reader concerning the stories of JIforfon, as this is done in almost every book, oarly and late, about New England ; but shall relate the following from him. In the first settling of Plimouth, some of the company, in wandering about upon disooveiy, dKme upon nn Indian grave, which was that of tht- mother of Chikalauhiit. Over the body a stake was set in the ground, * and two huge bear-skins, sewed together, spread over it ; thp»j the Knglisii • This war was caused, says Mr. Hnhbard, " upon the aorouni of some troachcrv' on the part of the western tribes, i. e. the tribes west of ilic Merriinacic. Hisl. A/eir JCf^. 30. t 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 148. ; Hisl. N. Eng. 32. 4 From Neat's Hist. N. Eng., probably, whirh sec. p It will_ be a good while before the present possessors of the country cnti boost of such a capital, U Hist. M^s. i. 460. And here it was, I suppose, llial llio Pliinoiilh people Innded in their voyage to Massachusetts before spoken of, and from ^qimnto wlio wns with them • it received its name. CHIKATAUBUT— VISITS BOSTON. [Book IL took away. When this came to the knowledge of Chikataubut, he com* piained to his people, and demanded immediate vengeance. When they were aaemblfMl, he thus harangued them : " When last the clorious light of all the aky was underneath this globe, and birds grew silent, I beran to aettle, as my custom is, to take repotie. Before mine eyes were rast ° oloeed, me tho't I saw a vision, at wbich m^ spirit was much troubled, and trembling at that doleful si^it, a spirit cned aloud, ' Behold ! mv son, whom I have cherished ; see the paps ^at gave thee suck, the hands that clasped thee warm, and fed thee w ; const thou forget to take revenge of thoee wild people, that hath my monument de&ced in a despiteful man- ner ; disdaining our ancicvit antiquities, and honorable customs. See now the sachem's grave lies like unto the conmion people, of ignoble race de- fiMted. Thy mother doth eomploin, implores thy aid against this thievish people new come hither ; if this be suffered, I shall not rest in quiet within OBQr everiaating habitation.' "* Battle was the unanimous resolve, and the English were watched, and fellowed from place to place, until at lengdi, as some were going ashore in a boat, they roll upon ttiem, but gained no advantage. ' After maintain- ing the fight for some time, and being driven from tree to tree, the chief ei^Main was wounded in the arm, and the whole took to flight. This ac- tion caused the natives about Plimouth to look upon the Enj|lish as invin- cU>le, and this was the reason why peace was so long maintained between them. MourpB Relation goes fiu- to establish the main facts in the above ac- count. It says, "We brought sundry of the prettiest things away with us, and covered the corpse up again," and, " there was variety of opinions amongst us about the embalmed person," but no mention of the bear-skins. From the agreement of the different accounts, there is but little doubt, that the Engush were attacked at Namskekit, in consequence of their depredations upon the graves, corn, &c. of the Indians. In 16S1, Chikaiavbut, with eight other sachems, acknowledged, by a written instrument, themselves the subjects of King Jamea. About ten years after this, when Boston was settled, he visited Governor fftnthrop, and presented him with a hogshead of corn. Many of " his sannops and squaws" came with him, but were most of them sent away, " after they had all dined," although it thundered and rained, and the governor urged their stay ; Chikataubut probably feared they would be burdensome. At this time he wore English clothes, and sat at the governor's table, ** where he behaved himself as soberly, &c. as an Englishman." Not long after, he called on Grovemor Winthrop, and desired to buy clothes for himself; the governor informeo him that " English sagamores did not use to truck ;t but be called his tailor, and gave him order to make him a suit of clothes ; whereupon he gave the governor two large skins of coat beaver." In a few days his clothes were ready, and the governor "put him into a very good new suit from head to foot, and after, he set meat before thom ; but he would not eat till the governor had given thanks, and after meat he desired him to do the like, and so departed." June 14, 1631, at a court, ChikaiaiAtU was ordered to pay n small skin of beaver, to satisfy for one of his men's having killed a '^ig, which he complied with. A man by the name of Pltwtowe, and sone others, hav- ing stolen corn from him, the same year, the court, Sept. %\ ordered that Phutowe should restore " two-fold," and lose his title of gtiitleman, and * If this be fiction, a modern compiler has deceived some of his readers. Tlic article in the AnalecHc Magazine may have been his source of inrormalion, but the original may be seen in Morton's New Canaan, 106 and 107. t However true this might have been of the governor, at least, we think, he should ■ot have used the plural. Crap. III.] CHIKATAUBUT— HIS DEATH. 45 In a pay £r>. This I suppose they deemed equivalent to four-fold. His ao-* noinplices were wl)ipped, to the same amount. The next year we find him en^ged with other sacheinR in an expedition against the Pequots. The oanic year two of his men were convicted of assaulting some iteraons of Dorc-h<>stcr in their houses. " They were put in the bilboes," and himself required to lieat them, which he did.* The siiiall-pox was very prevalent among the Indians in 1633, in which year, some time in November, ChikataxUnU died. The residence of tiio family of Chikataubut was at Tehticut, now in- cluded in Middlcborough. He was in obedience to MassoBoU, and, like other chiefs, had various places of resort, to suit the different seasoDS of the year ; sometimes at Wessaguscussct, sometimes at Ne|)onset, and especially upon that jMirt of Namasketf called Tehticut. This was truly a river of sagamores. Its abundant stores of f'sh, in the spring, drew them fh>m all |)arts of the realm of the chief sachem. In deeds, given by the Indians, the place of their residence is generally mentioned, and from what we shall recite in the progress of this article, it will be seen that the same chief has different residences assigned to him. August 5, 1665, Qiiincy, then Braintree, was deeded by a son of Ch^- atatJnttf in these terms: — t"To all Indian people to whom these presents shall come ; Wamptt- tuck, alias Joaiah Sagamore, of Massathusetts, in Newengland, the son of (MckatahiU deceased, sendeth greeting. Know yoo that the said Waxn- patuck, being of full age and power, according to the ordei and custom of the natives, hath, with the consent of his wise men, viz. Squamog, hia brother Daniel, aad Old Hahatun, and William Mananiomott^ Job JWuwtt, Manuntago, William JVahanton^" "For divers goods and valuable reasons thenmto ; and in special for" £21 lOs^ in hand. It was subscribed and witnessed thus : — JosiAH, alias Wampatuck, hia IQ marke, Daniel Squamog, and a mark. Old Nahatun, and a mark. William Mandnion. and a mark. Job Noistenns. 4 Robert, alias M amuntaoo, and a marlt, William Hah at on. In presence of Thomas Kgyahodnsson, and a mark O Joseph Manunion, hia \ — mark. • Thomas Weymous, hia O mark. There is a quit-claim deed from " Charles Joaiaa, alias Joaiaa Wampa- tuck, grandson of Chikataubut, dated in 1695, of Boston and the adjacent country, and the islands in the harbor, to the "proprietated inhabitants of the town of Boston," to be seen among the Suffolk rec6rds.|[ Wampatuck says, or some one for him, " Forasmuch as I am informed, and well as- sured from several ancient Indians, as well those of my council as others, that, upon the first coming of the English to sit down and settle in those * " The most usual custom amoiipt them in exercisiiif punishments, is for the sachem either to heal, or whip, or put to ocath with his own hand, to which the common sort most quietly submit." Williams. t Namauasuck signified in their \anwaAge fshes, and some early wrote Namascheuck. i History of Quinc y by Rev. Mr. Wliittiey, t&ken flrom the original in the possession of the Hon. J. Q. Adams. ^ Nahaton, or AhcUon, and (he same sometimes written Nthoiden. See Wortidngtot^i Hxit. Dedliam, 21. He sold lands upon Charles River in 1680. ib. II Printed at length in Stuno's Hist. Boston, 389, et eel. 4« WAMPATUCK— HIS MOHAWK WAR. [1R;«uK D. puts of New England, my above-named grandfather, ChUuttauibut, by and with the advice of h'm council, for encouragement thereof moving, did give, grant, sell, alienate, und coiitinn unto the English planters," the hinds above nairiud. Jo$ia», or Joaiah fFan^ixMluekj was sachem of Mattakeesett,* and, from the deeds which he gave, must have been the owner of much of the lands southward of Boston. In 1653, he sold to 7\mothy Hatherly, Jamu CudtMiik, Joseph TUden, Humfhrty Turner, WiUiam Hatehy John Hoan, and Jame3 7\>rrey, a large tract of land in the vicinity of Accord Pond and North River. In 1663, he sold Pachage Neck, [now called Ptchade,] "lying between Namassakett riuer and a brook falling into Teticiitt riuer, viz. the most westerly of the three small brookes that do fall into the said riuer ;" likewise all the meadow upon said three brooks, for £21. Also, another tract bounded by Plimouth and Duxbury on one side, and Bridgewater on the other, extending to the great pond Mattakeeset ; provided it included not the 1000 acres given to his son and Oeorgt Wampey, about those ponds. This deed was witnessed by George fFiampev and John fVampowes. AAer the death of his father, Joaieu was often called Josias Chikataubui. In the Plimouth Records we find this notice, but without date : " Mem- orandum, that Josias Ckickabutt and his wife doe owne the whole iiecke oC Punkateesett to beloing vnto Plymouth men," &c. In 1668, "Josias Chickatabutt, sachem of Namossakeosett," sold to Robert Studson of Scituate, a tract of land culled Mimttnackeuitt, for ;i " valuable consideration," as the deed expresses it. This tract was bound- ed on the east by Scituate. Joticu had a son Jeremy ; and " Charles Josiah, son of Jeremy, was the last of the race."f Of Jostah, Mr. Gookin gives us important informtition. In the year 1669, "the war having now continued between the Stac^uas and our Indians, about six years, divers Indians, our neighlrars, united their forces together, and made an army of about 6 or 700 men, and marche J into the Maquas' country, to take revenge of them. This enterprisr; was contrived and undertaken without the privity, and contrary to the advice of their English friends. Mr. Eliot and myself, in particular, dissuaded them, and gave them several reasons against it, but tbry would not hear us." Five of the Christian Indians went oui. with them, and but one only , returned alive. "The chiefest genenJ ■■■■ i.ut expedition was the princi- ' pal sachem of Massachu^dits, named I r -lias ChekatabuU, a wise and stout man, of middle age, bus a very viciv < person. He had considerable knowledge in the Christian religion ; and sometime, when he was younger, seemed to profess it for a time; — for he was bred up by his uncle, Kucha- makin, who was the first sachem and his people to whom Mr. Eliot preached."! This army arrived at the Mohawk fort after a journey of about 200 miles ; when, upon besieging it some time, and having some of their men killed in sallies, and sundry others sick, they gave up the siege and re- treated. Meanwhile the Mohawks pursued thoiii, got in their front, and, from an ambush, attacked them in a defile, and a grent t'rgiit ensued. Fi- nally the Mohawks were put lo flight by the extraordinary bravery and prowess of Chikataubui ond his captains. But wlint was most calamitous m this disastrous expedition, was, the loss of the great chief Chikaiaubut, who, after performing prodigies of vale , was killed in repelling the Mo- hawks in their last attack, with almost all his captains.^ This was a severe * '»'• me's Hilt. Scituaif, 144. t Ibid. Sq^ftmau^ was a brother of Jo&iah. and ruled " as saciicm during the minority" of Jeremy. Dr, Harris, //'»<. Dorchester, (6, 17. 1 1 Coi: Mass. Hist. Soo. i 166. $ Ibid, 167. '^tlW^' n. t CfciP. Ill] MASCOWONOMO OF ACAWAM;— CANONICUS. 47 fltroke to these Indians, and they suflered much ftom chagrin on ihair return home. The Mohawks considered themselves their masters, and althoiigti a peace was broufhi about between them, by the mediatioo of the FiHgliRh and Dutch on each side, yet the Maanonusetts and othen often sutfered from their inc iirrions. A chief of much the same importance as Ckikataubut and bia sons, waa Mcueononomo, or Maseonomo, aacbem of Agawam, since called Iptwieh. When the fleet whksh brought over the colony that settled Boston, In 1630, anchored near Cape Ann, he welcomed them to his shores, aad spent some time on board one of the ships.* On the 28th June, 1638, Mascanonomet^ executed a deed of '*aH bis lands in Ipswich," to John fVifUhrop, jr., for the sum of £30.$ At a court in July, 1631, it was ordered, that " the sagamore of Agawam is banished from coming into any Englishman's house for a year, under penahy of ten beaver-8kins."§ The next year, or about that time, the Tarratines came out with great force against MaseoTwnomo ; he havinff, ** as was uHiinliy said, treacherously killed some of those Tarratine :?anu- lic8."{| From Mr. CohhcVs account, it appears that they came against the English, who, but for an Indian, named Robin, would have been cut off, as the able men at this time, belonging to Ipswich, did not exceed 30; and most of these were from home on the day the attack was to have been made. Bohin, having by some means found out their intentions, went to John Perkins,'^ and tohl him that on such a day four Tarratines wouM come and invite the English to trade, "and draw them down the hill to the water side," when 40 canoes full of armed Indians would be ready, under "the brow of the hill," to fall upon them. It turned out as Robin bad reported ; but the Indians wer« frightened off by a false show of numbers, an old drum, and a few guns, without effecting thehr object.** We hear no more of him until 1643, when, at a court held in Boston, " Cutshanukin and Squaw-Sachem, Maaconomo, ^'aahaeowam and ffaua- magtn,ff two sachems near the great hill to the west, called fVaehuaett, came into the court, and, according to their former tender to the governor, desired to be received under our protection|| and government, upon the same terms that Pumluim and Sacononoco were. So we causing them to understand the articles, and all the ten commandments of God, and they freely assenting to all,§§ they were solemnly received, and then presented the court with twenty-six fathom of wampum, and the court gave each of them a coat of two yards of cloth, and their euMly as rendered by Winthrop. H B Winthrop's Journal. HIT MS. Hist, of Newbury, by J. Cofiti • 'A,.j»;i ^^WPIw^ CANONICUS— TASHTASSUCK. POOK If. in Plimouth and Massachusetts, wiiich seemed necessary to preservo the continuity of our history — Canonicua,* the j^eat sachem of the Nar- FBganaetB. He was contemporary with Mumtunnomoh, who was his nephew. We know not the time of his hirth, but a son of his waa at BtMton in 1631, the next year after it was settled. But the time of his death is minutely recorded by Governor fVuUhrop, in his "Journal," thus: "June 4, 1647. Canonieut, the great sachem of Narraganset, died, a very old man." He is generally supposed to have been about 85 years of ase when he died. He is mentioned with great respect by Rev. Roger fFittiam»,\ in the year 1654. After observing that many hundreds of the English were wit- nesses to the friendly disposition of the Narragansets, he says, " Their late famous long-lived CaunonUus so lived and died, and in the same most honorable manner and solemnity, (in their way,) as you laid to sleep your prudent peace-maker, Mr. WitUhrmp, did they honor this their prudent and peaceable prince ; yea^ through all their towns and countries how fre- quently do many, and oft times, pur Englishmen travel alone with safety and loving kindness ?" It will be proper in this place to give some general account of the country and nation of our chietl The bounds of Narraganset were, aa described in the times of the sachems,| " Pautuckit River, Quenebage [Quabaog] and Nipmuck," northerly ; "westerly by a brook called We- quapaug, not far§ m>iii Paquatuck River ; southerly by the sea, or main ocean ; and easterly by the Nanhiganset Bay, wherein iieth many islands, by deeds bought of'^the Nanhiganset sachems." Coweesett and Niantick, though sometimes applied to this country, were names only of places withm it. According to Mr. Gookin, "the territory of their sachem ex- tended about 30 or 40 miles from Sekunk River and Narragansitt Bay, including Rhode !?sland and other islati'^?' in that hay." Pawcatuck River beparated them fvom the Pequots. Tn..> nation, under Canonicua, had, in 1&12, arrived at the zenith of its greatness, and was suppoeed to contain a population of thhiy thousand. This estimate was by Richard Smith, jr., who, with his fatuer, lived in their country. A census of those calling themselves a remnant of the Narragansets, taken Feb. 1832, was 815 ; only seven of whom were unmixed. The In- dians themselves moke their number 364.|| Of the e»rly times of this nation, some of the first English inhabitants learned fj>>ni the old Indians, that they had, previous to their arrival, a sachem named Tashiassuck, and their encomiums upon his wisdom and valor were much the s&iiicj as the Delawares reported of thcanie confounded with it. , < • - t Manu!ioript letter to the pc vemor of Massachusetts. m>j i > i See 3 ^"1. Mass. H'vA. Sor . i. 210. & Four or five m^s, says Gcaiim. . I MS. letior uf Rev. Mr. Ely. tS Hutchinson, i. 458, who niet with this accoiuit in MS.; bat we do not give implieil tfW\VA to it, a», at best, it is tradition. CMAP.ni.] CANONICUS.— MASCUS. « should have taken great oflence at the conduct of the English rnnceming the death of Miantmnomoh. The Warwick settlerH considered it a great piece of injustice, and Mr. Samiul Gorton wrote a letter for CanonictLB to the government of Massachusetts, notifying them that he had resolved to be revenged n|K)n the Mohegans. Upon this the English despatched messenfrers to Narraganset to inquire of Ccmonieut whettwr he authorized the letter. He treateMy fiiciul.s, ^ou have no causo lu grieve : Tu abler haiiclK my regal power I k-avc. Our god roininnriili~-ln fertile rcsilmi I hatio, (■oinpareil willi which your gardciw arn a waste. There iu full bloom eternal ipriug aliidei, And Kwaruiiug fmUea o;lidu tlirough uzure tideii ; i-outiuual suiishini^ ti'^Ui llio cloudle!*s skies, No uilsli conceal Kec8uck(|uand from our eyei." About IG43, a uon of Canonicus died, at whicli his grief was very great : insomuch thnt, " having buried his Hon, he burned his own patace, and all his goods in it, to a great vuhie, in solemn remetnhrance of his son." Like other men ignorant of science, Canonicus was superstitious, and was greatly in fear of the Engliuli, chiefly, perhaps, from o belief in their ttbilit;^ to hurt him by enchantment, which belief very probably was occasioned by the story that Squanto circulated, of which, in a previous chapter, wo have sj)okeu. When Roger ffiUiama fled into his country, he at flrst viewed him with distrust, and would only frown upon him ; at length he accused him, as well as the other English, of sending the plague among the Indians ; but, as we have said before, he soon became recon- ciled to him, gave him lands, and oven protected him. They became mutual helps to each other, and, but for animosities among the English themselves, it may ho fair to conclude, friendship would have continued with the Narragansets through several generations. Our attention is now called to consider the lives of several sachems, who, though of less notoriety than the one of which we have just taken a view, will be found by no means wanting in interest. MontowampcUe, sagamore of Lynn and Marblehead, was known more generally among the whites as Sagamore James. He was son of ^ane- paakemet, and brother of WonohaquaKam and fVinnepurkitt.* He died in 1633, of the small-pox, " with most of his people. It is said that these two promised, if ever they recovered, to live with the English, and serve their God."f The histories of those times give a melancholy picture of the distresses caused by the small-pox among the " wretched natives." "There are," says Mather, " some old planters surviving to this day, who helped to bury the dead Indians ; even whole families of them all dead at once. In one of the wigwams they found a poor infant sucking at the breast of the dead mother."^ The same author observes that, before the disease began, the Indians had begun to quarrel with the English about the bouncb of their lands, "but God ended the controversy by sending the small-pox among the Indians at Saugus, who were before that time exceedingly numerous." Wo have mentioned another of the family of ^anepcuhemet, also a sachem. This was Wonohaquaham, called by the English Sagamore John, of Winisimet. His residence was at what was then called iZumnev- marsh, part of which is now in Chelsea ami part in Saugus.* As early ns 1631, he had cause to complain that some o? the English settlers had l)umt two of his wigwams. " Which wigwams," says Governor Dudley,^ " were not inhabited, but stood in a place convenient for their shelter, when, upon occasion, they should travel that way." The court, upon examination, found that a servant of Sir R. Saltonstall had been the means of the mischief, whose master was ordered to i^iake satisfaction, " which he did by seven yards of cloth, and that his servant pay him, at the end of his time, flfly shillings 8tcrliiig."1I Sagamore John died at • Lewis's Hist. Lynn, IG, 17. t Relation, &c. 23. J Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, in Col. Mass. Hist, Soc. IT Prince's Chronology. t Hist, of New England, 195. , (««j cmap. in.] WINNEPURKllT.— MANATAHQUA. Winisimet, in Id]!), of tho hiimll-pox.* He d«>sircd to becomn acquainted witli tlio Englisluiieii'ri GinI, iii liia aickiiCMH, :iiid rcqiieateU them to take hia two sons and instruct diein in CiiriBtiunity, wliicli they did.f Jfinnepurhittil who married a daughter of Pasaaconatpay, makes eon- Miderahle figure also in our Indian annals. He was born alH)Ut 1616, and succeeded Monlowampnte at his deatli, iu lC3!i. Tho English culled him George Rumneymarsh, and at one time he watt proprietor of Deer Island, in BoHton hurljor. ' In the latter nnrt of his life, lie went to Darltadoes. It is supiMj-H^i that he was corried tnero with the prisoners who were acid for slaves, at the end of Philip'a w tir. He died soon after his return, in 1684, at the house of Mumvujuanh, aged 68 years." AhawaytUauaxM, dau^'liter of Poquanum, is also mentioned as his wife, by whom ne had several children.§ Manatahqua, called also Black-mUiam, was a sachem, and proprietor of Nahunt, when tho adjacent country was settled by the whites. His fiitber lived at Swampscot, and was also a sagamore, but probably was dead before the English settled in the country.|| A traveller in this thenll wilderness world, thus notices fFUliam, and his possessing Nahant. ** One Blaek-vnUiam, an Indian Duke, out of his generosity gave this place in general to the plantation of Saugus, so that no other can appro- priate it to himself." He was a great friend to the whites, but his firiend- ■hip was re|>aid, as was that of many others of that and even much later times. There was a man by the name of WdUtr Bagnall, nicknamea Great Hot, " a wicked fellow," who had much wronged the Indiana,** killed near the mouth of Saco River, probably by some of those whom he had defrauded, This was in October, 1631. As some vessels were upon the eastern coast in search of pirates, in January, 1633, they put in at Richmond's Island, where they fell in with Black-william. This was the place where Bagnall had been killed about two years before, but whelh- er he had any thing to do with it, does not appear, nor do I find that any one, even his muraerers, pretended he was any way implicated ; but out of revenge for BaptiUPa death, these pirate hunters hanged Blatk-wUliam. On the contrary, it was particularly mentionedff that Bagnall was killed by Squidrayaei'aaA his men, some Indians belonging to that part of the country. This Smiidrayaet, or ScUterygrtsaet, for whose act MancUahqua suflfered, was the nrst sachem who deeded land in Falmouth, Maine. A creek near the mouth of Presumpscot River perpetuates his name to this day. Mr. Willia supposes he was sachem of the Aucocisco tribe, who inhabiteid between the Androscoggin and Snco rivers; and that from Aucocisco comes Ca8Co.tt There can be but little doubt that Bagnall deserved his fate,§§ if any deserve ttuuii ; but the other was the act of white men, and we leave the reader to draw the parallel between the two : perha[)a he will inquire, Were the murderers of Manatahqua brotight tojualice ? All we can answer is. The records art silent. Perhaps it was considered an offaet to the murder of Bagnall. J^attahaltawanta, in the year 1642, sold to Simon WUlard, in beholf of <* Mr. fVinthrop, Mr. Dudley, Mr. JVoweU, and Mr. Mden,^^ a large tract , •History of New England, 195, 650. t Wondor-working Providence. t Spelt also Winnaperk^. iHlsl. L>nn. || Hist. N. Eng. 1633. William Wood, author of Ntw Eng. Prospect. ♦• Winlhrop's .Toumal, i. 62, 63. tt Winlhrop, ib. ' it Col. Maine Hisi. Soc. i. 68. ^$ He had in about three years, by extortion, as we infer from Wmthrep, aecamnlalwl about £400 from among the'Indians. See Journal ut tupra. 5*. ■ ^}i^■ii^V!^?ElW"^ ■ inAAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^/ kr A >.. v^^^ :/_ 4^ 4^ ^ 1.0 1.1 1.25 ■ttliiii |22 2.0 III u 14.0 0% Ta / ^^r^^ I Hiotographic Sciences CarporatiGn 23 WIST MAM STRUT WIBSTIR.N.Y. MStO (7I«) 172-4503 4 6^ '4^ ^ ^^% A* ^l^ ^v^ V 54 NATTAHAT fAWANTS.— WAHGUMACUT [BooKll. ChaI of land upoo botli sides Cnnconl River. " Mr. fVintkrop, our prewul governor, 12[i0 acrnn, Mr. Dudley, l.')00 acres, on the 8. G. side of the river, Mr. JVbweM, 500 acres, and Mr. ^ten, 500 acres, on the N. E. side of the river, and in considiM'ution hereof the said Sinum giucth to the said ^MtahaltmBanta six fadom of waompatnpegc, one wastcoat, and one breeches, and the said M'attahaltatoants doth covenant and bind himself, that hee nor any other Indians shall set traps within this groimd, so as any cattle might recieve hurt thereby, and what cattle shall receive butt by this meanes, hee shall be lyable to make it good." [In the deed, J^Tai- UAeMawaniB is called sachem of that land.] WiiwMed by The mark of 9 Natahattawants. ftree whUta. The mark of % Winnipin, an Indian that traded for him.* The name of this chief, as appears from documents copied by Mr. Shattuck,^ was understood Tahattaioan, Tahattatvanlt, JUtawan, Mor wonee, and AhaitauDanu, He was sachem of Muslcetaquid, since Concord, and a supporter and propagator of Christianity among his people, and an honest and upright man. TIte celebrated Wahan nrarried bis eldest daughter. John Tahatiawan was bis son, who lived at Nnsboba, wliere he was chief ruler of the praying Indians — a deserving Indian. He died about 1({70. His widow was daughter of John, sagamore of Patucket, upon the Merrimack, who married Oonamog, another ruler of the praying Indians, of Marlborough. Her only son by Tahattawan\ was killed by some white ruffians, who came upon them while in their wigwams, aud hia mother was badly wounded at the same time. Of this airair we shalt have oecasion elsewhere to be more particular. J^aanashqyuuo, another daughter, married ./VaanwAcotr, called John Tlumas, who died at Natiek, aged 110 years. We know very little of a sachem of the name of WahgmMKul,^ except that he lived upon Connecticut River, and came to Boston in 1631, with a request to the governor ** to have some English to plant in his country ;" and as an inducement said he would " find them corn, and give them, yearly, 80 skins of beaver." The governor, however, dismissed bint inthout giving him any encouragement ; doubting, it seems, the reality of his friendship. But it is more probable that he was sincere, as he was al this time in great fear of the Pequots, and judged that if some of the English would reside with him, he should be able to maintain his oountry. There accompanied W(Agu,maeut to Boston an Indian named. Jadi- 'Suflblk Records of Deeds, vol. i. No. 34. f Hist. Concord, Mass. pairim chip. r. i Mr. Qookin wrrites (Iris name Tahatooner, that of the fatbe* Tanaltavmrre. MSi. iHtt. Praying Indiatu, 105. ( Wahgimvicut, according to Mr. Saiiage's reading of Winlhrop. Our text is ar- cording to Prince, who also used Winthrop in MS. It is truly diverting (o see how Ihtt author of TjJes of tkt Indians has displayed his invention upon the passage in Win- thrnp^t Journal bringing to out knowlMre this chief. _ We \»-l| give the passage of Winlhrop, that the reaaer may judge wnether great ignorrnrc or misrepresentatioi " of set purpose" be r'iargeaSle to him. " He [Oov. Wit,^.'.,'op'] discovered after. IWabginnacut was gone,] that the said sagamoie is a very treacherous man, and. at war with the Pekoath (a for greater sagamore.") Now,, every child that has read about the Indians, it seems to us, ought to know that the meaning of Pekoath was mistaken bv the governor, and no more meant a chief than the Massasoits meant what (he PlimoMli» people first supposed it to mean. In the one case, (he name of a (ribe was m>s(aken for that of a chief, and in (ho o(her (lie chief for (he (ribe. Mis(akes of tbi^ kind were aot ■Bcommoa before our fathers became acquainted with (he coun(ry. Winthrop says, loo, the Mohawks was a great sachem. Now, who ever thought there was a chief of thai CaA>. tU.) JACK-STRAW. $bm»,* who was hia interpreter.f We have labored to find aome ftirthflr particulars of him, but all that we can ascertain with certainty, i% tliat ha bad lived some time in England with Sir tValUr Rakfh^ How Sir WaUer came by him, does not aatisfactorily appear. Captauis wftnufau ami Bartow sailed to America in his employ, and on their return carried over * Probably m> uamed rrom the MaidaUMie minister, who flrairished in Wat T\iUr'» n- bellion, and whose real name was John Bait, but aAerwards uirk-naroed Jack 8tram. He became chaplain to Wat'M umy, they having let him out of prison. A text which ha nude great use of in preaching to his liberators was this •.-^ When Adam dalb and Eve spaa. Who wu tbeo a (eotleBaa? L40T. Thb we apprehend was construed, Down witfA Iht nobHity ! Sea RnM* Ei^. In Kenntl, i. 247, John Wraw is called Jack Straw. He was beheaded. t Sagamort John wus also with him. i" The imputation of the first bringing in of tobaeeo into England lies on this heroie kmght." WhutanUy's Worthitt, 259. " Besldcii the ronsum|)tion of the purse, and impairing of our inward parts, the immoderate, vain and phautastical abuse of the hellish WMd, corruptelh the natural «weetness of the breath, stupifieih the brain ; and indeed is so prejudicial to the general esteem of our country." Ibtd. SI 1. Whether Jaek-ttram were the servant who acted a part in the often-told anecdote of Sir Walter R4dtgh'$ smoking tobacco, on its first being taken to Englondj we shall not presume to assert, but fer the sake of the anecdote we will admit the (act ; it is variously related, but is said to be, in substance, as follows. At one lime, it was so very unpopular tc use tobacco in any way in England, that many who had got attached to it, used it only privately. Sir Widter was smoking in his study, at a certain time, and, being thirsty, called to bis ser- vant to bring him a tankard of bieer. Jack liastily obeyed the summons, and Sir WaUer, forgetting to cease smoking, was in the act of spouting a volume of smoke from bis mouth when his servant entered. Jack, seeing his master smoking prodigiously at the mouth, thoiigtit no other but he was all on fire inside, having never seen wch a phenome- non in all England before; dashed the quart of liquo at once in his face, and ran out screaming, " Massa's a fire ! Massa's a lire !" Ha.'ir^ dismissed the servant, every one might reasonably expert a few words con- cerning hifi master. Sir WaUer Ralegh may truly be said to have lived in an age frail- fill in great and worthy charartprs. Capt. John Smith comes to our notice through his agency, and the renowned first English cirrumnavisator was his cotemporary. He, like the last named, was bom in the county of Devonshire, in 1562, in the parish of Budley. Sir Humphrey Oiibert, so well known in our annals, was his half brother, his lalhitr having married Sir Humphrey's mother, a widow,* by whom he had Walter, a fourth son.f The great successes and discoveries of the celebrated admiral Sir Franeii Drake, gave a new impetus to the English nation in maritimo aflairs, and consequent thereupon was the settlement of North America ; as great an era, to say the least, as was ever recorded in history. No one shone more conspicuous in those undertakings than Sir Waller Ralegh. After persevering a long time, he establighe;• Mr. Polvkde, Devon, ii.dlD Bapfai>« But. U. ISL v.* It JAMES-PIUNTEa, OR JAMES-THE-PRINTER. [Book U. two witivfw fWMB Virgini«t wI^qm namct wefe Wanckut and Afimffp.? U iaburely pofwible that one of Uiese w&s afterwords Jack-atrau. A llipmuck Iq^huh of qo wnall note in hi* time, it may in the next flnoe be prop^ tppotice. Jbnie* Printer, or Jame$-th»-printtr, vfn the son of A*aom his master biefore his time was out." And the same author obserres that tb* name prmtfr W0» Siiper9dde4 to distinguish him from others named James. Dr. /. MaOerl has this record of Jbrnes-prinier. « July 8, [167&] Whereas the council at Boston had Lttily emitted a declaration, signifying, that such Indians as diiL within 14 daySiCpme in to the English, might hope for mercy, divers of them did this day return from among the Nip- mueks. Among others, Jeunet, an Indian, who could not only read and write, but had learned the art of printing, notwithatandinfic his apostasy, did venture himself upon the mercy and truth of the English declaration, which be had seen and rend, promising for the ftiture to venture his life against the common enemy. He and the other now come in, affirm that very many of the Indians are dead since tiiis war began ; and that more have died by the hand of God, in respect of diseases, fluxes and fevers, wliich have neen amongst them, than have been killed with the sword.^ Mr. T%onuu says,! it was owing to the amor patrire of Jamea-mrititer that he left his master and jouied in PkUip's war. But how much amor loucUy og[ainsi the transaction, and the miserable Joium, to extricate himself, and appease (he dJMuiish king, ordered Ralegh to be seized on his return, who, upon the old charge q? (reason, was seuteneed to be beheaded, which was executed upon him S9th Oct. Ibl^.* "I shall only hint," says Dr. PolwheUA " that the execution of this great man, whom Jmmes wu advised to sacrifice to the advancement of the peace with Spain, hath leA ao indelible stain un the memory of that misguided monarch." It appears from another aeeoontt that Sir Walter, on arriving at the mouth of the Orouoko, was taken " despe- rately sick," and sent forward a company under one of his cauiains in searcti of (he gold mine. That (hey were met bV the Spaniards, who at(acked them, and that this was tjie eause of their assaulting St. Thomas, and being obliged to descend the river without eflTeetinr the object they were upon. The iollcwing circumstance respecting the celebrated History of the World, not being generally kn^wn, cannot but be accep(able to the reader. 'Hie first volume (which is what we have of it) was published berore he was imprisoned the last time. Just before his execudon, he sent for tne publisher of it. When ne came. Sir iValUr took him by the hand, and, " afler some discourse, askt him how that work of his sold. Mr. Anre Kie name of the publisher] relumed tni" answer, that it had sold so slowly that it had un- ne him. A( which words of his. Sir Walter Ralegh, stepping to his desk, reaches his other part of his history to Mr. Burre, which he had brouglit down to the times he lived in ; elappinjf his hand on his breast, he took the o(her unprintcd part of his works into his hand, with a sigh, saying, ' Ah, my friend, hR(h (he fir8( part undone thee,. the secon^ volume shall undo no more ; this ungrateful world is unworthy of it.' When, immedi- Btely going to the fire-side, threw it m, and sci his foot on it (ill it was consumed."^ *See Cayley't Life Sir HI Ralegh, i. 70. ed. Lond. 18ir>, 2 vols. 8vo. t Some author of Indian tales might delight himself for a long time in ringing changes on this Indian preacher's name, without inventing any new ones ; for it is not, as I re- member, spelt (wice alike in our au(horitie.ng the Nip- ily read and lis apostasy, declaration, iture his life , affirm that id that more and fevers, le sword.*' nnes-vrinter much atnor , and appeuf old cliaree q? III Oct. iBld* man, whom -, halh leA ut from anolber iken "detpe- :l< of the gold this wa« ilie river wiUiiNit Id, not beinr ne (which ■• Just before ook him by Mr.Butre at it had un- reaches bis nes he lived works into the second in, immedi- ied."$ n;r changes lot, as I re- st. 89. 9. CaAr. m.] iAMES-THE-mimiU-KUTCHlUlUN. pmbtui he inual bkve had to have kept him an apprealioe 16 y««n is not mentioned. It was in 1685 that the aecond edition of the Amom Indian BiUe waa completed. From the following testimony of Mr. Eliot will be seen bow much the success of that undeitaking waa cooaiderad to depend on Jamea4Mfpiritaer. In 1683, in writing to the Hon. Ita&crt Boyle at Lon- don, Mr. Eliot says, **I desire to see it done before I die, ami I am so deep in years, that I cannot expect to live long; besidea, wo have but one mtm, viz. the htAm Prmter, that is able to comncso the aheeta^ and correct the pret,^ with iMderatanding." In another, lironi the same to the same, dated a yci^r >tf.er, he aays, ■*Our slow progresa needelh an apolo- gy. We iiave been much hindered by the sicknesB the last yt^ar. Our workmen nave been all sick, and we have but fow hands, (at printing) one Englishman, and a boy, and one Indian," &c This Indian was uudoubtedlv Jame»-4ke-pntUer. And Mr. TIWaMt adds, " Some of Jtamu't descenoanta were not long since living b Graf- ton ; they bore the sumaine of iVtnler."* There was an Indian named M JV^ralon, who waa abo concerned in tbejbrat edition of the Indian Bible. He waa a valiant doldier, and went with tlie English of Massacbuaetta, in the first expedition to Mount Hope, where he was slain in battle. <* He was a vei^ fiood lin^ist in the English tongue, and waa Mr. JQtbCa asaiatant and interpreter ui his trana- lation of the Bible and other books in the Indian language."! In a letter of the commissionere of the U. C. of N. England, to the cor- £ (ration in Enffland, we find thia poatacript — ^"Two of me Indian youths rmerly brought up to read and write, are put apprentice ; the one to a carpenter, the other to Mr. Crrem the printer, wlio take their tradea and follow their business very well." Jamea-tht-jmnttr was probably one of these.' JVeraton, we preaume, was only an interpreter. The above-men- tioned letter waa dated 10th Sept 1660. In 1698, Jetmu waa teacher to five Indian fomiliee at Haaanaminiaeo4 In 1709, he seems to have got through with bis apprenticeahip, and to have had some interest in carnring on the printing biwineas. For, in the title pages of the Indian and En^iah Pftalter, printed in that year, is thia innprint: <« BOSTON, N. £. ^nrmthomami on B. Gaxur, & J. PRINTER, umtthe gmMiaalamK tkiwamJtke trf JWw EngUmd, &e. 1709." We shall now pass to notice a Maasachuaetl? sachem, who, like too many others, does not appear to the beat ad .aotage ; nevertheless, we doubt not but as much so aa he deserves, as by die sequel wiU be aeen. We mean Kvtehmakin, known also hj several other namea, or vaiiationa of the same name ; as Kuta h amatptm, Ctdakamoqutn, Cutdtamokin, and many more, as, in different parta of our work, extracia will necessarily ahow. He WHS one of those saehenna who, in 1643 — 4, aigned a aubmiaaion to the English, as has been mentioned in a preceding cnapter. In 1636, Kutt^amakm sold to the people of Dorchester, Uncataquiaset, being the part of that towu aince called Milton. This, it appears, was at some period hia residence. Though he was a sachem under H^ioMnne- otitn, yet, like CounMonf, he was opposed to the settlement of the Engliafa m his country. He soon, however, became reconciled to it, «ad beoanne a Christian. When Mr. Eliot deaired to know why he waa opposed to ' Hist. I'rintinr, z»7, zxj. t Gookin, Hut. Prwfi^ Imiimu. i Information from Mr. E. nckermmt, Jr.>— Hassioammisco, Ht '' *^ • Hist. Printinr, 295^198. t Information Trom Mr. ... _ , - signified a place o/tlontt. Thomas, Nt nfittu s» mniDEft OP Hit. OLDHAH. (BookIL h'M p«opl«'ii li«connia|; CbristiaiMP, he nkl, than they would pay him so (rihme. WliPti tlii> Enj>li!th nf Mamiirhiiiwttfl sent to Canomieua, to inquire inio liip rniiHp nftiie murder ur/o/tn Oldlkam, Kutdkamakin aceompwiied them u8 interpreter, tighter, or whatever wm required oThim. A» no Miiirfaciion eouM be had of the Pfequola, for the murder of Mr. OUIutm, it was leeolved, in ItSS, to tend an annv into their country "to fight with them," if what, in the opinion of the English, as a recompeoae, were not to \je obtained without. The armament conaiated of alwut 90 men. These firM went to Block Island, where they saw a few Indians before they hmded, \Tho, after shooting a few arrows, which wounded two of the Etiglisli, fled. TIk Indians had here **two plantations, three miles in sunder, aiid about 00 wigwams, some very laree and fair, and above 200 acres of com." This tlie English deatrnyed, "staved seven canoes," luid aAer two days spent in this business, and hunting for Indians without success, sailed to the main land, where Ktitahatnakin pei^orraed his ptirt ill hastening on the Pequot calamity. Having waylaid one of that nation, he shot and scalped him. The scalp ha sent to Canonkut, who sent it i>>«n'-* among all his sacLsem frienda; thus expnasing his approbation ; murder, and willingnesB to engage his IViends to fight for the Englisii. Aa a ftirther proof of his approval of the act, he not only tlianked the English, but gave KuUkamakin four fathom of wampum. Capt. Lion Chtrdener gives us some particulan of this aflair, which are verv valuable for the lif^t they throw on this part of our early transactions with the Peqiiots. The affiiir we have just mentioned happened imme- diately aAer Endicott, Turner and UnderkiU arrived at Saybrook, fh>m Block Island. Capt. Gardener then commanded the fort, who spoke to them as follows of their undertaking : " You come hither to raise these wasps about my ears, and then you will take wing and flee away." It so came to pass ; and although he was much opposed to their going, yet they went, agreeably to their instructions. Gardener instructed them how to prooera, to avoid being surprised, but the Indians played them a hondaome trick, as in the sequel wul be beard. On coming to :he Pequot town, they inquired for the sachem,* wish- ing to parley with him : bis people said " he was from home, but within three hours he would come ; and so from three to six, and thence to nine, there came none." But the Indians came fearlessly, in grettt numbers, and qmke to them, throu^ the interpreter, KvtMhamtakin, ror some time. This delay was a stratagem which succeeded well; for they rightly guessed that the Enjriish nad come to injure them in their persons, or ftroperty, or both. Therefore, while somk> were entertaining the Eng- ish with words, others carried off their ell^ets and hid them. When they had done this, a signal was given, and all the Indians ran awav. The English then fell to burning and destroying every thing they coufd meet with. Gardener had sent oome at his men Mrith the others, who were unnccountably left on shore when the others reombnrked, and wore l»UJo:!pd, and two of them woundrd by tSie IntrmnEi. "The Bay-men killed not n iiiuii, s»vc that ono, Kiehomiqmm, an In- dian sachem of tlio Bay, killed n Pmiiit ; and thus be^an the war between the Indians and us, in these parts.'*f The Pequots henceforth used every means to kill the English, and many were taken by them, tkud some tortured in their maimer. " Thus far," adds Gardener^ " I had * Sattaeus, says Winthrop, (i. IM.) but hein^ told he was sone to lAtng Island, Um general demanded to see " the other sachem, Ste." which was doubtless MommMo. t 3 Col. Hut. Soe. iii. 141, &e. »»« nd Pe^ oi^ Mtrntunnomoh was immediately ordered to appear the. , which Le did without delay, and agreed to assiat them in a war againai the Pcqaats; without whose aid and concurrence, the Engfish wmdd hardly hava dared to engage in a war agaii-«t them .it diat time. Early in 1^, to show thi. governor of MnsachuaeOs that he hnpt his promise, of warring against die Peqwirts, A K m n iunna mA aent fay aome of his men a Pequot's hand. The war with them now oommeneed, and though of short duration, destroyed them to such a degree, that diey ap- peared no more as a nation. One hundred of the NanaganaeM joined themselves with the English in its aceomphshment, and l ec e i v ed a pan of the prisoners as slaves for their services.§ When the war was over, Mkmtwmomok still adhered to the English, and seised upon such of die Pequots as had made their escape from bondage, and ictnmed them to their English masters ; mvt, up to them his chiim of Block Islaad, and other places where the Englisn had found Pequots, and which they i aiderr,d as belai:*h acMnl other thiagi as gratuity for eerlaine lan n. CBAr. IV.] MIAMTUtf NOIIOH 8RLLB RHODE ISLAND. ua oootnve- J' . bntkiB D the Eiif- oTllwaiii. M& and the iem.n inclined lo- n the ataad Im» louf as ipectaton; lot alow •» ind in the aota,a!id rderen^ and with fliGia BofltDn ttrat nd P^ ms, lich Le did le PoitaoH; laidlj have at he kept nt hjaome encedf and atsbeyap- rad a patt neh of the d them m slaad, and they eon- ■ftenvarda •ft, but aa nebuaeltt^ ildioagha ml bjthe it Mar*." iieadaMa. Engliah, to aaaert bia claim aa chief aacbem. And the governmeDt of Maasatiiuaetta, to give to tlicir in ference the appearance of diaintereat- ednfWB, which it would seem, from their own vindication, they thou|{ht there waa a cha'ice to doubt, " Send for the foreaaid sachetna, [who had complained of )SIr. Gorton and others, tlirouffh the inaiigition of the Engliah,] and upon examination find, botii by English and indian teati- naonv, that Jllianloiioino waa only a usurper, and had no title to the fore- aaid landsi."* This ia against the testimony of every record, and could no more have been believed Men, than that Philip was not sachem of Po- kanoket. In all caaes of purchase, in those times, the chief sachem's grant was valid, and maintained, in almost every instance, by the pur- chaser or grantee. It waa customary, generally, to make the inferior aachema, and aometimes all their men, presents, out it was by no mn^uis a law. The chief aachems often permitted thoae under them to diupose of lands also, without being called to account. Tlus was preciselv the situation of things in the Warwick controversy, of which we shall have occasion again to speak, when we come to the life of Pumham. In March, 1637, Afiamtunnomo/i, with four other sachems, sold to H^iam Coddmgton and others, the island now called Rhode Island.f also most of the others in Narraganset bay, " for the full payment of 40 fathom of white peaij, to be equally divided" between them. Hence MiantunnosMh received eight fathom. He was to "have ten coats and twer.iv hoes to ive to the prest^nt inhabitants, that they shall remove thetuselves from le ialand before liext winter." On a time previous to 1643, Roger Wittias.:^ delivered a discourse to some Indisns nt their residence, as he was passing through their countoy. MUmtminmntik was present, and seemed inclined to believe in Christianity. Mr. IFtUtosii, being much &tigued, retired to rest, while ASantunnomoh and others remained to converse upon what they had heard. Chie said to the chie^ ** Our fiithers have told us that our souls go to the south- west ;" Mianhinnomoh rejoined, "How do you know your souls go to the south-west? did you ever see a soul go that way?" (Still he was rather indineJ to believe, as Mr. ffUliams had just said, that thev went up to heaven or down to hell.) The other added, " When did he (meaning Wittiami) ever see a soul go up to heaven or down to hell ?" * In mtauueript on iile, at the stale house, Boston. t From the atom titamueript doeumetU. Th« deed of this purcbase, a copy of whieli _ ia in my poases'^ioii. is dated 2Mi BCarch. and runs thus : " We, Canonieai aad Jfeaa- ' t im o mi e, llw t\ -o cnief sachems of Naragansels, by virtue of our seoeral command of this Bay, as also the particular subjecting of the dead sachems of Aquediick, Kitacka- mucknut, themselves and lands unio us, have sold unto Mr. Coddington and his firtend* * * the great Island of Aquidnick, lying from hence [Providence] eastward * * aho the ■lanhcs, graaa upon Qunaoaigat and the rest cf the iilanda m tko bay, exeeptins Cfaabatewjtce, formerly sold unto Mr. Winthrop, tlie now Gov. of Mass. and Mr. WU- liami of Pr'>vidmiee, also Iha grass upon the rive rs and coves about Kilackamuckqat, esA from Ibeace to PaupasqoaL" " The mark of 4* CoROSicDS. The mturk 0/ 4* brm, Tlu murk of TTi' nark of 1%e mirk of YOTNEBH, [OtASH, [«r l/MlARTDRnOMOB.J MKAHTIKOMtX. ASOTAKRKt. MKIBAirifOK, Caroricos M» Mm. "IV* w ita e w e l h that I, WammatoMmet, the present sachem of the iilaad, ham received five falhoai of wampum and consent to the conteita. Tite mark of ^ Wasamatarahbt. <' MMMraadnm. I. Ottwuqtum, fireely eooiSBt" that tiwy may " make use of any gran aia land c« PoeaiicKo tide," having recciued five fathom of wampuia or trees on the main I 7^ mark of ^ O(AMa«0iir. w *5K' ea MIANTUPCNOMOH VISITS BOBTON. [Boot D. We have civen the above anecdote, which if thought a good illuatra- tion of the nnnd of man under the influence of a lupentitioua or preju- diced education. When it waa reported, in 16td, that Miantunnomoh waa plotting to cut off the Engliah, as will he found inentioned in the account of Slmgrtty and aeveral English were sent to him to know the truth of the matter, he would not talk with them through a Pequot interpreter, because he waa then at war with that natii)n. lu other respects he complied with their wishes, and treated them respectfully, agreeing to come to BtMton, for the gratification of the government, if they would allow Mr. fViUianu to accompany him. This they would not consent to, and yet he came, agreeably to their desires. We shall presently see who acted beat the part of civilized men in this affair. He had refused to use a Petfuot in- terpreter for good reasons, hut when ho was at Boston, and surrounded bv armed men, he was obliged to submit. '* The gjovernor being aa res- olute as he, rcAised to use anv other interpreter, thinking it a dishonor to ua to give so much way to tlicni !" The great wisdom of the govern- ment now displayed itself in the person of Gov. Thonuu Dudlty. It ia n■^t to be expected but that Miantunnomoh should resent their proceed- ings; for to the above insult they added others; "would show him no countenance nor admit him to dine at our table, as formerly he had done, till he had acknowledged his failing, &c., which he readily did."* By their own folly, the English had ma^ themselves jealous of a powurfbl chiefi and they nppear ever ready ulerwards to credit evil reports of him. That an independent chief should be obliged to conform to transitory notions upon such an occasion, is absolutely ridiculous ; and the justness of the following remark from him was enough to have shamed qood men into their senses. He said, " When your people come to me they are per- mitted to u$e their ownfaahioiu, and I expect the same liberty when I come to uou.^ In 1642, Connecticut became very suspicious of Miantunnomoh, and urged Massachusetts to join them in a war against him. Their fears no doubt ^w out of the consideration of the probable issue of a war with Uneat m his favor, which waa now on the point of breaking out. Even Massachusetts did not think their suspicions well founded ; yet, according to their request, they sent to Miantunnomoh, who, aa usual, gave them aat- iafhctory answers, and, agreeably to their request, came again to Boston. Two days were employed by the court of Massachusetts in deliberating with him, and we are astonished at the wisdom of the great chief, even aa reported by his enemies. ■ Thai a aimple man of nature, who never knew courts or law, should cause such acknowledgments as follow, fh)m the eivUixed and m e, will always be contemplated with intense admiration. "When he came," aays WinBurop, " the court was assembled, and before his admission, we considered how to treat with him, for we knew him to be a very subtle man." When he was admitted, " he was set down at the lower end of the table, over against the governor,'' but would not at any time speak upon business unless some of his counsellors were present ; saying, <* he would have them present, that they might bear witness with him, at his return home, of all his sayings." The same author further says, " In all bis answers he was very deliberate, and showed good understanding in the principles of justice and equity, and ingenuity withal." He now asked for his accusers, urging, that if they could not establish ttmt allegations, they ought to suffer what he expected to, if they did ; * WinUvroffi Journal. [Book 0. good illuaira- oua or preju- »loning to cut t of Mnigra, the matter, he cauae he was ed with their to Doflton, for r. fViUiom$ to yet he came, cted best the I a Pei]uot in- i Biirroundnd being as res- a dishonor to ' the govem- hidley. It is leir proceed- ihow him no he had done, y did."* By f a powurfiil il repcfts of to transiioiy ! the justness ed gootl men they are ptr- wKen I come nnotnohj and leir fears no a war with out. Even Bt, according ve them sat- I to Boston, deliberating ; chief, even law, Hhould id wi e, will he came," mission, we very subtle *-er end of time speak saying, « he him, at his ays, " In all 'Standing in lot establish f they did ; Cmap. IV.] MIANTUNNOMOH CHARGED WITH A .ON8PIRACY. 63 but the court said lAcy k$uw of none, that iis they knew not whom tber were, ami thervfore gave no rrrdit to the rrports until they had adviwd him ac«rordin^ to a former agreenicnL lie then said, " If you did not K've credit to it, why then did you diau-m the Indians?" Maaachusetts iviug just tlien disarmed some of the Merriinacks under some preteoce. ** He gave divers reasons," nays Gov. fftnMrop,* " why we shoukl hold him free of any such conspiracy, and why wc should conceive it was a report raiM>d by UncoM, 6ic. and therefore offered to meet Unea$, and wouki prove to his face his treachery against the English, Alc, and told us he wouU come to us at any time," although he said some had tried to dissuade him, aaying that the English would |Hit him to death, yet he feared nothing, as he was innocent of the charges against hiiii.f The punishment due to those who had raised (he accusations, bore heavily upon his breast, and " he put it to our consideration wliat damage it bad been to him, in tfiat he was forced to keep bis men at home, and not suflbr them to go forth on hunting, ice^ till ne had given the English satisfiiction." After two days spent in talk, the council issued to the sat- isfaction of the English. During the council, a table was set by itself for the Indians, which Mi- antunnomoh appears not to have liked, and " would not eat, until somo food had been sent him from that of the governor's." That wisdcm seems to have dictated to Massachusetts, >n her auswer to Connecticut, must be acknowledged ; but as justice to Miantunnomoh abundantly demanded such deckion, credit in this case is due only to them, as to him who does a good act because it was his interest 8o to do. They urged Connecticut not to commence war alone, " alleging how dis- honorable it would be to us all, that, while we were upon treaty witi. the Indians, they should make war upon them ; for they would account their act as our own, seeing we had formerly professed to the Indians, that we were all as one ; and in our last message to Miantunnomoh, had remem- bered him again of the same, and he bad answered that he did so account us. UpoL receipt of tliis our answer, they forbare to enter into a war, but (it seemed) unwillingly, nnd as not well pleased with us." The main considerations which caused Massachusetts to decide against war was, "That all those infornutions [furnished by Connecticut] might arise from a false ground, and out of the enmity which was between the Narraganset and Mohigan" saehem& This wm no doubt one of the real causes, and had JiKaniumunnoh overcome Uncaa, the English would, from policy, as gladly have leagued with him as with the Tatter, for it was constantly pleacled in those days, that their safety must depend on a union with some of the most powerfiil tribes. There can be no doubt, on fairly examining the case, that Unccu used many arts, to influence the English in his favor, and against his enemy. In the progress of the war between the two great chiefs, the English acted precisely as the Indians have been always said to do — stood aloof, and watched the scale of victory, determined to join the conquerors : and we will here digress for a moment, to introduce a character, more fully to illustrate the cause of the operations of the English against the chief of the Narragansets. Miardunnotnoh hod a wretched enemy in JVaiandance, a Long Island sachem, who had astisted in the destruction of the Pequots, at their last retreat He revealed the plots and plans of Mianlunnomoh ; and, says * Se« book iii. chap. vii. t Here, (he reader may w!th propriety exclaim, was another Michael Strvetus : — " Pourquoy, Messeifrneurs,je demande que numJoMix accusateur toil puni poena talioois," &.C. Roscoe's Leo X. iv. 467. ^*. ;«;; Mf.VNTl'NNOMOH. [Book II. TAtm Gftrdtner, *• ho told me nwiiv vrnw n^o," m all thn plofn of the Nar- rnt{iiii!«!tM lind l)f<4>ii (lim-oviond tiin Dutch, and all the nortlirni and i-aNtiTn Indiatm, would ruHily destroy ua, man and riiotlntrN Bon." Mr. (tordfmr next rclntoM thnt he met with Atiardunnotnoh at Meanticut, IVaiandance^s fonntry, nn tlin eant end of f.on:; Inland. That Miantun- lutmoh wiiK there, as Wttiandame said, to lurnk np tho interconrae with lhi>.-:(i InilianN. Thore w«:ru othero with MianUmnomoh, and what they NaiCare iflkry die. They have no tr^ute given them. Therr ».♦ but one king in England, who ia over them all, and if you ihould tend him U)0,lK)0 fathom of wampum, he would not give you a kn\fe for it, nor thank you. Then said fraiandance, " They will come and kill ua all, ; s they did the Puquita;" but replied the Narragan- aeta, " A*o, the Pequots gave them ivampum and heaver, which they loved ao well, but they aent it them again, and killed them because they had kiUed an Englishman ; but you have killed none, therefore give them nothing." Some time atXi^r Miantunnomoh went ngain " with a troop of men to the aame place, and, iuRtcid of receiving presents as formerly, he gave prea- ents to ffaiandance and hia people, and made the following speech : — " BroUiera, we muat be one as the English are, or uv akall soon aU be de- atroiyed. You know our fathers had plenty of deer and skins, and our plains were full of deer and of turkeys, and our coves and rivers loere full offu^h. But, brothers, since these linglish have iteiied upon our country, they cut down the grass with scythes, and the trees toith axes. Their cores and horses eat up the grass, and their hogs spoil our beds of clams ; and finally toe shall starve to death ! therefore, stand not in your own light, I beseech yott, biU re- solve tvith us to act like men. Ml the sachems both to the east and west have joined with us, and we are all resolved to fall upon them, at a day appointed, and therefore I have come secretly to you, because you can persuade tiie In- diana to do what you wiU. Brothers, I will send over 50 Indians to Manissea, and 90 to you from thence, and take an 100 of Southampton Indiana wiOi an 100 qfyour oum here. Jlnd, when you aee the three firea that wiU he made at the end of iO daya hence, in a dear night, then act eu we act, and the next dtm fall on and kill men, women and children ; but no cows ; they muat be kilted aa we need them for provisiona, till the deer come again." To this speech all the old men said, " Wurregen^ L u. <*It is well.** But this great plot, if the account given by Waiandarnee be true, was by him brought to the knowledge of the English, and so failed. "And the plotter," says Gardener, " next spring aller, did as Ahab did at Ramoth- Gilead. — So he to M uhegan,* and there had hia fall."f The war brought on Itetween Uncos and Mianiwmomoh was not with- in the jurisdiction of the English, nor is it to Ite ex|)ected that they could with certainty detennine the justness of its cause. The broil had long existed, but the open rupture was brought on by Uncas' making war upon Sequasson, one of the suchems under Miantunnomoh. The English accounts say, (and we have ho uther,) that about 1000 Mrarriors were raised by Miantunnomoh, who came upon Utwaa unprepared, having only about 400 men ; yet, after an obstinate battle, in which many were killed * This goes to show that Miontimnomoh was not killed above Hartford, as Winthrop slates ; for Ihe country at some diittnnce from Ibe mouth of Pequot River was caJled Mohtgan. It probably included Windsor. > . t 3 Col. Mai. Hist. Soc. iii. 155. «■ lal [Book If. n of thfl Nar> the English lii tho ami«t- and all the ii man and It Meanticut, int Miantun- 'conrae with i what thejr » no tackema, '^htyhavt no >ver them aU^ ^^ not rive "They will I! Narragon. hey loved ao id kiUed an men to the gave prea- Bech: — t alt be de- i our plains m o/Jhh, 'ry, they ctd ' and noraea ily m ahall tou, but re- ' toeat have appointed, »te the In- Maniaaea, tHana with ^a wiU be e act, and oiea; they lin." S WM,I..'» e, was by An^ the Ramoth- lot with- ley could lad long ing war English •rs were ing only re killed Winthrop 'U called Cmkt. IV.] MIANTVNNOMOH. iMi both aidea, the Narragannela were put to flight, and AfumhituwaioA taken prisoner ; that he eti«l«-avnred to rave biiitsplf by flight, but having on a coat of mail, was known from the rest, and seizetl ny two* of hS own men, who lio|M.>d by lhi>ir tn-achery to nave their own Uvea. Whera- n|K)n they immediately delivered biiii up to the conqueror. Vneaa slew them both instantly ; probably with his own hand. This specimen of his bravery must iinve bad a salutary efli>ct on all such as afterwanli chanced to think of acting the part of traiton in their wan ; at leaat among the Narragansela. Being brought before Vneaa, ho remained without speaking a word, imtil iJneaa 8|toke to him, and said, ^ If j^ had taken me, I would have buought you for my lift" He then tooK his prisoner to Hartford, and at his renucHt led him a priaonor with the English, until the mind of the Uniteu Colonies should be known as to what disposition should be made of him. The sorrowful part of the tale is yet to be told. The commissi mers of the United Colonies having convened at Boston, ** taking into serious consideration, they say, what was safest and best to be done, were all of opinion that it would not be safe to set him at liberty, neither had we sufficient ground for us to put him to death."! The awful design of put- ting to death their friend they had not ;^et fixed upon, but calling to their aid in council, "Jive qf the moat judicioua cldera^ " thty all agreed that he ought to be put to death." This was the final decision, and, to complete the deed of darkness, secrecy was enjoined upon all. And their deter- mination was to be made known to Uncaa privately, with direction that he should execute him within his own jurimliction and without torture. We will now go to the record, which will enable us to judge of the justness of this matter. When the English bad determined that Uneaa should execute Miantunnomoh, Uncaa whs ordered to be sent for to Hart- ford, "with some considerable number of his best and trustiest men," to tdce him to a place for execution, " carrying him into the next part of his own government, and there put him to death : provided that some discreet and faithful persons of the English accompany them, and we the execution, for our more full satisfaction ; and that the EngUah meddle not with the head or body at all.**! The commissioners, at the same time, ordered " that Hartford ibmish Uncaa with a competent strength of English to defend him against any present fury or assault, of the Nanohi^gunsetts or any other." And "that in case Uneaa shall refuse to execute justice upon Myantenomo, that then Afyantenomo be sent by sea to the Massachusetts, there to be kept in ea(e durance till the commissioners may consider further how to dispose of bim."t Here then we see fully developed the real state of the case. The Mohegans had by accident captured Miantunnomoh, after which event they were more in fear of his nation than before ; which proves beyond doubt, that thev would never have dared to put him to death, had they not been promised the protection of the English. No one can read this account without being reminded of the fate of Abpofeon. We do not say that the English of New England dreaded the power of Jlftaniunnomoh as much os those of Old England did that of Mtpoleon afterward) ; but that both were sacrificed in consequence uf the * In the rerords, {Hazard, ii. 48.) but one person is mentioned as havinjir taken Mian- ttttmomoh, whose name was Tantoqueson, and there he is called a MohM^ captain. That therefore the Narragansets tried to kill him ; caaie upon him once in the nieht, and danirerously wounded him, as he lay in his wigwam asleep. See note in the Life of NiAret. t Winlhrop, ii. 131. t Records of the U. C InHlan wars, dte. The reader will find it about stalls by the street sine, but r»rely in a respectable book-store. It has been forced through many editions, but there is scarce a word of true history in it. I By Rev. Wm. Ely of Connecticut. # taA*. IV.l NINIGRET. <9 « Uneaa having before told his men, that if his enemy sbould refim to fight him, he would fall down, and then they were to discharge their artillery [arrows] on them, and fall right on them as fast as they could f this was done, and the Mohegans rushed iii)on Miantvnnomoh*$ army " like lions," put thotri to flight, and killed " a number on the ^not.^ Th< «* pursued the rest, driving some down ledges of rocks." The foremi>s>t ofUncaa's men got ahead of J^ardunnomoh, and impeded his flight, drhw- ing him back as they passed him, "to give Uneas opportunity to take him himself." ** In the pursuit, at a place now called SUiem^a Platn, Uneoi took him by the shoulder. lie then set down, knowing C7fieve account, are corroborated. The records of the commissioners say, that Uneas, before the battle, told JlfScmfunnomoA, that he had many ways sought his life, and now, if he dared, he would figiit him in single combat ; but that Miantunnomoh "presuming upon his numbers of men, would have nothing but a batde."! It does not appear from these records, that Uncas had npy idea of put- ting Mianlunnomah to death, but to extort a great price from his country- men, for his ransom. That a large amount in wampum was collected for this puriwse, appears certain, But before it was paid, Uncas received the decision of the English, and then pretended that he had made no such agreement, or that the quantity or quality was not as agreed upoti, as will more at length be seen in the life of Uncas. We come now to JS/inigret, often called Mnicrajl, and SDmetimes J^Tenekunat,^ JViniglud, JVeneg'rfett, and written almobt as many other ways as times mentioned, by some early writers. Janemo was th;i first imrne by wliich he was known to the English. He was generally styled sachem of the Nienticks, a tribe of the Narragansets, whose principal residence was af Wokapaug, now Westerly, in Rhode Island. He was cousin to Mianiunnomoh,\\ and * Trumbull says meat, but the MS. is plain, and means meal. t Manuscript letter, 1 Mar. 1833. i See Hazard's Historical Collections, ii. 7, 10. Q So written by Roger Williamit. ^ Prince says he was uncle to Mianluniwmoh, {Chronotogi/, ii. c'J.) S'Ut that ccuUI not have been. n NINIORET. [Boob n. ia commonly mentioned in history as the chief sachem of the Nianticks, which always made a part of the great nation of tlie. Narraganseta. Mnigret married a sister of CaahawathM, otherwise called Harmon Gamt, who was his uncle. The relation in which the Nianticks stood to the Narragansets is plain, from the representation given by Mianlunnomoh to the government of Massachusetts, in 1642. In treating with him, at that time, Gov. WinUirop •ays, "Some difficulty we had, to bring him to desert the Nianticks, if we had just cause of war with them. They were," he said, ^ as his own flesh, btoing allied by continua||pntermarriages, &c. But at last he conde- scended, that if they should do us wrong, as he could not draw them to £'ve us satisfaction for, nor himself could satisfy, as if it were for blood, c. then he would leave them to us." In 1637, "JMtanhtnnomoA came to Boston. The governor, deputy and treasurer treated with him, and they parted upon fair terms." "We gave bira leave to right himself for the wrongs which Janemoh and We- qua$h Cook had done him ; and, for the wrong they had done us, we woald right ourselves, in our own time."* Hence it ap|)ears that at this period they were not so closely allied as thev were afterwards. The next year, Janemo was complained of by the Long Island Indians, who paid tribute to the English, that he had committed some robberies upon them. Capt. Maaon was sent from Connecticut with seven men to require satisfaction. Janemo went immediately to tha English, and the matter was amicably settled.f When it was rumored that MiaiUunnomoh was plotting to cut off the English, and using his endeavors to unite other tribes in the enterprise, the English sent deputies to him, to learn the truth of the report, as will be found elsewhere fully stated. The deputies were well satisfied with the carriage of Jttkmtunnomoh, but ^Janemoh, the Niantick sachem, carried himself proudly, and refused to come to us, or to yield to any thing ; only, he said, he would not harm us, except we invaded him.*^ Thus we cannot but form an exalted opinion of ^nigret in the person of Janemo. We hear little of Mn^ret until after the death of Miantunnomoh. In 1644, the N&rragansets and Nianticks united against the Mohegans, and fbr some time obliged Uncaa to confine himself and men to his fort. This afiair prorably took place early in the spring, and we have else- where given all the particulars of it, both authentic and traditionary. It appears, by a letter mim Tho. Peters, addressed to Gov. Winthrop, written about the time, that there had been some hard fighting; and that tho Mo- hegans had been sadly beaten by the Narragansets. Mr. Peters writes : — " I, with your son, [John Wirdhrop of Con.,] were at Unccu^ fort, where I dressed seventeen men, and left plasters to dress beventeen more, who were wounded in Uncos' brother's wigwam before we came. Two cap- tains and one common soldier were buried, and since we came thence two captains and one common man more, are dead also, most of which are wounded with bullets. Uncas and his brother told me, the Narragan- sets had 30 guns which won them the day, else would not enre a rush for them. They drew Uncaa' forces out by a wile, of 40 appearing only, but a thousand [lay hid] in ambush, who pursued Uncos'' men into their own land, where the Imttle was fought vario marte, till God put fresh spirit into the Moheagnes, and so drave the Narragansets back again." So it seems that Uncas had been taken in his own [)lay. The letter goes on : — ""Twould pity your hearts to see them [Uncaa^ men] lie, like so many uew circumcised Sechemites, in their blood. Sir, whatever information • WinUirop'i Journal, i. 243. t Ibid. 267. t Ibid. ii. 8. [Book U. le Nianttclu, farragansets. rmon Garret^ sets is plain, eminent of )v. fFinthrop nticks, if we ad his own it he conde- aw them to « for blood, deputy and ms.'' « We oh and Se- lene us, we that at this nd Indians, le robberies iren men to sh, and the cut off the enterprise, )ort, as will tisfied with k sachem, ield to any ded him.'7 the person lomo^ In egans, and fort. have else- oiiary. It »p, written It the Mo- writes : — ort, where nore, who ~'\vo cap- ne thence of which Varragan- re a rush ring only, into their put fresh again." tter goes ! so many brmation 8. Chap. IV.] NINIGRET. you have, I dare boldly say, the Narragansets first brake the contract tliey made with tiie English last year, for I helped to cure one TWi- ijuieaon, a Moheague captain, who first fingered [laid hands on] Jlfum/MO- mto. t:^me cunning squaws of Narraganset led two of them to T^ntir ipiieson'a wigwam, where, in the night, they struck him on the breast tiirough the coat with an hatchet, and had he not fenced it with his arm, no hope rouUl be bad of his life," &c.* "■ The English thought it their concern," says Dr. /. Maihtr,\ "■ not to suffer him to be swallowed up by those adversaries, since be had, (thou^ tor his own ends,) approved himself faithflil to the English from time to time." An army was accordingly raised for the relief of Unca$. ^ But OS they were just marching out of Boston, many of the principal Narra> ganset In Hans, \a. Pesaecut, Mtxano,t and nUtuoaah, sagamores, and Awaaequin, deputy for tlie Nianticks ; these, with a large train, came to Boston, suing for peace, being willing to submit to what terms the Eng* - lish should see cause to impose upon them. It was demanded of them that they should defray the charges they had put the English to,§ and that the sachems should send their sons to be kept as hostages in tiie hands of the English, until such time as the money should be paid." Afler remarking that from this time the Narragansets harbored venom in their hearts against the English, Mr. Mather proceeds: — ** In the first place^ they endeavored to play kgerdemain in their sending hostages ; for, in* stead of sachems' children, they thought to send some other, and to mak« the English believe that those base papooaea were of a royal progeny ; but they had those to deal with, who were too wise to be so eluded. Afler the expected hostages were in the hands of the English, the Nar- rngansets, notwithstanding that, were slow in the performance of what tiitiy stood engaged for. And when, upon an impartial discharge of the debt, their hostages were restored to them, they became more backward than formerly, until they were, by hostile preparations, ajnin and again terrified into better obedience. At last, Capt. AUurton, of Dorchester, was sent with a small party|| of English soldiers to demand what waa due. He at first entered into the wi^am, where old Mnigrtt resided, widi only two or three soldiers, appomting the rest by degrees to follow him, two or three dropping in at once ; when his small company were come ibout him, the Indians in the mean time supposing that there had been many more behind, he caught Ihe sachem by the hair of his head, and setting a pistol to his breast, protesting whoever escaped he should siftely die, if he did not forthwith comply with what was required. Hereupon a great trembling and consternation surprised the Indians; albeit, multi- tudes of them were then present, with spiked arrows at their bow-strings ready to let fly. The event was, the Indians submitted, and not one drop of blood was shed."! This, it must be confessed, was a high-handed pro- ceeding. ^ Some space after that, Ninigret was raising new trouble against us, i j * Winthrop's Jour. ii. 380, 381. f Relation, fi8. X The editor of Johnson's Wonder-working Providence, in Col. Mats. Hist. Soe. makes a great mistake in noting this chief as Bfianturmomoh. Mriksali, Mixanno, Meika, &.C. are names of the same person, who was the eldest son of Canomcus, Afler the death of his father, he was enief sachrm of the Narragansets. He married a sister of Ninigret, who was " a woman of great power," and no other than the famous Quaiapen, at one time called Matantuck, from wnich, probably, was derived Magmu. By gome writers mistaking him for Miantumutmoh, an error has spread, that has occa- sioned much confusion in accounts of their genealogy. ^ A yearly tribute in wampum was agreed upon. Manuscript Narrative of the Rev. T. Cohhet, which places the affair in 1645. I Twenty, savs a MS. document among our state papers. , Relation of the Troubles, fa-.. 4to, 1677. 70 NINIGRET. [Boob II. oniony his Nianticks and other Iiitlinns ; hut upon the speedy sending up ot Capt. Davis, w ith u purty of hoi-se to reduce him to the former l>eac(!, will), upon the news of the captain's approach, wu put into such a panic fear, that lie dunit 'lot come out of his wigwam to treat with the captain, till secured of his life by him, which he was, if he quietly yield- ed to his message, aoout which he was sent from the Bay. To which he fru at home himself^ they would now Eive hini 30 days to so and get it in ; and if he could not procure enough ^ y 500 iathono, atill Uiey would not molest him until "next spring plant- ing time." That as so much was still due, they would reckon thie pres- ent before mentioned, but if they did not bring 1000 fiithom in twenty days, the coinmisaioners would send no more messengers into his country, **Diit take course to right themselves.*' That if mey were** forced to seek satisfaction by arms, he and his confederates must not expect to make their peace, as lately they had done, by a little wampum. In the mean time, thoui^h for breach of covenants the^ might put their hostages to death, yet thr> commisdoners would forthwith deliver the children to //iMIfrtt,* expecting from him the more care to see engagements fully satisfied. A.zid if they find him real in his performancej they will charge al former neglects upon Peaaaeua," and "m such case they expect from Mngret his best assistance, when he shall be required to recover the whora remainder' from him. All which Ninigret cheerfully accepted, and promised to perform accordingly." Nonnthsianding all their promises, the Norragansets had not discharged their debt at the end of two years more, though in that time they had paid about 1100 fathom of wampum. At their meeting this year, 1649, at Boston, " the commissioners wem minded of the continued complaint of Uneaa" against the Narragansets, .hat thev were <* sdll vndermining his peace aikl seeking his ruine," and had lately endeavored ** to bring in the Mowhaukes vppou him," which failing, thiey next tried to take away his life by witchcrait A Narraganset Indian, named CtiUaqam, ** in an ilnglish vessel, in Mohegan River, rvn a sword into his brrast, wherby nee receeved, to all appearance, a mortal wound, which murtherus aete CMAr-l the I by th4 kiel ap>v'afc loguel «*he «butl Mobe| him, aon. u' often waspi num, given I ditiou * Glad, no doubt, to rid themselves of the expense of keeping tbem ; for it must be faamnbered, that the English took them upon the condition (hat they shouid support them at their own expense. fBooK U 'P»nme,Pe$. *>e totuidtnd ^vluU Mm M« onrf / up^ '>'<»* forbtar- Ml they pro. >oon as was ival; sadiv, ley brougbt ! somewhat 1 waa, that, 300 lathom >re had not have lieen 100 by hi" » a present 'lad othel^ ould have ^ould now re enough "ing plant- > thepres- in twenty » country, forced to expect to In the CkAP. IV.] NimoRrr. lUdren to il charge ect fh>iii >ver the rted,and chai^ hey had ir, 1649, mplaint rmining iring in eaway in an «rherby US acte ■HIM be support the asmlant dion eonfesMd hec was, for a eonsiderabie sum of waropuoi, by the fiiarragBnsett and Nianiieko sac Items, hired to attempu" Ilieanwhile Ainigret, ii.iderstandiug what was to be ur^ against him, apiV^ared siid.^. nly at ikieton before tiie conuniMioiiers. Tlie old cata- logue of delinquencies was read over to him, witli several new ones appended. As it respected CtUtaquin'i attempt upon ttie life of Uneog, Jfmigrd said that neither he nor Putactu had any hand in it, but that *^he[Cutitujuin] wc» drawn thereunto by torture from the MohegaiM ;" "but he was told, tliat the assailant, l)efore be came into the hands of the Mohegans, presently af\er the fact was committed, layed the charge upon him, with the rest, which he confirmed, the day following, to Capt. Ma- aim, in the presence of the English that were in the bark with iimi, and often rviterntet^ it at Hartford, though since he hath denied it : that he w« preserrsd to Uneaa untlor the notion of one appertaining to V$iame- qmn, whertby he was acknowledged as his friend, and no provocation given him." CuUaquin had affirmed, it was saic', that his desperate con- dition caused him to attempt the life of Uneas, "through his great engagement to the said sachems, having received a considerable quabtity of wanripum, which he had spent, who otherwise would have taken away his life.'' The judgment of the court was, that the sachems were guilty, and we next find them engaged in settling the old account of wampum, fibd- gret had got the comiaissiouers debited more than they at first were willing to allow. Thev say that it appeared by the auditor's acc3unt, that no more than 1529i fathom hath been credited, " nor could JVtn^grd by an^ evidence mako any more to appear, only he alleged that arnut 600 fathom was paid by measure which he accouuted by tale, wherein there was considerable difference. The commissioners, not willing to adhere to any strict terms in that particular, (and though by agreement it to be paid by measure and not by tale,) were willing to allow 6B fathom and half in that respect, so that there remuns due 408 fatliom. But Mlnignt persisting in his former affirmacion, and not endeavored to give any reasonable satisfaction to the commissionera in the premises, a small inconsiderable parcel of beaver being all that was tendered to them, though they understood be was better provided." They therefore gave him to understand that thev were altogether dissatisfied, and that he mi^ht go his own way, as they were determined to protect Uneo$ accordmg to their treaty with him. The commissioners now expressed the opinion among themselves, that affaire looked rather turbulent, and advised that each colony should hold itself in readiness to act as circumstances might require, ** whieh they the rather present to consideration, from on information they received since theur sitting, of a marriage shortly intended betwixt Afot- grd't daughter, and a brother or brother's son of Saaaaqwu, the molig- niuit, furious Pequot, whereby probably their aims are to gather together, and reunite the scattered conquered Pequates into one body, and set them up egain as a distinct nation, which hath always been witnessed against by the English, and may hazard the peace of the colonies." The four years next succeeding are full of events, but as theyhappened chiefly among the Indians themselves, it is very difficult to learn the particulars. Mnigref claimed dominion of the Indians of a part of Long Island, as did his predecessore ; but those Indians, seeing the Englim domineering over the Narragansets, became altogether independent «r them, and even waged wars upon them. ^scassaaotiek was at this period the chief of those Indiana, a warlike and courageous chief, but as treacherous and barbarous as he was brave. These idonders had firom the time of the Pequot troubles been protected ;«&: 74 NINIGRET^WAIANDANCE. (BookO. Chap. by the English, which mucn inpmapd their iasolencft. Not only had ^/hugrtt, and the met of tlio Narraganaels, miflfered from hk tmuloi, but the Mohegaiis had also, as we dhall more fiiliy niake >l*pev hereafter. When the Enghsh comniissionere had iiiet at HartNMd m 1<>50, Umua came witii a coin;>laint to ithem, "thn; the Mohanaick sachem, in Loos bland, hnd killed mm of hi« men ; bewitched diuera others and hiiuself also,* and desired fho commtvionent thni. bee might be righted tfaerin. An because the saiti sachem of Lon^ Island was net th«re to answer for himself," several Englislinicii were appointed to examine into it, and if they found him guilty to let hiiii know tliat they " will bring trouble upon themselves." At the same meeting an order was passed, "that 20 men well armed be sent out of the jurisdiction of tht> Massachusetts to PrsskiUy to demand the said wampum, [then in nrrci\r«s] which is 908 fathom ;" hut in case they could not get the wampum, diey were ordered "to take the aam^ or the vallew thcrof, in the liest and most suitable goods they can find." Or, if they could not find enough to satisfy all demands, they wera ordered to seize and " bring away either Peasacua or his ciildrer., or such other considerable sachem or jiersons, as they prize, and may mjre prob- ably bow them to rcacuii." From Peasacits, they we-^ ordered to go to ^bt^nty and inform him that the commissioners had heard "/Aof he Itad gmem hia dm^der in tmr- riage to Saaecos his bnther, who f^ttthera Pequota wuUr Ana, at j^ eittcr Ac taould become their aachem, or agmn poaseaa the Pemutt tmaitryf^ which was contrary to " engagements," and what they would not allow, and he must inform them whether it were so. To inform him also that ffk^aaak QhA " complains of sundry wrongs." And that, as to his hunting in the Pequot country, to inform him he had no right to do so^ as that countir belonged to the English. The termination of this expeidition, in whieo Mmgret was taken " by the hair." has beeu previously owntioned io our extract from Dr. Mather. We have in the life of JUionfuimoiiioA given some account of the acts of a chief called Waiandanee, '><«pecially relating to tlie disot^anizatioD of the plans of that great chief! We come, in this place, to a parallel act in relation to Mmgret. About a year afler the death of Jfi awfaimo - moA, Mnigret undertook to organize a' plan for expatriating the Engiisb • and sent a messenger to Wdiandmne^ the Long Isfand sachem, to engage him in it Instead of listening to his message, IPUojufanee seized upon MngrePa messenger, bound him, and sent him to Capt. Gonleiwr at Saybrook fort From thence he was sent, under a guard of 10 men, for Hartford. But they were wind-bound in their passages, and were obliged to put in to Shelter Island, where an old sachem livM, who was IFowi*- dmue*a elder brother. Here they let NhugrtPa ambaaaador escape, and thus he had knowledge that his plan was overthrown. Since we have here introduced the sachem IFoMMfance, we wiD add the account of his last acts and death. One WiUiaatt limtummd being killed " by a giant-like Indian" near New Yoric, about 1637, Capt ikardaur told fFaiandanee that he must kill that Indian ; but this bemg against the advice of the great sachem, his brother, he declined it, uid told the captain that that Indian was a mighty great man, and no man dared meddle with him, and that he had many friends Some time after, he killed another, one T^mcu /brritigfon, and in the mean time, Waiandanee^a brother having died, he undertook his execution, which he accomplished. This was his last act in the service of the English ; **£»■ in the time of a great mortality among them, he died, but it was by poison ; also two * This was doublleis as Irae iis weie most ofliis chaiges against Ike Namcaasels. ,'\ (Book H. Not only hMi hid ifwulttv but r beivafter. in l(»0, C/lMw siieni, in Looc I and hiiuMtf idtlwriu. Bill to answer for into it, and if r trouble upon itpII armed be lu, to demand ;" but in caae >ke tlicaanw, ley can find." B, they were dren, or such y mare prob* inform him gUeri^mmt- tti/dtterAc " which wu and he must bat mqmaak jnlinj in the that countnr in, in which ioned in our t of the acts nrganization toaparallel ^Mthmno- he Engiisb; It, to engage leized upoD Banfencr at 10inen,ibr 'ere obliged ras fFaiam- e8cape,aiid r« win add ■mrf being tGondemr against the i told the nan dared e after, he ricDidlBiioe'* nnpKshed. ' time of • also two Cmap. IV. I NINIGRET.— MEXAM. 7S lagaaMts. thirds of the Indians upon Long laiand diod, else the Narragansets had not made such havoc here ns they have." ^inigrtt passed the winter of Ui52 — 3 among the Dutch of New- York. This caused the English great suHpicion, C8|ieeially ns they were enemies to the Dutch at that time ; and several 8agt.<..ores who resided near the Dut' h had repoitcd that the Dutch govsnior was trying to hire them to cut oif the hnglish ; consequently, there was a 8|iecitu meeting of the English commissioners at Bcston, in April, 1653, occasioned by a rumor that the Narragansets had leagued with the Dutch to break up the Eng- lish settlements. Wheit.upon a letter was sent by them to their agent at Narra^ inset, Thomaa Stanton, containing " divera queries," by him to be interpreted " to JVinegrett, Ptaricxu and A^^Jaam, three of the chiefcst Narraganset sacher.ts," and their answers to be immediately olttaiDed and reported lo 'aa commissioners. The questions ^j be put to the sachems were in eubetance as fol- lows: — 1. Wh'-Uier the Dutch had engaged them* to tight against the English. — ^3. Whether the Dutch governor did not endeavor such a cokjspiracy. — 3. Whether they had not received arms and unitinna of w&r from the Dutch. — 4. What other Indians are engaged in the plot— 5. Whether, contrary to their engagement, they were resolved to fight agai.ist the English.— -6. If they ere so resolved, tohal thty think the Engliui will do. — 7. Whether they l.ad not better be true to the English. ' — 8. Similar to the first. — 9. What were their grounds of wnr against the English. — 10. Whether they had not better come or send messengers to treat with the English. — 11. Whether they had hired the Mohawks to help them. " The answare of the sachems, viz. JVimigreit, Pessecvis and Mixam. vnto the queries and letters sent by the messengers, Surjeani fVaite and Sarjeant John BamU, the 18th of the second month, 1653." Mexam seems to have been tlie first that answered ; and of the first query he said : — ** I speak unfewntdlyyfrom my heart, and aay, mlihovt diasimxdalion, tluzt I know of no »uck plot againtt Oie Englith, my friends ; implicating either the Dutch governor or any other person. Thovgh I he poor, it is not goods, gytw, powder nor shot, thtU shall draw me to such a plot as this against the English, mif friends.^ ff the Dutch goverrwr had made known any such tnlCTi/ion to mi-, I would have told it, wiUiout delay, to the English, myfiiends. With respect to your second question, I answer, No. Whcf do the English aaehems, my fnends, think of us ?—do they think we should prefer goods, guns, powder and shot, hrfore our lives ? our means of living ? outh of us and ours ? As to the ith query, I speak from my heart, and say, J know qf no such plot hy the Dutch governor. There may come fidse netos and report^ against us ; let them say wuU they wiU, they w-e false. It is unnecessary to «ay more. But in. srMper to the lOlh query I wiu say. It is just messengers should he sent to ireai with the English sachems, but as for myself, I am old, and canmit travel tun days together, but a man shall be sent to speak ivith the sachems. Ihave sent to Mr. Smith, and Voll| his man, to speak to Mr. Brown, * The third pcrscn singular, he, is used throughout, iti the original, as it was supposed by the propoonders that each chief would be nuestioned separately. t Every o:;e must be forcibly rep'.indnd of the answer given by one of our rcvolution- a^ wortlnes, Joseph Reed, Esq., to a British agent, on reading this answer of the chief Mexam, though not under circumstances exacny similar. Mr. Reed was promised a fortune if he 'would exert himself on the side of the king. Viewing it in the li^ht of a bribe, he replied : "lam not tcorlh jntrchasing, but, sucli as I am, the king ot Gre/it Britain is not rich enough to do it." Dr. Gordon's America, ii! 172. ed. London, 4 vols. 8 vo. 1788. \ Vatlenline Whitman, an interpreter, elsewhere named. • 76 NFNK; UET.— Pl'-iSAt -'US. [Book II. and to Mg to Ami, UuU I love tlu Enf(lvih taehemM, and all Enf^hmtn im he liau : Jhul dcnire Mr. Brown to tdl tiie amliemt of the fiflnjf, that tkt cAi'/i that i.i now Iioni, or lluzt I'.t to Lc born in (tine lo came, ahall tee no war made hij tu nfaiuat the Unf^ligh." Ptxaaciu H|Kikp t(» this* |)iir|MN(e :— " / am ver»f thanl^f'xd lo (A«;«r tufo nun that camrj'iom the MaataehuaetU, and hynu TlioinaH, and to yon Poll,* and to yoti Mr. Hiiiith.yo* " 'ome to fur an from the Hay to bring us thit mtasage, and to xnj j them thintfB tve knew » >< of More. Aafor the governor of the Duiii; uw are loath lo invent any fiitseho^il of kirn, tfwvgh we be far from him, to please the Kngliiiky or any others that bring Iheae reports, for what I apeak with my mouth I apfiik from my heart. The Dutch governor did never propound any such >iiing unto na. Do you think we are mad') and that we have for- gotten our toriting that toe had in the Bay, which doth bind ru to the EngHah, ourfrienda, in a way of frieniiship ? ^iall we throw aicay that writing and ouraelvea too ? Have we not reason in m ? How can the Dutch shelter tta, being ao remote, (gainst the power of the English, our friends — we living clote bjf the doora of the Engliah, onr friends? We do prqfeaa, we abhor aueh thxnga." I^aHtly, we comn to th« chief actor in this afTuir, JVinigret. He takes up each query in onler, and nnaworH it, whicli, for brevity's sake, we will give in a little more condensed form, omitting nothing, however, that con in any degree add to our acquaintanre with the great chief. He thus com- mences : — " / utterly deny thcU there has been any agreement made between the Dutch gmemor and myself, to fi^ht against ' the English. I did never hear the Dutchmen aay Ihey would go and fight against the English ; neither did 1 hear the Indians say they would join toith them. But, while 1 was there at the Indian wigwams, there came some Indians tnal iold me there was a ship come in from Holland, which did report the English and Dutch were fighting together in their own country, ami there were several oilier ships coming with ammunition to fight against the English here, and that there would be a greai blmo given to the English when they came. But this I Juidfrom the Indiana, and now true it is I cannot tell. I know not of any wrong the Er^lish have done me, theiefore why ahouid I fight against them ? frhy do the En^iah aaehema oak me the same questions over and over again ? Do they thirdc we are mad — and wotdd,for a few guns and swords, sell our lives, and the Uvea of our wives and children ? .as to their tenth question, it being indifferently spoken, whether I mav go or send, though I know nothing mme\f, wherein I have wronged the English, to prevciU mt {(oing ; yet, q« / aatd before, it being left to my choice, that is, it being indifferent to the commissioners, whevwr I will send some one to speak with them, I will send."] To the letters which the English messengers carried to the sachenrw, Mexam and Pesaacus said, " fVe desire there may be no mistcdce, but that toe may be understood, and that there may be a true umkrstanding on both sides. fVe desire to know where you had this news, that thire was such a league made betwixt the Dutch and us, and also to know our accusers." JSfinigret, though of the most importance in this affair, is last mentioned jn the records, and his answer to the letter brought him by the commis- sioners is as follows : — • So printed in Hazard, but probably means the same as VoU ; V, in the latter case, having been taken for P. We have known such instances. 0ll4V. ekuaeti inquir the D way on there alrfoit has b^ atPo Botton latoyer. word. ir a ptuxk exist any where, wo apprehend it is in some mystifying IBowB II. ^ay> that Iht ■tf fee no uor rhtuttU,and rome J tkue •*« are loath o please the tok with my fr propound '« have for- vnjhng and h shelter tu, — «« living », tve abhor ic tukea up ve will give hat can in thus com- i the Dutch er hear tite ithcr did I 103 there at 709 a ship ^re^ghting mtng irift be a ereai ^Itsh have te Erurliah y thivic we d the Uvea differently wherein 1 pefore, it liaaionera, sachemc^ ' d that toe oth sides, a league « entioned commis- tler case, /'would Philadel- 5 even a ysli/ying ONAr. IV] NINinRET— AWA8IIAW. " You an kindty welcome lo ut, and I kindly thank the taehema of Ma ekuttUt that they should thitJt of me na one of the aaehema worthy lo b« inquired rf eonctming this matter. Had any of the other saehems been at the IhdcH, I should have fared their folly might have done some hurt, ru(Niiiiiicaa and the Bnglisb. That on tbe otber side of Hudson's River, ^nigret had a conlerence with a great oiany Indian sagamores, and desired tbcir aid to cut off the Mohegaiw and English. Also, that, about two years since, .\1[it^rel " sent to the Monheage sachem, and gav.~ him a resent of wampum, pressing bim to procure a man skilful in magic workings, and an artist in iwisoniug, ana sepd unto bim ; and he should receive more on buodredtb fatbom of wampum, which was to have been conveyed to the Monheage sachem, and tbe powaugh at the return of bim tliat was to bring the poisoB. Uncaa having intelligence of these things, caused a narrow watch to be set, by sea and land, for the apprehending of those persons ; and accord- ingly took them returning in a canoe to the number of seven : whereof four of them were Narragansets, two strangei-s and one Pequatt. This was done in bis absence, while he was with Mr. Hainea, at Conecticott, and carried by those of his men that took them to Mohegen. Being there examined, two of them, the [Wampeage*] sachem's brother, aoa one Narraganset freely confessed t!ie whole plot formerly expressed, aod that one of their company was that powaugh and prisoner, pointing owt die man. Upon this, bis men in a rage slew him, fearing, as he said| least be should make an esca{)e, or otherwise do either mischief to Uncof or the English, in case they should carry him with the rest before them, to Conecticott to be further examined. And being brought to Conecticott before Mr. Hainea, and examined, did assert these particulars." An Indian squaw also informed "an inhabitant of Wethersfield, that the Dutch and Indians generally were" confederating to cut off the English, and that election day, [1654,1 was the time set, " because then it is apprehended tbe plantations will be left naked and unable to defend tbeoaaelves, tbe strength of tbe English colonies being gathered from tb^ aoqua how iMUf It wl diing ll off thT-( * See declaration onward in Ute record*, (Hoi ii. S22.) ilMIX .,il-V< ■f If (Boob II. 'in had not iiac lie luul defend i^m th^ I.'i .il-XH CllA». iV.1 NINIOUrr^ADDAM. ?% wmral towna. And the aforeaud squaw advised the ssid inhabitant* to aoqwaiot the rest of the Knciiah with it, desiring thev would remetaber how dear their slighting of her former information of the Pequola com* ing upon the English cost them."* It would seem, from a careful examination of the rerords, that some* diing had been suggested either by the Dutch or Indiiuis, about ** cutting off* the English," which justice to JYtnigrtt rvquires us to statu, might have been the rase without hit knowledge or purtici|Nitioii. l>or, tM testimony of the messengers of " nine Indum sagamores who live about the .Monhatoes** no how implicates him, and, therefore, cannot be taken into crfield, on the Connecticut,] and he carried with him many note of scwan, thut is, bags of wampani, and delivered them to the sagamores of the places, and they were to distribute them amongst their men ; and wuhnl he carried powder, shot, cloth, lead and guns; and told them he would get all the great Indians under him, and the English should have the wum of the Indians, and he would have those sagamores with their men to cut off the English, and to be at his command wbeiiever he hud use of them, and he was tu find them powder and shot till he had need of them. Furtlier, he sent one Ciovert, a Dutchman, to Marsey, on Long Island, to JVlttanoAom, the sagamore, to assist him and to do for him whut he would have [him] do : But the sagamore told him he would have nothing to [do] with It : whereupon Govert gave the sagamore a great kettle to be silent. NUkMoham told him he had but 20 men, and the English had never done him wrong, [and] he hay the Indians, Nine uf the Eiijjlish were slain upon the place, and some horses, and two young women were tiikeii ca|)live." Relation of the Troubles, &c. S!6. — Dr. Tiiimbull says this happened in .April. Wis*. Coil. i. T7. The cause of this act of the Pcqnols, according to IVinthrop, i. 2C0, was this. An Indian called Seqiiin had given the English landis at Wciiierslicid, ihut lie nii^ht live by them and be protected from other Indians. But when ht; came tlierc, and had set down his wigwam, the English drove him away by force. .\nd heiirc it was supposed (hat he had plotted their destruction, as above related, with the Peijiiots. t A Dittrii officer, whose duty is similar to that of treasurer among llic English. i To light their pipes, doubtless — the Dutch agreeing well, in (he paiticular of smoking, wiik Ike udiaiu. 8b NINIORET.— ASCASSASOnCK'S WAR. [Book IL CHArJ or the like. Aod much sewsTi wiw seen at that time in Mu »e g n f $ hand, and he carried none away with him ;" and that Romutaeoke told him that the governor bid him fly fur liis life, for the plot was now discovered. Nevertheless, as for any positive testimony that J^mgnt was plotting against the English, there is none. That he was in a room to avoid com- pany, while his physician was attending him, is very prohable. In a long letter, dated 26th May, 1653, which the governor of New Amsterdam, PtUr StuyvesaiU, wrote to the English, is the following pas- sage : — " It is in part true, as your worships conclude, that, about Januaiy, there camo a strange Indian from the north, called JVinnigrett, com> mander of the Narragansets. But he came hither with a pass from Mr. John Winiknp. Upon which pass, as we remen.ber, the occasion of his coming was expressed, namely, to be cured and healed ; and if, upon the other side of the river, there hath been any assembly or meeting of the Indians, or of their sagamores, we know not [of it.] We heard that he hath been upon Long Island, about Nayacke, where he hath been for the most part of the winter, and hpth had several Indians with him, but what he hath negotiated with them remains to us unknown : only this we know, that what your worships lay unto our charge are &lse reports, and feigned informations." The war with Ascassasutk, of which we shall give all the particulars in our possession, was the next affair of any considerable moment in the Dfe of Nlnytret. In 1654, the government of Rhode Island communicated to Massachu- setts, that the last summer Ninigni, without any cause, "that he doth so much as allege, fell upon the Long Island Indians, our friends and tributa- ries," and killed many of them, and took others prisoners, and would not restore them. " This summer he hath made two assaults upon them ; in one whereof he killed a man and woman, that lived upon the land of the English, and within one of their townships ; and anotlier Indian, that kept the cows of the English." He had drawn many of the foreign Indians down from Connecticut and Hudson Rivers, who rendezvoused upon Winthrop's Island, where they killed some of his cattle.* This war began in 1653, and continued " several years."f The commibjioners of the United Colonies seemed blind to all complaints against Vnccu ; but the Narragansets were watched and harassed without ceasing. Wherever we meet with an unpublished document of those times, the fact is very apparent. The chief of the writers of ibe histoiy of that period copy from the records of the United Colonies, which ac- counts for their making out a good case for the English and Mohegans. The spirit which actuated the grave commissioners is easily discovered, and I need only refer my readers to the case of Miantunnomoh. Despe- rate errors require others, oftentimes still more desperate, until the first appear small compared with the magnitude of the last ! It is all along discoverable, that those venerable records are made up fixim one kind of evidence, and that when a Narraganset appeared in his own defence, uo many of his enemies stood ready to give him the lie, that his indignant spirit could not stoop to contradict or parley with them ; and thus his assumed guilt passed on for history. The long-silenced and bome-down friend of the Indians of Mooaehausic,^ no longer sleeps. Amidst his toils and perils, he found time to raise his pen in their defence ; and though his letters for a season slept with him, tliey are now awaking at tlie voice of day. When the English had resolved, in 1654, to send a force against the Narragansets, because they had had difficulties and wars with Jlaccutasd' » * JIfantMcnpt ibvM\ents. \ Ww>d!» Hist. Long Island. \ Providence. *r Ciur.iy.] NINIGRET.— ASCASHASOnCK'S WAR. (ie, «s we have related, Mr. ffyiiama expressed his views of the matter ia a letter to the governor of MoBsachusetts as follows : — '*The causn and root «^all the present mischiefe is the pride of two barbarians, Aca$aai6- tick, the Long Island sachem, and Aeneihinai of the Narigenaet. The former is proud and foolish, the latter is proud and fierce. I have not seen him these many years, yet, fh)m tli«ir sober men, I hear he pleads, tat. that ^»ca$tus and in- bar/^es, and ce deniand- d and em- le discreet charges of By shall be collect the ^descended vision that JVeneglud^ n Phaip'g vith some time have 18 early as ar, still he d to send 1 at other came as 4,"»* who ' business, country, e in front two men len were »e before. lis identi- r 8tm all the towns to meet at Boston, and did so, aira had a party of fifty hone to go with them under Mr. Leveret, as the oaptain of the horee." Edward CUbhoru was commander in chief, and Mr. Thompton, pastor of the church in Braintree, '* was to sound the lilver trumpet along with his army.''^ But they were met bv deputies iirom P^nurtu and the other chieft, and an accomoisdation took place, as menttoned in the dccount ofAftnigret. The commissionen, having met at New Haven in Sept 1646, expected, according to the treitty made at Boston with the Narragansets, as pattioulartzed in the life of Unctu, that they would now meet them here to settle the remaining difficulties with that chief. But the time having nearly expired, and none appearing, " the commissioners did seriously consider what course should be taken witli them. They called to minde their breach of couenant in all the articles, that when alraue 1300 fadome of Wampan was due they Bent, as if they would put a scome vpon the [English,] 30 ihthome^ and a few old kettles." The Narragansets said it was owing to the backwardness of the Ninnticks that the wampum had not been paid, and the Nianticks laid it to the Narragansets. One hun- dred fathom had been sent to the governor of Massachusetts as a present by the Nianticks, they promising <*to send what was due to the ' ilonles uery speedily," but he would not accept of it. He told them they might leave it with Cwhaniakin, and when they had peTformed the rest "of their agreement, " he would consider of it" The commissioners had under- stood, that, in the mean time, the Narraganset sachems had raised watn> pum among their men, "and by i^od euidenoe it appeared, that bv presents of wampum, they are praotisinge with the Mohawkes, and witn the Indyans in those parts, to engage them in some designe against the SngUsh and FhciM." Thereft>re, "the commissioners hnue a cieare way open to right themselues, accordingo to iustice by war ; yet to shew how kiffhl|r they prize peace with all men, and particularly to manifest their foroearance and long suiferinge to these barbarians, it was agreede, that first the forementioned present should be returned," and then a declara- tion of war to fbllow. At the same court, complaint was brought a|!;ain^ the people of Peata- «tU by " Mr. Pelham on behalf of Ricfuard Woodiy and Mr. Pinchean^ [JWncJwm,] that they had committed sundry thefts. Mr. Brown, on be- half of Wm. Smim of Rehoboth, preferreid a similar charge ; but the Indians having no knowledge of the procedure, it was suspended. Thus the Narragansets were suffered to rpi^ain unmolested until thfe next year, and we do not hear that the story aboiit their hiring the Md^ hawks and others to assist them against Unttu and the English, turned out to be any thing else but a aort of bugbcur, probably invented by the * See Hasard, ii. IM. t MB. letter, inbieribed with the mark of the sachem Ptimham, on file at out capital, (Mass.) |i MS. Narralive. sound the bv deputies >ok place, as i6, expected, igansets, as : them here lime liaving id seriously ed to minde 300 fadome le vpon the Dsets said it ampum had One hun- ts a present he ' )lon'es they might •est of their tiad under- lised waMfi- d, that by and with mnat the leare way shew hour lifest tlielr reede, that declara- of Pwjo- Puicham," w», on be- but the N. until tht) the Mb^ h, turned >d by the Mt «B|3ital, Ciur.lV.) FESSACUS. M Mobegana. '*One jmncipall cause of the eoroianoimm nieetioge to- gether at diis time, [26 July, 1647,] being," say the records, "to consider what course should be held with the Narragansct Indyaus ;" the cbargaa being at this time much the same as at the previous nieetinr. It waa therefore ordereu that jitamat •Stanton, Baudkl JhnoU, and Sergeant tf^aUe should be sent to Pt«tackM, ^mtgraU and fTektoaidk, to Enow why they had not paid the wampum as they asreed, am*, why they did not come to New Haven ; and that now they micnt meet Vncia at Boston ; and therefore were advised to attend there without delay; but "^ they refuse or delay, they intend to send no more," and they must abide the consequences. When the English messengers had delivered their mes- sage to Pttsaeus, he spoke to uiem as follows : — " TTie reason / did tut meet the EngliA Mchems at AVtr Haven last year, is, thet/ did not nol^ me, B is true I have broken my covenant these two years, and that now is, and constanUy has been, the grwofmy spirit. JInd the reason I do not meet them now at Boston is b€cause 1 am stck. JffI were but prdty wdl I woutd ro. I have sent wuimind in full to Ninigrat,ani( what he does I will abim by. I have sent Powpynaniett and Pomunuiks to to and hear, and teti^ tiiat I have betru^ed my JvU mind with Nenegratt. rou bnoiw weU, however, lAof token / made that covenant two years ago, I did U in fear of the asrmy that I did see ; and though tte Englisk kept their 4Mvenant with me, yH they were ready to go to Maraganset and kiU me, and the comtnissioners said Ouy woM do tt, if I did not sign what they htkl uritlen." Moymno, another chief, said he had confided the bustneas with A&i^grct last spring, and would now abide by whatever he should do. when the English messengers returned and made known what had been done, the commissmnen said that Pestociu' speech contained "seu- erall passages of vntruth and guile, and Fthey] were vnsatisQred." What measures the English took ** to right tnemselues," or whether any, immediately, is not very distinctly stated; but the next year, 1648, there were some military moveqaents of the E&gliah towards his country, oc- casioned by the non-payment of the tribute, and some other less important matters. Pessaeus, having knowledge of their approach, fled to R. Idand. "Mniero/! entertained them courteourihr, (there they staid the LordVi day,) and came back with them to Mr. IPIUmmu*, and then Pessaeus and Oononiciu' son, being delivered of their fear, came to them ; and being demanded about buring the Mohawks against C^neat, they solemnly denied it ; only they confessed, that the Mohaw^ being a great sachem, and their ancient mend, and being come so near them, they sent some 90 huhom of wampum for him to tread upon, as the manner of Iitdians is."* The matter seems to have rested here ; PesMKus, as unial, having promised what was desired. This chief was killed by the Mohawks, as we have stated in the life of CImometM. His life was ajMwne of almost perpetual troubles. As late as Peptember, 1668, his name stands firat anaong othera of his nation, in a complaint sent to them by Massachusetts. The messengers sent with it were Rick'. ^<^Capt W. ^r^fM, and Capt Sam". Mosely;aadititm in terms thus: — ** Whereas Cutt Wm. Hudson and John Viall of Boston, in the name of themselves ana others, proprietors of lands and fiurms in the Narraganset country, have complained unto us, [the court of Mass.,] of the great inso* lenoies and injuries offered unto them and their people by several, as bummg their hay, killing sundry horses, and in specnl manner, about one month since, forced some of their people from their labors in mowing 8 M UlfCAS. [Booc II. fTBHi upon their own land, ami aamulted othen in the higli way, aa they rodo about their oocasiona ; liy tiirowiiig many atones at them and their horaea, and beating :h«ir horses oa thry rode upon them," &-c. The re- monatnuice thpid, On winji of A«i thro' dinnal waataa Uiey auarM. Umcas — Hia character — ConnecHons — Gtography qfAe Mohegan country — Genera/ accoutil qfthat nation — Uncaa joins the Enf[lish agtdnst the Pequata — Capturea a ckitf at Sachem^s Head — Visits Boston — His apeeeh to Gov. Ifintkrop — Specimen of the Mohegan langvutge — Sequas^ •on — The wai" betveen Uncas and Jmantunnomoh — Examination of its eause-^The Mu-.t^ansets determine to avenge their aaehem^s death — Purees raised io protect Uncaa — Peasacus — Great distress of Uncaa — Timely relief from Connecticut — Treaty of 1645 — Drequent con^Urinta against Uncaa — fFequaah — Obechickwod — ffooaameqmn. Uneaa, sachem of the Mohegaus, of whom we have already had occa- iion to say considerable, has len no very favorable character upon record. HiB life is a series of chaDges, without any of those brilliant acts of mag- Binimity, which throw a veil over numerous errors. Mr. GooiUn sivea uH this character of him in the year 1674: (Mr. Jamea Fitch having/peen ■ent aboHt this time to preach among the Mohe^ans :) " I am opt, to fear, ■ays he, that a great obstruction unto his labors is in the sachem of those Indians, whose name is Unkaa ; an old and wicked, wilful man, a drunk- ard, and otherwise very vicious ; who hath always been an opposer and [Boo«fl. lli way, as they them and their " &c. The re. wise they miffht among the In- less have been t thia time. Chap. V.J UNCA8. 87 underminer of praying to God."* Nevertheless, the .haritoble Mr. Hub- bard, when he wrote liis Narrative, seems to have had some hopes that he was a Christian, with nboiit the same grounds, nay hetter, perhaps, than tiioBc on wliirh Bishop tVarbvrton declared Pope to be Mich. Uncas lived to a great age. He wus a sarhem lietore the Pequot wan, and was aiive in 1660. At this time, Mr. Hubbard makes this Vemark upon htm: ** He is alive and well, and may probably Uve'to see all hb enemies buried before bim."t From an epitaph on one of his sons, copied in the Historical Colleetiom, we do not infer, as the writer therH seems to have done, " that the race of Uncas" was " obnoxious in collonial history ;" but rather at'ribute it to some waggish Englishman, who had no other design than that of making sport for himself and others. It is upon his tomb-stone, and is as follows: m itPtpult.' ¥» k^fon cottn^ ih agtdnHihe Boston— Hi3 toge — Sequas- ination of its lem'a dtath— » of Uncas — rU comfiaints dy had occa- upon record, act* of mag- Gooldn ffives having Deen i^t; to ifear, era of those an, a drunk- oppoeer and '' Here lies the body of Sunseeto ''' Own son to Uncai grandson to OnekoX Wlio were the famous sarhems of Moheoah But now they are all dead I think it it werheegen."^ The connections of Uncaa were somewhat numerous, and the names of several of them will lie found as we proceed with his life, and else- where. Oneko his son was the most noted of them. Uncas was originally a Pequot, and one of the 26 war captains of that famous but ill-fated nation. Upon some intestine commotions, he revolted against his.sachem, and set up for himself. This took place about the time that nation became known to the English, perhaps in 1634 or 5. By the revolt of Uncas, the Pequot territories became divided, and that part culled Moheag, or Mohegan, fell generally under his dominion, and extended from near the Connecticut River on the south to a space of disputed country on the north, next the Narragansets. By a recuricnce to our account of the dominions of the Pequots and Narragansets, n pretty clear idea may be had of all three. This sachem seems early to have courted the favor of the English, which it is reasonable to suppose was occasioned by the fear he was in from his potent and warlike neighbors, both on the north and on the south. In May, 1637, he was prevailed upon to join the English in their war upon the Pequots. Knowing the relation in which he stood to them, the English at first were nearly as afraid of Uncas and his men, as they were of the Pequots. But when, on the '" if the same month, they had arrived at Saybrook fort, a circumstance hi. , >ened that tended much to remove their'siispicions, and is related by Di. Mather as follows; "Some of Uncas his men being then at Saybrook, in order to assisting the English against the Pequots, espied seven Indians, and slily encompassing them, slew five of them, and took one prisoner, and brought him to the English fort, which was great satisfaction and encouragement to the English ; wh6, I)e(bre that exploit, had many fears touching the fidelity of the Moheag Indians. He whom they took prisoner was a perfidious villain, one that could speak English well, having in time^ past lived in the fort, • 1 Cd. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 208. Moheek, since Mmitville, Ct., about 10 miles north of New London, is the place " where Unkas, and his sons, and Wamtiw, are sacliems." Ibid. t Hist. New. Eng. 464.—" Although he be a friend to the English, yet he and all his men continue pagans still," 1676. Dr. /, J)faws : Most of tiie English forces pursued the fugitives by water, westward, while some followed hy land with Uneiu and his Indians. At a point of land in Guilford, they came upon a great Pequot sachem, and a few of his men. Knowing they wt>re pursued, they hod gone into an adiaoent poiinsula, " hoping their pursuers would have pa»ed by them. But Umeaa knew Indian's craft, uml ordered some of his men to^seaieh that point The Pequots perceiving that they were pursued, swam over the mouth of the harbor, which is narrow. But they were waylaid, and taken as they landed. The sachem was sentenced to be shot to death. UmtoM shot him with un arrow, cut off his head, and stuck it up in the crotch of a lai^ oak tree near the harbor, where the skull remained for a great many vears."f This was the ori^n of Sachem's Hsao, by which name the harbor of Guilford is well known to coasters. Dr. Mather records the expedition of the English, but makes no men- tion of Unceu. He says, they set out fitim ^ybrook fort, and ** sailed westward in pursuit of the Pequots, who were fled that way. SuUng along to the westward of Monouowuttuck, the wind not answering their desires, they cost anchor." "Some scattering Pequots were thai taken and slain, as also the Pequot sachem, befwe expressed^ had his head cut ofl; whence that place did bear the name of Sachem's ^^An.*^ Uneas't fear of the Pequots was doubdeas the cause of his noatili^ to them ; and when he saw them vanquisbed, he probably began to nilent his unprovoked severity towards his countrpateii, many of whom ware his near relations ; and this may account Kur his endenvon to acreen some of tbem from their moin vindicdTe enemiesL The nest spring after the war, <* Unkut, alias Oioco, the Honahegan sachem in the twist of Peguod River, came to Boston with Jf moo. He came from Connecti- cut with Mi'. Hat/MSy and tendered the governor a present of 20 ftthom of wampum, "f his was at court, and it was thought fit by the council to refuse it, till be had given satisfaction about the Peqaots he kept, &c. Upon this he was much dejected, and made account we would have killed him ; but, two days after, having received good satisftedon of bis innocency, &c. and he promising to submit to the order of the English, touching the Pequots he had, and the differences between the Naragan- setts and him, we accepted his present. And about half an hour after, he came to the governor," and made the following speech. Laying his hand upon his breast, he said, ** Thta heart ia not mine^ but yours. I have no sun: (key art oU yourt. ' * Relation of the Troubles, &c. 46. t Hist. OuUfard, in 1 Col. Mas*. Hut. Soe. 100. t His naae is aol acatioMd. ^ Relation, 48. ^ Obat. CbMi toarda] fuihii "Sol men's I protect Fori aervadl in^t| totu-i IM-I ,teek OBat. ▼.] UNCAS. C»mmaHdmecM,>/dMcuUthin!f,Iu>UfdoU. I will not Mievt tuu/ Mimu^ W9rd$ againtt tkt KnglUh, If any man shcdl kilt an Engli$hman, I wUl pui hitm to death, teere Kt never go dear to nie." " So the governor gave birii n fair red coat, and defrayed h'w and his men's diet, and gave tlinm com to relieve them homeward, and a letter of protection to all men, &c. and he departed very joyfUI.*** For the gratification of the curious, we give, from Dr. Edwarda^i " Ob- servations on the Muhkekoneew [Mohegan] Language," the Lord's prayer in ^at dialect, '^^ogh-nuh, ne spummuek ot-e-on, taugk nuiu-weh umeh telu-ko-»e-attk n«-an-ne an-nu-tooi-e-on. Taugh ne aun-cku-tcut-am-mun wa-wek-tu-aedt ma-weh noh pum-meh, Ae ae-noi-hit-teeh mau-wek auh an-neek nok Aiey ote-c^e^, ne aun-ehu-wut-am-mun, ne au-noi-kit-teet neek ;iaum-muA ote-cheek. Men-e-nau-nuk noo-nooh wuh-ham-auk tmtogh wHk uk-huy-u-tam-auk nrum-mau-weh. Ohq-u-ut-a-mou-we-nau-nuh au- nfh mu-tna-ehoi-e-au-kek he anneh ohq-ti-ut-a-mou-WM-e-auk num-peh ■rnetk mu-ma-ehtk an-neh-o-quan-keei. Cheen hqvrvk'qvMv^-ehek-ti-n-kdi an-neh-e-htnau-nuh. Pan-nee-u>eh htou-toe-nau-nuh neen maum-tek-kek. Ke-ah ng-u>thr-cheh kwi-ou-toau-weh mau-weh noh pum-meh; kt-an^umi; en-tah aw-aun uhtin-noi-yu-umn ne au-noi-e-yon ; lum-wee-weh nt iU-tti- noi-eeik" Vneaa was said to have been engaged in all the wars against his coun- trymen, on the part of the English, during his life-time.| He shielded some of the infant settlements of Connecticut in times of troubles, espe- cially Norwich. To the inhabitants of this town the Mohegans seeined more particularly attached, probably flrom the circumstance of some of its settlers having relieved them when besieged by J^nigret, as will be found related in the ensuing history. The remnant of the Mohegans, in 1788, was settled in the north-east corner of New London, about five miieR south of Norv/ich ; at which place they had a reservation. The Mohegans had a burying-place called the Royal burying'ground, and this was set apart for the family of Uncat, It is close by the falls of the stream caiied Yantic River, in Norwich city ; ** a beautiful and romantic spot." The ground containing the grave of Unea» is at present owned by C. Ooddardy Esq. of Norwich. This gentleman has, very laudably, caused an enclosure to be set about it.t When the commissioners of the United Colonies had met in 1643L complaint was made to them by Uncos, that Miaidunnomoh had employed a Pequot to kill him, and that this Pequot was one of his o'rn suojects. He shot Uneaa with an arrow, and, not doubting but that he had accom- plished his purpose, " fled to the NanohiggansetB, or their confederates," and proclumed that he had killed him. " But when it was known Vnau was not dead, though wounded, the traitor was taught to say that Unctu had cut through his own arm with a flint, and hired the Pequot to say he had shot and killed him. MmmHnomo being sent for by the governor of the Massachusetts upon another occasion, brought the Pequot with him: but when this disguise would not serve, and that the English out of bis [the Pequot's] own mouth found him guilty, and would have sent him to Uncus his sagamore to be proceeded against, Muantinoma desired he might not be taken out of hit* hands, promising [that] he would send [him] himself to Vncus to be examined and punished ; but, contrary tt> bis promise, and fearing, as it appears, his own treachery might be discouer- ed, he within a day or two cut off the Peacott's head, that he might tell no tales. After this some attempts w«re made to poison Vncus, and, as iS repotted, to take away his life by sorcery. That being discovered, some • Wiftthrop, Jour. i. 266-6. 1 3 Ool. Mom. Hist. Soc. iii. 136. 8* ' f'SIB. cbnAitunication of Rev. Mr. By. -^ ir( (O ■:*"y . UNCAS. [Boob 11. of SeauaaamCa comimny, an Indian mf^umore allied to, and an intimata confederate with Myantinomo, Hhot at Unctu as he wan goinff down Conectacatt River with a nrrow or two. Vnetu, according to the fomaid agreemeut," which wan, in case ordifficuhy between them, that the Eng- Inh iboulcl be applied to as umpireH, complained to them. They eii- deavored to bring about a peace between Vntat and Seqututon; but Seqiuuaon would near to no overtures of the kind, and intimated that he should be home out in his resolution by AHantunnomok, The result was the war of which we have given an account in the life of JUftonlunnomoA. We have also spoken there of the aj^ncy of the Hnglish in thn affair of Manlunnomoh''B death ; but that no light may lie withheld which can in ■nv way reflect upon that important as well as melancholy event, we will give all that the commissioners have recorded in their records con- cerning it. But firstly, we should notice, that, aAer Miantunnomoh was taken prilBoner, the Indians affirmed, (the aidheronts of Uneas doubtless,) that Jma/UunnomoA had engaged the Mohawks to join him in his wars, and that they were then encsMipcd only a day's journey from the Iron- tiers, waiting for him to attain his liberty. The reconi then proceeds: — ** These things being duly weighed and considered, the commissioners apparently see that Vncua cannot be safe while MyanUtiomo lives ; but that, eitlier by secret treachery or open force, his life will be still in dan- ET. Wherefore they think he may justly put such a false and blood- irsty enemy to death ; but in his own jurisdiction, not in the English plantations. And advising that, in the manner of his death, all mercy and moderation be showed, contrary to the pracdce of the Indians who ex- ercise tortures and cruelty. And Vnctu having hitherto shown himself a fKend to the English, and in this craving their advice ; [therefore,] if the Nanohiggansitts Indians or others shall unjustly assault Vncua for this execution, upon notice and request the Englisik promise to assist and protect him, as far as they may, against such violence." We presume not to commentate upon this affair, but we would ask whether it does not appear as proba..ie, that Unciu had concerted the ptan with his Pequot. subject for the destruction of JtfumfunnomoA, as that the latter had plotita for the destruction of the former. Else, why did Mianhttmomoh put the Pequot to death ? The commissioners do not say that the Pequot had by his confession any how implicated MUmtunnonuh. Now, if this Pequot had been employed by him, it does not seem at all fikely that he would have put him to death, especially as he had not ac- cused him. And, on the other hand, if he had acknowledged himself guilty of attempting the life of his ovra sachem, that it might be charged upon others, it is to us a plain reason why JiSatUunnomoh should put him to death, being fully satisfied of his guilt upon his own confession. It may be concluded, therefore, that the plot against Uneas was of his own or his Pequot subject's planning. The Pequot's going over to Miantun- nomoh for protection is no evidence of that chiers participation in his plot And it is highly probable that, after they had left the English court, his crime was aggravated, in MiantunnomoVs view, by some new confessioD or discovery, which caused him to be forthwith executed. As though well assured that the justness of their interference would be caUed in question, the commissioners shortly after added another clause to their records, as much in exoneration of* their conduct as they could find words in which to express themaelves. They argue that, " whereas Uneas was advised [by them] to take away the life of Miantunnomoh whose lawful captive he was, they [the Narragansets] may well under- Hand that this is without violation of any covenant between them and us ; for Uncaa being in confederation with us, and one that hath diligently OMerved bis coveoants befoie^mentioned, for aught we know, and requir- fBoo« II. i in intimata ffoiuff down aUieforonid that the £ng. 1. They eu- TKoMoti; but iiatod that he •e result was iaatunnomok. thn affair of hich can in >ly event, we vcords cou> mnomoh was f doubtless,) in bis wan, in the Iron- proceeds : — cnmissioners Jives; but still in dan- and blood- the English 1 mercy and ns who ex- 'n himself a fore,l if the iUB for this assist and would ask ncerted the AoA, as that Be, why did do not say in/unnomoii. leem at all ad not ac- Bd himself be charged id put him ession. It >f his own Mianhm- in his plot. court, his confession would be ler clause fiey could " whereas tunnotnoh II under- hem and diligently drequir- CMAf . v.] UNCAS. M iag adviee friMn ua, upon serioua consideration of the premiMi, rh. Ui treacherous and murderous disposition against Unea$, tie. and bow gritt a disturber be bath been of the common peace of the whole country, w« could not in respect of the justice of the caae, safety of the country, and fiutbflilnem of our friend, do otberwiae than anprove of the lawftimcai of his death ; which agreeing so well with the Indiana' own maonera, mad concurring with the practice of other nations with whom we are aoquaial* ed; we persuaded ourselves, however bis death may bo grievous at present, yet the peaceable firuita of it will yield not only matter of mhtj to the Indians, but profit to all that inhabit this continenL" It is believed that the reader is now put in poss e ss i on of *^«nf tMof that the English cjuld say for themselves, upon the execution ofMUm^ tunnotnoh. He will therefore be able to aecide, whether, as we have stated, their judgment was made up of one kind of evidence ; and whether the Narragansets bad any lawyers to advocate their cause before the commissiooera. After Mianhianomoh was executed, the Narragaiuets demanded satie* faction of UneoM for the money they had raised and paid for the redemp- tion of their chief. This demand was through the English commission- ers ; who, when they were met, in Sept. 1644, deputed Thoma* Stonlon to notify both parties to appear before them, that they might decide upon the case according to the evidence which nhouid b« produced. It appeara that Kienemo,* the Niantick sachem, immedwtely deputed fFeetounaat, a sachem, Pawpiamet and Pummumahet captains, from the NaiTH^^nsbts, with two of their men, to maiutie« left the court, tiM Knglish made them simi an agreoinent titat they would not iruku war upon I/nciu, " vntill alter the next planting of corn." And 0«>ei» then, ihat thejr abould give 00 days' notice to the En^liaii before oommenciiig hoaluitieH. Also tlwit if ''any of tlio Nayantick Pecotta ahould make auv aaaaull upon Uncoi or any of his, they would deliver them up to the hnglitth to \m punished according to their demerits. And that tbey would not use any means to procure tiie Mawliakes to come egainst Uncaa during this truce." At the same time tlie English took due eute to notify the Norroganset commissioners, by way of awing them into terms, that if they did molest the Mohegans, all ttie English would be upon them. The date of this agreement, if so we may call it, ia, " Hartford, the xviijtb of Se|iteMil>er, 1G44," and was signed by four Indians ; one besides thooe named al>ovo, called Ckimough. That no passage might hn left open for excuse, in case of war, it waa alao mentioned, that " proof of the ransom charged" must be mu(le satia- fiuEtory to the English before war was begun. The |)ower of Peaaacut and JSTinigret at this time waa much feared by the English, and they were ready to believe any reports of the hoatile doings of the Narragansets, who, since the subjection of the Peqiiots, had ;nade themselves musters of all their neiglibors, except the English, as the Pequots had dune before them. The Mohcguns were also ai great fear of them, as well after as before the death of JVfiWnlunnomoA ; but for whose misfortune in being mode a prisoner by a stratagem of Uiuaa, or hia captains, the English might have seen far greater troubles from them, than they did, judging from the known abilities of that great chief. There was "a meeting extraorditiory" of the commissioners of the United Colonies, in July 1645, at Boston, "concerning the French busi- neas, and the wars between Piaaicua and Vnciu being begun." Their first business was to despatch away messengers to reouest the appearance of the head men of the belligerents to appear themselves at Boston, or to send some of their chief nicn^ that the difficulties between them * ht be settled. These metisengers, Serj^eant John Damea, [Davia ?] Benedict Arnold, and Francia Smyth, on their first arrival at Narraganset, were welcomed by the sachems, who offerey would Dot corn." And If liali before tick Pecotta ould deliver neritfl. Anj | the xviijth CHides those war, it wae niade satis- 1 feared by the hostile eqiiota, had English, aa lo 111 great »A ; but for \ Uiwaa, or >'uiii them ief. 'in of the inch bu8i> Their [tpearance 'ton, or to Bm • ht t Arnold, vclcomed 1 Vncas; their ap- ged their (nessen- fhat was 'ting but s which were, by 10 other ^hat was but they ' As to continue 08, they Cukr. V.J UNCAA. ahouM coniider it a breach of former covenact!% and would procure as many Mohawka as tiie English had soldiers to bring against them. They reviled Uncai for having wounded himself^ and then charging it ii))OB them, nntl said he was nu friend of the Enslish, but wouM now, if be dunt, kill the English iiiunengers, and lay that to them. Therefore, not being ultie to proceed, thr En^ish messengers returned to the Narragan- setn, aiihons was unanimously elected. In liis instructions is this passage : *' Whereas the scope and cause of tiiis expeditiun is not only to aid the Mohegans, but to oflend the Narragunsets, Niauticks, and other their confederates." Ho was di- rected also to conclude a peace with them, if they desired it, provided it were made with special reference to damages, &c. And they say, " But withal, according to our engagements, you are to provide for Unccui' future safety, that his plantations be not invaded, that his men and squaws may attend their planting and fishing and other occasions without fear or injury, and Vtiamequine, Pomham, Sokakonoco, Cutchamakin, and other Indians, friends or subjects to the English, be not molested," &c. Soon after the death of MiarUunnomoh, which wus in September, 1643, his brother Pessacm, " the new sachem of Narraganset," then " a young man about 20," sent to Governor fVinthrop of Massachusetts, as a present, an otter coai, a girdle of wampum, and some of that article besides, in value about £15. The messenger, named Washose,* also a sachem, told the governor that his chief desired to continue in peace with the English ; but that he was about to make war upon UncM, to avenge the death of his brother, and hoped they would n*. ' terfere, nor aid Uncos. The goyernor said they wished to be nt peace with all Indians, and that all Indians would be at peace among themselves, and that they must agree to this, or they could not accept their present. fVashose said lie was in- structed no further than to make known his mission and leave the present, which he did, and returned to his own country. This was in Feb. 1644, N. S. Within the some month, the same messenger appeared again at Boston ; and " his errand was, (says Gov. fVinthrop,) that, seeing they, at our I'squest, had set still this year, that now this next year we would grant their request, and suffer them to fight with Onkus, with many arguments." But he was answered, that the English would not allow such a proceeding, and if they persisted, all the English would fall upon them. Planting time, and 30 days besides, had passed before the English sent an army to invade the Narragansets. Pessacus and the other chiefs hod done all they could do to cause the English to remain neutral, but now determined to wait no longer, and hostile acts were committed on both sides. The traditionary account of (7nca«'» being besieged in his fort by the Narragansets will very properly be looked for in this connection, as it has not only adorned many totes of the Indians, but has been seriously urged as truth in more imposing forms. What we are about to give is contained in a letter, dated at New Haven, 19 Sept. 1706, by fFm. Leffing- toell, and directed Dr. T\-umbuU. "At the time the Mohegan tribe of Indians were besieged by the Nar- raganset tribe, in a fort near the River Thames, between Norwich and New London, the provisions of the besieged being nearly exhausted. Uncos, their ^chem, found means to inform the settlers at Saybrook of their distress, and the danger they would be in from tliR Narrngnnsets, if the Mohegan tribe were cut off". Ensign Thomas Lejfingweu, one of^ the first settlers there, loaded a cuiioc with b(;ef, com and peas, and in the night time paddled from Sayl)rook into the Thames, and had the address to get the whole into the fort of the besieged ; — received a deed from I ncas of the town of Norwich, and made his escape that very night. In coHb. -juence of which, the besiegers, finding Uncas had procured relie., raised the siege, and the Mohegan tribe were saved, and have ever proved strict friends to the N. England settlei-s."f • Perhaps the same as Awashtrg. t Copiea from tho original, for the author, by Rev. Wm. Ely, who thus remarks upoa Cbap. Vl UNCAS. d8 The jtbove agrees very well with Mr. Hyde'a account " When Unea$ and trilM were attacked by u {wtent enemy, and blocked up in their fort on a hiil,by tlie side of the great river, and almost starved to death, Lieut T%>». Jj^n^toell, Capt. Benj. Brewster, of said Norwich, and bthera, «ecrctly carried their provision, jn the night seasons, upon which die «neniy raised the sicee."* in consideration of which, " tltuaa gave gim. dry donations of lanif," &c.f At the congress of the con> jissioners at Boston, in 1645, above men- tioned, it was ascertained that the present from PeaaouMS still renuuned «mong them, and therefore he might think it was probable that the Eng- lish had complied with their desires, as they had not returned it Lest this should be so understood, Capt. Harding, Mr. WeOmme and Btmdid *%iiold were ordered and commissioned to repair to the Narraganaet it : " This tradition, from a higtily respectable source, Trumbull states as history; yet, ia some minor points, at least, it would seem obvious that the tradition could not have b«en strictly preserved for IdO years." M8. Utter. * Some very beautiful verses appeared severalyears since in the Connecticut Minor, to which it seems the _ above had given rise. They were prefaced with the following among other observations : " In the neighborhood of Mohegan is a rude recen, envi- roneclDy rocks, which still retains the name of the ' chair of Unccu;' " and that the people of Vneas were perishing with hunger when LefinguieU brought him relief. We pve the following stanEas from it :— ,^ , " The monarch sat on his rocky throne, Before him )he waters lay ; His guards were shapeless columns of stone. Their lofty helmets with moss o'erg^own, And their spears of the bracken gray. " His lamps were the fickle stars, that beamed Through the veil of tlieir midnieht shroud, And the reddeuing flashes that fitfully gleamed Whan the distant fires of the war-dance streamed Where his foes in frantic revel screamed 'Neath their canopy of cloud," See. " Behind him his leaguered forces lay Withering in famine's blight. And he knew, with the blush of the morning ray, That Philip would summon his fierce array On the core of the warrior's heart to prey, And quench a nation's light. " It comes ! it romes !— -that misty speck Whirh over the wotors moves ! It boasts no sail, nor mut, nor dock } . t Yet dearer to him was that nameless wreck Than the maid to him who loves," &e. " The eye of the king with that rapture biased V/hich the sotn in its rapture sends; His prayer to the Spirit of rood he raised, And the shadus of hn buried fathers piaiied, As toward his fort he wends. If!- ii*r'> 8-: »i- ■ ■ I. ,'(• f. V •(.». .•1' .^nitiii.'i;' ! ■■M^- " That king hath gone to his lowly grave ! He slumbers in dark decay ; And like the crest of the tossing wave, Like the rush of the blast, from the mountain cave, Like the groan of the murdered, with Dotte to save, His people have passed away," itx. t MS. letter to Dr. Trumbull before cited and life of MimUumumok. 96 UNCAS. [IJOOK II. CHAf. V. country, and to see, if pomible, " Piacua^ Canownacut, Janimo^ and other wtchems, and to return the present before mentioned, and to inform them that the English were well aware of their beginning and prosecuting a war upon Unccw, and their " having wounded and slain divers of his men, ■eixed many of his csooes, taken some prisoners, spoiled much of his com,'* reAised to treat wiih him, and threatened the English. Neverthe- less, if they would come themselves fortliwith to Boston, they should be heard and protected in their journey, but that none except themselves would be treated with, and if they refused to come, the English were pre- pared for war, and would proce^ immediatelv against them. Harding and Wdiome proceeded to Providence, where .Arnold was to join them. But he was not there, and they were informed that he dared not venture atuong the Narragansets. Whether he had been acting the traitor with them, or somethine quite as much to merit condenmation, we will leure the reader to judge from the relation. The two former, there- lore, made use of Rev. Mr. fflUianu as interpreter in their business, but were reprimanded by the commissioners for it on their return. On going to the Narraganset sachems, and opening their business, it appeared that all they were ordered to charge them with was not true ; or, at least, denied by them. These charges, it appears, had been preferred by jfmoU^ and sworn to upon oath. The chiefi said "that hnemo, the Nyantick sachem, had been ill divers days, but had now sent six men to present his respects to the English, and to declare his assent and submis- ■ion to what the Narrohiggenset sachems anti the English should agree upon." It was in the end agreed, that the chiefs, Peaaactu, Mexam, and divers others, should proceed to Boston, agreeably to the desire of the English, which they did, in company with Harding and fFelbome, who brought back the old present, and for which they auo received the censure of the congress. They arrived at Boston just as the second levy of troops were marching out for their country, ancf thus the expedition was stayed until the result of a treaty should be made known. It appeared, on a conference with the commissioners, that the sachems did not fully understand the nature of all the charges against them before leaving their country, and in justice to them it should be observed, that, ■o fiur as the record goes, their case appears to us the easiest to be defended of the three parties concerned. They told the commissioners of sundry charses they had against Uneaa, but they said they could not hear them, for Uncaa was not there to speak for himself; and that they had hindered his being notified of their coming. As to a breach of covenant, they maintained, for some time, that they had committed none, and that their treatment of the English had been misrepresented. " But, (says our record,) after a long debate and some priuate conferrence, they had with Serjeant CWIicuM, they acknowledged tney had brooken promise or cou»- nant in the afore menconed worrs, and bfferred to make another truce with Vneaa, either till next planting tyme, as they hod done last yeare at Hartford, or for a jreare, or a yeare and a quarter.** They hod been mdueed to make this admission, no doubt, by the per- suasion of CulKeut, who, probably, was instructed tx> inform Uiem that the safety of their countnr depended upon their compliance with the wishesof the English at this time. An army of soldiers was at that mo- ment parading the streets, in all the pomposity of a modem training, which must have reminded them of the horrible destruction of their kindred at Mjrstie eight years before. The propositHHi of a trace being objected to by the English, *' one of the sschems offered a stick or a wand to the commissioners, expressing hioielf, that therewith they put the power and disposition of the war into f nooK 11. 0," and other inform them 'rosecuting a IB of his men, much of his Neverthe- i3y should be t themselves sh were pre- itold Was to bathe dared sn acting the •mnation, we nner, there- msiness, but On «>ing >pe8rea that or, at least, •referred by /onemo, the t six men to ind submi*. lould agree , and divers he English, ho brought sure of the iroops were itayed until he sachems hem before erved, that, « defended of sundry hear them, i hindered Jnant, they I that their (says our f had with le or cou»- truce with yeare at y the per- hem that with the that mo- training, of thev " one of tpnmtkg war into CHAf . v.] UNCAS. 97 their hands, and desired to know what the EngKah vmdd rtqmre of them." They were answered tiiat the expenses and trouble they had caused the English were very great, " besides the damage Vnccu had suataincd ; yet to show their moderaeon, they would require of them but (tooo thoiuand fa- thome of white wanipon for their owne satisfaccon," but that they should restore to Uneaa all the captives and canoes taken from him, and make restitution for all the com they had spoiled. As for the last-mentioned oflbnce, the sachems asserted there had been none such ; for it vku tut the manner of the Indiana to destroy com. This most excellent and indirect reproof must have had no small eSecx on those who heard it, as no doubt some of the actors as well as the ad- visers of the destruction of the Indians' com, previous to and during the Pequot war, were now present : Block Island, and the fertile fields upon the shores of the Connecticut, must have magnified before their imagi- nations. Considering, therefore, that this charge was merely imaginary, and that Uncaa had taken and killed some of uieir people, the English eonaenled that Uncas "might" restore such captives and canoes as ne had taken fit)m tliem. Finally, they agreed to pay the wampum, "craning onely some ease in the manner and tymes or payment," and on tb') evening of "{Ae xxvijtA of the 6 month, (August,) 1645," articles to the foJowing eflbet were signed by the principal Indians present : — 1. That the Narragansets and Nianticks had made war upon the Mohe- Sns contrary to former treaties ; that the English had sent messengers to em without success, which had made them prepare for war. 3. That chiefs duly authorized were now at Boston, and having ac- knowledged their breach of treaties, having " thereby not only endamaged Vncas, but had brought much charge and trouble vpon all the EngUsh colonies, which they confest were just they should satisfy." 3. That the sachems agree for their nations to pay to the English 9000 fiithom " of good white wampum, or a third part of good black wampem- peage, in four payments, namely," 500 tiiihom in 20 days, 500 in four months, 500 at or before next planting time, and 500 in two years, which the English agree to accept as full " satisfaccon." 4. That each party of the Indians was to restore to the other all thinga taken, and where ci^rr^es were destroyed, others "in the roome of them, full as good," were lo be given in retum. The English obligated them- selves for Uncas. 5. That as many matters cannot be treated of on account of the absence of Uncas, they are to be deferred until the next meeting of the commis- siouerR at Hartford, in Sept 1646, where both parties should be heard. 6. The Narraganset and Niantick sachems bind themselves to keep peace with the English and theur successors, "and with Vneaa the Mohe- gan aachem and his men, with Vasamequin,* Pomham, Sokaknooeo, Cutchamakin, Shoanan,\ Paasaconawag, and all others. And that, in caae difficulties occur, they are to apply to the English. 7. They promise to deliver up to the English all fugitives who shall at any tithe be found among them ; to pay a yearly tribute, " a month before Indian harvest, everv year aAer this, at Boston," "fo** all such Pecotts aa live amongst them," according to the treaty of 1638 ; "namely, one fathom of white wampum for each Pequot man, and half a fathom for each Peacott youth, and one hand length of wampum for each Peacott man-child; and if Weekuaah Cakel reflise to pay this tribute for any * OiwaiMfMii. t We9ua$h Cook. 9 t Perhspt Sho^imim, or Bkoltm. -^ UNCAS. [Boosn, CHAr. Vl Poacotn with him, thn Nnrrohiggansot sagamores promise to assist the EiiKiish against him ;" and to yield rp to the English the whole Pequot country. 8. 1 he sachems promise to deliver four of their children into the hands of the English, " viz'. Piaaacua his eldest sonn, the soon of TaasaquanO' wUt, brother to Pusacus, Jlwashanoe hid sonn, and Ewangtao'a sonn, a Nyantick, to be kept as pledges or hostages," until the wampum should be all paid, and they had met Uncaa at Hartford, and Janemo and ^jcpe- tock* had signed these articles. As the children were to be sent for, ffitotocuh, Pomanue, Jmoaaaoe, and WaughHoamino offered their parsons as security for their deliveky, which were accepted. 9. Both the securities and hostages were to be supported at the charge of the English. 10. That if any hostilities were committed while this treaty was making, and before its provisions were known, such acts not to be considered a violation thereof. 11. They agree not to sell any of their lands without the consent of the commissioners. 13. If any Pequots should be found among them who had murdered English, they were to be delivered to the English. Here follow the names, with a mark to each. Fessecus, AuHSAAqcEN,t dantty /or ihe NunUtckB, Aboas, POMMDSH, cotcuahakins, Weekesanno, WlTTOWASH. We do not see Mtxam'a or Mixanno'a name among the signers, although he is mentioned as \mng present, unless another name was then applied to him. There were four interpreters employed upon the occasion, namely, Serg. CuUieut and his Indian man, Cutckcmakin and Jbsvu.| From this time to the next meeting of the commissioners, the country seenw not to have been much disturbed. In the mean time, however, Unetu, without any regard to the promise ar bligations the English had laid themaelveu under for him, undertow -, .o chastise a Narraganset sachem for some alleged offence. On opening their congress, at New Haven, letters fW>m Mr. Morton and Mr. Peters, at Pequot, were read by the commiosioners, giving account-! of Uncases perfidy. The complainants were sent to, and informed that ilneas was shortly to be there, and that ihey should bring their proof in order to a trial. Meanwhile Vhcas came, who, afler waiting a few days, and his accu- aen not appearing, was examined and dismissed. It appears that th« English at Nameoke, since Saybrook, were the suffering party, as their neighborhood was the scene of Uneaufa depredations. Of some of the charges he acknowledged himself guilty, especially of fighting N'e^waah [Wequash] Cooke so near to the plantation at Pequot ; although he alleged that some of the English there liad encouraged Wtmmali to hunt upon his iandsi ' He was informed that his brother had alsoneen guilty of some offknoe,'bat neither the accuser nor the accused were present, and, there- fine, it could not be anted upon. So, after a kind of 're»nmam/, Unea» divmissed) as we have j'ist mentioned. But before tie had left the • Wtfittamnek. X Son of CUiirataM^, probably. t AwauqtAu. [Boo« II, Be to aflsist the > whole Pequot I into the hands f Taaaaquana- igtso's sonn, a unpum should 5TO0 and fFype. to be sent loi-, their porsona at the charge y was making, ) considered a consent of the lad murdered re follow tho J>lumttcka, Chap. V.) UNCA8. S9 5r8, although then applied lion, namely, the country le, however, E^nglish had IVarraganset 398, at New are read by >mplainants re, and that I his accu- rs that th« ty, as their ome of the J\recir.wash he alleged hunt upon Ity of some and, there- md, Uneat id left the town, Mr. ^m. JMnion arrived at court, with three Indiat.:, to maintain the action against him ; he was, therefore, called in, and a hearing wis had, " but the commissioners fouude noe cause to alter the former writinge giuen him." This was as regarded tlie affair with Wtquarii. Mr. Morton then produced a Pequot (wwwow, named H'ampuMhtt, who, he said, had charged Vncaa with having hired him to do violence to another Indian, or to procure it to be done, which accordingly was efiecteil, the Indian being wounded with a batrhet. This crime was at first laid to tlie charge of n'tquaah^ as Uncaa had intended. "■ But after [wards,] the Pequat's powow, troubled in conscience, could have no re«t till he had discoured Vncva to be the author." He first related bis guilt tu Robin,* an Indian servant of Mr. Hxnihrop ; but, to the surprise of the whole court, H'ampuahdy the only wimcss, on being questioned through Mr. SkarUon, the intci-pretor, tuld a story diametrically the reverse of what he had before stated. " He cleared Fhct», and cast the plot and guilt vpon JVecktoash Cooke and Robin ;" " and though the other two Ptquats, where- of the one was Robiiia brother, seemed much offended," and said Uneas had hired him to alter bis cliarge, ** yet he persisted, and said JV*erA:u'a«/i Cooke and i2o6tn had giuen him a payre of breeches, and promised him 25 fadome of wampum, to cast the plot upon Fnctw, and that the English plantacon and Pequats knew it. The commissioners abhorring this diuillish falshoode, and advisinge Vncva, if he expected any favoure and respect from the English, to liaue no hand in any such designes or vniust wayes." Hence it appears that the court did not doubt much of the villany of , Uhcas, but, for reasons not required here to be named, be was treated as a fond parent often treats a disobedient child ; reminded of the end to which such crimes lead; and seem to threaten chastisement in their words, while their deportment holds out quite different language. At the congress of the United Colonics at Boston, in July, 1647, Mr. John Winthrop of Connecticut presented a petition, "in the imme of many Pequatts," in the preamble of which Casmamor and Obechiquod are named, requesting that they might have libeity to dwell somewhere under the protection of the English, that they might appoint. They acknowl- edged that their sachems and peo[de had done very ill against the English formerly, for which they had justly sufiered. and be«n rightfully conquered by the English ; but that they had had no hand, by consent or otherwise, in shedding the blood of the English, and that it was by the advice of JVecouasAf that they fted from their country, being promised b^ him that the English would not hurt them, if they did not join against them. T!ie namet: of 6S craving pardon and protection were at the same time communicated. In answer the commissioners say, tb»t while Wequatk lived he hod made no mention of "such innoc^nt^Peciiats, or firom ,any other person since ;" and on '^'ebqiMr^ Trom ,^^ma{ ^^^t(dQn,'£(fH^ Tfixon, one of Uncus his men, and at;Ttfst|(}y con)r^ibi^ ot ttf^ ,Ii^i4t^ present, found that somo of the petitioners were in Mistick fort in fight again^i, the English, and fled awav i|.u•thl&sa)hk^,'''.and that others wen: iot other times in arms against the ErgU»(k'aillil •Mo4iegans.andilhetefore,Jtli^ ground of their petition was false and deceitful. It appears that they had taken refuge under Unau, who had promised * His Indian name was Casmamon, perhaps tho same as Cassatsitmamon, or Cams- inemnn, &c. t We I'NCAS. [Book IT. them good usage, which wob probahlv on conditiou that they should pajr him a tribute. Thny rrsidpd at ihia time at Namyok. At thu Bunie romt Ohrchiquod complained tliat (/nco* had forcibly taken iiway his wife, and rrimitmlly obliged her to live with him. «/bzoi» being present, om Unrua'a deputy, wus questioned about this base and un- jjuflTernble oiitrnp^ ; he denied that Uwaa either took or kept away OhtehiqiUKTa wife by force, and atfimic«i that [on] Obeehimtovs with-' drawing, with other Pfor<', and still kept her against hnr will." Though not satiitfied in ]K>int of proof| the commissioners say, " Yet ab- horing that lustful adulterous carriage of Uneas, as it is acknowledged and inittigated by Faxon," ordered that he should restore the wife, and that Obemiquod iiave liberty to settle under the protection of the English, where tliey should direct.* Complamts at this time were as thick upon the head of Uncas as can well be conceived of, and still we do not imagine that half the crimes he wus guilty of^ ore upon record. Another Indian named Sanaps, at the same time, complained that he hod dealt in like manner with the wife of another cbietj sincn doad; that he hud taken away his corn and beans, and attempted >'ns life also. The court say thoy found no proof, "first or last, of these charges," still, as to the com aar< beans., " Fhxon "onceivcs Uncas seized it because Sannop, with a Pequut, in a disorderly manner with- drew iiiinself from Uncas." Hence it seems up* much evidence was required, OS Uncases deputy uniformly pleaded gui ; and the court could do no less than order that, on investigation, he b.iould make restitution. As to Sannop, who was ** no Pequot," but a " Connecticut Indian," he had liberty to live under the protection of the English also. We pass now to the year 1651, omitting to notice some few events more or less connected with our subject, whicli, in another chapter, may propeily pass under review. Last year, Thos. StanUm had been ordered ''to get an account of the number and names of the several Pequots living among the Narrasanscts, Nianticks, or Mohegan Indians, &c. ; who, by an agreement made after the Pequot war, are justly tributaries to the flnglish colonies, and to receive the tribute due for this last vear." StatSon now aj^ared as interpreter, and with him came also I'necu and several of his men, We- quaan Cook and some of " JS/bmaen^a" men, '^Robert, a Pequct, some- times a servant to Mr. ffinthropf and some with him, and some Peqcots living on Long Island." They at this time delivered 312 fiithom of wai.i- pum. Of this Uncas brought 79, MnigrePs men 91, &c. "This wampum being laid down, Uncas and others of the Pequots demanded why tlw tribute ww' ^equ'rejj* how lopg it was to conunue, and whether the chlWn^n to hfi boTn'h^reo1ler'*l»reW .to;pay it" They were answered thnl' ibe tr^bHtet had l>ecn'peared as men, fFe- l«*"t, some- « Peqi if it be >n' 1650, that the fter bom . lazard, H. npura for CHAP, v.] UNCA8. 101 The next matter with which we shall proceed baa, in the life gf Outamequin, been merely glanced at, and reserved for this place, to which it more properly belongs. We have rmyr arrived to the year 1601, and it was in the spring of this year that ;. war broke out between Uncaa and the old sachem before named. It seems very clear that the Wampanoags had been friendly to the Nurragunscts, for a long time previous, but, separated as they were from then), were not oileu involved in their troubles. They saw how Urutu was favored by the English, and were, therefore, careful to have nothing to do with the Mohegans, I'rom whom they were still farther removed. Of the rise, progress and terminotion of their war upon the Quabaoga, a tribe of Nipmucks belonging to Outamequin^ the reader may gather the most important facts from some documents,* which we shall in the next place lay before him. "Mercdrius de Quabaconk, or a declaration of the dealings of Unea$ and the Mohegin Indians, to certain Indians the inhabitants of Qua- baconk, 21, 3d mo. 1661. " About ten weeks since Uncaa' son, accompanied with 70 Indians, set upon the Indians at Quabaconk, and slew three persons, and carried away six prisoners ; among which were one squaw ana her two chiklren, whom when he had brought to the fort, Uncaa dismissed the squaw, on condi- tions that she would go home and bring him £25 in peag, two guns and two blankets, for the release of herself and her children, which as yet she hath not done, being retained by the sagamore of Wcslmkeim, in hopes that their league with the English will free them. "At the same time he carried away also, in stuff and money, to the value of £37, and at such time as Uncaa received notice of the dis- pleasure of the English in the Massach* setts by the worshipful Mr. ffmthrop, he insolently laughed them to scorn, and professed that he would still go on as he had begun, and assay who dares to controll him. Moreover, four days since there came home a prisoner that escaped ; two yet remaining, whom Uncaa threatens, the one of them to kill, and the other to sell away as a slave, and still threatens to continue his war agfunst them, notwithstanding anv prohibition whatsoever ; whose very threats are so terrible, that our Indians dare not wander far from the towns about the Indians for fear of surprise. From the relation of Pamba8sua» and testimony of Wabahasin, QUAqUEqCUNSET, and othera." From this narrative it is very plain that Uncaa cared very little for the displeasure of the English : it is plain, also, that he knew as well as they what kept them from dealing as severely with him as with the Narra- gansets, his neighl^rs. They must succumb to him, to keep him in a temper to aid in fighting their battles when railed upon. Hence, when he had committed the grossest insults on other It .ians, the wheels of justice oflen moved so slow, that they arrived not at their object until it had become quite another matter. It must, however, be considered ihak the English were veiy peculiarly situatedr-upon the very margin <»f «& unknown wilderness, enclosed but on one side by Indians^ whine, chief business was war. They had destroyed the Pequota, but this only added 9* * In manuscript, and never before pobliiiMid. 103 UNCAS. piooc O. OBAr. to their ieare, for they knew that rcrcnge larked Mill in tb« breaM» of many, who only were wailing tor an o|)ponunity to gratify it ; tlierefbrav so lon^ OS one of the niost iiiiineroni* tribes couM poasibly be kept ob their side, the Kngliah corisHieivt) tlicinselves in saie^. They had made many inissteits in tlioir prorcc-diiiipt with the Indiana, owing aometimes to one cause and sometimes to niiotlirr, fur wiiich now there was no rt^sne* dy ; ontl it is doiibtrul whether, even at this day, if any set of hmb were to go into an unknown region and settle among wild men, that they would Kt along with them so much better than our Ikthers did with the Indiana re, as some may have imagined. These are considerations which rauat be taken into nccoiint in estimating the " wrongs of the Indians." They seem the more necessary, in this |>lace, t6>- in the biography of Unetu there is as much, perhaps, to censure regarding the acta of the Engliah, as in any other article of Indian history. The narrative just recited being sent in to the court of Maasaehusetts, waa referred to a select committee, wlio, on the I June, reported, That letters should be sent to Uneas, agnifyinghow aenaihle the court was of the injuries he had done them, by his outrage upon the Indians of Quabaconk, who lived under their saganoore Was$amagmf as set forth in the narrative. That, therefore, they now desired bim to giro up the captives and make restitution for all the goods taken firom t£em, and to forbear for time to come all such unlawful acts. That if Wtuaamagm or his subjects had or shoukl do him or hissnl^ts any wrong, the Englisb would, upon due prooi^ cause recompense to be made. Ako that Imeat be given to understand and assured, that ^f he refuse to compty with the request, they were then resolved to rijf^bt the injuries upon him and his, and for nil costs they might he put to in the serriee. ** That for the en- couragement and safety of the sayd Wa ua m a gin and his aubjecta, there be by order of Major friUard three or four armed m?i>, well accomodate in all respects, with a proporcon of powder, bulletts and match sent fiom Luicaster to Quabaconk vnto the sayd ybwniagtw, there to stay a niriit or two, and to shoote of their musqiiets so often, and in such wise, aa Uie nugor shall direct, to terrifie the enemies of W h $ m wu ^ fim, and ao to return home again." To inform fFauttmagin and hb snl^is that the authorities of Massachusetts would esteem it an acknovHe^gmexrt of their renrd, if they would permit them to hare the captives to be recovered from Vneaa, to bring them up in a proper manner, that tb^ night be service- able to their friends, &c. Also, "aduice and require IrbasasMVM and his men to be verie careful! of iniuring or any ways prouoking m Vneat, or any of his men, as he will answer our diqileasure therein, aind incuir due punishment for the same.** That if Uneas committed any other hostile acts, be must complain to them, &c.* Thus Qmaawgum was as much threatened as Utwat. Matters seem to have remained thus until the meeting of the cominis- sioners in September following ; when, in due comse, the bcsiness vna oJled up, and acted upon as follows : — "Vpon complaint made to the comissionars of the Massachusetts agwnst VtJuu, this following message was sent to biiu: — <* Vnetu, wee haue receiuM information and complaint from the generall court of the Massachusetts of youer hostile invading of Woaamuftan and the Indians of Quabakutt, whoe nre and looge haue bine sabfects to the Ei^gUsh, killing some and canyiiw away others ; spoyKn^ diore goods to the vallue of £Blb. as they allege." That he had done this contnur to his covenants, and had taken no notice of the demands of the Massacbuaetts^ diou^ some time since they had ordered him to defiver up the captivea^ * Heia aad oar MSS. rdaliag to ikia aflhii. %. PIOOK D. *b« breasts of ' it ; tberefbm, y be kept ob ^J had imde ■""•etimes to *■■ no rr-toe- ofmea were ■t ihejr wouM >b the Indiam • which must '■na." They »hy of Une^ ibeEoglMj,^ •"sachuaetts, ted, 'bie the coon the lodians > w set forth fire up the nem, ami to >«M«<^ruior the English that (Mea» ^'y with the iinand his^ for the en- >>l«ct8, there accomodate h sent from stayanicht '^BR.asthe •> to return Mtborities e»r renrd, 'ered from beserrice- rm and his r^nea^or ineunrdue Ix^r hostile > as much 9 commis- liaess was nchusette sgenerall "and the Is to the goodsto i^tohis chusetta^ captives^ Omap. V.) UNCA8. 1€8 make remuneration, &e. And to irhich he had returned no answer; <* which," continues the letter, "seemes to bee an insolent and proud carriage of yoiiers. We cannot but wonder att it, and must beara witnesi acainst it** He wai, as before, required to return the captives. &o^ and give reasons for his operations ; and if he neglected to do so, tlie Massa- chusetts were at liberty to right themselves. In the mean time, as we apprehend, a letter from Unea$ was received, written by Capt. JMofon, which was as follows : — ** Wheras there was a warrant sent firom the court of Boston, dated in my last to Vneaa, mchem of Mohegen, wherin it was declared vpon the complaint of fVeaatiuquen,* a sachem subject to the Massachusetts, that the siud Vnetu bad onered great violence to theire subjects at Quabauk, killinff some and takins others captiue ; which warrant came not to lAieos, not aboue 30 dales before these presents, who, being summoned by Major Jokn Mason, in full scope of the said warrant, wherein he was deeply charged if he did not return the captiues, and £33 damage, then the Massachusetts would recouer it by foroe of armes, which to him wasuery EleuouB : professing he was altogether ignorant that they were subjects fonging to the Massachusetts ; and f irther said that they were none of Wetamequen^a men, but belonging to On.>ptquin, his deadly enemie, whoe was there borne ; one of the men then thken was his own cousin, who had formerly fought against him in his own person ; and yett sett him att libertie ; and forther saith that all the captiues were sent home. Alsoe that WtaanuquinVa] son, and diners of his men had fought against him diuers times. This he desired might bee returned as bis answare to the comissiouers. '^JUlexander allis fFttmsutta, sachem of Sowamsett, being now att Ply- mouth, bee challenged Quabouke Indians to belong to him ; and fbrther said that hee did warr against Vneaa this summer on thbt accounuf Signed by JoHiT Masoh." The particulars of the issue of these troubles were not recorded, and the presumption is, that Uncaa complied with the reas mable requests of the English, and the old peaceable Ouaamequin, being unwilling to get into difficulty, put up with the result without avenging his wron^. His ■on, WamavttOj as will be seen, about this time found himself involved in difficulties nearer home, which probably prevented him from continuing the war against Uneeu, had he been otherwise disposed. * By this it would seom that Maisaioit had, for gome time, resided among the Nip- iDUcki. He had, probably, given up Pokauoket to bis sons. t It seems always to have oeen uncertain to whom the Nipmucks belonged, Roger Wiiliam* says, in 1668, " That all the Nccpmurks were unquestionably subject to the Nanhigonset sachems, and, in a .special manner, to Mtjktah, the son of Caiinouniciii. and late husband to this old Sattato-Sacliem, now only surviving. I have abundant nnd daily proof of it," &c. M8. tetter. See life Matsasoit, b. ii. chap. ii. At one time, Kutihamakin claimed some of the Nipmucks, or consented to be made n tool of by some of them, for some private end. But Mr. Pvnchon saiH thpy would not own him as a sachem any longer " than the sun shined upon him." Had they belonged to him, Massachusetts must have owned them, which would have invulved tlicm in much difBculty in 1648, by reaion of several murders among them. ."exi ■KyV- / (Boos n. cKapter VI. pf %t PeqtMt rMlart—Ckdgraphu of ftnV eotmtry — SAttSAcns, their Jint Ouef, known to the English— ff^dr— The edust of i<— Weciuash— C«- Ikmkut'and Mi&ntuvhuliHoh aceiund of harboring fugitive Pequot$ — St^ $OKJm — MONONOTTO — O/OaA— ^A88A1SI!«nAMON. It is iaid by Mr. Hubbard/ l^at the PeqnoU,f " being a more fierce, cruel and warlike people than the rest of the Indians, came down out of tfle more inland parts of the continent, and by force seized upon one of the goodliest places near the s«a, and became a terror to all their neigh- bors." The time of their emigration is unknown. They noade all the olhei* tribes *' stand in awe, though fewer in number than the Narragan- ■ets, that bordered next u|ion them."{ Tbeir country, according to Mr. Oookin,^ "the English of Connecticut jltritdiction, doth now, [1674,] for the most piart, possess." Their dominion, or that of tbeir chief sachem, was, acconiing to the same author, ** over divera petty sagamores ; as over part of Long Island, over the Moliegana, and over the sagamores of Quinapeake, [now New Haven,] yea, over all the people that dwelt upon Connecticut River, and over some of the most southerly inliobltants of the Nipmuck country, about Quinabaag." The principal sei^t of the sagamores was near the mouth of Pequot River, now called the Thames, where New London stands. "These Pequots, as old Indians relate, could, in former times, raise 4000 men fit for war."!! The first great chief of this nation, known to the English, was Seuaticua, whose name was a terror to all the neighboring tril)es of Indians. From the fVuitful letters of the Rev. Roger ffiUianu, we learn that he bad a brother by the name oi Pvuppontpogea, whose residence was at Monahiganick, probably Mohegan. Although Sasaacua^t principal residence was upon tbe Thames, yet, in his highest prosperity, he had under him no less than 26 sachems, and his dominions were from Narra- ganaet Bay to Hudson's River, in the direction of the sea-coast. Long Island was also under him, and his authority was undisputed far into the country. About the time the English had determined on the subjugation of the Pequots, Roger ffiUiama wrote to Governor ffl,tUhrop of ftifuisachusettSy giving him unportant directions how thev should proceed to advantage, and what was very important then, gate the following rude draft of their country : — River aaniiUitient.ir CBAI-. Vl In tij faithful taken all Migoifi*'''! latter, wh and kntl enter th«| The O (1 fort -' the NiantaqoH** men, confederate with the Peqoti. Mohiganio RWer, Q WeinihaulM, where Sanaanu, the chief lachim, if. swamp I I I owaal(e,tt < I I I 3 or 4 milei flrbita Mis- ticic, where ia Mamolu>,\.l another ohief laeblin. Rivnr. Nayan- taquit,** where is WepUeammok and our IHenlli' River. •Narrative,!. 116. f We believe this name meant Gray/oxet, hence Gray-fox Indians, or PequoU. t Hist. New England, 33. i See his ColUclioru m 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Sec. i. 147. || lb. V Connecticut. ** Niantick. ft A nam* signirying an OwP$ nut. Same letter. tt Probably Mononotto. CBooc It Chap. VI] OF TIIF, PKUUOT NATION MS va, their Jlnl quASH— C«- 'equoU—Sat- more 6en9. down out of upon one of their neigh, node all Uie e Norragao- Connectieiit ir dominion, ithor, « over ) Af ohegans, r-ea, over «il orne of the iiiinabaag." of Pequot «». "These JOO men fit le English, ? trilws of «. we learn idence was k principal ■ty, he had 'om Narra- -ong Island 16 country, tion of the sachusettSi advantage, A of their the ■ ftint) In the mnio letter, Mr. tVUliami urges ths necMsity of emplojriuf faithful guides for the English forces; ••as sImII be best liked of [to] be taken along tu direct, especially two FequU; viz. IfcfiuuA, [whose name signitiiul II swan,] and fVuttackquiaekommin, valiant men, especially the latter, who have lived these three or four years with the Nanhiggonticka, and know every |mas and passage amongst them, who desire armor to enter their Iiouhcs." The PcquoU having, for a !ong time, exercised their power without restraint aiiiong their countrymen, according to the custom of savage iiation.s, which wnH a right always assumed by the strongest, and yet too much the caxc with those nations calling themselves civilized, extended, therefore, the Mime carriage towards the English as to the rest of their neighboi-s — killing such as came in their way, who refused a compliance with their demands. Captains Stone, Norton and Oldham^ were succe*- sively murdered bv them, in and about Connecticut River. The English could get no satiamction of them, and being assured of the assistance of the Narragatisets, determined to subdue them. Early in the summer of 1637, forces from Connecticut, under Captain John Maun, and from Massachusetts, under Captain hrad Sloughton, were sent on this desisn. A part of the Massachusetts forces onlr, under Captain VnderhiU, wm> was before stationed at Saybrook fort, shared in the taking of the strong fort of Saaaaciu, This fort was situated upon an eminence in the present town of Groton, Connecticut. The English arrived in its vicinity on the 25th of May ; and on the 36th, before day, with about 500 Indians, encom- passed it, and began a furious attack. The Mohegans and Narraganaets discovered great fear on approaching the fort, and could not believe that the English would dare to attack it. When they came to the foot of the hill on which it was situated, Captain MoDon was apprehensive of being abandoned by them, and, making a halt, sent for Uncaa, who led the Mo- hegans, and IFequash, their pilot, who was a fugitive Pequot chief,* and urged them not to desert nim, but to follow him at any distance they pleased. These Indians had all along told the English they dared not fight the Pequots, but boasted how they themselves would fight Ma$cn told them now they should see whether Englishmen would fight or not Notwithstanding their boastings, thi^ could not overcome the terror which the name of Scuaaciu had inspired in them, and they kept at a mfe distance, until the fi^t was over ; but assisted conriderably in repelling the nttacrks of the Pequots, in the retreat from the fort ; — ^for the Pequota, on recovering from their consternation, collected in a considerable body, and fought the confederates for nr. ^ny miles. The English had but 77 men, whioh were divided into two companies, one led by Jlfoson, and the other by UnderkUL The Indians were all within their fort, asleep in their wigwams, and the barking of a dog was the first notice they had of the approach of the enemy, yet very few knew the cause of the alarm, until met by the naked swords of the foe. The fort had two entrances at opposite points, into which each party of EngUsh were led, sword in hand. " Wanux ! wanux /"f was the cry of SoMMCua^a men ; and such was their surprise, that they made very feeble resistance. Having only their own missile weapons, they could do nothing at hand to hand, with the English broad-swords. They were pursued *Tbe same, it is believed, elsewhere called Waquash Cook; " which Wemuuh, (kuys Dr. /. MaUxtr,) was by birth a sachem of that place, [where Scumcui lived,] but upon some disgust received, he went from the Pequots to the Narragansets, and oecame a chief captain under Mianttmnotnoh." Rtlationj 74. \AUm'» History of the Pequot War. It signified, l7n^/i4Atn«n / Englishmen! In Maton'i history, it is written 0»atmx. Allen merely copied from Maton, with a few such variations. i ' n OF THE PEQUOT WAR. fBooK n. rrom witfwafn tn wif;w.iin, uu\ nlatiglilentd in every ■ociwt pl«re. Wo- ntoiiandcliililri!!! worrcnt to piecn*, wliil)M-tiriiigtit liidu UitMiiaolves in and uiidcr ilicir Ih;iIh. At lungtli tin- wiim m:i in tliu inotM Uim ctivered the wipwitiiis, wliicli I'lirioiiHly Hjiruad uv*-r tliu wliul« tWrt, aiiil tiiv dead and dyin^ wito tof^etiior c-oiMunitid. A part of thv English IiimI formed a cireuinfcrtnicu u|>on thn outsidu, and ahot Nucti aa attein|>tcd tu fly. Many nm-rndcd tltt; pickotH tn <>!H;up(; tlio fluint'H, liut weru shot down by those fltationeil for that fiurpaso. About GOO iM-ntons w<;re supposed to have perisiiHct iii this fi^ht ; ur |)erliap8 1 should sav, niatuwcre.* There were but two English killed, and altout 30 wounded. Sattaeua himself waa in another tort, and being informed of tho ravages of the English, dfMtroyed \m habitations, and, with about 80 others, fled to the Moliawks, who treacherouNly beheaded him. i Notwithstanding ttuv great shnighter at Mistick, there were great num- bera of I'equotn in the country, wno were hunted from swatnp to swamp, and their numlwrs thinned continually, until a remnant promised to appear no more as a nation. Tho English, under Captain iSKoug-Uort, came into Pequot River about a fortnight alter the Mistick tight, and assisted in the work of their exter- mination. After his arrival in the enemy's country, he wrote to the governor of Masaachiisetts, aa follows : — " By this pinnace, you shall receive 48 or 50 women and children, unless there stay any here to be helpful, &c. Concerning which, there is one, I formerly mentioned, that is the iairest and largest that I saw amongst them, to whom I have given a coete to cloathe her. It is my desire to have her for a servant, if it may stand with your good liking, else not. Ttiere is a little squaw that steward Cuincut desireth, to whom he hath given a coato. Lieut. Davenport also deaireth one, to wit, a small one, that hath three strokes upoii her stomach, thus : — 1 1 1 -|~' ^'^ desireth her, if it will stand with your good liking. •Siwomon, the Indian, desireth a young little squuw, which I know not ** At present, Mr. Haynes, Mr. LuSto, Captain Mason, and 30 men ore with us in Pequot River, and we shall the next week joine in seeing what wu can do against Scuaaeua, and another great sagamore, Monowatluek, [Mononotto.] Here is yet good work to be done, and how dear it will coat is unknown. Scuaaetu ia resolved to sell his life, and so the other whh their company, as dear as they can."f Perhaps it will be judged that Stoughion was looking more after the profit arising from the sale of captives, than for warriors to fight witfa. Indeed, Meuon'i account does not give him much credit. There was a manifest disposition on the part of Uncas, Canoniciw, Miantunnomoh and JVTnigre<, and perhaps other ohiefe, to screen the poor, denounced and flying Pequots, who had escaped the flames and swords of the English in their war with them. Part of a correspondence about these sachems' harboring them, between R. fVUliama and the governor of MoBBachuBctts, is preserved in the Massachusetts Collections ; trom which it appears that Massachusetts had requested Mr. WiUiams to explain tu the chiefs tho consequences to be depended hi)oii, if ihey did not striccfy observe their agreement in regard to the I'ligicive Pequots. 0/af/i| earned to Mr. fHIltanu a letter from tiio Massachusetts governor upon this sub- ject. After he had obeyed its conten>d, as fur as he was able, In; answered, that he went with Olaah "to the NanhiggontickH, and having got Canouni- cus and Miantunnomu, with their council, together, I acquainted them * " It was supposed," says Mather, " that no less than 500 or 600 Pequol souls w^re brought down to nell that day." Relation, 47. We iu charity suppose that by hell the dotlor only meant death. t Manuscript letter or Captain Stougkton, on file viti6'ag our state papeft. } Yolaash, Mr. WUliams writes his name. raillit'uUl .tiul to «p Henr}i\ \ ulai-i'X, 'V\m iiudttrtil tliK-t ; t| fBooK n. Pl«»!*. Wo. (iu tiifiiiflulvw • tliw covered "■«'tl to fly. •lot (lowrn by ' ""Plumed to «:re.« There ««« itiiimeir «*•« English, ■10 MoliawluL P*nt num- |» lo awamp, led to appear iver about a ■ their exter- ''rote to the '» yoii shall Y hero to be •tioiied, that have giveo "'. it' it may hut steward venport ulao er stomach, ■ood liking. 'OW Hot. 30 men nr» jeeing what oTumatluek, ear it will the other « after the fight with. ^anonieut, 1 the poor, id swords ince about >vernor of •in which •xploin to "t stric ;ly '4 <'2«-ned this sub- mswered, Catumni- ed them souls wer^ Uie doctor Vu\r. Vll OF THE PET NATION. faitliAiUv with the conlrnlMof your lettrr, both ffritmmeu tmd lkttaltnint${ .tiid to lipiiioiiHlrute, I |ir(Mluc<'d the copy of the ioagu**, (whtirb Mr. [Sir //etin/] yane iwnt rn<<,) and, with breaking of a lOraw in two or thrw jiluri'H, 1 hIiowimI them whut tb«-y hud done.'' Thum; cliirfH gave Mr. H'iUiamM to underatand, that when Mr.CJovemar iiudorrto'Ni what they had to aay, he wouM be aatiatuid witb their ooo« tiiict ; tliMt tliry did lint winIi to niake tmiible, but they "toutd rdMU many jiarticulari wkerrin the Engliah had broktn their promiset" Mince the war. Ill rvgnrd to soiiio Hqiiawfi that had escaped from the English, CaiwnUmi said 111! had not wicii any, but heard of some, and immediHtely ordered thnin to >¥'. carriiid liack again, and had not since heard of tliem, but would Ilo^v have the country scurched for them, to aatiafy the governor. MiatUuntwmoh snid he had never heard of but six, nor saw but four of them ; which lM>ing liroiight to him, hn was angry, and asked thoee who brought llioiii, why they did not carry them to Mr. tViUianu, that he might convey them to the Knglish. They told him the soiiawa were lame, and could not go ; u|K)n which Miantunnomoh sent to Mr. fViUiamt to come and take them. Mr. WiUiama could not attend to it, and in his turn ordereil Miantunnomoh to do it, who said he was busy and could not; **«■ indeed ho whs, (says fyiUiamt,) in a strange kind of solemnitv, wherein the sachims cat nothing but at night, and all the natives round about the country wore feasted." In the mean time the aquaws escaped. Miantunttofnoh .<»id he was sorry that the governor should think he wanted these squaws, for he did iVDt. Mr. HlUtama told him he knew of his sending for one. Of this charge he fairly cleared himself, saving, the one sent for was not for himself, but for Stuacmun,* who was lying lame at his house ; that Sassamtm fell in there in his way to Peqiit, whither he had been sent by the governor. The squaw he wanted wn a sachem'e daughter, who had been a particular friend of ^''tntuHuomoh during his life-time ; therefore, in kindness to his dead iriend, he wished to ransom her. Moreover, ASantunnomoh said, he and his people were true " to the English in life or death,** and but for which, he said, CMiate [Unkua] and his Mehiganeucks had long since proved false, as he still feared they would. For, he said, they had neverfound a Pequot, and added, " Chenoek nxue teetompatimuckai" that is, "Did ever friends deal so with friends?" Mr. WUliaiM requiring more particular explanation, Mianiunnomak pro* " My brother, Yotaash, had seized upon Puttaquppuunck, Quame, and 20 Pequots, and 60 squaws; they killed three and bound the rest, whom they watched all night. Then they sent for the English, and delivered them in tti :> morning to them. I came by land, according to promise, with 200 men, k^ing 10 Pequots by the way. I desired to see the great sachem, Pvtkufiippmmdi, whom my brother had taken, who was now in the Eng- lish houses, but the English thrust at me with a pike many times, that I durst not come near the door." Mr. WUliama told him they did not know him, ehw< they would not^) but Miantunnomoh answered, " All my company were disheartened, and they all, and Cutthamoqt^ie, desired to be gone." Besides, he said, <' two of my men, fFafronckMiihut\ and Maunamoh \Meihamoh] we-m their guides tO Seequankit, from the river's mouth." U|K>n which, Mr. WUliaiM adds to the governor: "Sir, I dare not stir coals, but I saw them too much diare« garded by many." * Probably the same mentioned afterwards. Batsamtn, or his hrathcr Rowland. t Perhaps WahsrtimaeHt, or Wahginnacut. He might have b«ea (be famoi^ i/Mfi 106 MONONOTTO. [Book II. Mr. ffUKanu told the sachems ** they received Pequts and wampom without Mr. Governor's consent. Ccmnounieus replied, that although be and Mianturmomu had paid many hundred fathom of wampum to their aoMiers, as Mr. Governor did, yet he had not received one yard of beads nor a Pequt. ' Nor, saith Miemtunaomu, did I, but one small present iW>m four women of Long Island, which were no Pequts, but of that isle, being afraid, desired to put themselves under my protection." The Pequot war has generally hoen looked upon with regret, by all good men, since. To exterminate » people before they had any oppor- tunity to bc^.ome enlightened, that id, to be made acquainted with the reason of other usages towards their fellow beings than those in which they had been brought up, is a great cause of lamentation ; and if it proves any tbinr, it proves that great ignorance and barbarism lurked m the hearts ot their exterminators. We do nc. mean to exclude by this re- mark the j^reat body of the present inhabitants of the earth from tlie charge of such barbarism. In the records of the United Colonies for the year 1647, it is men- tioned that ** Mr. John H^nlkrop making claim to a great quantity of land at Niantio by purchase from the Indians, save in to the commissionera a petition in those words : — ' Wherir^Hn I had the land of Niantick by a deed of gift and purchase from the rnchem [Sassacus] before the [P'^quot] WBia, I desire the commiasioners .^ill be pleased to confirm it unto me, and clear it from any claim of English and Indians according to the equity of the case.'" fVhnH^^iyp had no writing from Satiaetu, and full ten years had elapsed since the transaction, but Fyomattuh, Wamhermuukt and Anitappo testified somn time after, that ** upon their knowledge before die wars were asainst the Fequols, ^utacua their sachem of Niantic did eall them and allhis men together, and told that he was resolved to give hia country to the governor's son of the Massachusetts, who lived then at Pattaquassat alias Connecticut River's mouth, and all his men declared themselves willing therewith. Thereupon he went to him to Pattaquas- set8,and when he came back he told them be had granted all his country to him the said oovemor's son, anf^l said ite was his good friend, and he Iwped he would send some Engh. h thittier some time hereafter. More- over, he told him he had received c'^iis from ^ m for it, which they saw him bring home." This was not said by tho^e Indians themselves, but several English ami they heard tkem aay ifu. The comm'f'sioners, however, set aakle his claim with considerable apijiearance of in^^ependence. Dr. Dwight thus closes his poem upon the <^j^!;tmction of the Pequots : — Chaf. V^ died by Wolcott,\ The among t| Pequot 1 excuse < injured did not I in their I the rivel " Indulge, my native land, indulge the tear That steals, impassioned, o'er a nation's doom. To me, each twig from Adam's stock is near. And sorrows fall upon an Indian's tomh." m Greenfield IlUl, p. KMriOS. Another, already mentioned, and the next in consequencf to Saataeua^ waa Afononotto. Hvbhcard calls him a " noted Indian,'' whone wife and children fell into the hands of the English, and as " it was known to be by her mediation that two English maids, (that were taken away from Weethersfield, upon Connecticut River,| were saved from death, in re- quittal of whose pity and humanity, the life of herself and children was not only granted her, but she was in special recommended to the care of Gov. Winihropf of Massachusetts." MononoUo fled with Saaaacus to the Mohawks, for protection, with several more chiefs. He was not killed bj them aa jShmocu* was, but Mcaped from them wounded, and probaUjr v ••.T fBooK II, l^nd wampom Bt although he ipum to their yard of beads present from nat iale, bein; regret, by all d any oppor- ted with the Me in which >d if it proves irked in the 8 by this re- th from the 7, it is men- ntity of land raissioners a ck by a deed the [P'quot] it unto me, i^iog to the ictw, and full hmbermuuke ledge before Niantic did ved to give pved then at en declared > Pattaquas- his country end, and he ler. More- :h they saw naelves^ but •8, however, tnce. Pequots :— CHAr. VI.] MONONOTTO.— CASSASSINNAMON. IW wn to be way from ith, in re- Idren was e care of us to the lot killed probably died by the bands of his English enemies. He is thus mentioned by Qot. ffoleoU, in his poem upon fVirUhrop^s agency, &c. "'Prince Monimotto sees his sauadrons fly, And on our general having nxed his eye, Ra{^c and revenge bis spints quickening, He set a mortal arrow in the string.' " The first troubles with the Pequots have already been noticed. • It was among the people of Mononotto, that the English caused the blood of a Pequot to flow. Some English hod been killed, but there is no more to excuse the murder of a Peqiiot than an Englishman. The English had injured the Indians of Block Island all in their power, which it seems did not satisfy them, and they next undertook to make spoil upon them in their own country upon Connecticut River. " As they were sailinj^ up the river, says Dr. /. Mather, many of the Pequots on lioth sides of^the river called to them, desirous to know what was their end in coming thither."* They answered, that they desired to speak with Sassacus ; being told that Sassacus had gone to Long Island, they then demanded that Mononotto should appear, and they pretended he was from home also. Ho .vever, they went on shore, and demanded the murderers of Capt ■Stone, and were told that if they would wait they would send for them, and that Mononotto would come in the mean time. But very wisely, the Pequots, meanwhile, " transported their goods, women and children to another place.^f One of them then told the English that Mononotto would not come. Then the English began to do what mischief they could to them, and a skirmish followed, wherein one Indian v/as killed, and an Englishman was wounded."| The na.-ne o( Mononotto^s wife appears to have been Wincumbone. She should not be overlooked in speakiiigof JIfononoffo, asshe was instrumen- tal in saving the life of ar Englishman, as disinterestedly as Pocahontas saved that of Capt. Smuh. Some English had gone to trade with the Pequots, and to recover some horses which they had stolen, or picked up on their lands. Two of the English went on shore, and one went into the sachem's wigwam and demanded the horses. The Indians within slily absented themselves, and Wincumbone, knowing their intention, told him to fly, for the Indians were making preparations to kill him. He barely escaped to the boat, being followed by a crowd to the shore. Cassasnnnamon was a noted Pequot chief, of whom we have some account as early as 1659. In that year a difficulty arose about the limits of Southerton, since called Stonington, in Connecticut, and several Eng- lish were sent to settle the diffictilty, which was concerning the location of Wekapauge. "For to help us, (they say,) to understand where We- kapauge is, we desired some Poquatucke Indians to go with us." Caa- aassinncKhon was one who assisted. They told the English that " Casha- lauset, (the governor of Wekapauge,) did charge them that they should not go any mrther than the east side of a little swamp, near the east end of the first great pond, where thev did pitch down a stake, and told us, [the English,] that Cashawasset said that that very place was Wekapauge ; said that he said it and not them ; and if they should say that Wekapauge did go any further, Cashawasset would be angry." Cashawasset after tus had confirmed to him and those under him, 8000 acres of land in the Pequot coimtry, with the provision that they continued subjects of Mas- • * Relalioif, 44. f Ibid. X Ibid. Cipt. Lion Oardener, who had some men in this aflair, fives <]uite a differ- ent aecoujit. ^^ Wfe of Kutihcmaquin, a\iaa Kuti^umtakin. t, 10 ■*. 110 CASSASSINNAMON. [Book II- Mchusetts, and should "not sell or alienate the said lands, or any part thereof, to any English man or men, without the court's approbation.'' The neck of land called Quxnieuntauge was claimed by both parties, but Caaacunnnamon said that when a whale was some time before cast ashore there, no one disputed CashawasseVa claim to it, which it is believed settled the question : Caahawaaaet was known generally by the name of Harmon Garret.* We next meet with Caaaaasinnamon in Philii)'s war, in which he com- manded a company of Pequots, and accompanied Capt. Deniaon in his successful career, and was present at the capture of Canonchet.\ In November, 1651, Cassasainnamon and eight others executed a sort of an agreement "with the townsmen of Pequot," afterward called JSTew London. What kind of agretment it was we are not told. His name was subscribed Caaeaymamon. Among the other names we see Obba- ckidaoood, Meaouweigun alias Daniel, Cuichdmaquin and Mahmawambam. Caaaasainnamon, it is said, signed "in his own behalf and the behalf of the rest of Nameeag Indians."]: CHAPTER VII. Oftht Praying or Chriatian Indiana in New England. It must be exceedingly difficult, as all experience has shown, to cause any people to abandon a belief or faith in a matter, unless it be one on which the reasoning powers of the mind can be brought to act. The most ignorant people must be convinced, that many effects which they witness are produced by obvious causes ; but there are so many others for which they cannot discover a cause, that they hesitate not to deny any natural cause for them at once. And notwithstanding that, from day to day, causes are developing themselves, and showing them, that many results which they had viewed as proceeding from a auper natu: ' .1 cause hitherto, was nothing but a natural one, and which, when discovered, appeared perfectly simple, too, yet, for the want of the means of investiga- tion, they would be looked upon as miraculous. These facts have been more than enough, amon^ the scientific world, to cause them to look upon the most latent causes, with a hope that, in due time, they would unfold themselves also; and, finally, leave nothing for any agent to perform but nature itself. When the Indian, therefore, is driven by reason, or the light of science, from his strong hold of ignorance, or, in other words, superstition, he is extremely liable to fall into the opposite extreme, to w*"''*! allusion has just been made, because he will unhesitatingly say, wi .. once appeared past all discovery has been shown to be most plain, and therefore it is not only possible, but even probable, that others will be disclosed of a like character, and so on, ad infinilum, as before. It so happens, that in attempting to substitute one faith for another, iO the minds of Indians, that the one proposed admits of no better demonstra- tion than the one already possessed by them ; for their manner of trans- mitting things to be remembered, is the most impressive and sacred, as will be elsewhere observed in our work. That any thing false should be handed down from their aged {natrons and sires, could not be for a mo- ment believed ; and hence, that the stories of a strange people should be * Several manuscript documenU. t I Cot. Mass. Mist. 8oe. x. 101 t Hvbbnrd. Chap. Vll.| credited, youth up, j could not 1 tl«t the gd this aside I priests, asl sick, appei ligible mul poitant afl assuring tl l)etual spri that the ni religion pi gaining crP Conside not to w| the settler the Indiai preters ni ulso, that these cou language tongiie w considere tion ; but must nee of strane minds, ih tjuestiona really lov thev not ' things, w enslave u these str which til tliat it cs progress Notwi fhartpvs izing of where v found M ed BO m ed with Atle througl ter of tl ly heh and to task, w having » Ne \ "I miles fi CHAr. VII.] PRAYING INDIANS. Ill <•«» or any pan )probation.'' •y both parties, nie before cast ch it is believed Kthe name of ivhich he com- Deniton in his 'het.f xecuted a sort rd culled ATew o- His name we see Oiba- lohmawdmbam " behalf of the and. uwn, to cause it be one on to act. The I which they many others t to deny any I from tfay to •» that many latu; J cause I discovered, of investiga- 8 have been to look upon ould unfold perform but ttson, or the ther words, extreme, to tftii'igly say, 'nost plain, liers will be >ther, in the demonstra- r of trans- sacred, as should be for a mo- should be Hubbard. credited, instead of what they had heard from day to dav from their youth up, from those who could have no possible motive to deceive them, could not be expecte uriy all their labors, few could be found willing to forego every comfort to engage in a work which present- ed so many difficulties. Adventurers were those, generally, who emigrat- ed with a view to bettering their own condition, instead of that of others. At length Mr. John Eliot, seeing that little or nothing could lie effected through the medium of his own language, resolved to make himself mas- ter of the Indian, and then to devote himself to their service. According- ly he hired* an oldf Indian, named Job J^estdan,l to live in his family, and to teach him his language. When he had accomplished this arduous task, which he did in "a few months,"^ he set out u\ton his first attempt ; having given notice to some Indians nt Abtian(um,|| since Newton,f of » Neal, Hist. N. Eng. i. 222. f N. Eiik- Bio^. Dictionary, art. Eliot. t See p. 67 of this book, ante. J Noal, Hist. TV. Eng. i. 123. 5" Near Watertown mill, upon tlic goulli side of diaries River, about four or five es from his own house, [in Roxhury,] where lived at that lime VVaban, one of their principal men, and some Indians with hmi." Gookin, (Hist. Col.) 1C8. V Nonantum, or Noonatonicn, signified a place o/refoicing, or rejoicing, Neal,i. 21£ '** 118 PRAYi:4a INDIANS. [Book II. Cnkt. hi* intention. With three others he met tlin Indians for the first time, '46 Octolier, 1646. H'oauban,* whose nainu Higniiied tnndj\ '*a wise and ^rave man, though no Buciieiii, with live or six Indians met them at some distunce from their wif^w.iins, and hidding ihcm welcome, conducted tiiem into a large a|rartm«;nt, whore a great number of the natives were gathered together, to hear this new doctrine."; After prayers, and an t xplnnation of the ten commandments, Mr. Eliot informed them ''of the iiruiidiul curw of God that would fall upon all those that brake them : He then told them who Jestu Christ wab, where bo was now gone, and !iow liu would one day come again to judge thu world in flaming fire." After abuut an 'lour Hpent in this manner, the Indians had likierty to ask any ()ue:jtions in relation to what had been said. Whereupon one stood up and anked, How lie could know Jcaua Christ ? — Another, fVhither Englishmen were ever so ignorant qfhim as the ■.. Hans'? — A third. Whether Jesus Christ eovld understand prayers in Indian? — Another, /fou) there could be an image of God, since tt was forbidden in ilie second command- meid ? — Another, Whether, according to the second commandment, the child must suffer, though he be good, for the sins of its parents ? — And lastly, How all the world became fuU of people, iftheu were all once drowned in thejiood? Tiie second meeting was ujton II Nfovember, following. Mr. Eliot met the Indians again, and after catechising the chiKlren, and preaching an hour to the congregation, beard and answered, among others, the ioTlow- ing questions. — How the English came to differ so much from Oie Indians in their knowledge of God and Jesus Christ, since they had all at first but one father % — Another desired to know, How it canik to pass that sea water was salt and river water frtah ? — And another. That ij the water was higher than the earth, how it happened that it did not overflow it ? Thu third meutiug took placo soun afler, namely, on 26 of the same Mionth, but was not so well attended. The powwows and sachems had dissuaded some, and by threats deterred others from meeting upon such occasions. Still there were considerable numbers that got attached to Mr. Eliot, and in a few days after, Wampas, " a wise and sage Indian," and two others, with some of his children, came to the English. He de- sired that these might be educated in the Christian faith. At the next meeting all the Indians present " offered their children to be catechised and instructed by the English, who upon this motion resolved to set up a school among them." Mr. lUiot, notwithstanding his zeal, seems well to have understood, that something beside preaching was necessary to reform the lives of the Indians ; and that was, their civilization by education. It is said that one of his noted sayings was, The Indians must be civilized as well as, if not in order vj their being, Christianized.^ Therefore, the request of the Indians nt Nonantum was not carried into effect until a place could be fixed upon where a regular settlement should be made, and the catechumens had shown their zeal for the cause by assembling themselves there, and con- forming to the English mode of living. In the end this was agreed upon, and Natick was fixed as the place for a town, and the following short code of laws was set up and agreed to: — I. If any man be idle a week, or at most a fortnight, he shall pay five shillings. — II. If any unmarried man shall lie with a young woman unmarried, he shall pay twenty shillings. — III. If any man shall beat his wife, his hands shall be tied behind him, and he shall be carried to the place of justice to be severely punished. — IV. Every young man, if not another's servant, and if unmarried, shall be compelled to set up a wigwam, and plant for himself, and not shift up • Waulian, Magnolia, ill. 196. } Day-breaking of the Gospel in N. Eng., in Neat, i. I \ Hutchituon,Hial. Mass. 1. 163. t Ibid. IBooKlL the first time, * " « wm and -■ tbein at some »e» conducted omtivea were ■ayere, and an them "of the '(brake them: ow gone, and minff fire." »ad iitierty to lereupon one »ther, ffTut/ier hiitJ, fnether er, One there nd command- nent, the child xl Jaatly, ffou, '' in the flood'} Ir. Eliot met reaching nn , the follow. ^ Indiana in first but one ^ sea water ■r was higher 'f the same ichems had "pon such attached to (?e Indian," lb. He de- kt the next catechised to set up a inderstood, ves of the d that one '> if not in le Indians ixed upon 'nens had and con- eed upon, hort code eek, or at ;ied man ■'lings.-, i'ld him, lished ■ shall be shift up tlbidT" Cba*. vn.] PRAYING INDIANS. lis and down in other wigwams. — V. If any woman •hall not have her hair tied up, but hang loose, or be cut aa men's hair, she shall pay five slul> tings. — VI. If anv woman shall go with naked breasts, "he shall pay twc shillings. — VII. All men that wear long locks shall pay five shillingi. — VIII. If any shall kill their lice between their teeth, they shall pay five shillings. In January ibllowing another company of praying Indiana was estab- lished at Concord ; and there were soon several other pbcea where meet- ings were held throughout the country, fit>m Cape Cod to Narraganset* Of these, Mr. Eliot visited ae many am as often as he was able. From the following passage in a letter which he wrote to Mr. Winslow of Ply- mouth, some idea may be formed of the haMahipe he underwent in his pious labors. He says, " I have not been dry night nor day, from the third day of the week unto the sixth, b^t so travelled, and at night pull ofi* my hoots, wring my stockings, and on with them again, and so con- tinue. But God steps in and helps.'*f^ The chieft and powwows would not have sufiered even so much ground to have been gained by the ^pel, but for the awe they were in of the English power. " Nor is this to be wondered at," says the very good histonan, Mr. Mai, ** for if it be ver^ diflicult to civilize barbarous nati( J, 'tis much more so to make them Christians: All men have natu- rally J. veneration for the reli^on of their ancestors, and the prejudices of education^ are insuperaUe without the extraordinary grace of God." " The Monhegin Indians were so jealous of the general court's obliging them to prey to God, that Uneaif their sachem, went to the court at Hart- ford to protest against it. Cutthamoqmn, another sachem came to the In- dian lecture, and openly protested against their building a town, telling the English, that all the sachems in uie country were against it. He was so honest as to tell Mr. fiiol the reason of it ; for (says he) the Indians that pray to God do not pay me tribute, as fornierly they did; which was in part true, for whereas before the sachem was absolute master of his subjects ; their lives and fortunes being at his disposal ; they gave him now no more than they thought reasonable; but to wipe off the reproach that Cutahamoquin had laid upon them, those few praying Indians pres- ent, told Mr. Eliot what they had done for their sachem thb two last years, leaving him to judge whether their prince had any reason to com- plain." They said they had given him 36 oushels of corn at one time, and 6 at another ; that, in hunting for him two days, they had killed him 15 deers ; broke up for him two acr>3 of land ; made him a great wig- wam ; " made him 20 rods of fence with a ditch and two rails about it ;" paid a debt for him of 3£. lOs. **One of them gave him a skin of beaver of two pounds, besides many days works in planting corn altogether ; yea, they said they would willingly do mnrri if he would gpvem them justly by the word of God. But the sachem swelling with indignation, at tins unmannerly discourse of his vassals, turned his back upon the company and went away in the greatest rage imaginable ; though upon better con- sideration, himself turned Christian not long after." Mr. Experience Maukew met with similar occurrences many years after. Upon a visit to the Narragansets, he sent for Mn^grel, the sachem, and desired of him leave to preach to his people; but the sachem told him to 50 ind make the English good first, and otMerved, fiirther, that some of le Junglish kept Saturday, others Sunday, and others no day at all fot worshi p ; so that ; <* his people should have a mind to turn Christians, they ~* Neal. i. 226— 230! f Magmlia, iii. 196. X This word, when applied to iha tiueatiam of the Indians amon|r themselves, is to be uoderslood in an opposite sense from its common acceptation : thus, to instruct ia super- ititions and idolatry, is what is not meant by education among ui. 10 • ■.■:t>dis^,: 1^ PRAYING INDIANS. [Boob U. 0»A9 cnuld not tell wliat rolirion tn iw of. ,\iniffret furthor added, that Mr. Mtufkrw ini<;lit try his iMtili finn religion, |iossibly he and his people might, but they would not be the fiiviT In thie meanwhile, Mr. EifA had translated the whole Bible into In- dian,t also Baxter's Call, Mr. Shepherd's Simceke Co.xvert, and bit SooiiD Beli etbr,! besides :-4>inp other |Mr« Bible. "This Bible," he says, "was printed here at our Cam- bridge ; and it is the only Bible that ever was printed in all America, from the very foundation of the world."|| The same author observes that " the whole translation was writ wu'i but one oen, which pen bad it not been lost, would have certainly deser 'ed a richer case than was bestowed upon that pen, with which Haitatid^ writ bis translation of Plvtarch." It was long since inquired, " What benefit has ail this toil and suffer- ing produced? — Is there ti vcstigw of it remaining ? — Were tlie Indians in reality bettered by the great etl'orts of their friends ?" " Mr. £Iurf," says Dr. Douglass, " with immense lalmr translated and i>rinted our Bible into Indian. I: was done with a good pious design, but it must be reconed among the Otiosorum hominum tugotia : It was done in the Natick [Nip- muk] language. Of the Naticks, at present, there are not 20 families sub- sisting, and scarce any of these can reed. — Cwi bono P'** By the accounts left us, it will be perceived, that for many years after the exertions of Eliot, GooHa, Mayhew and others, had been put in opera- tion, there was no inconsiderable progress made in the great undertaking of ChriatianizinK the Indians. Natick, the oldest praying town, con- tained, in lfl74, 99 families, in which |icrhaps were about 145 persons. The name A*ah'cA signified a place o/hilla. Wahan was the chief man here, '* who," says Mr. GwMn, ** is now about 70 years of age. He is a person of great prudence and piety : I do not know any Indian that ex- cells him." Pakemitt, or Punkapaog, (" which takes its name from a spring, that riseth out of red earth,") is the next town in order, and contained 12 fami- lies, or about 60 persons. It was 14 miles south of Boston, and is now included in Stoughton. The Indians here removed from the Neponset. Haasanamesit is the third town, and ia now included i,i Grefton, and con- tained, like the second, 60 souls. Okommakamesit, now in Marlborough, contained about 50 people, and was the fourth town. Wamesit, since included in Tewksbury, the fifth town, was upon a neck of land in Mer- rimack river, and contained about 75 souls, of five to a feroily. Nasbo- bnh, now Littleton, was the sixth, and contained but about 50 inhabitants. Magunkaquog, now Hopkinton, signified a place of great trees. Here were about 55 persons, and this was the seventh town. Thefe were, besides these, seven other towns, which were called the new praying towns. These were among the Nipmiiks. The first was Manchage, since Oxford, and contained about 60 inhabitants. The * NeaTt N. Eniriaud, i. S67. t See book ii. chap. iii. p. fi7, atUe. X Moore* Life Eliot, 144. $ Magnolia, b. iii. 197. || Ibid. IT PhUtmon HoUand was called the translator jroneral of his age ; he wrote several ofbislraiulatioiu with one pen, upon which he made '.he following verses : With one sole pen I writ this book, Made of a gnw goose quill; -tf A pen it was, when I it took. And a pen I leave it still. Fuller's Worthier ofEm^and. ** Du[taM» wrote about 1745. [BooiO. ded, that Mr. i«gan«, and if people inighl, BLK into In- KRT, and bis nnwr, Pbalter, Mather, says ■t ourCain- ™wica, from ves that « the it not been stowed upon and su^r- >e Indians in • tXiot," says iir Bible into be reconed Vaiick [Nip- Ihmiiies sub- ' years after lit in opera- undertaking town, con- 45 persons, chief man )• He is a ian that ez- sprinjf, that >ed 12 fami. uid is now Neponset. 0, and con- iriborougb, nesit, since id in Mer- ^ Nasbo> n habitants. ee»' Here called the first was Its. The 67, ante. II Ibid. ole several i,i4B,it9. otAt vn.i PRAYINQ INDIAN& m second was about six miles fW>m the first, and its name was Cbabanak- ongkomun, since Dudley, and contained about 45 persons. The third wns Maanexit, in the north-east part of Woodstock, and contained about 100 souls. The fourth was Ouanlisset, also in Woodstock, and contain- ing hundred persons likewise. Wabquissit, the fifth town, also in Wood- uiock, (but now included in Connecticut,) contained 150 souls. Paka- clioog, a sixth town, partly in Worcester and partly in Ward, also con- laincd a hundred people. Weshakira, or Nashaway, a seventh, cpntaioed about 75 persons. Waeuntug was also a praying town, included now by (Jxbridge ; but the number of people there is not set down by Mr. OMAtn, our chief authority. Hence it seems there were now aujiposed to be about 1150 praying In- tlians in the places enumerated above. There is, however, not the lent probability, that even one foui-th of these were ever sincere believers in Christianity. This calculation, or rather supposition, was noade the yewr before PAii^'« war began ; and bow many do we ftnd who adhered to their profession through that war? That event not only shook the fiutb of the common sort, but many that had been at the head of the praying towns, the Indian ministers themselves, were found in arms against their white Christian neighbors. At the close of PhUip'a war, in 1677, Mr. Oookin enumerates "seven places where they met to worship God and keep the sabbath, viz. at No- natum, at Pakemit, or Punkapog ; at Cowate, alias the Fall of Charles River, at Natik and Medfield, at Concord, at Namekeake, near Chelou- ford." There were at each of those places, he savs, "a teacher, and schools for the youth." But notwithstanding they had occupied seven towns in the spring of 1676, on their return from imprisonment upon the bleak islands in Boston harbor, they were too feeble long to maintain so many. The appearance of some straggling Mohawks greatly alarmed these Indiana, and they were glad to come within the protection of the English ; and so the remote towns soon became abandoneil. We have seen that 1150 praying Indians were claimed before the war, in the end of the year 1674, but not hdf this number could be found when it was proclaimed that all such must come out of their towns and go by themselves to a place bf safety. Mr. Qookin says, at one time there were ahout 500 upon the islands; but when. some had been employed in the army, and other ways, (generally such as were indifterent to reLgion,) there were but about 300 remaining. Six years after that disastrous war, Mr. Eliot could claim but /our towns! viz. " Naiick, Punknpaog, Wame- sit, and Chachaubunkkakowok." Before we pass io notice other towns in Plimoiith colony, we will give an account of some of the most noted of the praying Indians. Waithan we have several times introduced, and will now close our ac- count of him. He is supposed to have been originally of Concord, but at the time Mr. Eliot began his labors he resided at Nonantum, since Newton. At Natik, or Natick, he was one of the most efticient oftiocrs until bis death. When a kind of civil community was established at Natik, Wauban was made a ruler of fifty^ and subsequently a justice of the peace. Tlio follow- ing is said to be a copy of a warrant which he issued against some of the transgressors. " You, you hig constable, quick you catch um Jeremiah 0|f- scow, strong you hold um, safe you bring um, afore mc, Wabun, justice peace"* A young justice asked Wauian what he would do . when Indians got drunk anaqnarrelled ; he replied, " THe um all up, and whip um plaintiff, and whip um fendant, and whip um witness" • AlUn't Biog. Diet. art. Wabak. ^^ PRAYING INIMAN8. (Book O. We hare not lenrned the precise time of l ^ t n tkmm'a deadi,* bat he wm eertainly alive in the end of the year 167(», and we^her at Haasanannesit, and hia brother, Jln a w i akm, ruler. He was, acccitiing to Maj. Gooim, "a pious and able man, and apt to teach." He suflered exceedingly in PhUip^a war ; bimaelf and his congregation, together with those of the two praying towns, " Mngunkog^ and Chobonekonhonom," -having been enticed away oy PhiKp'a followers. His father, ATaoas, was deacon of his church, and among the number. They, however, tried to make their escape to the EngUsh soon after, agree- ably to a plan concerted with Job KatUnanit, when he was among Pkd^a people as a spy ; but, as it happened, in the attempt, they fell in with au English scout under Ciipt. dw, who treated them as prisoners, and with not a little barltarity ; robbing them of every thing they had, even the minister of a pewter cup which ne used at sacraments. At Marllmrougb, , though under the protection of officers, they were so insulted and abused, "especially by women," that T\ikcgpewiUin'a wife, from fear of being murdered, escaped into thij woods, leaving a sucking chiki to be taken care of by its father. With her went also her son, 12 years old, and two others. The others, JVaocu and TukapewUHn, with six* or seven children, were soon after sent to Deer Island. ATaoaa was at this time about 80 years old. Oonamof^ was ruler at Marlborough, and a sachem, who died in the k rimer ot 1674. His death " w is a great blow to the place. He was a pious and discreet man, and the very soul, as it were, of the place." The troubled of the war fell very heavily upon his family. A baro containing com and hay was burnt at Chelmsford, by somo of the war party, as it proved afterwards ; but some of the violent English of that plac« deter- mined to make the Wamesits suffer for it. Accordingly about 14 men ^armet^ themselves, and under a pretence of scouting, went to the wigwams of the Wamesits, and ordered them to come out They obeyed without * Dr. homer, Hist. Newton, says he died in 1674, but eives no authority. We have cited several authorities, showing that he was aii\-e a year later, (see b. iii. pp. 10 and 19.) t Piam Boohm, Gookim't Hist Col. 19if-^Fittmi«m, his Hist Praying Indians. tBooc a. i^* but ba WW M 1677. For ■MOlMMMjd tllM CMP. vn.] PRATUIG INDIANS. IW - him that ?« (MXNIcht • "«••»• When *» • filler io turnod iMd to r^ *»d like >debtor«ue before over all the "t liis resi. ^ nmn, and leTaiid iiig ^Maguokos » foilowei^ >e iiuinber. 'fter, acree. u with an a, and with . even the Hlioroiigb, id abused, ' of beinr be taken «nd two chiJdren, about 80 i io the le wasa ^" The 'itainin; »y, as it «deter- H men igwams without "ml 79.) ins. hesttatioii, beiac ehiefly heipless women and cbiMren, and not conceiriog any harm oould be intended them ; but they were no sooner out, than tired u|ion, when five were wounded and one killed. Whether the cour- age of the btwte English now failed them, or whether they were satisfied with what blood was already shed, is not clear ; but they did no more at diis time. The one slain was a Utile sun of Takatoomr ; and Oonamtg'* widow was severely wounded, whose name was Sarah, "a woman of ;^ood report for rehgiou." She was daughter of Sagamore-John, who lived anil died at the same place, before the war, ** a great friend to the English." Sarah had had two husbands : the first was Oonamog, the second T\ikalooner, who was son of TahaUawan, sachem of MuekeUquid. This affair took place on the 15 November, 1675. Mtrnphow was ruler of the praying Indians at Wameait, and Samuti,h\B son, was teacher, " a young man of good iMUts," says Mr. Gookin, " and can speak, read and write English and Indian competently ;" being one of those taught at the expense of the corporation. J\\unphou> experienced wretched trials in the time of the war ; he with his people having fled away from their homes immediately after the horrid Darbarity uf which we have just spoken, fearing to be murdered if they should continue there. However, after wandering a while up and down in the woods, in the dismal month of December, they returned to Wamesit, in a forlorn condition, and hoped the carriage of their neighbors would be such that they might continue there. It did not turn out 60, for in Februarv they a^in quitted their habitations, and went oft' towards Canada, six or seven old persons remained behind, who were hindered from going by infirmity. These poor blind and lame Indians were all burnt to death in rSoir wigwams. This act, had it occurred by accident, would have called i(>:-rh the deepest pity from the breast of every human creature to whose knowledge it should come. But hoiTor, anguish and indignation take the place of pity, at being toid that the flames which consumed them ivero lighted by tlie savage hands of white men ! ! It was so— and whites are only left to i-wnemMr in sorrow this act of those of their own color! — • But to return — During the wanderings of JV\(tnphoi0 and his friends, iamine and sickneipf destroyed many of them. Himself and Jlfu^tc Gtorgt, or George MUtic, a teacher, were numbered with the dead. The others, having joine«» fVannalancet to avoid fiiUing in with war parties on both sides, at the close of the war, surrendered themselves to the English, at Dover, in August, 1676. New troubles now came upon them. Some English captives testified that some of them had been in arms against them, and such were ehher sold into slavery, or executed at Boston. Several shared the latter fate. A/\imphow'8 son Samuel barely escaped, and another aqif, named Jonathan George was pardoned ; also i^ymon MeUkam. AVtmpAow was in some pumic businem as early as 1656. On 8 June that year, he, Joh.n Lint and George disHc, were, upoQ the part of the " Indian' court," employed to run the line fi-ora Cheunsford to Wamesit* And 23 years after be accompanied Capt. Jonathan Jifir\forih of Bilierica in renewing the bounds otBrenton^s Farm, now Litchfield, N. H.f fFannaUauet, whose history will be found spoken upow at large in otv next book, countenanced religion, and it was, at hi9 wigwam that Mr, Eliot and Mr. Gooldn held a meeting on the 5 May, 1674. His h^uee WW near Pawtucket Falls, on the Merrimack. '^He ia," says Maj. Cookfis *ointment, caltath here, together with some others." Capt. Tom was among TukapewiUin^$ company, that went off with the enemy, aa in speaking of him we have made mention. In that company there were about 200, men, women and children. The enemy, being about 300 strong, obliged the praying Indiana to go off with, or be killed by them. There were, however, many, who doubtless pre- ferred their company to that of their freinda on Deer Island. This waa about the l)eginning of December. 1675. Capt. Tom oAerwarda fell into the hands of the English, and, beiiig tried and condemned as a rebel, waa, on 96 June, 1676, executed at Boston ; much to the grief of such excel- lent men as Oookin and lUiot. Although something had bean done towards Christianizing the Indians in Plimouth colony, about a year before Mr. Eliofa firut visit to Nonan- tum, yet for some years after, Massachusetts was considerably in advance in this respect. Some of the principal congregations or praying towns follow : — At Meeshawn, since Provincetown or Truro, and Punonnkanit, since Billinffsgate, were 72 persons; at Potanmnaquut, or Nauset, in East- ham, 44 ; at Monamoyik, since Chatham, 71 ; at Sawkattukett, in Har- wich ; Nobsqassit, \a Yarmouth ; at Matakees, in BarnBtttble and Yarmouth ; and Weequakut, in Barnstable, 122 ; at Satuit, Pawpoe.sit, Coatuit, in Barn- stable, Mashpee, Wakoquet, near Mashpec, 95 ; nt Codtanmut, in Mashpee, Ash'muit, on the west line of Mashpee, Weesquobs, in Sandwich, 22; Pn^iogutt, Wawayoutat, in Wareham, Sokones, in Falmouth, 36. In all these places were 462 souls ; 142 of whom could read, and 72 write In- dian, and 9 could read English. This account was furnished Maj. Gookin in 1674, by the Rev. Riehmd Boumt of Sandwich. Fhilip'a war broke up many of these communities, but the work continued long afler it dwindled to almost nothing in Massachusetts. In 1685 there were 1430 considered as Christian Indians in Plimouth colony. Mr. Thomas Miyhtvo it. settled in Martha's Vineyard, called by the In- dians JVbpe, in 1642. He was accompanied by a few English families, who made him their minister ; but not being satisfied with so limited use- fulness, he learned the Indian language, and began to preach to them. His first convert was ({i fiioeoomiJA, in 1643, a man of small repute among bis own people, whose residence was at Great Harbor, near where the English fii-st set- tled. He was rM^larly ordained 22 Aug. 1670, but he began to preach in 1646. John T^ldnoah was at the same time ordained teaciier. His residence was nt Numpang, on the east end of the island. He died SS Jan. 1684, and Hiacoomu preached his funeral sermon. For some years befbre his death Hiaeooma was unable to preach. He was supposed to have been about 80 years old at the time of his death, which happened about 1690. Pahhehpumuuaoo, sachem of Chappequiddik, was a great opposer of the goipel, and at one time beat HicKoomea for professing a belief of it. Not long after, as himself and ano|her were at work upon a chimney of thenr cabin, they were both knocked down by lightning, and the latter killed. Pahkehpunnastoo fell partly in the fire, and but for his friends woald have perished. Whether this escape awakened him, is not men- rnooc 11. ■? >" a McrBt •ince, duriog My chief u. » « grave aiid Ty. Hero- ere, together •mpaiiy, that , ide mention. Wren. The go off with, 'iibtleas pre. Tliia waa >rd8 fell into » rebel, waa, such excel- the Indiana to Nonan- in advance ying towns ^nit, since ti in Eaet- 'f. in Haj-. Mrrnoiith ; t, in Barn- Mashpee, Iwich, 22; 16. In aU Write In- var broke g after it ''ere 1430 y the In- i tamilie^ ' ited uae- •> to theoi. people, 'irst set- f>reach 3'-. His died 22 'e years oaed to ppened >8er of f of it. ney of ^ latter 'riends men- Phap. VII.] PRAYING INDIANS. 119 tioned ; but he soon after became a Chriatiao, awi Mr. Ma^k$w aptly ob- aervea that ''at last ho was a brand j^ucktd out of the fire." MU^Boo. or Myoxeo, waa another noted Indian of Nope. He waa • convert of Hiaeoomet, whoiii he had aent for to iuauire of lilm about bia God. He asked Hiacoomta how many gods he had, and on being told but ONE, immediately nckoueii up 37 of liia, and deaired to know whether he ahould throw thrrii all away for one. On being told bv Hiaeoom€$ that he had thrown nway all those and manv more, and waa better off by ao doing, Miohqtoo said, ho would forthwith throw away hia, which he did, and became oiio of the most eminent of the Indian converts. One ot his children, u sou, sailed for England in 1657, with Mr. Thotnaa Maykew Jr., in a ship commanded by Cant. Jamu Garrett, and waa never heard of after. The time of :ho death of Miohqaoo is unknown, but he lived to a great age. AmoUjj the Mohogans and Narraganseta nothins of any account was effected in the way of Christianizing them, for a rang time. The chief sachems oi those nations were determined and fixed against it, and though it was from time to time urged upon them, yet very little was ever done. Sampson Occum, or, as his name is spelt in a sermon* of his, Oecom, waa a Mohemn, of the family of Benoni OecKm, who reaided near New Lon- don, in Connecticut. He was the first of that tribe who was conspicuous in religion, if not the only one. He was bom in 1723, and becoming attached to the Rev. Eleazar Whedock, the minister of Lebanon in Con- necticut, in 1741 he became a Cbristian.f Possessing talents and great piety, Mr. ffhetlock entertained sanguine hopes that he would be able to effect much among his countrymen as a preacher of the gospel. He went to England in 1765 to procure aid fur the keeping up of a school for the instruction of Indian children, which was begun by Mr. Wkeelock, and furthered by a Mr. Moore, by a donation of a school house and land, about 1763. While in England he was introduced to Lord Dartmovih, and other eminent persons. He preached there to crowds of people, and re- turned to America in Sept. 1768, having landed at Boston on his return.^ It is said he was the first Indian that preached in England. He was or- dained, in 1759, a preacher to the Montauks on L. Island. About this time he visited the Cherokees. He finally settled among the Oneida In- dians, with manv of his Mohegan brethren, about 1768 ; they having been invited by the Oneidos. He died in July, 1792, at N. Stockbridge, N. York, aged 69. Tituba is noticed in the annals of New England, from her participation in the witch tragedies acted here in 1691. In a valuable work giving a history of that horrible delusion,^ mention is thus made of her. " It was the latter end of Febriinry, 1691, when divers young persons belonging to [Rev.] Mr. Parria*\\ family, and one more of the neighborhood, began to act after a strange and unusual manner, viz., as by getting into holes, and creeping ufider chairs and stools, and to use other sundry odd postures, and antic gestures, uttering foolish, ridiculous speeches, which neither thev themselves nor any others could make sense of." "March the llth, Mr. Parris invited several neighboring ministers to join with him in keeping a solemn day of prayer at his own house ; the time of the exer- cise those persons were, for the most part, silent, but after any one prayer * At the execution of 3toset Paul, for murder, at New Haven, 2 Sept. 1772. To his letter to Mr. Keen, his name is Occum. t Life Dr. Wheeloek, 16. t His Letter to Mr. Keen, in Life Wheeloct, 17ft. J Wonders of the Invisible World, by K. Calef, 90, 91, 4to. London, 1706. " SoHuutl Pari*, pastor of the church in Salein-villatre." Modest Emiuiry into the Nature of WUchcraJl, by John Hale, potior of the chui-ch in Beverley, p. 23, 16mo. Boston, 1702. #» TrriTBA. TBooK If WW <*n(l«<1, ihey woirid act and spfak Mrangelv, and ridiciiloualjr, yet were aueli as had benn wnll ediiratra and of good behavior, ihc on« a liri of 11 or Vi yearn old, woiiUI M)mctimPN aecm to be in a ronviilaion fit, her liniba iN-tng twitted aeveral ways, and very miflT, but pmontiy her fit would be over. A lew days bnfore this solemn day of prnver, Mr. Parrit' Indian man and woman, made a cake of rye meal, with the children^ water, and baked it in the ashes, and as is said, gave to the dog ; this was done as a meaiw to discover witchcraft Soon Hf\cr which those ill aflbet- od or afflicced persoos named several that they said they saw, when in thoir fitx, nfflictiiiK of them. The first complained of| was the said Indian woman, named fvuba. She confessed that the devil urged her to sign a book, wiiich he piwsented to her, and also to work mischief to the chil> dren, ^c. She was afterwards committed to prison, and lay there, till sold for her fees. The account she since gives of it is, that her master did beat her, and otherwise abuse her, to make her confess and accuse (such as he called) her sister witches ; and that whatsoever she said by way of confessing or accusing others, was the effect of such usage ; her master refVised to pay her fees, unless she would suuid to what sne had said." We are able to add to our information of TKtuba from another old and curious work,* af follows : That when she was uxaminod she ** confessed the making a cake, as is above mentioned, and said her mistress in her own country was a witch, and had taught her some means to be used for the discovery of a witch and for the prevention of being bewitched, &c., but said that she herself was not a witch." The children who accused her said "that she did pinch, prick, and grievouslv torment them; and that they saw her here and there, where nobody else could. Yea, they could tell where she was, and what she did, when out of their human sight" Whether the author was a witness to this he does not Roy ; but probably he was not. Gro through the whole of our early writers, and vou will scarce find one who witnessed such matters : (Dr. Cotton Mather IB nearest to an exception.) But they generally preface such marvellous accounts by observing, **! am slow to believe rumors of this nature, nevertheless, some things I fiave had certain information of."f The Rev. Mr. Feltt gives the following extract from the " Quarterly Court Papers." " March Ist. Sarah Oswm, Sarah and Dorothy Oood, TKtuba, servant of Mr. Parria, Martha Cory, Rebecca JVUrse, Sarah Clayce, John Proctor and his wife Elizabeth, all of Salem village, are committed to Boston jail on charge of witchcraft." The other servant of Mr. Peoria was the h^isband of Tituha, whose name was John. It was a charge against them thnt they had tried means to discover witches. But there is little probability that these igunratit and simple ftidians would ever have thought of "tr,'ing a project" for the detection «f witches, had they not learned it fVom some move miserably su- p^ntitious white persons. We have the very rncord to justify this stric- ture.§ Take the words. ** Mary Sibly having confessed, that she innn cently counselled John, the Indian, to attempt a discoveir of witches, is permitted to commune with Mr. Parris' church. She hod been previous- ly disciplined for such counsel and appealed well." We are not told tmo disciplined her for the examination. Was it Mr. Portia ? This is the only instance I have met with of Indians being implicated m white witchcraft. • Modest Enmtiry, &c. 26. t /• Mather's Brief Hist. Philips War, 34. t <|n his valuable Annals of Salem, 303. :i| : Danvers B«cords, publubed by the author last cited. ^ BlOG 'p. fBoOB If. (liriiloiwly, ye, 'i li)«t oiH! a m'ui iviibion fit, her ■«»iitly hpr lit «r, Mr. />arr&' rhe childrcn'M ''og; thia WW thow) ill alRfct- ■•w, when in ^e said Indian 'i her to sign «f to the chil- lav there, till It her master I and accuse she said by l» usa/je; her 'hat she hud >ther old and e " confessed tress in her be used for 'itched, &c., cho accused them; and Yea, thej fjeir human ot Bay; but writers, and ftlon Mather marvellous this nature, " Quarterly ">% Good, rah Cloyce, committed ttj>a, whose •led mean.s 8 ignorant ct" for the lerably m\. this stric- she inno vitches, is previous- not told nplicated » War, 34. •■A BOOK III. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NEW ENG- LAND INDIANS CONTINUED. CHAPTER I. Etenla which led (o the war with Philip — Life of Albxanueii alias Wam- 8UTTA — He and Metacom, his yourufer orother, receive English nanus — Wektamoo Ms wife — Early events in her life — Petananuet, htr second htuband — Account of him — W»er her relief." We a[)[)rehend there was some little didiculty between Alexander and his wife alraut this time, especially if her complaint were before his death, and we are rather of the opinion that it was, for it was June when her complaint was made, and we should assign a little later date for the death of her husband ; and therefore all difficulty was settled in his death. What time she deeded land to John Sanford and John Archer, we are not informed, but it was probably about the beginning of 1662. It was a deed of gift, and appears to have been only deeded to them to prevent her husband's selling it ; but these men, it seems, attempted to hold the land in violation of their promise ; however, being a woman of persever- ance, she so managed the matter, that in the year 1668, she found wit- nesses who deposed to the true mea ling of the deed, and thus was, we pre- sume, restored to her rightful possessions. Since we have been thus particular in acquainting the reader with the wife of WamsvMcL, we will, before proceeding with our account of the husband, say all that we have to say of the interesting Weetamoo. Soon after the death of Alexander, we find JVanumpum, or JVeetamoo, associated with another husband, named Petonowowet. He was well known to the English, and went by the familiar name of Ben. Now, unless we can manufacture the name Peter JSTunnuU out of Peto-now-ow- ely* we must allow her to have had a third husband in 1S75. We, how- ever, are pretty well satisfied that these two names are, as they appear to be, one and the same name. This husband of Weetamoo does not appear to have been of so much importance as her first, Wamaxdta ; and as he only appears occasionally in the crowd, we are of opinion that she took good care in taking a sec- ond L jsbnnd, and fixed upon one that she was better able to manage than she was the determined fVamsvtta. On the 8 May, 1673, Taiamomock, Petonowowett, aiid ffUliam alias ^asocke, sold to lYathanxd Paine of Rehoboth, and Hugh Cole of Swan- sey, a lot of land in Swansey, near Mattapoiset, and Showamet neck, for £35 5s. Weetamoo, PhUlip alias Wagusoke, and Steven alias >\Wano, were the Indian witnesses. About the same time, one Piowant was intruded upon by some others claiming his lands, or otherwise molesting him, and the business seems to have undergone a legal scrutiny ; in this affair both Weetamoo and her husband appear upon our records. They testify that the tract of land * Wc have mot with (his spellini^, Petanatuut, which approaches still nearer- m). dfetVlV [Book m. '^ w alsoe the lose lands ; and ^"mumpum the » payment ATa- ' '• theae partic- AMDMPDM." ih. "led; but the e are Ljt as- hat fVanuuUa >ui1 agreed to Alexander and ore his death, ne when her for the death 8 death. ''^r, we are «• It was a 1 to prevent to hold the of persever- found wit- was, we pre- er with the ount of the too. r WeetamoQ, B was well ?en. Now, ''to-now-oto- We, how- hey appear f so much pcasionaJly ing a sec- mage than ^■iam alias of Swnn- neck, for ie others » seems and her of land arer Chap. I.] ALEXANDER.— WEETAMOO. 3 bounded by a small river or brook called MastuckseUf which compaaaeth said tract to Assonett River, and so to Taunton River, [by trees, &c.] hath for many years been in the possession of Piowant. The place of the bounds on Taunton River was called Chippascuitt, which was a little south of Mastucksett. Pantauset, ^uanounn, JVeacaiuto, and Panowwm, testified the same. It does not appear that Peta-tmn-u-et was at all concerned in Philip'a war against the English, but, on the contrary, forsook his wife and joined them against her. Under such a leader as Church, he must have been employed against his countrymen with great advantage. At the time he came over to the English, he no doubt exiiected bis wife would do the same, as she gave Church to understand as much. After the war he was honored with a command over the prisoners, who were permitted to reside in the country between Sepecon and Dartmouth. JVumpua, or J^ompath, and haac were also in the same office. After Mr. Church left JbaaahmM council, a few days before the war broke out, he met with both Wedamoo and her husl)and at Pocasset He first met with the husband, Petananuet, who had just arrived in a canoe from Philip'a head quarters at Mount Hope. He told Church there would certainly be war, for that Philip had held a war dance of several weeks, and had entertained the young men from all parts of the country. He said, also, that Philip expected to be sent for to Plimouth, about Saasa- man's death, knowing himself guilty of contriving that murder. Pdanantut further said, that he saw Mr. Jamea Brown of Swansey, and Mr. Samuel Gorton, who was an interpreter, and two other men that brou^'ht a letter from the governor of Plimouth to Philip. Philip's young warriors, he said, would have killed Mr. Brown, but Philip told them they must not, for his father bad charged him to show kindness to him ; but to satisfy them, told them, that on the next Sunday, when the English had gone to meeting, they might plunder their houses, and afterwards kill their cattle. Meanwhile fVeelamao was at her camp just back from Pocasiset shore, on the high hill a little to the north of what is now Howland's ferry, and Petananutt requested Mr. Church to go up and see her. He did so, and found her in rather a melancholy mood, all her men having left her and gone to Philip^s war dance, much, she said, against her will. Church, elated with bis success at AwasharMs' camp, and thinking both " queens" secured to the English interest, hastened to Plimouth to give the governor an account of his discoveries. — This was a day big to Phuip ; he immediately took measures to reclaim Wetamare, and had nearly drawn oiSJiwashonks with the vivid hopes of conquest and booty. JVeetantoo could no longer remain neutral ; the idea still harrowed upon her mind, that the authorities of Plimouth had poisoned her furiuer hus- band,* and was now sure that they Iiad seduced her present one ; there- fore, from the power of such arguments, when urged by the artful Philip, there was no escape or resistance. Hence his fortune became her own, and she moved with him from place to place about her dominions, in the country of Pocasset, until the 30 July, when all the Watnpanoags esca()ed out of a swamp, and retired into the country of the Nipmulu. From this time fFeeiamoo's operations become so blended with those of her allies that the life of Philip takes up the narration. When, by intestine divisions, the power of Philip was destroyed among the Nipmucks, Weelamoo seems to have been deserted by almost all her followers, and, like Philip, she sought refuge again in her own country. It was upon the 6 August, 1676, when she arrived upon the western bank of Tehticut River in Mettapoiset, where, as was then supposed, she * Present Stale of N. E. ... ALEXANDER— WErrrA.MOO. [Book III. was drowucd by accident, in uUenipting to croi^s the river to Pocasset, at the same point she Imd crossed tlie year hiHbrc, iu lier flight with PhUip. Her cotnjHiny coiixistcd now of no more tlmn 26 men, whereas, in the beginninnf of tiio Wiu- tliey nmoiintcd to ;30U ; and she was coDsidenld by the Enjilish " next unto Philip in respect of the mischief that hath l)een done,"* The Jjiifjiisb at Taunton were notified by a deserter of her situation, who offered to lead any that would go, in a way that they snight easily surprise her nnd her company. Accordingly, 20 men vol- unteered upon this enterprise, and succeeded in capturing nil but Weeta- moOf " who," us Mr. Hubbard expresses,! " intending to make an escape from the danger, attempted to get over a river or arm of the sea near by, upon a raf^, or some pieces of broken wood ; but whether tired and spent with swimming, or starved with cold and hunger, she was found stark naked in Metapoiset, not far from the water side, which made some think she was first half drowned, and so ended her wretched life." " Her head being cut off and set upon a pole in Taunton, was known by some In- dians then prisoners, which set them into a horrible lamentation." Mr. Mather improves upo:: this passage, giving it in a style more to suit the taste of the times : " They made a most horid and diabolical lamentation, crying out that it was their queen's head." The authors of Yamoyden thus represent Philip escaping from the cold grasp of the ghostly form of H<.etainoo: — " As from the water's depths she came, With dripping locks and bloated frame, ■,'•■ Wild her discolored arms she threw To grasp liim ; and, as swift he flew, ^ Her hollow scream he heard behind "' Come niinsfling with the howling wind: ' Why fly from Wetamoe T she died Bearing the war-axe on thy side' " , It does not seem from all we can discover that JVeetamoo went with PkUip into the Nipmuck country, or, if she did, she soon returned among the Nurragansets. For the English early took measures to cause the Narragansets to deliver her up to them. Tney agreed to do this, as will be found related iu the life of JVin^ref. In this connection it should be noted, that the time expired, in which JS/Knieret was to deliver up Weetamoo, some time previous to the great fight in Narraganset, and hence this was seized upon, as one pretext for invading the Narragansets. And moreover, it was said, that if she were taken by that formidable army of a 1000 men, " her lands would more than pay all the charge" the £]nglish had been at in tiie whole war. IVeelamoo, it is presumed, left JVinigrel and joined the hostile Narra- gansets and the VVampanoags in their strong fort, some time previous to the English expedition. And it was about this time that she connected herself with the Nan-aganset chief Q^uinnapin, us will be foimd related in his life. She is mentioned by some writcra as Pkiiip'a kinswoman, which seems to have been the case in a two-fold manner: first from her being sister to his wife, and secondly from her marrying JUexander, his brother. To return to Wamsutta. A lasting and permanent interest will always be fek, and peculiar feel- ings associated with the nairio of this chief. Not on account of a career of battles, devastations or murders, for there were few of these,:( but there is lefl for us to relate the melancholy account of his death. Mr. • /. Mather. t Narrative, 103 and 109. Lin 1661, he was fori^ed into a war with C/ncas, the account of which, properly nging to the life of that chief, will be found there related. Cbap. 1-1 and cited! known a? wihMr.l <»ive it enl ' "In a] in troubll two sons! pretendiii [Book in. Chap. 1] ALEXANDER. with Philip. •ereas, in die w consideivd of that hath deserter of lythat they «0 men voJ- I but fFeeta- e an escape sea near by, d and spent found stark some think "Her head y some In- tion." Mr. to suit the atnentation, from the •vent with returned ' to cause lo this, as in which the great •etext for she were J'd more ar. 9 Narra- svioHs to )nnected slated in woman, ■om her Mfer, his iar feel- i career se,J but '. Mr. 'roperly Hubbard's account of this event is in the hands of almost every reader, and cited by every writer upon our early history, and hence is extensively known as by him related. Dr. /. Mtdher agrees very nearly in bis account wtti Mr. Hubbard, but being more minute, and rarely to be met with, we give it entire : — "In A. D. 1662, Pliniouth colony was in some danger of being involved in trouble by the Wainpanoag Indians. After Maaaaaoit was dead, his two sons, called Waniautta and J\fetacometf came to the court at Plimoutb, pretending high respect for the English, and, therefore, desired English names might be imposed on them, whereupon the court there named fVamsutta, the elder brother, Alexander, and Afetocomef, the younger brother, PhUip, This .Alexander, PhUip'a immediate predecessor, was not so faithful and friendly to the English as his father had been. For some of Boston, having been occasionally at Narrnganset, wrote to Mr. Prince, who was then governor of Plimoutb, that Jiuxander was contriv- ing mischief against the English, and that he had solicited the Narragan- sets to engage with him in his designed rebellion. Hereupon, Cant. WiUet, who lived near to Mount Hope, the place where Alexander did reside, was appointed to speak with him, and to desire him to attend the next court in Plimouth, for their satisfaction, and his own vindication. He seemed to take the message in ^od part, professing that the Narragansets, whom, he said, were his enemies, had put on abuse upon him, and he readily promised to attend at the next court. But when the day for his appearance was come, instead of that, he at that very time went over to the Narragansets, bis pretended enemies, which, compared with other circumstances, caused the gentlemen at Plimouth to suspect there was more of truth in the information given, than at first they were aware of. Wherefore the governor and magistrates there ordered Major JVinslow, (who is since, and at this day [1677] governor of that colony,) to take a party of men, and fetch down Mtxander. The major considering that aemper nocuit deferre paratia, he took but 10 armed men with him iiom Marshfield, intending to have taken more at the towns that lay nearer Mount Hope. But Divine Providence so ordered, as that when they were about the midway between Plimouth and Bridgewater,* observing an hunting house, they rode up to it, and there did they find AUxandtr ai.d many of his menf well armed, but their guns standing together without the house. The major, with his small party, possessed themselves of tlie Indians' arms, and beset the house ; then did he go in amongst them, ac- quainting the sachem with the reason of his coming in such a way ; de- siring Akxandtr with his interpreter to walk out wiUi him, who did so a little distance from the house, and then understood what commission the major had received concerning him. The proud sachem fell into a raging passion at this surprise, saying the governor had no reason to credit rumors, or to send for him in such a way, nor would he go to Pli- mouth, but when he saw cause. It was replied to him, that his breach of word touching appearance at Plimouth court, and, instead thereof, going at the same time to his pretended enemies, augmented jealousies concerning him. In fine, the major told him, that his order was to bring him to Plimouth, and that, by the help of God, he would do it, or elso he would die on the place ; also declaring to him that if he would submit, * Within six miles of the Eng^lish towns. Huhbard, 10, (Edition, 1677.) Masiaioit, end likewise Pkitip, used to have temporary residences in elifj^ihle places for fishin? , at various sites between the two bays. Narrag;anset and Massachusetts, as at Rayiihaiii, Namasket, Titicut, [in MiddleborouCTi] and Mlinponset Pond in Ilalifajt. At which df these places he was, wo cannot, with certainty, decide : that at Haliliix tvould, perhkpg, agree best with Mr. Hubbard's account. t Eighty, says Huhbard, 6. tuf Tivr. .n. ALEXANDER. [Book III. be might expect respective usage, but if lie once more denied to go, he should never stir from tho ground whereon he stood ; and with a piBtoi at the s.'iclietn'H hroist, rc(|uirceing in com- pany, he refused, saying he could go on foot as well a» they, entreating only that there might be a complying with their pace, which was done. And resting several times by the wax^ Alexander and bis Indians were re- freshed by the English. No other discourse happening while they were upcn their march, but what was pleasant and amicable. The major sent a man before, to entreat that as many of the magistrates of that colony as could would meet at Duxbury. Wherefore havmg there bad some treaty with Alexander, not willing to commit him to prison, they entreated Major Window to receive him to his house, until the governor, who then lived at Eastham, could come up. Accordingly, he and bis train were cour- teously entertained by the major. And albeit, not so much as an angry word passed between them whilst at Marshfield ; yet proud Alexander, vexing and fretting in b possea ^e above CBAr. I] ALGXANOER paper eontdiu an account of the transaction, drawn np by the authorMea of Plimoutb, and Mr. Maikti*s and Mr. HubbanTt aceounts are the mib- stapce of it Ar the afiiur had caused much excitement, and, judging frtiln the writers of that time, particularly the latter, some recrimination upon the conduct of the government of Plimouth, by some of the other English, who were more in the habit of using or recommending mild measures towards Indians than the Plimouth people appear to have beon, seems to have been indulged. After thus premising, wa will ofler the document, which is a letter vnitten by the Rev. John Cotbm, of Plimouth, to Dr. /. Mather, and now printed by Judge Dant, in his edition of JMor- UnCa Memorial. There is no date to it, at least the editor gives none ; but if it were written in answer to one iW>in Mr. Mather to him, desiring information on that head, dated 31st April, 1677,* we may conclude it was about this time ; but Mr. Mather'a " Relation" would not lead us to suppose that he was in possession of such information, and, therefore, he either was not in possession of it when hn published his account, or that he had other testimony which invalidated it The letter begins, "Major Bratford, [who was with Mr. ffindaw when Alexander was surprised,] confidently assures me, tliat in the narrative de Mtxandro ihere are many mistakes, and, fearing lest you should, through misinformation, print some mistakes on that subject, from his mouth 1 this write. Reports being liere that M:xander was plotting or privy to plots, against the English, authority sent to him to co^ne down. He came not. Whereupon Major Ifxnalovt was sent to fetch him. Major Bradford, witi'< some others, went with him. At Munponset River, a place not many miles hence, they found Mexander with about eight men and sundry squaws. He was there alraiit getting canoes. He and his men were at breakfast under their shelter, their ^uns being without. They saw the English coming, but continue^ eating ; and Mr. Witulow telling their business, Alexander, freely and '^rdily, without the least hesitancy, con- sented to go, giving his reason . .iiy he came not to the court before, viz. ; Ix.ause he waited for Captain fVUM^a return from the Dutch, being desirous to speak with him first. They brought him to Mr. CMia'a that day, and Governor Prince living remote, at Easlham, those few magis- trates who were at hand '. jsued the n.atter peaceably, and immediately dismissed Alexander to return home, which he did part of the way ; but, in two or three days atler, he returned and went to Major WinaUno'a house, in'.eiiding thence to travel into the ha\i and so home ; but, at the major's house, he was taken very sick, and was, bv water, conveyed to Major Bradford's, and thence carried U|)on the shoulders of his men to Tethquet River, and thence in canoes home, and, about two or three days after, died." Thus it is evident that tE.sre is error somewhere, and it would be very satisfactory if we could erase it from our history ; hut, at present, we aii> able only to agitate it, and wait for the further discovery ol* documents before Alexanaer's tr;io history can bo given ; and to 8us|)en(l judgment, although some may readily decide that the evidence is in fnvor of the old printed accounts. It is the business of a hititorian, where n (loint is in dispute, to exhibit existing evidence, and let tlie reader make up hi.s own judgment. We are able, from the first extract given upon this head, to limit the time of his sachem:?hip to a |M)rtion ofthe year 1UG2. It will have appeared already, that enough had transpired to inflnnic the minds of the Indians, and especially that of the sacliem Philip, if, indeed, the evidence adducctl be considered val'il, regarding the blaina- * See lii.s Memorial, 288 SASSAMON- [Book UI. Chap, l) I of the Eoglwh. Nevertbelcas, our next atep coward will more ftlllir develop the causes ofPhUiv'i deep-rooted animosities. We come DOW to speak of John S«is$amon, who deserves a particular oodoe ; more especially as, from several loanuscripts, wo arc able not ooljr to con«ct some imjportaut errors in former histories, but to give a more miwMe aooount or a charnoter which must always be noticed id eotorin^ Uiwn (he study of t|iis port of our history. Not that he would otherwise demMad more Dotice thau many of his brethren almost silently passed ovrr, but for his agency in bringing about a war, the interest of wliieh increases io proportion as time carries us from its {leriod. Mm So$$amoH was a subject of Philip, an unstable-minded fellow ; and, living io the neighboriiood^ of tlie English, became a convert to Christianity, learoed their lan^age, anil was able to read and write, and had translated some of the Bible into Indian. Being rather insinuating and artful, be was employed to teaoh his coimtrymen at Natick, in the ca- pacity of a schoolmaster. How long before the war this was, is not mentioned, but must have been abotU lj660, as he was Philip's secretary, or interpreter, in 1662, and this was after he had become a Christian. He left the English, ftora some dislike, and went to reside with .^Uezan- dtr, and afterwards with Phil^, who, it appears, employed him un ac- count of his learning. Alwavs readess, Stuaamon did not remain Ions with Ph^p before be returnea again to the English ; ''and he manifested such evident signs of repentance, as that he was, after his return fi-om pa^ian Philip, reconciled to the praying Indians and baptized, and re- ceived, as a member, into one of the Indian churches; yea, and employed as an instructer amongst them every Lord's day."! Previous to the war, we presume in the winter of 1672, Scuaamon was sent to preach to the Namaskets,! and other Indians of Middleborough, who, at this time, were very numerous. The famous Watuapaquin was then the chief of this region, and who appears to have been disposed to encourage the new religion taught by Stuaamon. For, in 1674, he gave him a fract of land near his own residence to induce him to remain among his people. The deed of gift of this land was, no doubt, drawn by Saa- tamm, and is in these words : — " Know all men by these presents, that I, Old Watuapaqviny doe graunt TOto John Saaaamon, allies frdaaaaomon, 27 acrees of land for a home lott at Assowamsett necke. This is my gift, giuen to him the said John Sm- tamon, by me the said Waiuapaquin, in Anno 1673, [or 1674, if between 1 Jan. and 25 March.] Old WATasPA^DiN (J) hia marke. William TosPAQuiN DV hia vutrhe. \ Witness, alsoe, Nanebeunt^ f hia marJfcc." As a further inducement for Scuaamon to settle here, Old Thupaquin and his son deeded to Ftlix, an Indian who married Saasamon''3 daughter, 58 and an half acres of land ; as " a home lott," also. This deed was dated 11 March, 1673, O. S. which doubtless was done at the same time with the other. This dau^ !iter of Saaaamon was called by the Eugli^ * "This Sastamon was by birtli a Massachusett, his father and mother living in Dor- chester, and they both died Christians." — /. Mather. t Mather' .^ Relation, 74. X The inhabitants of the place call it Nematktt. In the records, it is almotl always written Namauakett. $ Spelt also Mtmeheuti •Til ««,(» Neck, Indiar gpellir (Book 10, •n* wiJi more ^ « particular "fo aWe Hot i but to giro a bo noticed id tbat he would Jmost silently be intereat of nod. nded feJiow; a convert to la write, and iriosiiiuating :k, in the ca- , ,wa8, is not p B secretary, a Christian, with Mtxan- him on ac- remain long 3 manifested return from ed, and re- d employed taanun was dleborough, Vaquin was 'disposed to 74, he gave lain among wn by Saa- (loe graunt home lott John Sas- f between itnarke. ' marke. daughter, leed was "ne time I^uglish ig in Dor- Trap. 1] SASSAMON. il always name Betty,* but her original name was .^aaotodougk. To his aoii-in law, SoMomon gave his land, by a kind of wtil, which he wrote himM]£ not long before his death ; pn)bably about the time he became tired of liiH new situation, which we suppose was also about the time that he (iiscovercd the design of Philip and his captains to bring about their war of extermination. Old Tutpaqtiin, as he called himself, and his son, not only confirmed SauavMn^a will, hut about the same time made a bequest themselves to his daughter, which, they say, was " with the consent of all the chieffe men of Assowamsett." This deed of gift from them was dated 33 Dec. 1673. It wus of a neck of land at Assowamsett, called Nahteawamet. The names of some of the places which bounded this tract were Mash- quomoh, a swamp, Sas^nkususett, a poii«l, and another large pond called Chupipoggut. Tobias, Old J%>nuu, Pohonoho, and Kcmkunuki, were upon this deed as wimesses. Felix served the English in PhUip'a war, and waa living in 1679, in which year Governor Winalow ordered, " that all such lands as were for- merly John SaaaammCa in our collonie, shal be senled on Fdix his son-in- law," and to remain his ai>d his heirs " foreuer." Fdvc'a wife survived him, and willed her land to a daughter, named Mercy. This was in 1696, and baclit Wanno witnessed said will. There was at a later period an Indian preacher at Titicutf named Thomas Fdix, perhaps a son of the former.! ^^^ ^° return to the more immediate subject of our dis- course. There wu:^ a Sassaman, or, as my manuscript has it, Soaomon, known to the English as early as 1637, but as we have no means of knowing how old John Saiaumon was when he was murdered, it cannot be decid- ' -! with probability, whether or not it were he. ■ This Soaomon, as will !>.j seen m the life of Saaaacua, went with the English to fight the Pcquots. Saaaamon acted as interpreter, v^itness or scribe, as the case required, on many occasions. When Philip and WootonekantuH, his wife, sold, in 1664, Mattapoisett to fFUliam Bnnton, Seuaamon was a witness and in- terpreter. The same year he vrea PhUip'a agent " in settling the bounds of Acushenok, Coaksett, and places adjacenL" Agiun, in 1665, he wit- nessed the receipt of £10 paid to Philip on account of settling the bounds the year before. There was a Rowland Saaamnon, who I suppose was the brother of John. His name appears but once in all the manuscript records I have met with, and then only as a witness, with his brother, to PhUip'a deed of Mattapoisett, above mentioned. The name Sassamon, like most Indian names, is variously spelt, but the way it here appears is nenrest as it was understood in his last years, judging from the records. Itut it was not so originally. Wooaanaaman was among the first modes of writing it. This detail may appear dry to the general reader, but we mus* occa- sionally gratify our antiquariiin friends. We now proceed in our narrative. While living among the Namaskets, Saaaamon learned what was going * The EiiG^lish someUmes added her surname, and hence, in the account of Mr. Bett- net, (1 Col. mass. Hist. Soe. iii. I . ) Betty Sasemore. The noted place now called Betttf* Neek, in Middleboroiigh, was named from her. In 1793, there were eight familiei of Indians there. t Cotuhhcut, Kelchiquut, Tehticvt, Kekettieut, KetkiU. Teightaquid. Tetehqutt, are spellings of this name in the various books and records I nave consultad. t Backia'i Middleborough, b 1 Col. Mats. Hist. 8oc. iii. 150. SASSAMON. [BooKin. GaAF.I.l forward among his rounu^'men, uiil, when b« WM coovineed that their de*i|rn wus blood, goes iiiniieduitoly lo Pliinouth, and communicates his iliacovery to the guveriior. " NuvertheieaB, his information," aaya Dr. /. Mather,* " (because it had an Indian original, and one can lutfdly believe them when they do speak the truth,) was not at firat much regarded." It may be noticed here, that at this time if any Indian appeared ftiend- iy, all Indians were ao declaimed against, that scarcely any one among the English could be found that would allow that an Indian could be fiiithful or honest in any affrir. And although some others besides &•- aamon had intunated, and that ravher strongly, that a "risinc of tlie In- dians" was at band, still, as Dr. Mather observes, because Indians said so, little or no attention was paid to their advice. Notwithstanding, Mr. Goofttn, in his MS. history ,t wye, tLr place the same author says, that, in April, 1675, fFaiem "ca:^ '.> one '^^ he magistrates on purpose, and informed him that he had ground to tc . . that sachem Pm(^, and other Indians Itis confederates, intended some mischief shortly." Again in May, about six weeks before the war, he came and said the same. Adding thut PhUiai'a men were only waiting for the trees to get leaved out, that they mignt prosecute their design with mure effect. To return to Saaaamoii : In the mean time, some circumstances happened that gave further grounds of suspicion, that war was meditated, and it was intended that messengers should be sent to PAt^, to gain, if possible, the real state of the case. But before this was eifocted, much of the winter of 1674 had passed- away, and the Rev. &u«aaioii still resided with the Namaskets, and others of his countrymen in that neighborhood. And notwithstand ing he had enjoined the strictest secrecy upon his Euj^ish fiienfls at Pll- mouth, of what he had revealed, assuring them that if it came to Pkii^U knowledge, he should be immediately murdered by him, yet it by some means got to the chief's knowledge, and SoMoaion was considered « traitor and an outlaw ; and by the laws of the Indiaus, he had forfeited his life, and was doomed to euthr death. The manner of effecting it was of no consequence with them, so long as it was brought about, and it is probable that PkUip had ordered any of his subjects who might meet with him, to kill bun. Early in the spring of 1675, Saasamom vras missing, and, on search being made, his body was found in Aasawomset Pond, in Middleborough t Those that killed him not caring to be known to the English, Loft his hat and gun upon the ice, that it might be supposed that he had drowned himself; but from several marks upon his body, and the itict that his neck was broken, it was evident he had been murdered.§ Several per- sons were suspected, and, upon the information of one ciuled Pohiduon, • Relation of the TroiMet, Jtc. 74. t Not yet published. We are inrormed it soon will be. It will Tonn a lasting monu- ment of one of the best men of those days. The author was, .s Mr. £b'o( expresses himself, " a pillar in our Indian work." He died in 1687, agr«i 7j. t Some would like to know, perhaps, on what authority Mr. Grahaame{HiH. N. Afmer. i. 40SJ stales that Soitanum't body teas/oiind in a^fieid. ( Oookin't MS. Hist, of Christian Indians. This author says, " SaMuiaitd was the first Christian martyr," and that " it is evident he suflered deatfi upon the account of his ChriAian profession, and fidelity to the English." fBooKin. oed that their niunicaies hb B." wys Dr. / *-^iy believe regwded." *««d friend- /one ainooir fo could be f of die In. owns said eo, ^*^diag, Mr. pone of the uthfuinese or •of them had P«9,beftS auUior sBjTB^ L. 5**^. «nd •/y" Again the same. >t leaved 'o retun «TO further tended thai ««• Slate of r 1674 had KBinaskelBL withstand nds at PI|. to PAay>>« " by some nsidered « i forfeited ^og it vna ,aud it is iffht meet >n search horough X ft bis hat drowned that his era! per- expresws JV.Amer. 'waaihtt uni of his Cbap. I.] 8A8SAMON. 11 Toibiai'* one ofPhHip*$ counaeUora, his son, and AtinttcuAmiUMMf, were u> prehended, tried by a jury, conaiating of hulf Indians,! and in June, 1675, were all executed at Plimouth ; " one of them before bia execution con- ftsain^ the munler," but the other two denied all knowledce of the act, to theu* lest breath. The truth of their guilt may roasonably be called in question, if the circumatance of the bleraing of the dead body at the ap- proach of the murderer, bad any influence upon the juiy. And we are narfiil it was the case, for, if the most leamea were misled by such hal- hicinations in those days, we are not to suppose that the n>3re ignorant were free from them. Dr. Inereaat MMer wrote within two yean of the affair, and he bos this passage : ** When Tobias (the suspected mur- derer) came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresh, as if it had been newly slain; albeit, it was buried a considerable time before that.»t Nothing of this part of the story is upon record among the manuscript^ as we can find, but still we do not question the authenticity of Dr. Malner, who, we believe, is the first that printed an account of iL Nor do the records of Plimouth notice Stuaamon until some time afler his death. The first record is in these words : " The court seeing cause to require the Kiraonal appearance of an Indian called Tobias before the court, to make rther answer to such inten'ogatorics as shall be required of liim, in re- ference to the sudden and violent death of an Indian called John Sassa- man, late deceased." This was in Mareh, 1674, O. S. It appears that TMas was present, although it is not so stated, from the fact that Tuspaquin and his sou tVUUam entered into bonds of £100 for the appearance of Thbias at the next court in June following. A mort- gage of land was taken as security for the £100. June having arrived, three instf nd of one are arraigned as the murder- ers of Saasamon. There was no intimation of any one but Tobias being guilty at the previous court New, Wampapaquan,. the son of Tobias, and MaUashunannamo^ are arraigned with him, and the bill of indict- ment runs as follows : " For that being accused that they did with joynt consent vpon the 39 of January anno 1674, [or 1675, N. 9.] att a place crfled Assowamsett Pond, wilfully and of sett purpose, and of^mallice fore thought, and by force and armes, murder John Sassamon, an other In- dian, by laying violent hands on him, and striking him, or twisting his necke vntiU bee was dead; and to hyde and cunceale this theire said murder, att the tyme and place aforesaid, did cast his dead body through a hole of the iyce into the said pond." To this they pleaded '*not guilty," and put themselves on trial, say the records. The jury, however, were not long in finding them guiltv, which they express in these words: " Wee of the jury one and all, both English and Indians doe joyntly and with one consent agree upon a veroicu" Upon this they were immediately remanded to prison, "and from thence [taken] to the place of execution and there to be hanged by the headjl vntill theire bodies are dead." Accordingly, Tobias and Mattashun- * His Indian name was Poggapatiossoo. t Mather'i Relation, 74. Judee Davis retains the same account, (Morton's Memorial, t89.) which we shall presently show to be erroneous. i MaUitr's Relation, 76. & The same called McUtashirmamy. His name in the records is spelt four ways, I This old phraseology reminds us of the Frcnoh mode of expression, couper It eou, iMt is, to cut off the neck instead of the head ; but the French say, U sera pendu par-son M«, and «o do modem hangmen, alias ^'un«<<, of our times. ft 8A88AMON. [Boor III > were executed on the 8 June, 1675. ** But tho said Wampnpa- oMOis on aorno considerationa waa raprieued until a month bo ox|>in;«l." He waa, however, ahot within the month. It ia an error that the junr that found them guilty wai compoaed of half Indiana; there were but rour, while there were twelve Engliahmon. We will again hear the record : — " lit 'vaa judged very expedient by the court, that, together with thiH Engliah jury aboue named, aome of the moat indifferenteat, grauest and aage Indians should be admitted to be with the aaid jury, and to healp to conauh and aduice with, of, and concemins the premiaea : there names are aa followeth, viz. one called by an Engnah name Hopt, and Maakip- pojpu, fFannoo, Otorge Wamiivt and Aeanooiua; theae fully concurred with tho jury in theire verdict." The names of tho jurymen were ffUliam Sabine, fVUliam Crocker, Edvmrd Sturgia, ffiUiam Brookes, MUhf. Wiruloio, John Wadsworth, An- drew Ringe, Robert Vixon, John Done, Jon". Bangs, Jon". Shaw and Beni'. Higgint. Tnat nothing which can throw light upon this important affair be passed over, we will here add, from an exceeding scarce tract, the following particulars, although some parts of them are evidently erroneous : " About five or six years since, there was brought up, amongst others, at the col- lege at Cambridge, (Mass.) an Indian, named Soaomon ; who, after some time he bad spent in preaching the gospel to Urucu, a saeamore Christian in his territories, was, by the authority of New Plimoutn, sent to preach in like manner to King Philip, and his Indians. But King Philip, (heath- en-like,) instead of receiving the gospel, would immediately have killed thia Soaomon, but by the persuasion of some about him, did not do it, but aent him by the hands of three men to prison ; who, aa he was going to prison, exhorted and uught them in the Christian religion. They, not liking hia diacoiuae, immediately murthered him after a most barbarous manner. They, returning to King Philip, acquainted him with what they had done. About two or three months {dler this murther, being discov- ered to the authority of New Plimouth, Joaiah WinaUno being then gov- ernor of that colony, care was taken to find out the miirtherers, wfto, upon search, were round and apprehended, and, after a fair trial, were all hanoed. This so exasperated King Philip, that, from that day after, he studied to be revensed on the Enfflish— judging that the English author- ity had nothing to do to hang an uidian for killing another.''* * Present State of Nem Eturland.by a merchant of Boston, in reMpect tolhepruent Bloody Mian* Wars, page 3. (olio, London, 1676. [Sine* reprintad.] w f „i. fBooK III iwiil H'ampiipa- li be expinnl." ■ compoded of o EnglMlimon. sther with tbiti •t, grauett and ind to healp to : there names !, and Ma$l^ lily concurred lltam Croektr, ^aJsworthj An- 1". Shaw and ffair be passed the following 30U8: "About rs, at the col- >o, after some lore Christian ent to preach PAt/ip,(heath- y have killed id not do it, he was going 1. Tbejr, not >st barbarous ith what they leinff discov- ng then gov- therers, wfio, trial, were all day after, be Klisb autfaor- :t to the pretent w Hi/, if'j.- /•'vK Amr - -J=V^ -w -^"" V.V « ' — u the WAR ^lti75 — Pint aeU ofhotUlihf — Swamp f\ffht at Pocauti — JVVurvMiy IlMpM ovtofkit own country — /t purnud bu Ontko— Fight at Rtkobotk Fimn — CuU ^« compoiw i^Englith under CapL Bttrt—lncidenta — Pigkt at Sugar-loirf HiU, and Aatrudion ^f Capt. Lttkrop'a eompanji—Piffhtt ikt Bnjgliah, vmder Mottbf — Engliak raUe 1500 men — Pkiltpntirta to JVar- raganaet — Sbroneii/JortUlethimtelfin a ^cat neamp — Ducription of hit foHreaa — Engliut march to attack kUn—The fprtat Fight at J\arragantd — JIgainftiet hit countrif — VitUt the Mohawki — lU'devited ttratagem — Eventt (ff lihfG — Retumt again to his country — Reduced to a wretched condition— b hunted by Churehr—Uia chief counaellor, Jikhompoiny kitted^ and hit titter cantured^Hit w\/k tH%d ton fall into the handt of Churdt— FKet to Pokanoket — It mtrpmul mtd tUdn. — iS^ctmeii qf the frampantag Ltnguage-^Other euriout mtdUr. I U« Iif regard to the native or Indian name of Philip, it wema a miatake has always prevailed, in printed accounts. Pometacom gives as near its Indian sound as can be approached by our letters. The first syllable was dropped in familiar discuiirse, and hence, in a ^ort time, no one imagined but what khad always been so; in nearly every original deed executed 'y him, wnich we have seen, and they are many, bis name so appears. is true that, in those of dlnertut years, it is spelt with some little varia- Jon, all which, however, criiveyed verv nearly the Same sound. The variations are Pwmataeom^ Pamataeom, Fometaeome, and Pometacom; the last of which prevails it* the records. We have another im{iOrtaut discovery to communicate:* it is no other tb^ the name of the wife of Pometarom — the innocent Wootoncka- hoSks! This was the name of her who, v/ith her little son, fell into the .hfWilt of Cant. Ckurdt. No wonder that PhUip was ** now ready to die," ilB aoiQe of bis tntitotrous men told Church, and that <*hi8 heart nas now ready to tinko !" All thAt was dear to him was now swallowed up in tBe vortex ! Biit they still liiwd, and this most harrowed his soul — uved for what ? to serve as slaves in ati unknown land ! could it be otherwise than that madnes» should seiste upon him, and despair torment him in evenly |4aee ? that in bis sleep he should hear the anguishing cries and law- ent|iti,on8 of tfoolonekaauilu and hit son ? But vre must change the scene. It seems as though, for many veara before jibe war of 1675, Pometacom, and nearly all of his people sold off their lands as ftst as purchasers pre- sented themselves. They saw the prosperity of the Ehiglish, and they were just such pbiloeopbers as are easily captivated hy anv show of os- tentation. They were ionukin* their manner of life^ to wnich the prox- imity of the whites' was a dead^ poison, and were eager to obtain such thin||(s as their neighbors possessed; tfe^se were only to be obtained by parting with their lands. That the reader may form some idea of the * The author feeU a peculiar satiifactioa (bat ii ha* fallea to hi* lot to be the Int to ]tiiUi(h the real name o( the great laeheiii of liw WasipaiKMigi, aad alto thai of the ihaier of hi* perib, WootontKumuke. "^p'* " ■ -- - 4 t4 LIKE OF KINU PHILfP. [Book HI. iwidity with which the Indians' lands in Plimouth colony were disposed at, we add the fultowing items: — In a deed dated 23 June, 1664, " WOKam BrtnUm, of Newport, R. I. merchant," " for a valuable consideration" paid b^ him, buys Matapoiaett of Phittp. This deed bcginn, " t, Cumalacom abas Philip, chief sachem of Mount Hope, Co\/.siimpsit mid of all territories thereunto belonging." PhUip and his wife bo;h signed this deed, and Toekamoekj Wtcopavhim^ MaoHquasor^-, Pompaqiuue, .^pemiaiak, Taquanknclu, Paqumuuk, Wata- pat yhm, Aqx^taquiah, John SoMonwn tne interpreter, JZ(r<«afu< iSaMamon, and two Euglisnnien, si.^ned as witnesses. Id 16G.'>, he eahi the ooon^ry about Acushena, J|now New Bedford,] and Coaxet, [now in Comptin,] /'hilip's father havmg previously sold some of the same, J^IC was umv given him to prevent any claim from him, and to pay for his marking out the same. John frc'taansman [one of the names of Sasaamon] witnessed this deed. Id 1667, Philip :«lls to Conatant SmithworOi, and others, all the meadow Ixuids from Dntiuiouth to Matapoiaett, far which he had £15. Particular bounds to all tracts are mentioned in the deeds, but as they were gener- ally or oilen stakes, trees, and heaps of stones, no one at this time can trace many of them. The same year, for «£10 sterling," he sells to Hua. WHltt and others, <* all that tract of land lying between the Riuer Wanascottaquett and Ca- watoquissett, being two miles long and one broad." Pawaaquena, one of Philip'a counsellors, and 7V*m alias Sawauett, an interpreter, were wit- nesses to the sale. In 1668, ** Philip Potnttaeoni, and Tatammnaqtu\ alias Caahetoaahedf sachems," for a " valuable consideration," sell to sundry English a tract of some i?quaft3 miles. A part of it was adjacent to Pokanoket. In de- scribing it, Menienuckquag'3 and TowanseR neck are mentioned, which we conclude to be in Swansey. Besides two Englishmen, SompoimUen, alias Tom, an.' jVunonuiUnew, son of Thonuu Pianta, were witnesses to this sale. ^^ 1 lie next year, the same sachems Eell 500 acres in Swansey for AG. Wamuo, a counsellor, and Tom, the interpreter, were witnesses. In 1668, Philip and Uncompcuoen laid claim to a part of New-meadows neck, alleging that it was not intended to be conveyed in a fonner deed, by Oaaameqmn and fVamauUct, to certain EnglBih, " although it appears, says the record, prettv clearly so expressed in said deed," " yet that peace and friendship ma^ be continued," "Capt fftUet, Mr. Brown and John Man, in the behalf of themselves and the rest," agree to give Philip and IMeompauxn the sum of £11 in goods. Philip NANcsKOOKxt hia ^ mark, ViTcoHPAWEn hia X mark. Tom Sansdwest, interprtier, Atui filMROD. The same year, we find the following record, which is doubly interest- ing, from the plan with which we are able to accompany it, drawn by PhU^ himself, who, no doubt, over urged to sell certam lands, contracts or agrees, by the following writing under bis hand, that *' this may inform • Perhaps Uncompoin. t Written in another deed, Atuniamomatt, This deed was in the next year. It was of 500 acres of land, "more or lesse," in Swansey; and £30 the consideration. Hugh CoU.Josiiu Wintlmo, John CoggeshaU and Cotutanl SoiUkicorth were the purchasen, and IVcmueo, a counsellor, one of the x^ituesses. LThis double name, we suppose, was meant to stand for the signature of himself and . the hoiij land wi^ it still; the sainl wee are! tbel Wanasl Sepa- conetl. fBooi ID. f were disposed Newport, R. I. uys Motapoisett >t chief sachem nto beloogiag." :, Wteopavhim,* auonack, moa- ""fffi Stutamon, Bedford,] and usly sold some um from hioi, witnessed this II the meadow 5. Particular Y were gener- thls time can t and others, |uett and Ca- ttqueru, one of er, were wit- Caahewaahedf iglish a tract >Ket. In de- ioned, which Sompointeetij witnesses to sey for AiO. 68. »w-meadows i>nner deed, it appears, that peace and John ) Philip and >Iy interest- , cilrawn by B, contracts nay inform •ear. It wa< tion. Hiigh I purcbaaen, hinueir aod Cbap. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 15 n the honoured court [of Plimouth,' that I Philip ame willhig to aeD th« land within this draught; but the Indians that are vpon it may liue vpoa it still ; but the land that it [waste]* may be sould, ami fVattaehvoo 'u of the same minde. I have sed downe all the princiimll names or the land wee are willingshould bee sould." *' From Pacanaukett Phillip P hit marke.^ the24ofthel2mo. 1668." WannscohocheU. WewenseL Tkialineiiapafh. Panbanet. Patantatonet. Afcoochamet. Maehapquake. Ascopompamocke AponeceU. T^iais apath. Anequeas8ett. Cottoyowsekeesett. " Oaameguen" having, " for valuable considerations," in the year 1641, sold to John Brovon and Edtoa-d fVinslow a tract of land eight miles squ|re, situated on both sides of Palmer's River, Philip, in 1668, wv required to sign a quit-claim of ibe same. This he did in presence of Umptakiaoke, Phillip, and Peebe,^ counsellors, Sonconewhew, PhUlip's brother, and Tom the interpreter. Also in 1669, for £10 " and another valuable and sufficient gratuity," he sells to John Cook of Akusenag in Dartmouth,! " one whole island ners the towne," called Nokatay. The same year, Philip and Thupaquin sell a considerable tract of land in Middleborough, for £13. Thomas the interpreter, WUliam, the son of Tuspaqiiin, and Benjamin Church, were witnesses. In 1671, Philip and ^'Monjokam of Mattapoisett," for £5, sell to Hti^h Cole, of Swansey, shipwright, land lying near a place called Acaahcwati, in Dartmouth. In 1672, PhUin sold to William Brenton and others, of Taunton, a tract to the Boutliwani of that town, coutaiiiing 12 square miles, for £143; and, a few days after, adjoining it, four square miles more, to Constant Southworth. Othei-s were concerned in the sale of tlie larger tract, as is judged by the deeds being signed by JSTunkampahoonett, Umnathum, alias JVimrorf, Chee- maughton, and Capt. Annawam, besides one Philip. Thomas, alias Sank- mU, was among the witnesses. The sale of the last tract was witnessed * So in tlie recoids. t Called, in Mr. Hubbard's history, TTube ; he was afterwards killed at Swansey, in the beginning of the war. X Tnie place where Cook lived is now included in New Bedford. l¥ LIFE OF KING PHILIP. [Book til. by Mundshmn, alias Nimrod, Hoackompmohan,* aud CapU Annowan, \^- namm.] These -iro !>m a [)art of the sale.i of land by Pometacom. Many other chiefs Fold very lurgely, particularly Walnapaquin aud Joaiaa Wampalwk. Wr. meet svi'tli a siiigulur record of Phuip previous to this time, the author8hi|> of vvliicli we attribute to John Sasaamon, and which, besides extending uur kiiowicdgu of Philip^ into his earlier times, serves to make us acquainted witii Sassamon'a acquirements in the language of the pilgrims. " Know ull men by ti)6so presents, that Philip haue ^uen power vuto fFatuchpoo^ and Sampsonl and thi^re brethi-cn to hold and make sale of to whom they will by my consent, nnd they shall not haue itt without they be willing to lett it goc it slial be sol by my consent, but without my knowledge they catniot .safely to : but with my consent there is none that can lay cliiiin6 to that laud which they haue marked out, it is theires for- ener, soc therefore none can safely purchase any otherwise but by fVa- tachpoo and Sampson and their brctheren. Philip 1666." At the court of Plimouth, 1673, "Mr. Ptler Talmon of Rhode Hand I imploined against Philip allies Wcwaaowanvuitt, sachem of Mount Hope, brother or predecessor of Pacanawkett us heire adminnostrutor or suc- cessor vnto his brotlier or predecessor fVamsitta, Sopaquitt,^ or Alexander ttpi<>uout« at the ^icriod of which we speak ; there were several of . „a'., but no one up|ic:irH to Jinvc hml a general cuinrtmnd or ascendency «i.er the nU] and there nan l>e httle dnuht but that they unanimously iVipOKcd tlieir cause iu tiiH liantis of Philip. Nimgrtt waa at this timv 2«>wn old, and though, for iimiiy yours after the murder of Miardun- nomoh, he seems to have iiad ttic cliief autiiority, yet puftitlaniniity was alvrays rather a predominant trait in his character. His age had probably caused his witiidrawal from thu otbci's, on their resolution to second Philip. Canonchet was at tliis period the nnost conspicuous; Puinkam next ; Potok, Magnus, the squaw-siichem, whose husband, Mrikaah, had been dead Mjveral years ; and lastly MaUatoae. Before proceeding with later events, the following short narrative, illus- trative of a |x;culiar custom, it will lie proper to notice. There is a tradition current ut Nantucket, that, in the year 1665, an Indian named John Gibbs of ihm island had spoken something conceniing a dead relative of Philip ; and, as it was an observance or law among them, that whoever should speak evil of the dead should be put to death, Philip went there to execute this law upon Gibha. He was, however, de- featM iit his design, for one of Gibbs's friends, understanding PuUip^s intention, ran to hin) and givo him notice of it, just in time for him to es- cape ; not, however, without great exertions, for Philip came once in sight of him, uf\er pursuing him some time among the Enghsh from house to bou»" ;, but Gibbs, by leaping a bank, got out of sight, and so escaped. Philip tvould not leave the island until the English had ran- somed John at the exorbitant price of nearly all the money upon the island.* Gibbs was a Christian Indian, and his Indian name was ^aa- samoogh. He was a preacher to his countrymen in 1674, at which lime there were l)elonging to his church 30 members. What grounds the English had in the spring of the year 1671, for sus- S>ecting that a plot was going ibrward for their destruction, cannot satis- actorily be ascertained ; but it is evident there were some warlike prep- arations made by the great chief, which very much alarmed the Eng- liri), as in the life of Awashonks we shall have occasion again to notice. Their suspicions were further confirmed when they sent to him to rome to Taunton and make known the causes for his operations ; as he &»- covered ■' lihyness," and a reluctance to comply. At teugth, on the lOtli of April, this year, he came to a place about four miles irom Taunton, accompanied with a band of his wamors, attired, armr ^minted as for a warlike expedition. From this place h« sent messe- - i Taunton, to invite the English to come and treat with bim. The , vi. nor either vras afraid to meet the chief, or thought it beneath his dignity to comply with his reguest, and therefore sent several persons, among whom was Rafter WiUiama, to inform him of their deterntination, and tneir good dis- position towards him, and to urge his attendance at Taunton. He agreed to go, and hostages were left in the hands of his \» rriors to waiTant his safe return. On coming near the village with a low of his wairiors, he? made a stop, which appears to have been occasioned by the warlike parade of the English, many of whom were for immediately attacking fctm. These were the Plimouth peoj)le that recommended this rashness, but they were prevented by the commissioners from Massachusetts, who met here with the governor of Plimouth to confer with Philip. • A (Viend of the author, now living at Naiitncket, oblig-ingly offered to furnish him wHh .-.Atever could be found relating to the Indians of tnat place ; it is presumed he «e- ; -*i»'over notbing', as he has not since been htte'.rd from. For some of what we have ^' vr.'!! above, see I C'd. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 159, turnisbed for that work by Mr. Zardutui Maey, whose bi co. tor, it is said, assisted in secreting Aitasanio^gh. ::■**■ **«»*^=": \^if\ "^n^^^^^W^^f^^ (Book III. ore several of r ascendency unaniinously at this tinjif of Miaraun- lanliuiry was had probcbly >n to second "BiPuinkam •/anksah, harl rrativc, iIJ„B. car 1665, an Sr «onceniJng 'aw aiijontr put to death, lowever, do- ing PnUip'f *r him to es- me once in nglish from ight, and so »h had ran- 'y upon the was ^aa- wJnch time *^i, for sijs- innot SHtis- ariiite prep- i the Eng- to notice, 'n to rome as he dm- n the ion, i Taunton, /•aintcd an ' Taunton, lor either ■o comply horn was Rood rtis- If! agrpcd iiTant his 'Tiors, ho ' warllR,. attacking lashness, 5«s, who I'nilsh him 'sumed he f what we ■k by aif . ua/>. li.j UR OF KINO PHILIP. ^ Id tlio end it wm WNkI thai « ooundl dbould be held in the ^neetiiM- houae, one nde of wluch should Nr occupied by the lodiaoB^ and m other by the Enslish. PMKp had iiUeged that the English injured the planted lands of nis people, but this, the English say, was in no wise sus- tained. He said his warlike pi'eparations were not against the English, but the Nr rragansets, which the EngKah also say was proved to hia faoe to be fiilse ; and that this so confouiraed him, that he confessed the whole plot, and "that it was the naughtineaa of his own heart that put him upon that ruoellion, and nothin|f of any provocation from the Englian.'^ Therefore, with four of hw counsellors, whose names were TtivoMr, Capt. Ifurpoie, fFoonkapon^unt, [Vnkompoin,] and Mmrod, he signed a flubmi9Bion,'and an engagiBment or ftienaship, which also stipulated that he should give up all the arms among his people, into the hands of the governor of Plimouth, to be kept as bug as the government should '*see reason.'H The English of Massachusetts, having acted as umpires in this affidr, were looked to, by both parties, on the next cause of complaint. Philip having delivered the arms which himself and men had with tbem at Taunton,} promised to deliver the rest at Plimouth by a certain tinne. But they not being delivered according to agreement, and some other dif- ferences occurring, a messenger was sent to Boston IVom Plimouth, to make complaint ; hut PhUip, perhaiw, understanding what was intended, was quite as early at Boston in person ;y and, by his address, did not fkil to }te well Yeceived, and a favorable refiort of him was returned to Plimouth ; xnd, at the same time, proposals that commissioners from all the United Colonies should meet Philip at Plimouth, where all difficulties where expected to be settled. This meeting to6k place the same year, Septem- ber, 1671, where the issue of the meeting was very nearly the same as that at Taunton. «• The conclusion was," says Mr. JlfatAer,§ ** Philip ac- knowledged his offence, and was ap|H>inted to give a sum of money to defray the charges which his insolent clamors had put the colony unto." As usual, several articles were drawn up by the English, of what Phiiip was to submit to, to which we find the names of three only of his captains or counsellors, C/iieom/>aen, who was his uncle,f Wotokom and Samkama. Great stress in those days was laid on the Indians submitting them- selves as "subject to his majesty iihe king of England." This they did only to get rid of the importunity of tlie English, as their course imme- diately afterwards invariably showed. Tiie articles which the government of Plimouth drew up at tbis time, for Philip to sign, were not so iliiiieral as might be imagmed, were we not to produce some of them. Article second reads, — " I [Philip] am willing, and do projnise to pay unto the government of Plimouth £100, in such thin^ as I have ; but I would entreat the fuvor that I might have three years to pay it in, forasmuch as I caimot do it at present." And in articio third, he promises " to send unto the governor, or whom he shall appoint, five wolves' heads, t/'Ae can g«< lAem; or m * Hubbard, Indian Wars, 11, Isl edition. t The articles of this treaty may bo scun in Hubbard, Mather and H%Uchi7Uon's liis- tories. 1 Mather's Relation, 73. $ Ibid. n PerhHus this was the time Mr. Josselyn saw Philip nt Boston, richly caparisonod. a» will hereafter be mentioner^ 1 Called by Church, Akkompom. »^ ■f LIFE OP KINO PHILIP. IB0OSM cttkT. nil uuuiy M be ean procure^ until they come to five wolres' beada yc«rtj.* Tlitse vtielM were dated* 39 hapt. 167J. and were signed by The mark P qf Paiuur ; The mark T qf Wohkowpahknitt ^ T%t mark Thenuvk TTumark qf WOTTAKOUSBBIM ; qf SoRKANDHOO ; qf WOONASUCM, aUu NiMKon; The mark Y of Woospasock, aliaM Captain. V T ft On the 3 Nor. following, PkHip accompanied Takanumma to PU- meutb, to make his submission, wbicli he did, and acknowledged, by a wriking, that he would adhere to the articles signed by Philip and the otbera, the 29 Sept. before. Tokamona was brother to Avoashonka, and, •t this time, was sachem of Secouet, or Saconett He was afterwards killed by the Narra^ut;ets.| A general disarming of the neighboring Indians was undertaken during the spring and summer of 1G71, and nothing but trouble could have been expected to follov/. That nothing may be omitted which can throw light upon this impor- tetdt era in the biography of Philip, we will lay before the reader all the unpublished information furnished by the records.^ Having met in June, 1671, "The court Fof Plimouf'i] deterniins all the guns in our hands, th'tt did belong to Philip, are j :stly forfeit; and do at the present order the dividing of thorn, to be kept at the several towns, according to their equal proportions, until October court next, and then to be at the court's dispose, OS reason iirny appear to them, and then to belong unto the towns, if not otherwise dis()usea of by the court " That which the court grounds their judgment upon is, — For that at the treaty at Taunton, Philip and his 'council did acknowl:-^ge that they had been in a prcparat'cu for war against us ; and that not giounded upon an<; ii^jury sustained from r.s, nor prc>vocation given by us, but from their naughty heaits, and because he had formerly violated and broken solemn covenants made and renewed to us ; he then freely tendered, (not being in a capacity to be kept faithful by any other bonds,) to resign up all his English arms, for our future security in thiit respect. He failed greatly in the performance dioreof, by 8ecret[ly] conveying away, and carrying home several guns, that might and siiould have been then delivered, and not pving them up since, according t<< I is engagement ; nor so far as is in his ^wer ; as appears in that many guns are known still to he amongst the "'4lidian8 that live by hiin, and [he] not so muc;)i as giving order to some of his men, that i\re iindor his immediate command, about the bringing in of their arms. " In his endeavoring, since tht.. treaty [at Taunton,] to render us odious to our neighbor colony by fu's^t re|)orts, complaints and suggestions ; and his refusing or avoiding a treaty Vtith us concerning those and other mat- ters that are justly offen.'-'.x o to iih, notwithstanding his late engugcmer^ as well as former, to suli.i:' io the '>x'.uq\i authority, mid the authority of this colony. " It vras also orderr,;; by lui: court that the arms of the Indians of •Tliern is no date, but the year, r.f.x i.c avy | r'nted account. Mr. Hiibbard by mis- take omlttR:! it, and tliosn who bsve .'tioee written, have not given themselves the pleasure of recurring to (he records. t Vncompoin. «,. JSee ChKixk,SD. ^ Piimoulh Colony Roords. in matttuc-ipf. ' '' "* * (Boosnc eads ycoify » ;■, iir. mo to Pli, edged, by a >*jp and the rly kind- ness ; which we shall hold ourselves obligeld to repdy, when Providence may so dispose that we have opportimity. "Accordingly, letters were despatched and sent IVom the council, one unto the said PhitUp the said sachem, to require his })ersonal appearance at Plymouth, on the 13th day of September next, in reference to the par- ticulars alwve mentioned against him. This letter was sent by Mr. James Walker^ one of the council, and he was ordered to request the company of Mr. Roger WUliams and Mr. James Brown, to go with him at the- delivery of the said letter. And another letter was sent to the governor and council of the Massachusetts by the hands of Mr. John Freeman, one of our magistrates, and a third was directed to the governor and coundl of Rhode Island, and sent by Mr. Thomas HincUeytina Mr. ConstatU Soilth- umrth, two other of our magistrates, who are ordered by our council with the letter, to unfold our present state cf matters relating to the premises, and to certify them, also, more certainly of the time of the meeting LIFE OP KING PHILIP. (Book UZ. C3«Ar. U together, in rofinrncc to cnngement with tlie Indiana, ir there be a going r.trtli, whicli will lie on the 30 of Se|itoinlier next. ■> 1( wax fiirtlir.r ordvriNl by the council, tiiat tliuHJ Ibrmerly p rca a ro l diall n«iiiatii iHKJui* ilio Hunio in);>i-o.s8inont, until ttio uuxt meeting of the said council, on the 13 dav of SupL next, and so abo until the intended ex- pedition ia iasued, unless thoy ahall see cause to alter them, or add or detract from them, as occasion may require : And that all other matters remain as tiiny were, in way of preparation to the said expedition, until we shall see tliu mind of Ood further by the particulara foranamed, improved for that purpose. " It was further ordered by the council, that all the towns within this jurisdiction shall, in the interim, be solicitously careful to provide for their safety, by conveiiient watches und wardings, and ouiying their arms to the meetings on the Lord's days, in such manner, as will best stand with their particulars, and the common safety. ** Anu in particular they order, that a guard ahall be provided for the safety of the governor's person, during the time of the above-named troubles and expeditions. " And the council were summoned by the president, [the governor of PUmouth,] to make their personal appearance at Plymouth, on tlie 13th day of Sept. next, to attend such further business as shall be then presented by providence, in reference to the premises. [Without any intermediate entry, the records proceed :] " On the 13 Sept 1671, the council of war appeared, according to their summons, but PhiUip the sachem appeared not ; but instead thereof repaired to the Massachusetts, and made complaint against us to divers of the gentlemen in place there ; who wrote to our governor, by way of per- suasion, to advise the council to a compliance with the said* sachem, and tendered their help in the achieving thereof; declaring, in sum, that they resented not his offence so deeply as we did, and that they doubted whether the covenants and engagements that PMUip and his predecessors had plighted with us, would plainly import that he had subjected himself^ and people, and country to us any further than as in a neighborly and frieiidly correspondency." TnuB, whether Philip had been able by misrepresentation to lead the court of Massachusetts into a conviction that his designs had not been fiiirly set foith by P^m^outh, or whether it he more reasonable to conclude that that body were thoroughly acquainted with the whole grounds of complaint, and, therefore, considered PUmouth nearly as much in error as Pkil^, by assumins authority not belonging to them, is a case, we apprehend, not difficult to be settled by the reader. The record cc:a- tinues : — ** The council having deliberated upon the premises, despatched away letters, declaring their thankful acceptance of their kind profier, and invited the commissioners of the Massachusetts and Connecticut, they [the latter] then being there in the Bay, [Boston,] and some other gentle- men to come to Plymouth and afford us their help: And, accordingly, on the 24 of Sept. 1671, Mr. John ffinthrtm. Gov. of Connecticut, Maj. Gen. Leverett, Mr. Thog. Datiforlh, Capt /r'm. Davia^ with divera others, came to Plyitioutb, and had a Ibir nud dnliltcraio hearing of the contro- versy between our colony and the said sachem PhiUip, he being personally present ; there being also compKtPiit intorpreters, both English and Indians. At which meeting it was proved by sufficient testimony to the conviction of the said Phillip, and satisfaction of all that audience, both [to] tlie aaid gentlemen and others, that he had broken his covenant made with our colony at Taunton in April last, in divers particulars : as also carried very unkindly unto us divers ways. (Boos m. >»• going Mvneil diall of tiifl aaid utendod ox- •t or add or ^ nuitteni on, until we i> >ni|in>ved within this <*« for their iir arms to Stand with ed for the ove-uamed ovemor of "> tlie 13th presented termediate rarding to id thereof divers of «y of per- •nem, and that they doubted Miecessors i himself l*orJy and > lead the not been conclude xinds of in eiTor case, w© ►rd cca« ]d away er, and ut, they gentle- ^^y, on t. Maj. othera^ i^ontro- wnally Hliana. iictioB le said th our I very CMAP. ll.J LIFE OF KINO PHILIP. <* 1. Ill that he" hnd neglected to bring in his rrms, although " coiDp»> tent time, yea his time etilargod" to do it in, as before stated. "2. That he had carried insolently and proudly towards uh on several occasions, in refusing to come down to our court (when sent (or) to have speech wiih lilin, to procure a right understanding of matters in difference betwixt us." This, to say the least, was a wretchedly sorrv complaint. That an inde- pendent chief should refuse to obey his neighbors whenever they had a mind to command him, of the justness of whose mandates he was not to inauire, surely calls for no comment of ours. Besides, did PhUip not do as nc agreed at Taunton ? — which was, that in case of future troubles, both jmrties should lay their complaints before Massachusetts, and abide by their decision ? The 3d charge is only a repetition of what was stated by the council of war, namely, harboring and abetting divers Indians not his own men, but " vogabonds, our professed enemies, who leaving their own sachem were harbored bv him." The 4th has likewise been stated, which contains the complaint of his going to Massachusetts, " with several of his council, endeavoring to uisinuace himself into the magistrates, and to misrepresent matters unto tbeni," which amounts to little else but an accusation against Maasachu- ■etts, as, from what hns been before stated, it seems that the " gentlemen in place there" had, at least in part, been convinced that Philip was not so much iu fault as their friends of Plimoutli had pretended.* "5. That he had shewed great incivility to divers of ours at several times; in special unto Mr. Jamea Brmon, who was sent by the court on special occasion, as a messenger unto him ; and unto Hugh Cole at another time, &c. "The gentlemer forenamed taking notice of the premises, having fully heard what the aaid Phillip could say for himself, having free liberty so to do without interruption, adjudged that he had done us a great deal of wron^ and injury, (respecting the premises,) and also abused them by carrying lies and ftlse stories to them, and so misrepresenting matters unto them ; and they persuaded him to make an acknowledgment of his fkult, and to seek for reconciliation, expressing themselves, that there is a great difference between what he asserted to the government in the Bay, and what he could now make out concerning his pretended wrongs; and such had been the wrong and damage that he bad done and procured unto the colony, as ought not to lie m)rne without competent reparation and satisfaction ; yea, that he, by his insolencies, had (in prooabilityj occasioned more mischief from the Indians amongst them, than had fallen out in many years before ; they persuaded him, therefore, to humble himself unto the magistrates, and to amend his ways, if he expected peace ; and that, if. he Went on in his refractory way, he must expect to smart for in" The commissioners finally drew up the treaty of which we have before spoken, and PhUjp and his counsellors subscribed it ; and thus ended the chief events of Iwl. Whether it were before this time, or between it and the war, that what we at(^ about to relate took place, is not certain, but it probably belongs to the latter period. It is this : — ^The governor of Massachusetts sent an ambassador to PkUyi, to demand of him why he would make war upon * Not a very high compliment to the authorities of Massarhusetts ; for it appears, if thia went the case, Philip had succeeded in doceivinjj them in matters of which certainly Ihey night have been correctly informed, as we should rather apprehend they were ) baviof been preieul at Taunton, and heard both sides of the story afterwards. LinS OF KINO PHILIP. fDooK in. ikf fiagiyi, and ro<|iie«ted him, nt tha aame time, to enter into • treaty. The Mchem made hiiii thia luiawer : — ** yaur ffwcrnor i$huta aMtet of King CharU$* i(f Englmd. I thaU wttinal mth a tultfteL l»haUtrtat<(f peace mdy with iKt kmg, mi/ hroUttr. Wiim Kt coiRM, / am reaify."^ Tbia ia litoral, althougn we have changed the order of the worda a naud is worthy of a place upon the same page with the speech of roouB Ponu, when taken captive by Mezander.t We meet with nothing of importance until the death of Sauamon, in 1674, the occasion of wnicli was charged upon PhUip, and was the cauoe of bringing alwut the war with him a year sooner tlian he had ex|>ected. Tbb event prematurely discovered his intentions, which occasioned the partial n^cantation of the Narraganscts, who, it is reported, were to fur- niah 4000 men, to be ready to lali upon the Enirlish in 1076. Concert, therefore, was wanting ; and although nearly all the Narragauscis ulti- mately joined against the English, yet the powerful cflTect of a general simultaneous movement was lost to the Indians, PhUip'i own people, many of wlioai were ao diaconcerted at the unexpected beginning of the war, continued some time to waver, doubting which side to show them- ■elvea in &vor of; and it was only from their bein^ without the vicinitv of tha ESngUah, or unprotected by them, that determmed their course, whico waa, in almost all cases, in favor of PhUip. Even the Praying Indianp, had they been left to themselves, would, no doubt, maay of them, have declared in his favor also, as many really did. Until the execution of the three Indians, suuposed to be the murderers of iSSiufamon, no hoatility was committed by PnUip or his warriora. About the time of their trial, he was said to be marchiug his men " up and down the country in arms," but when it was known that they were executed, he could no longer restrain his young men, who, upon the 24th of June, proToked the people of Swansey, by killing their cattle, and other injurie8,$ until they were hred upon, which was a signal tc commence the war, and what they had desired ; for the superstitious notion prevailed among the Indians, that the party who fired the first gun would be couquered.|| Tbey liad probably been made to believe this by the English themselves. It was upon a last day that this great drama waa opened. As the peo- * Cluu-Ui II. whoffl reign was from 1660 to 1676, , ^ t Prttent State of N. E^. 68. /tThe conqueror asked him liow he would be treated, who, in two words, replied, ''uke a king." Being asked ir he had no other request to make, he said, " No. Every lUag is comprehendea in that." {Plutarch's Life of Alexander.) M'o roiiid wish, in ■Mny CMC*, that the Eof^ish conquerors had acted with as much ma|[;noiumity towards the udiant, as AUxamder did towardi those he overcame. - Porua was treated as he had denied. ^ " In the mean time Kin^^ Philip mustered up about 500 of his men, and arms them eompleal ; and had ((otten about 8 or 900 of his nrighborinir Indians, and likewSae arms them compleat ; (i. c, guns, powdei anu bullets ;) but how many he hath engaged to be of kit party^ is unknown to any amonr us. The last spring, several Indians were Men in small parties, about RehoboUi and Swafuey, which not a little aflTrighted the in- habitants. Who demanding the reason of them, wherefore it was so 1 Answer was made. That they were only on their own defence, for they understood that tiie English intended to cut them ofT. About the 20(h o{June last, seven or eight of King' Philip's men came to Swansey on the Lord's day, and would g^nd a hatchet at an iiinabitant's house there ; the master told them, it was the sabbath day, and their God would be ve^ aagry if be should let them do it. They returned this answer : They knew not who Jhps Cktd was, and that they would do it, for all him, or his God either. From thence they wmt to another house, and took away some victuals, but hurt no man. Immediately tkey met a man travelling on the road, kept him in eitstody a short time, then dismist ■im qaietly : giving him this caution, that he should not work on his God's day, awjl|ljijat jMshould tell no lies." Pruent State of N. Eng. p. 8 and 9 of the new edition. iCalJendar. Ciur. ll] pie we when onl aeon, wel We kUl countrv,r Engliah ' hand, it doubt oil intrude fHooif m. nto a trnaty. tnd. I tikdl tHj/brotAtr. he worda n speech of ioMainofi, in M the cause il exfiectad. wioiied tbe vert' to fur- Concert, aiisela ulti. f a general wn people, >«ng of the how them- vicinitv of irse, which ig indianp, hem, ii^ye murderers 31-8. About and down executed, 1 of June, r injuriea,« B war, and unong the >uquered.|| ieinselve& s the peo- •ds, replied, "o. Every lid wish, m iiy towards d as he had arms Iheni H likewiae li engaged Hans wei« ed the ID- iswer was eEurlUh inabitaiit's Id bevenr t whojhii Buce they nediately 'n dlsmist u Ciur. U.l LITE OF KINO ruiur. pie were P^tumiuK from meeting, tliey were firc s wiahea. But there can be no doubt of hia hostility and great ilcaire tu rid hia country of the whit* intruden ; for bad ha not ri'aaon to say, " Exarsere l!;iH>s animo : subit ira, cRdenlem Ulcisci piiii-iani, el ireteraias sumerc [xxnu'' T The die was cast No other alternative ai>peared, but to raTage, bum and destroy as fast aa was in his {tower. There had been no war for a long time, cither among themselves or with the English, and, therefbre, numerous young warriors fVom the neighboring tribes, entered into hia cause with great ardor ; eager to perform exploits, such aa had been re- counted to them by their aires, and such as they had long waited an opportunity to achieve. The time, they conceived, had now arrived, and tneir aogls expanded in proportion to the greatness of the undertaking. To conquer the EngUsh ! to lead captive their haughty lords ! must have been to them thoughts of vast magnitude, and exhilarating in the highest degree. '. Town after town tell before them, and wiien tlie Engliah forces marched * \ in one direction, they were buming and laying waste in another. A part 'of Taunton, Middleborough and Dartmouth, m the vicinity of Pocaaaet, upon Narraganset Bav, soon followed the destruction of Swansey, which was burnt immediately after the 24th of June, on being abandoned by the inhabitants. ,, PkUip commanded in perscn upon Pocasaet, where, upon the 18th of ^- Jnly, he was discovered in a ** dismal swamp." He had retired to thia place, which is adjacent to Taunton River, with the most of his Wampa- noags, and such othere as had joined him, to avoid falling in with the English army, which was now. pursuing him. From theh- numbersL the English were nearly able to encompass the swamp, and the fiite of JPntZtp they now thought sealed. On arriving at its edge, a few of PkSip^s warriors showed themselves, and the English rushed in upon them with ardor, and by this feint were drawn far mto an ambush, and " about 15 were slain.** The leaves upon the trees were so thick, and the hour of the day 80 late, that a friend could not be distinguished flnom a foe, "whereby 'tis verily feared, tfaM [the English themselves] did somethnea unhappily shoot Englishmen' instead of Indians."* A retreat was now ordered, and, considering PhSip's escape impossible, the most of the forces left the place, a few Only remainm^, " to starve out the enemy." That PkSifi'a force was greM at this time is certain, from the fkct that a hundred wigwams were found near the edge of the swamp, newly con- structed of green bark. In one of those the English found an old man, who informed them that PhUip Was there. He lost but few men in the encounter, though it is said, that he had a brother killed at this time.f . The idle notion of building a fort here to starve out Philip, was suflS- "ll'ciently censured by the historians of that day. For, as Capt C^tutk ns— * MiUlur'i Brief Hist. War, 5. ■ t This is upon the authority of the anonymous author of the " Prttent Sude," See. of which we shall eUewhere have occasion to take noUce. ^^ ,^^,^^^^, ^,^ ^^^^ tt 122 |Z2 i« 12.0 us lU u IL25 iU 1^ 6" m .■» Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WEBSTIR.N.Y. MSIO (716)872-4503 »^ ■^ LIFE or KINO ^HIT.TP. (BooKin. mattm u it, to MUa/brtfor nUUng to cover the ptapUfnm noboAi,* ' ntner a ridiculous idea. Thia observation he made upon a fort's being built upon Mount Hope neck, some tiine after every Indian bad left diat side or the country, and who, in fket, vrare laying waste the towns before mentioned. The swamp where i*AtUp was now confined, was upon a piece of coun- try which projected into Tkunton River, and vras nearly seven miles in extent After being suarded here 13 days, which, in the end, was greatly to his advantage, and afforded him sufficient time to provide canoes in which to make his escape, he passed the river with most of his men, and made good his retreat into the country upon Connecticut River. In eflfectinff this retreat, an accident happened which deprived him of some of bis dioicest and bmveA captains, as we shall proceed to relate. Aboitt the 96 July, 167& Ondko, with two of his brothers^ and about 50 men, came to Boston, by direction of ttwas, and declared their deaire to assist the English against the Wampanoags. A few En^ish and three Natickswere added to their company; vaa immediately despatched, by way of PUmouth, to the enemy'a country.f This circuitous route was taken, perhapa, that thev might have their instructiona immediately from the governor of that colony; Massachusetts, at that time, probably, sup- posing the war might be ended without their direct internrence. This measure, as it proved, was very detrimental to the end in viAw ; for if they had proceeded directly to Seekonk, they would have been there in aeason to nave met PhUi^ and his warriors in their flight fit>m Pocaaset. And this force, beina joined with the other English forces, then in the vi- cinity, in all probability might have finiahed the war by a single fight with . him. At least, his chance of escape would have been small, as be had to crosB a lu^ extent of clear and open country, where thev must have been cut down m flight, or fought man to man. Whereas Onato was encamped at aome distance, having arrived late the night before, and some time vras lost in rallying4 They overtook them, however, about 10 o'clock in the morning of the Ist of August, and a smart fight ensued. PhU^ having brought his best men into the rear, many of them were slain ; among these was Mmrod, alias Winmaihim, a great captain and counsellor, vi^ had signed the treaty at Tkunton, four years before. From what cause the fight was suqpnided is unknown, Auough it would seem fiy>m some rektions, that it was owing to OneftoV men, who, sedhg themselves in posseiiion of consadsrable |riunder, fdl to loading them- selves with It, and thusnve PkXp time to escape. From this view of the eaae, it would appear Uiat the Hohegana were the chief aetorr in the oflfenaive. It is said thai the Naticka urged iounediate and further pur- suit, which did not take place, in conaequenee of the extreme heat or the weather: and thus the main Iwdy were pem^tted to MOtpe. Mr. JVWesMm, of Rehoboth, gave an account of the amir in a letterKin which he said that " 14 of the enemy^i prindpal men were slain." Ue also mentioned, in tenns of great respect, die Naticka and Hohegans under Ondb.^ Having now taken a position to innoy the back settlements of Massa- chusett%his warriom fell vigoroualy ' that he came and loosed him, and bid him run grandk, (i. e. run apace,) and l^ that means he eacaped."t About this time, some English found a smgle Indian, an old man, near Quabaog, whom they captured. As he would not give them any inibr- mation respecting his countrymen, or, perhaps, such as they desired, they pronounced him worthy, of death ; so " they lud him down, Comemt^ the Dutchman, lifting up his sword to cut off his head, the Indian WmA up his hand between, so that his hand was first cut off, and partly his head, and the second blow finished the execution.''^ It was about this time, as the author of the "Present State" relates, that " King PAtIt]p,now be^nningiu '.rant money, liavih^ a coat made aii of wampampeag, (i. e. Indian money,) cuts hiH COat to pieces and distrib- utes it plentifully among the Nipmi Jg sachems and others, as well as to the eastward as southward and all round about.''§ On the 18 Sept. Captain Lothrop, of Beverly, was sent from Hadley wi^ about 88 men, to bring away the corn, grain, and other valuabfe articles, from DeeHield. mving loaded their teams and commenced their march homeward, they were attacked at a place called Sugarloqf mU, wliere almost eveiy man was slain. This company conasted of choice young men, the flower of Essex county.H Eighteen of the men belonged to Deerfield.f Capt Jttwely, being not far o^upon a scout, was drawn to the scene of action by the report of the guns, and, having with him 70 men, charged the Indians with sreat resolution, although he com- puted their numbers at a 1000. lie had two of his men killed and eleven wounded. The Indians dared him to begin the fight, and exultingly said to him, " Come, Motdy, come, you seek Jndurnt, vou trani Indians ; here i$ Jndiant enough for you."** Afler continuing a fight with them, Irom eleven o'clock until almost night, he was obliged to retreat The Indians cut open the bags of wheat and the feather-neds, and scattered their contents to the wind£** After Moady had commenced a retreat. Major Treat, with 100 Eruflish and 60 Mohegans, came to his aBsistance. Their united forces obliged the Indians to retreat in their tum.ft Thf) Indiaiis were said * Manutrripl document*. fPres. Slate of N. Enr. &c. IS. % Manuscript in library of Mass. Hist. Sor. ^ Pres. Slate, 13. If inis were the case, Philip must have had an immense b\g roat— yea, even bincr than Dr. Johnson's great coat, as represented by BotwM ; the side pockets of which, he said, were large enough each to contain one of the huge volume* of bis folio dictionary ! nHuhbard't Narrative. IT These were the teuniten. ** Manuscript letter, written at the time. tt /. MaUui^t History of the War. ->*»-'•■ iC^i LIFE OF KING PHILIP. [Book til Ciur.n.]| to have lost, in t!io various cncoaiitcrs, 96 »Uin. It wtm a groat over8tgbt» that Captain Lothrop should have sunered his men to stroll about, wnile passiug a dangerous defile. " jMany or the soldiura having been so foolkh and secure, as to put their amui in ihe carts, and step aside to gather grapes, which proved dear and deadly graptt to them."* The same author observes, " TIuh was a black and fatal d^y, wherein there were eight persons made widows, and 8ix-and*twentv children made fiitueilras^ all in one little plaiUution and in one day ; and above sixty persona buried in one dreadful grave !" The Narrasansets had not yet heartily engaged in the war, though there is no doubt but they stood pledsud So to do. Therefore, having done all that could be expected upon the western frontier of Massachu- setts, and concluding that his presence among his allies, the Narragansela, was necessary to ke<;p tliem from abandoning his cause, Pkdif was next known to be in their country. An army of 1500 English was raised l^y the three colonies, Massachu- setts, Plimouth and Connecticut, for the purpose of breaking down the power of PhUip among the Narragansets. They determined upon this course^ as they had been assured that, in the spring, that nation would come with all their forbe upon them. It was not known that PkSUp was among them when this resolution was taken, and it was but a rumor that the^ had taken part with him. It was true, that they had promised to deliver up all the Wampanoass, who should flee to them, either aUve or dead ; but it is also true, that Uiose who made this promise, had it not in their power to do it ; being persons, chiefly in subordinate stations, who liad no right or authority to bind uiy but themselves. And, iher»lbre, as doubtless was foreseen by many, none Of PhUip^a people were delivered up, although many were known to have been among them. Thus, in ferv wor^, have we exhibited the main grounds of me mighty expedition against the Narrasanscts in the winter of 167S. Upon a small island, in an immense swamp, in South Kingston, Rhode Island, Philip had fortified himself^ in a manner superior to what was common among his countrymen. Here he intended to pass the winter, with the chief of his friends. They had erected about SCO wigwams of a superior construction, in which was deposited a great store of provisnns. Baricets and tubs of comf were piled one upon another, about the inside of them, which rendered them bullet proof. It was supposed that about 3000 persons had here taken up their residence. But, to be more particular upon the situation of *'the scene of the destruction of the Narragansets," we will add at follows fhim the notes of a gentleman lately upon the spot, for the express purpose of gwning information. "What was called T^ bUmd is now an upland meadow, a few feet higher than the low meadow with which it is surrounded. The island, by my estimate, contains flvro three to four acrea. One fourth of a mile west, is the Uoquepau? ; a small stream also at a short distance on the east** The celebrated island on which the fort was built is now in the farm of J. G. Clark, Esq. a descendant of John CIdri,of R. 1. and i^ut 30 rods west of the line of the " Pettyswamscot Purchase.* Water still surrounds it in wet seasons. It was cleared by the father of the present possessor about 1780, and although improved firom that time to the present, charred corn and Indian implements are yet ploughed up4 * /. Mather's History of the War, 18. ' t AOO bushels, says Dr. /. MiUher. Hollow trees, cut oflT about the len|rth of a bami, were used by the Indians for tubs. In such they secured their com and other mioi. X MS. communication of Rev. Mr. Ely, accompanied by a drawinr of the island, lis shape is very similar to the shell of on oyster. Average icctanxtuar Uses thioagti it measure, one 35 rods, aaother 20. ■«? ' [BooKin. chaf. n.] LIFE OF KINO PHILIP. W overejgtii, *l»ut,w1iUe en so fooliah le to gather ' The same ' «,were eight ; iCueilcga^aO ' DB buried in ' ^r, though 03«, having Massacbu- urragaoaetB, !P was next Massachu- down the upon this Uon would PU2^ was rumor that nomised to ir alive or d it not in tions, who ur«fi>re, as I delivered IU9, in few expedition >n, Rhode what was »e winter, {warns of rovisions. the inside hat about le of the the notes r gaining meadow, / rounded. * le fourth * distance ^ t is now ? tl.and 1 ' Water - r of the : time to lup4 rains, wd. lis President SUtet, in his edition of Choscb's IIistort or Philip^ WAJt»t . states that the Narraganset fort is seven miles nearly due west from the South Ferry. This agrees with data Aimisbed by Mr. JQy, in stating the returning march of the English army. Pine and cedar were said to nave been the former growth.* An oak 300 years old, standing luwn the island, was cut down in 1782, two feet in diameter, 11 feet vom the ground. From another, a bullet was cut out, surrounded by about 100 onnuii, at the same time. The bullet was lodged there, no doubt, at the time of the fight We will now return to our narrative of the expedition to this pLice in December, 1675. After n«.«rly a uionih from their setting out, the English army airived in the Narri^saiiset country, and made their head quarters about 18 miles from PkU^>*t Cott. They had been so long upon their march, that the Indians were well enough apprized of their approach, and had made the best arranoements in their power to withstand them. The army bad ahready sumred much from the severity of the season, being obliged to en^. camp m the ojpen field, and without tents to cover them ! The 19th or December, 1675, is a memorable day in the annals of New England. Cold, in the extreme, — the air filled with snow, — the English were obliged, ftt>m the low state of their provisiona, to march to attabk PU^ in his fort Treacherv hastened bis ruin. One of his men, by hope of reward, betrayed nis country into their hands. This man had, probdiily, lived among the English, as he had an English nameb,.. He was called Peier,j and it was by accident that himself with thir^-i.^ five othera, had just before fallen into the hands of the fortunate Cq>- tain Mutly. No Englishman was acquainted with the situation o(Phi'y*t fort; and but for their pilot, Peter, there is very little probability that tmy could have even found, much less effected any thing against it For it was ope o'clock on that short day of the year, befora thev arrived within the vicinity of the swamp. There was but one point where it could be assailed with die least probability of success ; ana this was fortified by a kind of block-house, direcdy in front of the entrance, and had also flankers to cover a cross fire. Besides high palisades, an immense hedge of fiillsn trees, of nearly a rod in thickness, surrounded it, encompasmng an area of about five acres. Between the fort and the main land was a body of water, over which a great tree bad been foiled, on which aH must pass and repass, to and fix>m it On coming to this place, the Eiiglish soldien, as numy as could pass upon the tree, vrhich would not admit two abreast rushed forward upon it, but were swept off in a moment by the fire ot Pk3w'$ men. Still, the Blngliah so!- Jiers, led by their captains, supplied the places of the shun. But asaiti and again were they swept finm the fttal avenue. Six captaimi and a great many men had follen, end a par- tial, but momentary, recoil from the face of death took place. Meanwhile, a handAil, under the fortunate Jtfotefy, had, ss iqiraculous as it may seem, got within the fort. These were contendinshand to hand with the Indians, and at fearful odds, when the cry of "They run! tkn run P* brought to their assistance a considerable Ixx^ of their feUow souJiers. They were now enabled to drive the Indians from their main Iweastwork, and their slaughter became immense. Flying fivrn wiswaiv ID wigwam — men, women and children, indiscriminat^y, were hewn down and lay in neaps upon the snow. Being now masten of the fort, at the recommendation of Mr. ChurchJ^ General Wiikjlow was ^ut ^, * Holities's Anasls, i. 376, tTiM name otPeler among the Indians was so common, that it is, perhaps, past deter- mination who this one was. Mr. Hubbard cails bim a fugiliyis Trom the Narragaiiset^,^ X Afterwards the ftmous Colonel Church. He led the second party that ei|tar«4 Mb ibrl, and wu badly wounded in the couM^ of the fifht, 'f 80 LIFE OP KINO PHILIP. [BooBin. quarter the army in it for the prmient, which offered comfbrtable babitn- tiOM to the tick and wotinilud, besides a plentiful supply of provisiona. But one of the captains* and a surgeon opposed the measure ; profasbly from the apprehension that the woods was full of Iniiana^ who would cimtinue their attacks upon theni, and drive them out in their turn. There was, doubtless, some reason for this, which was strengthened from the fact that manjr Bnglish were killed aAer tliey had possteaaed themsehres of the fort, hy those whom they had iust dispossessed of it Notwith- standing, had ChureVr advice Men ibilowed, mrhaps many of the lives of the wounded would have been saved ; for he was seldom out in his judgment, as his continued successes proved afterwards. After fighting three hours, the English were obliged to march 18 miles, before the wounded could be dressed, and in a moat horrid and boisterous night Eighty English were killed in the fisht, and 150 wounded, many oT whom died afterwards. The English left the ground in considerable haste, leaving eight of their dead in the fort Plulip, and such of his warriors as escaped unhurt, fled into a place of aafbty, until the enoray had retired ; when they reramed again to the fort *" ' Bnglish, no doubt, apprehended a pursuit, but PkUip, not knowing their .nmetf. situation, and, perhaps, judging of their loss from the few dead which (hey left behind, made no attempt to harass them in their retreat Before the fight was over, many of the wigwams were set on fire. Into these, hundrads of innocent women and children bad crowded them- selves, and perished in the general conflagration ! And, as a wiiter of that day expresses himself " no man knoweth how many." The English learned aflerwards, fbomsome that fell into their hands, that in all about 700perished.f Toe sufferings of the English, after the fight, are almost without a parallel in history. The horrore of Moscow will not longer be remem- bered. The myriads of modem Europe, assembled there, bear but small proportion to the number of their countrymen, compared with that of the army of New England and theirs, at the fi^ht in Narraganset Col. 'Chunk, then only a volunteer, was, in reality, the JVfapoIeon in this fight W^ will hear a few of his observations. *^By this time, the Eng- lish people in the fbrt had bc^n to set fire to the wigwams and houses, which Mr. Chmrch labored hara to prevent; they told nim they had uirdera Stam the seneralto bum theiti; he be^d them to forbear iraril he had discoursed the general." Then, hastening to him, he urged, that " The wigwams were musket-proof, being all uned with baskets and tubs of gnin, and other provisions, sufficient to suppiy tlie whole army until the spring of the year; and evcv wounded man might have a good warm house to lodge in ; which, otherwise, would nacessarily perish with the storms and cold. And, moreover, that the army had no other, provision to trust unto or depend upon; that he knew that Plymouth fbre^ had not •Probably JIfow/ji. .■ ■ \ ■■■ ,,;•.* t There is printed in Hutehiimm'* Hist Mast. L SOO. a letter which nvea the paftwur lain of the Narraganset firht. I have compared it with the ori^nal, aira find it correct ia the main particulars. He n.istakes in asertbinr it to Maj. aradfird, for it is sirned by James Oliver, one of the PUmoatb captains. HytchiiuoH copied flnom a copy, whieb was without signature. He omits a passace concerning' TV), or 7V#e, who, Otirtr savi, confirmed his narrative. ThsU man nad " mai-ried an Indian, a Wompanoac— he tno4 to times at us in the swamp— w«s taken at Providence, [by Captain Fetmtr,] Jan. 14tb>-> brought to us the 16tb— executed the I8th ; a sad wretch. He never heaid a sermon but ooee this 14 years ; he never heard of the name of Jetu* Chrut. His father coiag to neaV him, lost his head, and lies unburied." Hubbard says, (Narrative, 69. ) tint " he was condemned to die the death of a traitor, and traitors of those days were quartered. As to bis religion, he was found as ignorant as an heathen, which, no doubt , eaused the bwar tsars io M shed at his tuneral." A sonowfiil record ! rorteWe babiM- of pniiriaom^ "«; pnbabh in^ who would Mr turn. There ened ftom th„ •d themwhreg ■ '»• Wotwith- ny of the lives o«n out in hjg •areh 18 miles, ■nd boisteroas ounded, nrany ■" considerable nto a place of ain to the fort, knowing their ' the few dead their retreat. on fire. Into owded them- w a writer of The Enriish in att aoout •f without a "" oe renoeni- f^bot smaU ith that of the pofcon in this me, the Eng- >and houses 'y bad orders until be had I, that « The and tubs of *>7 nntil the good warm sh with the er provision "068 had not ^ tlw part^eu. "•d fl correct •r it is nigaed leppy, which 1 Jan. 14(1^ A aermon kut [hermMcto bal'^heWu irtered. A« BdUrarewM- CliAr. n.) Lve or Kmo philip. ■0 maeb aa one hiaeuh left" Tlie general was for acceding to Chirtlft proposition, but a captain and a doctor prevented it, as we have befora' obaerred; the former threateniiig to shoot tho general's hoiw undflt him, if be attempted to march in, and the latter said, Ckurek should blead to death like a dose, before he would dress his wounds, if he gave siich advice. Chink then proceeds: "And, burring up all the bouses aitd provisions in die fort, the army returned the same night in Uie storm and cold. And, I suppose, every one that is acquainted with the cireumMaiieee of that night's march, deeply laments the miseries tiiat attended them ; especially the wounded ana d^nr men. But it mercifully came to pass that Capt Andrtw Bdeher arrived at Mr. Smith*i, [in Namwanset,] that very night from Boston, with a vessel loaden with provisions m the army, who must otherwise have periahed for want."* Soon after this, Pt^ip, with manv of his followers, left that part of the country, and resided in difttrent places upon Connecticut River. Soma report that he took up his residence near Albanjr, and that be soBcitedthe Mohawks to aid bim against the En^isb, but without succeas. The story of the fom stratagem said to have been resorted to by PkS^ for this object, is, if it be true, the deepest stain upon his character. Ae* cordinff to one of the historiansf^ of the war, it waa reported at Bostotl, in the end of June or bennning of July, 1676, that " those Indians who ailt known by the name of Mauquaw<»8, (or MohaiK^ i. e. man-eateijs;) hat lately follen upon Philip, and killed 40 of his men. And if tbe vsii«De« between Phuip and the Mauqiiawogs came to pass, as is commonly ra^ ported and apprehended, there was a marvellous finger of God in it. Volt we hear that PhUip being this vrinter entertain dd in the Mohawkf^ ceantry^ made it his design to breed a quarrel between tbe English and theiti^ to effect which, divers of our returned captives do report, that he resolved to kill some scattering Mohawks, and then to say that the English had done it; but one of these, whom he thought to have killed, was only wounded, and got away to bis countrymen, giving therri to underatand that not the English, but PAsKp, had killed the men that Were murdered ; so that, instead of bringing tbe Mohawks upon the Eag^b, he hrouglit diem upon himself." .imHiB.'HiJji 4V.I J' " On hm ^B fltaiu what aeeidtMi aUend, ' . -m ! • « .n^hnH Cronrd every walk, abd darken to tbe end !" ' > i t oiut)H I^otoer qf Solitude.^. . .lit The author of the anonymous m the east ade of Hudson's River, to tbo north-east, killing divers, and bringing away some prisoners with great pride and triumph, * " Our wounded men, (in number about IfiO,) bein^ dressed, were sent into Rhode Island, as tbe best place for their accommodation ; where, arcordini^ljr, tbo.y were kindly received by the governor, and others, only some churlish Quakers were not free to cnterr lain them, until compelled by Ihf governor. Of so inhumane, peevish and untoward a many wiKka, that we will not enlarge upon them in tbia place. When aucceaa ao longer attended bim, in tbe weatem parte of Sfaapa- ohvaetta, iboae of bia alliea whom be had seduced into tbe war, upbraided ^aA accuaed him of bria^ng all their roiaf^onea upon them ; that they ha.^ no cauae of war a^inat tbe Eogliab, aiid had not engaged in k but Sm bia aolieitatiena; and many of the tribn acattered tbemaelvea in dif- ftreat duvctions. With dl that would follow bim, aa a last retreat, PkHip n^raad to Pokanoket The Pecomptuok or Desrfield Indians were amons tbe first who aban- doned bis oauae, and many of die other Nipmucu and Narraganants ■OQn folkiwad their ezwnpK On tbe Utb of July« he inmng»ifid to surpritM Taunton, but was repulsed.* Hia cemp wm now «t Meti^wiset. Tbe English came upon him here, wider Captain Chireh, who captured many orJIiis people, but be eaccped oyer Taunton River, aa. be bad done a year before, out in tbe oppoaito direction, and screened himself once more in tho woods of Poeaseet. *iie uaed many atrategems to cuioffCapt Church, and seems to h&ve w. jd and followed him fiom place to place, until tbe end of this month ■ * be waa eontinuelly loaing one componv of his mer after another. Son, - scouta ascertained tbat be, end many or bia men, were at a certain pla^x upon Taunton River, and, from appearances, wore about to repass it. His oamp was now at this place, and tbe chief of his wairiora with bim. Some aoldieia from Bridgewater fell upon them here, on Sunday, July 90, and killed ten warriors ; but Philip, having disguised himself, escaped^ Hw uncle, Mkon^fain, waa among ti^ct slain, and hif owa sister tak^n prisoner. Tbe late attempt by PhUip upon Taunton bad caused tbe people of Bridgewater to be more watchful, and some were continually oq the scou . Some time in tbe day, Saturday, 29 /ul]^, four men, as they were ran^in^- tbe woods, diseovered one Indian, and, rightly judging there were mere at hand, made all haste to inform the other inhabitants of Bridgewater of tbefar discovery. Cmi^^H fFUtit aiid .haqik Edtm were ^'pressed" to go "post* to tbe governor of PHmoutb, at Marehfleid, wbo"went to Plf» moutK' with them, the next day, [30 July,] to send Capt. €%tp;A with bin eompiny. And Capt Church came with Ui«m to Monponset on the sab* bath, end came ao further that day, he told them he would meet them tbe next day." Here ffittia and Edgon left bim, and arrived at home in the evening. Upon bearing of the arrival of Church in their neighborbooA, 31 noen "went out on Monday, suppooing to meet with Capt. Church; but they came upon the enemy and fought with them, and tpok 17 of them alive, and also much plunder. And tliey all returned, and not on* of them fell by the enemy ; and received no help from CAtwvA." Tbia account is given from an old manuscript, but ^ho iu author was is nM • A captive negro made his escape from Philip'* men,, and «fave notice of iheir ,i^i|^- lioa ; "whereupon tbe inhabitants stood upon (heir aniarJ, an^ souldiers were timoMsly sent in to them for their relief and defence." Preimevicy 'of Prayer, 8. ■ fTn Mid that he had newly cut off his bair, that be nicbt npt be 1w<;ie » W. jd onth ; or. Soi, . tain plaftv s it Hia vitb fcm. day, ^uly eM«pedvf ter takm •eople of hoBi'.ov , • mere at vatei of r logo ; to P», iritbhiu the weih- iMmthe sin tbe i>rfaoo4 Jhurch; : 17 of lotQiie Thie is nee Caar. IL] LITE or KDfo raiup. certain.' Cfturei** account diflbn oooaidetably flom it He mf, that «* on the evening of the aame day he and hia company marched iVom Pli-<< mouth, "they heard a amart firing at a diaianoe from diem, but it bein* "• near night, and the firing of abort continuance, they miaaed the place, enait went into Biidgewater town." ' On the 1 fkuguat, the intrepid tiuirth came upon Phflh'M head quai^'t tera, Icilied and took about 190 of hia people, PAifap hima' Ir veiy natfowl v < csicaping. Such was hia precipitation, that be left all hia wampum behind, : i and nia wife and aon fell into the handa of Ckurek. ■^ No aoooer had the atory of the deatruction o{ the Indiana began lo<>< attract attention, (which, however, waa not until a long time after the^ had ' been de8troyed,i much inquiry was made concerning the ftte of thni aon of the famous Metaeotnet; and it waa not until conaiderabk- tikne had elapsed, that it waa discovered that he viraa aold into alavery ! It ia gratiiiii! fyiag to learn what did become of him, although it muat cauM pam in every humane breaat ; not more for the lot of ,voung M^aeomet, than for the wretched depravity of the minda of those who adviaed and executed -> the decree of alavery upon him. i'^ Some of PhUip'g Indiana, who now aerved imder Chwreh, aaid to hitoj:^ " You have now made PkUip ready to die ; for you have made him aa' ^ poor and miserable as he used to 'make the English. You have now' killed or taken all hia rehitions — ^that they believed he would soon liav«)^' his head, and tha*^ thie hout had almost broken his heart." •'■^■ CKvreh^ relates this attack upon the flying chief aafollovni:->'* Next ' morning, [afier the skirmish in which wJUompotn was killed,] Capt Ckureh moved very early with his company, ;v.hich was increased by many of Bridgevvater that listed under him for that expedition, and, by their pitt- ing, ho soon c threw himself ofiT the stump, leaped down a bank on the side of the riverf ' and made his escape. Capt CmircA, as soon as possilde, got over the river, ^nd scattered in quest of Philip and his company, but the enemy scatlr.fed and fled eveiy way ; but he picked up a considerable many of their women and children, among which were PiM(tp*« wife and son of about nine years old." The remainder of the day waa spent in pursuing the flying Philip^ who^ with his Narraganseta, was still formidiMe: '^ley picked up many prisoners, firom wliom they learned the force of those of whom they were in pursuit At i light, Ckureh was under obligation to return to his men he had left, but c ommiasioned lAgh^ool, captalnj to lead a party on discovery. Lighlfoot returned in the morning with good sue* cess, having made an important discovery, and taken 13 pribo^ers. Ckttrck immediately set out to nilow up their advantage. He soon came where they had made fires, and shortly after overtook their women and ohiMreD, who " were foint and tired," and who informed them ''that PhUip, with a great number of ihe enemy, w^re a little l>3fore." It was almost sunset when they came near enough to ouserve them, and ** PkUip soon came tQ * It is published by Mr. Mitehel, in his Talu-<.b!e account of Brideewater, and lupposed to havfB Men written by Con\fori WilHa, named abqve, Sen 1 Col. Mw». Hist. Soc. vH, t Hut Pmijfs War, 38. ed. 4lo. •*•" '■'"''^' *>*" •>»■ '« ^'^'•>« unc or KINO pmup. PiooilB. I- m «i|»,«id M tobraaktef uid ehofpini^ wood, to make ilfw} and kgiMC MiiM Umjk tnadA." C%mm4, ooneennting his foUcwera, formed tiMm into • >«ii«lB, and wt dbwa MwitlMNtt any nuiae or fire." Their priaonan ahowed grmt aigabof feeiv but www aaaily put in eonfldenee bjr tba oon- eiliatonr conduct of Otwrek. Tiiua stood mattera in Ckmdifg eamp tbrougfa tba ni^ of th^ B AUguct, ie7& At dawn of dajr, b« toM Ua prtwneia tmtk.f U baiag now Ujbt aaoogb to mike the onaal, dkurvA aent finward two aoldlera to ieani PkUifa ^tion. PkU^ no lea wary, had, ac the nme time, apBt out two apiee lo aee if ttiy wera in putauit of him. The re- ■pac^ apieaof the two frmona eUeft fave the alarm tofSth eampa at tne aame tiaae; biti, unhappily Ibr PMfib, his antaooniM waa prepared for dM event, whihi be waa aet. ** All fled at the first tidinn f of the apiea,] left their kettlea boiling, and meat w ast i ng upon their wooden aMi^ iud ran kila a awamp with no other breakftat. than what Cant. CKsirdk aftanrarda treated tliero with." Ckmnh sent bis lieutenant, Mr. iMOe Hntkmdt on one aide of the awamp, while himaelf ran upon the other, eaoh with a email party, hoping, aa tiie ewamp waa small, to prevent the eacape of any. Expeetbg that when PA^j* should discover the English at the flvther extremity of the swamp, he wouU turn back in his own track, and ao caeape al the laune phwe he entered, CfturoA had, thM«.t the English would pursue him into the swamp, had fomied an auuNuh for them also, iHtt Win, in like manner, disappointed. He had, at the same time, sent forward a band of hia wairiora, who foil into (be handa of Chitnh and J B bis l a wrf . They, at fim^ attempted to fly, and then ofleiad reaialanee ; but Cfturdk ocdMred JKritmoat to tell them the impraeticabiKty of such a step. Heaecordiuly ealledtothem,aiid8akl, "Iffiktgf ibwf onerimtt«y wtn eU dtdd awn.** Thia threat, with the preaence of the Eugliah and Infflans^ ao amaced them, that thiej suffered ,**tlie EnsKsh to come and lake the guns out of their handa, when they were ooth charged and eo^ed." Having aaeured tiieae whh a guard, armed with the guns just takes from them, C$mnk prsaatis through the swamp in search of PtStip^ towavda theatad at whieh that obief Mii entered. Having waited until he kad no kopca of ansMring CaM. ClfW t t P*fly now moved on after the eompamr he bad aent forwata, aikdl thna the two partiea met The Enrilah had the advantage of the fliBi diaeovcfey, and, covered by treea, mane the firat fire. mHp alood Ub nound foratime, and mainwned a d ea u erete flcht ; but, a main body of hia tMurriora havi if been capitured, which, by thia tinke, he began to apprehend, as they AH not come to hia aid, be,thereflM«,fled back to the pomt wfalire he entered the swamp, and thua fell into a aeoond ambush. Here the Engiish were wonted, having one of thrir number sitdn, via. 7%oma« .^ica»4 of Plimouth; thoa eaeaped, ibr a Aw d^i^ ."^Ul^ and some of his beat captains, such «a • Hitt PWV* War, ». t One of Churehf* Imuu soldien, but of whom he makes no mention. % Aa imprevid^ Mlew, given lo iniosieation, and, from Chtmh't espressiob aboat h» being Killed, " not being so cnrefiil as he might have been " it leaves room to doubt wbMherlie were not at Ibis tine, under the effects of Kqaor. He bad been often fined, and onee whipped, for getting drunk, beatinr his wife and children, defiuniog the cha»> aeler of deceased magistrates, and otlier misdemeanors. re- I)ra.u-n by J. Ncilsan. Kng.by .VH-Ihicand. i-.ni place, una IM long time, h* for he WM al Siut to death earing the ■ of hi* eh>«^ flauurdaynaj «P9aiiiped,a •o M » WM )m ioimenM .Pfcfltpwa* i.Dg on but directiT up( ai^ibiMliat < upon bwn There « fceattng* other evei whieb w« have, new oiKjaediog flomeaodi cootuned EMGLA^ BeliewW BMtfM Apeooiit likWeli the war, Hewaa ehanee, < went DC • aofadi Indtan reitth tfk«r< SKAT OF ]IC3^(S FH11!■."]1I^ CMr.ni iini'OPiiiiio- 1\upatpiin mi TatotML Tbbwa Att8WiMtp*« Dumbin luul (IwmMd, anee the lit. 17& Ajr tlM MMitlotM df CkarA.* PMA^, hftving now bu*. few foUln,w«pJdl^:fM,,c|^TSn flmn pkec to place, uid UtUy to bk aocieM aBpi mm PoMlMMk, Tp* EojriWi, Ibr • loDC tintw, had endeavored t* kil lliait"*l oomM ■■• Had bim oirbiaj^iMri | lODj for 16 was always the flnt wlw ' Bmyria^ fiut to death one of his ineot ftNr ttfmi§ Mo ^Hu^umtoB. his farolhar, earing the same fiue, d«aerted'Miii.«iMl gB^ C«|IMb ClUireft M aeeoaBt of his «9hi«(V •itu■(y>l^and «CanJi^)fi4 ,)Nn.|B \iit,magt,,JBm^ «■ Sauirday raomiog, 19 Aug, Clp«4 «Mvift i» mv>mfa,mm%fmm im eocain|ied,and, befera ha ww diaaoveivdi bad so aa lo encompass it. except ■ sowUl phoe. QoLHitgt to rush intoibeswauiu and Ml upon Pi bo ioimediaiely did'~)N'< was dweoverad m h» PhOip was lb* fifit to Ir. Hav^Qc bui JiMt 'ISickitbsiirbaftd^ wbo but a p«rta<'biickitbaifi»b* Kd « tog on , directly upon ab Bngiiabioao and an Ii aiabiMi at the edge of tiba sw^mp^ the ibaa aidandC>aiitifai bki Mdit. Coflitac 4J W aafal iQWiy otb«r events, difiaient aeoounia being handed aawD.) bitt all i«f tbam whicb we have seen, tbotMh maniftalljr contiadiotoiTiii pa«M paitiwlira, have, nevertheless, some fteta of grapi impoitanoe. ^IV IbUawifgrbaiag exoaraioriy carious, we give tlijt aubstaiiQe irf* it, B aai d ea anntaiwiag aomeadditiondftcta,itaerv«atoahoWaBaoflbedillRfB»tn^faBi' Ilia contained in a atngle sheet, in fblio Ibtm, printed is, jUofifloo, 1677, aad yrmt UoenUl 4 Nov. of that year. Ita tWa^ w, - Tmt .WAftit, , m NRW ENGLAND viaiM,T bmpso. King Pflnip, tbat Beheaded, and most of bis Bloiidy Adbaranta aiib«n)tt4d;t»,MiV(gr«J^ Raat fled fitf up hito the CkMiqtray, wbicb baM> jdva* ibaloliWMMa Jm- c9Krageni«nt to pranara for thair $attlsinaflt>, Sabg aitVua pod pBlAvt Aoeount brought in by CMe6JMM«,Ma>twaf « veaaal nfrfvly wrkTMLlnvni aimkltlMii/' IiaaubatanoaiaaafoUinfa: PMi^b«d„»4ien ba b^an the war, 300 man, but whm ha waa Ullad, 10 oafy lacnauiadijaf itb^«aa. Ha waa a '•pestilent ringleodar." The swamp in wMcb bflifnwiltillad, mm "ao Vioae, that our men (iprit 19' tbe middle" in ,th|i .4aild« f JPy ebanee, the Indian cuide and tW M Pllmouth man, baiof n|iBl|iar„Aia f^ide aqiied ui Indian, and bida tba Pliaiouth roan abool, wthaae gon want not off, oUy flashed in the pan; v^tb that tba Iodia«;|ook«4 labwtt, aad waa going to ahoot, but the Pfirooutb man nravianiad biiOi awdifliot tfta«Mroir through the body, dead, vrith a braoa of baUatai aBd,»fV>mwb- iag^ tbe p^ee where be lay, upon aearcb, it i^mafad to ha Klng.PMip, 19 4Mir Qoaooall amazement and great joy. Tbm, aeasanaMa tpaay Mvaa aoan divided ; tfaear cut off bia bead and baad^and eonvayed tbaaft'to Bboda wand, and quartered bia body, and bung it WIod four traea. tQa» Indian laora of King PkOVt company they than IdUad^ and aqoia oClka feat they wounded. But the awaiiq> being ao tbick and lairy, they iw4o fheur eaeape." if * Chunk, 41. In the accooat of T€Uo$tm, Ckttr^U awrative is eostiuMJ. :„^* « tBrotlwrorilUeniMii. .u tCapt. Roftr GatiUfn, of R. I. Plimouth granted Um 100 tens of-laad on J^tc ~'it, in 1676, for hit eminent Mmecf. PUw^ Renrd$. ^, , ituW .Vo' ' ».-|'MfHliii^ii\, UFB OF UNO PmUP. " Ookl, with the bMM he slew, ho slwiw } O'w nim no iUial tpiril w«epi ) [Bwui • •«•••• Even that Ne fived. is for Ua eonqaeror'i tangat { Bjr foM ikiM hb dealh-fonr muii b« Mag} !. n^g:«(. ■^ be the same which ' Mdtrman used in sLooting Philip. This Mderman was a subject of fFu- Utmoo. In the commencement of this war, he went to the governor of nimouth, acd decnred to remain in puace with the En^isb, and immedi- itely took up hiii reridence upon an island, remote from the triboi en- • A|Bd in the war. Btit after Philip had returned to his own country, Munniim, upon some occasion, visiteti him. It was at this time that he ■iMrned the thte of his brother before spoken of; or his murder was ac- todljf'eommitted while he was present This caused his flight to the Ebgnh, which he thought, probably, the last resort for vengeance. He ' *eame down flrom thence^ says Chunk, (wliere Philip'B camp now 'vAs,) on to Sand Point ov«r against 7Vt/M, ana holtow^d, and made sigitt to be ftloh'd orer" to the islsM. He wa« iitomedilateljr brought ov^r, and' gave the infimnation desired. Capt Oiurth had but just arrived upon Rhode Iriand, and wis about eight miles from the upper end, where ^Idernum landed. He had been at home but a few minutes, when **thay spy'd two horsemen' ootnhig a great pace,'* and, as he prophesied, ** the^ came vi^th ' tydings." Major iSScttpbn/ and Capt QoltUnr were the horsemen, *< who hnniMUately ask'd Capt Churt^ wudheisowdgive to hear some newa qf Phitip. He reply'd, That imu what he wanted.'^ The expedition was at ikibe eatttred upon, artd Mdenhan vrettt as their pilot But to returti to thefUlofPJUhj*;— '' "By this time," continues Church, "the eneiriy perceived they were fvayhttd on the east side of the swamp, tacked short about," and were led out of tboir dangerous 8)tuati6n by the great captain Anmiwon. "The man that had sbot down PkUip ran with all speed t6 Capt. Ckureh, and informed him of his exploit, who commanded him to, be alent about it, and let no man more know it until they had drove the swamp clean ; but when they had drove the swamp through, and found the enemy had es- lk sameprit was all tl Durinj with thei thei ' ene Indians andanin when th mterpos the exp lence ol prayer, they[tl prayed Phtisp'' twenty or&p. n.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. ™« present. ■^ 'WIS dew- [ne thereibm gun was \pook, late ^ ^k and Imr- le of Co*tt nous 2 a lock ■•me wbieh fleet oflTee- fovemor of md inunedi- B trihea en- '^ eouotiy, ime that lie •e*" was ac- ■ight to the :eance. He ■i«08 to be *!•, and gare ipon Rhode e '^Uerman y spy'd two came with men, « who »« news qf ion was at returti to »hey were a Were led w. "The wre^aod It about h, lean ; but yhad 6s- ' the dew 1^ met to- en Capu '0 jivet no ♦Jar. I65I. nl66S-i, wljrmhi. dtirrA gave them the news of PUlip'a death. Upon which the whoh urmy* gHve three loud huzzai>. Capt. Church ordered his body to he {Milled (Hit of the mire on to the uplnnd. So some of Cnpu Chweh*t In- dians took hold of him h\ his storkings, and some by his small breeches, twiiig otherwise naked, and drew him thruush the mud unto the upland ; iUMi a doleful, great, naked -dirty beast, he looked like." (Now rollows onK of the nuist barbarous passages in the life of the excellent C rek. As the word ezce//en/ may surprise some of my readers, I will ad .noM far OM it ia po$aAUfor a tearrior to bt «o.) Capt. Church then said, "■For- asmuch as he has caused many an Enrluhman^s hod^ to lie unlniried and rot above pround, not one of his bones mall be buried I* Willi the ^at chief, (ell five of his most trusty followers, one of whom was his chief captain's son,f and the very Indian who fired the first gun at the commencement of the war. ** PhUip having one very remarkable hand, being much scarred, occa- sioned by the splitting of a pistol in it formerlv, Capt. Church gave the liead niiii that hand to JUdtrnuau, the Indian who shot him, to show to stirh gentSeiiien as would liestow gratuities upon bun ; and accMwo Indians constituted his army a we«k before, but we know not how many were at the taking of Philip, though we may suppose about the same number. Hence this e?;pediUon cost the colony £S. t Verr probably a son of Vmcompoin, or Woomuhum. t Pktkffi War. 9 In Ins " Prevalency of Prayer," page 10. i _ UFE OF lUNQ PHuar. [Boos m. one day." Again, in spealiing of a chief wtio had sneered at the Eng- lish religion, and who had, " witlial, hdded a most hideous blasphemy, immediately upon which a bullet took him in the head, and dashed out his brains, aeuciing his cursed soul in a niument amongst the devils, and blanthemers in hell forever."* These extracts are made with no other view than to show the habits of thinking in those times. The low and vulgar epithetsf sneeringly cast upon the Indians by their Enffliali coutem|>orarie8 are not to be attributed to a single individual, but to the English in general4 It is too obvious that the early historians viewed the Indians as inferior beings, and some went so ^ as hardly to allow them to be human. Like Masaaaoit, Philip always oppoeed the introduction of Christianity among his people. When Mr. Eliot urged upon him its great importance, he said he cared no more for the sospel than lie did for a button upon his eoat.§ This does not very well agree with the account of Mr. Gooiin, respecting Philip's feelings upon religions matters ; at least, it shows that there was a time when he was willing to listen to such men as the excel- lent and benevolent Gookin. In speaking of the Wampanoags, he says, " There are some that have hopes of their greatest a^l chiefest sachem, named Philip, livins at Pawkunnawkutt. Some of his chief men, as I hear, stand well inclined to hear the sospel : and himself is a person of good understanding and knowledge m Uie best things. I have heard nim speak very gmxi words, arguing that his conscience is convicted : but yet, though his will is bowed to embrace Jesiui Christ, his sensual and carnal lusts are strons bands to hold him fast under SfdatCa dominions."!! And Dr. Mather adds, " It was not long, before the hand which now writes, [1700,1 upon a certain occasion took otf the jaw from the exposed aftuU of that blasphemous leviathan; and tlie renowned Samuel Lee hath since been a pastor to an English congregation, sounding and showing the praises of heaven, upon tlut veiy spot of ground, yrhere Philip and his Indiaiw were lately worshipping of the deviL"^ The error that Phuip was grancbon to Maaaasoil, is so well knovm to be such, that it would hardly seem to have requu^ notice, but to inform the reader of its (Hrigin. The following paanRe from Mr. Jtaaelytia work** wiU, besides proving him to be the author of the error, at least the first writer that so denominates ^m, fiimish some valuaUe information. Speaking of the ladians in general, he says, "Their beads are their money; of these, there an two sorts, blue licads and white beads; the first is dieir gold, the last their silver. These they work out of certain ■hells, so cunning|ly, that neither /ei* nor Devil can counierfeitft They drill them and string them, and make many curious works with them, to -^ • Prevalcncy of J*r«yer, p^|B 7. t Such as iogt, wMvet, blood-hound*, demtnu, detnls-imamate, caitiffs, htU-hmtndt, fatd», monsttn, bia$t*, &c. Occatiouitl quotations will show what authors have used these. ' ^ The author of " Inditm TUet" has fatherai all he could think of upon Mr. Hubbard. He may be called upon to point out the passa^ in tliat voluable autnor's works where he has called one or any of the Indians " htU-natmds.'' Such loose, gratuitous expres- sions will not do at the bar of history, ' Mafnalia. I Col. Mom. HiH. f)oc. i. MO. Mr. Ltt was taken by the French in a voyage to England, and carried into their country, wliere he died, in 1691. This event, it was ihou|^t, hastened his end. Per- haps the sur^-iving natives did not attribute the disaster to his usurping their territory, and teaching a religion they could not believe ) but might they not with equal propriety ? ** Account of two Voyages to New Eaglaad, 14S, 143. tt Of this he was misinformed. There was much spurious wampum, which I snbject of legislation. See Hatturd's Hi$f. CcL vol. ii. Cbaf.IL] adorn the p< women, as w necklaces, ar came for En set thick wit the same ; hi chant giveth near upon, I is prince Ph In Novetn of land calh liam,l not yt we do not k qur sta them money, and by Peter, th of King Ph and twelve lead as to n receive of* While M ofPMv." with bitten appears in west side called Sqm •on says," the canoe, that were < meant to k resigned U two rpoon of pe«8, ' Then I vr and asked days, amo >' Dunn for his bo ward he i dinner; 1 it was mi thought ] It IS e: ity of m testimou the read humanil "^S (in whi "havini who wi • Ace IVar, fo fMS. [Boob m. lat the Eag. I bJaapbenoy, IdfiBbed out 1 deviJs, and the habiia Cbap. n.] LIFE OP KING PHILIP. 'hristianity importance^ 'Uton upon Jr. CboWn, shows that ' the exce]- P, he says, Jst sachem, ' men, as I person of lave heard convicted : lensual and •minions.''^ I'hich now le exposed fi Lee hath d showing Philip and knovm to i to inform »** work** It the first formation. are their eads; the of certain tt They thein, to >ell-houndt, have usea Hubbard. »kt where us expres- into their nd. Per- terrilory, ropriety T >«caiiiea adorn the peraons of their sagamores and principal men, and young women, as belts, girdles, tablets, borders for their women's hair, bracelets, necklaces, and liiikf< to bang iu their ears. Prince PhUip, a litde before I came for England, [1671,] coining to Boston, bad a coat on and buskins set thick with these beads, in pleasant wild works, and a broad belt of the same ; his accoutrements were valued at £20. The English mer- chant giveth them 10«. a fathom for their white, and as much more, or near upon, for tlioir blue beads." " The roytelet now of the Pocanaketti is prince PhUip, olios Metacon, the grandson of MaaBoaoU."'^ In November, 1669, Philip sold to the selectmen of Dedbam, the tract of land called fFooUommonumiogue " within the town bounds, [of Ded- bam.] not yet purchased." What the full consideration paid to him was, we do not learn. In an order which he sent to them anerwardH, he re- qii< sts them "to pay to this bearer, for the use of King Philip, £5 5*. money, and £5 iti trucking cloth, at money price." In a receipt signed by Peter, the following amount is named : " In reference to the payment of King Philip of Mount Hope, the full and just sum of £5 5s. in money, and twelve yards of trucking cloth, three peunds of powder, and as much lead as to make it u» ; which is iu full satisfaction with £10 that he is to receive ofMtthaniet Pone."f While Mrs. Rotclandson was a captive in the wilderness with the allies o( Philip, she mentions meeting with him ; and although she 8|)eaks oAen with bitterness of the Indians in general,yetof him nothing of that nature appears in her journal. The party she was with visited Philm on the west side of the Connecticut, about five miles above Nortlineld, then called Squaktag. Having arrived at the point of crossing, Mrs. Rowkmd- aon says, " We must go over the%iver to Philip's crew. When I was in the canoe, I could not but be amazed at the numerous crew of pagans that were on the bank on the other side." She was much afraid they meant to kill her here, but, being assured to the contrary, become more resigned to her fate. " Then came one of them, (she says,) aitd gave me two rpoonfuls of pieal (to comfort me,) and another gave me half a pint of peas, which was worth more than many bushels at another time. Then I went to see King Philip ; he bade me come in and sit down ; and asked me whether I would smoke it ; (a usual compliment now a days, among the saints and sinners Obut this no ways suited me."t " During my abode in this place, Philip spake to me to make a shut for his boy, which I did ; for which he gave me a shilling." " After- ward he asked me to make a cap for his boy, for which he invited me to dinner ; I went, and he gave me a pancake, about as big as two fingers ; it was made of parched wheat, beaten and fried in bears' grease ; but I thought I never tasted pleasanter meat in my lifo."§ It IS extremely gratifying to hear any testimony m fuvor of the human- ity of men so near a state of nature. We speak Wt of this because such testimonies are few, for they are many, as it is unnecesaary to apprize the reader of even a few pages in this book. To say the lenst of Philip's humanity; it was as great towards captives, so far as we hove any knowl- edge, as was that of any of the English to the captive Indians. As the Indians were returning from their recesses upon the Connecticut, (in what is now New Hampshire and Vermont,) towards Wuchuset, "having indeed my life, (says Mrs. Rotclandaon,) but little spirit, Philip, who was in the company, came up, and took me by the hand, and saioi, * Account of two Voyages to Now Eneland, 146. Ho is also called grandson of Mauatoit, in the work entitled PrtsetU State o/Neto England j in rtspect to the. Indian War, fol. London, 1676 ; the author of that work doubtless copied from JoMdyn. f MS. Docinnenis among our slate papers. i Ifarrative afhtr Captivity, 3a, 39. { Ibid. 40. ' * liF ■■^^■■T^*' LIVES OP PHILIP'S CHlEy CAPTAINS. [BooE ni < 7W weeks mare and woti shall be mistress again.* I asked him if he ■poke true: he said, ^Yes, and qmdUy you shall come to yvwr maiUi* again,* wh6 hud Iwen gone from ue three weeks."! In bringing our account of this truly great man towards a chiae, we must not forget to present the reader with a specimen of the language in which he spoke. The following is the Lord's prayer in Wampanoag: — ^oo-skun kes-uk-qiU, qut-tian-at-am-mwh koo-we-su-imk, iui-cel-as-Mo- tamroonk pef/-ait-moo-utai, kut-te-nan4am-oo-onk ne not, tie-yo-iie kesukrqut kah oh-ke-it. ^Is-sa-ma'i-in-ne-an ko-ko-he-suk-o^-e niU-aa-t-mik-itk4u pe-tuk-qun-neg. Kdh ah-quo-an-tain-ti-uin-ne-€m num-makk-^se-mtg-anr on-ash, ne-unUch-e ne-nU'Wun umtUt nui-nk-quo-em-tam-au-O'un-mm'-ag nM- noh pasuk noo-na-mon-tuk-quoh-ulMtumj Icah ahque sag4»in-pargiH-neHm en mttek-e-hel-tti-ong-fi-nU, qui poh-qua-wus^i$i-ne'aH toutdk «iofd&»-ttil4 since we are u|ion curiosities, the following may very properly be added. There la to be seen in the library of the Mass. Hist. Soeie^ a large skimtner, which some have mistaken for a bowl, cut out of the root of ash, that will hold about two quarts. On this article is this historical inscription, in gilt letters: "./) trophy from Ute wigwam qf JCmr Philip; uAen he was dain in 1676, by Richara; p^weniedtylSbenezer Richard, Am grandson.**^ CHAPTER III. LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAINS. cbap. m. IP^ flK>' i 'i.8i!,>:" ■■■ ■ J- ;■ -^ ■ .' ■!;■ ' : 1^^^,1—hi f.f ii« ■"■-'>■ ii.niiw ni «lMiai ■,tiidyoD*M IT." UPmUtt Nanontenoo — Reasons fir his aiding PhSUp—ISs former name— Metis ,the English and MianM under Ce^. Peirse — Fif^ emd destroys kis " Qniunatu^. Sec his lifb. f Nar. of Mrs. RMelandtOH, 63. t Eliot's Indian Bible, Luke xi. 2—4. tNo ineiitioii i« made to whom, or when it was presented. It does not appear to us ! of such -antiquity as its inscription prelei)ds ; and the (ruth of which raajr very {Book nf bim if he ■MHler* ckMe^ire tiafeio bpuMMg:. p-«e(-«*.«o Bociety ichaid, fS. »», 63. lar to us cbap. m.] NANUNTENOO. 41 tikoU CM^ony at Pawtudcd—hteidenU nkitbir to Oiat/ght—MHee ^ Capt. Peine — JVonufUenoo turprited and fawn — Ui» magntmimihf — Saieck to hii captora—h executed and hit body bum^^Caaaauinnamon — Catt^aut — Monopoide — Annawon — HU eacape J\rom tke aunmp vkm PhiUp wu kiUed—Capt. Church aent out to cftpturt him — Diaemtra hia rttreat — Ihkea him prisoner — fSa magnanimoua 6eAorior — Hia V^^ck to Church — Preaenta him with Philip*a omamenta — DeaerijMon qfthtm — Church takea ^mtwon to PlimouUi, where he ia put ttfdealh — Qoihna- FiN — Hia connectiona and marriage — M the capture of Laneaater — Jk- count t^ hia wivea — ffeetamoo — He ia taken and anoit — Tvnrx^vut— ISa aaUa qflanda — Hia operationa in PhUip'a War — Swmnilitn kimatU', and ia put to death — Rfftediona upon kia exeetiiionera — ^Tatobor — Eartji nidieea nf—Caa^wrea a garriaon in Plimouth — THial and execution oj Keweenam — Totoaon diea of a brdten heart — ^Barrow erueUjf murdered — ^Ttabks. Abmititenoo, ron of Mianiutmomok, ** was chief aachem of all tb« Nar- raganseiB, and heir of all his father's pride and inaolency, as well as of bis inalice against the English."* Notwithstanding this branding character, drawn by a contemporary, we need only look into the life of Afumftmno- MoA, to find excuse for " malice and insolency" tenfold more than was contained in the breast of Mmuntenoo. The Engliuh bad cut to pieces the women and children of bis tribe, burned tbeni to death in their wigwams, and left their mangled bodies bleaching in the wintry blast! The swamp fight of the 19 Dec. 1675, could not be forgotten ! JVanuntenoo escaped from this scene, but we cannot doubt that he acquitted himself agreeably to the character we have of him. The first name by which he was known to tLe English was CanonduL He had been in Boston the October before the war, upon a treaty, at which time he received, among other presents, a silver-taced coat Dr. Mather says, speaking of the Narragansets^ ** their great sachem called QuononcAef, was a principal ringleader in the Narraganset war, and ha4 as great an interest and influence, as can be said of any amon^ the In- dians ;"! and that, " when he was taken and dain, it was an amazmg stroke to the enemy.*^ The name of CVmoncAet stands first to the treanr, to which we have just alluded, which was entered into at Boston, 18 Oct 1675. By that treaty, the Narragansets agreed to deliYer to the English in 10 davs, "all and euery one of the said Indians, whether belonging vnto Phuip, the Pocasset Bqva, or the Saconett Indians, Quabaug, Hadley, or any other ■aobems or people that liaue bin or are in hostillitie with the English, or any of their allies or abettors."$ The names to the treaty are as toliows : " Qcaranchbtt'b \/ mark, Witnesses. aaehem in hekalfofhimae^fand Conanacus and the Qld RiCHARn Smitb, Queen am Pomham and Qtiaunnpeen, "(seal) Jamks Browrc, Manatannoo counceUer hia -j^ Sahusl OokTON, Jr. mort, atufCannonacustiiftw6eAa(^ (^*[)'. AUerpretera. AhanmanpOwett's -j- mat% JoHM Nowhenbtt's X ««»*» couuceller and hia (seal) Indian interpreter. Cornman, ckeiffe counceUer to Ninnegrett, in hia ht halfe, and a aeal (S.f raasombly bo qu«ttioiied, in lbi« pp.rtic«lar, when (be more giating eiror oi the name of the person laid (o have killed Philip, w «tarin|f us in the face. • HMard, 67.— Mr. OldmLton eaUa him " the mighty sochem of NarracaiMct."— BrU. Ewfiire. \BritfHiM,96. % It may be seen al large in tiaxi 4* { Fremleney o/Proftr, 11. itard'i'Gialleetumt, i. 636. 537. f^^'l ^t^:^* .•* 49 XANUNTENOO. [Book III. Tho IiitliaTm )in\-iii;; cariiwl their wliirlwind of wnr to the very doors of Prunoiilli, cmiHt>it tho xeiuliri;^ out of Capt. Peine, (or, as liis name is uniformly in the n^cords, Peirse,) lo ({ivert them from these ravages, and destroy os many of thctn «s he was uhle. Ho iiad a large company, con* sisttiig of 70 men, 20 of whom were friendly Indians. With these) no doubt. Peine thought himself sate against any power of the Indiana in that region. Meonwhile this most valiant chief captain of the Narragansets, ASiiiun* (eiioa, learning, we presume, by his H|iies, tho direction the English were taking, assembled his wurriora at n crossing plac^ on Pawtucket River, at a point adjacent to n place since calh^d JllUeoorough'Qore, and not far dis- tant from Pawtucket falls. It is judged that Jvonunlenoo was upon an expedition to attack Pliinouti^, or some of the adjacent towns, for his force was estimated at upwards ofliOO men. On arriving nt this fatal place, some of ^anurUenoo*i men showed themselves retiring, on the opposite side of the river. This stratagem snoceeded, — Peine followed.'* No sooner was he upon the western side, than the warriors of .VanuN/enoo, like an avalanche from a mountain, riishett down upon him; nor striving for coverts from which to fight, more than their ibes, fought them face to face with the most determined bravery. A part of JV'aHunUnoo'B ibrce remained on the east side of the river, to prevent the retreat of the English, which they most effectually did, as in tiMS event wilt appear. When Capt Peirte saw himself hemmed in by ■umbera on everj' side, he drew up his men upon tho margin of the river, in two ranks, back to bock,! and in tliis manner fought until nearly all his men were slain. Peirte had timely sent a messenger to Providence Ibr assistance, and although the distance could not have been more than six or eiriit miles, from some inexplicable cause, no succor arrived ; and M r. Huhbanil adds, ** As Solomon saith, a faithful messenger is as snow in harvest." This dreadful fight was on Sunday, 36 March, 1676, wl/in, as Dr. Mather says, " Capt. Peirse was slain and forty and nine English with hind, mA eight, (or more,) Indians, who did assist the English." The Rev. Mr. .^^hmui of Reholwth wrote a letter to Ptimouth dated the day after the slau^ter, in which he says, "52 of our English, and 11 Indians," were 8lain.§ The company was, no doubt, increased by some who vol- unteered as they marched through the country, or b> 'uch as were taken fbr pik>t8. JvonunfefUNi'* victory was complete, but, as usual on such occasions, the English consoled themselves by making the loss of the Indians appear as large as possible. Dr. Mather says, that some Indians that were after- wards twen confessed they lost 140, which, no doubt, is not far from thetruUi.|| An Englishman, and perhaps the only one who escaped from this dis- astrous fight, was saved by one of the friendly Indians in this manner: The firieudl^ Indian being taken for a Narragansets as he was punning with an uplifted tomahawk the English soldier, no one interfeivd, seeing him pursue a«t unarmed English.nan at such great advantage. In thu aMmnek^ covering themselves in the woods, tlioy escaped. A friendly Indian, being pursued by one of JVhnunenoo's men, got behind the root of a fkUen tree. Thus screened by the earth raised uth>b * Dr. Muther (Brief Hist. ^.) gays, " a small number of the enemy who ir desperate mbllety rM away from them. «nd they went limping to make the English believe they wen lame," and thus etTeeted their object. t DtwMft Hist. Scituate, Itl. % Narrative, 64. i See the ietlei giving the names of the company in Dtam'* Scituate, 122, 123. I Mr. Hubhard't aecouat is the tame. •he root*, tl fi»it,kno'»» thought of done this, feet ssfety. Another hind a lari sawnothin he mast •« the follow gradi^ally ; It had the I'uphed up Thus, as eounigesi most exec those wh< another p shy in mi they nev« Anotit Prfrse, of knew fea like bis { goveminj encroacVj of the CO Mr.I>ea^ femily,fi anddauj sessedo the Indi The • ceases a whole I .Vow early it ground otnect it»,tli the fig few of JWt aequo quirei Fo the t capu consi and ~M Peir Nieh p'sei , OOttI # lOoou III. yeiy doora P'ls name 19 »viiges,and Wwny, con- Jn these) no Indians io Pts, Aanim- Jigliah were let River, at |not far dig- . upon an or hw force in ahowed stratagem «em side, ■in, riisliefi more than )raverj'. >e river, to ^ did, as in med in by pn of the ntil nearly 'rovidencu "ore than I ; and Mr. I snow in ^n,«8 Dr. with hiiA, rhe Rev. day after Indians," who vol> ere tak«n »ionp, the Ppear as re afler- ar from this di». naoner: ursuiia^ ) seeing In thu en, got d v^u operate vethey 've, 64. I. CttA». I1I.1 NANUNTENOO. •he root*, the iMdian that panued waited for him to ran iimn his natanl fhrt, knowing he wouM not dare to maintain it long. The other soon thiught of an expedient, which was to make a port-bole in his breast woi.V, which he easily did by digging through tlMi dirt. When he had done this, he put his gun throu^, and shot bis punuer, then fled in per- fect safety. Another escaped in a manner very similar. In his flight be got be- hind a ?arge focic. This afforded him a good shelter, but io the end be saw nothing but certain death, and the lon^r he held out the more misery he most sufien In this deplorable situation, he bethought himself to try the following device. PutUng his cap upon his gun, he raised it very gradually .>bove the rock, as though to discover the position of bis enemy: It had ibe desired effect — ^he fired upon it. The one behind the rock now I'tnihed upon him, before he couM reload his ^n, and despatched him. Thus, as Mr. Huhbard says, <* it is worth the notmg, what fwtbfblness and courage some of the Christian Indians shewed in this fl^t" That tbhi most excellent author did not approve uf the severi^ exercised towards those who appeared fKendly, is abundantly proved by bis writings. In another place hu says, ** Possibly if some of the EMlidi had not been too shy in making use of such of them as were well affected to their interest, they never need have suffered so much from their enemies." A notice may be reasonably expected of the unfortunate Capt WiUian Peine, of Scituatc. He was one of those adventurous spirits ** who never knew fear," and who sought rather than shrunk from dangers. He was, like his great antagonist, in the Narraganset fight ; and in 1673, when the government of Plimouth raised a force to go against the Dutch, who had encroached upon them in ConnecUcut, he was appointed ensign in one of the companies. He resided in several places befbre going to Plimouth. Mr. Deane, in his Hiatory o/Seittutie, gives a genealogical account of his fiunilv, from which we learn that he bad a second wife, and several sons and daughters. Of what fiimily he was, there is n* mention.* He pos- sessed considerable estate, and m&de his will on engaging in the war with the Indians. The '*8ore defeat" of Capt. Peirae, and the tide of the Indians' suc- cesses about this time, caused the United Colonies to send out almost then: whole strength. .Vanunienoo came down firom the country upon Connecticut River, early in March, for the purposb of collecting seed com to plant such ground as the English had been driven from, and to effect any other olqect he might meet with. Vliether he had effected the first-named object before falling in with Peine, we are not able to state ; but certain it IB, that he was but few days aAer encamped very near the ground where the fight had been, and was there fallen upon at unawares, when but a few of his men were present, and there taken prisoner. JVanmilenoo was nearly as much dreaded as Philip himself, and con- sequently his capture caused great rejoicing among his enemies, and re quires to be particularly related. Four volunteer companies from Connecticut began their march into the enemy's country the next day ailer Pawtucket fight. Among the captains of these companies, George Deniaon of Southerton was the most conspicuous. The others were commanded by Jamet Jhery, John Staunton, and Major Palm$, who also had the chief command. With tiiese were * In the Rtcordt of Plimouth, under date March, 1669, tliera is ibis entry : — " Michtl Peine ol'Sfitiuate" was presented at the court for vnseemly carriages towards rtrak Niekolt of Sciltuate," and " fbrasmiich as there appeared but one testimony to the p'sentmenl, and that the testimony was written and not read vnto the deponani, the ' eourt saw cause to remit the said p'sentmenl." m NANUNTENOO. [Book m. CmkT. IlL] Ihrm coinptiues of Indians; one led by OmAo, compowd of Mohegani; MM of Puqiioifl, hy Castatinnamon ; and the other of Niaoticlu, by Caky^ mtf'mtUuiyauim. When this formidable army caine naar to JVanuNleNoo'« cunp, on the fint WAek in April, 1676| " thsy met with a stout Indian of the enemie's, whom they prescmtly nWw, unu two old squaws," who informed them of the situation of A'bnurUi ny. At the 8aR:e time, their own scouts brought the same intelligence. The news of the enemy's approauh reached the chief jit the moment, says Mr. Hubbard, "that be was divertizing himself with the recital of Cnpu Pierce't slaughter." But seven of his men were about him at the moment ; the rest were probably in the neighborhood attending to their ordinary affiiirs. And although he had stationed two sentinels upon an aiijacent hill, to give him timely notice if any appeared, their surprise was so gniat, at the sudden approach of the English, that, in their fVight, they ran by their sachem's wigwam, **a8 if they wanted time to tell what they saw." Seeing this, the sachem sent a third, to learn the cause of the fl^ht of the first, but he fled in the same manner ; and lastly he sent two more, one of which, " either endue 1 with more courage, or a better sense of his duty, infonaed him in great liasle that all Uie English army was upon him : whereupon, having no time to consult, and but little to atteiiipt an escape, and no means to defend himselfj he began"* to fly with all speed. Running with great swiflaeas around the hill, to get out of sight upon the opposite side,, he was distinguished by his wary pursuers, and they immediately ibllowed him with that eagerness theur important object was calculated to inspire. The pursuers of the flving chief were Catapaxet and his Nianticks, "and a few of the English lightest of fboL" Seeing these were gaining upon him, he f:f8t cast oif Eis blanket, then his nlver-laced coat, and lastly his belt of peag. On seeing tliese, a doubt no longer remained of its being JVaititti/moo, which urged them, if posuble, faster in the chase. There was in the company of Cotepozef, one Monopoide, a Pequot, who outran all his companions, and who, fining upon Jmnuntenao, aa he fled upon the side .of tne river, obliged bun to attempt to cross it sooner than he intended. Nevertheless, but for an accident in his passage, he would doubtless have etBacted his escape. As he was wading through the river, his foot slipped upon a ntone, which brought his giin under water. Thus losing some time m re^ ^vering himself, and also the use of his gun, prob- ably made him despair of escaping; for Monopoide came up and seized ;Upon him, ** within SO rods of the river side." i, JAmuntenoo, having made up his mind to surrender, made no resistance, although he was a man of great physical sffength, of superior stature, and acknowledged bravery ; and the one who seized upon nini very ordins r in that respect One of the firet Englishmen that came up w»n Robe,* i^aunton, a young man, who presumed to ask the captured chief soom) 3uestions. He appeared at first to regard the young man with silent in- ignity, but at length, casting a disdainful look upon his youthful fiic;, "this manly sachem" said, in broken English, "YOU MUCH CHILD! NO UNDERSTAND MATTERS OF WAR! LET YOUR BROTH- ER OR CHIEF COME, HIM I WILL ANSWER." And, adds Mr. UMardy he " was as good as his word : acting herein, as if, by a PyOvtg- ereon metempsychosis, some old Roman ghost had possessed the body -■ ■ ■ ' ■ ■ *Tbu elegant pasuge of _Mt. Hubbard brings to our mind that inimitable one of CUmigero, in his aceouBt of tlie woftil days of the Mexicans : " They hf d nmther arms to rapel the multitude and fury of their enemies, stren^h to defend Ihemselver, nor tpaee to fight upon } the ground of the city was covered with dead bodies, and the water M every ditch and canal purpled with blood." Hi$l. MexieOfiui. 73. [Book m. Mohegani* • by Catofi^ >P»oo the le enemie'i^ r»d them of luts brought ■reached the pig hitnaelf P»nen wen Whborhood itioned two •^•ppeared, •g'wb, that, •ey wanted ■itolearo uerjand ro. courage, Mt ail the onsnit, and le began*'* tbe hill, to y hia wary mew their Nianticka, •re gaining coat, and maiued of tfie chase, quot, who as he fled •ouer than b« would the river, ir. Thiw "n, prob- n npmik with hiir. *:« would nnowur, but none prooetit beins Buch, lie thought himflnirobKgc(i,in honor, to hohl hiH tongue;" and that hn said he woniti ntiwr die than remain a priiioner, and mqueated that Ontko might |Hit him to donth, as he wan of equal rank; "Yet withall threaten- ed, hu had SM)00 men, [who] would revenge his death •^verely. Where- fore our (c)rR«>a, fearing an esi-ape^put the utouf ^ the sword, but fre»'WOrf. [Book in. '%r m- naij than thi« : ** I am never afhiid of goinp any w'lera when vou are with me." The Indian who brought in hia fdther informed Captain €%iireh, that it was impoMible for him to take hia horae with him, which he had brought thus far. He therefore lent him and his father, with the iuwM, back to Lieutenant HouUmd, and ordered them to tell him to take his prisoners immediately to Tounton, and then to come out the next morning in the Rchoboth road, Mihere, if alive, he hoped to meet him. Things being thus settled, all were ready for the journey. Captain Church turned to the old man, whom he took with the young woman, and asked him whether ho would be their pilot. He said, ** You having given me my life, I am under oblioations to serve prou." Tiiey now mMrched for Squannaconk. In leading the way, this olu man would travel so much faster than the rest, as sometimes to be nearly out of sight, and consequently mi^ht have escaped without fear of beiuf recaptured, but ho was true to his word, aud would stop until his weaned followers eomo up. Having travelled through swamps and thickets until the sun was setting, the pilot ordered a stop. The captain asked him if he bad made ai|y discovery. He mid, ** About that hour of the day, Annawon usually sent nut Ills scouts to see if the coast was clear, and as soon as it began to grow dark the scouta returned, and then we may move securely. ' When it was sufHciently dark, and they were about to proceed. Captain Church asked the olil man if he would take a gun and fight for him. He bowed very low, and said, " I pray you not to impose such a thing upon me as to nght offaiiist Captain Atmawon, mv old fiiend, but I will go along with you, and be helpful to you, and will lay hands on any man that shafl offer to hurt you." They bad proceeded but a short space, when they heard a noise, which they concluded to be the pounding of a mortar. This warned them that they were in the vicini^ of ^nmwm'a retreat. And here it will be very proper to give a description of it. It is situated in the south-easterly comer of Renoboth, about eight miles fK>m Tauiiton Green, a few rods firoin the road which leads to Providence, and on the south-easterly siiie of it If a straight line were drawn Orom Taunton to Providence, it would pass very neamrover this place. Within the limits of an immense swamp of nearly 3000 ucres, there is a small piece of upland, separated firom the main onlv by a brook, which in some seasons is dry. This island, as we majr calf it, is nearly covered with an enor- mous rock, which to this day is called Annmoon*a Rock. Its south-east side presenta an almost perpendicular precipice, and rises to the height of SIS or 30 feet. The north-west side is very sloping, and easy of ascent, being at an angle of not more than 35 or 40°. A more gloomy and hid- den recess, even now, although the forest tree no longer waves over it, could hardly be found by any inhabitant of the wilderness. When they arrived near tlie foot of the rock. Captain Church, with two of his Indian soldiers, crept to the top of it, from whence the^ could see distinctly the situation of^the whole company, by the light of*^ their fires. They were divided into three bodies, and lodged a short distance fh>m one another. .4nnatw>n'« camp .was formed by felling a tree against the rock, with bushes set up on each side. " H« passed, in Ihe heart or that ancient wood— Nor paused, till the rock where a vaulted bed Had been hewn of old for the kinrly dead liEht way/' Mn. Hemant''$ Bword of the Tomb. Arose on his midnifrht way With him k>dged his son, and others of his principal men. Their guns [Book in. Chap. III.] ANNAWO.N. P youara Captain m, which with the m to take the next thim. Captain : woman, •u having liey now > would of sight, captured, followera were diacoverwi Uooding and leaning agaiiiat a Mick resting oo <;rotches, safely covert'U from the weatlier liy a mat. Over lii^'ir fires were pots and kettles Iwilititf, nnil nM'at nwntiuK u|miii tlteir B|»ita. Captain C'AiircA was now at mmir Tom how to iirorved, nvving no p4«iiibiUtv of gt'Miug down the rock without dij^ovcry, wliirh would have heen wtaL llo therefore creeps silently liack aguin to tlie fool of the rork, and asked the old man, their pilot, if there was no otiier way of coming at them. He answormt, " No ;" and said that himself and til others bekwiging to the comiian^ were ordered to come Uiat way, and none oouM come any oilier without danger of lieiiig shot. The fruitful mind of Church was no k>nger at losa, and the following tttratagem was put in successful practice. He ordered the ohi man aaa tli« young woman to go forward, and lead the way, with their baskats upon their backs, and when wflnnatmrn should discover them, he would take no olorm, kuowiujr them to be those he had lately sent forth upon discovery. "Captain Church and his handfbl of soldiers crept down also. under the Hliodow of those two and their baskets. The captain himself crept close behind the old man, with his hatchet in his band, and stepped over the young man's head to the arms. The younv w^nnauvn discover- ing him, whipped his blanket over his head, and Mirunk up in a heap. The old Captain .^nnotron started up on his breech, and cried out ' hSh wohP which signified, ' Welcom.'"* All hope of escape was now fled forever, and he made no efibrt, but laid himself down agtiip in perfect silence, while bis captors secured the rest of the company. For he sup- Kosed the English were fnr more numerous than they were, and before e was undeceived, his company- were all secured. One circumstance much facilitated this daring project. It bas been before mentioiied that they heard the pounding of a mortar, on their approach. Thn continued during their descent down the rock. A squaw was pounding green dried corn for their supper, and when she ceaaed pounding, to turn the corn, they ceased to proceed, and when she pounded again, they moved. This was the reason they were not heard os tb^y lowered tbenwelves down, firom crag to crag, supported by small biiahea that grew firom the seams of the rock. The pounded com served after- wards for a supper to the captora. ^nnauKMi would not have been taken at this time but for the treachery of those of his own company. And well may their JJucan exclaim, as did the Roman, " A race renowned, the world's victorioui lords, Turned on Ihenwelves willi thtir own hostile swords.".— /Joicc The two companies situated at a short distance from the rock knew not the fiite of their captain, until those sent hy Church announced it to them. And, to prevent their making resistance, they were told, that Capt. Church had encompassed them with his army, and that to make resist- ance wOuld be immediate death ; but if they all submitted peaceably, they should have good quarter. '*Now they being old acquaintance, and many of them relations," readily consented : delivering up their guns and hatchets, they were all conducted to head quarters. * It is a carious fact, that amone the tribes of the west the same word is used lo signify approbation : thus, when a speech had been made to some in that recion, which pleased them, at the end of each paragraph they would exclaim, " Hook! Hoali !">—WeWs TVetoelt in America. The fact becomes still more curious when we find the same word used yet farther wesW-even on the Nortb-west Coast, and with very nearly the same signification. See pt»oie» V«Mn, 189. 440. Lendos, 1789. In this work it it ipelt Whoah. ^BO ANNAWON. [Book in. "Things boiiip; thus far antlcd, Captain Chunk naked .4nnau»ii what he I nd for supper, ' for,' said hi', ' I mn come to sup with you.'" Annauxm r«plied, "Tmtlnil" with a "big voice," and, looking around upon his women, ordt^nid them to hasten ajid provide Capt. Church and his com- Eny some supper, lie asked Capt. Church " whether he would eat cow ef or horsi! beef." Church said he would prefer cow beef. It was soon ready, and, by the aid of some salt he had in his pocket, he made a good meal. And here it sfiould he told, that a small bag of salt (which he carried in his j)ockct) was the only provision ho took with him upon this expedition. When 8Uj)per wasovcr, Capt. Church set his men to watch, telling them if they wouhi let him sleep two hours, they should sleep all the rest of the night, he not having slept any for 36 hours before ; but after laying a half hour, and feeling no disposition to sleep, from the momentous cares upon his mind, — for, as Dr. Yotmg says in the Revenge, " The dead alone, in such a niglit, can rest, — " he looked to see if his watch were at their posts, Init they ware all fast aslee|). Annawon felt no more like sleeping than Chtrch, and they lav for some time looking one upon the other. Church spoke not to ^nnawoti, because he could not speak Indian, and thought ^nnawon could not s|K>ak Cngli'^h, but it now appeared that he could, from a conversation they held together. CAurdU had lain coming with something in his hands. When ho had got to Captain OmrcK, he knelt down before him, and, after presenting him what he had brought, spoke in English as follows : — " Great eai}lmn,youhave killed Philip, and conquered his counlrxf. For I believe that 1 and my com- pany are the last that war against the Er^lish, so suppose the war is ended by ytnur means, and therefore these things belong unto you." He then took out of his pack a beau' '.fully wrought belt, which belonged to Philip. It was nine inches in breadth, and of such length, as when [lut about the shoulders of Capt. Church,ii reached to his ankles. This was considered, at that time, of great value, being embroidered all over with money, that is, wampumpoag,* of various colors, curiously wrought into tiguros of birds, beasts and flowers. A second belt, of no less exquisite workman- ship, was next presented, which belonged also to PhUip. This, that chief used to ornament his head with : from the back part of which flowed two flags, which decorated his back. A third was a smaller one, with a star upon the end of it, which he wore upon his breast. All tftreo wen; edged with red hair, which, Annawon said. Was got in the country of the Mohawks. These belts, or some df them, it is believed, remain at this day, the property of a family in Swansey. He next took from his pack two horns of glazed powder, and a red cloth blanket. These, 't appears, were all that remained uf the eflects of tb.e great chief. He told Capt. Church that those were Philip^s royalties, which he was wont to adorA himself with, when he sat m state, and he thought himself happy in having aiv opportunity to present them to him. * An Iroquoii word, signifying^ a muictt. Oordm't Hi*l, Pennsylvania, page 698 Ciur. in.) Therein* u gave an act against man fatiier." Moniing I way they in small surpr "Capt. Chu his own me under Lienl Jhrnaumn Uic English deny but th was lu bu e captor. Cap and had en long after, I to lulvert to the events i Quinnaj? mioiL, other fore J»fim her elbows to ner hands, \irere covered with bracelets ; there were hand- fuls of necklaces about lier neck, and several sorts of jewels in her ears. She had fine red stockings, and white shoes, her hair powdered, and her face painted rcJ, that was always before black. And all the dancers were after the same manner. There were two others singing and knock- ing on a kettle for tlicir music. They kept hopping up and down one after another, with a krttle of water in tbe mu»t, standing warm upon some emiiers, to drink of when they were dry. They held on till almost night, throwing out their toampom to the standers-by. At night I asked them again, if I should go home : they all as one said, No, except my hurimnd would come for me. When we were lain down, mv master went out of the wigwam, and by and by sent in an Indian called Jamta- iht-printer, who told Mr. Hoar, that my master would let me go home to- morrow, if he would let him have one pint of liquor. Then Mr. Hoar called his own Indians, Tom and Peter, and bid them all go and see if he would promise it before them three ; and if he would he should have it, which he did, and had it. Philip smelling the business, called me to him, and asked me what I would give him, to tell me some good news, and to speak a good word l()r me, that I might go home to-morrow ? 1 told him I could not tell what to give him, I would any thing I had, and asked him what he would have. He said two coats and 20 ahillings in money, half a bushel of seed com, and some tobacco. I thanked him for his love, but I knew that good news as well as that crafty fox. My master, after he had his drink, quickly came ranting into the wigwam again, and called for 3Ir. Hoar, drinking to him and saying he was a good man ; and then again he would say. Hang him a rogue. Being almost drunk, he would drink to him, and yet presently say ne should be hanged. Then he called fur me ; I tremoled to bear him, and yet I was fain to go to him, and he drank to me, shewing no incivility. He was the first Indian I *Jiwlive,63,6*. [Book m, ving some- i squaw at t] had been lived and bestowins 5 gentry of r with her ds. When mpum and iin he had CUAP. m.] TUSPAQUIN. 83 plaoo m. CO perhann Iters maiid nset coun- und. fSu! r. Hwir to lis was not imemorate 08 Mrs. A «B [qum. land shirt, 1 hod gir- urseycoat, u'ni&fit)ni ren hand- her ears, lered, and le dancers nd knock- down one "arm upon till almost t I asked xcept my ny master id Jamet- honie to- ^ Mr. Hoar see if he ' il have it, ' >e to him, s, and to told him iked him ' ley, half his love, ter, after ain, and m; and rutik, he Then to him, ndian I saw drunk, all the time I was among them. At last bis squaw ran out, •nd he after her, round the wigwora, with bis monev jingling at bia knee^ but she escaped him ; but having an old squaw, he ran to bw,*** and troubled the otbera no more that night. A day or two after, the sagamores had a council, or general eowi, •■ they called it, in which the giving up of Mrs. R, was debated. All seemed to consent ibr her to go except Philip, who would not come to the council. However, she was soon dismisaied, and some who were at first opposed to her going, seemed now to rejoice at it They shook ber by the band, and asked her to send them some tobacco, ami some one thing and some another. When the extensive system of war carried on by Philip was brdcen in the west by intestine bickerings, Quttinoptn returned with PkUip to his country of the Wampanoags. About the end of July, 1676, Captain Cktarth learned by a captive squaw that Qutnno^ptn and Philip were in a "graat eedar swamp" near Aponaganset with " abundance of Indians." This news, together with a discovery the captain soon after made, induced turn to leave that country without disturbing so formidable an enemy. Soon after, Qutnna;nn esca|ied from a company of Bridgewater men, who killed Mkompoirtf as he and PhUip't company were crossing Taunton River. The next day, Church pursued him, but he effected hia escape. Not long after this, he was taken, and, some considerable time after the war, wm snot at Newport in R. Island. It appears that Qutnnaptn had had some difticulty with the R. Island people, who, some time before the war, had cast him into prison ; but #iat by some means he had escaped, and become active in tlie war. He was reported " a young lusty sachem, and a venr rogue."t Tuspaquin, whose biography we shall next pursue, was one of PkUnt'a most faithful captains, and sachem of Aasawomset, as we have before had occasion to notice, in speaking of John Saaaamon. His name in Srinted accounts differs but little, and is abbreviated fiom Watu*paqui$L lIso in our life of Tatoaon it waa necessary t6 speak of this chief. From a survey of the deeds which he ej^ecuted of various large tracts of land, it is evident his sachemdom was very extensive. It will be necessary to S lance at some of the conveyances of fVatuapaquin for several reasons, ie principal of which is, that the pert he acted in the great drama of 167.5 and 1676 may not be underrated. His conveyances to the Rev. John Saaaamon and his ftunily are already related. On 9 Aug. 1G67, " Tuapequin, ornerwise called the Black-aachem," for £4, sells to Hennf Wood of Plimouth his right and title to the land on the east side of " Namassakett" River,^ bounded " on one end" by the pond called Bhck-aaehem^a Pond, or, in Indian, WtmpatoctUt; on the other end, by a little pond called l^anenucuU. How much was included in the given bounds, is not mentioned, nor could we now by tlie descrip- tion possibly tell how far said tract extended back from the river. With Tuapaqmn, his wife, >Amey, signed this deed, and it was wimessed only by two Englishmen. On 17 July, 1660, Tuapaquin and bis son mUiatn sell fmr £10 a tract or parcel of land near " Assowampsett," half a mile wide, and "in length fit>m said (mnds to Dartmouth path." Besides two English, Satnvd Hemy, Daniel and (Hd Horn were witnesses. Experience MitchM, Henry Sampaon, of Duxborough, Tnomcu Little, of Marshfield, and Thonuu Paine, of Eastbam, were the purchasers. June 10, 1670, l\tapaquin and his son William soM for £6, to Edward • Narrative, 7»— 76. t Capt. Mort'i account of " The Warr in N. E. visibly ended," &c. % Tu$paquin, however, reserved the right " to gelt eeder harke in the •wanape.'' 5 * TUdPAUUIN. (Book UI. Graf, "ia the behalf of che court of Flimouth,'' '^■11 that our nieddovr that Iveiii iu or neorc the town of Middleberry," on the west aide of a UTitt otkmgmg to Mn JtUen aiid Coiukmt SouihwrUi, "and is between Aiaowamsett Pond and Tuunu:n ;;atli, being in three parselU v}ion three trAMkca;" aim anotber parcel on the other side of Taunton {Mill. Wit- Dcased 1^ "^aue," the wife of TSupaquxn, and two English. do iime, liXf% Tumofutn, "sachem of Namassakett, and ManUnoapuH alias tyiSimm km mn," sell to EAoard Orcof and Jotias Wuutew, lands on the easterty side of Aasowamsett, to begin where Namasket River iaileth out of the pond, and so south by the pond ; thence by perisliable bounds to Tusprnquin't Pond, and so home to the lands formerly sold to Hauy WmtL 8 iuly, 1873^ IVcpofmn and his son WiUium sell to Btmamn Chunk of Duxboroiiffh, house carpenter, and Mm Tompaan of Bemstable, lands •bout iMBddleborough, for which they paid him £15. It is described as ** lying alt aad oeare the township of Middleberry," liounded westerly by a river called Monhiggtn, which runs into a pond called QuumioseU, and so by a «edar swamp to Tutpaqmn'a Pond ; thence hy Henry WooiPt land to a plaee called Poehahoquett. Nahudset River is named as a tiortlM.a boundary; and the two "places" called Tuaeomaneat and MaaaiMmaok are also named, likewise a pond called Sniptuett, and a " rivers mouth ealled TunpatmU which runneth into a pond called Qut(- fiMMuA«K." Two Knglisn, Sam Harrjf, and Joaepk of Namasket, were witnesses. 1 Nov. 167!l, HlUiam fFatvapaqttin, ^aMaeta, Tokiaa and Beteat, for £10. seH to three English of Barnstable a tract of land bounded by Que> taquash Pond northerly, by Quetaquash River easterly, Suepetuitt Ptad, Ste. 14 May, 1675, the two Thttptu»na, ftther aiid son, " make over to Mm Tan^paon, dnuUaii SotOhuiotlh*^ and others, of Middlebwough, *'all that tnust of land which we now have in possession, called commonly Aiao- mamattt neek or necksi, and places adjacent," as a security against the claims of others, &c. of other knds deeded at the same time ; if, there- fore, they are noC disturbed in the possession of the former lands deeded, then they <* are not to be outed of Assawamsett neck." Pottateo, alias DattM, JPoymott, Pagott,* alias JbtepA, were witnesses. For the land deeded they received £33. "sterling." It consisted of uplands and meadows about the pood called JV^fn^poiet, Qiit(tcti«,f &c., and, judging fironi the price paid, was, no doubt, a very lai^ tract. llius are a few of the nets of Waiuapa^in sketched previous to the WW. We are now to trace his operatnns m quite another sphere. In our opinion, Mr. HMwrd was right in styling him ** the next noted cap< tain to i>M(ip," but erroneously calls CM T^upaman "the Black-sachemls son.* He does not appear to have known of tne son fftttunn. Indeed, we hear nothing of him in the war, but it is probable he shared the ihte ofhisfkther. In the sprias of 167fi, Ttxapaxpiin was inarching from plaee to plaee with about 300 men, and was doubtless in high expectation of bumbling the pride of his enemies, and, but for PhUip*a western disasters, occa- sioned by the disaflection of his Pocomptueks and others, his expectations might have been reafized. It was doubtless under his direction that 19 buudings in Scitnate were burnt on 90 April ; and on the 8 May, had not a shower prevented, most, if not all, the houses in Bridgewater would have shared the same Ate. T\upaquin was known to have led his men Two naraef, probably} but in Uw MS. Um« ii no comma between, m U t TiHnU, probably, the £BooK ML our nieddoir est aide of « i is betwuen B v|ion three INUh. Wit- ow, ianda on River laileth table bound* Id to Henry in Chunk of stable, lands described as westerly by Quufuotett, fenry ft^ood't mined as a naneat and luett, and a called Qutf- uket, were ^eiM(,ror Bd by Que. Suepetuitt verto^»An )> "all that «>nly w2««o< k^^inst the i^ there- ds deeded, 'taivo, alias naisted of ieut,f &c., act >usto the here. In oted cap* -sachemVi Indeed, d theikte to pkee lumbling )ra, oeca- ectationa that 19 iay, had BrwouM his men ■ oAmiIn OiAP. III.] TV8PAQUIN. in (his attack.* TIm inhabitann exerted themwlYea to rapel die Indiana, but, oonacioua of their strenstb, they maiotained their ground until the next dajr, when they retreated. Notwithstanding the rain, they auceeeded in bumiog 17 buildings before tbey decamped. On 11 May, 1676, there were eleven houses and five bams burnt in Pli> mouth, and a few weeks after, seven houses more and two bams. These were probably such as were at a considerable distance from the village, and had chiefly been deserted. This " mischief was attributed u> Tw- ptquin and his man. About this time, Ba^fomm CkurcA was comni; mouth, " and disposed of them all," except ** one Jeffery, who, proving very ingenious and faithful to him in informing where other paircels of the Indians harbored, Capu Chunk promised him, that if he continued to be faithful to him, he should not be sold out of the country, but should be his waiting man, to take care of his horse, &c., ancf aocardingly it» served him faithfully as long as he lived.'H Thus strengthened by TuBpaquMa own men, Chunh pursued his suc- cesses with a manifold advantage. There was a small tribe residing near Munponset Pond, which was next captured without loss on either side, and there was henceforth scarcely a week passed wherein he did not captivate some of these people. Not long after tliis, it was found that TVspn^tMi had encamped dwut Assawomset, and Chunk set out on an expraition there ; but finding OU Tutpaqwin was ready for him at the neck between the two great poDds4 be was glad to make the best of his way on towards Acushnet and Dart* mouth. As he was crossing Ascawomset neck, a scout from TuspaquMa camp fired upon him, but did him no injury. Meanwhile the great ^naaon having been surprised by the indefati- gable Chunh, Tuspaquin saw no chance of holding out long; therefore appears afterwards only intent upon keeping out of the way of the Eng- uan. This could not be long reasonably expected, as their scouts were ranginc in every direction. On 4 Sept. 1676, according to ChunK'a account, JhupaquMa compannf wejre encamped near Sippicaii, doing " great damage to the English in killing their cattle, horses and swine." The next day, Chunh and bil ran|^rs were in their neighborhood, and, after observing their situation, which was "sitting round their fires in a thick place of bruch,''§ in seem- ing safety, the captain ** ordered every man to creep as he did; and sur.> rounded them by creeping as near as they could, till they should be dis- covered, and then to run on ufmn them, and take them alive, if possible, * Mr. Hubbard says, (Nar. 71.) the Indians were led by one Tiuguogen, but we are talisfittd Tiupaqtan is meant. t CImrch, Narrative, 31. t Just briow where Sumpum't ta^'em now stands. 6 I suspect Mr. Hubbard mistakes the situation of this place, in saying Ft was " in LaKenham, upon Pooasset neck." Church is so unre^td'mf; of all ^ograpny, that it is quite uncertain where it was. If it were near Sippican, it was a long way from any iPSft of Pocasset, TUSPAQUIN.— TATOSON. [Book UL (for their priaonerR were their pay.) They did ao, takinf every one that was at the fires, not one escapiag. Upon examinatbn, they agreed in their story, that they belonged to JHmatfuin, who was gone with Mm Bvmtp aiid one more to Agawom and Sipican to kill horses, and were not expected back in two or three days."* Ckurek pitNseeds: ''This same ilMpaqtun had been a great captain, and the Indians reported that he vas such a great pouwaii, [priest or conjurer,] that no bullet could enter him. Capt. Church said he would not have him killed, for there was a war broke out in the eastern part of the country, and he would have him saved to gc with them to fight the eastern Indians. Agreeably, he left two old 8(|unws of the prisoners, and bid them tarry tfaero until their Captain Tupcupun returned, and to tell him, that Chvnh had been there, ana had taken his wife, children and company, and carried them down to Plymouth ; and would spare all their lives, and his too, if he would oome down to them and bring tlie other two that were with him, and they should be his soldiers, &c. Capt. Chireh then returned to Pl;jrmouth, leaving the old squaws well provided for, and bisket for Tispaquin when he returned." This CHiureh called laying a trap for TVupo^n, and it turned out as he expected. We shall now seo with what faith the English acted on this occasion. Chvreh hud assiicc^ him that, if be gave himself up, he should not be killed, but he was nui at Plimouth when Tutpaquin came in, having gone to Boston on business for a few di^s ; " but when he returned from Boston he found, to his grief, the heaon'«, on this instrument There was a general diarmiog of the Indians in 1671, as will be mentioned in the lile t^Awuhonka. Among a great number ordered to appear at Plimouth the aame year, to binafthemselTes more strongly in utlogiwice to the English, we find the name of TaiotoH, or, as his name was then written, TmUoun. Also TUy, aliatj JspavknoemnunL,] and WiH, alias Waahuwanna, Tiiloton was a son of the <* noted Sam Bmrrow^ but of hia own family, or whether he had any, we are not informed. On the DJtb of' June, 1676, aevenU Indians, who had been sent in by Bradford and Chwnh^ were "convented before the councell" at Plimouth ; being ** such of them as were accused of working vnsufferable mischeiffe vpon some of ours." Among them was one named Wetukpoo, or, as he was often called, 7\iibpoo.}' Against him, several charges were brouj^t, such as his going on to the enemy, and trying to deceive the governor about the prospect of war ; telling hun that FkSip*i men had deserted him, and that he had oidy a few old men and boys remaining. At this time were present three other Indians, whose taames were Woodeotik, Qamapawhan and John-num. The two first were accused by a squaw of destroying Clark^* garrison at Eel River in Plitnouth, and munlering the inhabitants. This had been done on the 13 March |hv- vious, and with such secrecy and effect, that the English knew not whom to accuse of it Many supposed that Wahupaqmn conducted the affiur, and Mr. Hubbard charges it upon him vnthout hesitation, but it is now r'te certain that he bad nothing to do with it, as in the aaquel we shall w. The two just mentioned, finding themselves detected, accused their fellow prisoner, JoJbt-niun. It appears that Mm not only owned himself guilty of this charge, but acknowledged, also, that he was concerned in the murder of " Jaw MUekd and his wUe, and Jakm Pepe,^ and soe een- tance of death was pronounced against them, which accordingly eme- dlateW was executed." Before these were executed, they implicated a fourth, whose name was Kewtenam. Although TV'' -Mm commanded the company that put to death the people at Clark'a ^ nson, yet Keaemam set the expedition on foot He lived at Sandwich, and was probably one of Tato»o»*$ mm. * So almost always in the MSS. t SometimM called Toby Cole. The same, we conclude, who joined Philip afWr- wards, and fell into the hands of Capt. Church, as did his mother, and many more at the same time. t This Indian, whom we shall have occasion several times to mention, was not one of those sent in by Bradford, as appears from Mather, (Brief Hist. 40.) but they " informed that a bloudy Indian called Tuckpoo, (who the last summer murdered a man of Boston, at Namaskct,) with about 20 Indians more, was at a place within 16 miles of Ptimouth." Bight English nad finuteen Indians succeeded in taking them all, and TiKkpoo was immediately esecuted. ji The murder of these people is supposed to be referred to by Mr. Hubbard in Ma " Table." The passage follows: " In June, 1676, [1675 T] a man and a woman were slain by the Indians : another woman was wounded and taken ; but because she ba4 kept an Indian child before, so much kindness was showed her, as that she was sent back, after they had dressed ner wound ; the Indians guarded her till she came within sight «f the English." Mr. Mitchtl informs us that the name of the wounded womaa wai Porothy Haywood. Bee 1 Col. Mats. Hi*t. Boc. vii. 169. ., . '" «? 58 TATOSON. [Book III. CBAF. However, on Saturday, the 11 March, he was at Mr. ffUliam ClarVt, and olMervod how every part of the ffarrison was conditioned. He then went to his chief, 7\ito«on, and told iiini that it could be easily taken, ta it was hut slightly fortified ; and that the next day, l)eing Sunday, would be the pi'Ofier time to execute their plnn, as the residents would mostly be gono to meeting; ''and in case they left a man at home, or so, they might soon (iispntch him." This intelligence waa pleaaing to T\jUoton, and he found himself at the head of ten warriors the same day. Their names were as follows : fFoo- nasheiiah, Miuquash, fVajpanpowett, Tarn, " the son of lyUoson^a brother," UUaooweett, and Tom Ptant ; which, with the three before named, made up the whole company. Commencing their march before night, they arrived in the Irariiers of Plimouth, wTiere they lay coitcealed until (he |)eople had gone to public vrovahip. About 10 o'clock iii the morning, they came U|)on the garrison, which fell easily into their hands. After kilhng all they met with, they took what piunctvr they oould curry, and burned the buildings ; then again dispersed into the woods. There wei« some of two other families in this garrison, mostly women and children. Three only ware of Mr. CUuVa ftrnily, but there were eight others belonging to the other two. Mrs. Elixaoeth Clark,* one of the beads of the family, was among the 8lain.t Ketmmam was beheaded, but how the other three were disposed of, we are not informed ; it is very probable that the whole number suffered in due time. At the trial of Keweenam and the other three, some of thenc pleaded that the governor's proclamation was now their protection ; from which it would seem that they had surrendered themselves. But there v(tm none to plead their case, except their accusers, and they explained things in their own way. The court said, " Forasmuch as the council had before this engaged to several Indians desirous to come in and tender themselves to mercy, that they should find &vor in so doing : it was fiilly made known to such Indians as were then present, that the said engage- ment was to be vnderatood with exception against such as by murder as above said had so acted, and not against such as killed his enemie in the field in a souldierlike way." This kind of argument would answer among duelists, but when did the Indians afftee to fight the English according to their rules of war ? The former mi^ht with equal propriety demand that the English should conform to their manner, and not depend on their numbers, forts, and superior weapons. Althou^ the murder at Clark's garrison was one of those horrible acts in Indian warfare, which would justify the most rigid retaliation, btill, as the English began the war, they had no right to expect but that it would be prosecuted- by the Indians in all the ways at their command. On this ground the philanthropist will ever condemn the severity of the English. When Capt Church cam > upon Philip and a great number of his peo- * " Who wa* the daujriiter of a godly father and mother, that came to N. England on the account of religion." " They also killed her sucking child, and knockoaanothor child (who was about eight yean old) in the head, supposing they had killed him, but afterwards hn came to himself." /. Mallier, Brief Hist. 24. t We relate all that is to be found in the MS. records, but the author of the Present Stale, Arc. furnishes the following valuable facts : " About this time, [his last date men-> tioned being 14 March,] one Mr. Clark's wife, children, and all his liuni!y, at his farm- house, two miles from Plimouth, were surprised £Uid killed, except one boy, who was knockt down, and left for dead, but afterwards taken up and revived. The house they plundereid of provision and goods to a great value ; eight complete anrn, 90/. [M.} of powder, with an answerable quantity of lead for bullets, and loO/, in ready money ) th« said Mr. Clark himself narrowly escaping their cruelty, by being at that inslan*. at % meetiog." iBoOTt m. ohai*. in.] TIASHQ. pie, the 3d of August, 167G, '* Titpaqutn, TWaon, ice.** prevented the entire destruction of some of them, by cuinlmtiiig tho Engheih while their chief and others extricated themselves from a sinull swiiiiip into which they had fled. " In thin swamp skirmish Capt. Church with his two men which always ran by his side as his guard, mat with three of the ent-iny, two of which surrendered themselves, and the captain's guard seized them ; but *be other, being a great stout surly fellow, with his two locks ty'd up with red, and a great rattlesnake's skin hangine to the back part of his head, (whom Capt. Church concluded to he Toloaon^) ran from them into the swamp. CapL Church in person pursued him cIosk, till, coming pretty near up with him, presented his gun between his shoulders, but it missing fire, the Indian perceiving it, turned and presented nt Capt. Church, and missing fire also, (their guns taking wet with tho fog and dew of the morning,) but the Indian turning short for another run, his foot trip'd in a small grape-vine, and he fell flat on his face. Capt. Church was by this time up with him and struck the muzzle of his gun an incli and an half into the back part of his head, which dispatched him without another blow. But Capt Church looking behind him saw Toloson, tho Indian whom he tho't he had killed, come flying at him like a dragon ; but this happened to be fair in sight of the guard that were set to keep the prisoners, who spying Totoaon and others that were following him, in the very seasonable juncture made a shot upon them, and rescued their captain, though he was in no small danger from his friends' bullets, for some came so near him that he thought he felt tho wind of them."* The celebrated Church, in the skirmishes he had in these two days, August 1 and 3, took and killed 173 Indians. Little more than a month afler the fall of Philip, Church surjirised Tatoaon^a whole company, about 50 persons. He was the last that was left of the family o{ Barrow; and, says CAurcA," the wrotch reflecting upon the miserable condition he had brought himself into, his heart became a stone within him, and he died. The old squaw [that Church liad employed to pereuado him to submit] flung a few leaves and brush over him — came into Sandwich, and gave this account of his death ; and offered to show them where she left his body, but noyer had an opportu- nity, for she immediately fell sick and died also." The fate of the father of TeUoaon does not so much excite sympathy, as does that ofjhe son, but is one of those cases more calculated to arouse the fiercer passions. The old chief fell into the hands of Capt. Church, in one of his successful expeditions in the vicinity of Cape Cod. Church says, in his history, that he was " as noted a rogue .is any among the enemy." Capt. Church told him that the rrnvcrnmcnt would not |)ermit him to grant tiim quarter, "bemuse of nis inhuman murders and barbari- ties," and therefore ordered him to prejjaro for execution. " Earrmo replied, that the sentence of death against him was just, and that iinlncd he was ashamed to Uve any longer, and desired no more fuvor, than to smoke a whiff of tobacco before his execution. When he iiud taken » few whiflb, he said, 'I am ready,' upon which one of Capt. Church''s Indians sunk his hatchet uito his brains." T\aahq,\ or T)/9aka,t " was the next man to Philip," says Church ; therody fellows. In one of these sku-misheii, TKaakq, Philip''$ chief cap^iin, ran away leaving his gim behind him, and hu squaw, who was taken."* These Indian soldiprs, who performed this exploit, were forced upon it bv Ckureh. They had been seeking Indians about Aponaganset River, and discovered that a large company of them had just lieen gathering the apples at a deserted sattlement on the east side of it. The English and Indians immediately pursued in their track.t ** Traveling three miles or more, they came into the country road, where the track parted : one parcel steered towards the west end of the great cedar swamp, and the other to the east end. The captain halted and told his Indian nouldiers that they had heard as well as he what some men had said at Plymouth about them,} &c., that now was a good opportunity for each party to prove themselves. The track being divided, they should follow one, and the English the other, bein^ equal in number. The Indians declined the motion, and were not willing to move any where without him : said they should not think Oumselvea taft without him. But the captain insisting upon it, they submitted. He gave the Indians their choice to follow which track they pleased. They replied, Theu were light and able to tnmel, therefore if he pkated ihey would take the wen track. And appointing the ruins of John Cook's house at Cushnet§ for the place to meet at, each company set out briskly to try their fortunes."! When the parties met, " they very remarkably found that the number that each company had taken and alain was equal. The Indians had killed three of the enemy, and taken 63 prisoners, as the English had done before th8m."1F Both parties were much rejoiced at their successes, but the Indians told Capt. Church ** that they had missed n brave opportunity by parting. They came upon a great town of the enemy, viz: Capt. T^aaka company. [Tyaska was thu next man to Phil^.) They fired upon the enemy before they were discovered, and ran upon them with a shout. The men ran and left their wives and children, and many of them their guns. They took T)/aak$* wife and son, and thought that if their captain and the English company had been with them they might have taken some hundreds of them, and now they determined not to part any more."** This transaction, in the opinion of Capt Church, was a " remarkable prov- idence," inasmuch, perhaps, as the equality of their successes prevented either party from boosting, or claiming superiority over the other. Nev- ertheless, Church adds, — ^ But the Indians had the fortune to take more arms than the English." It would add not a little, perhaps, to the grati- fication of the reader, could he know the name of m? Indian captain in this fiir-famed exploit, or even that of one of his men ; but at present they are hid alike from us and from him. • Brief Hist. 45. t Chtrch, 33. X The detestation in which the Indians were held by " some men," in many other places as well as in PlinMutb, will often appear in this work. Such people could know nothing of human nature, and many would not have believed the Indians capable of good actions, though one from the dead had assured them to the contrary. ( Abbreviated from Acusbnet See Douglas*, Summary, i. AfXS. who writes it Ae- etuhnot. Thus many Indian names are chaneod. Instead of Aponaranset, we hear PonofOHttl, and for Asonet, Sonet, &c. Cushnet it the river on whicn New Bedford and Fairhaven stand. I Chtrch, 34. IT Ibid. 36. *• Ibid. >^- [BooBin. ndian aol~ ' tliat Mr. e« that of ia manner case they * wolves, in finding M*. Tioihq, % and hu rmed this ig Indians y of them n the east eir track.} where the rt'at cedar J told his men had tunity for sy should >er. The ny where itm. But ians their ^ were 'ttit track. [the place I When ihat each lied three >e before but the tunity by '7)fa»ka ipon tho a shout. )m their ' captain e taken lore."** le prov- evented . Nev- te more Bffmti- 3taln in nt they 'y other la know table of it Ac- re bear kdford id. CaiP. IV.l MAGNUS. 61 CHAPTER IV. Ckitf iMmen eontpieuou* tn Philip't war — MAsmis — Her cvwiAy amd rtiationt — Her emlure and deam — Awabhonks — b greatlif anne^ftd in the events of liSfl — Her mm di$armed—PkUni*a end^nort to tngtgt her offaintt the Englitk—Chtarh preventt her — mfinaU}! in the pouer ^ Phihp — ReeUtLnedby Church — borne partieuUtrt o/herfamUy. Althodoh, before we had finished tho lite of fVeeUanoOy we deemed it proper to have deferred it to this chapter, but as we had been led ratlier un|>erccptibly into many particulars concrmiug her in that place,* we could .lot break off our narrative without a greater impropriety than an oiniRsion here would have licen, and shall therefore begin hcru with one of her cotemporarics, tho bare facts in whose life are sufiicient to main- tain a high interest, wc lielicvc, in the mind of every reader. Magnus was squaw-sachem of some part of tho extensive country of the Narragansets, and was knowti by several names at diflferent and the same times; os, Old ^ueen. Sunk SqtMU),\ Quatapen, and Matantuek. She married Mrikaah, or Mexam, a son of Conometu, and wiis sister to Ninigret. She had two sons, Scuttup and ^uequaquenuct, otherwise Hue^nent, called by the English Gideon, and a daughter named emiquet. These two died young. Gideon was alive as late as 1661 ; up, and a sister also, in 1664. She was, in 1675, one '* of the six present sachems of the whole Narraganset country." In the beginning of Philip^g wc<-, the English army, to cause the Narra- gansets to fight for them, wnom th^y hod always abused and treated with contempt, since before the cutting off of Miantunnomoh^a head, marched into their country, but could not meet with a single sachem of the nation. They fell in with a few of their people, who could not well secrete them- selves, and who concluded a long treaty of mere verbosity, the import of which they could know but little, and doubtless cared less ; for when the army lefl their country, they joined a^in in the war. The English caused four men to subscribe to their articles in the name, or in benalf of ^uaiapen and the other chiefs, and took four others as hostages for their due fulfilment of those articles. Their names were ffobequob, We- otonhim, Pewkea, and Wenew, who are said to have been " near kinsmen and choice friends" to the sochems. We hear no more of her until the next year, when herself and a Inr^ company of her men were discovered by Major Takot, on the 2 July, m Narraganset. The English scouts discovered them from a hill, having pitched their tents in a valley in the vicinity of a swamp, as was usually their custom. About 300 of the English, mounted upon flnct hpraes, .divided into two squadrons, and folf upon them before they were aware of their approach, and made a great slaughter. The Mohegans and Pequots came upon them in the centre, while the horsemen beset them on each side, and thus prevented many from escaping into the swamp. When all were killed and token within the imcampnicnt, Capt JVetobury, who commanded the horsemnn, dismounted, and witli his, men t rushed mto the swamp, where, without resistan'*e, they killed a huaiHred, * Book iii. chap. 1. t Trumbull, i. 347. trom Hubbard, I suppose, i. 51. Female chiefs were called tatmki by the Indians, which signified wife of the sachem ; but writers, being ijrnorant . of that fact, thought it a proper name of a particular person, and hence the app^ations of Stmke, Sunke, Snake, &.c. applied to Magnet. 6 Cukf. AWASHONKS. [Boob III. nnd itindi; iiiniiy pruRNiuni. In all, tlury killed and took 171* in this Nwurnp l)|(lir, or rntliur iiioiMicre. Nut un Engliiihinui wu hurt in iha nflhir, iiiiii litit onn Mohogan killtNl, and ono wounded, which wo can hardly HU|t|MiHo was donu hy Magmu^a |m;o|>Iv, as they inode no resistance, hut ratiier l)y themselves, in their fury iiiistsJting one another. Ninety of the rnitiivna were init to death! among whom was ACagniM.f The Nwam|> where this anair took place is near the present town of War- wick, in Rhmie Island. We now npprooch afTairs of groat interest in our biographical historj' ol'tlui Iiulianti, Awajihonkiy souaw-sachem of 8ogkonate,| was the wife of an Indian cfilind Tolontf, out of him we learn very little. From her important Htimding among the Indians, few deserve a more particular attention ; and wu hIiuII, therefore, go as minutely into her history as our documents will enahin iis. Thi) riri«t notice we have of JltocuKonks is in 1G71, when she entered into urticloH of agreement with the court of I'limuuth us lullows : — '* In Hilmitting that the court am in some measure satiatied with your voluntary coming in now at last, and submission of herself unto us ; yet this toe ex- pect that Hho give some meet satisfaction fur the charge and trouble she ha<4 |Hit us u|)on by her too long standing out against tho many tenders of puuco we have made to her and her people. And that we yet see on in- tention to endeavor the reducemeut of such as have been the incendiaries of the tmuble and disturbance uf her people and ours. And as many of hei; I>eoplu us shall give themselves and arms unto us, at the time ap- pointed, shall receive no damage or hurt from us, which tinje ap|>ointcd 19 ten days from the date hereof; Thus we may the better keep off such from her lands as may hereafter bring upon her and us the like trouble, and to regulate such as will not be governed by her, she having submitted her lands to the authority of the government And that, if the lauds and estates of such as we are necessitated to take arms against, will not de- fray the charge of the expedition, that she shall bear some due proportion of the charge. In witness whereof, and in testimony of the sachem, her agreement Tiereunto, she hath subscribed her hand in presence oi' Samuel Barker and John Jmuy. Mark X of the nqtuno-iachem Awasuncks ; the mark X of Totatomet, and Sohaoaomt." ffUnetsed at the aame time hy ''Tattacommett, Samponcut, and Tamooeebam, aliaa Jeffebt." Plimmth, 24 My, 1671. .'' The last-named witness appeared again, in the sa.ne capacity, 4 Sept. fol- lowing, when " between 40 and 50 Indians, living near or in the town of Dartmouth, made a like submission." Aahaivanomvih, Nbman, Marhorkum, James and John, were other witnesses. ^wofihonka was at Plimouth when tho former articles were executed, from whifih'it appears there was considerable alarm in Plimouth colony. There were about this time many other submissions of the Indians m difTerent places. This step was taken to draw them from Philip, or at least to give a check to their joining with him, as he was now on the point 200, sajrt Cobbet's tnatuucrka; 240, Hubbard, t Hubbard, Ind. Wan, i. 97, 98. ' '^ ' ■ '~ ■ ' - •Trumbull. I. Afalher's 'Brief Hist. 39. Trumbull's Hist. Connecticut, i. 347. i The point of land below Pocassel, and now chiefly included in the town of Come ton, Rhode Island, and commonly called Secontt. (Book III. |l71* in th» [liurt in iho Jiicli wo can |o resimancn, ••'• Ninety TMa-t The "n of War- liical biator}- M Indian |r iinportant Jntiori ; and futnenta wdl 8>ie entered lows :— " Jn ir voluntary t tiiia tot ex- trouble she ■ tenders of !t nee an in- ncendiarics 18 many of le time ap- apiwinted ep off Buch ke trouble, i Bubniitttid i lauds and vM not de- proportion icbem, her 3 oi'Samwl BwcKs ; *AOWKT." r«Ar. IV.) AWA8liONK§. 63 ISept.foJ- 5 town of larhorkum, executed, :h colony, ndians m ■Hip, or at the point 'ull's Hisi. of Comr of attacking the F.ngtiah aettlem«*nw, unortions of laud be settled on the above said 7\itaca;nana .^ivanhankf, &c. at Saconett aforesaid ; concerning which, the above said Mamaneway and his brethran and kinsman who have proved their right to those lands do not or cannot agree, this court do ap- point that some meet persons, by order of this court, shall repair to the Elace, and mnke settlement of the said lands by certain and known oundaries to intent that peace may be continued among the said Indians, arid they may all be accommodated for their subsisting and payment of > their debts in an orderly way." The same year, we hear again of Tokamona^ or, as he is then called, ToUnmnrut, who, with his brother SquamaU, having endeavored to hinder the English from possessing some lands in Dartmouth, was, from some consideration, not named, induced to relinquish his right to them. And the next year, 1674, Mamanawachjf, or, as his name was before written, Mamaneway, surrendered his right also. The rights of these Indians, it is said, had been sold by others. We hear no more of Awashonka until about the commencement of PkUip^s war. The year before tliis war, Mr. Bemamm Church, afterwards the fiimous and well-known Col. Church, settled upon the peninsula of Sogkonate, iq the midst of Awaahonka's people. This peninsula is oa the north-east side of Narraganset Bay, against the south-east end of the island of Rhode Island. Here he lived in the greatest friendship with these Indians, until the spring oi the year 167.5, when suddenly a war was talked of, and messengers were sent by PhUip to Awaahonka, to engage her in it. She so far listened to their {)ersua8iouH, as to call her princi|Md people together, and make a great dance ; and because she respected Mr. Chitrch, she sent privately for him also. Church took with him a man that weH understood Indian, and went direct' y to the place appointed. Here "th(fy found hundreds of Indians gathered together from aH parts of her dominions. Awaahonks herself, in a foaming sweat, was loading the dance ;" but when it was announced that Mr. Church was come, she stopped short, and sat down ; ordered her chiefs into her presence, and then invited Mr. Church. All being seated, she informed him that Meta- eomei, that is, Philip, had sent six of his men to urge her to join with him ' Or Tokamona, killed by the Narragansots, not long after, probably in 1674. HI. Chap. IV.] AWASHONKS. 65 I and in prosecuting a war against the English. She said these messengers in- formed her that the Umpamea,* that its Plimouth men, were gathering a freat army to inrade his country, and wished to know of him if tliis were truly the cose. He told her that it was entirely without foundation, for he had but just come from Plimouth, and no preparations of any kind were making, uor did he believe any thoughts of war were entertained by any of the head men there. " He asked her whether she thought he woukl have brought up his goods to settle in that place," if he in the least ap- prehended a war; at which she seemed somewhat convinced. Awa- Aonks then or 'ered tlie six Pokanoketsinto their presence. These made an imposing r ^»pearance, having their faces painted, and their hair so cut •a to represent a cock's comb ; it being all shaved ftom each side of the head, lefi only a tuft upon the crown, which extended from the forehead to the occiput. They had powder-horns and shot-bags at their backs, which denoted warlike messengers of their nation. 8he now informed them of what Capt. Ckurth had said. Upon which they discovered dis- satisfaction, and a warm talk followed, but Awaahaitka soon put an end to it; after which she told Mr. CAurcA that Ptnlip bad told his messengers to tell her, that, unless she joined with him, he would send over some of his warriors, privately, to kill the cattle and bum the houses of the English, which they would think to be done by her men, and consequently would ikil upon her.f Mr. Church asked the Mount Hopes what they were going to do with the bullets in their possession, to which they scoffingly answered, " to shoot pigeons with." fourth then told AwaahmUtt that, if Philip w< i-e resolved KM war, "her best way would be to knock those six Mount Hopes on the beadt and shelter herself under the protection of the English." When they underMMod this, they were very silent, and it is to be lamented that 9o worthy a man i^ Ckurdt should be the first to recommend murder, and a lasting remembrance is due to the wisdom of Awaahonks, that his unadvised counsel was not put in execution. These mx Pokonokets came over to Sogkonate with two of JtwatkofMa men, who seemed very favorably inclined to the measures of PhtUp. They expressed themselves with great indignation, at the rash advice of C^nark. Another of her men, called LittU-egea, one of her council, was 00 enraged, that he would then have taken ChurdCa life, if he had not been prevented. His design was to get Mr. Church aside from the rest, under a pretence of private talk, and to have assassinated him when he was off his guard. But some of his friends, seeing through the artifice, prevented it The advice of Chtireh was adopted, or that part which directed that >/lwaahot%k» should immediately put herself under the protection of the English, and she desired him to go immediately and make the arranpc- nent, to which he agreed. After kindlv thanking him for his information and advice, she sent two of her men with him to his house, to guard him. These urged him to secure his goods, lest, in his ab(va8 wounded at the great swamp fight, 19 December fol- lowing, and remained tijion Rhode Island until about the middle of May, 1676. He now resolved to engage again in the war, aud, taking passage in a sloop bound to Barnstable, arrived at Plimouth the first Tuesday ii. June. The governor and other officers of government were highly pleas- ed to see him, and desired him to take uie coimnand of a company of men to be immediately sent out, to which he consented. We thus notice ChureVs proceeding, because it led to important matters connected with the history of .^hmuAonib. Before hu set out with the soldiers raised at Plimouth, it was agreed that he should first return to Rhode Island, for the purpose of raising other forces to be joined with them. In his return to the island, as he possrd ii-om Sogkonesset, now called fVootTs HoU, to the island, and when he came against Sogkonate Point, some of the enemy were seen fishing upon the rocks. He waa now in an open canoe, which he had hired at Sogkonesset, and two Indians to paddle it. lie or- dered them to go so near the rocks that he might speak with those upon them ; lieing persuaded that if he could have an opportunitv, he might still gain over the Sogkonates to the ride of the English, for he knew they never bnd any real attachment to /*AtIq», aAd wef^jiow in his in- terest only from necessity. They accordin^y paddled towards them, who mad-, sigh^ tor them to approach; but when they had got pretty near, tht^y ?'• iilkod away among the rucks, and could wnk bP seen. The canoe then paddled off again, l^t they shouki be fired upal;!' which when those among the rocks observed, they showed themsww again, aud called to them to cotne ashore ; and said thev wished to ^MMk with them. The Indians in the canoe answered them, but thorn on OMHP informed them that thn waves dashed so upon the rodts that they ccAMl^ot under- ■tand a word they said. C^&urcfe iiow made signs for two of. Ihein to go along upon thn shore to a beach, where one could see a goodsi^tace round, wheuier any others were near. Immediately two ran to the place, one without any arms, but the other had a lance. Knowing Church to be in the boat, they urged him to come on shore, and said they wanted to dis- course with him. He told him that had the lanee, that if he would r.arry it away at considerable distance, and leave it, h« would. This he readily did. Mr. Church then went ashore, left one of his Indians to ^aiid the eanoe, and the other he stationed upon the beach to give notice if any should approach. He was surprised to find that Georve was one of them, a very good man, and the last Sogkonate he had npolen with, being one of those sent to guard him to his house, and to whom he had given charge of his gotras when he undertook his missioD to Plimouth. On being asked what he wanted that he called him a^ofe, answered, ** that he took him for Chiurch, as soon as he heard his voice in the canoe, and that he was glad to see him alive." He also told him tbftt ^$€uhoiikt was in a swamp nlMut three miles off, and that she had left Pli(^ and did not intend to return to him any more ; and wished Mr. Ckiirth to stay while he should go and call her. This C^aireh did not think prudent, nut said he would come again and speak with .iwoshonkSf and some other Indians that he should name. He therefore told Otorge to notify Au>a$h(»tkaf her «on Peter, their chief captain, and one AbrnpcuA, to meet him two days after at a certain rock, " at the lower end of Capt. RidUHondPa ftuin,-wiiich waa a very noted place." It was provided that if that day aho\i)d prove ■tormy, the next pleasant day should be improved, lliey parted with IfBooK ra. Btted by tie tide of only al- >mber fol- le of May, >gP48Baffe uesday Ti: rhiy pleas- upany of i«« notice !ted with raised at [siaud, for bia return J* Hole, to ne of the «« canoe, t. He or- iose upon lie might he knew n his in- "da them, !,'ot pretty en. The lich when {ain, and ^ith them. informed ot under- lem to go ce round, >lace, one to be in d to dis- ild r:arry e readily laiid the ^ if any of them, iing one f* given it. On i, « Uiat loe, and iftfwas did not r while lUt said b> her odtys which prove i with ChAT. IVl AWASHONKS. w cordiality, George to cany the news to Awtuhonks, otiA Ckttrth far New- 'pon. On being made acquainted with Churck't intention to Tisit thoae In- dians, the government of Rhode laland marvelled much at bis presump- 'tion, and would not give him any permit under their hands; assuring *him that the Indians would kill him. They said also that it was madness on his part, after such signal services as he had done, to throw away his life in such a mtmner. Neither could any entreaties of friends alter ' bis resolution, and he made ready for his departure. It was his intentkai to ' have taken with him one Daniel WUcox,* a man who well undet^bod the Indian language, but the government utterly refused i^m ; so that bis whole retinue, in this important embassy, consisted only of himself, his own man, and the two Indians who conducted him from Sockonesset As an important item in his outfit, must be mentioned a btMe o^ mm, and a roll of tobacco. The day appointed having arrived, after paddling about three miles, they came to the appointed rock, where the Indians were ready to receive them, and gave him their hands in token of friendship. They went back from the shore about fifty yards, for a convenient place fbr consultation, when all at once rose up from the high grnes, a great manv Indians, so that they were entirely encompaMed. They were all armed with guns, ' spears and hatchets ; faces parated and hrir trimmed, in complete War- like array. If ever a man knew fear, we should apprehend it would dis- ' cover itself upon an occasion like this. But, judgmg from his conduct, 'we should say he Was one of those "who never felt fear." As soon as he could be heard, Mr. C%twt/i told Awaahonlu that Qtoree ' bad said that she desired to see him, about making peace with the English. 'She said, " Yes." Then, said Mr. Church, " it is customnry when people meet to treat of peace, to lay aside their arms, and not to appear in subh ' hostile form as your people do." At this thei-e was much murmuring among them, and Jkoashonka asked him what arms they should lay aside. ' Seeing their displeasure, \w said, only their guns, for form's atako. With One consetit they then laid away their guns, and came and sat down. 'He then drew out his bottle of rum, and asked .^tPouAonA;^ whether shd bad lived so long up at Wa< liusett as to forget to drink occapeches. Then, drinking to her, he observed she watched him very narrowly to sen whether he swallowed, and, on offering it to her, she wished hrm to drink again. He then told her there was no poison in it, and, pouring somo in 'the palm of his hand, sipped it up. After he had taken a second hearty dram, Aumhonks ventured to do likewise ; then she passed it 'among her attendants. The tobacco was next passed round, und they ' began to talk. Auxahardu yiimteA to know why he had not come, as" he Eromised, the year before, observing that, if he hao, she and her people ad not joined with Philip. He told her he was prevented by the break- ing out of the war, and mentioned that he maae an attempt, not with - standing, soon afler he left her, and got as far as Punkatesse, when a ' multitude of enemies set upon him, and obliged him to retreat. A gre^ii ' ararmur now arose among the warriors, and one, a fierce and gigantic ' fellow, raised his war ciub^ with intention to have killed Mr. Church, bur > some laid hold on him and iirevented him. They informed him tlmt this fellow's brother was killed in the fight at Punio/eeAe, and that he said ' it was Ckureh that killed him, and ho would now have his Mood. Church ' told them to tell him that his brother began first, and that if he had done • 1667, " Daniel WOMcket tooke Ihc oalh 6ff firMitie (his eoorl." Ptim. Jitc. In 164S, one Wilcox set up a trading house in th» inlcrestini^ fact concerning the maior, it contains others of value. It was wntten in 1697. At th'\t time, some pretended tnat the age of people was much shorter in America than in Eu- rope ; which gave rise to what we are about to extract.— JUory Broton was the first-born or Newbiii-y.Mass. who married a Qndfry ; and, says our book, she " is yet alive, and is become ifie mother and grandmother of many children." " The mention of Hary Brown, brinfK to our mind an idle whimsey, as if persons bom in New England would be short-lived ; whereas, the natives live long. And a judgment concerning English- men, cannot well be made till SO or 30 years hence, Capt. Pertgrine WMte, boni [on board the Mayj/lower] Nov. 1620, is yet alive, and like to live. ' [He died 7 years aAer, in 1704 ] Major WUliam Bradford \i more than 73 years old. aud halh worn a bullet in his flesh above 20 of them, [which he doubtless recttwd in PhUip'i war. He died aged 79.] Elizabeth Alden, (now Paybody, whose granddaughter is a mother,) Capt. Jolm Alden, her brother, Atex^. Standuh, and John Itowlcmd, have lived more than 70 years." S. Sewall's New Heaven upon the New Earth, 69, 60. fBoo« Of. chief cap- bore about i was 80OQ It way dhe ft she and (their Jives ^smto. (OAer ex- -: you wiJl f nght for 1 be ripe." of propb- ave made ">«I gone ted that it the island •mpany at id here it idustry of ns always ircd great k Went to prevailed. nd charge etimes by at he bar- '. hindered ling to put tag made «« of lu8 Jogkonate It waiting sea, that at great and rain I to bear ainst the i passed, mouth. s8et,Mr. At fh-it an ill Eu- firei-born Jivo, and "f ^rarv id woul^ •<«. bom 'Tjrears ' won a »r. He noiher,) >d more CHir. IV.J AWASHONKS. Cktmk tepaired to him, and told him of his transactions and enngeroenti with AtDOikonka. Bradford directed him to go and inform her of Ua arriral, whieh be did. Jhoaahonka doubtless now discoyered much un- easiness and anxiety, but Mr. Church told her "that if she would be ad- vised and observe order, she nor her people need not fear being hurt.'* He directed her to get all her people together, ** lest, if they should be found straggling about, mischief might light on them ;" and that the next day the army would march down into the neck to receive her. After begging him to consider the short time she had to collect them together, she promised to do the best she could, and he left her. Accordingly, two days after, she met the army at Punkateese. Awa- ahffnka was now unnecessarily perplexed by the stern carriage of Major Bradford. For she expected her men would have been enaployed in the army ; but instead of that, he "presently gave forth oiders lor JhB and what they had been doing was all one swe ng of them."^ Awcuhonka and her chiefi next came and told him "that .^w they were all eneoged to fight for the English." At this time Awaahanks presented to Mr. Church a very fine gun. The next day, July 22, he selected a number of her men, and proceeded to Plimouth. A commission was given him, and, beine joined with a number of EngUsh, volunteers, commenced a successfiii series of exploits, in which these Sogkonatr : bore a conspicuous part, but have never, since the days of Church, been any where noticed as they deserved. It is saidf that Jheaihonka had two sons ; the voungest was WtUiaan Mm^ttf/Tuunl, who was put to a grammar school, and learned the Latin lan- guage, and was intended for tuHlege, but was prevented by being seized with the palsy. We have been able to extend the interesting memoir of the family ofjlwaahonks in the early part of tliis ar'<*le much beyond any before punted account; of Tokanuma we have no primed notice, except what Church\ incidentally mentions. Some of his Indian soldiers re- (luested liberty to pursue the Narragansets and other enemy Indians, immediately after they had captured Philip's wife and son. "They said the Narragansets were great rogues, and they wanted to be i<)venged on them, for killing some of their relations ; named Thkkanona, (Aiaamonka'a brother,) and rsome others." About 130 years ago, i. e. 1700, there were 100 Indian nicn of the Sog- konate tribe, and the general assembly appointed J\"iirrtpau8 their captain, who lived to be an old man, and died about .1.748, after the taking of Cape Breton, 1745. At the commencement of the eighteenth century, they made quite a respectable reUgious congregation ; h>>Ai a meeting-house of * Signifyinff/i iendt, in Indian. lisi. Philip' s War, 39. ' ' t Col. Mat*. Hitt. 8oc. I Hist. PhiTip's War, 39. It is usual to cite Capt. Church a» the author or recorder of hii own actijns ; it is so, althoug^h his son Thomas appears as the writer of the his- tory. The truih is, the father dictated to the son, and corrected what appeared errane- iHit uWr the vwk was written. <3baf. V their ow month, whose n Aboul in 1808 Afvrih and. Hia himsi maso stva in disco Mat der- Sao Pet Pun history now p coUec squaw showi Thi early try, a iurnno he al ment , shovt discc Gort was eha£ USUI B sioti thei Ind thei not oui 60, Px it I ar in hi iBwK UL \ Chwch'a Obat. v.] PUimAM. n their own, in which th^ were instructed by Rev. Mr. BiBingi, onee a month, on Sundays. They had a steady preacher among thumaelvea, whoae name was John Simon, a man of a strong mind. About 1750, a very distreasing fever carried off many of this tribe, and in 1808 there were not above ten in Compton, their principal reaidenee. CHAPTER V. mA furBuT aeamnt of chitft coMptcAtM tn PhSLip'a tear — PiniHAH — Taken and alain — Hia aon Qdaqdalb — Chickon— Socononoco — Potock — Hia reaidence — Complaint againat HVdboto'a aneroachmtnU — Ddivera himaey up — Put to death — STONE-wALL-ionif — >d great captain— tA maaon — Hia men g''taUy annoy the Ikigliah army in Nhrraganaet — ISUa aeveral of them — They bum a garriaon, and kUl f\fUenperaona—A tr^fix in Indian priaonera — The burning of Rehoboth and Providence — John^a diacourae with Roger fflUiama — b killed — Sagamore John — Fate qf Matoonas — Put to death on Boaton Common — Hia aon hanged for mwr- M der — MoNoco — David — Andrew — Jamea-the-printer — 0Li)-JEegun to railv to oppose them, they fled in the grentt-st confusion, although they had ** about an hundred and four score" nicn,f of wiiom but one was wounded when the flight began. This enhances the valor of the Indians, in our minds, es- pecially as wcread the following iMuamge, in Mr. JlfoMer^s Brief History : — ** In the mean while, a pnity ot Indians from an island, (whom coming on shore might easily have been prevented, and the soldiers, before they set out from Hadley, wore earnestly admonished to take care about that matter,) assaulted our men ; yea, to^the great dishonor of the English, a few Indians pursued our soldiers four or five miles, who were in number near twice os many as the enem;^." Id this fli^t Cant. TSamer was killed, as he was crossing Green River. Holioke exerted himself with great bravery, and seems well calculated to oppose such a chief as Pum- ham was. We hear of no other bravery among the English in this mas- sacre, but this passage concerning Holioke, whicn we are sorry is so sadly eclipsed, as appears by what follows. During the fi^ht, some old persons, (whether men or women is not mentioned,) and children, had hid them- selves under the bank of the river. Capt. Holioke discovered them, and with his own hands put five of them, " young and old," to death-t This English ca[)tain did not long survive his antagonist, for, by his great exer- tions in this flght, a fever was brought upon him, of which he died in September following, *' about Boston."^ It would seem from the several accounts, that, although the English were sadly distressed in this flght, the Indians could never have repaired their loss ; which, says the author of the Present State, &c. wt? al- most OS much, nay, in some respects more considerable, than their lives.^ He continues, " We destroyed all their ammunition and provision, which we think they can hardly he so soon and easily recruited with, as possibly they may be with men. We likewise here demolished two forges they had to mend their arms, took away all their materials and tools, and drove many of them into the river, where they were drowned, and threw two great pigs of lead of theirs, (intended fcr making of bullete,) into the said river."|| — " As our men were returnui^ to Hadley, in a dangerous pasa^ which they were not sufliciently aware of, the sKulkin^ Indians, (out of the woods,) killed, at one volley, the said captain, and eight-and-thirty of his men, but immediately ai\er they had dischar^d, they fled." In relating the capture and death of PumAam, Mr. Hubbard 8ay8.ir " He was one of the stoutest and most valiant sachems that belonged to the Narragansets ; whose courage and strength was so great that, after he had been mortally wounded in the flght, so as himself could not stand ; yet catching hold of an Englishnian that by accident came near him, had done him mischief, if he had not been presently rescued by one of his fellows." This was on 25 July, 1676. PvfflAom, with a few followers, had for some time secreted themselves in Dedham** woods, where it was supposed they were " almost starved for want of victuals." In this sad * We cannot agree with our Tricnd Gen. ffotjl, thai these falls should be named Tur- ner's Falls, although we once thought it well enough. We would rather call them the Massacre Falls, if, indeed, their Indian name cannot be recovered. t /. Matiur, 30. t Hubbard, Nar. 88. ^ Ibid. R Many of the Indians learned trades of the English, and in the wars turned their knowledge to good account. They had a forge in their fort at Nairaganset, and the Indian blacksmith was killed when that was taken. The author of the Present 8laU, See. says, be was the only man amongst them that fitted their guns and arrow-heads ; that among other houses they burnt his, demolished his forge, and carried away his lo«k. IT Narrative, 100. 4to. edition. ** Wootiunmomippogue was its Indian name, or apart of it .7 74 POTOK. (Book m. Chap. V condition, they wnro fallnn iiiion by the Engliiih unvemor of Massachusetts, and is as follows :— " At my laskdeparture for nglaki.^, I was importuned by y* Narraganset sachems, and especially by JS/hneemuU, to present their petition to the high sachems of England, that they might not he forced from their religion ; and, for not changing their reli^oo, be invaded by war. For tliey said they were daily visited with threatenings by Indians, that came from about the Massa- chusetts ; that if they would not pray, they should be destroyed by war." And asoiD, in the same letter: "Are not all the English of this land, ^generaTly,) a persecuted people fitim their native soil ? and hath not the God of peace and Father of mercies made the natives more friendly in this than our native countrymen in our own land to us ? have they not en- tred leagues of love, and to this day continued peaceable commerce with us? are not our f^inilies grown up in peace amongst them ? Upon which I humbly ask how it can suit with Christian ingenuity, to tuke hold of some aeeming occasions for their destruction." * MS. Nonative of Rev. T. Cohbet. \ Mather's Brief Hist. 43. X Narrative, itf mprv. « iMany write Dratiuon, but his own signature, in my possession, is as in the text, lo MB. dated Providence, 5:8: 1604. fBoo« m. Cmap. v.] STONE-WALL^OHN. fling, who '.• They •)oiif half •oiiiuIh of* hut two ery likely have be- barous an account ertoBos. iro of the that he )ad, made ut of the to him, '«nge, get id not an- ed dying y a party '(II called ;e notice. I come to >, in the him firet 'hriHtian- ' English vith that principal ition was them to Eoglish cter had ave been English o better II to the rture for pecially rngland, liunging e ilaily Massa- Y war." is land, not the adiy in lot en- e with which fsome 1.43. (I. We arc able to fix the place of bis rrmdeuce in the ▼icinitv of Point Judith. Otir earlicHt notice uf him is in ItiGl. In thia year, Polot, witli several other chiefs, romplaiucd to the court of MaaBBchuaetls, that " Samuel h'Udbow, and otherH of Im companie," claimed jurisdiction at Point Judilli, in their country, and lauds adjacent. They came on and posHCHHed themselves forcibly, bringing their cattle and other effects with them.* What onler the court took uiion it does not appear. About the close oi PhUip't war, Poloili: came voluntarily to RIhnIo Island, nodoulM with the view of making friends again with his enemies ; but was K;ut to Boston, where, after answering dl their inquiries, he waa put to death without ceremony. In the account carried to London bv Cap>t. Mart, mentioned in the last chapter, is this notice of Potok: — "There is onePo(ucik,a mischievous Engine, and a Counsdlour, taken formerly, said to be in Go«l at Rhode- Island, is now sent to Boston, and there shot to death." In the detail of the great Narraganset ex()cdition of 1675, we have omitted to notice a by no means unimportant Indian captain. Stone-toaU-iohn, Aone4i:cy in " th« mckinf( of Prnviilcncc,*** oiid Rchvlioth alto, witli- oiit iliiiilti. Ill th» former ultoiit 00 lioimoif wen* buriiod, luid in Uio Utter pla<;«! "iionr ii|M)n 40" liotwtii niid 30 haniN. Stnnc-wnll-john wan doiibtltfiw vorsitioii JH rt'lulfd by onr anonvmoun niitbor, already cited, in theae words :—'* Hut indeed the reuMin that the inhabitaiita of the towna of 8ea> ooniek and Providence generally escaped with their Uvea, is not to bo a( tritiuted to any coin|M8Hion or rood nature of the Indians, (whose very mercies nro inhumane crueltiea,)l)ut, [the autlior soon contradicts bimael^ OH will III! seen,] next to God'a providence, to their own prudence in avoiding tlioir fury, when they found thnmHRlvea too weak, and unable to resiHt it, hv a tirnelv flight into Rhode Island, which now liecamo the "Common Zoar, or iilace of refuge for the distressed ; yet some remained till their i-oinin^' to destroy the said towns; us in |mrticular Mr. WiUiamt at Pro v idem e, who, knowing several of the rhief Indians that came to fn-o tliat iiiwii, dincoiiraed with them a considerable time, who pretended, their giviitcst qiiurrcl was against Plimouth ; and as for what they at> tomntcd ugiiinst the other colonies, they were constrained to it, by the s|Niil timt wa» done them at Norragansot.^ They told him, that when Captain Pierre engaged them neur Mr. BUtckalone% they were bound for Plifiiowtli. The^ gloried much in their suncesM, promising themselves the conqiitnit oi the whole country, and rootin;; out of all the English. Mr. fVUliams re|>roved their confidence, minded them of their cruelties, and told ihem, that the Bay, viz. Boston, could yet spore IC^OOO men ; and, if they should destroy all them, yet it was not to be doubted, but our king would send as many everv year from Old England, rather than they should share the country.^ They answered proudly, that they should be ready for them, or to that effect, but told Mr. fyMianu that he was a good man, and hod been kind to them formerly, and therefore they would not hurt him." This agrees well with Mr. HM>ard^$ account of the carriage of Jolm at the time Tie went to the English army to talk about peace, already men« tioned. His words are, ** yet could the messenger, [John,! hardly forbear threatening, vaporing of their numbers and strength, oddmg, withal, that the English durst not fight them." We have now to close the career of this Indian captain, for which it requires but a word, as ho was killed oh the 2 July, 1676, at the same time the old sqtiaw-sachem QiMitopen and most of her people were fallen upon by Major Takot, as we nave related in a former chapter. Many Imlians bore the name of John, but when they were any ways conspicuous, some distinguishing prefix or affix was generally added, as we have seen in several instances m the preceding chapters. We have already given the life of one Sagamore-john, but another of that name, still more conspicuous, (for his treacheiy to his own nation,) here presents himself. This Stufmnorejohn was a Nipmuk sachem, and a traitor to his country. On the 37th of July, 1676, doubtless from a conviction of the hopelessness of bis cause, he came to Boston, and threw himself on the mercy of the English. They pardoned him, as he enticed along with' • Pruent State, &.c. 12. t The baitding containing the recordi of K. I. v/aa consumed at this time, and part of it* contents. Some of them were saved by being thrown out of a window into some water. They bev to this time the marks of thctr immersion.^)ral information of iV. R. aUpUt, Esq. of Providence. t And who could ask for a better reason I \ Tliis was rather gasconading for so reverend a man ! Had he tired lince the rev- olutionary war, he would hardly have meant to, whatever he might hove taid. he tUooK m lio, witli- ttio laiter CH4r.V] MATOONAS. bim almut IRO iMhera. Am), that ho might hare a atroafer einim on Ibair cloiiM^nry, he aeizcMl Maioonat, aii«i hia aoD, anioal wbom he knew the Eiiglwli to b«) freaily eoragiMl, and dtiUvered ihcni ud at the aanio timr. On di-atli'a buing iuiiiHMiiatelv aaaigned aa the lot of MalooMU. Saramore- John niqueated that he miKtit execute him with hia own liaoda. To render atill more horrid lliia atory of blood, hia roqueat was granted ; and he t(M»k Maioonat into dm common, bound him to a tree, and there ahot hint tu dcatli." To the aliovo Dr. Mather adda,* "Thue did the Lord retaliate iiiion him the innorent blood which he had ahed ; aa be had done, MO Uod requited him." Although mucu luul been alleged againat Jolm, before be eame in, af- terwarda the moat favorable construction was put upori hia conduct. Mr. HuUmrd aaya, he " affirmed that he bad never inteiiided any miachief to the Eiigliah at firookfiold, the laat year, (near which village it aeenix his place waa,) but that PhUia, coming over night amongat them, ho waa forctui, Tor fear of hia own lite, to join with them againat the Engliali."t Matooruu waa alao a Nipmuk chief. A aon of his waa aoid to have murdered an Engliahman in 1C71, when "traveling along the road," which Mr. Hubbard aaya was "out of mere malice and apite," liecauae he Tvaa " vexed in hia mind tliat the deaign againat the E^gliah, intended to begin in that year, ^ >H3nch by a very worthy person. Captain Oftver, there present, that he c.'^ht rather to ne confined among his Indians, than to sit on the bench. His taking the Indians' part so much hath made him a by-woi^ hoth among men and boys."* , " While Mat'jonas belonged to the Christian Indians, his residence was at Pakacho?,i!f. Here he was made constable of the town.f On joining in the war, he led parties which committed several depredations. He joined the main body of the Nipmuks in the winter of 1675, when Jamts ^yanapohU was among them as a spy, who saw him arrive there with a trun of followers, and take the lead in the war danceB.t Doubtless Smne^hWi evidence drew forth the confessions which he made, and ded to the severity exercised at his execution. We have yet to uoticif «» distinguished Nipmuk sachem, called Mottoco by hi^ couiiiiymen, but by the English, generally. One-eyed- John ; as though ut.^cient in tl ) organs of vision, v^ich probably was the case. He was, say^ an otiiy writer, «a notable fbllow," who, when PAtKp'« war began, live>il near I^ncaster, kqA consequently was acquainted with every part of tlie town, which kni.wledge he improved to his advan- tage,* on two occasions, in t^et vm. On Sunday, 22 August, 1675, a > man, his wife and two children were killed at that place.6 At this time the Hassanamesit praying Indians were placed at Mariborouch by au- thority. No sooner was it known that a murder was committed at Lan- caster, than not a few were wanting to charge it upon the Hassanamesits. Captain Motelvy who it seems was in the neighborhood, sent to their quarters, and found " much suspicion against rievm of them, for singing and dancing, and having bullets and slugs, and much powder hid in their baskets." For this off«nee, these eleven were sent to Boston, on suapicion, and there tried. " But upon trial, the said prisoners were all or them acquitted from the fact, and were ezther released, or ebe were, with others of that fort, sent for better security, and for preventing fUture trou- ble iu the like kind, to some of the islands below Boston, towards Nan- iMlnt.'* twelv* whom * LttUr to London, 26. \ ahaUucVt Hitt. Concord, 31. 1 1 CoL Matt. Hilt. 8oe. vi. 906. f The above is Mr. HubbanPt account. Mr. WiUard, in his excellent history of Lai»- astter, rives us the names of six, and says eigi.t were lulled. But in hit enuineraUoB 1 eoaatmiw; and Gootin says seven. m ItBooKlif timtg Of »ore of • BUS act i-'ugh) of " from a great actually Slate of lose who them. uculare of ff. Stiot, [11 be seen >rCaptaiii 'borne by 'ing them |h, that it •w, there iansfthan ith made Bnce was n joining ions. He >en James ne with a Doubtless nade, and I OtU'tyed- •ably was ho, when iquajnted ia advan- , 1675, a ^bis time d by au- at Lan- lamesitB. to their sinmng in their lapicion, >r them re, with re trou- s Nan- Si. ' of Lao- miioni CUAf. V.) MONOCO. m Fiikean wm the number brought down to Boaton, but eUtm or twelve only were auapeeted of the alleged offence. The othera, among whom wvre Mr m m Sptm and John Ckoo, were taken along and impri*- oned. for no other reason but their being accidentally, at that time, at BhrllMNrough, or the crime of being Indians. It appears some time had eianaed after the murder was committed, before they were sent down for trial, or more probably they were suflfend to return honne before being sent to Deer Island. For SMuraim Turner and IFiOimi Kent were not sent up to find out where "tney all were," and what answers they eould get fitMn those they should meet, until the beginning of October; at which tioM these eleven Indians were scattered in various directions, about their daily calKngs. And all the information TWiwr and Kent handed into court was, that they were thus dli^rsed. Wahan and Mr. John IFatom, who had been appointed to reside among those Indians, were the only persons questionea. What steps the court took upon this in* formation, we ate not informed, but they were about this time sent to Deer Island. The names of these IS Indians, concerning whom more particular inquinr may hereafter be made by the benevolent antiquary, it is thought should be given ; especidly as they may not elsewhere be preserved. Thw follow:— (Md-;f«tkr» and two sons, (Peter |Mrobab]y being one,) a Mtioto, (name not mentioned,) iAnwes-tte-fWtnfer, Jamu Aeompttnetj Daniel Mtnauta, John C^wuqmaecnO, John Jlaqvind, Qeergt Mnu^uetewit, Thomas Mamuxon- qua, tid Joseph fFaltquKoson. After a trial of great vexation to these innocent Indians, David, the main witness agunst them, acknowledged he had perfidiously accused them ; and at tm same time, a prisoner was brought in, who testified that he AneiP One-^/ed-john had committed the murder at Lancaster, and a short time after another was taken, who confirmed his testimony. lliose Indians brought all these troubles upon themselves by reason of A', ir attachment to the English. It was in their service that they discov- ered and captured Andrew, a brother of David, who, on being delivered to the soldiery, was shot by them with ferocious precipitancy. Therefore, when the Lancaster muiiier happened. Captain Mosdv, having already sundry char|pe8 against David, held an inquisition upon nim to make him confiMS relative to the Lancaster affair. The method taken to make him confess, (agreeably to the desire of his inquisitors,) was this : they bound him to a tree, and levelled guns at his breast. In this situation, to avert immediate death, as well as to be revenged for the death of his brother, he proceeded to accuse the eleven Indians before named. The result wc have before stated. For thus folsely accusing his countrymen, and shoot- ing at a boy w.ho was looking after sheep at Marlborough, David wns condemned to slavery, and accordingly sold. James Aeompanet was conspicuous at the trial, as one of the eleven, and ** pleaded, in uehatf of himself and the rest, that what David said apinsr them, was to save his own life when bound to the tree," &c. Aeompantty says Mr. Gookin, " was a very understanding fellow." n otwithsta...iing the two prisoners, taken at diflerent times, as we havo mentioned, avowMl that Mvnoco led the party that did the mischief, yet one* of the deeen, whom Mr. Oookin calls Joseph Spoonant, was, l)y a new jury, found guilty, and sold into foreign slavery. Ills Indian name was Jrottt^pacoMm. Andrew^s history is as follows : he had been gone for some time before the war, on a hunting voyage towards the lakes ; and on his return hnino- * Oookin'* MS. Hitt. Pratpng Indians. BIONOOO. [Boos OL C«AP.V.l WHiL he All in auionff PhiKf^M men aboot QualMog. Thk was about • ■HMitb befim the aflair at Lanoaater. The raaaon he aiaid among the hoatila Indians ia very obvioiui: he was afiraid to ▼entura into the vieinity •f tiie whites, lest they should treat him as an enemy. But as bis iU ftitune fell out, he was found in the woods, by his countrymen of Mark borough, who conducted him to the English, by wliom be was sliot, aa 1^ have just related^ The officer who preaided over and directed this ■Air, would, tio doubt, at any other time, luve received a reward pro- IMStioMtB to the malignity of the oflfence. But in thia horrid storm of war, many were suffered to tnuMgreas the laws with impuni^. We have yet to add a word concerning Momoco. When fffianiqtohA iisIb out aa a spy, Jlfeiieee kindly entertained him, on account of Ibrmer afBOiiainfence, not knowing his character. They had served tiwether in «ber wars against the Mdhawkd. On 10 Feb. 1676, about 600 Indians 611 upon Lancaster, and, after burning the town, carried the inhabitants into captivity. Among them was the flunily of Rev. Mr. BotUmtdton. Mrs. Rotukmdaon, after her redemption, published an amusing account of the aflair. Aiimoeo, or Om-ejitdpaka, it is said, was among ib» acton of this tragedy. On 13 March foUowing, Qroton was surprised. In this affiur, too^ Mm JMbnoeo was principal ; and on his own word we set him down as the destroyer of Medfteld. After he had burned Groton, except one (garrison house, he called to the captain in it, and toM him he would bum mMuceesaion Chelmsford, Concord, Watertown, CamlHidgo, Charles' town, Roxbury and Boston. He boasted much ot the men at his com- mand; said he had 480 warriors; and added — " What me teiU rnt do." The report of this very much enraged the English, and occasioned his being entitled a *< bragadocio^ by the historian. At the close of Philip's war, with others, he gave himself up to M^jor WaUbron at Cochecho ; or, havinc come in there, at the request of P^tr-jMro, to niake peace, was seizedand sent to Boston, where, in the bwguage of Mr. Huhbardf he, "with a few more bragadocios like himself Sagamon-tam, Old-je^vrOf and the sachem of Quabaog, [MmUamp*], were taken by the En^^hr and was seen, (not long before the writing of this,) marching towards the gallowR, (through Boston streets, which he threatened to burn at his pleasure,) with a halter about his neck, with which Ite was banged at the town^i end, 8ept. 96, in this present year, lOTe." It was reported, (no doubt 1^ tbe Indians, to vex their enemies,) that Mrs. Rou)lan~R«T. Mr. Ftet't HUt, t HiTshtUtucl^i Km. CoBCord, SO. # [Bmc to, CmAT. v.] SAOAMOBE-SAM. 81 English who wen tent to conduct the pnyinc Indiuw to Boelon, and in the night he escaped, with all his fiuniljr, into liis native wilda. Hia son Ptier bad been so lonp under the inatnwtion of the Euf^iah, that he had become almoat one orthen\. He deserted hia fiuber's cause, and was the means of bis being executed with the other Nipmuk saehenw alnoihr mentioned. This oecaaoned Dr. L Malker to say of him, "That abonu- iiabie Indian, Peter-jdhro, betrayed hi$ own faiher, and other Indians of his special acquaintance, unto death." It seena be had been emi^yed by the Englidi for this purpose. Sagamon-iam, sachem of Nashua, was a participant in the mxSemmt of those just named. He was one of those that sadted Lancaster, 10 Febi 1676. His Indian name was at one time Shoahaniin, but in PhM^$ war it appears to have been changed to UdcatuhKvtn ; at least, if he be the same, it was so subscribed by Pdar-jetkro, when the letter was aent by the Indians to the English about the exchange of Mrs. BoteUmdton and others, as will be ibuM in the life of JVeponel. SKofAontsi was successor to Matthew, who succeeded Sholan. This last-noentimed sachem is prob- ably referred to by the authw quoted in Mr. Thorowgood^i curious f>ook. In the summer of 1650, Rev. Jokn Eliot intended to visit the Nashuaa, in his evangelical capacity, but understanding there wm war in that direction among the Indians,* delayed his journey for a time. The sachem of Naahua hearing of Mr. EKafi intention, "took 90 men, armed after their manner," as his guard, with many othen, and conducted him to his countiy. And my author adds, "this was a long journey huto the wilderness of 60 miles: it proved very wet and tedious, so that he was not di^ three or four davs together, night nor day."f One of the Indians at this ume asked Mr. Eliot why Uioee who prayed to God among the Eujdisb loved the Indians that prayed to God "more than their own breUiren." The good man seemed some at a loss for an answer, and waved the subject by several scriptural t|uotations. We may be incorrect in the supposition that the sachem who coo- ducted Mr. lUiot on thia occasion was ShoUm, as perhaps Pa$»aeonmM^ would suit the time as well. Anther great and benevolent chief it would be proper to notice in this pnce, whose name was Atl^pehn ; but as he cornea to our notice after Phihp't war, we shall notice him in another chapter. * In 1647. three Indians were killed between Qaabaor and Springfield, by other Indian*. The next yenr, five others wore killed about midway between Quabaog and Laacasier.— ICMArdj. Journal, (8aoag^$ ed.) Such instances were conmion amonf the Indians. t Sure Arcuments to prove that the Jews inhabit now in America.— By Tlkomo* normogooitMo. London, 160S. Sir Roger L'Estnmgt answored'this book by another entitled, Tax Amibicars ko Jaws. , "V AMOS. [Bmk UL Cmaf. V CHAPTER VI. PrimtAf huti mt- ■■CArrAiw Amon—Purmu* Tahaan and PenaehatK^- - Eteapn Hit aUmrlder at Pautudut—CommoHib a coMpomf tn the eauUm war— Captain LioHTrooT-^Mw terrieef tn PhSfl'a wai^^tn Ike tatUm w«rr~KATTaifAi(iT — Hit •emeu— Qvarkapohit-^Mi mfartant $er- vicu cu a jpv-~MACTAMP— JIfonoco — Nepanxt — EmpUiged to tnat wiOt the atemh— Brings letten from ttcM— J^^oC* on txditmgt tffpri t omut— PiTKR CoHWAT-^PeTBB EpHRAlIb ^nuw, conamonly called C«^->r/. Amoa^ was a Wampanos) whose > residence wan about Cape Cod. We hare no notice of hiin unld ItSi^a war, at which tkne he was entirely devoted to the service o<':he Bnglisb. After the Plimouth peopk had found that Taioavn was concerned in the destruction of CUaVa garrison, they sought for tome friendly Indians who would undertake to deliver him and his abettors into their hands. Captain Amoa tendered his services, and was duly commisBioned to prosecute the enterprisei snd to take into that service any of his friends. Meantime, Tatoson haid fled to Elizabedi Island, in company with Pau- dUuon, another chief who was also to be taken if hfe could be found. This Pmuuhaaon was probably 3Vilasoii'« brothoi's son, sometimes called Tbsi, who, if the same, was also at the destroying of Claitea garrison. Yet the wily chicfr eluded the vigilance of Captain dflsMW, by flying from tl:,.it regies into the Nipmuks' country, where they joined PhUm, To cueouragn greater exertion on die part of tho friendly Indians, to easoute their oommissiony it wsB ordered, that in case they captured and biMigbt in either 3\itosoii or P«n«cJkuon, "they may expect for their rewnd, for each of them four coats, and a coat ^liece for every other Indian that shall prove inerehantabie.'' We have mentioned fai a former cbaMet the hatni catastrophe of Captain Feirat and bM men at Pawtueket Captain vftnov escaped that dreadful slaughter. He fought there vrith 90 or his warriors, and when Captain Pctrse vras shot down by a ball, which wounded him in the thigh, he stood by his side, and defonded him as long as there wss a gleam of hope. At lengtli, soeing nearly all his frieiras slain, by great presence of mind he made his escape, by the following subtle stratagem : — A/bntmlmao'* warriors bad blackened their Akss, which Captain Amoa had observed, and by means of powder contrived to discolor his own unobserved by them. When be had done this, he managed, by a dexterous manoBUver, to pass among the enemy fbr one of them, and by these means escaped. What were Captain Amoa'a other acts in this war, if any, we have not learned ; nor do we meet again with him until 1689. In that year, he went with Col. Ckuvch against the eastern Indians and French, in which expedition he also had the command of a company. Church arrived with his forces in Sept. at Casco, now Pordand, and, having landed se- credy under cover of^the night, surprised, on the following morning, about four hundred Indians, who had come to destroy the place. Although the Indians did not receive much dama^, yet, €rov. SuUivan says,* 'the whole eastern country was saved by the timely arrival of this expedition. In the fight at Casco, eight of the English were killed and many wounded. Two of Captain Amoa^a men were badly wounded, and Sam Moaesy another fiiendly Indian, was killed. There was another Indian com- * Hill. District of Maine, 108. whose ( k Cbaf. VI.] KATTENANIT. pany in this otpedition, csmnwndiid by Capuun Damd, out cf which om man wa» killed, who was of Yarmouth on Cape Cod.* Lightfbot, of the tribe of the Sogkonoiea, distioguiabeu in PkSir't war, WON alao in the service under Chwch at Caaco ; a memorable expedition, on more than one account. One circumatance we will mme, as it well uigh proved the ruin of the undertaklre. When, on the following room- ings aifler the arrival of the forces, the attack was begun, it was, to the in- expressible surprise of the English, found, that the bullets were much laqfer than the calibre of their guns. This was a most extraordinary and unaccountable occurrence, and great blame was charseable somewhere. In this wretched dilemma, the fight having already negun, Ckwrck set some at work making the bullets into slugs, by which resort he was able to continue the fight It being high water at the time, an estuary sepa- rated the betde-ground from the town. The buUetb were to be carriea *o the army engaged, in buckets, aAer being hammered. When the first recruit of slugs was made up. Col. Chunk ran with it to t„. water's edge, and, not caring to venture himself to wade across, called to those on Uie other side to send some one to take it over to the army. None appeared but LjghffooL This Indian dexterously repassed the estuary, witli a quan- tity ofpowder upon bis head, and a " ketUe" of bullets in each hand, and thus the fight was maintuoed, and the enemy put to flight. In PhU^» war, Lightfm^t exploits were doubtless very numerous, but fe\/ of thein have come down to us. He volunteered to fight for the English, at .SuHtahonka^a great dance at Buzzard's Bay, alreaidy mentioned. When LUtU'Ctfea was taken at Cushnet, in 1676, LAghtfoot was sent witli liim tr what is now called Palmer'a Idand, near the mouth of Cushnet Kiver, where he held him in guard, until he could be safely conducted to Pli- mouth. About the time Akkampom was killed, and Plulip'a wife and son wert taken. Church gave him a captain's commission, alter which he made several successful expeditions. — We now pass to characters hitherto less known, thougli, perhaps, of more inteiest. Very little wos Known or certain important characters among the friend- ly Indians of Massachusetts, which should have by no means been over- looked, until the discovery of Mr. Gookin'a manuscript history of tb« praying Indians, not long since, and to which we have often referred already. We shall, therefore, devote the remainder of the present chapr ter to their history. Job Kattenanit seems first to demand attention. He was a Christian Indian, and lived soiue time at Natick, but was at one time a preacher at Magunkog, and belonged origmaUy, we believe, to Haseanamesit. How- ever that may have been, it is certain he lived there in the beginning of PkUip'a war, when that chief's men made a descent upon the |)lace, witli the intention of carrying away those Christian Indians prisonei-s. Job made his escape from them at this time, and came in to the English at Mendon. He had still three children in the enemy's hands, and lie was willing to run any venture to release them. He therefore applied for and obtained a pass, assuring him safety, provided that, in his return, he should fall into the hands of the English scouts. Besides lil)erating his children, considerable hopes were entertained, that be might be enabled to furnish information of the enemy. It unfortunately happened, that, before he had passed the frontier, he fell in with some English soldierR, who treated him as a prisoner, and an enemy, even taking from him his clothes and gun, P^ni ■■ • satisfy the cJamoi' signed him to the uon ne him to the governor at Boston ; " who, more to •" ''ly people than for any offence committed,'' as- ;ion jail, where he suffered exceedingly ; himself * MS. leUcr of Capl. Batttt at Um espediliou. ■.x..,». KATTENANIT. [Boon m. Cnxr. VI end inuiy others lieing crowded into a narrow and filthy place. Aftei about three weeks, he was taken out and sent to Deer Island. The clamora of the people were indeed high at this time, and many accused Major Oookiny who gave him the pass, as guilty of fiimishing the enemy with intelligence. . AAer the Ndiraganset fight, 19 December, 1675, the Ehiglish were very anxious to gsin information relative to the position of the enemy, and accordingly viistnicted Major Oookin to use his endeavors to employ some flriendly Indian spies ; who, aiier considerable negotiation among those at Deer Island, engaged Job acain, and Jama ^uamuuokU. alias Quona- paug. Their reward was to lie fme pounds apiece! They departed upon this service before day, the 90th of December, and, during their iniaaion, behaved with great prudence, and brought valuable information to the En^ish on their return ; but which, from intestine bickerings among the English, turned to small account Jamea On(mfuq>^hU returned 34th of Jan. following, nearly worn out and famished ; ha\ ing travelled about 80 miles in that cold season, upon snow-shoes, the snow, being very deep. The informadon whic!; he ^ve wns Mrriuen down by Major Cfookin.* Among other matters, he £i*ated that the enemy had tnknn up their quarters in ^iflferent places, probably near Scattncook ; and many others, including the Nipmuks, about Menu- inesse. The Narragansets had not yet joined PkUtp openly, but while Jamea and Job were among the Nipmuks, messengers arrived from Nar- raganset which gave them much jo^, for they expressed an ardent desire to join them andPhUip in prosecuting the war. They said their loss in the great swamp fight was small. In three weeks, Jamea learned, they woiud assault uincaster, which accordinffly came to pass, upon the vei^ day which he said they intended it He Teamed and thus divulged their Elans to a great extent A circumstance now oceiirred, whicii obliged im to make his escape, which was this : He found a mend and pro- tector in J(fauto»u>,f one of the Nipmuk chiefs, who, it seems, intended shortly to visit Philip ; and insisted that QitonnopoAtt should accompany him, and it was with no small difiiculty he was able to elude the vieilant «ye of Jlfau^amp, and make his escape, which, however, was eflfectedon'y by a cunning stratagem, as follows : — He told Mautamp that ho had foug tit afainst Philip in the commencement of the war, and that Philip knew him, and that, unless he could go to him with some important trophy, PkUip would not believe him, and would immediately kill him. And moreover TukapewMin had priviitely to!d hitn that Philip had ^iven out word that certain praying Indians sho'Jd be sought after, and, it possible, seized and brought to him ; for lie wanted to put them to death in a cruel manner, with his own hands, and that he was one of them. He therefore told Maxdamp that he would go, in the first place, and kill some English, and take their heads along with him, and then he should con- nder himself safe. This being consented to, he lost no time in retracing Ills steps to the frontiers of the English. He mentions Monaco, or One-eyed-john, as a great captain among the enemy, who also treated him kindly, and entertained him in his wigwam during his stay there ; they being old acquaintance, having served to- gether in thfir wars against the Mohawks, ten years before^ And here also Mr. Chokin gives a favorable account of JIfonoco. PhUip had ordered that the persons above named should be brought to him, if * The same published in Col. Matt. Hitt. Soc. 1. vi. 205—208. t The same, probably, called Netaump, who was aAcrwards executed at Boston, at •he same time wilh 8agamore-iam. See Hubbard, 35. X Of (hii war we have given an account in b, 2. e. iii ini '?• iUooK nr. pace. Aftei he clamors isetl Major ■neiny with were v^ry nemy, and nploy some nonr^ those departed liring their nfbrmation bickerings worn out ■son, upon ;h he ^ve I, he ii'ated B, probably out Menu- but while from Nar- lent desire eir loss in imed, they fi the very ilged their ph obliged and pro- I, intended ccompany le viffilant ected on'y lad fougtit Uip knew « trophy, im. And (jiven out i possible, ;ath in a lem. He kill some >uld cou- retracing long the wigwam Tved to- PhUip ' him, if Qoston^at Cn\r. VI.] kattenaKit. 85 taken alive, **tliat he might put thnm to aonM tormenting death, tvUcA had hUkeHo been prevented by the care and kindneaa of a great captain among them, named JoAn-tMA-one-cye, bek>nging to Nashua,* who had civilly treated and protected /BMet, and entertained him at hia wigwam, all the time of his being tliere.''t M waa reaueated to come away with QiMini^|ioM, but aaw no way of getting away bis chiMren, which was a main ob|eet with him. He knew, too, (hat Jeune9 could ^ve ail the information they both possessed at that period, and not considering himself in imminent danger, preferred to tarry longer. At Wanexit, or Manezit, they fell in with seven Indians, who took them and conveyed them about twenty miles, across the path leading to Con- necticut, northward from Quabnog. These were some of the Quahmsits and Seguneaits. At this piac4 were three towns which contained about 300 warriors well armed. Here they were threatened with death, their mission being truly guessed. But going to the wigwam of Ome-eyed-jokn, or Monaco, he char|^ bis gun and s|iid, " I will kill whomsoever shall kill fiwaumihH"^ Some said he had killed one of PhUip*t counsellors ut Mount Hope, and Philip had hired some to kill him ; also Jamea Speen, .'^-.Jrew Ftfimy, Captain nunttr, Tkonuu ^uaiuqtMt, and PeUr Epkraim. On being ordered to visit PhUip, '*Job and he pretended to go out a hunt- ing, killed three dear quickly, and perceiving they were dogged by some other Indians, went over a pond and lay in a swamp till berore day, and when tliey had prayed together he ran away.** JtA was to return to the enemy, and tell them that James ran away liecause thev had threatened to kill him. Job, not being particularly obnoxrous to them, concluded to remain k>nger for the end of ransoming his children, as we have said. He returned to the Ebiglisb in the night of the 9th of Februaiy, and said, as Jama had before, that on the next day Lancaster would be at- tacked, for ho knew about four hundred of Jie enemy were already on their march. It resulted as James had foretoM. He fiirtber informed the English, that the enemy would shortly attack Medfield, Oroton, Marlborough, and other places, and that the Narragan- seui had joined PAtltp and the Nipmuks. While Jamu was there, "a Narraganset brought to them one Engluh head: they shot at him, and sakl the Narragansets were the English friends all last summer. AAerwards two messengers came with twelve head& craving their asnstance, they then accepted th(>'m."§ Before he left tlio enemy, he appointed a place of safety for bis children, and sundry others of his friends, captured at Haesanameeit, where he would aAerwards meet and conduct them to the English. He therefore petitioned the council for liberty to meet them, which was granted. But he aovf had new difficulties to encounter, owing to " the rude temuer of those times," as one of the wise men of that age expressed itj Although both these men had acquitted themselves to the entire satisraction of the au- thorities who sent them forth, yet the populace accused them of giving information to the enemy, and that they were secretly their advisers, or else they had not returned in safety ; to appease which they were con- fined af^in to the island. This so interfered with the time set by Job to meet his children and friends, that great suiferings ensued to them, as well as to himself; and he knew not that ever he should have an oppor- tunity to see his children again. But it much sooner happened, no doubt, than be expected, although in an indirect way. Aliout the time he was • Called Mgamore of Nashua, in the Cotton Mamucriptt. t Hiit. Prayiof Indians. t Cotton ManuscripU. 9 Ibid i Mi^or Dcmul Oookiit, who was ai l«asl a hundred yean in advance cf that age. ^ KArrENANIT. [Boos m. neut to Uie iuland, a vote poaaed in the general court of MaaBacbuaetti, to ralio (in army of six liunJred iiieii, and Major Thomtu Savagt was ap- plietl to, to conduct them in the war. He refused, nnleas he could have iNinie of the friendly Indiana from ..lie island for assistants. On a messen- ger being sent among them, six of their principal and bravest men vol- imtecreell, and all them prisotier^ taken ot Muh- iiais all wtU. Mr, Rowlandson, se your loving sister his hand L Hanah. ,^nd old Kettel wifhis hand X Bntlur Rowlandson, pray send thre pound of T\)bacco for me, tfyou can my loving husband pray smd thre pound of tobiacto for me. " This writing by wur enemt'e^ — Samuel U.skaituligun and Gunrasbit, two Indian sagamoresr* Mrs. Rowlandson, in her account of *' The Sixteenth Remove," relates, that when they had waded over Baquaugf River, " Quickly there came up to MS an Indian who informed them tnat I timst go to Wachuset to my master, for there was a letter come from the council to the saggamores about redeeininK the captives, and that there would bo nnother 'm 14 days, and that I must be there ready .**{ This was doubtless after tho letter just recorded had been sent to the English. "About two dajs after," Mrs. R. continues, "came a company of Indians to us, near 30, all on horseback. My heart skipt within me, thinking they had been Enj;1ishmen,'at the first sight of them : For they were dressed in English apparel, with hats, white neck-cloths, and sashes about their waists, and riobons upon their shoulders. But when they came near, there was a vast difference between the lovely faces of Christians, and the foul looks of those heathen, which much damped my spirits again.'*§ Having, aflei'great distress, arrived at Wachuset, our authoress adds, "Then came 7&m and Peter with the second letter from the council, about the captives." " I asked them how my husband did, and all my friends and acquuntance. They said they were well, but very melan- choly." They brought her two biscuits and a pound of tobacco. The tobacco she gave to the "Indians, and, when it was all gone, one threatened her because she had n-j more to give ; probably not believing her. She told him when her husband caipc, she would give him me. " Hang him, rogue, says he, I will knock out his brains, if he comes here. " Again, at the same breath, they would say, if there should come an hundred without guns they would do them no hurt. So unstable and like madmen they were."|| There had been something talked about Mr. Rowlandson^s gomg himself to ransom his wife, but she says she dared * PtUr-jtthro, a Christian Indian, acted as scribe upon this occasion, t Or PayquaM, now Miller's River. lU onfluer.ce wilh the Connecticut is between Northficid and Montague. X Narrative of her Captivity, 59. $ Ibid. 60. || Ibid. 64, &^. NfiPANET. (BOOE III. 1- i. uot wiKi fur lijin, " fur Uiero waa Utile mere tniat to tbein than to the mas- ter tliey served."* Ntpand lesriib.! by the enemy tbnt they lost io the ficbt when CapL Pitr$t wa« killed, '^srorea of tlieir iiii!ii that sabbath day.^f Ah ih«;y refti!iect to their I side the accountf It a short lifficuh to As to the he Tarra- it in 1615. upon the re in wan I nnd alooj; ihock, Sal- people of Nasraque, To those iquak, Au- iltte in lao- », yet iher Vol. Mtui. Merriimek River, at a plaea eaited l*tm m kmk , and hia doiiiiiiionik ai the period of the BaglWi ■etUemmii, were verv extenMre, evuii over ilie ■aebema living upon tlM Paaeaiaque and its bnnchea. Tlie Abenai|u«a inhabited be t ween the Paeeaiaaiu and Peoofaecot, and the reMdence of the chief nchem was upon Indian Maod.* FhtaUen and Caniain Stmdag were early known aa ebiefii among the Abenaquei^ and Sotmrndo at a later period ; but of theae wr shall be more panieular bereaAw : the Ant sachem we abould notice is PuBtmnnmrag, Ho "lived to a venr fi«at age ; for," save my manuacripl, " I aavf him alive at Pawtueket, wban be was about a bundrsd and twenty yeaia old.'H Uefore bia desith, he de- livered the MIowing speech to hie children and frienda: **/«• NMtgei^g Ms MMy ^aUJImkt or naibi to die, and nut UkUji to $et yom met mud to- gdhtr am store. / isiU note leave thi» ward of ceimsal tsilA yeit, Oud yum menf take heod horn mu qmrrtl mtk the BnAiah, fir though ym mem d» Mem mucA mi$ehitf,jjtt auwrtdhi y»u wUL m ht dutroytd^ma rootei^ tke earth j^ymt do ; for, I wot as wmeh an enemy to the JBnglieh, at thmr frd eoNiww tnto Mtese jMrto, a* omf on« isAotooever, and didtnftdl wagi and mean$poitM»j to hate dednyed Aesi, at lead to have prevented Oum $tt- tHag Aam her*, hut I eoutd no vau efid it ; thenfore, I admn you never to eoidend with the Et^iKeh, nor make toar with them:' And Mr. Hubhard adds, <* it is to be noted that thia Passaeonowa was the moot noted powow and sorcerer of all the country." A story of the marriage of a daughter of Poe Mwonouagr, in lOflB, is thus related. Hlnnefnirket, commonly called Georgv, sachem of Saugus, made known to the chief of Pennakook, that he desired to marry his daughter, which, being agreeable to all parties, was soon consummated, at the resi- dence of i^wsoeonaiMqf, and the hilarity was closed with a great feast. According to the uaages of the chiefs, Pauaeonaway ordered a select number of his men to accompanv the new-married couple to the dwell- ing of the husband. When they had arrived there, several days of feast- ing followed, for the entertainment of his firiends, who could not be pres- ent at the consummation at the bride's Other's, as well as for the escort; who, when this was ended, returned to Pennakook. ' Some time after, the wife of fFinnepurkd, expressing a desire to visit her fkther's house and friends, was permitted to go, and a choice company conducted her. When she wished to return to her husbuid, her father, instead of conveying her as before, sent to the young sachem to come and take her away. He took this in high dudgeon, and sent his father-in-law this answer: " When she departed firom me, I caused my men to escort her to 'your dwelling, as became a chief. She now havmg an intention to return to me, I did expect the same." The elder sachem was now in his turn anpy, and returned an answer which only increased the di^r- ence; and it is believed that thus terminated the connection of the new husband and wife.} This same year, [1663,] we find the |[eneral court acting upon a pei<- tion of PottaconoiMy, or, as his name is spelt in the records themaclves, PqmfeeonetMiy. The petition we have not met with, but from the answer |iven to it, we learn its nature. The court say : ** In answer to the petition of PoputeeonetMy, this court judgeth it meete to graunt to • Wmamum's Hist. Maine, ii. 4. t Oookin't Hilt. Praying hdiam. This history was drawn up during the year I6T7, and how lone before this the author saw him, is unknown : but tnere can be no doubt Imt he WM dead some years before Philiff* war. Nevertbeleu, with Mr. Hvbbard and •ur text before him, the author of 7We« of the Indiatu has made Pattaconateaif appear fa the person of Aipinquid, in 1682, at Ajramentacus in Maine. I Deduced lh>m facU in Mortm'i N. Catuun. PASSACONAWAY. IBooB lU. the said Fapisseeoneway and his men or aaaociates about Naticol,* abore Mr. BnnUm?a lands, wnere it is free, a mile and a half on either side Merremack Riuer in breadth, throe miles on either side in lencth : pro- Tided he nor they do not alienate an^ part of this grant without feave and Uoense from this court, first obtained." Gov. H'inthrop mentions this chief as early as 1633. One of his men, having gone with a white man into the country to trade, was killed by another Indian " dwelling near the Mohawks country, who fled away with his goods ;" but it seems from the same account, that Paaaaeonateojf pursued and took the murderer. In 1643, there was great alarm through- out the English seulements from the belief that all the Indians in the country were about to make a general massacre of the whites. Tiie {[ovemment of Massachusetts took prompt measures " to strike a terror uito the Indians." The^ therefore " sent men to C\ .^kamekutj at Brain- tree, to fetch him and hi& guns, bows, &c., which was done ; and he came willingly: .uid being late in the night when the^ came to Boston, he was put into the prison ; but the next morning, findmg, upon examination of him and divers of his men, no ground of suspicion of his partaking in any such conspiracy, he was dismissed. Upon the warrant which went to Ipswich, Rowley and Newbury, to disarm Pctstaeonamy, who lived bv Merrimack, they sent fortli 40 men armed the next day." These English were hindered from visitins the wigwam of Pauaconamy, by rainy weather, "but they came to his son's and took him." This son we pre- sume was Wanncdancet. This they had orders to do ; but for taking a squaw and her child, they had uone, and were ordered to send them back again immediately. Fearing fFannalance^s escape, they " led him in a line, but he taking an opportunity, slipped his line and escaped from them, but one very indiscreetly made a shot at him, and missed him narrowly." These were called, then, " unwarranted proceedings," as we should say they very well might have been. The English now had some actual reason to fi^ar that Patsaeonaway would resent this outrage, and therefore "sent CtUakamekin to him to let him know that what was done to his son and squaw was without order," and to invite him to a parley at Bos- ton ; also, '* to show him the occasion whereupon we had sent to disarm all the Indians, and that when we should find that they were innocent of any such conspiracv, we would restore all their arms again." Peutaeona- wojf said when he should have his son and squaw returned safe, he would go and speak with them. The squaw wcs so much frightened, that she ran away into the woods, and was absent ten days. It seems that fFan^ tudancet was soon liberated, as he within a short time went to the English, ''and delivered up his guns, &c."f These were the circumstances to which Miantunnomoh alluded so happilv afterwards. At a court in Massachusetts in 1644, it is said, "PofsckMnattfoy, the Merrimack sachem, came in and submitted to our government, as Pum- hom, &c. had done before ;" and the next year the same entry occurs again, with the addition of his son's submission also, " together with their lands and people."| This chief is supposed to have died about the same time with Meutatoitf a sachem whom in many respects ho seems to have much resembled.§ • Another version of Nahum-keag. f Winlhrofft Journal. X Ibid. ( Amonrother stanzas in Farmer and Moore' t Collection!, ths following very happily inbvducei I'attaeonauiay :— " Onee did my throbbing bosom deep receive • The sketch, which one of Pattaeonamaif drew. ^ Well may the muse his memory retrieve ! ^' ' From dark oblivion, and, with pencil true. Retouch that picture sUunpe, with tints and nonors due." CB4P. He iati thingi % (BOOE III. CHAP, vn.] WANNALANCET. ■I* . '» m He WM often styled tte grttt todbon, and, aeoofding to Mr. HuUmrd, was OMMidered a great powow or sorcerer ainong bis people, and his fiune in this respect was Tery extensive ; and we know not that there was any thing that they thou|(ht him not able to perfonn : that he couM cause a green leaf to grow in winter, trees to oance, and water to bum, seem to na^e been feats of common notorie^ in his time. A sachem of nearly as much note was bis son, already mentioned, named Waimak me tt, or Wonokmett, who, in obedience to the advice of his ftther, always kept peace with the En^ish. He resided at an ancient seat of the sagamores, upon the Merrimack, called at that time MutmJuke, but from whence he withdrew, about six weeks before the war with PkS^t. Fearing that his movements might be hostile, the council of Massachusetta, in Sept. 1675, ordered that Lieut Tkomtu Henchman of Chelmsford abould send some messengers to find him, and persuade him of their friendship, and urge bis return to his place of residence. With this order a letter was sent to ffannalaneit at the same time, and are as follows: '*Itis ordered by the council that Lieut. T%t». Henehwum do forthwith endeavor to procure by hire, one or two suitaUe Indians of Wamesit, to travel and seek to find out and speak with fF^umalancet the sachem, and carry with them a writing from the council, being a safe conduct unto the said sachem, or any other principal men belonging to Natahook, Pena^ooge, or other people of those northern Indians, giving (not exceeding six persons) free liberty to come into the house of the said Henekman, where uie council will appoint Capt Coottn and Mr. lUiot to treat with them about terms of amity and peace between them and the En^^ish ; and in case agreements and conclusions be not made to mutual aatmction, then the uid sachem and all others that accompany him shall have free liberty to return back anin ; and this offer the council are induced to make, because the said Wannalaneet sachem, as they are informed, hath declared himself that the English never did any wrong to him, or his &ther Paataeomuoay, but always lived in amitv, and that his ftther charged him so to do, and that sitid WannaUmcet will not begin to do any wrong to the English." The folkiwing is the letter to fFon- nofamoel: — ''This our writing or safe conduct doth declare, that the governor and council of Massachusetts do «ve you and eveiy of you, provided ycu exceed not six persons, free Kberty of coining unto and returning in safety from the house of Lieut. T. Henchman at Naamkeake, and there to treat with Capt. Damd Oookin and Mr. John lUiot, whom you know, and [whom] we will fully empower to treat and conclude with you, upon such meet terms and articles of friendship, ami^ and subjection, as were formerly made and concluded between the English and old Patsa- conatMty, your father, and his sons andpeople ; and for this end we have sent these messengers [Uank in the MS.] to convey these unto you, and to bring your answer, wliom we desire you to treat kindly, and speedily to despatch them back to us with your answer. Dated in Boston, 1 Oct. 1675. Signed by order of the council. John Leverett, Gov'. Edw^. Rawaon, Seer." On the 3 May, 1676, TlmmaB Kimbal of Bradford was killed, and his wife and five children carried into the wilderness. From the circum- stance that iVannaltmed caused them to be sent home to their friends again, it would seem tliat they were taken by some of the enemy within his sachemdom, or bv some over whonr he had some control. From a manuscript written about the time,* we are abhs to make the following * By Rev. T. Cobbet of Ipiwicb. M WAIIffALANCirr. (Book Iir, Cbay. ' extipet, which goes to show that Wannakmeit wn ever the friend of the Ehiglish, and also his disposition to humane actions. Mr. Cobbti says^ "Uwugh she, [Mrs. KimMjU^] and her sucking child were twice con-' demnM by the Indians, and the fires ready made to burn them, yet, both times, saved by the request of one of their own grandees; and afterward* bv the intercession of the sachem of Pennicook, stirred up thereunto b^ Major Waldron, was she and her five children, together with PhiUxp' EoMlman of Haverhill, taken captive when die and her children were, set at liberty, without ransom." At the time WannaUmeet forsook his residence, as we have just men- tioned, several of the praying Indians, to avoid the war, went off with him, and when he delivered himself up afterwards to Maj. WaUtron, they accompanied him, and delivered themselves up also. Some of these suf- fered capital punishment at Boston, and, it is to bo feared, for ofaai^ges which had no foundation in truth a^inst them. About the 19 Sept 1676, the Indians fell upon Hatfield, burnt several houses and bams without the line of the town, wounded and killed about ' 13 persons, and carried off about 30 more into captivity. Most of the latter were women and children. This attack was supposed by some, at first, to have bern made by a party of Mohawks, because it took - place the next day after some of that nation had passed through the place ' with some Christian Indian prisoners, women and children, and a scalp, wliich it was afterwards found had been taken finm the head of an In- dian called Joiiah JVoud, near Sudbury.* But it was found out sooii'> after, by a white that escaped fitim his captivity, that the company of >. Indians that attacked Hatfieki consisted of 33 men and four women, who * were of the common enemy, but had for some time before been among the French about Quebeck, and that a second party, who just before sep- arated from these, went towanls the east, to fiilt upon some of the settle- ments upon the Merrimack. It appears that the fiiir promises of the' English had before this induced the return of Wannakmcd to Naamkeke, out who, finding that sonie lawless whites had, during his absence, taken possession of his grounds and planting, and consequently his chief means, of subsistence were cut otr, did, upon being visited by this party of the enemy, go off with them ; but what '.vis most astonishing in this affair, no mischief of any kind was committed at their going o% although it was in their power to have done the English great damage. All the whites attributed their escape to the influence of WanndlarKet, to whom, no doubt, the credit was justly due. Here, then, opens a fair field of reflection, in which " poor human, . nature," in her spontaneous growtli and wild retreat, will bo seen to flour- ish and bring forth fruits no less to be admired than any ever found in the cultivated garden of civilization. We have stiU to relate another cireumstance, which redounds as much to the honor and humanity of this sachem as any we have related. Some time after the letter had been sent to him, " there was a companv of soldiers, about 100, msut under Capt. Moady, to Pcnuagog, where it ^ was reported there was a body of Indians ; but it was a mistake, for ' there wore not above 100 in all of the Penna||oog and Namkig Indians^ whereof Wannalancet was chief. When the English drew nigh, whereof he had intelligence by scouts, thev left their fort, and withdrew into the woods and stamps, where they had advantage &nd opportunitv enough in anibushment to have slain many of the English soldiers, without any • * Nouel and James Spten were hrothorH-in-law. I)y his death four small children were left fatherless. He and Speen had been together but hair m\ hour before, and by appointment were to have met afain, but when Speen came to the place, he could fiuiit nolhiDi; of his friend. [Boorm, Chap. VII.] WANNALANCET. were, aet freat hazard to themaelvea ; and aereral of the ^oiing Indiana inclined to iL But the sachem WaimakmetL, by his authority ancf wisdom reb'rained his men, and suffered not an Indian to appear or ahoot a gun. They were veiy near the English, and yet, thoush they were provoked by the English, who burnt their wirwams, and destroyed some dried fish, yet not one gun was shot at any Englishman."* The facts in this afiair were related by Wamuianett himself and several of his men, after their return. No mischief appears to have been done at the time that Wannaianai went away, and it is reasonable to suppose that he prevented the enemy with whom he went from doing any. Although he might not have been in any fear from the English, yet there were various causes, either of which were sufficient to induce him to leave this part of the country. A son of his lived with the French, or near them, in Canada, and many of his friends, and other relatives. While he withdrew from his place of residence, as has been mentioned, the English had taken possession of his planting ground, and so deprived him of means of living there. He had acknowledged a belief in Christianity, and this was laid hold of by many to reproach the advocates of Christianizing the Indians. In 1659, Wannakmait was thrown into prison for a debt of about £45. His people,who owned an island in MerrimackRiver,three miles above Paw- tuckett Falls, containing 60 acres, half of which was under cultivation, re- linquished it, to obtain his release. About 1670, he removed to Pawtuck- ett Falls, where, upon an eminence, be builta fort, and resided until PhilipU war. He was about 55 years of age in 1674 ; always friendly to the Eng- lish, but unwilling to be importun^ about adopting their religion. When he had got to be very old, however, he submitted to their desirss in that respect. Upon that oc.usion he is reported to have said, "/ must ae- knowledge I have aU my days been used to pass in an old canoe, and now you exhort me to change and leave my old canoe, and 'tnbark in a new one, inquired of him after the welfare of his former acquaintances, and whether the place had suffered much during the war. Mr. Fisk said they had been highly favored, and for which he thanked God. ^Me next," said WannalanseL This showed his consciousness of the great influence be had had in warding destruction from them.f Rev<>. John Eliot thus writes to the Hon. Robert Boyle^ in England, in 1677: — " We hud a sachem of the greatest blood in the country submitted to pray to God, a little before the wars : his name is fVanalauncd : in the time of the wars be fled, by reason of the wicked actings of some Eng- lish youth, who causelessly and basely killed and wounded some of them. He was persuaded to come in again. But the English having plowed and sown with rye all their lands, they had but little corn to subsist by. A party of French Indians, (of whom some were of the kindred of this sachem's wife,) very lately fell upon this people, being but few and un- a.-med, and partly by persuasion, partly by force, carried them away. One, with his wife, child and kinswoman, who were of our praying In- dians, made their escape, came in to the English, and discovered what was done. These things keep some in a continual disgust and jealousy of all the Indians."^ • Gookin't M3. H -^t. t For many year'' "' '■' Iniiians. He was a ^i 'ii Royal Society of Lonaon Eflc. He died in London, IGOl , aged 64 yean f 1 Col. Matt. Hut. Soc. iii. m. f AUen's Hist. Chelmsford, 165, 1A9. i"-).d of the Society Tor propa^ting the Gospel among th« leneractor of N. Enirland, and cie of the founders oT the He was by birth an Irishman, but settled finally at Oxford, WEHANOWNOWIT. (Book Itf. It may be proper to add a word upon the name of the place which we have often montioned in thla life, as tue name word, differently pronounced, was applied to a creat many places by the Indians, and is the same word which Dr. /. Me&tr and some others miide many belicTe was made up of two Hebrew words, to prove that the Indians were reidly the descend- ants of the disperaed Jews ; but for which purpose, if vn are not misin- formed, any other Indian word wouid answer the same purpose. The doctor writes the name Ndhmkaky and adds that IMuun signifies mnwfa- (ton, and keik a h'ttom^ or ktaetn ; and hence the setders of places bearing this name were seated in the bosom of consolation.* He points out thu etymological analogy in speaking of the settlement of Salem, which was called bv the Indians ^^mmkeag, Mtmkeg, Miamhok, Mtuimkuk, or some- thing a lUtk somewhat like it. A $ad bosome qfeotuolaHon did it prove in the days of TUuba, and even in Dr. Matha*» own days. Though a digression, we shall, I doubt not, be pardoned for inserting here D^. C MUher's account of a curiosity at Amoskeag Falls, which he save in a letter to London, and which afterwards appeared in the Philosophical Transactions ^ " At a place called Amnuricei^, a little above the hiaeoua| fiills of Merimack River, there is a huge rock in the midst of the stream, on the top of which are a great number of pits made exactly round, like barrels or hossheads of dimrent capacities, some so laige as to hold sev- eral tuns. Tlie natives know nothing of the time they were made ; but the neighboring IndiaiM have been wont to hide their provisions in them, in their wars with the Maquas ; affirming, God had cut them out for that use for them. They seem plainly to be artificial." It could certainly have required no great sagacity to have supposed that one stone placed upon another in the water, so as to have been constantly rolled from side to aide by the current, would, in time, occasion such cavities. One quite as reuLarkable we have seenjaear the source of this river, in its descent fVom the Franconia Mountains ; Abo upon the Mohawk, a short distance below Little Palls. They may be seen as you pass upon the canal. Early purchases of lauils brinx to our notice a host of Indians, many of whom, though sachems, but for such circumstances of trade, would never have come to our knowledge. There are some, however, of whom we shall in this chapter take notice, as such notices assist in enabling us to judge how the natives regarded their lands, and the terri- tories of their neighborinff countrymen. IFehanoumowil was a New Hampshire sachem, whose name has been considerably handled within a few years, from its being found to the much-talkcd-of deed conveying lands m New Hampshire to the Rev. John fFhetlwrighl, and othen, 3 April, 1638. If IFehanoumount were sachem of the tract .m the falls of Piscataqua to Oyster River, 30 miles square * Rdation of tht Troubl«», &e. SO. Dr. Inertau Mather was the author or a great maiiy 'Works, cniefly sermons, many of which have become curious for their singularity, and some others vuuable for the facts ibey contain. His sermons, like many others of that day, had very little meaning in them, and consequently are now forgotten. He was son of Richard Mather, preached in Boston above 60 years, died in 1733, aired 84 years, fieo his life, by his son. Dr. Cttton Matlier, who was bom 12 Feb. low— 3, died 13 Feb. 1737—8, aged 69. See his life by Samuel MaOier. t Published in vol. v. of Jones's Abridgment, pari ii. 164. X We cannot sny what they were in those days, but should expect to be laughed at if we should call tKem hideoui at the present time. Chav. vri every wa| aion of T fBooK nr. Chaf. VII.] UOniNHOOD. 97 every vrvf." This deed ia doubtless oenuiae. The orifiiia] i? in : sion of Mr. ^n iVmiwr, of Concord, N. H.* l\mmaihckyou was a son of ^dumownowUf and his name ia also to the deed above mentioned ; and nnother Indian, belooging to that tract of coimtry, named H'atehenowet : tlie^c both relinquished their title to, or eon- curredin the sale of said tract. JloWnAoodt was the father of a more noted chief, whose Indian name was ff^okatea, but commonly known among the English as Hopthocd. His terri- tories, as will appear, were upon the Kenneoeck River in the first settle- ment of N. England. Our first nouce of iZoMnAoocf runs as follows: "Be it known"— " that I, Ram^n^ soe called by my Indian ilame, or Robinhood^ soe called bv English name, sagamore of Negiisset, [or Neguasseag,] doe freely sell vnto Jama SmMk^ — ^ part of my land, beginning att Meriy-meeting Cove, and soe downward the maine riuer vnto a rocke, called ff^tuhwe'i Rocke, in the longe reach, and in breadth eastward ouer the little riuer, runinge through the great merah, with the priuilidges [niserved to me] 08 bunting, fowlinge, fishing, and other games." I^nith ^aa to pay him or his heirs, on the 1 Nov. annually, " one peck of Indiou com. This deed bears date 8 May, 1648, nnd is signed and witnessed as follows:— $ Nebwimis hia -r- mark. Robih hood V^ ^ matk, SV>NesssHooD At* (. mark Mr. Thomas A hia miork. and two Enffiiah. Pbwazeosake ^ hia mark. The mark ^'~- qfRoam. The next year, 1649, he sold the island of .Teremysquam, on the east side of the Kennebeck, and in 1654 we find bim sellmg bis plaee of resi- dence, which was in what is now Woolwich, to Edward baUman and John Broum. In 1663, SobhAood is mentioned as one of the prineipal cbiefii among m eastern Indians. || In 1667, the inhabitants upon Connecticut River, about Hodley, sustidned some injury flrom Indians, in their lands and domestie animals, and satisfaction therefor was demanded of Robmhood; at the »nie tkne threateni'-g him with 'he utmost seventy, if the like riiould be repeated. But whether his people were the perpetrators we are not told ; but fli<- of Plimouth.— fftUtom Paddy died at Boston, out of the rubbiih under the old state-house in 1830. t WUliamion, i. 467. His gravestone was dug \ Ibid. 331. Chap. Vll SanAHDO Mmty hMmani ««-Ai nedto Itanqf aUaek$ vnder great I [Book ttl vme.aliu tffTauhe- jrunto the the Ken. I of nga. hether aa- it,ia un- > residing "»IoUierB, He was mes with the Ken- !h was the elsewhere part of it, an Island, ver of his ^'meeting hy Hum- tat Jaw4 elancholy ( previous ng whom romantic le beaver afibrded itlon, that by amis' vandered ghboring to which rton, and country, annuals, itiytthat undance ite, pine expued, he curse wUI be Chap. VIII.] SQUANDU. CHAPTER Vin. 98 'H SquAifDO, taehem qf Saeo^-AUaeka the toicn of Saeo—Singidar aeewnt of Um bjf a eoUmpmnay—The ill tnatmenl qfkit w\fe a cause ^ var—uu Awmontty m rttlonng a captive — ALii>OKAWji!ino— CSewses ^ ki$ KoM- ^ — AssiMiRAsqcA— /Kt tpueh—Sjtttch o/'Takomkibi — ^Mcee — b ear- ned to Bolton to execute a tretUif — it MamkawanMi am fc ossacbr — ^ile- hate iff Thomas Cobbd—Mtdoktmando*$ Idndntu to pri$oner» — Moxvt attadU WeSU and it beaten off— Attacked the i\ext year iy tke hndiane under Madokawando and a company of Frenchmen— jlre rtp*d$ed with Seat lou — heidente i^the aiege—Mont. CattemB—AfwUktr aetount of oxut — WAMDifooNET — Abbacombuit — Further account nf Mugg — /fit deatii — Stmon, Andrew, Jeoffrey, Peter and Jobefh — Jkcount of their depredations — L^e of Kankamaous — Treated with neglect — Pliea hia country — Becomes an enemy — Surprise qf Dover and murder qf Mm. fFaldroti--tllA»AKDO\nuT — W'jrombo — His fort captured i^ Church —Kankamagus*s urife and children taken — Hopchood — CVmsptcuou* in the massacre atSfdmon Falls — Hia death— M^TtAUASDo — "SimaviuatwAr. The first chief which will here be properly noticed is Squando, a Tar- ratine, commonly called sasamore of »aco. He is mentioned with a good deal of sinffularity by the writers of his times. And we will here, by way of exordium, extract what Mr. Mather, in his fiaisr History, &C., says of him. ** After this, [the burning of Casco,] they [the Indians] set upon Saco, where they slew 13 men, and at last burnt tne town. A principal actor in the destruction of Saco was a strange ealhuaiaatical sa- gamore called Squando, who, some years before, pretended that God ap- peared to him in the form of a tali man, in black clothes, declaring to him that he was God, and commanded him to leave his drinking of strong liquors, and to prav, and to kbon sabbaths, and to go to hear the word preached ; all which things the' Indian did for some years, with great seeminj^ devotion and conscience, observe. But the God which apjpeared to him said nothing to him about Jeaus Christ; mnd therefore it is not to be marvelled at, uat at last he discovered himself to be no othervrise than a child of him that was a murderer and a liar from the beginning." Mr. Huhibard says that he was " the chief actor or rather the beginner" of the eastern war of 1675— 6; but rather contradicts the statement, as we apprehend, in the same paragraph, by attributing the same cause to the ** rude and indiscrete act of some English seamen," who either for mischief overset n canoe in which was Squando's wife and child, or to see if young Indians could swim naturally like animals of the brute creation, as some had reported.* The child went to the bottom, but was saved from drowning by the mother's diving down and bringing it up, yet " within a while after the sa-d child died." " The said Squando, father of the child, hath been so provoked thereat, that he hath ever since set himself to do all the mischief he can to the English." The whites did not believe that the death of the child was owing to its immer- sion ; still we must allow the Indian to know as well as ihey. When the fiimily of " old Mr. Wakdjf'' was murdered, a young woman was carried away captive. S^uondb was the means of her being set at liberty. " She having been carried up and down tiie country, some hundreds of miles, as far as Narraganset fort, was, this last June, returned back to Major WaUtron^s by one Squando, the sagamore of Saco ; a strange mixture of * " They can swim naturally, striking their paws under iheir throat like a dog, and ■ot spreading their arms as we do." JoMtelyn't Voyage to A- E. 142. 100 KADOKAWAMX). [Book III CHir.VI mercy and cruelty !" And tlie historian of Maine observes, that his " con- duct exhibited at different times Mucb traits of cruelty and compassion, as rendenii) his character difficult to l)e portrayed." He WW a ^mtt powwow, and noted in concert with Madokaieando. These two chieft " are said to be, by them that know them, a strange kind of iiiorali/ed savages ; grave and serious in their speech and car- riage, OJid nnt wi.rhout some show of a kind of religion, which no doubt but they have Itarned from the prince of darkness." In another place, Mr. Hubban'. calls him an "enthusiastical, or rather diabolical mis- creant." His nbilit'cs in vrar gained him this epithet. MadokauK *do, of vchom wo have just made mention, was chief of the Penol)scot tr < r>) vf^s the adopted son of a chief by the name of .^- n'mtniuytta. ; m > rn)S«>hief had been done by the Androscoggin Indians in Phihp'a wu; . u tL : 'nglish, following the example of those whom they so much t tbati d, jtnliated on any Indians that fell in their way. Madokawando ■< id not a. ■:; '^fny, nor do we learn that his people bad committed any depredationh, >. litil after somt! English spoiled his corn, and otherwise did him damage. Many of the eastern Indians bad been kidnapped and sold for slaves, about the time PhUip'a war commenced. This, it will not be questioned, was enough to nuiiso a war, without Philip's instigation, or the afiront offered to the wife and child of Sqiumdo. The English had prohibited the sale of arms and ammunition to the eastern Indians, as tbc^ had liefors to the western, as a means of lessen- iilg -their (rawer ; provided they should declare themselves hostile: thus regardimir their own safety, and totally disregarding whatever evils might accrue from the measure to the Indians. Knowing enourii bad been done to excite their resentment, agents were sent to parley vnth them, in the spring and summer of 1676, to hinder, if possible, their taking offence at these proceedings. Meanwhile the Indians had complained to some friendly English of the outrage upon their friends, who were unacquainted with the circum- stance, and hardly believed it ; still, told the Indians, that if it were so, those kidnapped should be restored, and the perpetrators punished. But knowing the circumstance to be as they had represented, it is rather marvellous, that Indiana, instead of at once retaliating, should hearken to unsatisfactory parleyings, as will appear. When the English agents went to treat with them, or rather to excuse themselves for vmat tliey cnuld not, or pretended thev could not, amend, the Indians, in the course of the interview, siid, " fre were driven from omr ewn laat year by the people about Kcnnebeck, and many qfi'i died. We had no powder and shot to kill venison and fowl toith to preveni ii. If you Englian were our friends, as you pretend you are, you would not suffer us to ateave as we did." "However, says Mr. Hutbard, the said agent, making the best he could of a bad cause, used all means to pacify the complainants." The great " all mean i" was, that they should try to get the Androscoggin Indians to come and hold a treaty! ho that if the' English could effect a treaty with them, then there would be a general |,»eace with the eastern Indians. This ^ talk, it was said, they received with joy. " Yet, adds the same author, still by one fatal accident or other, jealousies still seemed to increase in their minds, or else the former injuries began to boil atresh in their spirits, as not being easily digested," &c. A meeting had been agreed ujxin at Totononnock, or Taconnet, and immediately after the meeting just mentioned a runner was sent down from thence, with word that Squando would be there with "divers Am- oiioa<:oggan sachems," Mugg being a messenger to him. Accordingly fBoOK III Chap. VIII.] MAUOKAWANDO, lUl la atraoge and car- I no doubt another H'cal mr»- the English proceeded to Taconuet On their orrival, thry were honored with a aalute, and conducted into the council bojse, where they found Madokawando, Auimkuuqua, Tarumkin, Hopthood^ J^^*tgffi and many at- tendants. M adok m oando was prime negotiator, and .mtmiiuu^ua chief speaker, who soon after proceeded to iime a speech, and among other thinnaaid, — **Munot our autmn token meawngtrs come to treat <^ peace, to leize upon their peraoHi, oi tometime* tht Mohmeka do ; yea, at tiu Enf^lish have done, sevm^f upon fourteen Indiana, our men, wko ufeni to treat with jfou — aetUng a guard over them, and tckiaig away their guna. This ia not all, hut a second time you required ourguiu, and demanded tu to come down unto you, or elae you would tUl ua. 7m« waa the eaitae i\four leaving both our fort and our com, to our great loaa." This speech caused considerable embarrassment to the* English, " yet to put the best construction might be, on such irregular actions, which could not well be justified, they told them, the persons who had so done* were not within the limits of their government, and therefore, though they could not call them to an account for so acting, yet they did utterly dis- allow thertoff And to be as expeditious as possible, the English com- missioners told these chiefs that they came to treat with the Androacog- gins, and were sorry that Sauando waa not there. And it appears that, though the English reportea a peace with the Penobscots, yet AfeuUUi- traiiAi and hit' coa^iutors scarcely underKood as much ; and it ia also «vident that fhe bimness was hurried over as fast as possible by die Enriish commissioners. What had leen said by Aaaiminaaqua in the morning was inerely pre- liminary, and it was his miention in the afternoon to enter morb particu- larly into details ; but the English cut the matter short, and proceeded to treat with such of the Androaeoggins as- were preaent Jvrumkin waa their orator, and he spoke to this effect: — <* / have been to «U weatward, where I have found many Indiana tnuoiUti^ to makepeace; but far myownvart, lamwuHng^ which hf confirmed by taking the En^iah by the banc!, as did seven or eight of his men, among whom were Mugg and BMnhood^a son. The English had now, as ttey supposed, sot miften into a reguktr train; but Madokawando, iX appean, was not wniins to leave things in quite so looae a manner, as it refpurded his people, m therefore interrupted : — " fVhat are we to do for powder and ahot, when our com ia conaumed? whti ahall wedofor a wintei'a aupply ? Must we periah, or must we aban- don our country, and fly to (he French for protection ?" The English replied that they would do what they couM with the gov- ernor ; « aome might be allowed them for neeeaaity." Madokawando added : " We have waited a great while idreudy, and now we expect you will aay ws w no.^ The English rejoined : " Vou say yourselves that many of the western Indians would not have peace, and, therofore, if we sell you pow- der, and you give it to the western men, what do wr fcul «i/ our own thnata f It is not in our power without leave, if you should wait tm years more, to let you have powder." . . Here, as might reasonably have been expected, ended the negotiation, and maasaetes and bloodshed soon after desolated that part of the country. At the close of the war of 1675 and 6, this sachem)i people bad among tbem about 60 English captives. When it was known to him that the En^ish desired to treat about peace, he sent Mugg, one of his chiefs, to Pascataqua, to receive proposals; and, that he might meet with good ac- * That is, thoie who bad kidnapped their friends. 9* t Hubbard, part ii. 38. \m MAlX)KAV,V>rM) fBnoR lir. coirtMW*', Bt'iti «loi»|{ with liiiii « cniitivi' lo IiIm homo. Gen. GenJal, of MawMU-hiimittM, Iteing there, fon-wl >/u<«r <>n board Iiih vcusel, and earned him til Itoaloii, Tor which trearlienniH net an exciinn waa pleaded, that he waH not vested with niiflirieiit Hiithority to treat with him. Miuhkawnn- dbV ambaaaador, being now in tlie (lower of the Knglish, was obliged to agree to uueh temw tm tlie Enghnh dictated.* It ia no wonder, iherefon-. if the great chief aobn appears again their enemy. Still, When Afug^ was sent home, Madokawando agreed to the treaty, more readily, pcrhap!<, as two armed vesselu of the English conveyed him. A son of Rev. Th&nuu CMd had Ixjen taken, and was among the In dians at Mount Desert, ft so happeiiewder for him. Mugfr took hiiu by the hand, and toi. and hud promised to send him home. Madokawando demanded a ran soin, probably to satisfy the owner of the captive, "fearing to be killed bv Iiiin, if he yielded him up without he were there to consent ; for he wa^, he said, a desiierate man, if crossed, and had crambd^ two or three in thni way." Being on board one of the vessels, and treated to some liquor, " hu waHced a\^ile to and again on the deck, and on a sudden made >i stand, and said to Captain Moon; ' Well captain, since it is so, take thi.s man : 1 freely give him up to you ; carry him home to his friends.' "\ A red coat was given to Madokawando, which gave him great satisfnctioii. The historians of the war have all observed that the prisoneis under MadokatDondo were remarkably well treated. In February, 1677, Major H'aldron, and Captain Frost, with a body of men, were sent into the eastern coast to observe the motions of the In- dians, who still remained hostile. At Pemmaquid they were invited on shore to hold a treaty, but the English finding some weapons concealed among them, thought It a sufficient umbrage to treat them as enemici<, and a considerable fight ensued, in which many of the Indians were killed, and several tiA:en prisoners ; among whom was a sister of Ma- tMcauando. He had no knowledge of the aifUr, having been gone for aeveral months at a great distance into the country, on a hunting voyage. We hear no more otMadokatDondo, until 1691. It will be found men- doned in the account of ligeremet, Uiat in that year a treaty was -made with him and other eastern chie6. This was in November, imd it waK would deliver all ,_ , , Dr. Jlfatt«r,§ " as it was 'not upon thoj^ land, l^t in their eanoM upon the teaitr, that they si^ed and sealed this instrument ; so, reader, we will be jealous that it will prove but a fluctuating and umtaMe sort of bunnees; and that the Indians will do a lie as they used to do." The time for the delivery of the captives having arrived, the English met at Wells to receive them, and to renew their treaty. They took care to be provided with an armed force, aiid to have die place of meeting At a strong place, which was Slorer'a garrison-houae. But, as the author just cited observee, "The Indians Iwing poor tntuieiatu for keqiing of time, came not according to their articles." The reason of this we cannot explain, unless the wariike appearance of the English deterred them. Aner waiting a while, Captain Cotwerae surprised some of them, end brought them in by force, and having reason to believe the Indians pro- voked by this time, immediately added 35 men to their force. These * A ifMiy wu tlnied 9lh of Dec. 1676. Mamucript Nar. of Rn>. T. CoU*t. It may be seen in Hunhard's Narrative, t The Indian word for killed. Wood's N. E- Propel. I Manuscript Narrative, before cited. ^ Ma|[^alia, ii. 0S9. TTK^CB «■«!■■ UUU W^UVS .rfUO&VAU I/IIICID. X IIIO VTOO III l^VTVU agreed by them, that,o'n the first of May folbwing, they the captives in their possession, at Wells. ** But,^ says 1 "were I nor before ■on," here in •aid,".' ■ear, or ' The %. Chap. Vin.] MADOKAWANDU. ion <* were not com« half an hour to Stttrer't house, oh the 9th of June, lOHl, nor had they cot their Indian wud fkirly lighted, into their niauth«, before fierce Jmxiu, with 900 Indiana, made an attack upon the garri- son,"* but were repulied and aoon drew off. Madokamando waa not here in perwn, but when he knew of the diaasler of hia chief captain, h«- aaid, '^Mv brother Moxna has mtatd ik now^ bui / ttiU go myu^ tht ntrt jear, and have the dog Convene outofhii AoJe." TIm old chief was as good as his word, and appeared before the garri- son 32 June, 1093. He waa joined by Bumi^and Lahroert, two French officers, with a body of their aoldien, and their united strength was esti- mated at about 500 men. They were so confident of succosa, that Uiey agreed before the attack, how the prisonerB and property should be di- vided. Converse had but 15 men,Diit fortunately tnere arrived two sloopa with about as many more, and supplies, the day before the lAttle. MadokauHaMt men haid unwisely given notice of their approach, by firing upon some cattle they met in the woods, which running in wound- ed, gave the inhabitants time to fly to the garrison. Madoltawando was not only secondMl by the two French officen* and a company of their men, aa before obaerved, but Moxui, Egeremtl and fforombo were alno among them. They bopm the attack before day, with great fierceness, but after con - tinning it for some time without success, they fell upon the vessels in the river ; and here, although the river was not above twenty or thirtyfeet brood, yet they met with no better success than at the guiTiwii. Tliey tried many stratagems, and succeeded in setting fire to the Hloope several times, by means of fire arrows, but it was extinguished without great damage. Tired of thus exposing themselves an(f throwing away their ammimition, they returned aigain to the garrison, resolving to practise a stratagem upon that, and thus ended the first day of the attack. They tried to persuade the English to surrender, hut finding they could not prevail, made several desperate charges, in which they lost many. Be- ginning now to grow diacoiuraged, they sent a flag to the garrison to effect a capitulation, but Converse^ being a man of great resolution, re{)lied, " that he wanted nothing^ but men to come and fight him." To which the bearer of the flag said, '* JBetng you are so stout, why donH 3^ come and fight in the open. field like a man, and not RgM in a garrison like a squawr This attempt proving ine^ectual, tney cast out many threats, one of which was, " Wo will cut you as small as tobacco, before to-morrow morning." The captain ordered them "to comu on, for he wanteil work." Having nearly spent their ammunition, and general Labrocre being slain, they retired in the night, after two days' siege, leaving several of their dead, among whom waa the general just named, who was shot through the head. They took one Englishman, named John Diamond. whom they tortured in a most barbarous manner. About the time ot their retreating, they fired upon the sloops, and kiHed the only man lot>t by the vesKls during the assault During the attack upon the vessels, among other stratagems, they pre- pared a mmstwork upon wheels, and endeavored to bring it close to tli<> edge of the river, which was within, perhaps, ten feet of them. When they had got it pretty near, one wheel sunk in the ground, and a Frond : soldier, endeavoring to Uft it out with his shoulder, was shot down ; ti second was also killed in the same attempt, and it was abandoned. They also built a raft in the creek above them, and placed on it an i:ii- mense pile of combustibles, and, setting them on fire, floated it down * Magnalia, li 529. M0XV8. IBooi m. lowgrda tbem. But when within a few rods of th« •loop*, the wind drove it on ihore, and thus thev were delivered fivm the moet daogeroiw arti- flee of the wHole. For it waa nid that, bad it come down a^dnat theai, thev could imx have Mved theimelvea from the fiinr of iui flamea. Mtdaluummio lived aeveral yean ifter thia, ana ia auppoaed to have died about 16D6. A dauahter of hia married the Baron Dt CatUint, by whom be had aeveral children.* , Some have endeavored to ground an argument upon the aimilarity of the name of thia chief to that of Madoek the Welahman, that the eaatem Indians were descended from n Welsh colony, who, in 1170^ left that country, and were never beard of after. The tUrry of aome white In- dians speaking Welsh, on the Missouri River, baa gained supporters in former and latter pertods.f Moxut, or, as he whs sometimes called, AtamarM, was also a noted Penobscot chief^ and one of MadokawaniwM principal captaina. We can add little concerning him, lo what has already been laid above. After that great sachem waa dead, and the war between the French and English nations ceased, the eastern chiefs were ready to aubmit to terms. Moxut seems the successor of Madokmoando, and when delegates were sent into the eastern country to make peace with the Indiana, in 1699, bin name stood fint among the aianers of the treaty .| He concluded another treaty with Gov. Dudley, in 1709. The next year, in company with Wa- nungonet, Ataeombuit, and n number of French, he inveated Captata * A good deal bu been said and wriiieii about Mom. Casteint, but generally without conveying much informalion. We will give here the original authority whence accounts have chiefly originated :— " Le Baron de SauU Catteint, nntilhomaie d'Oleron es Beam, •'«•! reada li re conaiandable pami lea Abenaki* depuis vingt et taut d'anneM, vivaaa k la Huivage. 2u'ili le regardent aii|)ourd 'hui comme leur Dieu tutelaire. II Moit auUefoii officier de !arignan en Canada, mail M» que ce regiment Tut casi^, il te jella chez cet lauvag^es dont il avoit aprii la laague. II ae maria it leur maniere, preArant let for^tt de I'Acadic atac monia Piren^ dont son pals est environne. II v^ut les premiere* ann^ avec eux d'une manient k s'en faira estimer au-deli de tout ce qu'on peut dire. lis le firttni grand chef, «iui est comme le souverain de la nation, et peu-4-peu il a travaill^ k se faire une fortune dont tout autre que lui sauroit profiter, en relirant de ce pals>IA plus de deux ou trois cent* mille ^lu qu'il a dans ses eoflres en belle moiuioie d'or. Cependant il n« s'en sert qu' k aeheter des m^handises pour faire des presens k ses confreres les sau- vages, qui hii font.ensuile, au retour de leurs chasses, des presens de castors d'une triple vauur. Les goavemeurs K^ereaox de Canada le mfoagent, et eeuz de la Nouvellc Angleterre le eraignenl. II a plusieura filles et toutes mari^ tti$ avantageuseinout avec de* Francois, aiant doiine une riche dot k chacune. H n' a jamais ehang^ d« femme,!! pour aprendra aux sauvages que Dieu n'aime point les hoaimes inconstans. On dit qu'il tiehe de convertir ces paovres peuples, mais que ses paroles ne prodnisant aucon fruit, il est done inutile que les J^uites leur pr6chenl les v^ntei du christianiime ■ cependani ces peres ne se rebutent pas, ils estiment que le baptSme confM k un enfant mourant, vaut dix fois la peine et le chagrin d'lial)iter avec ces peuples." Mtmoirea de VAtturiquepar Lahontan, ii. 29 and 30. A son or Ceutem* was a sachem, and held in great esteem bv his tribe, and, like hi.s father, was a discreet and upright man. The English treated him vary reprehensibjy, and once took him prisoner and sent him to Boston, but he was soon released. HL> father had then retired to his estate in Franre. t See Janson's Slrangtr in America, ^tlO. ed. 4lo. London, 1807: Umwrial Btcuca- tint, vol. xciii. SI ; Dr. Sou*H-v''s Prtface to his Madoek; Bouquat's Exped. against Oltio Indian*, 69. ed. 4to. Loudon, 17b6 ; Ker's Traveli in Amtriea, 16%-.173 ; Burk, Hist. Virginia, ii. M. We may elsewhere devote a chapter to an examination of these account*. t Magnalia, ii. MS. Mmkkt Maanh, the wai timaiy I taken a' diMrny« inftired MMnu town, u II W* do not apprthead that tbii amoonU to a dimal (ai Mr. /bttst nadi it, Noty, 990,) that b* had but 0D« wifc. Hi* not cAaiyny JUt wif« ni(bl be true alio in tli* ploral, if ht had bad aeraral, as sena antboi* state. IBooi lit wind drove 8«roiM arti- •inat thflDi, urn. ed to have oin be had imilaritjr of dieeaatern JO, left that wfahe In. pporten in ■o a noted taina. We •aid above, ^rench and it to terms, igatea were in J699,hii« ed another with JTa- Ml Captafai rally without met accounts fraadaii re I In Muvag*. it offlcier de ct* tauvaces • del'ArMlio uin^ avec II* le fintnt ill^ i «e faire plui de deux lendant il n« ^« lei sau- d'une triple la Nouvellc ageuseinoiii lehanff^ do inconitans. iprodiiisant nitianimic ' a un enfani fetHoirta dr od, like Ills rabenaibjv, Med. His 'lal Maga. i- agavnxt 72;^rlc, « HI of these t 9S0,) that It had had Oilar. Vin.] Muao^-avaoN. l« Mmtk in the fort at Oiko. After uaing every ertaavor lo take It I17 a— nh, they had reoourae 10 the fbilowing auaiagmii. They beaaa at the wia rt edfe to undermtate it by diningi but wan preveniad ^the timely avrival of an armed veaael un£r Oapiain SraMaeA They had taken a veaaal and a great quantity of plunder. About 900 caaoea' doBiroyad, and the veani retaken. From which eirevmataftce it may be inftrred that their namber waa graaL JUaMM waa at Caaoo in 1713, to treat with the Eagllah, and at Geone- town, upon Arawaike laland, hi 171T. There were aeven other ehMb who attended akm at the time and piaee Imr mentioned. JM^gf waa a chief among tlie Androaooggina, and very oonapieooua hi the eaatem war of 1676-7, into which he aeema to have been brought by the aame eauae aa JIfaAfc m awdb, afaready atated. He had been very fHeodly to the Engiirii, and had lived aomu tiane wkh them. On the 19th Oct. 1676^ he made an anauk upon Bhwk PnHnt, How in Scarborough, with about 100 vrarriora. All the inhabitanii being gath- ered into one fortified place upon that point, a fbw handa might have defended it acainat ail the Indians on that aMe of the eountty.* While the eaptun or the garrison waa gone out to hold a talk with JH^», the people Am ftom the garrison, and took all their eflTeeai along iHtti them. A ftsw of his own aenrama, however, remained, who fell into the handa of the chief, who treated them kindly. When #Vanew Cord waa a priaoner among hip men, he told him "Mof ht kadJ^mHi «hI Ikt warn to hmm Aastoa," and laughed much about Uie Englitift, s#fing he would have all their veasels, flahtng iaianda, and whole country, aiM bragged much about hia neat numbers. He waa killed at Bhtok Point, the same place where, tne vear beflwe, he had had auch good aucoeaa, on 16 May. He had beaieged the garriaon three daya, killed three men, and taken one captive. The oelebiMed S^mon, vrho had done ao much miachief in many placea, waa with him here. lieutenant Timab^ Who commanded the garrison, "made a auceaasftil shot upon an Inatan, that was o haa n re d to m very busy and bold tai the aaaanU, who at that time was deemed to be Sgmimt the arch viBatai and incendiary of aU the eastward Indians, but proved to be one abnoat aa good aa himself, who waa called Afiiw.''f Sj/nunf just named, waa a tioubleaome ftlkiw, who eodtinued to create considerable alarm to the inhabitants upon the Merrimack River, hi the vioinitjr of Newbury and Ameabury, about which part aeems to have been his retridence, aa late aa the month of July, 1677. On the 9th of July, six Indiana were seen to so into the buahes not ftr fltwi the garri- son at Ameabury ; two daya bdbre, several men had been killed in the neighborhood, and one wonaan wounded, whose name waa QatRily. iSyinon waa tiie alleged leader of the par^ which committed the depre- dation. Mra. Oaisii y was sure that it waa he who "knocked her on the head," and she knew many of the namea of the rest with him, ahd named AnAtWy CFm^Ww and Jotaaih. She begged of i% m o n not to Mil her. He replied, «ir)ly,gaodi0i/% 4 Mdmt, the two brethren m. iEiq(ut3:, with a few more, adventured to cruie over Pucataqua River on Portsmouth wde, when they burnt one house within four or five milea-of <:he tov. q, and took a maid and a young woman captive ; one of them having a young child in her arms, with which not willing to be troubled, they gave leave to her that held it, to leave it with an old woman^ whom the Indian iSjyMoii qMored, because he said she had been kind to his grand- mother ; yet one of the two captives escaped from their hands two days Kiter, as md the other, April 93, who cave notice of the Indians, (being u«t so narvowly lodced to as they usea to do others.)" It was on 3 May, 1676, that ^mon^ Andrew and Petor fell upon the house of TkumoM Kmial^ of Braird, killed him, and carried off his wife and five children into the wiklerness. Having on the whole concluded to make peace with the English while they coukl^ did, before the end of six weeks, restore the captives. Instead of improving the opportunity of securing tfieir fiiendshif^the Endish seized Sj/nun and Ananw, and con- fined them in the jail at Dover. This treatment they considered, as very naturally they should, only a precursor of something of a diflferent char- acter; and dierefore fbund means to break jail, and make good their escape. They joined their eastern friends, and hence followed many other cruelties, some of which we have already related. About the first depredaticn which followed their flight from Dover, was committed at Greenland. One Mm JTematon was killed, and his house burned. A writer of that day, after observing that the perpetrators of the outrage were i^ymon, Anartw and PtUr^ observes that they wer* the "three we had in prison,, and should have killed," and closes with this exclamation, "The good Lord pardon us."§ Thus some considered they had need of jmrdon for not dealing widi more rigor towards the Indians ! We are now to commence upon tne recital of one of the most horrid massacres any wheie recorded— the sacking of Dover by the famous chiefii KankamaguM and Mauandouti, and the barbarous murder of Miy. WtUrm and many of his people. Ktukamagua., commonly in the histories called Hogkins, Htuekinff or Hakiiu, was a Pennakook sachem, and an artfbl, persevering, ftithful man, as long as he could depend upon the English for protection. But when Governor Crai^dd, oi'Nevr Hampshire, used his endeavors to bring down the Mohawks to destroy the eastern Indians, in 1034, who were constantly stirred up by the French to commit depredations upon the English, Kimkamagm, knowing the Mohawks made no distinction Where tbe^ came, fled to the eastward, and joined the Androeooggins. He had a rort upon that river, where his family and that of another sachem, called froromboi, or fForomho, lived. But before he fled his country, he addressed several letters to the sovermr, which discover his fi whieb, with lentionedis brethren io River on. vemilerof le of them troubled, naiit whom b»|rPTd- • two days ians, (being upon the offhia wife concluded the end of ortunitjr of Of and con- ad, as very irent char- good their wed manv ut the fint nmitted at umed. A le outnute "three we clamation, dneed of ost horrid e famous r of M^.n itmUtv, or ?*fiuthful on. But I to bring 'ho were iipon the >n Where He had sachem, •ntry, he deNtyaa I always t ate and >ed, and Atrtv CBAf. vm.] KANKAMAOVS bad adopted much of their manner, and could read and write, but for the reasona just stated. The following letter fully explains the situation of his mind and his feelings, at the time he expected the Mohawks would ravage his countly: — <* JIfef IStt, 1065. Honor governor my friend. You mji friend I deairt gtm unrtMp and your power, beemue I hope you eon do fom great mattera tU» one. famooor and naked, and have no men at trm plaee hecaiu$e I afraid aUwayt Miahoga he wOl kiU me erery da;if and night, ffyour wonhip ukenjdeate vraw help me you no kt Mohoga hUmeatnm pkue at Mtdam' ake Jnver emtaPanukkog and .VbfuJbfcor, / wHi avbmu your wonhip atuf wur power. And now Iwantpouder and aueh almniahon, ehatt and guna, oeemiM Ihanefbrtk at my horn, and IpbuU iheareJ* The above letter is signed by himself and 14 of his principal men. Whether he were among the Pennakooks seized by Major fFoUron about ten years before, is not certain, or, if he were., it is not probable any re- sentment ronained in his breast against him on that account, as the Pen- nakooks were all permitted to return home ; but it is certain thai he was the director and leader in the dreadful calamity which fell upon WaUron not long afterward, and which is as miich chargeable upon the maltreat- ment they received from the English, at least, as upon any agency of the French. It may be true that many belonging to the eaatwara, who were seized with the Pennakooks, and sold or left in foreign countries, had found their way back among their friends again, and were glad of the first opportunity of revenging themselves upon tne author of their unjust expatriation. Major Wddron lived at Dqyer,* New Hampshire, in a strong oarrison- house, at which place were dso four others. KamkoMo^fua haa artfhUy contrived a stratagem to effect the surprise of the place, and had otheis beside the Pennakooks firom different places ready in great numbers, tO' prosecute the undertaking. The plan was this. Two squaws were sent to each garrison-house to get liberty to stay all ni^'ht, ond when all should be asleep, they were to open the gates to the warriors. Maaandowtt, who wsB next to Kankamagua, went to Major WaldnnCe, and informed him that the Indians woura come the next day and trade with him. While at supper with the mqjor, Maaandowet sud to him, with an dir of fiuniliarity, ** Brother Waldron, what would you do if the strange Indians should come ?" To which he vauntiosly replied, " that he could aesem- ble an hundred men by lifting up his finger." In this security the rates were opened at midnighl, and the work of death raged in all its fury. One surrison only escaped, who would not admit the squaws. They rushed into WeidroiCa house in great numbers, and while some guard- ed the door, others commenced the slaughter of all who resisted. WaUbnn Mras now 80 years of age, yet, seizing his sword, defended iiim- self with great resolution, and at first drove the Indians before hirn tVom room to room, umil one getting bebiaid him, knocked him down with his hatchet. They now seized upon, and dragged him into the great room, and placed him in an armed chair upon a table. While they were thus dealing with the master of the house, they obliged the family to provide th?m a supper, which when they hod eaten, they took off his clothes, and |imc.(>eded to torture him in the most dreadful manner. Some gashed liis hreast with knives, saying, "/ croga mit my account ;" others cut off joiius of his fingers, and said to him, " Nino wiU your^ weigh a pound ?" After cutting off his nose and ears, and forcmg them into his mouth, he became faint from loss of blood ; and some holding his own sword on end upon the floor, let him fall upon it, and thus, ended his misery. * Then called by i(« Indian name, Quocktcho. 106 HOPEHOOD. [Book III. Chap. The lodwoB bad been greBtly abused and wronged in their trading with the whiles, and it is a tradition to this day all over that part of the country, that Major WaUbnm took great advantage of ihem in trade, and did not cross out their accounts when ihey had paid liim ; and that, in buying beaver, his fiat was accounted to weigh a pound. Althou|^ he may have taken no more advantage of the Indians than the miyontv of Indian traders, yet, at this distant day, extenuation will not be looked for in impartial accounts of the transactions of our ancestors witli the Indians. Several were killed at each of the garrison-houses that fell into their hands, they kept the place until the next morning, when, after collect- ing all the plunder they could carry, took up their march, with 29 cap- tives, into the wilderness towards Canada; where the chief of them were traught by the French, and in time got home to their country again. Twenty-three were killed before they left the place. This affair took place on the night of the 37th of June, 1689. Several fSriendly Indians raformed the English at Chelmsford of the certainty of an attack upon Dover, and they caused a letter to be despatched in season to have noti- fied the people, but on account of some delay at Newbury ferry, the benefit ofthat information was lost. Four years after, Col. Church took Worombo's fort, in which were Kan- kamagua^a wife and children. This fort was upon the Androscoggin, about 35 or 90 miles from its mouth. In another place, we have given a history of CkurcKa expeditk>n to this fort. The prisoners taken here in- formed Ckurth that there had been lately a great council held there by the Indians, in which " many were for peace and many against it ;" but they finally agreed to go vrith 300 warriors to Wells with a flag of truce, and to offer the English peace, which if not accepted, they would then ftU upon them. "If they could not take Wells, then they resolved to attack Piscataqua. The which, says Church, when we were well in- formed of, we left two old squaws that were not able to march, gaue them victuals enough for one week of their own com, boiled, and a little of our pruisions, and buried their dead, and left them clothes enough to keep them warme, and left the wigwams for them to lye in : gaue them onlflrs to tell their friends how kind we were to them, biding them doe the like to ours. Also if they were for peace to come to goodman Sttudts, att Barwick, within 14 days, who would attend to discourse them ; then \ve came away with our own five captiues, [English that they had' deliver- ed J and nine of theirs."* In the same letter we are informed that amon^ these prisoners V7ere Kankamofru^a wifo :::: d four children. His brother-m-law was taken, but he " ran away from them." Among the slain was Kankamagua*a own sister. A girl was brought away whose father and mother had been slain before lier eyes. Two of the children of Woromho were also among the pris- oners, all of whom were carried to Plimouth. This expedition upon the Androscoggin wos on Sunday, 14 Sept. 1690. A few days after this, Chvarch landed at Casco, where the Indians fell upon him by surprise, and were not beaten ofif for some time, and then only by havA fighting. This was on the 31 September. Church had seven men killed and 34 wounded, two of whom died in a day or two after. The Indians who made this attack were probably led by Kavkmrw^ju and ^oromio. Hopehnod was a chief nearly as celebrated, and as much detested in his time, as the chiefs of which we have just spoken. He was chief of the tribe of the Kennebecks generally known as the Nerigwoks. He was * Manuscript teller writteu at (h« lime by Chwvh, and sent to Gov. Hmeklt^ of Plimouth. [Book III, (heir trading It part of the in trade, and and that, in Althou^ he > m^joritv of ►e lookecl for »« witli the ell into their lifter collect- nth 29 cap. »f them were >untnr again. B affair took ndly Indians attack apon 5 have noti- 7 ferry, the J were Ejan- idroscoggin, ave given a en here in- Id there by inst it ;" but ag of truce, would then •■esolved to ■e well in- , gaue them d a little of enough to gaue them : them doe lan Smaffa, hem; then ad'deliver- mera were ken, but be own sister, ain before f the pris- I upon the idians fell and then ittrcA had two after. wg-M and ted in his 8f of the He was ^iMcklty of cbap. vni] HOPEHOOD. the son of Robinhood, a sachem of whom we have spoken in a former chapter. According tt one writer, Hopehood was also known by the name Wokmea.* The career of his wariike exploits was long and bloody. Our first notice of him is ir PhUifs war, at the attack of a house at Ne- wichewannok, since Berwick, in Mauie. Fifteen persons, all women and children, were in the house, ant! Huj/thood, with one only beside bimaeHI Andrew of Saco, whom we have before mentioned as an accomplice with Stftnoti, thought to surprise them, and, but for the timely discovery of their approach by a young woman within, would have effected their purpoee. She fastened and held the door, while all the others escaped unobserved. Hopdiood and his compcuiion hewed down the door, and knockeu the girl on the head, and, otherwise wounding her, left her for dead. They took two children, which a fence had kept irom escaping. One they killed, the other they carried off alive. Tne young woman recovered, and was entirely well afterwards. On the 18th of March, 1690, happened a horrid massacre at Salmon Falls. Hopehood had joined 22 Frenchmen, under Hertd, with 25 of his warriors. They attacked the place, as soon as it was day, in three places. The people defended themselves as well as they were able, in their con- stenuition, until about 30 of their best men were slain, when thev gave themselves up to the mercy of the besiegers ; 64 men were carried away captive, and much plunder. They burned all the houses, and the bams with the cattle in them. The number of buildings thus destroyed ia un> known, but was pe'haps about 30, and perhaps 200 head of cattle. In the same year, Hopehood appears again upon our records. In May of that year, at the head of a party, he fell upon Fox Point, in New Hampshire, killed about fourteen persons, and carried away six, after burning several houses. This was as easily done, says Mather,f '* as to have spoiled an ordinary hen roost.** Two companies of English soon collected and pursued them ; came up with them, killed soma, and recov- ered considerable plunder. In this action Hopehood was wounded, and lost his gun.{ Many were the horrid acts of barbarity inflicted on the prisoners taken at this time. Not long after this, Hopehood went to the westward, "with a design, says Mather, to bewitch another crew at Aquadocta into his assistance." The Indians of Canada and the Five Nations were then at war, and he being in their country, was met by some of the Canada In- dians, who, taking him to be of tlie Iroquois nation, slew him and many of his companions. He had been once a captive to the English, and served a time in Boston as a slave. There appears to have been another Nerigwok chiiedT of the same name, who treated with Gov. IhuUey at Casco, in 1703.t We have, in narrating the events in the life of Midokawando, noticed the voyage of Mty. Wnudron to the eastern coast of Maine, which was at the close of PhUip^s war. How much treachery was manifested at that time by the Indians, which caused the English to massacre many of them, we shall not take upon us to declare ; yet this we cannot but bear in mind, that we have only the account of those who performed the tragedy, and not that of those on whom it fell. Capt. Chark» FVost, of Kittery, was with Waldron upon that expedition, and, next to him, a principal actor in it ; and, like him, was killed by the • Harrit, in his Voyages, ii. 308, who says he was a Huron ; but as he cites no au- thorities, we know not how he came b^ his i'.iformation. t Magnalia Christ, Americana, b. vii. art. ix. t " & heathen Indian would rather part with his head than with his gun." Loihtl, ii. 814. 10 J!0 BOMAZEEN. fVooK L' CSAP. Ir.diana ullcnvards.* 31r. Hubbard gives thia account of )\vi Ukiug a noted warrior lu follows : — ^''Capt Protl seized an Indian called JMenm- neiMj^, a notorious rogue, that had been in arms at Connecticut last June, at the fallM, and Bi\w that brave and resolute Caut TWner, when he vnM tilain about (ireen River ; and helped to kill Tnonuu Bradui at Caaeo, August la»t, [1676.] And with the help of Lieut JVkMer, aecordinc to the majoi's order, carried him aboard" their veaael. *y those who commanded, and sent prisoner to Boston, where he remained some months, in a loathsome E risen. In 1706, new barbarities were committed. Chelmsford, Sud- ury, Groton, Exeter, Dover, and many other places, suflTered more or less. Many captives were taken to Canada, and many killed upon thr way. A poor woman, one Rebecca Taylor, who had arrived at the River St. Lawrence, was about to be hanged by her master, an <* overgrown In- dian," named Sampson. The limb of the troc on which he was executing his purpose gave way, and, while he was making n second attempt, Boma- zeen happen«i to be passing, and rescued her. We near of him just af\er the death of vtrruhawikwabeml, in October, 1710, when he fell upon Saco with 60 or 70 men, and killed several peo- ple, and carried away some captives. Ho is mentioned as a " notorious fellow," and yet but few of his arts are upon record. Some tiii".e after the peace of 1701, it seemed to bo confirmed by the a[ipenrance ofBomor zeen, and another principal chief, who said the French friars were ur^ng them to break their union with the English, '* but thai they had made no impression on them, for they were as firm as the mountains, and should con- tinuer so as long as the sun and moon endured." On peace being mado known to the Indians, as having taken place between the Fic^neli and English nations, they came into Casco with a flag of truce, and suon after concluded a treaty at Portsmouth, N. H., dated 11 July, 1713. Bomizeen^s name and mark are to this treaty. When Capt. Moullon was sent up to Nerigwok, in 1724, tlicy foil in with Bomazeen about Taconnet, where they shot him as he was escaping through the river. Near the town of Nerigwok, his wife and daughter were, in a barbarous manner, fired upon, the daughter killed, and the mother taken. We purposely omit Dr. C. Mather's account of Z?omazeen'» conversation with a minister of Boston, while a prisoner there, which amounts to little else than his recounting some of the extravagant notions which the French of Canada had made many Indians believe, to their great detriment, as he said ; as that Jesus Christ was a French man, and the Virgin Mary a French woman ; that the French gave thetn poison to drink, to inflame them against the English, which mado them run mad. And wo hear of others, who told the Indians that the English put Jesua Christ to death in London. Arrvlutwikwahcmt, just mentioned, was a sflchem of the same tribe, and was said to be of Norriclgewock also. We can find but very few partic- ulors of him, but, from the fate he met with, it is presumed he had been very instrumental in continuing or bringing about the ehstern war of 1710. In that year, Col. WaUon made an expedition to the eastern coast of Maine with 170 men. As they were encamped upon an island, the smoke of their fires decoyed some of the Indianu into their handr<, among whom was JhruhatoikwahenU. PenhaUoto says, he was " an active, bold fellow,. * Nerigiook is believed to be the most proper way of spelling the name of tins plnce^ a< a^rcein^ best with its orthoepy ; at least, with that heard at and in the vicinity of it, at this day, as prnnoiinred by tiic oldest inhabitants. It is a delightful place, and will be found elsewhere described. 113 EGERKMET. Book III. Chap* I and one of an undaunted spirit ; lor when thev usked him several ques- tions, he made them no reply, and when they threatened him with deaths Ac laughed at it vriUi contempt ! At whicli they delivered him up iinto our IHendly Indians, who soon l>ecainc his exeoutionor^ But when the squaw 8aw the destiny of her huMband, she tiecame more flexihle, and freely discovered where each |iarty of them [the Indiana] encamped.*' The savage perpetrators of this act cnllt^d themselves Christian warriors ! and it must be acknowledged that civilizntion gains nothing in contrasting the conduct of the whites, under fi'dton, and that o( Bomasutn towards a captive, just related. k Egeremet was of Machias, and, although sometimes called Moxut, was, we milieve, a distinct sachem. This chief, with five others of like quality, were seized by the English when they came into Pemmaquid Fort to treat with them. Egeremet and another were killed. This was 16 Febru- ary, 1696.* Their seizure could not have been outdone, by the ^atest barbarians, for faithlessness ; and we hIi^H learn that its author paid for it in due time with his life. We are not disposed to add to transactions which are in themselves sufficiently horrible, but we will venture to give the ac- count as we find it in Dr. C Mather's dccennium Itutuoaum : — f " Let us, before the year be quite gone, see some vengeance taken upon the heads in tlu house of the wicked. Know then, reader, that Capt. March petitioning to bo diir.tiiissud from bin cuiiiniand of the fort at Pemmaquid, one Chub succeeded him. This Chnb found an opportunity, in a pretty chubhed manner, to kill the famous Edsetremet and Ahenquidf a couple of principal pn^amores, with one or two other Indians, on a Lord's day. Some that well enough liked the thhig which was now done, did not alto- gether like the manner of doing it, because there was a pretence of treaty BctM i)cn Chub and the sagamores, whereof he took his advantage to lay violent hands on them." Thus tho manner is ftsen in which this horrid and cold-blooded act is relat;»i4 tortured in a wretched manner. His ears were cut oir, naj, instead of i-od, he was forced to eat them, after which, but for this timely tr.-ity, ^\\c sentence of burning would have been executed upon him. Th'' twi^'k' stipulated that no hint should be done the English until May, 161>2, and that, on the first of that mouth, they would deliver^ * Manuscript o ' Rnv. John Pike. •f !t may he sccii ii llir Magnolia. t Magnalia, b. vii. ItoOK III. Crap* DC.] EGEREHET. 113 ■t Wells, all Enffiish captives in their hands,and,in the mean time, would inform of any plots that they might know ot the French against the Eng- lish. Egtremet being the chief sachem, and most forward in this busi- ness, Dr. Mather utters his contempt for him by saying, "To this instru- ment were set the pttm of I^mmet, and five more of their sagamores and noblemen."* This treaty may be seen at length in the Massachusetts Collections, but is dated one year earlier than it is in the Magnaiia. The fact that it was made upon the water, as Dr. C.Mather says, and as we have quoted in the life of Madokawandof uppcnrs from the last paragraph of that instrument, which is in these words : — " Signed and sealed interchflbip^ably, upon the water, in canoes, at Sack- atehock, toA«n the teind blew" It was headed, " At a treaty of peace with the eastward Indian enemy sagamores." The other Ave spi:hems, beside Ef^eremet, were Toquelmut, fVatumbomt, fVatombamd, Walumbe, [fForombot,] and John Hawkiru, [or Kankanuipta.] The places for which they stipulated are, according to tne treaty, "■ Pennecook, Winnepisseockeege, Oasepe, Pigwocket, Amoscon- gen, Pechepscut, Kennebeck River, and all other places adjacent, within uie territory and dominions of the above-named sagamores." The witnesses were, Dewando, [the same called Adiwando by Ptnhal- low, probably,] JVerf Higon, John Mden, jr. and JSTtUhaniel Jilden. The next year, Egtremet was with Madokawando, Moxm and a body of French under Labrocre, and made the notable attack upon the garrison at Wells, which will be found written elsewhere. We will now inform the reader of the wretched fate of Capt. Paeco Chub. It was not long after he committed the bloody deed of killing the Indian sagamores, before he and the fort were taken by the French and Indians. He was exchanged, and returned to Boston, where he suffered much disgrace for his treachery with the Indians.! He live«l at Andover, in Massachusetts, where the Indians made an attack in February, ^.696, in which he was killed. It was not thousht that they expected to find him there ; but when they found they had killed him, it gave them ns nnuch joy, says AufcAtnton, ** as the destruction of a whole tovm, Ijecause they had taken their beloved vengeance of him for his perfidy and barbarity to theu: countrymen." They shot him through several times after he was dead. In his characteristic style, Mr. Oldmixon speaks of thia event.| He says, "Nor must we forget Chub, the false wretch who surrendered Pemmaquid Fort. The governor kept him under examination some time at Boston, and then dismissed him. As he was going to his house, at An- dover, the Indians surprised h;m and his wife, and massacred them ; a just * Magnaiia Christ. Americana, book vii. art. viii. t Harris't Voya^s, ii. 506, (ed. 1764.) say* Chuh was arrested by Col. Oedney, who was sent east with three ships of war, on hearinf^r of the surrender of the fort, aiid that DO French or Indians could be found ; that after be sireagthened the garrison, he re- turned home. " Col. Oedney ha(^ been by land with fiOO innn, to secure the eastern frontiers. Find- jag the enemy ^ne, he strengthened the garrisons, which were not taken. He also ar- rested Patco Chubb, (at surrendering Pemaquid Fort, while under his command in July, and had him brought lo Boston. Here Capt. Chubb was confined, till it was decided that he should lose his commission, aud not be eligible for any other. This unfortunate man, with his wife Hannah, and three others, were killed by the Indians at Andover, Feb. 2S, 1698." Rev. Mr. FeU'i AmtaU of Salem. A naval force was sent at the same time ; hence, the accounts are not altogether irrec- oncilable. Three men-of-war were sent out in pursuit of the French, " but meetior *with contrary winds, they could nevcrget sight of them," Neal, Hist. N. Eng. ii. S6l. X British Empire in America, i. 77, TB. 10 • 114 CAPTAIN TOM— DONEY. (no mortally. Then many of the enemy came near to the English, who retreated all safe to the fort.'** There was another sagamore of the same name, noticed in the follow- ing wars with the eastern Indians, who was friendly to the whites ; it was probably he who sometimes bore the name of Moxua. In the Indian war of 1703, there was a great Indian captain who re- sided somewhere to the east of Pascataqua River, who made his name dreaded among the settlements in that region, by some bloody expeditionn which he conducted. He was called by the English Captain 7\)m. On 17 Aug. of this year, this daring war captain, with about 30 others, surprised a part of Hampton, killed five persons, where- of one was a widow Husaey, "who was a remarkable speaking Quaker, and much lamented by her sect." After sacking two houses near th(> gar- rison, tliey drew ofT-f Many Indians bore the name of Tom. Indian Hill, in Newbury, was owned by Oreat Tom. He is supposed to have been the last Indian pro- prietor of lands in that town. In written instruments, be styles himself, **lGrettt Tom kuiian.''l We come, in the next place, to an interesting portion of our eastern history. It has been generally supposed that the name Dony, or Doney, was the name of an Indian chief, hut it is now quite certain that he was a Frenchman, who took up his residence among the Indians, as Baron de St Caiteina did. There appears in our historV, in 1645, a " Monsieur Dony," who had some diflicultv with Lord de la Tour, about their eastern f-cMesaions, and he was, doubtless, the same of whom we have an account a;>ei*wards, in the war of 1690, with the eastern Indians. At this time, there were two of the name in Maine, father and son. The son, perhaps, like Catteina the younger, was half Indian, but of this we are not sure ; nevertheless, to preserve our narrative of the events of Col. ChwcVa ex- pedition of 1690, we shall notice them among others. Gtwrch landed at Maquait, 12 September, before day, aad, after a wet, &tiffuing march into the woods of about two days, on the south-west side of Uie Androscoggin, came into the neighborhood of a fort Tbejr came upon an Indian and his wife who were leading two captives ; and imme- diately pursuing and firing upon them, killed the Indian woman, who proved to be the wife of Young Doney.§ We can only hope it was not their design thus to have killed an innocent woman. Which party it wbh that fired upon them (for they divided themselves into three) is tmknown, and we in charity must suppose that, at considerable distance, and in much confiision, it was difficult to know an Indian man ticom a woman. « * Manuscript letter in library Mass. Hist. Soc. written In the following month. A* it was written at a great distance from the place, and from a report of the day, little reliance can be placed upon it. It may have been Chub't report of the case. t PenkaUow, Ind. Wars. 8 ; Farmer' i Belknap, i. 167. , i Maniucript Hist. Newbury, by J. Coffin. n^- 4 And the lame called in tlie Magnalia Robin Doney. "'^ ■< *' innm W. added, ac- Chap. IX.] DONEV. 115 In who re- his name xpeditioriH •tain, witli 1^, Tvfaere- g Quaker, ir thfc gar- bury, was idian pro- B hiniseU; •r eastern or Doney, Eit he was Baron de Monsieur ir eastern J account this time, perhaps, lot sure ; trcA'» ex- Br a wet, vest side ey camo i imme- >n, who was not y it waH known, nmuch K* it was reliance Ah Church expected, ZMney ran into one gate of the fort and out at the other, civiuff the alarm so effectually, that nearly all within it escaped. They tounaand took priaonfli-s " but two men and a lad of about 18, with some women and children. Five ran into the river, three or four of which were killed. The lad of 18 made his escape up the river." The whole number killed in this action was " six or seven." The English had but one wounded. They took here, at this time,* a considerable quantity of corn, guns and ammunition, and liberated Mrs. Huckings, widow of Lieut. Mobert Hitckinga, taken at Oyster River, Mrs. Bamar£, wife of Beiyamin Barnard, of Salmon Falls, ianne Htard, of Cochero, a young woman, daughter of one ffiUia, of Oyster River, and a boy belonnng to Exeter. These captives, says Chwch, "were in a miserable conaition." They learned by them that most of their men were gone to Winter Harbor to get provisions for the Bay of Fundy Indians. This informatkm was fiven by a prisoner token m the fort, who also said that the Bay of Fundy adians were to join them against the English, in the spring. " The aol- diers, being very rude, would hardly spare the Indian's life, while in exam- ination ; intendmg, when he had done, that he should be executed. But Capt Hucking'a wife, and another woman, down on their knees and begged for him, saying, that he had been a means of saving th*-ir lives and a great many more ; and had helped several to opportunities to run away and make their escape ; and that never, since he came amongst them, had fought against the English, but being related to HakWt^ wUe, kept at the fort with them, having been there two years ; but his living was to the westward of Boston. So upon their request, his life was spared." Two old squaws were left in the fort, provided witli provisions, and in- structed to tell those who returned who they were, and what they were 4etcrinined to do. They then put four or Jwe to death, and decamped. Those, we must suppose, were chiefly women and children ! " Knocked on tht head far an example." We know not that any excuse can be ^t> for this criminal act ; and it is degrading to consider that the civilized must be supposed to imagine that they can prevent barbarities by being wretch- edly barbarous themselves. Old Doney was next to be hunted. As they were embarking at Ma- quait, Mr. Anihony Bracket came to the shore and called to them to take him on board, which they did. He learning that on English army was thereabout, made his escape from the Indians, with whom he had been some time a prisoner. The fleet now proceeded to Winter Harbor, from whence they despatched a detachment of 60 men to Saco Falls. When they came near, they discovered Doney^a company on the opposite side of the river, who chiefly made then* escape. A cauoe, with throe Indians, was observed coming over the river; they did not see the English, and were fired upon, and "all three perished." This gave the first alarm to Bomy^a company. Thcv did not, however, leave their ground without returning the nre of the English, by which Lieut. HunnetoeU was shot through the thigh.}: When the parties fired upon each other, Old Donaj, with an Eng- lish captive, was higher up the river, who, hearing the firing, came down to see what it meant ; and thus he discovered the English time enough to escape. Doney fled firom the canoe, leaving his captive, who came to the English. His name was Thomas Baker, who had lived before at Scarborough. There were many other movements of the English after this, in wliicli * Says my record, which is a maniiscfipt letter from Church, written at that time. \ The same called Kankatnagtu. i Official letter io MS. from the expedition. / 116 CAPTAIN SIMMO. (Book UI. Cukt IX. they got rouoh pliindar, and which tended to eauao an uneamneaa among them, and their final determinatioo to return home. Chwck urged a longer oontinuance, but waa uut-voted in a council of offlcera, and thua ended the expedition. Many in the country reproached Ckurek with coward- ice, and almost every thing Init what we anould have looked for. if {Wt- ting to death captives hud been the charge, many might have accorded Amtn ! Rut we do not find that ursed acainet him. Two years after thin, in 1(J90, ibi6tn 2)oncame suspected, whether with or without reason, we know not, and coming to the fort at Saco, probably to aettle the difficulty, waa aeized by the English. What his fate was is rather uncertain, but the days of lorgivenesa unci mercy were not yet. Amonj; the chiefs which we shall next proceed to notice, there were several of nearly equal notoriety. Captain iSImiiiio'« name should, perhaps, stand most conspicuous. W» shall, therefore, go on to narrate the events in bis life, after a few prelim- inary observations. Whenever war commenced between the English and French in Eu- rope, their colonies in America had to fear the worst. This was the aspect which affairs wore in 1703. With the first news, therefore, of its flame, the New Englanders' thoughts were turned towards the In- diana Gov. Dudley immediately despatched messengers to most of the eastern tribes, inviting them to meet him in council upon the peninsula in Falmouth, on the 20 June. His object was ao to attach them to the Eng- lish, that, in the event of hostilities between the rival powers on this side of the Atlantic, they would not take arms against them. Agreeably to the wishes of the English, a vast multitude assembled at the time appointed : the chieft Mkoando and Hegan for the Pennakooks, ^attanummon ibr the Pequakets, Meaambomttt and fVexw for the Androscoggina, MoxuB and Hopthood (perhaps son of him killed by the Mohawks) for the Ne- rigwoka, Bomaxem and Capt. Samud for the Kennebecks, and Wamm- fnad and WanadugutJbutnt for the Penobscots. After a short speech to Uiem, in which the governor exi>rc8aed brotherly affection, end a desire to settle every difficulty ** which had happened since the last treaty," Capt. Simmo replied as fbllowa: — ** Wt monk you, good brother, far coming ao far to talk with us. M is a great favor. The cloude fly and darken — hvi toe stitl sing with love Me umg» of peace. Believe my tiwrd!*.— So far as thx siiif is above THE earth are OUR TBOCOHTS FROM WAR, OR THE LEAST RUPTDRE BE' TWXElf OS."* The governor waa then presented with a belt of wampum, which waa to confirm the truth of what had been sud. At a previous treaty, two heaps of small stones had been thrown together, near by, and called the T\oo-hrothen.\ These were considered by the parties in the light of seals to their treaties. They now repaired to these heaps of stones, and each increased their magnitude, by the addition of others. Thus waS' happily terminated this famous treaty. Some parade and rejoicing now commenced, and a circumstance transpired which threw the English into great fear, and, perhaps, greater suspicion. A grand salute was to be fired upon each side, at parting, and the English, advisedly, and very wa- rily, it must be confessed, but in appearance complimentary, expressed their desire that the Indians would fire first. The Indians received the compliment, and discharged their guns ; to their great surprise, the Eng- *Thii is Mr. Wtlliamton'M version of the speech, Hist. Maine, 'A. X. f The Indiiuis and Eofrlish. friars fBooK m, wnoBf daloomr iiu ended coward- IfjJUt- •ceorded ClAP. IX.] CAPTAIN gAMIEL—HeUAN. 117 liih found they had been loaded with bullet*. They now conaidered their treachery certain, and nuu^eiJed at their Mcaiw. Kowever, it ran only lie presumed, that, according to the maxim of tlw ^vliitee, the Indiana had come prepared to treat or fight, aa the caf>e might require ; for no doubt tlit'ir guna were charged when they came to the treaty, otherwiae why did they not tire upon the English when they Miluted them? What became of Capt. Simmo we have aa yet no account Several, of the other chieft who atii rided thin council were, perhapa, equally con- spicuous. fVattanummon being absent when the council tint met on the 30 June, no busineae was entered upon for several days. However, the English afterwards said it was confirmed that it was not on that account that they delayed thu conference, but that they expected daily a reinforcement of 'MO French and Indialu^ an WILL so CONTINUE, AS LOIfO AS THE BVN AND MOON ENDCRES." Notwithstanding these strong expressions of friendship, "within six weeks after," says PenhaUow, ''the whole eastern country waa in a con- jBagration, no house standing nor prison unattacked.** The Indians were no doubt induced to commit this depredation fit)m the influence of ttie French, many of whom assisted them in the work. And It is not probable that those Indians who had just entered into the treaty were idle spectators of the scene ; but who of them, or whether all were en- gaged in the afiair, we know not A hundred and thirty peopla were said to have been killed and taken. Capt. Samuel was either alive 30 years after these transactions, or an- ^i other of the name made himself conspicuous. In June, 17!^, this war- rior chief, at the head of five others, boarded Lieut. Tilton, &.% he lay at anchor a fishing, near Damaris Cove. They pinioned him iner. No amount is mentioueid for which the hod waa aold, but merely "a cer- tain sum in goods."* One Smimmm Hegon attended the treaty of Pem- maauid, in IfflS ; John, that at Caaco, in 1737 ; N'td was a Penoakook '^ fFaUer, brother of Mogg ,*t which, or whether either of these were the one so barbarously destroys at Casco, as appears in the following account, we are not informed. The Ate of this t^(o» is remembered amonc the inhabitants of some parte of Maine to this day. He was tied upon a horse with spurs on nia heeb, in such a m8i.ner that the spurs continually goad- ed the animaL When the horse was set at liberty, he ran furiously through an orchard, and tlie craggy limb* of the trees tore bim to pieceti. Matker, in hb Dbcenii idh LucTuosiui4MplnB to confirm something of the kind, which took place at Casco, ha 16M,wbere the Indians, having taken some horses, made a bridle of the mane and tail of one, on which **a sou of the famous Hegon was ambitious to mount." " But beiug a pitiful horseman, he ordered them, for fear of his falling, to tie his legs fast un- der the horse's belly. No sooner was this beggar ad en horaeback, and the spark, in his own opinion, thoroughly equipped, but the nettleaome honr. furiously and presently ran with him out of sighu Neither horae nor man was ever seen any mure. The astonished tawnies howled after one of flieir nobility, disappearing bvsucb an unexpected accident A few da^s afler, they found one of hia Ug$, (and that was all,) which they buried m Capt BraeMa celhu*, with abui»danee of lauientauon." Heie we eannot but too plainly diacover the same spirit in the narra- tor, which must have actuated the authors of the deed. He who laughs at crime ia a participator in iu From theae, we pan to aflhirs of far greater notoriety in our eaateru history ; and shall cloae this chapter with two of the most memorable events in its Indian warftre. ., Mt^, the chief sachem of Norridgewok in 17S24, may vciy approprH ately sMnd at the head of the history of the first event How long he bad been sachem at that period, we have not discovered, but he is mentioned by the EngKah historiana, as the old chief of Norrid^wok at that time. Notwithatimding Mogg was the chief Indian of the village of Nerigwok^ or, as Father CkarkSoix writes it, Narantsoak, there was a French priest settled here, to whom the Indians w< vc all devotedoess ; and it is behoved that they undertook no enterprise without his knowledge and consent The name of this man, according to our Enj^ish authors, was RaUi, but aooording to his own historian, ClutrUvoix, it was RatU.^ The depreda- tkins of tne Ab^naquis, as these Indians were called by those who lived amonir them, were, therefore, directly charged by the English upon Fa- ther RaaU ; hence their first step was to offer a reward for his head.|^ The object of the expedition of Col. IVealbrook, in 1732, waa ostensibly to seize up^n him, but he found the village deserted, and nothing was effected tMH;nalia,ii.646. * MS. amoof the filei in our itate-lKHise. t MS. letter of John Farmrr, Esq. ^ oiBgnaiim, ii. amo, * >Hi!it. Oea. de la Nouv. Ft. ii. 380, d ratn. ' " Apri» phmtwri tentofinef, d'abard pour engager ees iotmaget par let ojfret et U*. proiau$ei let nbu Mni»anteM h U Uvrer aux Ati^ioU, hawk Indiana, under Captaina MnJton, Harmon and Btntne, to humble them. They came upon the village, tlie 23 August, while there was not a man in arma to oppoae them. They had left 40 of their men at Teco- net Falla, which is now within the town of Winslow, upon the Kenne* beck, and about two miles below Waterville college, upon tht; opposite aide of the river. The English had divided themselves mto three squad- rons : 80, under Harmony proceeded by a circuitous route, thinking to sur> prise some in their corn-fields, while Moulton, with 80 more, proceeded directly for the village, which, being Hurrouiided by trees, could not be seen until they were close upon iu All were iu their wigwams, and the English advanced slowly and iu perfect silence. When pretty near, an Indian came out of hid wigwam, and, accidently discovering the English^ ran in and seized his gun, and giving the war-whoop, in a few minutea the warriors were all in arms, and advancing to meet them. Moulton or- ered his men not to fire until the Indians liod made the first dist^harge. This order was obeyed, and, as he exp»ct>;;m bim. and many of his posterity reside there at the preaent day. Under the head Paugua, we shall proceed to narrate our last ovent in the present chapter, than which, may be, few, if any, are oftener mentioned in New England story. Pot^fia, slain in toe memorable battle with the English under Captain Loveww, in 1735, was chief of the Pequawfcets. Fryeburg, in Maine, now includes the principal place of their former residence, and the place where the battle was fought. It was near a connderable body of water, called iSaeo Pond^ which is the source of the river in liliQ, at event in mentioned er Captain in Maine, 1 the place ' of water, we name, he Indians I court of P' Among in which «iIinon-fiiU ^ame upon 'B, and, hy oody deed borne the B 40 war- extended ' received that these the fron- uid nioc- "'•iea An- attirer sur "n/ de ta 'Utrent wi ^*» (time f»oietU, tl '*• Ainti •*ept ant P* defu- 'rent 'pa» tacr^s, el untpri. \ ^^fU CUM' otnudet ' ^- mi*' ' ttrit^i ,ttum Oiur. DC.] PiUQUS. cafMMM, to afeeouunodate captives. Tbis^ however, was nwre conjeetoN^ and whether they had killed friends or emiDiss was not quite so certah as that they had killed Mimu. It is naid that Paugu$ was well known to many of the English, sad personally to many of LovtwdPi men ; and that his name was a terror to the frontiers. In a song, composed after the Pequawket fight, be is thus mentioned, as appearing in that battle : — " Twa* Pomrw M the Pequ^Ll tribe ; At runs the Tax, would PtaiMUS run } Ai howk the wild wolf, would ht howl ; A hufo bearikiB had Fm^^ on." There was another chief, who was second to Ptmgm in this fight, by the name of Wakuxt. What became of him does cot •??««. Capt. LoMwdl marched upon thi» expedition oipinat Am^fw, with 46 men, from Dunstable, about the middle of April, 1735. Their setting out w thus poetically set forth in nnetre : — " What tinw the noble LovntM came, 'With fifty men from Dunstable, The cruel Pcqu'k't tribe lo tame, With arms and blood-shed terrible." They arrived near the place where they expected to find Indians, on the 7 May ; and, early the next morning, while at prayers, heard a gun, which they rightly suspected to ne fired by some of Paugua^a men, and immediately prepared for an encounter. Divesting themselves of their packs, they marched forward to discover the enemy. But not knowing in what direction to proceed, they marched in an opposite direction from tho Indians. This gave Patigua great ad vantase ; who, following their tracks^ soon fell in with their packs, firom wliirh he learned their strength. Be- ing encouraged by his superior numbers, Paugus courted the conflict, and Eursued the Engush with udor. His number of men was said to have een 80, while that of the EngltBb consisted of no more than 34, having left ten in a fort at Ossipee ; and one, an Indian, had before returned home, on account of sickness. The fort at Ossipee was for a retreat m case of emergency, and to serve as a deposit of part of their provisions^ of which they disencumbered tlicmselves before leaving it After marching a considerable distance from the place of their encamp- ment, on the morning of tlie 8 May, Ensign Wynum discovered an Indian, who was out hunting, having in one hand some fowls he had just killed, and in the other, two guns. There can be nc probability that he thought of meeting an enemy, but no sooner was he discovered by the English, than several guns were fired at him, but missed him. Seeing that bure death was his lot, this valiant Indian resolwd to defend himself to his last bfeath : and the action was as speedy as the thought: his gun was levelled at the English, and iMWwtU was mortally wounded by the fire. Ensign WymaUt taking deliberate aim, killed the poor biinter ; which aetion our poet desorlbea in glowing terms : — '< BtA VTymm, wlw is Wobarn lived, A marksman be of courage true, Shot the first Indian whom they saw ; Sheer through his heart the bullet flew. The aavnge had been teekinr nne } Two gMM, and eke a kaife, m Mtni, And two Mnck ducks were in his hand ; 11 He shrieked, and fell to rise i ^^ PAU0U8. ptooK in Ciur. He was scalped by the chaplain and another ; and then they marehed again bv the way they came, ror their paclv< This was expected by the wary Paugua, and he lay in ambush to cut ti 9m off. When they had got eompletely within the ambush, " Asoa, Ibera oifhly* Indiam roM, Who'd bid ibemtelvM in ambush dr«ad } Their koivea Ihey thook, their guM they aimed, The (kmoua Paugu* at iheir bead." When the Indians rose from their coverts, they nearly encircled the Knglish, but seemed loath to begin the fight ; and were, no doubt, in hopes thai the English, seeins their numbers, would yield without a battle ; end, therefore, made towards them with their guns presented, and threw away their first fire. This only encouraged the English, and they rushed toward the Indians, fired as they prened on, and, killfaiff many, drore the Indians for several rods. But they soon rallied and nred vigorously in tlioir turn, and obliged the English to retreat, leaving nine dead and three wounded, where the battle began. Lavewdlj thoupi moruilly wounded bufore, had led his men until this time, but feU before the retreat *' Jdm LovnotU, captain of (he band, Hia sword he wav'd, Ihal elittcr'd bright, For the last time Iw clicer^ his men. And led them onward to the fight. ' Fight on, fight on,' brave Lovtwell said ; ' Fim on, wmite Heaven shall give you breath !' ')>i An Indian ball then pierc'd him throurii, -.^^ And Lcnemdi elos'd his eyes in death/' ,f-^ Being^ near the shore of Saco Pond, the English made good their re- treat to it, which prevented their beins surrounded ; and b at for this mo- tion, none could possibly have escaped. The bank of the pond afitrded n kind of breastwork,t behind which the English maintained the fight until night. The Indians drew off about dark, and diey saw no more of them. Nine only of the English es<»ped unhurt, thoush several that were wounded lived to return home. Paugua was killed py one John Cham- heHautf and is thus mentioned by the poet : — "Bai (Chamberlain, of Dun^Mt, One whom a savage ne'er shall slay. Met PoMgHt by tm water-side. And shot him dead upon that diay." A son of PaitfM, after peace was restored, came to Dunstable to revenge his fotliei^ death by killins CAom&erlam,* but not going^ directly to him, his design was mistrusted by some one, and communicated to him, and he kept himself upon guard, and had a hole cut through the door of his house, from which eany one morning he discovered an Indian behind a pile of wood, with his gun pointeil towards the door, to shoot him, he supposed, as he came out ; but making use of his advantage, Ch/mheHain fired upon and killed this son of Pangua. * Mr. WUliMiuon, Hist. Maine, ii. 1S7, says " about f»3." This number he gels, I luppokO, from an average or three authors, thus : — Penhallow, TO,— Hutehinttm and aifmmi. 80,-«nd Bttknap, 41 ; hence, 70-}-80-f4l-7^s£3-f-: But he has missed one of hia autimiities, for 70-^-8l)-|-8(H-41~4aB68— j i. e. about 68 would be the accurate averan. t^dhafldw'«IndiaaWan,llS. ^ Ho gradu^ ■'S*. Pfeosm they imrehed pected bytfa* I they had got CMAr. IX.] PAU0U8. BDcircled the Nibt, in hopes » battle ; end, threw away they nuhed i^tdrorethe nsorooflly in ■d and three ly wounded reat '^H pd their re- br this mo- nd afilrded d the fight no more of il that were instable to ig directly nicated to [fa the door u> Indian \ to shoot idvantage, ^Ih» sell, 1 AtiuoN aad •Mdouor B accurate Tbe En^Wi chaplain, Jo n atium iVyc, wm mortal^ woundad tha battle. . < " A man wu ha of couMiy ftim, Politb'd and brave, well learnt and kind. Old Harvard's kamed halls be lell, Far in dn wiMt a grave to And." Ho was of Andover, m Mi graduated at Harvard college. ihusetta, and bad, but a short tinw beibte^ I- -A' " Liaotenanl FarwtU look kit band, His arm wtMuid hi« neck he Ihrew, And said, ' Brave chaplain, I could wish That Heaven had made me die inr yen.' Tbe chaplain on kind FanBtWt breast. Bloody, and languishing, he fell ; Nor after thai, said mora but Ihis, ' I ktve thee, ko^aier } fare thee well !' " The folIowiBg lines apply well here, although they are not in die or- der of the poet : — " Then did the crimson streams, thai (Uyu'it, Seem like iho waieni or the brook, Thai brighUy shine, thai loudly daab, Far down the clifls of Agiocbock."* If miracles had not then ceased in the land, we should bo induced to pass to their credit the extraordinary escape of several of tht? wounded Englbhmen. Sohmon Ketfut, having received three wounds, said he wouM hide himself, and die in a secret place, where tbe Indians could not find him to get his scalp. As he crawled upon tbe shore of the pond, at some * Tbe Indian name of Ihe While Mounlaini, or, as the people of New Hampshire would say. White Hills. The natives believed the summits or those mounlaina to be inhabited by inviaible beings, but whether rood or evil wo are not icforaed. Nor is it of much importance, since tlwy reverenced Ibe one as much as the other. It is always faigUv gratifying to Ihe curious toobaerve how people primitively viewed otgecis whicn have become familiar lo them. We will here preseat Ine reader with Mr. Jtutb/n'* description of Ihe While Mountains, not for ils Aminicy, but for iis curioea extravagance. " Four score miles, (upon a direct line,) lo the N. W. of Scarfaorow, a ridge m mountains run N. W, and N. E. an hundred leagues, known by Ibe name of the White Mountains, upon which lieth snow all tbe year, aiid i* a landmark twcaty miles off at sea. Il is a rising ground from Ihe sea shore lo these hiHs. aad they are in* accessiMe but by the gullies which Ihe dissolved snow hath made. In llieee gujfies grow •aven bushes, whie'j Ming taken hold of, ara a gnod help to liie eliaibii^ (fiacoverer. Upon Ihe top of die highest of these mountains, i.i a largo level, orplaa^of aday*a journey over, whereon nothing grows but moss. At the farther «td of lUa plain it an> oilier bill called the Sugar-Mtf, lo outward appearance a rude heap of massie slonct piled one upon another, and you may, as you aiicenil, step from one stone lo another, as if you were vning up a pair of stairs, but winding still shout Ihe hill, till you come lolhe top, which wul require half a day's time, and yet it \a not above a mile, where Ikere is also a level of about an acre of ground, with a pond of clear water in Ike midst .if it, which you mav hear run down, but how il asocnns is a mystery. From this rock' itill Sou may see the whole country round about ; it is far above iSc lower cfouds, and trona snce we beheld a vapor, (like a grent pillar,) ilrnwn up by the Kun*bcams out of amat lake, or pond, into the air, where it was formed into a rloun. Tlie country beyond UMtte bills, northward, is daunting Irrrihio, l)eing full of rorky hills, as thick as mole^hills in a meadow, and cloalhed wtih infinite thick woods." Nne KngUmd^* RaritiM,S,4. Sad recolleclions are associated with the nnme of these mountains. The destruction oflivet, occasioned by an avalnnchc at the relcbreted Notch, in iSSfi, will not soon be forgotten. Mr. Moort, oV Concord, has published an inteiesiing account of it in Ihe CJoL N. H Hitl. Soc. vol. iti. m PAVOOB. ' [Book a£' diMuce (Kmi Ae i^hmm of actioa, he (bund •canoe, into vvliieh he raBad himMif^ and was drifted away by the wind. To bis great astoniahiMHl^ be was cast ashore at no great cfistance fixyn the fort at Oisipee, to wbieb he crawled, and there met several of his companions ; and gaining sfvmglht returned home with them. Those who escaped did noc leave the battle ground until near midnight. When they arrivea at the fort, they expected to have found refireshment, and these thqr had left as a reserve; but a follow whoaananeia not men- tioned, who deserted the rest when the battle began, ao frightened ihnw, that they fled in great eonfosion and dismay to their homes. The place whvre this fight took place was 50 mUea fit>m anyidiitein- haMtants ; and that any should have survived the fiunine which now atarad the'n in the fkce, is almost as miraculous as that they should have eaeaped death at the hands of the courageoua warriors of PmHguo ; yet 14 Kved to return to their friends. Fifty men, from New Hampahire, afterwards marched to the acene of aotion, where they fmmd and buried the dead. They found but three In- dians, one of whom waa Poufitf. The rest were snnpoaed to have been taken away when they retreated Stom the battle.* We will dose the acoonnt : — " Ah ! many • wife •ball rend her hair. And meiiy a ebild ery, ' Woe it om/ When meuanger* me newt ihall bear, Of LoeewtW* dear>boaght rielory. With fi>oUt«p( slow shall travellers go, Where LovnttWt pond shines eiaar aad biighl, And BMfh ih« plase w her e Ihoae are laid, WholeU ia LoettoeWi bloody fighL Old men shall shake (heir heads, and say. Sad was (he boor and (enftle, When LooewM, brave, 'gainst Pm^^u wen(. Wide My men from Dunstable." Obav. let the poet After LoveudPt fight, the Andr osr t» the head of Connectunit Rive^. jn and Pequawket Indiana retirad . , remained here bat two jreai* in peace, at which time the Andrm.'»nii.s removed to Ganada, where tbej ««re afterwards known as the 8t nvicia tribe. The others reriiained on the Cotinecticut. Their chie^ PkOvz, fought with the Amsricons in the mvolutionaiy war.f * For dM piineipal lae(s ia this areomrt, we are indebted (o fly Mw — 'i narrative of (ha ArhtfYiublisbed (he same year in which i( happened, and lately r)pabiishi:ii in Fknmer ami JKsere's His(orical CoHeetions, vol. i. The poeUy is firom vol. iiL of (he i ^ t R^g«ra>9 Rmninis. Fr. War. 160. -0' (Bmk n. heralbd Obaf. X.] 8T. FRANCIS DESTROYSD. CHAPTER X. Hiil&nf nf Ac JVbHAcm tmd EatUm tkl0 t on t bm ei . At the clow of the last ohapter, mentioD ww made of the 8t Fnaeii Indiana, and aa they were a tiart oT them th« raauMnt of the one* ra- apoetahle Androscoggina,* their hiatoiy will here be reaumed. We have already related some of their hardaliipa and Miflbringii, both in PkS^t war and the French v/ars aAerwarda, when they had to contend with the old experienced ehiet', Col. CkwA ; and alao their aevere dinaler in op- posing LavemtU. After their arrinJ upon the Lake Sk Fr^ocia, from which their vinage took ita name, they were under the influence and guic*uice of the Frenop. Their village, in 1755., consisted of about 40 wigwams ksd a church, and a friar rested among them. What time the Androacoggins jotued the St Francis tribe has not been discovered, but whenever war existed be- tween France and England, they generaltjr had aome participation in it, which ended ic their almost total destruction in 1750. Before the capture of Queliee, in 1759, and while the Engliah army under Gen. Amkerri lay at Crown Point, an expedition against St. Fran- cis was ordered by him ; being so ** exssuemted,** says Col. Roger*, ''at the treatment Capt. Kenmify had received from those Indiana, to whom be bad been sent with a flag of trace, and proposals of peace, who had been by them made prisoner with his party, that he determined to bestow upon them a signal cliastisefflent.'* Tnia does not appear, boweven to be all that was charged ngainst them, for Maj. Rogen continuea, "Thoy had, within my own knowledge, during (he six years past, killed and carried away more than 600 persons." Accordingly Maj. Rogers was despatched upon this enterprise with 143 effective men, including officers, ana a firw Indians <^ the Pe(|uauket tribe, under PAtKp, their chief. It was a inoat perikMiB undertaking ; near 300 miles of wild country to be passed, late In October, 1750. W hen they came in eight of the town, towards eveniiig, on the 5 October^ the inhabitants were dancing aliout in great glee, celebra- ting a wedding. Haff a i hour before sunrise the next morning, the Eng- lisli foil suddenhrupnn«d that he bad been fixed there hj the tSi^liiih of CiiBftda, aa a apv, to give hi- Ibrmation if an enemy ahoUld aMraUb lb that directioii. But thn, aft it proved, waa fidae inf^nnfttiAil/ftMl JVUMiCt Wfta the fiiend ol the Ameri- cana, aa alao waa bia brother SUoib, who KVed lAoM aeVen mileft higher up the river, above him. The reaidence of JVhfant* Wfta k IbiMabme pUca, tmoB the bank of the river ; bii cabin, aituatad in die cekitore oTft gMM, ttie border of ti^foh waa beyond muiket ahot flom IL Wfta a diieoVMf Wliieh addtd to the auapiciona of the party, who, havib'g alrritM ki the bel|hborbood, 4 Octo- ber, aurrouqded it at every tiOilA, and ittta ttl Uikte ll with gteat eaMr- neaa ; expeetliifc widioiit ddUbt,lo hiVe tidCMi ftfia-j^iriaaMr. In thb dicy were diaappoiirted, fbr it apifiMcid khtt the pkce had bete dMerted a week. Near by, at the ehore of the ri¥«r, a mte, drft#n opon birch bark, waa Ibimd in the tap oft Mike, iptymaexuittdt OftliiMbtinJi tfie ooonm df the rivera towarda Cankda, and fiiiea dedMilig puitk u^HnmiDg Abni one to another, lliia gieawf AMjMied thten, Mt dl<4^ jtM^ted morli hy it. Nothing waa aeeb of a# IndSfttti durihgllie «M«Mbb «jf the expM^- ing party, who, after aboQt » dai^ln VHiieh dkby'MfferM'fevei^ Ail%Uiit deatn, rejoined the anny. When the army bftd liMiilBd (vMOh ftft V^^* ctf* CbiMa,lttldkVaH (Ml the 4 November, « we
bad kc^telM* lo ihe« all Iha tto ia Mc hnlth. t Col. N. H. ITMt 8m. u. ttt. S60. JmaiamMon, ii. 109. In ISlt^bis tribe coatiatad of but 57 familiea, and S4| persons. In ISSO il««rt! wcrn iouls. Their iacraaw, nvi Dr. Mom, Appendh to'Vitm'*)* R'rf^n^t, 4S, is aiding to an obKgatiaa of ike diitfa laipoied upon their young Mtia.fo INMrrv iMrly. AtTTBONt— mPTum. ptoo* m. • oouil, bjr Mm A)plww, in extraualkNi oTtlM murder of oim Kmgttf by PmI Simif, TIm oan wm nearly m MIowa : In the evening of 9B JiUM^ 1818, Ihii Indies wee intaskaied, and el die taven of aaid A^ at Bangor, (wiiether he hed procured liquor there with wbieh to intoiieate taimeeif, we ere not iuAmied,) aad boiag noiw end turbulent. Knigkl en- deavored to expel him ftom bie bouae. Haviog thniet him out of door, he endeavored to drive him awav, end io the attempt wee atabbed, and imroediaialy died. On hie emet Am^ acknowledged hie guilty but Held he wee in Uqiior, and that Kmight abueed him, or he hed not done it Being brought to trial in June tlie next yeer at Caatiiie, by edvice of eounael, he pleaded iie< guUiy ; and after a day apent in hie tnaL a verdict wae rendered, aeeordiog to Ube defence aet up^ mamtlmigkUr. Atmip hed a wife and leveaal eblhhen ; four of whom, with their mother, were prea- ent, ee were ntany other Indiena from St Johna and Peeaaniaquoddy, beeidee a great crowd of whitee. After aeotenoe wee deeleivd, Simm waa «dwd by the court if he hed any thing to aay for bimaelf} to whieh he replied, ''John Nbptdnk mU niakfor mm." Ncrroiia roee up, and having adveneed towarda tfie judgea dolibeiBtaly Mid, in Englieh, OatP' %■ YimlamtytfiiirptefpU do mji AuNaw gnaddtti wnmg. Tkof ahm • very mmdi-yta thev murder Hum ; Mm Iktji mdk nght ^—luhodji 'hu Mem. JIM maiui my h$art kurn. Well, ttm aiy Indiatu toy, tee Ab, / WPe* them f UruAtei viU go kill your very bad mid wiefud men. /^, / Mfem never do Oied Udng, we cm kniktn. Some (uae ago a tvy had mmh* tdtout Botton, ihU an ndima dead. Your people eaid, marefy he ekoald die, btil «( WM nol M. In the groid prioon houH ke eaU and Uoee to iMe dM, Certainly he never dieejSrkmmlniMan. My hrolhere aay let that bloody wtan go Jree'-PefA Buaup foe. & i*e leM. nope JUt$ the hearte qf nt oU— Peace w good. Theoe, my hdUme, love U wefl. 7%ey mmle under iU ekadt. The uUfc Nieti and red men mnit be edwayefiiende. The Qreai Spirit it ourfaUur.n- iapeakuhatlJieL" ** iSurap waa aentenced to another year^ impriaonment, and required to find auretiee for keeping tlie peace two yearai in the penal sum of 500 dollara ; when John JV^hme, Squire Jo Merry ^f^ptune, of hie own tribe, Capt. Selmond, dtom PaaHmaquoddy, and Capt.iB Tomer, from the River St Johna, became hie auretiee in, (be cognizance.'^ Capt IVoncw, the firat captain of the tribe, has been ineotioned, and who, aceordinf to the hiitnnan of Maine, ia a man of good underxt^ing. If the information he haa giv^n coneeruiiig the eeatem Indiana be correct, — and we eee no caiiae to doubt it^^it ie ofinueh value, and no leaa intereat Heaaaured Mr. IPtUiaawoii, '*that all the tribee between the Saoo and the St Johna, both incluaive, ere brothers ; that the eldeat lived on the Saco ; that each tribe ia younger aa we pan eaatward, like the eous of the aame fother, thouah the one at Pawamaquoddyl ia the youngeat of aU, proceeding iVom tnoee upon the River St Johns and Penobocot.$ *M- taoyr,' he affinna, '/ eouM underhand all theee brothere very well when Ikeyepeak; but taken fke Miekmais 'jr the Atgonquine, er Catnma Indiana iidk, I cannot tell all ^ahatthayaau.*** Before dianiisiing the intereaong Tarratinee, h may be proper to preaent a qiecimen of iheir binguage. * " He alluded to one LtPtrmort, who bad received leiileiiM ofdeaUi for killing ta ^ ladian, which wu eomimiled in hard labor for life in the ttaie'i prison." IViUiaaiMMi. t Ibid. i The lodiaaaaaid, F ei cmhm afiiwi t teg. Paarodan meant polloek; oi|Uon, eateh '«at grtet iMmy ; eag, lomi or jafacc. ^ Penop% neks, keag, a plot* of. imf, On* p. X.) ROWIA Mwa^, ■pum%wf-ato| O^ftdUr, whaU^hm nffrnktrntrnt, *im*dttlk{/mmf, ofWidi^nwlH t*!Mk-la)i-wM^40UiMlv fpaln^-lMH'•lo, ktiHeitm tmriktrnktUmrtk, Uu** wftrnktrnttm, rm-lw^li, neo^iab, na m mm - y hm a t »m fo*mifm, um^^om, gim M <^«»» «*»Tr gM«*-«ool, ar^od, miM mi ■\H>m, aao^Mh, wi a imimt ^— m k wic t , Vbab-Ui-^ree-haiiaab, a u i e w eo«w l e\>nt, uh-lidi>k-w»-u>|(AliHiui-«h»4e*-diMk, a-iiae-lM', atf wrMV do*n, Uii m mI •-que-ah-l«li-ke-ine-Mh^eo>iue, n'fidi*iM, iiu..m-m«\ nea-oah, iMo>, «w>-fot, woMSw'iiM, kadi-ddMld^Kiek, ^o-iMh, kMkMh\ /mm «WilUv'> httmm Omkktgitm U Omm, ■oa^eh«^ doM-abie, m9Ukm\ iMshlMi^ qowV^M.* A*p»»er aUo, gtoiy /hrtttr, mmtm. In Bpeaking of the New Hamptbira aaehema, k waa not kMended that ao eonapkaoua a eUef aa Romb shoaM have been aileBtij paawd over, and therefore we will ^e him a place here. TMa ebief baa of htejeaia be- come noted, ftom the dreumatanee of hia name^ beinf fi>und to the cel- ebrated IfKeefwr^ deed of 1099. That deed, H may be proper to remark, purported to have been given by Pa ttyte w a ia ay , JEiauHMrii^ IfeAonotMia- wit and Bowla. The tract of country conveyed waa iueliiiled between the Paaeataqua and Menrimack Rivera^ and bounded Inbuid bv aHneftom « Pawtudcet" Falla in the boter, and Newiebawannek in the ftmier. h ia pretty certabi, now, that theae aaefat ma gave no auch deed at the time •peciiSed. Jtowl* WW aaehem of the Newicbawannoka, and Ma dwriting place was upon the north aide of the Paacataqua, not fiur finem Quampeann Falla, in Berwick, then Kittery. <* In 1643, he conveyed the landa of bis vicinity to Amipwvw Chndboum ; and otbera afterwndsb to Sptnear; the ftrmer being the eanieat Indian deed found upon oar recnrda It is cer- tain that all the Indiana upon the river to ita moutb, were his sulijecta, though he was under PaaBaeonaway.'*t Mr. Huitari^ says, "There waa withm the compaas of the aeven yeara now current, [about 1870,] a sasamore alxMt Kittarv, called Jim* or AoBes : who lying very rick, and nedrid, (being an old man,) he expected aome of the Bifiglish, that seized upon bia land, ahould have shown him that civility, aa to have given him a visit in his aged infirmities and riolnieaB. It mattera not much whether it waa totally neglected or not ; to be aure at die Inst, he sent for the dtitf$ of the town and desired a flivor of them, .viz. that though he mif^t, aa he aaid, challenge [chiim] dl the plantation for his own, where thev dwelt, that yet they wooM pleaae to adl or give him a small tract of lano, paariUy an hundred or two of acrea, and withal) de- mred it m^t be recorded in the town book, aa a puUio act, that so his children, which he left behind, might not be tumea out, fflce vagabonds, aa destitute of an haMtation amongst, or near the Englidi, adding tbia aa a reaaon : That he knew there would shordy All out a war between the Indians and the English, all over the country, and that the Indiana at the ,i.«13^ t WmUmtom, i.4B0. % Ib«ui Wan, ii. 81. un BLIND-WILL. [Book ill.. first shovM prevail, and do much mischief to the English, and kill many of them: But after the third year, or after three years, all the Indians which sc did, should be rooted out, and utterly destroved." This ac- count, the same autlior says, '* is reported by Maj. WaUnn, Mr. Joshua Moody, Capt. IVotf, that live upon, or near the place." A chief named Blind-uiU wns successor to ttolU, and in PhSip*s war sen ed the English. Why the word blind was prefixed to his name is not ini-iitiono«l, but probably he had lost an eye. In 1677, the wretched expedient was resorted to by the whites, of em- ploying the Mohawks against the Tarmtines, and two messengers, Maj. Pinehon and Richards, were despatched to their country. Tney were kiudly .-cceived by them, and promised their assistance. ** Accordingly some parties of tliem came down the country, about the middle of March, and the first alarm was given at Amuskeeg Falls ; where the son of ffotio- lanset being huntings discovered 15 Indians on the other side, who called to him in a language which he did not understand ; u|)on which he fled, and they fired near 30 guns at him without eflTect. Presently after this ihc^ were discovered in the woods near Cochecho. Maj. frtddron sent oiit'8 of his lAdians, whereof BKm^wiU was one, to make further discov- ery. They were all surprised together by a company of the Mohawks ;. two or thne escaped, the others were either killed or taken, ffill was dragged away by his hair ; and being wounded, periEhed in the woods, on a neck, of land, formed by the confluence of Cochecho and Ising-glaes Uivcrs, whkh still bears the name of Blind-wilPs Neck."* Such >verc (he exploits of the allies of the English at this time ; nor do we find that any ouers were performed of a different character. Notwithstanding,, the same miserabw policy was talked of again about nine years after ; but we do nut learn that it was carried into practice. It was, perhaps, at the time of which we have been speaking, that the Narrannset chief Pcmociu was murdered, as has been raentioned.t We tiad not thus long delayed our notice of one of the most renowned chieft, but from the untoward circumstance of having mislaid a valuable communication concerning him.| The sachem of wtiom we are now to , speak was known among Uie French by the name of JSTescambiouit, but among the English he was called Assaamiuit,^ and AMsaeombmL^ This chief was as faithful to the FVench as one of their own nation ; and our account of him begins in 1696^ when, with IbeniUe and the famous Montignjff he rendered important, service in the reduction of the English Fort St. Johns, 80 November, of that year. Being apprized of the approach of the French and Indians,, the English sent out 88 men to opuose them, who, on the 28, were met and attackcMi by a part of IberviUe^s army, under Montigny and Mescam- btoiiity and defeated with the loss of 55 men. On the night before St. Johns capitulated, IbermUe, with JSTescamlnouit aa his second, at the head of 30 men, made n sally to bum one part of tho town, while IXMuys and Mont^if, with 60 others, were ordered to fire it at another point. Both imrties 8ucceeded.| In 1699, he is noticed for some cnielty, which, it was said, he inflicted upon a cnild, named Thomasin iRouse. He having ordered it to caii-y something to the water side, it crisd ; he took a stick and struck her down, and she lay for dead. He then threw her into the water, but she was saved by another Indian. She was an English captive, and was , soon after restored. This account was hundc^d Dr. Mather, by one who had just returned from Cosco Bay, where ho had. been to hold a treaty • Mkmn, HUt. N. H. i. It5. t From Rev. Mr. Ftlt of Hamilton. ^ Penhallow. t See b. ii. p. C9. iiole H. if Charlnaix, ii. 193. Ohap. X.] ASSACAMBUIT. 181 (ill many Indians This ac- r. Jothuu with the Indians. The account closes in these words: "Thia Jhmeom- bud hath killed and taken this war, (they tell oie,) 150 men, women and chiltiren. A bloody DeviL*^ It 38 said that Afoiuw, War 'gotut, and Jlataeombmt, were " three cf the most valiant and puiaaai achenm" of the eaBt.f Their attack upon the fort at Casco, in August, 1703; has been mentioned.! In 1704, Dome of the Abeuaquis, having established themselves in Newfoundland, were attacked by the English, and some of them killed. Whereupon they ap- plied to Gkiv. VttudnuS for assistance to repel them, and he aemMontigHif with a few Canadians, who joined themselves with about 50 Abenaquis under JVeaeamilnoiat, and attacked thu English with great success, ''^ney pillaged and burnt ope fort, and took aiany ^ riaoners.^ In 1705, M. iSu&ercaje, having succeeded M. Brot Uon in the govern- ment of Newfoundland, endeavored to make thorough work witli the re- maining English. Their success was iieorly compbte, and here again MscambiauU is noticed as acting a conspicuous part Subereaae^s army consisted of 400 men,jj in all, and they net out from Placentia 15 January, upon snow-shoes, with 90 days' provisionB. They su&red much from tha rigor of the weather, and did not Ml upon the English until the 26, which was at a place called Rebou. They next took Petit Havre. At St. Johns they found some rasistance, where the English now had two forts, which were supplied with cannon and morta.a, and, after losing 5 men in killed and wounded, were obliged to raise the siege, in consequence of want of powder ; having damaged much of what they brought with them in wading rivers. They next attacked Forrillon and took it.f This was 5 March. Here was also a fort, into which the iohabitants at first retired, and endeavored to defend themselves, but soon surrendered pris- oners of war.** Not long after these services ^fi$eambioQit sailed for France, and in 1706 visitM his miyesqr. King Louis XIV, at Versailles. Here, among other eminent personages, he became known to the historian Chab- i.Evoix.ff The king having presented him an elesantsword, he is report- ed to have said, holding up his band, '* Thit hand hot slain one hunthrtd andfortv qfyowr nu^ea^a enemies tn JSfew England ; " |! and that whereup- on, the king forthwith knighted him, and oraered that henceforth a pen- sion of eight livres a day he allowed him for life. J^feaeamioUtt returned to America in 1707, and the next year accom- panied Rouville to attack Haverhill in Massachusetts. The French had intended a much more formidable conquest, and had engaged bands of Indians from four nations to co-operate with them, and all were to rendez- vous at Lake Nikisipique, as they called Winnipesauke or Winnipisiogee. But all except the Algonquins and Abenaquis under Macambioidl, hav- ing failed and deserted them, they were on the point of abandoning their enterprise altogether. Having made known their situation to Gov. Tau- dreuU, and requested his orders, he directed, that though all the Indiiins deserted them, they should not give over the expedition. Dea ChailUms having communicated this intelligence to the Indians, they entreated liiin * Ma^alia, vii. 95. t PtnhaUon, 6. t Pa'f^ 1C4, lib. iii. ( Charlewix, ii. 294. II This is aceorrfing to Charlevoix, hut Penkallow says 5(10, and Atupach, (HisL NiHv'Viunrtland, IS3.) aioiit MO. Charlevitix is Houbtless nearost the truth. V. f.f Bourg/utbrvU, aprit quoi Muif tionv, qui avail ammihcetU expedition son/dilt Nk'^'vlmbiouit, Jid dftathf wmc Ussauoagei, et une partie des Canudiem, ptur alter du r 'if de Carbmmiert, et de Boitntr.iste, avec ordsr de brUler et de detntire ioute le eiti, ce ou'iV externa torn perdre hn tetd Aohuik, IonI la terreur Hoit grande parmi lei Attgloit. N. France, ii. 300. ** Atupaeh, Itl. tt Hist. Gen. de la Nouv. France, ii.396. \X Pen)taUom,10. Thismusthr, we think, a f^almisrepreiienlalion of his rro/ speech, •■ MiiMe(|uent d«u^ will lead one to tuppoae. Perhaps he might have said /orly. ASSACAHBUrr. [Book HI, U» iNd them forward, and aaid they would follow bim whererer he choae tOfO. From Nikisipique they marched, at laat, with SOO men, fell upon Ha- vwhill,* and Kieked k. The attack wa* made, am about an hour high, 99 Ausuat, 1706b The eoiHeat waa ahwt aa the oppoaition was feeUe. The Eiiiclnh loat about 100 penona by thie ir ivpUon, 40 or 50 of whom were killed M Haverhill. MttambwHt, in thia aflinr, fought by the side of the eoromander-iR-chief, and perfonned prodigicB of vakir with the sword which he brought feom France. Having burned the fort and many of the buildingB in the Tillage,! they began to retrace their rtepe, with precipitation. The Eni^Ksh, having rallied, formed an ambush in the edge of the woods, about u mile and an half from the town, attacked them vigorously, killing and wounding many of them. In the ambush were 60 or 70 Enriish, who, after hang- ing upon their flanks for near an hour, retreated. In Uiis last affair the French suffered most In both encounters, 18 men were wounded, three Indians and five Frenchmen killed. In the ambush fell Hertel of Chambly, and Fereken*, both officers of experience ; and the renowned ^saeambaH, as though, ebewhere, like w}dUBe«, invulnerable, was wounded by a shot in the foot This last attack had the happy effect of immediatelyrestoraiff many of the prisoneis. From 1706 to 1727, we hear nothing of AaaeaiiAmt. In June of the latter year, his death is recorded, accompanied with a short account of him, in a newspaper of that time. Mention is made, among other things, that, like Hercules, he had a ''fiinHnis club" which he always carried with him, on which were 96 notches, denoting the number of ** English " he had killed ; that he was knighted while m France, the insignia of which, on his return home, he wore upon his breast in lar^ letters. In this newspaper communication be is styled '*Old EKitmhrnt^ ** formerly the principal sagamore of (the now dispersed) tribe of the Saco or Pig- waeket Indians." He probably went to reside among the St. Francis tribe about 1700. He was restless when there was no war, and our account says, " when there was something of a prospect of settled peace, about 30 vears ago, [1700,] he marched off the ground as a disbanded officer, left nis brethren and travelled towards the Mississippi, where he was con- stantly engaged in wars, and never heard of till tne last fall he returned to those Jeastern] parts." This was probably the report among the English of New England : but in truth he was with the French in Canada, as we have seen. Had Pkkballow published his iKoiAif Wars one year later, he would not, probably, have closed his account as he did concerning him. He says that, at his return from France, he was so exalted that he treated his countrymen in the most haughty and arrogant manner, " murdering one and stabbing another, whirli so exasperated those of their relations, that they soiiffht revenge, and would have in- stantly executed it, but that he fled his country, and never returned after." • " Bt prirent aIor$ It pcurti dr marcher cmUre tm villafr* apprlU Hawrkuii., com' po$* dt vitUeinq h trttUe maitoiu hien l/dtit, avec m fort, o'ljtogeait k goupemmr. Ce fort avoit unt garriton dt trtnte toldatt, tt il y en aroU «< moitu dix dttni chaque ma»$on." t Charlevoix Myt, " Toulet let maitoits te difendirtnt aturi trit-bien, et ewetU It mtme tori. IPy «Mt environ cent Amgloit de M> dant cet d^iremtt* ntltufutt ; plutiturt atitres, mii otttnairtwt trop tard h tortir du jforl el dei maitoiu, y fureat bf&lei." None of the Engliili account* mention this, and it wai doubtlesi nupposition, wiiboM fiMindalioo in flwt. BOOK IV. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN INDIANS. CHAPTER I. Preliminary obtervatiotu rtajtedmg Vve anmtnf of (he unOhem IndianM — WiNGiNA, the fint Virginia ekuf known lo the EngliBh—DettrovB the , first colony tettkd ih^ — Menatonon — Seiko — EifSENORK — Second ■^ colony abandont the coutdry — Tobacco first carried to tSngland bif them — '- Curioits account of prejiMices against it — Granqanemeo — His kind- ' nesses—HixfamUy — His death— VoyrnkTW— Boundaries of }as country—' Surprises the Payankatanks — Capt. Smith fights his people — (htekaruca- nough takes Sm^h prisoner — The. partictdars of that affair — He marches him about the country — Takes him, at length, to Powhatan, who condemns him to be put to death — Smith''s life saved at the intercession of Pocahon- tas — Insolence of Poxohatan increased by NinjoporCs folly — Smith brings him to terms — ^ crown sent over to him from England — Is crowned empe- ror — Speech — Uses every stratagem to kill Smith — Is baffltd in every attempt — Smith visits him — Speeches — Pocahontas again saves Smith and his comrades from being murdered by her father — Tomocomo. The difficulty of rightly partitioning between tlie southern nations and ttie Iroquois, or Five Nations, can easily be seen by ail Huch as have but rer}' partially taken a survey of them, and consinered their wandering habits. Therefore, should we, in this book, not always assign a sachem to his original family or nation, we can only plead in excuse, tliat we have gone according to our best information. But wc have endeavored to 1 9 WINGINA. [Book IV Chap. I.] draw a kind of natural boundary bt-tween the aboTe-nientioned nationa, diatinguishiiig those [teoplo beyond tlin Cliesapcake and some of its tribu- taries, as the southern Indians, an.j tiiot«^ Itetween ihat boundary and the Hudson by tlic name Iroquois. To their r^pective territories inland, we ■hall not, nor is it necessary to, fix bounds, in our present business. We •re aware that some writers suppose that all the Indians, From the Miasis- ■ippi to the vicinity of the Hudson, and even to the Connecticut, were originally of the same stock. If this were the case, the period is so remote when they spread themselves over the country, that these great natural divisions had long since caused quite a difference in the innab- itants which they separated ; and hence the propriety of noticing them acconling to our plan. It is said that the territory from the sea-coast to the River Allef^haoy, and from the most southern waters of James River up to Patuxent, in the state of Maryland, was inhabited by three diflferent nations, and that the language of each difllered essentially from the others. The English called these nations by the names Powhattms, Manahooes, and Mondcang ; these were the Tuscaroraa. The Powhatans were the most powerf\il,and con- sisted of several tribes, or communities, who {weseflBed the country from the sea-coast to the falls of the rivers.* To ^ive a tolerable catalogue of the names of the various nations of Virginia, the Carolinaa, and utence to the Mississippi, would fiir exceed our plan. We shall, therefore, pass to notice the chiefe of such of those nations as are distinguished in history, pointing out, by the way, their localities, and whatever shall appear necessary in way of elucidation, as we pass, and aa we have done in the preceding books. fringma waa first known to the English voyagen AmidM and Bar- low, who landed in Virginia in the summer of 1584, upon an island called, by the Indiana, Wokolmi. They saw none of the natives until the third day, when three were observed in a canoe. One of them got on shore, and the English went to him. He showed no signs of fear, " but spoke much to them,** then went boldly on board the vessels. Afler they had given him a shirt, hat, wine, and some meat, " he went away, and in half an hour he had loaded his canoe with fish," which he immediately brought, and gave to the Enj^lish. ^mgtna, at this time, was confined to his cabin from wounds he had lately received in battle, probably in his war with Ptomocitm, a desperate and bloody chief. Upon the death of Granganemeo, in 1585, ffingifui changed his name to Pemiiaapttn. He never had much faith in the good intentions of the English, and to him was mainly attributed the breaking up of the first colony which settled in Virginia. It was upon the return to Eoglanr! of the Captains .4mtda« and Barlow, from the country of fVingina, Xum Queen Elizabeth, from the wonderful accounts of that fruitful and delightful place, named it, out of res))ect to herself, VUgtnia ; she being called the virgin queen, from her living un- married. But, with more honor to her, some have said, " Because it still ■eemed to retain the virgin purity and plenty of the first creation, and the people their primitive innocency of life and mannenu^'f Waller referred to this coimtiy when he wrote this : — " So iweet (he air, so moderate the clime, None sickly lives, or dies before his time. ^ Heav'n sure has kept this spot of earth uneursl, , To show how all things weie created first." * From a communication of Secretary TTiompfon to Mr. Jtfferton, and appended to Ike Notes on Virginia, ed. of 1801. . fSlilh, II. 1 Chap. I.] WIN0INA.-.MCNATONON. icans; these Sir Bkhard OrttmnL, 8timula(ed by the love of cain, next intruded him- self upon the shorea of fVingina. It was ho who committed the firat outrage upon the nativeH, which otrcaaioned the breaking up of the colony which he left behind him. He nudo but one short excursion into the country, during which, by fooliobly exposing his commodities, some na- tive took from him a silver cup, to reven^t the loss of which, a town waa burned. He left 109 men, who seated themselves upon the island of Roanoke. Ralph Lane, a military character of note, was governor, and Capt. Philip Amidaa lieut governor of this colony. They made various excursions about the country, in hopes of discovering mines of precious metals ; in which they were a long time duped by the Indians, for their ill conduct towards them, in compelling them to pilot them about. Win- fina bore, as well as he could, the provocations of the intruders, until the eath of the old chief Entenort, his father. Under pretence of honoring his funeral, he assembled 1800 of his people, with the intention, as the English say, of destroying them. They, therefore, upon the information of Skiho, son of the chief Mtnatonon,* fell ufion tlicm, and, after killing five or six, the rest made their escape into the woods. This was done upon the island where Wingina lived, and the English first seized u|H>n the boats of his visitants, to prevent their escape from the island, with the intention, no doubt, of murdering them all. Not long after, " Wir^vM was entrapped by the English, and slain, with eight of liis chief men." Menatonon was king of the Chawouocks, and Okisko of the Weopo- meokes, "a powerful nation, |x>sses8ing all that country from Albemarle Sound and Chowan River, quite to the Chesapeakes and our bay."t At this time, Jl/etia/^ non was lame, and is mentioned as the muin sensible and understanding Indian with whom the English were at first acquainted. It waa he that made Lane and his followers believe in the existence of the mine already mentioned. "So eager were they," says Mr. SUth, "and resolutely bent upon this golden discovery, that they could not be per- suaded to return, as long as they had one pint of com a man left, and two mastiir dogs, which, being boiled with sassafras leaves, might afford them some sustenance in their way back." After great sufferings, they arrived upon the coast again. The reason why Menatonon deceived the English, was because they made him a prisoner for the purpose of assisting them in making discov- eries. After he was set at liberty, he was very kind to them. Two years after, when Governor fUnte was in the country, they mention his wife and child aa belonging to Croatan, but nothing oi him. White and his company landed at Roanoake, 22 July, 1587, and sent 90 men to Croatan, on Point Lookout, with a friendly native called Manteo. to see if any intelligence could lie had of a former colony of 50 men left there by Sir Richard GreenvU. They learned, from some natives whom they met, that the people of Oassamon|)eak, on what is now Alligator River, had attacked them, killed one, and driven the others away, but whither they had gone none could tell. One of their present company, a principal man of their government, had also been killed by the same Indians. This tribe and several others had agi-eed to come to Roanoake, and submit themselves to the English ; but not corning according to ap- pointment, gave the English an oppoitunity to take revenge for ibrmer injuries. Therefore, Capt. Stafford and 24 men, with Manteo as a guide, set out upon that business. 6n coming to their village, "where seeing them sie by the fire, we assaulted them. Tiie miserable soiiles amazed, ftcd into the reede, where one was shot through, and wo thought to have * Smith calls him the " lame king or Moratoc." t Stith's Virg^iiiia, 14 ** '" bay" is meant James River Bay, 4» WINQIMA^ENSENORR. [Book IV, ban mUy ravenged, but we were deceived, for tbejr were ow fi7i«ndi < fiwn Oottoui to gather their com !** '*Beiiif tbuL dierppotnicJ of ov iNmwafH we gathered the firuit we found ripe, left the reat uoapoiledtaad t^ JVeUdleiiNm, hia wife with her cbiU, and the reat with oa to Ba»- iMi4t.''* But to return to If^jMM. While the Engfiah were upon the errand we havf* been apeaklif o( ti'mgina pretended to be their friend, but deceived them on every op|wr> tunity, 1^ giving qotioe to hia countrymen of their course and purmMe, and urging them Ui cut them oK He thought, H one time, thai no Eng- lidi were deatroyed, and thereuiNMi acofled and mocked at aueh • CHd aa Iheira, who would aufl^ it Tliia eauaed liia son Emmort to >iii their floemiee, but on their return he waa their friend again. He. jnd many of hiapeopjc, now believed, aay the voyacers, that <* we could do them more hurt bemg dead, than lining and that, being an hundred mylea from them, Aot, and auuck tiiem aick to death, and that when we die it ia but for a time, then we return ■gwo" Many of the chiefr now came and submit- ted themaelvea to the ^glidb, and, among others, Emtnore perauad^ hia ikther to become their ffiend^ who, when they were hi great straits for provisions, came and plantdd their fields, and mode wears in the streama to catch dab, which were of laAito benefit to them. Thia was in the spring of 1586, and, aays Jmi|f*«e not havhig one com till the next harveat to auslain ua.** Wlialiadded greatly to their diatreaaea, waa the death of their excellent friend ^Mcnore, who died SOib of April follow- ing. The Indiana began anew their conapiraciea, and the cotony availed themaelvea of the first opportuni^ of returning to England, woioh was in the fleet of GKr Amwia Drttke^ which touched ;liM» in ita way from an expaditiMi againat the Span^vda in the West IiidiM.t ^ Thp conduct of Lane and k>is company in thia.^ritleas attempt to eatab- li4l themaelvea in Virginia, vas, in the higheat degree, reureliensible. They put to death some of the nativea on the moat ftivoloua charges, and no wonder they wer»-driveo out of the country, aa they ought to have been.t While they were there, they became acquainted with the uae of te&oeeo, and, taking it to England, its iutroduction into geneval ^lae aoon rendered it a great article of commerce. And here it willnot be improper to notice how mai:y difierent iiersons have had the credit, or«^parhppB, I fliMilliaayidMBriMbliof introducing this ** Indian weed " into Etogjaud ; tt%Sirfl^ylii|eUt^^|j^dbt, Sir WMtr Rategh, Ralph Lmci and eome othera. tfowy afl:«oiiM ^l«r observes, the reader may ftther it upon whom he fkfuiaf, aa it ia (Evident Sir iVrnd* Drake took Ridph Lotii and tobacco MfJih togeraer intil England ; and no one will diwute the agency of the gdVam Rnigiit, Sir ffaUer Ralegh, for lie aent out Lam in his^mnloy. Xfer. Mm JotatJ^, in hia ^Two Voyages to N. Eioglwd," hae Uiia naa- aage : *< Others will have tobacco to be first brougbt into England from Peru, by 8ir liKtiicif Avjte's mariners." TheroLWcre many who afieeted a violent diagust towards the use of tobacco ; the nmst conspicuous waa King Jama, whoae mind eeems to liave been jtwt weak enough to fight windmilte. He even wrote a book denounoiHl^ to use in the severest terms he could command. Not doubt- ing but the rBMier will be gratified with a specimen of the opposition with which eurltMnHi pkuit met, in its uansatlantic use, we will ofi^'^r )\\ passtge froni— li'jji , 1 ' * < m * SmUk't Hi«. Virginia. ( R«l*(ioB «r £«M, printed ia SmUkU Virginia. iHerrM't Oburvaiion*, (ooe of Luu'* omnpany,) prialed in SmUt* FtegeSlltSia. He fBooKlV. Iffyoppor- OeEngu • ChdM M Bo than pno^ Ob, *• Mlj whieh-oMrtainly hid Mf«r apnad ao ftr, if km iMi teni Ihe^tame umhw of iMimiioi tMd with 11% « ww ia GRAlfaANBino. ■ B« Bww^whocoiimiM»aed«pipetBh««hruKthroM«hth» qf ft Tutk which wm fiNud nUof lobMoo, uid a» in dcriaoo f h« M WHit CoMtaniinople. TdM hii fimwell to it, who once dolid on Mm hcatheoiah weed ^— *nmmtii, Iboa bdioa nnoak, bubariu vapor, Aa enraiy lo Hfe, foe to woate paper. Thoa doel fJiiiiai ia tbo bodjr breed, Awl Kke a vakar oa Ike parte deel foad. PhoagiM twool bfoallM lalo aoliakiaf leaUwM, Aod WM ihroe pipao lurw Iwopeace lato anihf Grim Phitd Sril kveated it, I thiak. To pieyaoB all dto worM wiiii heHidi Miak : flaee lieollieaiiJi waed, hour eeiaiea ie growa, That bat afow years pail wm learMly uow* ! Whea for to oaa ooo laka it wai a riddle, Aa Mntaf> w a babooa lo taae a iddla. Ware it coalbed oacly to feailemea, iVereJoaM rapMit 10 take tobaeco tkea, But badhiM, tiaker^ cofalen, water4wareia. Vaut e o m aiea If man'r flonh be like bogt, as it it laid, Tben aureiv by tiaoaki^ ibut it't baeoi Farewell rmI mw^, good for meh tkiaM as tbi 'Oaiaet Me, tow heads, aealM, tMi^, orTleaeh Tobaoeo grew apoManeoualy in WinaatidMNM, (VirgiBlai) a»- Aom the iaknd vihagoi, bat tbiaderivatien ia denied by aoane.* But to mum to otMr biography. CfiiaiiffBaiam waa » ehjaf vetw 1 Uy apolcen of. Aa aoon \w the arrival of the Engiiah waa nmiti to him. he viaited. them with abom 40 of Id* man, who wan vary tML and of a remarkabfy robtnt and fine appa a f a a rt t Whan they had Mt their boat, and oame upon the ahore near ihe^ ahip^ On ang ni i ta m apvaad • mat and aat down upon it The^SngHab want lohima r aaa d , batrhndb- eoferadnoiSMr,anttnivitedthemtoaitdown; after whieh ha p a iAi mai aome tdkeaa of rriendaiiip; then makiofa apeech tothaaii,diey ftaaaaaad hiffl with ^ome tojra. None but four uf bis people apoko • waM^or a« down, but maintained the moat perftct silence. On beins ahowBai Max- tor diah« lie was mueh nieaaed with it, and purebaaed it wMi 90da«wn% .whioh were worth, in Enghnd, one hundred ahilHogtalartinf !! VkadUb he used aiian ornament, making a bole throngh it,and wearing it ahnol hit Beek. l¥hile here, the Bngliah entertained him, with Ma Wi^and ahttdna, on board tiwr aliip. Hii wifo had in her earai • 1 ,m' I I N II I I I '« • ■ • AM • HitL Virginia, 19. "<»■»— "^^i^"!- POWHATAN. [Boob IV. QiAr. I.) comfort anil |ilenty, in a little town of nine houHcfl. The cliief wm not at licme, *'bm his wifu cnteitainuJ them with wonderAil courtesy and kiuduess. Sht; inndo snine of hr-r |M^oplc draw tJivir boat up, to prevent its h«nng injured by thu beating of the surge ; some 8he orderetl to bring them Kihoro on their baelu^ and othero to cariy their oars to the liouse, lor fear nf being stole. When they caino into the bouse, she took off their cloathcs and stockings, and washed them, as likewise their feet ..? warm water. When their dinner won ready, the^ w -^re <;onducted into as inner room, (for there w.-;re five in the house, dividel by mats,) where tbcv found liominy,* boiled venison, and masted fish; ^uid, as a Avrart, melons, boiled rool& and fruits of various sorts. While tl:ey wci« at meat, two or three of^her men came in with their bows and arrows, v-hich made tho English take to their anns. Ikit she, perceiving their iiistrust, ordered their no ws and arrows to be broken, and themselves to 'oe beaten out of the sate. In the evening, the English rctur led to their lioat ; and, putting a little off from shore, lay at anchor ; at wbfrh she was much cnnremed, and brought their supper, half boiled, pots and all to the shore; and, seeing tbehr jealousy, she ordered several men. and 30 women, to sit all night upon the shore, as a cuard ; and sent five mots to cover them from the weather^f Well batii the poet demanded, '*Call ye them savage?** If the wife of Gnmganemto was savaoe, in the common ae- eeptatioo of the term, whers shall we look for civilization ? Sir R. Gnmmlf having arrived on the coast in 1685, anchored off the Maud Wokokon, 36 May, and, by means of Jlfonleo, bad some intercourse with the inhabitants. At flattens, where they staid a short time, soon after, fhtat^tmtmie, whb MuUeo, wont on board their ships. This was the Mat visit bo made to the English. Tbto must elooe our aeoount of the excellent fiimily of (U r mg a iu auo, •ad WDsM that tlie«ee«iml of the Engliah would balance as well, out thc^ exhibit their own, and one item more from it, and we chiae the compon- For a small kettle they took SO skins, worth in England £13. 10s. We liave now arrived at the most interesting article in Virginia history. Poiohalaii was»of all the chiefs of his age, the most fomoim in the regions of Virginia. The English supposed, at first, that his was the name of the couMfy ; a common error, as we have seen in several caMs in the previoaa ttooks of our biography, but, in this case, unlike the othen, the error pre> Toiled, and a part or his people, ever after the settlement of the English, tvero called the Pomkatau. A great river, Muce called the Jamu, and • bay feeeived bis name also. He hod hree brothurs, Opikhepan, Opektm- kmtou^ aod CofotenaigA, and two sis. jrs. His principal residence was at a pface called fFdowseomoce, when tiie English came into the eauiit.?7; which was upon the north mde of what is now York River, in the coun^ of Gbucester, nearfy opporite the mouth of Queen^ Creek, and about S5 miles bek>w the fork of the river.f He lived here until the EnglMi be|^n to intrude themselves into his vicinity, Ti'hes he took up his resi- dence at Orokakeo. P ii aH a f an was not bis Indian name, or rather orisino! name; that was ^aAwwonaeodL He ki described as tall and weU proportroned — bearing an aspect of sadn cn a ■ e xceedingly vigorous, and poaaosDing a * " A food made ti htdaun con, or mwie, beaten and caieftilly huskad, Bke (bmMly in EnciaMi ; and it aa oscelleBt diah various waya." f tMtkUlakl. VTiMinia, 10, 11. I SmiOi't Hkl. l^aia. oni f Ahoiil two milot iMowwheieRichaMMdMiwitaiidf. The turn of a ft nlhi a a rf Ikt Mlo of a pan of Ida lowa, ia MM. CamftdPt ■ i; PfeoKfV. ef waa not urtcsy uid to prvvont il to bring tbo house, 10 took off eir ffifit ..; ucted into |t^) where a dpffert, 7 wftie at fc'a, »^hich iistrust, 'm beaten 'oat ; and, f»a much ill to the JO women, • to cover II ye them nmon ac- ed off the ntercoune time, soon This OSAV. I.) POWHATAN. •VoncMeo, i> out the* 'comnaril £12. lOt. ia histoiy. toregione me of the 'previda error pre. EngUab, icf^and • > Opdum' eocA was rouiurjr; leoounqr nd about EngUah his oe; that tioned — easing a llmMaar bod^aanable of suataining great bardahipa. He was, in 1607, about 60 •raof age, and bia hair was considerably my, wbicii gave him • ma- jeado appewaBcei At his residence, he mmI a kind of wooden form to sit upon, and his ornamental robe waaof raccoon skins, and bia bead-draaa was enoipoaed of many feathers wrought into a kind of crown. He swayed many nationa upon the great rivera and bays, the chief of whom he bad oooquerad. He originally claimed only thu places called Pow- hatan, (ainee named Haddinaddoeks,) Arruhattoek, (now Appomattox,) ^oughtuiund, Pamunky, Mattapony, Werowocomooo, and Kiskiuk ; at which tinoe, bis chief aeat was ac Powhatan, near tlie fiills of Janiea River. But when he h^A extended his conquesu a ^reat w^f north, he removed to Werowoocidoeo, as a more commodiious situation. At the termination of bia warlike career, the country upon James River, ftom ita mouth to the falls, and all its branches, was the boundary of hia couutrv, sot .; eriy — and so across the country, " nearly as high aa the falla of all the great rivers, over Potowmack, even to Patuxent, in Maryland," and sohm of the nations on the north shore of the Chesapeaika. Hb dominions, according to his law of succession, did not fall to his chil- dren, but tu his brotben, and then to his sistem, (the oMest first,) thence to the heirs of the oldest ; but never to the heirs of the males. He usually kept a guard of 40 or SO of the most resolute and well- fbrmed men about him, especially when be slept ; but, after the Engliab came into hie country, ha increased them to about 300. He had aa many, and au^ women as he pleased ; and, when he slept, one sat at his buM and another at his feet When he was tired of any of bis wives, be be- stowed them upon such of his men as most pleased him. Like the New England chiefs, he bad many places where he |Mssed certain seasoiis of the ye«r ; at some of which he had very specious wigwams, 30 or 40 yanu in extent, where he had victuals provided against bis coming. In 1608, hemrprised the people of Pavankatauk, who were bis neigh- bors and subjects. Captain SmUht ia the account, " tvrii xoUK kit own Aand," says, " the occasion was to vs vnknowne, but the manner waa thua." He sent several of bis men to lodge with them the night on which be meant to &U upon them ; then, secretly surrounding tnein in their wig- wama, oommeneed a horrid slaughter. They killed 34 men, took off thev scalps, and, with the women and children prisoners, returned to the so- ebein^ village. The scalpa they exhibited upon a line Itetween two tree% as a trophy, and the vetnwoHee (their name of a chief) and his wifo Pvmkakui made his servants. From 1585 to 1607, every attempt to ssttle a colony in Virginia had ftiled ; and, at this tinm, woukl hav^: failed also, but for tho unexampled perseverance of one man. I need but pronounce the name of (Ja|)t John SndOi. The colony with which he came did not arrive until the planting season was over ; anil, in a short time, thoy found thumaelves in u suffer- ing condition, from want of Huitakle provisions. Smilhy therefore, under- took to gain a supply by trafficking with the Indians back in the country, wlm, being acquainted with his situation, insulted him and his men wher- ever they eame; offdring him but a handful of corn, or a piece of bread, for a gun or a sword. " But seeing by trade and courtesie there was nothing to be had, he made bold to try auch conclusions as nt- cesaitie infbreed, though contrary to his commission." So he fired upon them, and drove them into die woods. Ho then marched to their village. There ti. ?y fiiund cum in abundance, which, aller some mancenvring, be succeeded in trading for, and returned with a supply to Jan)f?stown. iSMtift, soon after, proceeded to discover the source of the Cliikahama- nia. When he ImuI passed upas for as it was navigable for his bai;ge, he left it in • wide plaea, at a safe distance from the snore, and orderad bis rOWIIATAN. [Book tf. C«AP. 1.] ■cflQ not to go on ■hora on any eondhion. Tailing two of ha own%Mii ■nd two Indhna, be prooeaduil to complete hb liiaeoyonr. A* soon am lie WM gone, hfai men went on stiorn ; one wm hilled, and tke leet hardly mumped. Smith wa« now 90 miles into the wildemeaa. OpekmJumauffk, 300 waHoi* *>«vihg learned, flrom the men they had jint taken, whinh way h «), followed after him, and came upon the two Enf- IMimen belo . xt hia company, and killed them hoth while aaleepu he being abaent to ahoot winjo fowlii Ibr proviaoM ; they tlien continued tiMir pursuit after him. lie wan not fkr mm his canoe, and eadearored to retmatto it, but, lieing hard p re— e d , made a ahield of one of hia In- diana, and, in this manner, fought upon the retreat, until he had killed three, and wounded divers othera. Bemg olrfiged to give all hia attention to hia pursuen, lie aeeklentally fiill into a creek, where the mud was ao deep that he could not extricate himselfl Even now, none dared to lay hands upon him ; and those whom their own numbers ibroed neareat to him, were oliserved to tremble with fbar. The Indian he had boiMd to bis arm wltfi hia garters, doiibtlesa aaved him fi«m lieing killed by their anrowa, flxmn which, owing to hia Indian ahidd, be received but verv little hurt, except a wound in his thigh, though his clothes were shot mil of them. MThen he could stand no longer in the mire, without perishing with eold, be threw oway hia arms, and suffered them to come and take him. After polling him out of the mire, they took him to the pkee where hia men had juat been killed, where there was a fire. They now showed him kindness, rubbin|^ his benumbed limbs, and warming hun by the fire. He asked for their chief^ and Opdkn^tammigk appeared, to whom he gave a small compass. This amused them exeeedingly. ''Much they mar- velled at the playing of the fly and needle, wlueh they could aee so plainly, and yr-t not touen it, because of the ^sas that eovei«d them. But when he demonatraied, by tint gk>he-like lewell, the roandaeas B of the earth, •Old skies, the 8|iheare of tne sunne, and moone, and starrer and how the Bunne did chase the night round about the worM, eoatinually — tlie great- nease of the land and sea, the diversity of the nations, varietie of oomplez- iaaa, and how we were to them antipodes, and maiqr other suob like mattms, tliey all ftood as amazed with admiration !" Yet, notwithstanding he had suen success in explaining to them hia knowledge of geography and astrao- aniv,(faow much of it thev underatood we win not undertake to say,) within aa hour after, they tied him to a tree, and a multitude of them aeemed prepared to ^oot him. But when their bows were bent, (^ttkatUumamgh uM up his rompaas, and ihey all laid down their weapons. They now led him to Oramkas, or Oralcakea, a temporary seat of Pmdiakm, on the north side of Chikalioininy swamp. Here they feasted bin, and tiahi^ him well. When they marehed him, tl^ drew themselves up in a row, with their chief in the midst, before whom the guns and swords they hiul taken from the English were bo'me. Smith came next, led by tfanee great nrwn hold of each arm, and on each side six more, with their arrows notehed, and ready, if he should nttempt to escape. At the town, they danoedand sung about him, and then put him into a laige house, or wigwam. Here they kept him so well, that he thought they were fittting bim to idll and eat. They took him to a sirk man to cure him ; but he told them Jieeould not, unless they would let liiin go to Jamestown, and get aometfaing with which he cnuld do it This they would not consent to. Th*- taking of Jamestown ynSi now resolved upon, and Am made great preparations for it To this end, thev endeavored to get SiivMft aarist- anoe, liy making kuge promises of lam) and women ; hot be told them It eiMild not be done, and described to them the great dnkulqr of tba undar* its [Book IT. ■oonMlie Ml hwtllT Ca«r. I.] POWHATAN. taking ia aaah ■ maimer that diey wera gnathr tarrMad. With the idaa of proeuriogaonMthingcurioiia, Smith pravaibd upon boom of them to CO to Jamcatown ; which journey they performe d in the moat aevera^ froaty and aiowy weather. By thia nieana, he gave the people there to underMand what hia aituatioo waa, and what waa iniandaa afaiiut then, by aaodioga leaf firom hia pocket-book, with a few worda written upon it He wrote, alao, for a few articlea to be aent, which wen duly brought by the meanngera. Nothing had eauaed aueh aaloniiliaMnt aa tmir bnnghig the veiy articlea Simtk had promiaed them. That he could talk to hb nrienda, at ao great a diatanee, waa utterly ineomprahenaible to them. Beins obliged to give up the idea of deatroying JameatowD,tiiay amuaed themaehrea by taking their captive flom pkMse lo place, in great pomp and triumph, and ahowing him to the different nationa of the domiaiona of PouMtan. They took him to Youghunnund, ainee called Pmmmtktf Rmer, the country over which OpdUnJUmomnk waa chiell whow prinol- pal reaidence wi^ when the toWrofPai^kev aince Waai thence to the Mattaponiea, Piankatanka, the Nautaii^tacundi, on Rappalianoek, the Nommiea, on the Patowmack River ; thence, in a dreuitoua eouraa, tbrouch aeveral other nationa, back afiin to the reaidenoe of OptkmdUh ftough. Here they practiaed eonjuradoiw upon him for three aueeeaaive dajra ; to aacertain, aa they aaid, whether he intended them good or eviL Thia provea they viewed him aa a kind of god. A bag of gunpowder . having fellen into their handa, they preaerved it with great care, thinking it to be a grain, intanding, in the apring, to plant it, aa thev did com. Urn was here again feaated, uid none could eat until he had done. Being noir aatidied, bavins gone through all the manoBU vrea and [ with hik I they could ihiuk o^ they proceeded to Potdiiiton. "HeremoM than 200 of Uioae grim coiutieni alood waoderiog at him^aa be had ban !• POWHATAN. (Bmb IV. n motwMr, tUI Pamltelim and ha Mjni« had ^ ihonMlTW is tbair KrmliM ImveriM^" He ww ■— leri bnfbre a fin, upon a aaal like a bed- Hioad, haviM on a robo of neeeon ikiiM, "and all ibe tay^ haarinf hv." On «Moh BHle of bin aal a yotuiff woman ( and upon rcah mh « the houan two rowii of mtrntf aiid witb a« inany women bohind teaw ' Tbete \m iMd the^ heada aad riiouMen paioiad ted ewme of nAmm beoda wnre adomed vitb while down \ and about their aecka while heada. On Simlh*» being breii da iate the preasnoe of Ptmhaim, all preaeM joined in II dteat about. ** The queen of Apanntwek waa apfMinted t« briri|r him watnr to waah hie handa, and another brought hini a bunch of feathem, ItiMtoail of a towel, to dry them." Then, having feasted him again, ** aAer ilioir heal hMhawiia maonor they coiiU, a long conaultation waa held,bm i>ie ooneluokm waa, two great alonea were hrougfat before PowAotan — then (in many aa eoald lay handa on him, dnq|ed him to thea and thereon laid ilia liead, and being ready, with their eluba, to beat out liia braina, PeeaAontof^ the kin^ deareat drucbter, woen no entreaty oouM prevail, 5ut Ma head in her amiea, and laM her own upon hia, to save him from eath." . I^i sfca to n was imable to reaist the extnordinary soKcitations and syB»* paUietie entreatiea of hn kindMHMrid him two great aaaaes, and a giyndestone, for which he would ghrekim the countn of Oapahowoaick, [Capabow4ck,1 ami forever eMsm him his soone, JWatftspwadL So to JamestoWM, with 13 guides, iMkntar sent him. That nigNt ithej auartered in the Woods, Be still expaai|ag,(M En had dona aA tlhai bag time of his {mpriaonment,) every houi' ta M MK to one death or atrather." Early the next morning, they came lo#ipiHrt at Jonestown.' Jlere he treated his guidea with the greatest attention and kindness, and Mkted JRouAunI, inajestfaif manner, and fbr the safce.af a Mtle tpott. a ha« mill-etone, and two demi^-culve- rinSjOirhinvipDUiMicannonailotaketo AifAa/an, his master; thaa>li||IBJr^ his engagegMnt to send him a, grindstone and two guns* Thia nmt kvmt wnn a saehaainnder Pmnhatan, and one of his moetfatthfal aiptolwa^ and who, jt iseaH^ accompanied Smith in hie return out of captif 1^. *''I1i«jr f>aaid them some what too heavie, but wheit they did aaa him (iischaiga thenik being loaded with stones, among the boughff of a gnat tree lowed win hMdes^ the yce and branches eame so tumbUag down, that the poara aahagsa ran awav half dead'' with foar. Bat> tu last, we regained some e e ww w ii ee with them, and gave them aueh toyea, and sent to Pm^Uttan, his women, and children, such presents, and gave them in gewwttfiiUcenteni.^'* ,> 'i^t is <>pli(in Smith'tawn ■cc«uirt,wliH!hiI abiJI foibw Miaoiely; acMinr acta- sioMdiy' (Ma MM, Xv ilfuiuaif ikis geograply of the tonsuy. . ' . .' ft2 Enurt fBdoB IV. J__ Zl'r::: ^JZi': =:. T^^z:=ii~- Kin^ PoWUntan ci^m_ tmtl'him' ht sutucttd 3ff ^'t/iii'r /iinas iyiuU %• /ii^Ktv I-'n^rat'i'if /t^Mti the ornfiiiuJ tis 2'iMished It/ ''^rrHMiTH hinisdl'. t > *i CHAT. / ■^^^^/^ '••/ Our. L] POWHATAN. II PouihaUM was now compktely in the Enj^ish interest, and almost vnry other day sent bis daushter, PoeoAonla*, with victuals, to Jamsslowo, of vtrhicb they were great^ in need. Smlk had told PotsAoten that a great chief^ which was Captain NiewptH, would arrive iroin Et^glaud about that time, which coming to pass us he had said, greatly increasod his admira- tion of the wisdom of the English, and be was ready to do as tbejr doired in every thing ; and, but for the vanitv and ostentation of Mkuftrtf mat- ters would have gone on well, and trade flourished greatly to their advan- tage. But he lavished so many presents upon Powhatan^ that he was in no way inclined to trade, and soon begsja to show his haugbtinesp, by demanding five times the value of an article, or his contempt for whr t wasoflerra. By NiewporfM imprudence and folly, what had cost Smatk so much toil and pains to achieve, was blown away by a sinsle breath of vanity. Nevertheless, his great mind, continually exercised in difficult matters, brought the subtle chief again to bis own terms. Hinuelf^ with AeiopoW, and about 20 others, went to Pouhaian^s residence to trade with iiini. ** Wherein Powhatan carried himself so proudly, yet discreetly, (in his salvage manner,) as made us all to admire his natural gifls." He pre- tended that it was far beneath his dignity to trade hs his men did. Thus his crafl to obtain from Nhapori his goods for whatever he^leased to give in return. Smiih saw through PoumidaiCa craft, and told Sttveport how it would turn out, but beins determined to show himself aa dignified as tbe Indian chie( repented of his folly, like too many others, when it was too late. Smiik was the interpreter in the business, and iSTewport the chief. Powhatan made a speech to him, when they were about to enter upon trading. He said, ''Captain Nitwpari, it is not Sfo^eiible to my greamess, in this peddling manner, to trade tor trifles ; and I esteem you also a great werowance. .Therefore, lay me down all your comaiodities togeUier ; what I like I will take, and in recompense give you what I think fitting their value." Accordingly, Newport gwe him all his goods, and received in letu^ only about three bushels of corn ; whereas they expected to have obtained 90 hogsheads. This traMpustion created some bard thoughts between Smith and ATewport ^Iff. If it add to raise Powhatan in our admuration, it can detract nothing from the character of Smith, to say, that he was as wily as the great Indian chief. For, with a few blue bea&, which he pretended that he had shown him onlv by accident, and which he would hardly part with, as he pre* tended, because they were of great price, and worn only by great Jtinss, he completely got his end, oi this timo, answered. Tantuiization had the desired effect, and Potohatan was so infatuated with the lure, that he was almost beside himself, and was ready to give all he had, to poR-sess them. ** So that, ere wo departed," says my relation, " for a pound or two of blew beades, he brought over mv king for 2 or 300 busholls of conic." An English boy was leu with Powhatan, by Captain JVewport, to lenni the language, manners, customs and geograpliy of his country ; and, in return, rotohatan gave him .Yamontack, one of*^ his servants, of a shrewd and subtle capacity ; whoui he aAerwards carried to England. Potohatan became offended widi Cuptuin Smith, when ATtwport leA the country, in 1608 ; at whose departure he sent him 20 turkeys, and demanded, in return, 20 swords, which were granted. Shortly after, he sent tlio same number to Smith, expecting the like return ; but, being disapiwinted, ordered his men to seize the English wherever they could find thom. This caused difficulty — many of the English being robbed of their swords, in the vicinity of then- forts. They continued their depredatiouH until Smith surprised a number of them, from whom ho leomed that Powhatan wa» endeavoring to get all the arms in his power, to be able to massacre the 13 POWHATAN. [Book IT. Chaf. 1.1 Ehiglish. When he found that Wis plot wns diarovored, be sent Poeahon- tat, witli presents, to excuse himself, and pretended that the misctiicf woh done by some of his ungovernable rliicfs. He directed her to endeavor to effect the release of his men that were prisoners, which Smith consented to, wholly, as he pretended, on her account ; and thus peace was restored, which iiad been continually interrupted for a considerable time before. Ou the 10th of September, 1608, Smith was elected governor of Vir- S'nia. N'ewmrt, going often to England, had a large share in directing e affairs or the colony, from his interest with the proprietors. He ar- rived about this time, and, among other baubles, brought over a crown for Powhatan, with directions for his coronation ; %vhich had the ill effect to make him value himself more than ever. ^Teuiport was instructed to discover the country of the Monacans, a nation with whom Powhatan was at war, ond whom they would assist him against, if he would aid in the business. Coptain Smith was sent to him to invite him to Jamestown to receive presents, and to trade for com. On arriving at Werowocomoco, and delivering his message to the old chief, he replied, " If your kir^ have ttnt me presents, I also am a king, €md this is my land. Eight days 1 will stay to receive them. Yovr father [meaninir Newport] is to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your fort — neither wHl fbite at such a bate. As for the Monacans, I can revenge my own injuries ; and as for Mquanachuck, where you say your brother was slain, it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose tt ; but, for any salt water beyond the mountains, the rcMtions you have had from my people are false." Some of the Indians had mode the English believe tnat tnc South Sea, now called the Pacific Ocean, was but a short distance back. To show Smith the absurdity of the story, he drew a map of the' country, upon the ground. Smith returned as wise as he went. A house was built for Powhatan, about this time, by some Germans, who came over with Newport. These men, thinking that the English could not subsist in the country, wantonly betrayed all the secrets of the English to Powhatan, which was a^in the source of much trouble. They even urged him to put all the English to death, agreeing to live with him, and assist him in the execution of the horrible project. Powhatan was E leased at the proposition, and thought, b^ their assistance, to effect what e had formerly hoped to do by engagine Smith in such an enterprise. Their first object was to kill Captain Smim ; by which oct, the chief ob- stacle to success would be removed ; and, accordingly, they took every means in their power to effect it In the first place, he invited him to come and trade for com, hoping an opportunity, in that business, would offer. That his design might not be mistrusted, Powhatan promised to load his ship with corn, if he would bring him n grindstone, .50 swords, some muskets, a cork and a hen, and a quantity of cop|)er and l>eads. Smith went accordingly, but guarded, as though sure of meeting an enemy. In their way, the English stopped at Worrasqueoke, and were informed, by the s^achem of that place, of Potohatan's intentions. That sachem kmdiy entertained them, and, when they departed, furnished them with guides. On account of extreme bad weather, th«;y were obliged to spend near n week at Kicqnotan. This obliged them to keep their Christmas among the Indians, and, according to our authorities, a merry Christmas it was ; having been " never more merry in their lives, lodged by letter fires, or fed with greater plenty of good bread, oysters, fish, flesh and wild fbwl." Having arrived at Werowocomoco, af\er much hardship, they sent to Powhatan for provisions, being in great want, not having taken but three or four days' supply along with them. The old chief sent them immedi- 86. [Book IT. CBAr. I.] POWHATAN. 13 ately a supply of bread, turk63r8 and venison, and soon after made a feast for them, according to custom'. Meanwhile, Poichatan pretended he had not sent for the English ; tell- ing them he had no com, " and his people much less,"* and. therefore, intimated that he wished they would go off again. But Smith produced the messenger that he had sent, and so confronted him ; Pouhakm then laughed heartily, and thus it passed fur a joke. He then asked for their commodities, ** but he liked nothing, except guns and swords, and valued a basket of com higher than a basket of copper ; saying, he could rate his com, but not the copper." Capt Smith tncn made a speech to him, in which he endeavored to work upon his feelings and sense of honor ; said he had sent bis men to build him a house while his own was neglect- ed ; that, because of his promising to supply him with corn, he had neglected to supply himself with provisions when he might have done it Finally, Smith reproached him of divers negligences, deceptions and prevar- ications, but the main cause of Powhatan's refusing to trade seems to have been because the English did not bring the articles he most wanted. When Smith had done, PowlMtan answered him as follows: — " fTe have but lUtle eom^ hut what we can tpare ahaU be brought two daya hence. Au to your coming here, I have some doubt cibout the reaaon of it. lam Udd, bif my men, that you came, not to trade, btit to invade my people^ and to poaaeaa my country. This makes me less ready to relieve you, and frightens my peo- ple from bringing in their com. And, therefore, to relieve thtm qf that fear, leave your arms aboard your boats, since they are needless here, where we art all friends, and forever Powhatans.** In these, and other speeches of like amount, they spent the first day. " But, whilst they expected the coming in of the country, they wrangled Powhatan out of 80 bushels of corn, for a copper kettle ; which the presi- dent seeing him much affect, [value,] he told him it was of much greater value ; yet, in regard of his Hi-arcity, he would accept that quantity at Sesent ; provided he should have as much more the next year, or the anakin country," were that condition not complied with. This transaction will equal any thing of the kind in the history of N. England, but we will leave the reader to make his ovirn comment At the same time, Powhatan made another speech, in which were some very singular passages, as reported by Smith. One was that he had seen the death of all his people three times ; and that none of those three gen- erations was then living, except himself. This was evidently only to make the English think him something more than human. The old chief then went on and said, "J am 'flow grmon old, and must soon die; and the succession must de- scend, in order, to my brothers, Opitchapan, Opekankanough and Catataujrh,* and then to my (too sisters, and their two daughters. Ittrish their experunce was equal to name ; and that your love to us rn^ht not be less than ours to yout Wky should you take by force that from us which you can ftave by lave % ffhy should you detiroy us, wno have provided you tmth foodf What cam, you get by toar f We cm, hide our provisions, and fly into the woods ; and then you must eonsequentty famish by wronging your friends. What is the cause of yow jealousy 9 lou see us unarmed, and toilling to supply your tmnts^ if you wiU conu in a friendly numner, and not toith iwords ana guns, as to tnvade an enemy. I am not so simple, as vot to know it is better to eat good meat, lie tetU, and sleep quietly wUh my women and children ; to laugh * The reader may wonder how thit could be, but it it to in the old hiitoiy, by StUh, 86. .":■''■ •■' tCatanaugfa, BtUk. ■/ " .' '^vd 9 14 POWHATAN. [Book IV. Chap. 1." «;^if and be merry intli f'.e Etutluh ; and, heintt their Mend, to have copper^ hatchets, and whatever else Tieant, than tojlyjrom aU,to lie coU in the teoodt, feed upon aeonu, roott, and tuch trash, and to be to hunted, that I cannot rest, eoL, or sleep. In such circttmstances, my men mtut toatch, and if a tw^ should hvt hrfiuc, aU would cry out, ' Here cotnea Capt. Smidi' ; and so, «n tJtis mistral)/-', manner, to end my miseraUe life ; and, Capt. Smith, Has might be soon your fate too, through your rashness and unadvisedness. I, th^- fore, exhort you to peaceable councils ; and, above alt, I insist that the runs and swords, the cause of aU our jealottsy and uneasiness, be removed and snd away,"" Smith intflrpreted this speech to mean directly contrary to what it ex- pramnd, and it rather confirmed than lessened his former suspicions. He^ liowev*^, made a speech to Powhatan, in his turn, in vrhich he endeavored to convince liim that the English intended liim no hurt; urging, that, if they hud, how easily they might have effected it long before ; and that, as to their perishing with want, he would have him to undenRand that the English bad ways to supply themselves unknown to the Indians ; that as to hi^ sending away the arms, there was no reason in that, since the In- dians were always allowed to bring theirs to Jamestown, and to keep them hi their hands. Seeing Smithes inflexibility, and despairing of accom- plishing his intended massacre, he spoke again to Smith as fotlows : — "Capt. Smith, I never twe any werowancc so Mndly as yourself ; yet from you I receive the least kindness of any. Capt. Newport eave me swords, copper, clothes, or whatever else I desired, ever accepting what I offered him ; ana would send away his guns when requested. Jvo one refuses to lie at my f(Ut, or do what I tumam, but you omy. Of you I can have noOiing, hut what you value not; ami yet, you will have whatsoever you please. Capt. Newport vou cM father, and so you caU me; hut I see, in spite of us both, VAU wSl e/o whtd you tnU, and we must both study to Kumar and cop*ent you. But if you intend so friendly, as you sou, said away your arms ;for you tee my undes^ning simplicity and friendsnip catue me thus nakedly to for- get myseif."* SmUh now w^os out of all patience, seeing Powhatan only trifled away the time, that be might, by some means, accooiplish his design. The boats of the English were kept at a distance froni the shore, by reason of ice. Smith, therefore, resorted to deception ; he got the Indians to break the ice, that his men might come in and take on ooard the com they had boughtj and, at the same time, gave orders to them to seize PowMtan ; Smith, in the mean tims, was to amuse him with fiilse promises. But Smith's talk was too AiU of flattery not to be soon through by the saga- cious sachem; and, before it was too late, he conveyed himself, his women, children, and cflTects into the woods ; having succeeded in bis deception better than Smith ; for two or three squaws amused bim while Powhatan and tlie rest escaped. Unwilling, however, to renounce his Kuriiose, Powhatan sent Smith, soon after, a valuable bracelet, as a present, y an old orator of his, who tried to excuse the conduct of his sachem ; he saidj Powhatan ran off because he was afraid of fbe English arms, and said, if the^ could be laid aside, he would como with his people, and bring com m abundance. At length, finding all aitiflces vain, Powhatan resolved to fall upon the English, in their cabins, on the following night. But here, again, Pocahontas saved the life of Smith aud his attendants. She came alone, in a dismal night, through the woods, and informed Smith of her Other's design. For tliis most signal favor, he offered her such aiticics as he thought would please her; but she would accept of nothing, and, with tears standing in her eyes, said if her fadier should see her with any thing, he would mistrust what she had done, and instant Cbap. I.] POWHATAN. 15 death would be ber reward ; and she retired by herself into the woodi» aa ahe caiae. Pouhatan wob bo exasperated at the fniliire of hit) plots, that he threat- ened death to hia men if they did not kill SmiUi by 3Tange commodity, when, bv some meant*, it took lire,." and blew him, with one or two more, to death." This struck such a dread into the Indians, and so amazed and frightened Powhatan, tliat iiis people came from all direc- tions, and desired peace ;* many of whom returned stolen artickis that the English had never before inissed. Powhatan would now send to Jamestown such of his men as had injured the Engliier of the ]>eoplc — to learn the state of the country — and, if he found Smith, to make him show him the God of the English, and the king and queen. When he arrived at Plimoiith, he took a long stick, and began to perform a part of his mission by cutting a notch for every person lie s!iould sec. But he soon gave up that business. And, when he returned to his own country, his chief asked him, among other things, to give him an account of the number of the inhabitants in Eng- land. His onswcr to that inquiry, we hazard not much in saying, is nearly as extensively known as the golden rule of Cmfimus. It was as follows : " Count the stars in the sh/, the leaves on the trees, and the sand upon the aea-thore,—for such is the number of the people of England." Tomocomohad married a sister oi' Pocaiiontas, and, probably, accompa- * Did not the English or N. England owe their safety to Massatoit and Miantuwno- moh's fear of the same article ? t Josselyn, N. En?. Rarities, 106. t Laudatory verses affixed to the Tiriit volume of his History of Virginia. . 9 Or Utlamaceomjck, Smith. || Purchas. w POWHATAW. [BooKlY. Bied lier to England.* While there, the famoiM antiquary, Samud Pw- ekase, liud an intorviow with him, and Iroin whom ho collected many facta relatinff to tho mannerv and customs of his countrymen ; the result of which he afterwards published in his Pilgririm.t The ditficuities were almost perpetual Mtween PotoAoton and the Eng- lish ; very little time passed, while he lived, but what was Aill of brous and dissatisfaction, on the one {uurt or the other. Few Indian chiefs have Allien under our notice, possessing such extraordinary characteristics as Powhatan. lf« died at peace with tho English, in April, 1618, and was succeeded by Opilchapan, his second brother, who was known afterwards by the name Hopatin. Our readers will be comfielled to acknowledge that Capt. Smiik was bariMrou8«nough towards tho Indians, but we have not met with any thing quite so horrible, in the course of his |)roceedings, as was exhibited by his successor. Lord Dt La War. This eenUtman, instead of taking a mean course between the practices of SmiUi and JVewport, went into the worst extreme. Finding Powhatan insolent, on his arrival in the countir, he determined, by severity, to bring him to unconditional submission. Hav- itig, therefore, got into his hands an Indian prisoner, his lordship caused his right hand to be cut off. In this maimed and horiid condition, he sent hiin to PowkatcM ; at the same time, giving the sachem to understand that all h'm subjects would be served in this manner, if he refused obedience anyk>nger; telling him, also, that all the corn in the country should be immediately destroyed, which was just then rijie.^ This wretched act increased, as reasonably it should, the indignation of Poteftaton, and his acts were governed accordingly. 9000t CHAPTER II. I^fledion upon the ekarader of PowAo^an— Pocahontas — iSiA« ni^vkaiy entertains Capt. Smith — ifisaster of a boaCa crew — Smi&^a aiiempt to awpi'ise Powhatan frustrated in consequence — Pocahontas saves the life oT fft^n— Betrayed into the hands of the English— J atazaws — Mr. tU^e -marries Pocahontas — Opacuisco — Poccmntas visits Enf^and — Hir interview unth Smith — Dies at Grmesend — Her son — Opekahka- SODGH — Made prisoner by Smith — Z» set at liberty — Nemattakow — Murders an Englishman — Is murdered in his turn — Hw singular conduct at his death — Condutts the massacre of 1622 — ^P/otf tite extvrpation of the Engiish — Conducts the horrid massacre of 1644 — b taken prisoner — IRs cotuiuct upon the occasion — Barbarously wounded by the guard — Last speech, and magnanimity in death — Reflections — Nick otawawce — ^Toto- POTOMOi — Jams the English against the Rechahecriana — b dtfeated and slain. It is impossible to sav^what would have been the conduct of the great Powhatan, towards the Ehglisb, had he been treated by them as he oupht to have been. The uncommonly amiable, virtuous and feeling disiwsition of his daughter will always be brought to mind in reading his history ; ond,notwitl>standiug he is described by the historians as possessing a sour. "Mr. Oldmixon CBih. Empire, i. 285.) snys, "That when the princess Poeahontat cnme for England, a coucarousa, or lord of her own nation, attended her ; his name was UUamaccomack. " t Vol. V. b. viii. cliap vi. page 9AS. t Harris, Voyages, ii. WR. Crap. I!.] POCAHONTAS. morose and savage dwTosition, full of treachery, deoeh and cunninf aad who-d word was never (o be depended upon, ye on the very paae that he is thua represented, we shall find the same faults set him as enuii^e« by the English themselves. The first and most memorable events in the life of Pot a ham tma haw necessarily been deUiled in the account of her father; therefore we abaU, undtrher own name, give those which are more disconmcted with hi*. Poeahontaa was bom about the year ISiM or 5, and hence was no OHire than I'i or 13 yean old, when she saved the life of Capt. Smith, in 1607. Every particular of that most extraordinary scene has been exliibited. it has auo been mentioued, that, at the suggestion of Capt. JVhf^pori, SmiA went with a few men to Werowocomoco, to invite Puwkmkm to Jannea- town to receive presents, hoping thereby to influence him to open a tnde in com with them. When he arrived at that (dace, Powhatan was not at home, but was at the distance of 90 miles ofl; Pocahonta$ and her women received him, and while he waited for her father, they thus entertwned him: "In a fayre pbtine field, (savs SmifA,) they made a fire, before which, he sitting upon a mat, suddainfy amongst the woods was heard such a hydeous none and ahrecking, that the English betooke themselves to their arms, and aeiaad on two or three old men by them, supposing PotahataH, with all his power, was come to surprise them. But presently Poeahonla$ came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended ; and the beholden, which were men, women and children, satisfied the captain there was no such matter. Then presently they were presented with this anticke ; 90 voung women came naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and before with a few greene leaues, their bodies all painted, some of one color, some of another, iMt all differing. Their leader had a fayre payre of bucks homes on her head, and an otter-dcinne at her girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, a bow and arrows in hmr hand. The next had in her hand a sword, and another a club, another a pot- aticke, all homed alike ; the reM every one with their aeuerall devaea. These fiends, with most hellish shouts and cryes, rtuhing firom among the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing and dancing with most excellent ill varietie, oH falling into their infemwl paarions, nod sol- emnly again to sing and daunce. Having spent neare an boure in this mascarado, as they ontred, in like manner they departed.** After a short time, they came and took the English to their wigwams. Here they were more tomiented . than before, '> with crowding, preering, hangiBs about them, most tediously crying, ' Love you not me ? love you not me?* When they hod finished their caresses, they set before them the best Tictuah thsir country afforded, and then showed them to their lodgings. While Captaia Smith was upon an expedition into the country, with an intention of smprising Powhatem, there nap)iened a melancholy accident at homo, to a Boat's crew, which had been sent out in very severe iviBather, by one who was impatient to have the direction of matters. In the boat wtire Captain WMo, Master Sbn'oener, the projector of the expe- dition, Mr. AniOumy G^anML, brother of the well-known liarihdomtw iraanold, and eight others. By the sinking of the boat, t(ieM> all perisht-d, and none knew what had become of them, until their bodies were found by the Indians. The very men on whom Smith depended to reinam at the fort for his succor, in case he sent for them, were among the number. Therefore, to prevent the failure of this expedition, somebody must be sent to apprise Smith of the catastrophe. None volunteered for the haz- ardous service, but Mr. Richard Wyffin, who was obliged to undertake it alone. This vras a time when Povdhdan was very insolent, and urged daily the kiiling of Smith upon his men. NeverthelesB, after many dlraouhiea, 2* # 18 POCAHONTAS. fBooK IV lie arrived at Werowo«nnioco. Here lie found himself amidat prepai*- tioas for war, and in siill greater danger than he had yet been. But PoeahmUat appeared as his savior. Knowing the intention of the war- riors to kill Inin, she iiniit secreted him iu the woodsy and then directed tboae wiio bought him iu an opposite ilirectiou from that he had gone ; •o, b^ this means, he escsfjed, and got rafe to Smilh at Pamunkey. This was m the winter of 16(X>. We next hear of her saving the life of Henni S/nltnan, who, was one of 90 that went to trade, upon the confidence ofPottltaiaH, bat who were, all except SaUman, killed by his people. From 1609, the time Saulh left the country, until 1611, PacahtmUu was not seen at Jamestown. At this time, she was treacherously taken pris- oner by Captain v9>'ga/,aud kept by the English to prevent PowAokm from doing them injury, nnd to extort a great ransom from him, and such termf* c£ peace as they should dictate. At the time she w«i8 betrayed into the hands of Capbiin Argaiy she was in the neighborliood of the chief of Potomack, whose name was Japaxawt, a particul»jr friend of the English, and an old acquaintance of Captain Smitk. Whether she had taken up her residence here, or whether she was here u.ily upon a visit, we are not informed. But some have conjectured, that she retired here soon after SmUh^a departure, that she might not witness the frequent murders of the iU-govemed English, at Jamestown. Captain w9r;gal was in the Potomack River, far the purpose of trade, with his ship, when he learned that Poca- hantaa was in the neighborhood. Whether Japaxawt had ac«|uired hi8 treachery from his intercourse with the English, or whether it were natu- ral to his disposition, we will not undertake to decide here ; but certain it is, that he was ready to practise it, ot the instigation otArgtd. And for a copper kettle for himself, and a few toys for his squaw, he enticed the innocent girl on board ArgaPa ship, and betrayed her into bis hands. It was effected, however, wiuiout compulsion, by tjie aid of his squaw. The captain had previously promised that no hurt should befall her, and that she should be treated with all tenderness. This circumstance should j;o as ftr as it may to excuse Japaxawn. The plot to get her on board was well contrived. Knowing that she had no curiosity to see a ship, having befbre seen many, JoqHaawa' wife pretended great anxiety to see one, but would not go on board unless Pocmonku would accompany her. To this she consented, but with somo hesitation. The attention with which they were received on board soon disnpated all fears, and PoeahmUaa soon strayed from her betrayers into the ^n-room. The captain, watching his opportunity, told her she was ff. prisoner. When her confinement was known to Jcmaxaws and his wife, they feigned more lamentation than she did, to keep her in ignorance of the plot ; and, after receiviiiff the price of their perfidy, wore sent ashore, and Argal, with his peari ofgreat price, sailed for Jamestown. On being informed of the reason why she was thus captivated, her grief, by degrees, subsided. The first step of the English was to inform Powhatan of the captivity of his daughter, and to demand of him their men, guns and tools, which he and his people had, from time to time, taken and stolen firom them. This unexpected news threw the old, stem, calculating chief into a great dilemma, and what course to take he knew not ; and it was three mohtfis before he returned any answer. At the end of this time, by the advice of his council, he sent back seven Englishmen, with each & gun which had been spoiled, and this answer : that when they sboukl return his daughter, be would make full sotisftiction, and give them 500 bushels of com, and be their friend forever ; that he had no more guns to return, the rest being lust They sent him word, that they would not restore her, until be hod complied with their demand ; and Uiat, as for the guns, they *. c«A». nj POCAHONTAS. prepw*- ■»n. But the war- directed wd gone; iy. This did not believe they Were Rut Seeing the detennilMtiott of the Eogliib, or hiB inability to ntiaQr them, waa, we apprebeod, why they ** beard no , more from him for a lottg time aftnr." In the aprinf^ of the year 1613, Sir Thomat DaU took Pecdkanlat, and went, with a aiup, up Poi«Aaten'« River to Werowocomoco, tlio reiidenoe of her &dicr, in hopea to eflbct an exchange, and bring about a peace. Pouhatan waanot at home, and tb^ met with nothing but bravadoM, and « diapoaition to fight, from all the Indians they aaw. After bumuig many of their habitatiooa, und giving out threats, some of the Indians came and made peace, aa they called it, which opened the way for two of PomAo»- taa^a brothers to come on board the ship. Their joy at seeing their sister mav be imagined, A particuMr friendship had some time existed between Pocahmtai and a worthy ^oung Englishman, by the name of John Jto{^ ; which, at length, growing into a ftincere aSlachment, and being mutual between them, he made known his desire to take her for his companion. This being bishiy approved of by Sir ThmnoB Dalt, and other gentlemen of high standing and authority, a consummation was soon agreed upon. Acquainting her brother with her dete|[inination, it soon came to the knowledge of her ftther also ^ who, as highly approving of it as the English, immediately sent Opiuhueo.. her uncle, ana two of his sons, to witness the perform- ance, and to act as her servants upon the occasion : and, in the beginning of April, 1613, the marriage was solemnized according to appointmept. PotpAoton was now their friend in reality ; and a friendly intercourse commenced, which was, without much interruption, continued until his death. PocoAontaf lived happily with her husband, and became a believer ih the English reli^on, and exjvressed no desire to live again among thoM ni her own nation. When Sir Thomm Dak returned to England, in 1616, Pocahoidna accompanied him. with her husband, and several other young natives. They arrived at Plimouth or> the iShh of June of that ▼ear. She met with much attention in that country, being taken to court by the Lord and Lady Delmoan, and others of distinction. She wtOi at this time, called the Lady Rtheeca. Her meeting with C8|itain SmtUh wra affecting ; more especially as she thought herself, and veryjustly, no doub'., too slightly noticed by him, which caused her much grieff Owing to the barbarous nonsense of the times, Smiih did not wish her to call him fis- iw, being afraid of giving offence to royalty, by assuming to be the fiither of a king's daughter. Yet he did not intend any cause of offence, and did all ic hia jNiwer to make her liappy. At their first interview, after jremaining alent some time, she said to him, " You promiwd my father, that what teas youra ahoxM ht hu ; emd that you and he ioould be alt one. Being a atranger in our eoantry, you called Powhatan y not othertaise, HU I came to PlimotUh. But Powhatan commanded Tomocomo to seek you out, and know the truth, because your countrymen are much given to tying.^ Tbo usefiil and worthy young Pocahontas, being about to embark for her native country, in the beginning of the year 1617, fell sick at Graves- end, and died ; having attained only the age of 23 years. She left one son, whose name was Thomas RoUe, very young ; and whom Sir Letais Steukly, of Plimouth, desired to be left with him, that he mij^ht direct his education. But, from the unmanly part this gentleman took against the unfortunate BaUgh^ he was bi-ought into such merited disrepute, that be / y OPEKAKKAROVGH. [Bkos IV. ibuod hiimeif obliged to turn dl hia attenriDn to his own prcMnration ; ■nd the eon of PoeakomUu woa taken to London, and there educated bjr hia uncle, Mr. Henry Ro^t. He afterwarda came to Amerioa, to the ■«• tire eoantry of hia mother, where he became a gentleman of mat dis- lliiedon, and poweaacd an ample fortun(>. He left an ooljr dauchter, who married Colonel Robert BoUwr, and died, leaving an only eon, Major Jbbi BtOmg, who was the ftther of Colonel Mm BaUmg, and aereral dau^- tera ; one of whom married CoL Hkkard Ramimpk, from whom are deaeended thoae hmirinf that name in Virginia, at thia day.* Bartow thua notieea PoeakoHiai :—' " Bleii Poeahtmtai ! fear no lurkinr euile ; Thy hero's love iball well reward uy unila. Ah, foolhe the wanderer iu hit detperaie plichl, Hide him hy day, and ralm his caret by uignt ) Tbo' sarare aalions, with ihy venfeftil aire, PUraiie lh«r virtim with unreaainr ir»— And tho' their ihroaU thy iiartMearaaaai), Let virtue'! voice o'er filial (tan prevail."— CobrnftMuf. (^lekanlumaugh has already received our notice. He was a \m con- Sicuous character in his time, and was styled, by the Virginituie, lOn^ of e Pamunkies. The dreadful masBacre, of which he was author, bnngs to mind hia name ofteoer than aimoet any other chief of his times. There seems to be soiue contradiction, or difference of opinion, with ragani to the origin of this chief. Some of tht Indians reported that he came from the west, and was not a brother of Po:'ehatmt; but that story, we judge, is merely a fable, invented and told hy aome of them, who were hia enemiea, to innueooe the Engliah against him, that they might deatroy him. Opekanktmough seems to have borne the oanoe of Mangopeo$nt» ia 1631,t a circumstance, unnoticed by most historians, and, merefore, we oonclude that it prevailed only among his own tribe, and, perhaps, even among them fell mto disuse soon aAer. OpUehapan, called also Oeton, and lastly Sasauoptowieix^ was the suc- cessor of Fouhatan, but he seems never to have been ctherwiae noted. "The defecte of the new emperor," saya Vlr. Burh, "ny, like the first, would have been soon destroyed. The Indians would promise to trade with them, but when they went to them for that purpose, they only " laughed at their calamities ;" sometimes putting jokes upon them, aou at others, running away into the woods. In this extrenuty of tlieir circiunsti'nces, though in ^he depth of winterj SmiOt resolved to make himself master of some of the Incuans' store of Eovisiona, by some means or other. He, therefore, proceeded to Famuli- y, the residence of (^tekankaaough, with 15 men, where he tried to ma * SmitVM VirEinia, with additions from £MCh. tAv*'«Va.i.SU. tibkl. f Hiac Yirgiaia. i. I^S. , H \ ' J-.v OiAP.n.] OPEKANKANOUOH^NEMATTANOW. •M trade wkh him for com ; but, not Mieceeding, he, in a dcaperate iiMniMr, •eiznd upon the chief by hia hair, in the midat of hia men. * with hia pia- toU readie bent againat hia hreaat Thua be led the tremblinf kina , neara dead with fear, ainonnt all hia people."* SmUk told him that he had attempted to murder him, which waa the cauae of hia treatina him thua. No one can doubt, on reading the hiatory of thoae affldra, that Uie Indiana all wished Smith dead, but whether they all wanted to kill him, ia mt quite •o plain. One great end of SmiUC$ design waa now anawered ; for OpdUmka- NiNurV* people came in loaded with premnia to ranaom their chief, until his Doata were completely filled. News being brought of a diaaater at Jameatown, he waa set at liberty. A/hnaUanow, a renowned warrior, we have to introduce hare, aa well on account of his supposed agency in bringing about the great maasacre of 1633, as for the otgect of exhibiting a trait of character equally to be admired and lamented. We are not certain that he belonged to the peo- ple of Opekankanough, but it is storied that a jealousy existed between them, and that the chief had informed Sir Gtorge YtarJky that he wished JVe}fuittanow'a throat were cut, some time before the maaaacre took place, to which we hav« alluded. However, OptkmJumow^h denied it after- wards, and affbcted great indignation at his murder, ind the Indians said the maasacre was mgun by him, to revenge JVemot/atioto'T death. But our preaent object is to portray the charactef of A>iiiattonot«, who waa both eceenthc and vain, and ** who was wont, out of braveiy and parade, to dreaa himself up, in a strange, antic ajod barbaric fiisliion, with feathers, ^vhich, therefore, obtained him the name of Jaek-of-fhe-/eaUter" He was ev«n more popular eniong his countrymen than Opekankanough, which, dottbtleaa, was the ground of that chief's jealousy ; esp^-cially as he was one of the gTcntest war-captaita of his times. He had been in many fights and encounters with the English, always exposing himself to the greatest danger, and yet was never wounded in any of uem. Thia cir- cumstance caused the Indiana to believe in hb invulnerability, and hence he waa by them considered superhuman. Only about 14 daya before the maasacre, Jackrof-Ou-ftathtr went to the house of one JMbivan, when he saw many such artielea exhibited aa were calculated to excite admiration in such people. Jack, perhaps, had not the means to purchase, but, it seems, he was resolved, some how or other, to possess them. He, there- fore, told Morgan^ that if he would take his commodities to Pamunkey, the Indiana would give him a great price for them. Not in the least mis- trusting the design of ATemattanotc, the simple Englishman set out for Pamunkey, in company with this Indian. This was the last the Snglish heard of Morgan. However, strange aa it may seem, Jaek*i ill-directing late sent him to the same place agun, and, what was still more stnir>;^v, he had the cap of the murdered Morgan upon his head. Morgan^a servants asked him where their master was, who very deliberately answered, that he was dead. This satisfied them that he had murdered him. They, therefore, seized him, in order to take him before a magistrate at Berkeley ; but he made a good, deal of resistance, which caused one of his captors to shoot him down. The singular part of the tragedy is yet to be related. Though mortally wounded, JVemottanow was not Killed outright, and his captors, which were two stout young men, got him into a boat to proceed to Mr. Thorp's, the magistrate. As they were going, the warrior became satisfied that he must die, and, with the most extraordinary earnestness, besought that two things might be granted him. One was, that it should * Perhnps the New Enrlandera followed Smith's example, ttiermtd$, in the cue of AUxamUr, Ifiitigrel, and olhen. 4 w^ifk'^ QB OI'KKANKANonOH. (KiK)ii IV. iMV«r be lold to hh countrymen ihnt h<* wm kiilnl l» n hullot ; and tho other, that he nhouM be buried anxmfr tli of Optkanktmongh. The Euglisb were lulled into a fat«| ^acurily, and' even unknowingly aasisted the Indiana in their design ; lending them tliiiur boats to communicate with distant tribes, and fUruMliing them with vari- ous utensils, which were converted at once into w>9&poiia of death. The 93 March, 1689, having come, and the i^ti^iuted hour of that mena* orable day arrived, with a aunultaneouahesa unparalleled on any former occaaion, the Indiana roae from their ambuahM, and. with the swiftnea* of the tiger, appeared, in a moment, amidst the English aettiamenta. Age, texnot coiulition shielded nooiie; theur greatest benefactors were among their first victima. Thus, in the space w about one hour, fell three hwn- dnd and fmrty'ttvtn men, women and chikLren. By this horrid calamity, out of 80 plantattona, six only were left uninjured. And these wer& saved by the timely infhrmation of a Christian Indian called Chanco. The ensuing suit .* was spent, by the surviving English, in stren|(tb- ening themselves ugainst fUrther attacks^ and preparations for taking vengeance on the Indians ; wholly neglecting all improvements, works of utility, and even their planting. Every thin^ was loet sight of in their, < beloved project of revenge ; and the English, iit their turn, showed them- selves more treacherous, if not more bartMuvus, than their enemy. For^ under the pretence of making peace again with them, they fell upontheia at unawares, and murdered many without mercy. This crime was vasdy ; aggravated, in that, to induce the Indians to come forward and moke peace, the English had not only solemnly assured them forgiveness, but likewise security and safety in their persons. It was, for some time, supposed that Opekankanovgh was among the slain, but, if Mr. Beverly was not misinformed, tlie same sachem, 22 years afterwards, executed a still greater massacre upon the English, as, in the next place, we shall relate. How long Opekankanoueh had been secretly plotting to cut off the in- tinders of his soil cannot oe known ; but, in 1644, all the Indians, over a lUKi» IV. Chap. 11.] OPBKANKANOVUH. loiily ■race of country of 600 miiei in extent, were leagued m the enterpriMw The old chief, at this time, waa auppoeed to be pear 100 yean of aoc, and, though unable to walk, would be preaent in the execution of hia beloved urojooL It WBfl upon tlie 18 April, when Optkankantmgk, borne in a litter, led hia warriora forward, and cocnrnttnced tlie bloody work. They Iwgaa at tho frontien, with a detenuinatMNi to atey all before them, to the aea. After continuing the niaaaaero two daya, in which time about 500 peraona were niurderot^ 8ir WUUam BerktUjf, at the bead of an aimed force, checked their nrogieaa. The deatruetion of the inhabitanta was the greaiaat upon York and Painunkey Rivera, where Optkmiktmomgh eom- manded in person. The Indians now, in their turn, were driven to great extremity, and their old chief waa taken priaoner^ aud carriad in triumph to Jaineatown. How long after the nioaaacre thia happened, we are not iniorined ; but it is aaid that ike fatiguea he had previoualy undergone had waated away hia fleah,and deatroyed the ebuticity of hia muaclea to that degree, that he was no longer able to raise the eye-lkla from his eyea; and it waa in thia forlorn condition, that he fell into the hands of hia ene- miea. A soldier, who bad been appointed to guard him, barbarously fired upon him, and inflioted a mortal wound. He was suppnaed to have been prompted to the bloody deed, from a recollection of the old chief's ageney in the massaore. Just belbre he expired, hearing a great bustle and crowd about him, ke ordered an attendant to lift up his eye-lids ; when he dis- covered a multitude pressing amuud, to ^tify the undmely ciirioaity of beholding a dying aachem. Undaunted in death, and roused, us it were, flrom •IsMik at the conduct of the confused multitude, he deigned not to obaerve them ; but, raising himself from the ground, with the expiring breath of authority, commanded that the governor should be nailed to him. When the governor came, Optkanlmnough said, with indignation, ** Had it been my fortune to have taken Sir VVh. Berkelct pruomtr, 1 wovld not metr^y have exposed kim as a show to my people ;*'* and soon after expired. It is sidd, anil we have no reaa9n to doubt the fact, that it waa owing to the encroachments upon hia lands, that caused Opekankanouf^ to deter- mine upon a massacre of the whites. These intrusions were, nevertheless, oonir>rmable to the grants of the proprietors. He could hardly have ex- pected entire conquest, as his people hod already l)egun to waste away, and EngHdi villa^ were springing up over an extent of country of more than 500 miles, with a populuusDess beyond nny preceding example ; still, he was determined upon the vast undertaking, and sacriftced himself with aa much Aonor, it will, perhaps, be acknowledged, as did Leonidas at Thermmwlge. Sir ffiuiam Berkeley intended to have sent him, as a presont, to the king of England ; but assassination deprived him of the wretched satisfaction, and saved the chief from the iiiortification.f None of the Virginia historians seer-i to have been informed of the true date of this last war of Opekankanoxtgh ; the ancient records of Virginia, says Mr. Burk, are silent even upon the events of it, (an extraordinary omission.) Mr, Beverly thinks it began in 1639, and, althotiffh Mr. Burk is satisfied that it took place afler 1641, yet he relates it under the date 1640. And we are not certain that the real date would ever have been fixed, but for the inestimable treasury of N. England history, JVinthrop's Jniirnul. That it took place subsequent to 1641, Mr. .BurX; assures us, upon the evidence of the MS. records ; for they relate that, in 1640, one John Bur- ton had been convicted of the murder of an Indian, and that his punish- ' Beverly, Hist. Virg. 51. t See British Empire in America, i. 240, 1 NICKOTAWANCE.— TOTOPOTOMOI. [Boor IV inent ww remitted, " at the intercession of Opekankanough, and his greiit men." And that, in the end of ^he year 1641, Tlumuu Jtolfe, the son of Poeahonlaa, petitioned the governor for permiarion to visit his kinsman, Optkankanough, and CUopatrt, the sister of bis mother. That, therefore, tnese events happened previous to the war, and death of Optkankanough. Mekotawanee sticceened Opdumkanough, as a tributary to the Enclish. In 1648, he came to Jamestown, with five other chiefs, and brought 20 beaver skins to be sent t& Khg CharUt. He made a long oration, which he concluded with the protestation, " that the sun and moon should first kxiw their glorious lif^ts, and shining, before he, or his people, should ever more hera^r wrong the Enriish." T^itopotoinoi, probably, succeeded ^Mckotawanee, as he was king of Pa- munkey in 1656. In that year, a lar^ body of strange Indians, called it'cAoAecrumf, came dovni from the mland mountainous countiy, and forcibly po nseooc d themselves of the countiy about the falls of James River. The lepslature of Virginia was in session, when the news of their coming was received. What cause the English had to send out an armv against them, our scanty records do not satisfactorily show ;* but, at aU events, they determined at once to disposseas them. To that end, an anny of about 100 men was raised, and put under the directioti of Col. Edward HOI, who was joined by TWopototnoi, with 100 of his warrioia They did not find the Rechahecrians unprepared, but what were the |pvticul&rs of the meeting of the adverse parties we are not infonn«|. The event, however, was, to the aUies, most disastrous. TU^potomoi, with the moat of his men, vnu slain, and the English suffered a total defeat, OvHllf, it is ■aid, to the criminal management of Col. Hill. This offieor lost hiS"eom- mianon, and his property was taken to defray the losses imtainedlby the country. A peace seems to •have been concluded with the Indiens soon after. ''^- * By the following pieamble and resolve of the legislalufe, all we immmm. touchini^ this matter, is to be gathered: — " Whereas information hath been reeeived, toat many western or inland Indians are drawn from the mountains, and lately set down near th« Mis of James River, to the number of 6 or 700, whereby, upou nany several considera- tions being hadj it is conceived great danger might ensue to this oology. This assembly, therefore, do think fit and resolve, that ttese new come Indians be in IM> sort suffered to seat themselves there, or any place near us, it_ bavinr cost so much bkKMol;tn, which ould Snt le, ohould »g of Pa- ins, called ntiy, and of James ^8 of their t an arniT but, at aU ,an army I. Edward They did icul&rs of he even^ the most *ia§,\t is hig'tom- ediiy the ians soon Ml toucJiiiii; , toat many wn nearlJse I couidera- isauembly, t suffered to Kezpel aod '• It beiag fonneilj 1 Indiunt/' cbup. m.] TOMOCHICHI. 3S CHAPTER in. SetUemmt of Carolma — The Enf^ish are kbtt^ reeeivea hf the Indiana — ToMOGUicHi — Holds a conned with the Engluhr — Ra proceedingt — ' J^xhea of the chiefs — TWiodUcfti, toiOi aevertu oAers, goea to En^and toUh tien. (^kthorpe — Makea a speech to the kin^--Retum3 to Jlmenea — His (feo/A— ATTAK(;LLAKDr.LA, Malachta, Wolf-kino, and others, viait Charleaton—T-SojM Indiana brutally murdered— -Proceedings of JIttakidiakuUa in preventing retaliation upon aome En^iah in his power — Speech to his warriors — ffar — Conducted with barbarity on both jidea — Ei^liah murder Aojfag'M — Oekonoatota taiea Fort LotuUm — Moat of (he ' captivea alain — Chldcco, or ^ Long-warrior. The presumption is pretty strongly supported, that Sir Walter Ralegh visited the aoutlieni shor(>s of North America. When Gen. Oglethorpe landed in Georgia, in 1732, 0. 8., nnd communicated to the Indians tne contents of a journal of Sir fVaUer^ they seemed to have a tradition of him, which they had tbnHly cherished ; although, if the person they meant were Ralegh, a hundred years had elapsed since he was there. They pointed out to Mr. Oglethorpe a place near Yamacraw biuiT, since Charleston, on which was a large mound, in which was buried, tliey said, a chief who had talked with Sir fValter Rakgh upon thfci spot. The eror of the Creeks, with eight mei> and two women attendants. From the tribe of Cussetas, Cuaaeta, their mico ; Tatehiquatehi, their head war- rior, with four attendants. From the tribe of Owseecheys, Ogeeae, the rnico, or war king ; ^Veathlouthko and Ougachi, two chief men, with three attendants. From the tribe of Cheecnaws, OuthUtehoa, their mico, TMautho-thMue, Flgeer, SootamiUa, war captains, with three attendants. 3 TOMOCHICHI. [Book IV From the tribe of Echetas, Chuiabeeche and Robin, two war captains, (the latter was bre«l among the EngliHh,) with four attendauts. From the tribe of Polachucoias, GiMUtee, their head warrior, and five atteadants. From the tril>c of Oconns, Oueekacftummi, called bv the English Long-king, Koowoo, a warrior. From the trioe of Eufaule, T\mmi!mi, head warrior, and three attendants. " The Indians being all seated, Oaukachum'pa, a very tall old man, stood, and inade a speech, which was interpreted by Mr. W%gmm and Mr. Mtu- grott," in which he snid all the lands to the southward of Savannah River belonged to the Creeks. He said, the Indians were poor, but the same Power that gave the English breath, gave them breatn also. That that Power had given the English the most wisdom. That, as tbw had come to instruct them, thev should have all the lands which th^ did not use themselves. That this was not only his mind, but the minds of the eight towns of Creeks, who had, after consulting together, sent some of their chief men with skins, which was their wealth. At this period of Oueeka- chumpa'a speech, some of the chieft of the eight tovms brought each a bunillc of buck's skins, and laid them down before Mr. OgU&orpe. Then the chief said, " Hiest are the beat thmga toe po$aeu, but toe give them toith a good heart. I thank jfou for your kindhess to Tomochichij and his peo- ple. He is my kinamati, and, though he teas banished from hu nation, he is a good mnn atid a great toarrior. tt teas on account of his toisdom andjtu- tice, that tht banished men chose him their king. I hear that the Cherohus have killed some Englishman. If you [addressing Mr. Oglethorpe] toiU commaml us, toe will go against them tvOk all our force, kiU meir peopU, and destroy their living." Tomochiehi belonged to Yamaoraw, and was sachem of the tribe that resided there. When Oueekaehtanpa had done speaking, Tomochiehi drew near with his men, and, after making a low bow, said, — " Itoas abanishtdman,and leame here poor and hdpUss to look for good land near the tombs of ny ancestors, and when j/ou came to tlus jdaee, I feared you toovld drive us away ; for tM were tceak and toanted com. But you confirmed our land to ru, mdgave us food." The other chiefs spoke m the Hame manner as Oueekachumpa had, and then af^eed upon and executed an amicable treaty. The next year, 1734, Mr. Oalethorpe retinned to England. He took along with him, Tonwchichi, SenauiKi, his consort, and Toonaf"noi, the pmice, his nephew; also, HiUispUli, a war captain, and Ap^kmetski, SUmalechi, Sifdotuhi, Hinguithi and Umphychi, five otiier chiefi, with their interpreter. These were Mccommodated,' while in London, at the Geor- tria office. Old Palace YanI, where they were not only handsomely enter- uiiuea, but had grt'Mt attention showed them. After being dressed suitably, they visited the kintr'8 court, at Kensington, when^ they nad an interview with his majesty, King George II. Tomochiehi presented him with several eagle's feathers, which was considered, hy him aud his people, the most res|)eciful present they could make. The sucbcm then delivered the fol» lowing speech to the king : — " This day I see the nugestu of your face, the greatness of your house, and the number of your people. J am come for the good of the whole nation of the Cheeks, to renew the peace they had long ago made toith the English. I am come over in my old days ; and, thoturh I cannot {tve to «ee any advan- tage to myself, I am come for the good of the children of all the nations of the Upper and Jjowtr Creats, tttat they may be instrttcted in the knotdedge of the English. These are the feathers of the eaffie, tohich is the stoiftest of birds, and tohojlieth all ronnd our nations. Thuefeathtrs are a «ign of peace in our Icmd, and tee ham brought them over to leave them toUh yott, gnat king, as a sign of everlasting peace. O ! great king, whatsoever Chap. IU.] ATTAKULLAKUM.A. 97 toorda you shall »tn unto me, I ttrill tell themfaithfullt/ to all the kings of the Creek nations.'" The king's answer was, in the highest de^jree, coucilia- tory, and what was termini gracious.* Thus are traced the first 8tc|)s in tlic history of Georgia, and thus did every thing promise a continuance of tliat friendsiiip so well l>egun by Gen. Oglethorpe. Nothing was Icfi undone, while the Creek chiets were in England, to impress upon their minds exalted ideas of the power and greatness of the English nation. Tlie nobility were not only curious to see thein,but entcrtuuicd them at their tables in tlic most magnificent style. Multitudes flocked around them, conferring gi>\s i^id nruu-ks of respect upon them. The king allowed them £20 sterling a week, during their stay, and it was computed thnt, ut their ieturn to America, they brought presents to the amount of £400 sterling. Aitcr remaining in England four months, they embarked at Gravesend for Georgia. They were con- veyed to the place of embarkation in his majesty's carriaffe8.t In the invasion of Georgia by the Spaniards, in 17^ many Indians were drawn into the controversv, on both sides. Toeanoeotm,l or Tooa- nohoun, a nephew of Tomochichi^ was shot through the right arm, in aii encounter with the Spaniards, by a Spanish captain. 7\>oanohowi drew bis pistol with his left hand, and shot the captain through the head. Thus, with the Spaniards upon one hand, and the English u|K>n the other, and the French in the midst of them, the Creeks and Cherokees became subject to every possible evil to which the caprice of those seve- ral nations gave rise. Although there were events, in every year, of im- portance, yet, in this place, we shall take up the period rendered more memorable by the distmguisbed chiefs MakuUakvlla and Ochonoslota.\\ The fame of Carolina had, in 1753, drawn a multitude of !!^in-o|)ear..s to her shores. The same year, on the 36 May, Malachty, attended by the Wblf-ldng and the Ottasee chief| with about 20 others, and above a hun- dred of their people, came to Charleston. They were met, on their way, by a troop oi horsemen, who conducted them to the town, by the governor's order, in gre«>t state. This was to induce them to make peace and remain then* allies, and, to this end, the Gov., Glenn, made a very pa- cific speech, in the Indian manner. Malachly, who, at this time, seems to have been the head chief among the Creeks, presented the governor with a quantity of skins, and readily consented to a peace with the English, but, in regard to a peace with the Cherokees, he said, that was a matter of great momen% and he must deliberate with bis people, before he could give an answer. The Cherokees were already under the protection of the English, and some of them had, not long before, been killed by the Creeks, in the very nrightjorhood of Charleston. The party which committed this outrage was led by Mdachty. Notwithstanding, a cessa- tion of hostilities scorns to liavc taken place, for numbers of each nation joined the English immediately ailer the capture of Oswego, by the French, in 1756. The Cherokees are particularly named as having ren- dered essential service in the expedition against Fort Duquesne ; but a circumstance happened, while those warriors were returning home from that expedition, which involved them in an immediate war with the Eng- * Harris, Voyagei. t JV CaU't Goorgia, i. 46. t Warn*. II Ouronnoslolah, Ouconnottota, Oueonnostata, Ifymie.— Occonoslota, Ramsay. — AttakuHakuUa was generally called the LitUe-carpetUer. m ATTAKULLAKULLA. [Book IV. 1 fish, in whoso service they had liecn engaged. Having loBi their horse*, anJ being worn out with toil ami fatigue, ou coining to the frontiers of Virginia, they picked up several of those animals, which belonged to the bhabitants of the places through which they travelled. This, Dr. Bam- noy* savR, was the cause of the massacre, which they suflbred at that time, but Mr. Adair,\ who lived then among the Indians in those parts, says, ''Several companies of the Cheerako, who joined our forces under Oen. Stontrix, at the unfortunate Ohio, affirmed that their alienation from us was because they were confined to our martial arranaement, by un- just suspicion of them — were very much contemned, — ancTfaalf starved at the main camp : their hearts told them, therefore, to return home, as free- men and injured allies, though without n supply of provisions. This they did, and pinching hunger forced them to take as much as barely support- ed nature, when returning to their own country. In their journey, the German inhabitaats, without any provocation, killed, in cool olood, about ^ vi their warriors, in diflTerent places — though each party was under the edmmand of a British subiect." It must be remembered that, upon BmddoeVa defeat, Virginia bad offered a reward for the scalps of hostile Indians. Here, then, was an inducement for remorseless villains to mur- der, and it was impossible, in many cases, to know whether a scalp were taken from a friend or an enemy. Out of this, then, we have no hesita- tion in saying, grew the excessive calamities, which soon after distressed the southern provinces. Forty innocent men, and friends, too, murdered in cold blood by the backwoodsmen of Virginia, brought on a war, which caused as much distress and misery among the parties engaged, as any ■inee that region of country was planted by the whites. At one place, a monster entertained a party of Indians, and treated them kindly, while, at the same time, he caused a gang of his kindred ruffians to lie in ambush where they were to pnsB, and, when they arrived, bar- barously shot them down to a man ! The news was forth witili carri^'l to tbe Cherokee nation, and the effect of it upon the minds of the warrion, was like that of electricity. They seized tneir tomab6,w\s and war clubsL and, but for the wisdom of JlUahiUakvllr asainst them; **aHd never (said he) thall the hatchet ht huried, uniS the Hood of our coun- trymen he atoned for. Let ua not (he continued) violate our faith, or Ae Imn of hospital^ by imbruing om- hands in the blood ofthoae who are note tn otir jNMCwr. They came to us tn the confidence ofJHendahipf with belta of, wampum to cement a perpetual alliance with us. Let us carry them back to their man seMements : conduct them safely within their confnes, and then take up the hatchet, and endeavor to exterminate the whoie race qf M^nt.** This council was adopted. Before commencing hostilities, however, the mur- derers were demanded, but were blindly refused them, and we have men- tioned the consequencea The French, it was said, used their influence to enrage the Indians ; but. 'Hint. South Carolina, i. 169. fHitt. Atner. Indians, 245. That the Indians' taking horses was no pretext for the ■Mirdcrs, even at the lime, appears evident. " As (says Capt. hPCatl, i. 267.) the hones in those parts ran wild in ine woods, it was customary, both amonr the Indians and while people on the frontiert, to catdi tliem ^ ^•> \^ v^. ^A^^l^ i ^'- ^ ^ c>0?tft*^ue^' /flo^^/^urlM*^ /a ^r OUTACITE, chief of the CHERDKEE8 Chap. Ill ATTAKl'LLAKULLA. ES if that wero tliu case, wo ttliniild not ilncin it wortli naming, ns it nppcan to us that nothing; nion; (-(jultl i>o ncius^ry to iiitlainu thuiu ihaii thv bor- riil outrugeH of wliich wc havo spoken. Meanwhile, war partiiM diapunwil themselves along the fronlicre of South Carolina, and l)cpn thn nlaiighter of the inhabitaiiUi with thai fury aiid barbarity which niiglit justly have boen exjiected from an exaHperaled Coople. With sueh tardy stcpn did tho whites proceed, that half n year ad passed before n force could be seat against them. Col. AfMitemncry, ailerwurds Loni EglingUm, at length niamhed into their country, but was ambushed at a place called Cntot-cmek., a dangerous defilo between a river and a steep mountain, where he met witli a dismal delea^ The colonel and a part of his men escaiied. If we can believe Mr. Adair, — and I know not that he is or has been un- der any impeachment, — the |)eHipfl of Pomefacom, alias King Philip. The following IS an instance. A groat many of the remote Cherokee towns took no part in the war, in the first place, but, on the conu-ary, declared themselves tho friends of the whites, and even volunteered to light against whatever people should be found in arms against them ; and, as they needed ammunition, a large deputation ^rom those tribes set out for Charleston, to strengthen their friendship and tender their assistance. Tho principal leader of these Indians was achief^ whom the whites called iZ0wu/-O, "on account oTn blue impression be bore in that form;" a brave and aged warrior, and particular friend of the English. The friendly Indians, under Rmmd-O, were met by an army under Gov. ImUU- ton, of 1100 men, at Fort Prince George, in Dec. 1750. This fort was upon the Savannah River, near the Cherokee town called Ktotote. Here the governor compelled these friendly Indians to sign a treanr, one article of which required them to deliver 23* of their people into his hands, to be kept as hostagas for the due fulfilment of all the restf Besides the ab- surdity of detaining hostages from their friends, the English seem to have been miserabty Mii*d to their interests in other respects; for the Indians, at this time, knew not the meaning of hosiage84 but avaapoatd those so retained were doomed to slavery ; an office the most unsumrable to Indians of all others. The following are such of the names of the unfortunate Chero- kees as we have been, able to collect, who, under the name of hostages, were thrown into a dismal, close prison, scarce large enough for six men, where they remained about two months, and were then massacred, as in the sequd we sliall show : — Chenoht, Outanataaahf TaUichanw, TaUOahe, QtiflrrarattoAe, Cotuumh ratah, Kataetoi, (MasMtte of Warogo, Ousanoletah of Jore, Katatlelak of Cowetchc, Chi^qwttaUme, Skit^i^ta of Sticoe, Tanaeato, IVohatche, WyfjiA, Oueahchi$tanak, .Mickolehe, Tony, T\>aliakai, SkaUialoakt and Chigtie. Both Attakullakulla and Ockonoatota, it appears, were at Fort Prinee George at this time, and signed the treaty ; ami Otatsite, Kiti^^u3ia, Ostm- tioeea and KUlcannokca were the others on the part of the Indians. Things b> ing been thus settled, Mr. Lyttleton returned to Charleston, where he *Tbij was tlip number of miirdvrcr) thn governor demanded shonid b« delivered to him. Two had been dclivcrcom their friends without, who had now closely besieged the place. But unfortunately for these poor wretches, the fort was too strong to be carried by their arts of war, and the dastardly whites found time and means to murder their victims, one by one, in a manner too horrible to relate. There were fow families who did not lose a friend or relation by this massacrb, and, as one man, the nation took up the hatchet, and desolatkms quickly followed. Meanwhile, singular as it may appear, MakuUakvBa remained the fast fKend of the whites, and used all his arts to induce his countrymen to make peace. But it was in vain he urged them to conrider that they had more tuan revenged themselves ; they were determined to carry all before them. .SttakulMmlla was now an old man, and had been in England formerly,' and had become much attache*! to the English, from several causes. On the other hand, OrkanosMa was a stem warrior, in the vigor of manhood, and, like the renowped Pontiac, was determined to rid his country of his barbarous enemies. Afler the unfortunate expedition of Col. MarUgomery, to which we havr before alluded, all communication was rut off l)etween Fort Loudon and the English s^ements, and nothing but famine and the worst of deaths stared those who held it in the face. The iiuiTiber of men stationed here was 200, and their situation was tnily deplorable. Oekonottota, with his numerous warriors, kept strict watch, insomuch that there was no means of eicape. At length, the garrison having miserably subsisted, for some time, oners head-' * He went over with Sir AUxander Cumimng, ia 1730. cwAf.n!.) OCKONOSTOTA.— ATTAKULLAKULLA er. It u upon poor Amwhed hones, dogs, &<%, many became resolved to throw themaelTcs into the power of the Indians, wishing rather to die by their hands, than miserably to perish within their fortn^. Capt. Sttuart, an officer among them, was well known to the lndians,'and ppssesaed great address and sagacity. He resolved, at this crisis, to repair to Chote, the residence of Ocjbmoatoto, and make overtures for the surrender of the garrison. He, accordingly, effected his object, and returned with articles orcapittilation agreed upon. Besides the names of Oekonoitota and Paid Demere, the commander of the garrison, the name of another chief was to the articl«is, called Cunigaeatgoae. The articles stipulated, that the l^arrison should march out with their arms and drums, each soldier hav- mg as much powder and ball as his officers should think necessary, and that they should march for Virginia unmolested. Accordingly, on 7 August, 1760, the English took qp their march for Fort Prince George. They had [iroceeded but about 15 miles, when they encamped, for the night, upon a small plain near Taliquo. They were accompanied thus far by Oekonoitota in person, and many others, in a friendly manner, but at night they withdrew without giving any notice. The army was not moleMea during the night, but, at dawn of dn^^ a sen- tinel came running into camp With the information that a host of"^ Indians were creeping up to surround them. Capt. Demere had scarce time to rally, before the Indians broke into his camp with great fUry. The poor emaciated soldiers made but feeble resistance, "niirty of their number fell in the first onset, among whom was their captain. Those that were able, endeavored to save tbemselvrc by ilight, and others surrendered themselves upon the place. Among the latter was Capt. iSlleiHirf. The pris- oners were conducted to Fort Loudon, which now became Oekonottota^a head-qunrters. .SttakuUakuUa, learning that his friend Steuart was among the captives, proceeded immediately to Fort Loudon, where he ransomed him at the expense of all the property he could command, and took care of him with the en atest tendemeaa and affection. Tne restless OckonotMa next resolved to invest Fort Prince George. He was induced to undertake that pniject, as fortune bikd thrown in his way some of the means for such an undertaking, hitherto lieyond bis reach. Before abdicating Fort Loudon, the English had hid in the ground several bags of powder. This his men had found. Several cauuou had also been left behind, and he designed to iforce his English prisonrrs to get them throiigfa thn woods, and manage them in the attack upon Fort Prince George. But McdttittaktJla defeated these operations, by assisting Capt Steumi to escape. He eveu accomjNinied him to the English settlements, and returned loaded with presents. Ockonostota continued tpe war until Col. Oranl, in 1761, traversed the Cheroktie country, and subdued his |)eople in snveral battles ; and peace was at last effected by the mediation of AttakuUakuUa. This chief's resi- dence was upon the Tunnessee or Cherokee River, at what was called the OiterhiU Tnona. In 1773, when the leaned traveller, Bartram, traveled into the Cherokee country, he met the om chief on his way to Charles- ton; of which circunistancie he speaks thus in his Travels: — "Soonaflei crossing this large branch of the Tanase, I observed descending the heighte, at some distance, a company of Indians, all well mounted on horseback. They came rapidly forward ; on their nearer approach, I observed a chief at the head of the caravan, and apprehending him to be the lAtUe-earpenter, emperor or grand chief of the Cherokeet>, as they came up, I nirned off from the path to make way, in token of res)iect, which compliment was accepted, and gratefully and magnanimously re- turned ; for his highness, with a gracious and cheerful smile, came up to 39 CHLUCCO, [Book IV. Chap. me, and rlnpping hw hand on hia breavt, offered it to ine,nyinf, I an Jha-nd-nMtt, aud heartily shook hautiit with ine, and aaked nie if 1 kiMw it ; I aiiswnred, timt the good spirit who goes belbre me spoke to me, and ?iid, tliat iH tho Kreat Jita-tml-evUaJ' Mr. Bmiram added, that he was of eiinsyivatiia, and ihotigh that was a jrreat way off*, yet the naoie of wftto- kuUakuUa was dear to his while brothers oi Pennsylvania. Th^ chief ' then nsked him if tic came directly from Charleston, and if his fViend "Jokn Stewart were well;" Mr. Bartram said be saw him lately, and that ho was well. This was, (irobably, the same pemoa whom AttakuUakuUa had BMsisted to make an escape, as we have iust related. In carrying out tho history of the two chiefis MakuUakvUa and Oeko nottotn, we have omitted to notice CUueeo, better known by the name of the Long-unrrior, king or mico of the Seminolea. He went out with Col. MorUf^mery, and rendered him cRsential service in his unsiiecesafiil expe- dition, of which we have spoken. A large band of Creeks accompanied him, and there is but Utile doubt, if it had not been for him and bis war- riors, few of the English would have returned to their fKends. But, As usual, the English hinder, in his time, had all the honor of successful^ encountering many difHcultiP8, and returning with his own life and many of his tnoii's. It was by the aid of Chlurco, that the army escaped ambuMi afler nmhush, destroyed many of tho Cherokee villages, and finally his warriors covered its retreat out of one of the most dangerous countries tlirougli which an nrmy could pass. LTng-warrior was what the New Eng- land Indians termed n great (lowwow. That he was a man poaseasinf a TRod mind, may fairly bq inferred from bis ability to withstand the tempta- tion of intoxicating liquors. He had been known to remain sober, wmn CiiAr. IV.] MONCACHTAPE. ■II his tribe, uid many white* ainonj; them, had all been wallowing ia the mfa« of druiikeniieM together. In the year 1773, at tlie head of about 40 warrioffl, he marched against the Chorktawa of Weal Ftorida. What was the issue of this expedition we have not learned. We may have again occasioa to notice t'Umem. CHAPTER IV. MoivcACHTAn, the Kazoo — Abrroftve of ku aihattuna fs tftc Patyk Oreon — ORAND-scif, chief of Ihe Afatehez — Reeeivu great ituuatieefrom the Dreneh—ConceHa their autrueiion— 700 f^meh are cut off—H^arwUh them — The Natchez dutroged m their ham — OaKAT-MOETAR — M'Oiij.i- VRAT — Hia birth and education — Vitita JVew York — TVonMes of his na- tion — Hu death — ^Tams-kino — Mao-doo. Moneaehtape was a Yazoo, whoae name signified, in the langiiage of that nation, kiUer qf pain and fatigiie. How well he deserved this name tlie sequel will unfold. He waa well known to the historian Du Preitx, about 1760, and it was owing to his singular good intelligence, that that traveller was able to add much valuable information to his work. '*This man (says Du Pratz*) was remarkable for his solid understanding and eleva- tion of sentiment ; and I nwy justly compare him to those nrst Oreeka, who travelled chiefly into the east, to examine the manners and customs of ditterent nations, and to communicate to their fellow citizens, upon their return, the knowleilge which they had acquired." He was known to the French by the name of the Intermreter, as be could communicate with several other nations, having gained a knowledge of their languages. Mons. Du Pratz used great endeavors among the nations upon the Mis> rissippi, to learn their origin, or fiv>m whence they came : end observes concerning it, " All Xttd I cbuld learn from them waa, that they came from between the north and the sun-setting ; and this account they uni- fbrmly adhere to, whenever they give any account of their origin." This was unsatisfiustory to him, and in his exertions to find some one that could inform him better, he met with Moneaehtape. The following is the result of his communications, in his own words : — ** I bad lost my wife, and all the children whom I had by her, when I undertook my journey towards the sun-rising. I set out mm my villa^ contrary to the inclination of all my relations, and went first to the Chic- aaaws, our friends and neighbors. I continued among them several days, to infiirm myself whether they knew whence we all came, or, at least, whence they themselves came ; they, who were our elders ; since from them came the lan{[uage of the country. As they could not inform me, I proceeded on my journey. I reached the Wadash, or Ohio, near to its source, which is m the country of the Iroquois, or Five Nations. I left them, however, towards the north ; and, during the winter, which, in that country, is very st ;ere and very long, I lived in a village of the Abe- ■aquis, where I contrat;ted an acquaintance with a man somewhat older tbaa myself who promised to conduct me, the following spring, to the great water. Accordingly, when the snows were melted, and the weather was settled, we proceeded eastward, and, after several days' jour- ney, I at length saw the great water, which fill^ me with such joy and admiration, that I could not speak. Night drawing on, we took up our * HiaU Loai >K IV. CllAP. IV.l ADVENTDRRS OP MONCACIITAPP.. It nver, croflB it ijeux, or vwiona. When I arrived at the nation who wnm at pear«i with Um Ottera, I maid with them till the cold waa ^maii**!, that I initfht learn Uieir languafp, which waw common to inoet ul the iMtiona that Tivitd lie- yoml thnm. ''The rold waa hanlly ftone, whn.i I nftain eiiilmrketl on the Aim) river, and in my oourae I met witlinevenil iialioim, with wiiom I Kenerally Ntaitl hut ono night, till I arrived at the nation that in hut (iiit; dayV jouniey from the great water on the west. Thia natinii live in the wooida aliout the diatance of a league from the river, from their nppmlirnainn of iN-arded men, who come ufton their coaata in floating viliagini, and carry otl' their chihiren to make alavos of them. Theae men were deacrilteil to lie white, with long hiack beorda that came down to their hnvat ; they were thick and ahort, ha«l large heada, wiiich were coventd with cloth ; they were always drcmed, even in the greatext hoata ; their clotliea fell down to the middle of their legs, which, with iheir feet, were covered with r«Hl or yel- low HtufT. Their anna made a grtmt Are and a great noiae ; and when they aaw themaelvoa out-numlK>red hy red men, they retir**d on board their large pettiaugrc, their number aometimea amounting to thirty, but never more. " Thoee atrangera came from the aun-aetting, in search of a vellow stinking wood, which dyes n fuie yellow color ; out the people of tfiia na- tion, that they might not be tempted to viait them, had deatroytMl all thoM kind of trees. Two other nations in their neighborhood, however, liav- ing no other wood, could not destroy the trees, and were still viailed bv the strangers; and being greatly incommoded by them, hud invited their allies to assist them in making an attack upon them, the next time they should returo The following summer I accordingly joined in this expe- dition, and, Iter travelling five long days' journey, we came to the pinco where the henrded men usually landed,'where we waited seventeen days for their arrival. The red men, by my advice, placed themselves in am- buscade to surprise the strangers, and' accordingly, when they landed to cut the wood, we were so successful as to kill eleven of them, the rest immediately escaping on board two large pettiaugres,and flying westward upon the great water. " Upon examining those whom we had killed, we found them much smaller than ourselves, and very white ; they had a large head, and in the middle of the crown the hnir was very long ; their head waa wrapt in a great many folds of stufl*, and their clothes seemed to l)c made neither of wool nor silk ; they were very soA, and of diflerent colors. Two only, of the eleven who were slain, had Are-arms, with |)owder and ball. I tried their pieces, and found that they were much licavier than yours, and did not kill at mt great a dibtancc. "After this expedition, I thought of nothin;-. hut proceeding on my jour- ney, and, with that design, I let the red men return home, and joined my- self to those who inhabited more westward on the coast, with whom I travelled along the shore of the great water, which bends directly hi-twixt the north and thosun-setAng. When I arrived at the villages of my fellow travellers, where I found the days very long, ond the nights very short, I wns ndvised by the old men to give over all thoughts of continuing my journey. They told mc that the land extended still a long way in a direc- tion between the north and sun-setting, after which it ran directly west, and at length was cut by the great water from north to south. One of them added, that, when he was young, he knew a very old man who had seen that distant land before it was eat away by the great water, and that when the great water was low, many rocks still appeared in those parta. Finding it, therefore, impracticable to proceed much farther, on arcount of the severity of the climate, and the want of game, I returned by the # GRAND-SUN. IBoox IV Mine route by which I had set out ; nnd, reducinc my whole travels west- ward to days' journeys, I compute that they would have employed me 36 moons; but, on account of my frequent delays, it was five years before I returned to my relations amons the Yazoos." Thus ends the narrative of the famous traveller Moneaehtape. He soon after left Mons. Du Pratz, and returned to his own countiy. It would have been gratifying, could we have known more of the history of this very intelligent tnan. The same author brings also to our knowledge a chief cjilled Gratid-nm, chief of the Natchez. Although iSun was a com- Qion name for all chiefs of that nation, this chief was particularly distin- guished in the first war with the French, which exhibits the compass of our in^rmation concerning him, and which we purpose here to sketch. He was brother to the great warrior, known to the French by the name of Stung-serpent, and like him was a friend to the whites, until the haughty, overbearing disposition of one man brought destrurtion and ruin on their whole colony. This affair took place in the year 1729. The residence of the Grand-sun was near the French post of Natchez, where he had a beautiful village called the WhiL JlppU. M. dt Choparl had been reinstated in the command of the post, whence he was for a time removed by reason of misconduct, and his abominable injustice to the Indians became more conspicuous afterwards than before. To gratify his pride and avarice, he had projected the building of an elegant village, and none appeared to suit his purpose so well as the White Apple of tne Grand-sun. He sent for the chief to his fort, and unhesitatingly told him that his village must be immediately given up to him, for he had resolved to erect one a league square upon the same ground, and that he must remove elsewhere. The great chief stifled his surprise, and modestly replied, "that his ancestors had lived in diat village ror as many years as there were hairs in his double cue, and, therefore, it was good that they should continue there still." When this was interpreted to the command- ant, he showed himself in a ra^, and threatened the chief, that, unless he moved from his village speedily, he would have cause of repentance. Grand-sun left the fort, and said he would assemble his counsellors, and hold a talk upon it. In this council, which actually assembled, it was proposed to lay before the commandant their hard situation, if they should be obliged to abandon their com, which then was just beginning to ahoot from tlie ground, nnd many other articles on which they were to depend far subsistence. But, on urging these strong reasons, they met only with abuse, and a more peremptory order to remove immediately. This the Grand-sun reported to the council, and they saw all was lost, unless, by some stratagem, they should rid themselves of the tyrant Chopart, which was their ftiial decis- ion. The secret was confided to none out the old men. To gain time, an offer was to be made to the avaricious commandant, of tribute, in c^se he would permit them to n^nmin on their land until their harvest. The offer was accepted, and the Indians set about maturing their plan with the greatest avidity. Bniullcs of sticks were sent to the suns of the neighbor- ing tribes, and their im|H)rt explained to them by the faithful messengers. Each bundle contained as many sticks as days which were to pass lietbrc the massacre of all the French in the Natchez. And that no mistake should arise in regard to the fixed day, every morning a stick was drawn iW>m the bundle and broken in pieces, and the day of the last stick waa diat of the execution. The security of the wicked, in the midst of their wickedness, and their deafness to repeated warnings, though a standing example before them «pon the pages of all history, yet we know of but few mstances where [Book IV velsweat- yed me 36 rs before I He 800D It would iry of this owledge a iras a com- irly difltin- ompass of sketch, the name until the n and ruin 729. The i&£, where hopart had for a time tice to the To gratify ant village, jple of the y told him id resolved at he must I modestly ay years aa \a that they command- that, unless repentance. Bellors, and t lay before to abandon round, and ince. But, nd a more n reported ageni, they final decis- gain time, ite, in case irest. The m with the I neighbor- lessengers. 3a68 iiefbrc lo niistukc ivas drawn stick was , and their )fore them ces where CUkT. IV.] u GRAND-SUN. 87 they have profited by it I need cite no examples ; our pagos are full of tliem. The breast of women, whether civilized or uncivilized, cannot beartbo thoiigfats of revenge and death to prey upon them for so great a length of time as men. And, ai| in the last case, I need not produce examples ; «m our imses will lie found many. A femafe sun having, by urcident, understood the secret design of her IMople, partly out of resentment for their keeping it from her, and partly from her attachuicnt to the French, resolved to make it known to them. But so fatally secure was the commandant, that be would not hearken to her messengers, and threatened others of his own people with chastise- ment, if tliey continued such intimations. But the great council of so many suns, and otiier motions of their wise men, justly alarmed raan^, and their complaints to tlie commandant were urged, until seven of his own people were put in irons, to dispel their fears. And that he might (he more vaunt himself u|M>n their fears, he sent his interpreter to demand of the Grand^auHf whether he was about to fiill u|)oii the French with his warriors. To dissemble, in such a case, was only to be expected firom the chief^ and the interpreter reported to the commandant as he desired, which caused him to value himself ui>on his former contempt of his peo- ple's fears. The 30(h of November, 1729, at length came, and with it the massacre of near 700 people, being all the French of Natchez. Not a man escaped. It being upon the eve of St. Jlndrrw'a day, facilitated the execution ortbe horrid design. In such conten)|)t was M. Ckopart held, that the stins would allow no warrior to kill him, but one whom they copoidered a mean person. He was armed only with a wooden tomahawk, uud vrith such a contemptible wc-apon, wielded by as contemptible a person, was M. Chopari pursued from his house into hiii garden, and thore met bis death. The design of the Grand-iaun and bis allies was, to have followed up their success until all the French were driven out of Louisiana. But some tribes would not aid in it, and the governor of Louisiana, promptly seconded by the people of New Orleans, shortly after nearly annihilatud the whole tribe of the Natchez. The Choctaws offered themselves, to the number of 15 or 1600 men, and, in the following February', advanced into the country of the Natchez, and were shortly after joined by tbe French, and encamped near the old fort, then in poasessron of the Gnmct- sun. Here flags passed between them, and terms of peace were agreed upon, which were very honorable to the Indians ; but, in the following night, they decamped, takins all their prisoners and baggage, leaving nothing but tbe cannons of the fort and balls behind them. Some time now passed before tbe French could ascertain the retreat of the Natcbra. At length, tht^y learned that they had crossed the Mississippi, and settled upon the west' side, near 180 miles above the mou^ of Red River. Here they built a fort, and remained quietly until the next year. The weakness of the colony caused the inhabitants to resign themselves into the hands of the king, who soon sent over a sufiicient force, added to those still in the country, to huntble the Natchez. They were accordingly invested in their fort, and, struck with consternation at the sudden ap- proach of the French, seem to have lost their former prudence. They made a desperate sally upon the camp of the enemy, but were repulsod with great loss. They then attempted to gain time by negotiation, as they had the year before, but could not escape from the vigilance of the French officer ; yet the attem|)t was made, and many were killed, very few escaped, and the greater nuinbsr driven within their fort. Mortars were used by their enemies in this sk^e, and the third bomb, falling in 38 GREAT-MORTAR. [Book IV. the centre of the foil, niado ^reat havoc, biit still sreater consternation Drowned bv the urics of the women and children. Grand-tun caused the sign of capitulation to be oiven. Himself, with the rest of his company, were carried prisoners to New Orleans, and thrown into prison. An in« creasing infection taused the women and children to be taken out and employed an slaves on tlie king's plantations; among whom was the wo- man who had used every endeavor to notify the commandant, Chofort, of the intended massacre, and from whom the particulars of the affair were learned. Her name was Stung-arm. These slaves were shortly after embarked for St Domingo, entirely to rid the country of the Natchez.* The men, it is probable, were all put to death. Great-mortar, or Yc/i-yah-tiitlanagK, was a very celebrated Muskogee chief, who, before the revolutionary war, was in tfie French interest, and received his supplies from their garrison at Alabama, which was not far distant from his place of almde, called OkehaL There was a time when he inclined to the English, nnd but for the very haughty and imprudent conduct uf the superintendent of Indian aiiairs, among them, might have been reclaimed, and the dismal period of massacres which ensura avert- ed. At a great council, appointed by the supv^rintendent, for the object of regaining their favor, the pipe of peace, when passing around, was re- fused to Gnat-mortar, because he had fiivored the French. This, with much other ungenerous treatment, caused him ever after to hate the Eng- lish name. As the suporintendcnt was making a speech, which doubtless contained severe and hard sayings against his red hearers, another chief, called the Tohacco-eakr, sprung upon his feet, and darting his tomahawk at him, it fortunately missed him^ but stuck in a plmk just .above his head. Yet he would have been immediately killed, but for the interposition of a fiiendly warrior. Had this first blow been effectual, every Englishman present would have been immediately put to death. Soon after, Grtal- mortar caused his people to fall upon the English traders, and they mur- dered ten. Foi^rtcen of the inhamtnnts of Longcane, a settlement near Ninety-six,f next -vere his victims. Ho now received o commission £h)m the French, and the better to enlist the Cherokees and others in his cause, removed with his family far into the henrt of the country, upon a river, by which he could receive supplies from the fort at Alabama. Neither the French nor Greai-morlar were deceived in the advantage of their newly-chosen position; for young warriors joined him there in great numbers, and it was fast becoming a general rendezvous for all the Mis- sissippi Indians. Fortunately, however, for the English, the Chickasaws in their interest plucked up this Bokon upas before its branches were yet extended. They fell upon them bv surprise, killed the brother of Great- martar, and completely destroyed the design. He fled, not to his native place, but to one from whence he could l^st annoy the English settle- ments, and commenced anew the work of death. Augusta, in Georgia, and nmnv scattering settlements were destroyed.^ Those ravages were continued until thei- united forces were defeated by the Americans under Gen. Grant, in 1761, as wo shall have occasion to notice in our progress.§> The fate of Great-mortar, like mony others, is hidden from us. We have next to notice a chief, King, or emperor, as he was at different times entitled, whose omission, in a biographical work upon the Indians, would incur as much criminality, on the part of the biographer, as an omission of Butkongehelaa, fVhUe-eytt, Pipe, or Oekonoatota ; yea, even more. We mean * Mons. Du Pralz, Hist, de Louisiana, tomo i. chap. xii. t So called because it was 96 miles from the Cherokee. Adair, t <4(/atr'« Hist. N. American Indian*, 264, &e. ^ Wynne's Brit. Empire, ii. 283. • " [Book IV. ternadon uaed the :oinpany. An in. 1 out and the wo- 9iur were rtly after "Natchez.* Cbaf. IV.] M'GILLIVKAY. Manndtr JtrGtUivrtn/, who was, perhaps, one of the moat coD' ■picuoua, if not one of the greatest, chiefs i3iat has ever borne tliat title among the Creeks ; at least, since they have been known to the Eu- ropeans. He flourished during half of the last century, and such was the exalted opinion eutertained of him by his countrymen, that they styled him " king of kings." His mother was his predecessor, and the govern- ess of the nation, and he had several sisters, who married leading men. On the death of his mother, he came in chief sachem by the usajnes of his ancestors, but such was his disinterested patriotism, that he left it to the nation to say whether he should succeed to the sachemship. The people elected him "emperor." He was at the head of the Creeks dur- mg the revolutionary war, and was in the British interest After the peace, he became reconciled to the Americans, and expressed a desire to renounce his public life, and reside in the U. States, but was hindered by the earnest solicitations of his countrymen, to remain among them, and direct their afihirs. JtfGUlimmf was a son of an I^lishman of that name who married a Creek woman, and hence was a half Indian. He was bom about 1739, and, at the age of ten, was sent bv his father to school in Charleston, where he was in the care of Mr. Farquhar fifGHUvrca/f who was a rela- tion of his father. His tutor was a Mr. Steed. He learned the Latin lan- guage under the tuition of Mr. fftUiom Henderson, afterwards somewhat eminent among the critics in London. Wheu young ATGtUtvrtra was 17, he was put into a counting-house in Savannah, but mercantile anairs had not so many charms as Ixraks, and he spent aU the time he could get, in reading histories and other works of usefulness. After a short time, his father took him home, where his superior talents soon began to develop themselves, and his ^motion followed, as we have shown. He was often styled general, which commission, it is said, he actually held under Chartet IIL, king of Spaiiu This was, probably, before he was elected emperor. " The times that tried men's souls" were bis times, and the neighbor- hood nf tka flpanUh. FiwnftK iind Rnglisli gave him and his people troubles which ended only with their lives. On the 23 July, 1790, Col. JIf' GtUtvray, and29of hisduefs and warriors, visited New York, accompanied by Col. Mcaintu WUUt. They were con- ducted to the residence of the secretary of war. Gen. Knox, who con- ducted them to the house of the president of the U. States, and introduced them to him. President Washington received them "in a very handsome manner, congratulated them on their safe arrival, and expressed a hope that the interview would prove beneficial both to the U. States and to the Creek nation." They next visited the governor of the state, fix»m whom they received a most cordial welcome. They then proceeded to the City Tavern, where they dined in company with Gen. Knox, and other ofiicers of government A correapondence oetween Gov. Telfair, of Georgia, and "wilexamier MGUvary, E^." probably opened the way for a negotia- tion, which terminated in a settlement of difficulties. From the following extract from M'OUlivny'* letter, a very just idea may be formed of the state of the afiairs of his nadon previous to his visit to New York. " In answer to yours, I have to obeerve, that, as a peace was not concluded on between us at the Rock-hmding meeting, your demand for property taken bv our warriors from off the disputed lands cannot be admitted. We, also, have had our losses, by captures made by your people. We are willing to conclude a peace with you, but you must not expiect extraordi- nary concessions from us. In order to spare the ftirther eftusion of hu- man blood, and to finally determine the war, I am willing to concede, in •Nne measure, if you are disposed to treat ou the ground of mutual con- Chap. I TAMC-KINO. [BooKlV cenioD. It will save trouble and expeote, if the negotiatioM an maoaced in the nation. Any person firom you can be assured of personal tarety and friendly treatment in this country.** It was dated at Little TeUassee, 80 March, 1790, and directed to "His Excellency EAeard T^air, Esq.** and signed >• wScar. M*CKUwnn.^ This chief seems afterwarns to have met with the censure of his peo- Ele, at least some of them, in a manner similar to that of JlfJWosk recent- J ', and was doubtless oTercome by the insmuations of desipninff whites^ to treat for the disposal of his lands, against the general vmee or his na- tioa One Bowki, a white man, leid the counciki in opposition to his pmoeedings, and, for a time, .'^^OSHvm absented himseirftom his own uibe. In 17ra^ M'GiOivrmft > QWit ■ countty.** Contemporary vrith Gen. ^OiBtvn^ was a (^ief cvUed the Tmte-tittg, whose rendence was amonc the Upper Creeks, in 1791 ; and he is noticM in our public documents of that year, as a consmcuous chief in matt«ni connected with establi^ine the soumem boundary. At this time, ono Bovffu, the EngKsh trader, nad great influence among the Lower Creeks, and used ^reat mdeavors, by putting himself ferwwd as their chief, t« enlist all the nations in opposhibn to the Americans. He had made mtgb promises to the Upper Creeks, to induce thein not to hear to the Ameri- can commissioners. Tbev so far Bstened to him, as to consent to receive his talk, and accordingly the.chiefe of the upper and lo,Wier towna met at a place called the Ht^-tomf-htiuef where they expected 'Batakt in person, or some letters containing definite statements. Vlhsn the chieft had as- aeraMedi Thme'kiitg uoa Mad-dog, of the upper tt^ ww^ asked the cbiefe of the lower, "whether fftey had taken AotMM't talks, and where rhe let- ters were which this gnat mm had sent them, and where the white mm '■ la 1791, UiU Brnfaf, «(i4i Sfno tkitb- Mfu ip Eaglandi aa4w« tad thia Bolie»«r him in the Europenq Maiputiae of tjuil yew, vol. 19, ft. S68 : " Th« mlf^taMdatg qmi. titled of two Cracks, and of Mr. Baeut, (a native of Mar^andj wiip w a. vjatk ^k adoption, and the pretent fsaeral of that mUioD.) and time CItmmM. Chap. IV.] MAD>DOm their stealing every article in our camp they could lay their hands on." Mr. EUieott excepts the JJf^cr Creeks, geneitdly, from participating in these robberies, all but Tame-king and his people. Though we have named 7Vtm«-A»ng first, yet Mad-dog was quite as conspicuous at this time. Hu son fought for the Americans in the hut war, find waa mentioned by Gen. Jackson as an active and valuable chier in hm expeditions. His real name we have not learned, and the general mentions him only as Mad-do^g eon. , In the case of the botrndary already mentioned, the surveyors met with frequent difficulties ifhim the various trilies of Indians, some of whom were influenced by the Spanish governor, Folch, of Louisiana. Mad-dor appeared their fhend, and undeceived them respecting the govemora pretensions. A conference was to be hold about the 4 May, between the Indians, Qovemor Folkh Mid the American camraissinners. Tho place of meeting was to be upon Coenecuh River, near the southern estuaiyof the bey o( Pensacola. When the An^ericans arrJved there. Mad-dog met them, and informed Col. Heuokiru, the Indian sgent, that two Indians had just gone to the Talleseees with bad talks from the governor. The colonel told him it could not be possible. Shortly after, Mad-dog asked Colonel Hawkins and Mr. EUieott, the commissioner, if they supposed that Oov. JWcA would attend at the treaty; they said, "Most assr.rfMlly." "JVo," returned Mad-dog, " he wUl not attend, he knoioa what I shall say to him about his crooked taUcs. His tongue fJt forked, and, as you are here, he tmU be ashamed to show it. If he stands to what he has tola us, you wiU be of- fended, and if he ttUs us ffuU the line ought to he marked, he toiU contradict himself: but he imU do neither ; he will not come." It turned out as Mtul- dog declared. When it was found that the governor would not attend, the chief went to Col. Hawkins and Mr. EUieott, and, by way cf pleas- antry, said, " fVeU, the governor has not come. I told you so. A man toith two tongues can otdy speak to one at a time." This oraervation has refer- ence to the governor's duplicity, in holding out to the Indians his deter- mination not to suffer a survey of the boundary, while, at the same time, he (iretended to the Americans that he would facilitate it.t Mad-dog was an uppnr-town Creek, of the Tuckaabatchees tribe. * III hit Journal, S14. t Ibid. 808, &c. % WEATHERFORD. [Book Vf CHAPTER V ■A WsATHKitroRD— Ait d^nmuCer imd eountr!/—'I%t eemer-ttmie ^Ot» CVcdfc pa-yederaaf—Ftpnn the deaipu iff TfcumatK—CaatufU Fart ^IBMm— Dnadfid wuiuam—SMectuM ^ tkt Crutka-'WMlktrfmrd awrrttdtn kfrntdlf—Uia apfelM»—Wliiton»—,9id» tht Amtricuiu—BtMU ^ Jht- tttutt—Gnat tkmghter ^ the htdiant—BoUU nf Uu MMrw-akM-Ocnif— LaU troublu in the Cntk naHan-^M*hUoih muktt iUtgal tak ^Umd0— ^eeuUd/or bnaMng the taut qf hi$ counliy--MKiuwwAT-^TviT»- fDMC— Hawkins— 4Ciaiz.LT M'Intosb, ton (tf H'Wiam—Maniagt qf AW tUter — liOTKTT. ,,Mtlbcr/br((, one of the moM eomoicaqua WW fchMb of the Cradi W^iaoi demao'IsNi early attontion, in the biimphieel hniory of the tale fvar^ Mr. daSbmne^ in his Nov5b on thk War in thb 0e«yB, iofomw OS that, ** among the firat wlio entered into the viewa of tlie Biitiah pom- mia^ioneri waa the aince celelNnted Wmfftafmri f that be waa boro in ^Cree|E nation, and whoae ** father waa, an itinerant pedici, aordid, fn^he^twaand revenipful ; hia nMther p flill-blooded aavage^of the tribe ^f ^e SeM^lea* He partoolt (aaya the Mme author) of aa the bad auahties of both bis parents,* and enorafted, «tO tlte motk he inherited j^fpm others, many tl^t were peculwrly hia owit WMi avarice, treteh- .tfj^i ;Bnd a thirst fof , bJopd, he cpmbinea lust, gluttoBiy, and It devottim to iqrciy q>eciea pf <;i^in:|t cwoiiaa]. Fortune, in her fiwLa, i^metimes jivea to the mo« proftigato an elevation of mind, vvbicb shedeniea to men tHrooae prop^naitiea are the most iticiows. On iTcotlie^arlf she bestowed geniiu, eioqpen^e and coiytige. The; finrt of theee qualiliea elttJbled him ,to Qone^ve great derignfi the Uwt to execute them ; ivhil« eloquence, bur0oiMr— d(Dtn(4iiiea««0Mj){eaM — I mm miMiir. I hmt irwdv. If lhadanwrmM,I%tmU yajti^ir-IwaMtmdmiUlktUid: butlhavenone. MipeopUwrtMgtm. /can only «MepMwrtt«an|^ tme$ ^ mn natUni" Gen. Jaauan was pleased with hia boldneas, and told luna that, though he was in his power, yet he would take no advantage ; that he nugfat vol join the war party, and contend against die Amencana, if be chaae, but to depend upon no quarter if taken afterward ; and that uneonditkiBal submisBion was his and hia people's only nfttr. WmBtafiri rqoined, in a tone as dignified as it was indignantr-" xou em $iffdif odUnsM aie m $ueh ternu nmd. Tten tM$ a tuu u^ I e«f the aterneat tiyarctra of obemenee. TAoee uho would HUI hold out, eon M inftueneed only hy a mecm ajnrit of revenge. 7\> ttu ttey mntt not, and ihmnat aaerjfiee the laat remnant vjl**^ eountru. Yon have toUowr tuiHon where we m^go and he aafe. Tkia ia good iattt, and thof ought to liaten to it. They ahaU liaten to iV." And here we must eloae our {Hcamt account of fVeaOutford, and enter upon that of a character oppoaed to him in the field, and, if we can believe the writers of their times, oppoaite in almost all the affUrs of life. This was the celebrated and truly nnfbr- tunate Gen. Wmiam JifMoah, a Creek chief, of the tribe of Cowetaw. He was, like M'Oittivray, a lialf-breed, whom he conmderably resemUed in several particulars, as by his history will appear. He was a prominent leader of such of his countrymen as joined the Americans in tne war of 1812, 13 and 14. and is first mentioned by General Ffoyd,* in bis ac- count of the battle, as he called it, of Autoasee, where he aasiated in the brutal destruction of 200 of his nation. There was nothing like fif^ting on the part of the people of the place, as we can learn, being aurpnsed in their wigwams, and hewn to pieces. " The Cowetaw^" says the general, ** under AThttoah, and Tookaubatchions,! under Mad-a^^B'aon, ftii in on our flanks, and fought with an intrepidity worthy of any troopa." And after relating the burning of the piace, hfl thus proceeds: — ** It is difficult to determine the strength of the enemy, but fiwn the infbnnation of some of the chiefs, which it is said can he relied on, there were assembled at Autossee, warriors from eight towns, for its defence ; it being their be- loved ground, on which they proclaimed no white man could approach without inevitable destruction. It is difiicult to give a precise account of Chap. ¥.] thaloaaw overtlisi alakioatl 8«w lying bjrtiwir waoDded, aMlTaHai t«i ffomo of I valuaUai I9I& JIPJiilM Hone<«lM triiwaaf I br ftftifl« againattb jSeban, wboia of 37, 1«14^: andtaaui the band, they A tiomnieqii anorlap ainroai^ OB brtht galsMlii «ranw»st isMaOao rand flMMI^Wa doUwtl iaattemp haTaaaew «»Thell coBtinaed dwthabi * BrannaiCi oOicial leilen. fTuckabaldw. JlM<i foidiaMa irouUeav ofieaiii •Thw Oap. v.] milTOBH. And OMT tto field, togMlMT with thow dwifwywd in the i»wm, uhTUm uUm on die bank of the river, which twapeeteUe otteera affimi that Ihnr a«w lym§ kt heape at the waten' edfe, where thegr had haen prv'^ipitaliiil bgr their ninriviDg flieDd8,{!!) their kM in killed, indapeadem if theh waonded, oraai have bee« at laaM 900, (anMMig whom were tbe Anteia and TaHanee kiagi,) and ftom the ehminmanoe of their nHkiog ao aflbiia ta ■aotoat ewr return, prahably greater. The nuadber of baild&uaa bmit, pome of a aoperior order nr the dwelliaga of aivagM, and flued with vataableaitiele8,iaaipnoaedtobe40a'' "niia waa on tha S0 Novambaa, Jlthkuk waa alee venr eonapiBBana in tho meoiosabla batde of the HorM>aho»4iend, in the "nlbipooae River. At this plaae the diacnnaplaia tittwa ef the aouth had mada a hat gnat stand, and had a lelerBbly reg»> tar ftatifled eamp. b waa aaid that they wen 1000 atrona. Thev had oeaatnMted thear watka widi aneh iaganuiqr> that Kltle oauld he aflMed uafaMt them hoi bjr atena. *• Oetengoined to eitenniiiaia them," aaja Oam jSeban, «I detached General O^ with die naaunted, and aeailrtha vAckb of the Indian force, eariy on the aaoaniaa of lealerday, [Marek 97, 1614^] Mn eroaa the mar aboal two Bnlea habiw their ancaa^MBenb and ta aunoiindtha hend, in aueh a manneLaB that none af theaa Aeiiii eaeapa bgr alteanptiDg to craaa the river." " jfcoii** company of apie^ who had aerampanied Cfen. CMhi, eaoiad ever in eanoaaietlieailieniityaf the band, and act Are ta a ftw of the bnildkigB whieh ware thaea ritoaled I they than adaanoad wifk gaeai gidlaalry towaedt r%a ba e aa>waik» and «onnieqcad a spirited ire upon tbaeMmy behind it" ThiaflMcanotha- ing able to aflnct their ahfM^ bmmt otnaia ef tka anny riiawad graaa Mdor la partidpaia m Ae aaiank "The apirifc wMeii aniiilad ihw wca a anra aiwuiy of the aocR^aa whieh waa la Adkiw." ^Tka »egahu% lei^ on bfdMir intnphl ani akilAil owiandH^ CoL tmiamt, and faf th» faliBt Mq. JIfaitooaMm aooB gafaMd noaaaawoB, af tkawaAaia lk«aii* of a meet twendoua fci from belwad them, and dw-ndllda af t h e v a w nfcia Gen. Jkktrtift briaade aaanwnaanied them ia iha dnafa wkk a vi. vaelqr «nA finiiMM wkWi would haae daaa honar la regntami. Tha> «Mnnr waa eonpletely ronied. J%c hmmdnd mlMbt-motm* dead aa lh» peniuMtak and a graal Bwnbea WM« fafiM ty dia I maltaraptiaglaanaB thaiirflr. Ilia baliewed that aolaa baTOaaeapel. *^ The flghting eoatnaed witk aoma avreiaiy about five kaum; continued to dntiagr many of thann, who haa caaeealad Aen aieh r eB wm- dertkabankaof dn riaat^aatilwe were prevwiadbytfaanighl. This uMmkwwekiBedMwfaahadheenooaaealad. We took abaat fgOpria. oaeta, mI women and ehUdrsn, enept Iwoi ea thre» Our loaa ia IM: waandad,aad9((klIMk M^or JPAiiMk.tkeOoiwatau, wkojoinad mv armywkkapa^afhiatBhe,gr«athp£ainguiBkBdhhiiaelf."^ Truly,diac a war of eKteimination r! The. frimd ef hum s iM ly may nuiiiiina' all thoae pear wralchaa who had aacietod tbemaeiiaa hem and taktha ^oavaaand raed%" had dessavedl death. The moat malanckolrpavt of the Bfe ef iha unfobtuaaia JlfModk w^ aaupaia be meoMiad. liiA kite troublea ef the, Craak natkiB haaadmwa feitk ■M*y*iyiBP*<^'^tM' '■'(>''> ^vyeef the phitaiitfanMiisi, Theaa tmuUea were oo!y the eoaaaquences of those of a. higher (Me. Theaa of leai^ we Ifaeught, eonplelad the ckaiBK af their idlictiook bat MOI • TheM are die f pw jia tf ^iUJtO} atiiMt^ (BotsIT. mult wily ber uuiak with raeonh af tbvfar amnnkiii aba hlatksfcr- hmt period with which our utiele bnagi tm m caiMmo, in ekMing thiv •eeount. In that year, the goTCTnmmt of the U. Blatea, by its ageatir Memed determined on paeraennf • favge tnet of their eauntry, to wiMf dM Mate of Georgia. ^ jntaak, and a anaU part of the nation, weie Ant ooaeedinj( to their wishes but a large mqoriqr of hia oawjuyaien wouM not hobr to the propoaaL The eonuniarionetaemphiyed wwn wiiafled of the ftet, and oommunieated to the p i wi le nt the reauh of a meeting thej* hadhadforthepurpoae. He ww wdl aatirfed, aln, that ^Madk eoold not convey the bnd% aa he rapreaented but a anall part of hianathw, but ■till the necotiation waa oidered to be renewed. A eouneil wan called bf the oomminionera, (who were Ctoonriana,) which aaaembled at a placw ealhid htdimn tpriufn. Here the ehi^ of tne Tuekaubateheeae apeke to* them aa foUowa : '*We met yon at Btokea Arrow, an^l then told yon we had no land to aelL I then hgard of no elaima agaioat the natioB, ror hare I ainee. We hare met you here at a vary ahoit i;oliee, and do not think that the chiefii who are here have any authori^ to treat. Gen- eral JIThtloik knowB that we are bound by our kwa, and that what ia not done in the public aquare, in the genoral council, ia not binding on the nation. I am, therefore, under th« neceaaity of repeatinat the aanw flOBwer aa given at Broken Arrow, that we lukve no lana to anl. I knew that thcve are but few here fttrni the uppbr towna, and many are abaent flam the lower towna. Gen.JirJMoi4knowathatnonartof thelandcan be aoM without a fiill council, and with the conaent or all the nation, and if a part of the natkm chooae to leave the country, thev caimot aeH the land they have, but it bebnga to the nation." '^lliia m the only talk I have for you, uid I ahall return home immediately.'* He did ao. The iU-adviaed commiarionem informed M*htmk and hia parqr, that the Creek nation waa auffieiently repreaented fav them, and that the United Staiea would bear them out ui a trea^ of aale. The idea of receiinng the whole of the pay for the knda amona themaelTea^ waa doubtlcaa die eauae of the oonceaaion of JITMofik and hia party. <*Thirteen only of the aignei* of the treaty were chieft. The reat were aueh aa had been degraded from that rank, and unknown peraona; 96 chieft prwent refiiMd to ngn. The whole party of JltMoA amounted to about 900^ not the tenth part of tlw nation/* Still they «ieeutad the artiele% in direct violation to tne lawa of their nation, wUen themaelvea had helped to form. It mnat be remem- bered that the Creeka had made no incoDnderable advancea in what ia< termed dviliaation. They had towna, and even jprmted lawa by which they were to be governed, aimikr to thoae of the United Statea. ** M'hliak vraa aware, that, after agning the treaty, hia life waa forfeit- ed. He, and others of hia coacyutoia, repaired to MilledgevBle, Mated their feara, and claimed the protection of Gosnt^m^ which waa pramiied bv Gov. TVoMp."* It muat be obaerved that the greater part or the pur- cnaaed teiiitory waa within the claimed limita of Georpa;^ and that the Georffiana had no email share in the whole tranaaetion. It is not atranger diat me people of Georgia ahould conduct aa they have, than that ui» United Statea' government should place it in her power ao to act To take,, dierefore, into account the whole morita of the caae, it muat be remem- bered, that, by a eommot between the two partiea in 1809; the former, i» consideradon of the latter^ relinquishing her claim to the Bliaaisnppi ter- ritory, agreed to extingHiah, at the national expense, the Indian dtw to th» laada occupied by them, in Creorgia, v^umtttr d eouU ht done, lyon reo- • ThtH far iriwtod from fiicU publMwil by Mr. W. J. BmlHi^. \Perkuu, Hut. U. Slates, a work, by the way, of great valiM,aadwlueb we an wi- priied ihoula have iiraed from the pren with lilUe or no notice. tnn. ▼1 mimMH. Who wa to decide i«*m tli« praetkiMe tkM bad wriTed. we beUere wm not mentkMed. Howover, prevhMw to ISKL the United States had auceeeded in eztiofuiiliing the aboriginal title of lifiOOfiOO aena,aiid there wen jret about lOiOOOiMO to be bmightoCf Theebange of UA flonn waadeiiog to aatioaary, wbieh the arts of cMBiatioa had eflbeted aoMiig the Indiana, made then prise their potarioai hr mora highly tlun hereiofcre, and henoe their rriuetaaeeand oppoaitioa to i«li»> quiah theas. Thua much it seemed neoeawry to premiae, that the true eauae of die Ale of JUFhtatk aheuld be undentood. It appean that when the whole of the natkm mw that the traaqr Mhiatk and hia party had nade eoold not be abrogated, fcrty-nino flraetha of them were violent againM then: and thetefere reeohred that the aentenoe of the bw abould be executed UfKm him. The executioii, and cireumatanees attending it, are thua r»- lBted4 ** About two houia befbie dav, on Sunday morahig, 1 May,§ the houae of Gen. JIthtatk waa aurrounded by Mmiw-wag, and about 100 Oakfliakee warriors. Jtfhink waa witUn, aa likewise were hia women and children, and some white meik M h uh cvmhi directed an interpreter to re^neat the whitea, and the women and children, to come out, aa the wamors did not wish to harm them ; that Gen. JlPhUiuk had broken the law that he himself had long since made, and they had come to execute him accordingly. They came out of the house, leaving J^PMoA and Etomi-tiutmuggef one of hia adherents, therein. The warriors then set fire to the houae ; and tmJIfhletk and hia comrade [TVsleiMuwe] attempt^ ed to come out at the door, they shot them both down. The same day, about I'ioVskick, they hung.iSni UomMm, a half breed, in the Huckhoa- seliga Square. On Mondav. the 9 May, • puty of Halibee Indiana fired on and wounded Ben Uuumiu, another hair breed, veir badly. The chiefii stated, at the time, that no danger whatever vras to be apineheiMled by persons travelling through the nation ; that they were fiienda to the whites^ and wished them not to be ahurmed by tbia execution, which waa only a compliance with the laws that the great cbiefii of the nation made at Pole- cat SpriM. CMkfAPhdtuk eacaped from the house with the whites, and was not nredat or wounded." He is now chief among the western Creeks, and some time rince increased his notoriety by beating a member of Con- gress, in Wnahinpiton. The sreat agitation which the execution of the bead chiefs of the JVthUoM party caused was allayed only by the interference of the United States* government. Gov. TVotipof Geor^a declared vengeance against the Creek nation, denouncing me execution of the chiefs as au act of murder; however, he, by some meana, learned that his judgment was l^catuitous, and, by adoiee of President Adamt, desisted firom acts of hoa- tUity, the survey of the disputed lands, &c. We have not learned much of the fiunily ofM*ktta$h. On 14 Ausust, 1818, Jennjh his eldest daughter, was married to ffiUiam S. Mitehd, Esq., assistant Indian aoentfl^ the Creek nation. They were married at a place called Tlitacatclt£ah near Fort Mitchel, in that nation.j| Gren. JWhtbuh participated in the Seminole campaigns, as did another chief of the name of LovtU, with about 9000 of their warriors. They joined the American army at Fort Scott in the spring of 1818.K *Amer. An. ResT. i. (Ibid. ^ Id the Annual Regiiter. ttf Mupra. f SO April it mentimied, m another part of the namt work, as the date of the execu- tion, and to it it tet down by Mr. Ptriitu, in bit Hitt. U. 8. I iVt/e*'« Reguter, U, 407. V N. Y. MealMy Msf . ni. 7i. BIOGRAPHY .two ffOTORY OF THE (■»«ttlf>. CHAPTBR VI. mm^rf Cm. Jmtknm wdini md tgaimi l Ikmn Rt U tn t OmtmAmT— >tiiOETA-~'PAT»'«iMJ W • Xk^l m t ^f J M ^ ^t kt 1%t lUhMMdkw iutnmd h/u Oen. CoJIkt—BaMt of Talk ukga % » rrihln Mum k n «r IM I W H t w i l\irthtraetmmt»fJhdmm M »t BaUk ^ Omm D^ mm—Tiuwmcua-^BaUk tf ItdhoMM*— Poamamata— PrMM0>- M4-4m Vtru-^BaHk tf hmk/im .« Mcmrf AoNfe— J|ll'« iiKre- fmv—MttU, fi Emta€ktfk»-~' M t f t ka B ud ^ Me Cmk lia^~ PiOHiNVO— £b wyte tfi . I tw wM i J oan Norms wMr rf cit rf M ewH ALATOBBC— POtMAMAfA— ^bMcA ^ A i Hi)W l li O l6 w OlUf ^ pHtikaiMlta to ftq^lwRMe «( i r —Wi^ii P iw fcamati iNw llk«r^o-Hn.uaBAao vMto JSNgftmd— iScmlM M« Stmbuki to nor— «4 iMrfem Pfto w lw He»- woTiiniKD— Jfc wff ctw « Iwflff tretf in .^a fwj tfetfa nMr->-Jir Mgdmtf tnM HiLLiiHAOo, (Mrf AoMfMf— NBAa'A'rai>A-»Aeiii«M( a/" tibe JlmiiB AiiJMi*— TlUtr wrrtok«d «oNdt(»M»— MXloBBif-^JIJeA m knrft ontf itefa*— #1Jee to Ftorida^ and lMt$ Mi ffbeto. Ta* horrid calamity at Port Mimmi mui not the commcneement of the liloodT war with tlie Creek Indiaiw. The moriana of the Shawonee Ih v p itt had been Mmtiirized hr people opon l^e firontiera of aeYeral ■taieiL and meiooriahi (hmi IndkuM and IIliBob liad been aent to the prNideat of the United States by mme of rtwir princi^ inhabitant!, in 1811, calling on him to Mod out an armed ibree rar their aeeurity. In the aummer at 1819, aome fhmiliea were cut off near the month of the Ohio, and aoon after, upon the bonier of Tenneaaee^ two other Ami' Ilea, oonaietinc of women and children, w^re butchered in a manner too ahocking ror deaoription ! Georgia was also a auflererin the aamo kind. We have already given the particulara of the moat prominent maaaacre, namely, that of the garriaon under Maj. BeaaUy, in tlie Tenaau aettle- ment ; but since we penned that article, we Have read Judge MarHiCa account of it, which, out of deftrence to such high anthoritv, we thought it proper to add aomething ftora him, forasmuch aa it aets the matter iuu tittle oifierent Hgbt It casta considerable more rimde upon the conduct of the unfortunate Bttuky. Not only had that officer been warned by Gen. Clat&WTM of hia danger, aa already stated, but a Creek Indian in- formed him in a IViendly manner that he must expect an attack in less than two days. When he had made hia communication, he left tlic plane, " and waa hardly out of aight, when SO or 30 of his countrymen came in riew, and forcibly enterra the fort In the attempt to shut the gate, BeaaUjf waa killed : the garriaon revenged hia death by that of all tlie assailants. This first party waa, however, aoon followed by a liody of about 800 : the garriaon waa overpowered, the fort taken, and every man, woman and child in it, slaughtered, with the exception of fotii- privates, who, though severely wounded, eiiected their escape, and reach- ed Fort Stoddard.*^ Beaaley himself was carried into the kitchen ofioiio of the houses within the fort, and was there, with many others, eonsiuntd in the burning ruins ! f At this period the Creek Indians occupied a eoontry containing abont 900 aqoaie miles; bounded on the north by Tenneaaee, eaat by Georgio, on. * Hill. Looifiana, ii. 316. t Perkmi't Late War, 198. CN*r. VI.) SOUTHBEN fKHMANS. Ih by tbe Floridw, and wmi by ihe Miwiwippi s Um mil Mid clioMto of which rouhi not be coMUerfnl inferior to any in the t'niled Sutcib ThflM Indiam, cotiaintinf of Crroka, properly ao called, Chikaakwa, Choktawa and Chorokf!«>N tmil fur a long iiiii« been on amicable tenna with ilieir while neigtitmra, ^xc-hanginR their Aira and other artielea with Umn for B«ich othera a* their wanta required. Thia alale of thiofa, but for tha iireakinf out of the war in ('anida, ininhi, and would, in reaaon, hvn continued, and the ^at Creek nation wouhl liave increaaed. and at thia day have gained vaatly in population and importance, inalead of being dia- iiieinliered, ita inhabiuinta aent into baniahment, and finally ruined. In* tormarriagea between Indiana and whitea had become iVvqaentj dnm which a race of half-breeda were apringing up, and inatead of aiavery, the Indian women were taking their proper plaeca in aociety, and tfe* men were cultivating the flelda. And notwithatanding the PnphH and Teeunueh had used all their eloquence to engage them in an early ouar- rel, it was not until they heard of the aiicceaa of the Britiah al Maideii, that they deciiied on taking up the hatchet, geneiwlly. Such waa tbe alacrity among tbe northern Indiana on the capture of Gen. HuU, on the 10 August, 1H13, that ruunem arrived fnim among them to the Creeka Home time before it was known to their white neigbbora. For the horrid butcherv at Tcnsati, the foflowers of Wt(Marfordt Monhoe and ^'Qutn, or AT Queen, were shortly to atone, in the moat Hummary manner. There was a great encampment of Creeks under ffealher/ord, at the Tallahaaee, or Talluabatches towns, on tbe Cbosn river, a northern brooch of the Alabama. The eyes of the south seemed to centre upon Oen. Jaekton to execute vengeance on the Indiana, and notwithstanding he was confined to his room, from a wound in tbe arm, which he hod lately received in a private quarrel, when the newa of the massacre arrived in Tennessee, the governor of that state issued an order to him to raise 3000 men with all possible despatch, and rendezvous at Fayctteville. Col. Coffee was already in tbe fiekL Jackson's march into the enemy's country was hastened bv a false alarm, and when he had got into the Indian country, he found himself almoat destitute of pro- visions for his army, which caused considerable delay. At a place on the Tennessee River, called Ditto's Landing, Oen. JaektoH met with Col. Coffee^a regiment. Here be remained several days, but despatched Ct\/^ with 700 men to scour the Black Warrior River. At Ten Islands, i>\i> the Coosa, was a band of friendly Creeks, at whose head was a chief named Chiimalnf. This chief httd a kind of fort there, and was now blockaded in it by the war party. CAtnnoiy, hearing of Jaekton^M poai- tion, sent his son, Shdokta, also a principal chief, to the general's camp, for relief, who, without loss of time, marched up the river, out was obliged to encamp at the distance of 24 miles from DtUai'a, from the failure of bia supplies. While here, Patk-kiUer, a Cherokee chief, sent two runners to him, confirming the former news, and that without immediate relief, they said, they ^ouTd be immediately cut off, for the hostile Indians were as- sembling in great force (torn nine towns. Jaekton now resolved to move on, and told the messengers of Pttth-kiUer to speak thus to their chief fivin htm : — " Jlu hoatUe Creeka wiU not attack you untQ thiy have had a bru^ unih me, and that, I think, vfiU put them out of the notion (^ fighting far aoTne time." When the army had arrived within a few miles of the Ten Islands, it was met by Chinnabu. This old chief had succeeded in capturing two hostile Creeks, which he gave up to Oen. Jaekaon. The army^as ^et about 16 miles from the Indian encampment, and in a lamentable condition for want of provisions ; insomuch, that almoat any one but Jaekton 5 .# 59 BIOGRAPHY AND UfS'rORY OP THE (Boos IV. would haye despaired, and given up the campaign : bat his rcsokitioo was not to be shaken, and he happily diffused his spirit into his inen. He said, in a letter to Gov. Blount, that lohilgt they could proam an ear of corn apiece, they would not give up the expedition. On the 28 Oct. Col. Dyer loturned from the capture of a town called Litta^tche, on the bead of Canoe Creek, which empties into tbe Coosa from the west. His force consisted of 200 cavalry, and they brought in 29 prisoners, chiefly women and children. The Indians were now drawn off from Ten Islands, and had taken post at Tallushatches, on the south side of the Coosa. Coffu was imme- diately despatched with 900 men to attack them. This he did on the 3 Nov., sun altout an hour high in the morning. A number of men in ad- vance of the main h ily, sent forward for the purpose, drew out the war- riors from their cabins, who made a fierce attack upon them. The Americans gave way by falling back upon the main body, agreeably to iheir preconcerted plan, which bad the good effect of bringing the Indians at once into their power. Having fired upon them, they made a successful charge, and soon obliged them to shelter themselven in their wigwams. Col. Coffee says, "The enemy retreated firinv, until they got around, and in their buildings, where they made a!l the resistance that an overpowered soldier could do — they fought as long as one existed, but their destruction was very soon completed. Our men rushed up to the doors of the houses, and in a few mmutes killed the last warrior of them. The enemy fought with savage fury, and met death with all its horrors, without shrinking or complaining — not one asked to be spared, but fought as long as they could stand or sit. In consequence of their flying to their houses, and mixing with the families, our men, in killing tlie maJes, without intention killed and wounded a few of the squaws and children." In this sanguinary affair, 186 Indians were killed ; and the commander thought, that there were enough others killed in the woods, which they could not find, to make up in all 200. Tliis calcvlaiion, he observed, he thought a reasonable one. They took captive 84 women and children, and "not one of the warriors escaped to carry the news ; a circumstance unknown heretofore!" The whites had 5 killed and 41 wounded ; " none mortally, the greater part slightly, a number with arrows : this appears to form a very principal part of the enemy's arms for warfare ; every man having a bow with a bundle of arrows, which is used after the first fire with the gun, ^until a leisure time for loading Affers." The destruction at Tallushatches was rendered the more complete by their being entirely surrounded on every side by the troops. Some have said that even the women united with the warriors, and contended in the battle with fearless bravery. This may account for many that were killed ; but (Sen. Coffee does not mention it. Meanwhile Gen. ffhUe had been detached to Turkeytown, for the re- lief of Path-killer, ond he was now ordered to join the main army, with as much expedition as he was able. This request was transmitted on the 4, and renewed on the 7 November, 181.3 ; and on the evening of the same day, an Indian brought news to the general, that Talladega was be- seiged by a great body of the enemy, and would certainly be destroyed, unless immediately relieved. Talladega was a fort occupied by friendly Creeks, about 30 miles below Ten Islands. Without loss of time. Gen. Jackson marched to relieve Tallade{»ti. His operations were conducted with such promptitude, that by midnight following the same day, he was within six miles of his enemy. Here ho encampM until about daylight. Then moving on, at sunrise he came within half a mile of the Indian encampment, which was only about 80 -*: CBAr. VL] SOUTHERN IlfOUNB. rods from Fort Talladega. The general, having formed bis line of battle like the Spanish Armada, moved on to the attack. The Indiana were not taken by auipriae, but rushed upon tlieir adversaries with such impet- uosity that they made considerable impreaaion in one part of the tine ; insomuch, that a considerable body of militia gave way. Their places being immediately supplied by the mounted men, the Indians fought but a short time, before they were obliged to fly for the mountains, about three miles distant. In their flight they were hard pressed by the right winff of the Americans, and great numbers were cut down. In the whole affair, 399 were killed, that were found, of the Indians ; and the whites k)8t 15 in killed, and 85 were wounded, several of whom after- wards died. Over 1080 Indians were said to have been engaced, and some of them afterwards said their loss at the battle of Talmdega was 600. It was expected that a supply of provisions would arrive at Camp Strother, at Ten Islands, before the army should return there ; but on its arrival a total failure was experienced by the hungry soldiers ; even what had been left behind of the general's private stores had been distributed — it was a melancholy time, indeed, and reminds us of the suflerings of c^itives in the old Indian wars, who were obliged to subsist upon berries and roots. It was during thia campaign that a circumstance occurred which has been variously related ; and, as it is an excellent anecdote, we will lay it before our readers. One mominr, a soldier, with a doleful countenance, approached Glen. Jaeluon, and toid him he was almost iimiished, and knew not what to da The ceneral was seated at the foot of a tree, and was observed by the poor half-starved soldier to be eating something. This no doubt caused nim to make his complaint, thinking it a favorable time to have his wants relieved. The general observed, that it was never his custom to turn away a hungry person, when he had it in his power to relieve them ; then, putting his hand into his pocket, took out a handful of acorns, and, dfferiii'; them to his astonished guest, observed, that such was his fiure, and all he had, but to that he was welcome. The soldier went away contented, and told his companions they ought no more to complain, so long as their general was obliged to subsist upon nothing but acoms. Out of this grew the story, that the general, having invited his officers to dine with him, set nothing before them but a tray of acorns and some water. Meanwhile mutiny after mutiny took place in Gen. Jaekton'a army, and the campaign came near beine abandoned. A circumstance, too, occurred about this time, ever to be lamented. Gen. Cocke, of East Tennessee, considering himself possessed of a command independent of Jacksotif gave his orders to some brigadiere, at the same time that Gen. Jackson did. Gen. fVhite chose to act under Gen. Coeke't orders, and this occasioned some conftision, and, in the end, the lamentable aflair to which we have just alluded, and of which we now proceed to give an account The Hallibee Indians, who had been the principal sufferers at Talla- dega, had despatched ambassadors for Gen. Jackaon^a camp, to sue for peace, which they would accept on any terms he might please to grant them. At the same time these proposals were out, Gen. WkUe marched against their towns, and on the 18 Nov. completely surprised them ; killed 60 warriors, took Sili6 prisoners, and made good his retreat without the loss of a man. The Indians thought they had been attacked b^ Otn. JaekamCa army, and that therefore tney were now to ex|)ect nothmg but extermination ; and this was thought to be the reason why they fought with such desper- ■•>* BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE [Book IV. •tioa afterwards. And truly they hod reoaon for tbeir foora : they knew none but Jackton^ oiid supposed now that nothing short of their total destruction would satisfy hiiii, as their conduct exemplified on every oc- eaaion. They knew they had asked peacr on any terms, and their im- mediate answer was the sword and bayontst. A company of Cherokeea aided not a little in this affair. We have given the chief features of the battle of Autoasee, when drawing a sketch of the life of M'Moah. Here may be added some other matters of history, for the better understanding the events of the memorable Creek war. Autossee ia situated on the south bank of the Tallapoosie, 18 miles from the Hickory Ground, and SW above the junction of that river with the Coosa. With Gen. /loyd** white troops were four companies of friendly Indians. M'Intoah led the Cowetaus, and Madrdoga'8on the Tookaubatchions or Tukabatchies. The names of the other leaders are not set down, but there were doubtless several of them, as there Wo-e about 350 warriors who accompanied the expedition. That sure work was in- tended, will not be doubted, when it is known that the force, exclusive of Indians, was 950 men. When the array arrived near the place where it was expected Indians would be found, and having discovered one small town before it was light in the morning, the general was surprised im- mediately after by the discovery of another. This was filled with men who had been apprized of his approach, and were prepared for battle ! The order of battle was inomedialely changed, and the army proceeded in two divisions to attack both towns at once. The beseigers, being pro- vided with artillery, soon accomplished their work, and all the resistance the Indians seem to have made, was in endeavoring to efiect • retreat into caves and other hiding places. Nevertheless, the Georgians had 11 killed outright, and 54 wounded. Among the latter was Gen. FUiyd him- self severely, and Adj. Gen. JVetoman slightly. M'Intosh and Mad-doga-»at difficulty, dragged up a <.m the nation, consisting of Col. Lowry, Maj. WaUur^ Maj. Ridge, Capi. Ihylor, Adjt. Rota, and Kunnesee. These Indians are men of cultivated understandings, were nearly all oiiicers of the Cherokee forces which served under Gen. Jackson during the late war, and have distinguished themselves as well by their bravery as by their attachment to the U. States." In June following, another deputation visited the capital of the U. States, of whom it was said, their ap|iearance was such as entided them to the highest respect. The delegates were from the Chika^taws, and consisted of Gen. Wm. Colbert, the great war chief of that nation, Miy. Jamt$ Coiburt, interpreter ; EUianu ; JMt'ngo, the great warrior ; Appaaan- tubhee, a chi«^f ; Chastawny and CoUettchee, warriors. Most of these fought for the whites in the south. Gen. Colbert was now aged, having fought with the Americans in St. Clair's anny, with seven others of his country- men; one of whose names was PionUngo, or the Mountain-laderf of whom we shall presently speak. In the late war, while his men were preparing to join the Americans, CoUtert, im|Nitient to be unemployed, joined the third regiment of the U. S. infantry. When he had served with them nine months, he re- turned to his nation, collected his warriors, and marched to Fort Mont- gomery on the Alabama, from thence against Pensacola, crossed the Esanibia, and pursued the hostile Creeks almost to Apalachicola, killing many of them, and returning to Fort Montgomery with 85 prisoners. He and his comrades were now at Washington to obtain a setdement of the boundaries of their country. Acconlingly commissioners were sent into their country, and on the 20 Sept. following, [1816,] a treaty was entered into. In this treaty Colbert is styled Maj. Gen., and by the sixth article of it he was allowed an annuity of 100 dollars durins life. His name is not to the treaty of Hopewell, made 10 Jan. 1786, but that of Piomingo is. To that of Chikasaw Bluffs, 24 Oct. 1801, instead of his mark, we find W. C, which shows that he had been paying some atten- tion to learning ; but in subsequf nt treaties his mark again appears. From the circumstance that t' le name of Piomingo is not seen to any of the treaties afler that of Co.oert appears, induces the belief that he is the same person, and that, from his attachment to the whites, he took one of their names. Piomingo is thus mentioned by Gen. i^. Clair, on his arrival at his quarters. " Oct. 27. Pnyamingo arrived in camp with his warriors. I was so unwell, could only see him and bid him welcome." "Oct 29. Payamingo and his people, accompanied by Capt Sparks, and four gooil riflemen, going on a scout; they do not propose to return under 10 days." We have no account of the success of the excursion, but they did not join the army again until afler the defeat which took place six days after. As they were proceeding to Fort Jefferson, one of the ene- Chap. VI.] SOUTHERN INDIANS. my mistook them for hfai companhma, and wu oaptiir«d before he di^ covered his mistake. Piomingo accosted him whh hanrii language, ny* ing, " Rtueal, you have hem ktuing tokite Men/" He then ordered two of hie men to extend his arms, and a third to shoot him. When tfals done, and his scalp taken, they proceeded to join the army. We learn the name of one other who waa with iSL Clan*. He called JamtB Jhndenon, and was brother to the chief />Ati JMbrrit, wIks 33 June, 1798, was murdered not above 600 paces flrom Gov. Atotoifa house in Knoxville. He waa shot by some unknown persona. The governor ordered him to be buried in the burying ground of the w'-He people, with military honors. A procession was formed, headed by him- salf, and he was interred with great respect lu 1793, the Spaniards of Louisiana made large offeis to the Chika- saws, to induce them to forsake the Americans ; but their oflen were treated with contempt, enpecially by Piointiwo. Mdahalatvbee was a Chikasaw chief, with whom Gen. iMtfoMe^ be- came acquainted in his last visit to this country. His first knowledge of him, as will appear from the following extracts out of JIf. Laoutw^t work " Lafayette kn Amxrkide," &c., waa at Uie reaidence of the •' Base of Monticella" Muahalatvbecy and Puf^mato a Choctaw chief^ already mentioned, were at Washington when the general arrived there, in December, lSt4, being there at the meetins of congress, according to custom, vrith many other chiefs, to brighten ue chain of friendship, receive presents, ana make known the wants of their countrymen. At this time ^tuAoIafM&ee made the following agreeable speech to Gen. L/tfaydte. " You are one of ourfatkera. You have fought by the aide mk erful people. mTiou aeest everywhere the chUdren if those for whom A ■ host atfended liberty, crowd around thee, andpreaa Om kanda taUhJUiid ef- fection. We hauehtard related all theae thinga in the dqptha «f vie rfutenf foresta, and our hecurta have been ramthed wi&. a deiire to btMd thee. Wa are come, toe haue preaaed thy hand, and we are aatiaSed. This is At first time that we have seen thee,* and it wUl probably be me last We have no more to add. Ute eterth will part ua forever.^ " In pronouncing these last woras, the old Indian had in hia manner and voice something very solemn. He seemed agitated by some sad pre* * TiMy michl not hay« beea ialroduced to tte MMnil whaa ha mm them at Mr. Jlif /er»on'$. M. tjmustur says, in speaking of the Indian depulaliaa. " A hmr me 4taietU deux ehe/i que notu aviant wmi t'uteoir uniowri !» (oM* 4* M. J^trmn, pm- dcait noire tifow & Monticello. Je Ut recowm* i uwr$ artUiu dtcaugiu <■ lot^ p t tt iaiiiira,gwmiudelot^puMUmudtpUmb.'' 96 BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE (Book IV. ^■ ■entimenn. We heard of his death a few daya after ; ho was taken aick, and died before be could set out to return to his own people. When satisfied that bis end was approaching, be caused all his companions to be assembled, and he desired them to raise him up, and to put upon him all his ornaments, and bring to him his arms, that nis death should be that of a man's. He manifested a desire that at his interment the Americans would do him military honors, and that they would discharge cannon over his grave. They promised him that it should be done ; he then talked freely with his friends, and expired without a groan in the midst of conversation." His monument occupies a place among the great men in the cemetery at Washington. Upon one nde is this inscrip- tion: — ** Pdsh-ma-taha, a Choctaw chief, libs here. This MONimcifT to UI8 memory is erected by his brotoer chiefs, who were associ- ated WITH HIM IN A DEI.EOATION FROM THEIR NATIOIT, IN THS TEAR 1824, TO THE OENBRAIi GOVERNMENT OF THE UnITED StATBS." And on the other : " PU8H-HA-TAHA WAS A WARRIOR OF OREAT DISTINCTION. Hb WA9 WISE IN COCNCIL, ELOqOENT IN AN BXTRAORDINART DEOREB ; AND ON ALL OCCASIONS, AND ONOER ALL CIRCCMSTANCBS, THE WHITE HJN's FRIEND. He DIED IN WASHINGTON, ON ■) HE 24tH OF DbCBHBBR, 18S4, OF THE CRAMP, IN THE 60tB TEAR OF HIS AOE." That Puahamata, or PuahmatahOf was a warrior, has been said. In the late war with England, he assisted in subduing his countrvmen at the south. In Gen. Claibome'a army he distinguished himself, particularly in the battle of the Holy Ground, (called by the^ Indians Eccanacbaca,) upon the Alabama River, 80 miles from Fort Claiborne. Here the cele- brated tVtatherford resided, also HiUiihe^ the prophet In the treaty which the chiefi and warriors of tne Choktaus held with the U. S. commissioners, 18 Oct. 1820, "at tlie treaty ground, in siud na- tion, near Doak's Stand, on the Natcbes Road," the following passage oc- curs. " Whereas the fiither of the beloved chief Jlfu«Atifafu6ee, of the lower towns, for and during his life, did receive from the United States the sum of 150 dollars, annually ; it is hereby stipulated, that his son and successor, Muahulabibeej shall annually be paid the same amount during his natural life." Hence it would lead us to suppose, without further investigation, that both the father and son had rendered the country very important services. //tUisAogo, it appears, rarvived Gen. /acJbon*« campaigns, and not long after went to England, still hoping to piin assistance from that nation to enable him to operate with emct against the Americans. He was, upon his return, the immediate instigator and cause of the Seminole war, hav- ing taken up his residence among them, unable to stay longer in his own country. The belief was imposed upon him by some abandoned Eng- lish traiders, that there was a provision in the treaty of Ghent for the res- torrtion of their country. He received much attention while in England, and some encouragement, but nothing absolute. An E'^glish ioumal thus mentions his arrival : — " The sound of trumpets announced the ap- proach of the patriot Drancia, who fousht so gloriously in our cause m America during the late war. Being drest in a most splendid suit of red and gold, and wearing a tomahawk set with gold, gave him a highly im- posing appearance." About the end of November, or beginning of December, 1817, a war party of Seminoles captured an Amencan, and conveyed bim immedi- Omkt. VL] SOUTHERN INDIANS. •lely to their prind|)al village, called Mikaaauky. Here it appean dwelt FVmeiM and hia family. The American, whose name was JfAnaiinoN, was ordered to be immediately burnt to death. The stake was set, MKrimmon, with his head shaved, was bound to it, and wood was pled up about him. When they had finished their dance, an 1 the fira was about to be kindled, a daughter of the chief, who had h«en witnessing the preparations with a sad countenance, flew to her fither, and, upon her knees, begged that he would spare the prisoner's life ; and it was not until, like the celebrated Poeahontcu, she showed a determination to per- ish with him, that her father consented to prolong his life for the present It was still his intention, that, if he could not sell the victim for a certain sum, to have carried his former purpose into effect ; but on offering him to the Spaniards, the demanded sum was paid for him, and thus his liber- ation was efiected. After FVaneiM fell into the hands of the Americans and was hanged, liis family, consiBtin|( of a wife and several daughters, surrendered them- selves to the Americans at St. Mark's. The youngest daughter, about fourteen years of age, was treated with great attr^'^on by all the officers for having saved the life of JlfiSHmmon. She \ .. st*'^ to have been very handsome. Mikasauky was the chief rendezvous of the war ^ ~. 'y, and had been known at least a century by the name B&toi. Roukti. This name was given it by the French, and the Anglo-Americaps calTed it the Red Sticks, to avoid the use of the same name in French. Hence the Indians who made this their quarters, were called Re> Sticks. At this period they had revived the practice of setting "p poles or tiicka, and stripinj; them with red, which was only when the >ntended war. The Ameri- cnns, not knowing their practice, supposed .iCse poles were painted with red stripes in dension of their liberty poles. Mikasauky, now Red Sticks, was upon a border of Mikasauky Lake. HomoUimed was another principal Seminole chief, whose residence was at Foul Town in the begmning of the war ; but, being driven from thence, he repaired to Mikasauky. Three vessels having arrived at the mouth of the Apalachicola on the 30 November, 1817, with military stores for the supply of the garrison, were, from contrary winds, un- able to ascend. Lieut iSScott was despatched for their assistance, in a Iwat with forty men. The old chief HomoUimed, who had just before been driven from Foul Town, by a detachment of Oen. Gaines's army, with a band of his warriors, had concealed themselves in the bank of the river ; and when Lieut. Scott and his men returned, they were fired upon, and all except six soldiers, who jumped overboard and swam to the opposite shore, were killed. Twenty of the soldiers had been le.H for the aid of the ascending vessels. And about the same number of women and sick were in their places. These fell into the hands of Hor- noUimed and his warriors, who dashed out their brains upon the sides of the boat, took off their scalps, and carried them to Mikasauky, where they exhibited them upon their red poles, in memory of their victory. This chief and his companion, HiUishago, were doomed shortly to expiate with their lives for this massacre. The Mikasauky town was soon after visited by the arm}', but the Indi- ans had all fled, their rod pole was lel\ standing, and the scalps upon it ; many of which were recognised as having been taken from Lieut. ScoWs men. At length a vessel cruising near the month of Apalachicola River, to prevent the escape of the Indians in that direction, with English colors displayed, decoyed on board the famous chiefs, HomoUimed, and the prophet Drancis. These the Americans hanged without trial or delay. JSTeamtUhla was a warrior of note and renown, before the war of 1812 BIOQRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE {Book IV. wWi Graal Britaio. He wm • Seminole ehief { but where hie nwidenew wee previoue to tiMU war we beve not beerd ; but after tbe Seninolc war, he Uved upoo a good eatate, at TallabaHee, of whieh eeuue a mile aquam waa uader imiNrovement. Tfai% in 1883, MammOtia, at the bead of the cbiefii of hia nation, gave ufi, with other land% ibr the beaeAt of the V. 8taia% by a tiea^ which they made with ila ageala at Moukiia Oreeit, in Florida, on the 18 September of that year. lo an additional artioh) of Mid traaly, we read— ** Whereea .Vea Matkia, John BUmnt, Tiuki H190, AMfato Kiitg, EmaUdoelut, ond Econehatimieo, mx of tbe prineipal chiefa of the Florida Indiana, and par- tiea to the treaty to which thia article baa been annexed, have warmly ap- pealed to the commianonera for permiaeion to remain in tbe diatrict of country now inhabited by them, and in conaideration of their friendly diapoeition, and past aervicea to the U. Statea," it waa agreed that J\fk parad tonfitk. Kmtffttm WW ■ ebkf who mifiit Imv* dMModwl awly •ttentkia, but who. not havini; be«u vory ooMpkiMNM but in ■ aiiif le alHur, hM bran deforml to thb pkeo. Early in 181il, al lbs bawl of iundry banda of Seminolea and neRroaa wliu tiaii ran away flrooi tbek Anwrican maa* tan, Kimg-fmnt iawcd forth in qucat of binod and plunder. Thara tvera aerenl oihor ehiefr at the aanw time, (unoag whom B«i0-Ug» waa •MNiapieuoua,) who aasiated in making war on the fVontien of Ueortia. Whether either or both of the above-named chiefii commanded tlie oar* ing party, wlio,on 11 Sept. 1813, attacked and deftated a amall force under Capt M'UUttmi, we are not certain ; but it ia certain that they con- manded a large force aoon after, when Oen. ^/ h m m an marched againat them, and fought him with deaperation. Capt fViUiiuiu, with about 90 men, waa oonvoyinc aome loaded wa^na towarda Davia Creek, and whan within about 10 milea of their destination, they, were attacked by a party of Indiana and negroea, suppoaed to be 50 in number. Although the whitea were fow, they protracted the fight until all their ammunition waa expended, their captain mortally wounded, and aix others slightly. They then effected a retreat, leaving their wagooa in the hanqa of their enemiea. Two of the Americans were killed, and, it waa supposed, a much greater number of the enemy. Expeedng a force would be soon «ent againat tbeno, Kmg-pamt, with Btuhltgt as hia lieutenant, marched out from the Lotchway towns, at the head of 150 warriors, aa was supposed. They were not disappointed with regard to a force being sent against them, for in the mean time Oen. JVhpmtm,* of the Georcia volunteers, marched with 117 men to destroy the Lotehwav towoa. When he bad arrived within about six miles, M, fell in with the Indians, all of whom were mounted. It appears the |Mr- ties met unexpectedly, and no time waa lost on either side in preparing for battle. Having diamounted, the Indians advanced a few paces, lioping thereby to intimidate their adversaries ; but ^/htwum, at the same time, ordered nia men to charge, which being promptly obeyed, the Indi- ans were put to flight The battle ground, oeing skirted with swamp* upon three aidee, was advantageous for the operations of the Indiana ; nev- ertheless, before gaining these coverts, a well-directed fire noppeid the flight of many, among whom was Kmr-jHiiuu himself, and Bow-itga waf severely wounded ; but this was only the commenoeroentof the flf^t ; for no sooner was the fiill of the great chief known anuMiff his men. tlwn they returned and chan^ in their turn, but were agaiu forced to fly, leaving the body of their leader in the bands of the white*. This, itior{>.|nan any. or all considerations together, wrought up tb^ir minds to desperation, and th«v determined on its recovery, or to SMrifice themselves in the attempt ; and they accordingly returned to the charge, which, it is said, was met with firmness by the whites, who, after enconntering several shocks, a(|ain succeeded in routing them ; but they immediately returned again, with greater fiiry tluw before, and with greater vucceas; for they obliged the Americans to give ground in their turn, and after some time spent in this most desperate work, they succeeded in recovering the. body cfJiSng- Sonne, and eafried it ofi*. Thpr loss in the several cbprna was unknown, out supposed by the whites to bava been about 90 ; wbUe on their own wide, they lepotf but one killed i^mIbIim wounded. I^diis fight waa on the after this fight,, ibr the Indians -w tr- tinman; but Brammm, P*r 96 September,§|d lasted abpuUpie The whites f^re greiAf dwdwli * 71k«M«0N (Hilt War, 01 ) wide* Urn, aad Bmitimriilgt, aU wnia it ai m thuoOear't iatiwiBst BIOQRAPHY AND HISTORT OF THE [B«ox IV, were tvitiibrced, and baraased them until the 4 October, when tbey cave up the iiUBinees and retired. Gen. JWtmum, having thrown up a mgbt work, waa able to prevent being entirely cut o^ and at length retreated out of the country. The Indiana did not give up the siege undl they bad been pretty mverelv cut up. The whitea, by coDeealins themaelves on the night of the Sd, made them believe they bad abandoned their fort; nnd they came up to it in a body without ap|H«hending danger ; when on a Budden they received a most deadly fire, and immedutely withdrew. CHAPTER VII. Retrospectivk— (^ ike Cteek huHaiu—MudiMHea— Prohibit fheute 0/ Ardent ^rU$ — fTuir rite and tn^iorlcmce — Their origin — Catatobaa— Ckikasaui — C%en»ftee« — A mode of JUMetMig their hMd» — Complexion lighter than other Indiana — SemitMUt — Rmu at Oaknadge FielA — Ex- pedition of Soto — KiUa 9000 Indiana — Laudonniere — Qow^^, expedi- tion— Ornedva— Voyage of lyMlon — Carriea off huMana to adt for slavea — Mottot, muk Emperor of the Cherokeea — Sir Alexander CSim- miitg — Hia traeela among me Cherokeea — Seven ChMa aceompany him to En^^hmd — AtttdcuUakulta — Skijaoustah — Hia apeeeh to the king — Tom- oehehi — IS» dtathr—War with Oui Cheroikua — Emibtbrsioo — ma expedi- tion and death — Oranodla-kopak, Jirat advocate of temperance. Iif the preceding chapters of this book, much has been narrated of the southern nations in general ; and in particular of many prominent indi- viduals and events. It is designed, in the present chapter, to speak more particularly upon the events of the great nation of Creek Indians ; in doinsr which, something of retrospection will appear. It will be proper, in the first place, to give some general account of the nation, whose men of eminence have b«en and are to be noticed ; for there are some fiictii that will not necessarily fall in otherwise ; but in such digression, if so it should be termed, our chief axiom is not over- turned, which is^ that to w^te a history of the men of a country is to write the history of such country. The reader, however, should be re- minded that a general histonr of a people at one peiiod will not exactfy apply to them at another. This observation is not only true with regiud to their political and civil history, but also in regard to the manners and customs of the same natioas : those facts are true, both as they reeard people called civilized and savage. Hence descriptions of tribes or nations by one observer, at one time, differ from those of another at a differ- ent period ; and yet both may be true in the n^ain particulars. Students, therefore, not aware of this net, may be disposed to discredit writers for such disagreements, which, in fiict, are altogether imaginarr. But it is time to commence upon the more immediate business of the present chapter. The Creek Indians take their name thm that of the country in which thev live ; that h^ the English gave them the name of Oreeks because their country is fifll of liireeka. The nitCton of matt importaiMw^^^ng the Creeks wairt, in 1775, the Muskogees. That community, or '^hotiob, like the Irotiaois, was more politic than their neighbors, and vastly iiicreatfed their strength nnd im- portance by enconrofpng small decHinng tribes to incorporate themselves with them. At one time, another most w&n resolution Mras adopted among them, which, above all othefs, shoukl be mentioned ; th4t was a » chap^ vn.] 80imi£BM INDIANS. prohifaitioo of the importation of all kioda of ardent ipiiiti into their countiy. How looc tnis reeolutioa ww maintained, or at what period, cannot, at this time, m Mated. It was very probably at the period of their sreateat proeperity, which was just before the breaking out of the revo- lutionary war. The Muakogeea bad another excellent regulation, name- ly ; the men asoiated their women in their planting before setting out on their warlike and other expeditions. This was caJled the Creek nation, which, in its best days, about 1786, contained 17^000 souk.* They have aince been reckonea at 90,000. Some have, latteriy, given the name of Creeks only to a part of the nations of wlucb we have begun to treat ; i>ut it is here intended to in- clude under that head, all the tribes between' the Savannah on the east, the Mississippi on the west, and the country bordering on the Ohio on the north. It was some time after the Natchez massacred tlie Frenchf that tlie principal nation of Creeks, the Muskogees, began to rise into importance. For a time after that memorable event, the country of the Natchez was desolate ; but when some years had ekpsed, a tribe seated tliemselves there, and it became the seat of a powerful nation ; and this was the Muskogeea That nation, like the ancient Romans, had, in about 30 years, extended their dominions over a fertile country near 300 miles square ; had 3500 bow-men, and 50 considerable towns. They had domin- ion also over one town of the Shawancse. Their chief places were upon the branches of the Alabama and the Apalachicola rivers ; the people upon the latter being called the lower Creeks. This, as well as the other nations whom we call Creeks, are generally supposed to have originally come firom the south or south-west ; but the Indians themselves lielicvc, or petend to believe, that they came from the east, or place of tin- sun's ris- mg; copcemiuff which opinion we may observe once tor all, that it most probably had the same origin among all ignorant peopU>, which arose ftom no other than a desire that othere should think them descended from the *-jn ; that being the most fflorious and noble origin of which they could conceive. Indeed, such w not altogether unnatural ; for that luminary ouickens and enlivens every thing that has Ufe, whether animal or vegetable. Beside the Muskogeea, the Kataubahs or Catawbas, Cherokees, Chok- taus and Chikasaus, were other numerous tribes spread over the great country of which we have spoken. The Kataubahs and the Chikasaus were very warlike ; but their vicinity to Europeans was as detrimental to them, and even more so, than their own exterminating wars ; for, as in other cases, as soon as ap. intercourse commenced, degradation and ruin folk;wed. The Cherokees h^ve withstood the deletery eflects of civilization much beyond what can be said of any other tribe of Indians. Their country is chiefly in Alabama, Mississippi and Tenne^ee ; but they occupv also the western part of the state of Georgia. Before the war of 1811^ their country covered 34,000 square miie84 Numben of this tribe have emijnrated to Aritansaw. The Choktaus possessed a country not so filled with creeks and rivers as the Muskogees. This circumstance, it is said, was a great hinderance to their proaperitjr ; for in their ware with their neighbors, they suffered greatly from their ignorance of swimming. There were Upper and Lower Choktau towns ; the former were situated about 160 miles from, the Chik$sauB, and tlie latter aboi^t 900 above N. Orleans. The people * It i( coamoa to rackon a third warrion. i Id ITSSk u raltled cksp. iv. p. 36, 37, ante. " t Dr. Mortt't Report. 64 BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE [Book IV. of this nation flattened their heads l^ weuring bam of sand I of all the Indians upon the „ _„- _. on them,* and, according to Father Henncpm,f the heads i ' Missixsippi are flatter than thorn of Canada. It is said also that they are of a lighter complexion ; but this has reference only to the Muskogees, accprdiiiff to some writers. The Choktaus principeily inhabit Missis- sippi. They were, in 1890. «et down at 25,000 soub, and are rather in- creasinff. The Chikaaaus are suppotied to have come ftvm the west of the Mis- sissippi, and as it was a custom among the Creeks for their unoccupied lands to be taken by any that came among them, as emigrants, the Chika- saua found no obstacles in the way of establishing themselves on this side the Mississippi. Where they first establish^ themnlves is un- known, but in 1770 they were a powerful and warlike nation, and were seated upon the western branches of the Mobile. The tribe of Yazoos bebnjfed to this nation. The Chikaaaus reside in Miateippi, Kentucky and Tennessee. They do not exceed 4900 in number. - The Seminnles were a nation made up siviiilar to many others, and chiefly of Muskogees. The Creeks called them Beminoles, which signi- fied vnldf because they had estranged themtolves fivm their former country. This nation was principafiy seated, 40 years ago, upon the rivera Apalachicola and Flint, and had a large town dii dabs Bay, on the west side of E. Florida. They now reside in Florida, a scattered remnant of about 1200. The names alone of the diflbrent dans <»■ tribes of these nations v^ould fill several pages, and it is not necessary here to enumerate them; we shall thererore, after some general observations, pass to the consideration of those chiefi who have been constMcuons. There are upon the east bank of the Oakmulge,near its confluence with the Ocone, beautiful fields, extensively known as the Oakmulge (Fields ; they are upon the rich low lands of tiie river, ud upor uie elevated part of them are yet vimble remains of a town. These ne' e:^nd 20 miles along the river. The Creek Indians give this accou ef ^^hem, namely, that here was the place where thev -firat-set down afte.' crossing the Mis- sissippi ; that their journey firom n:e west had been attended with incredi- ble suffering, and that they were opposed at every step by various hostile bands, and that on reaching this place they fortified themselves, and could proceed no further, and at length gMii^ ground and became conquerors m their turn. There are few greater curiosities iti the south, than the great highways or roads, which, 50 ywrs agO}' struck the traveller witfi surprise. In Florida they are still easily traced for near 50 miles in a straight line upon the Ocklocknoy River. AH history is silent about them ; and it is a singular ftct that the Indians will make no use of them, but studiously maKe their paths in any other direction.} The country of the southern Indians has suffered in some respects as much OS some parts of South America; it having been traveraed and overrun from time to time by bands of mercenary whites. In the year ]538, Ferdinand De Soto, with a commission from the Emperor ChaHa» v., sailed with a considerai^le ^eet for America. He was a Portuguese gmtleman, and had been with Ptzarro in the conquest (as it is called) of em. His commission constitutQd him governor of Cuba and getleral ico. years; * Adair. — " As soon as the child ■« born, the nurse provide* a cradle or wooden case uuiiowed and fashioned, to receive the ' ' ' ° the ease whnre the head reposes, beiiij I i« wiUf Mia UU19C pivTiuovo \'i«Mic vt nrutfuvu VUBQ. hollowed and Tashioiied, to receive the infant, lyinr prostrate on its back, that part of ^einir fashioned like a brick mould. In this portable the little boy is fixed, a bar orsand beinr laid on his forehead."— Barfram, 6I5> t New Diicovery, 176. ) mtfioMt't W. Florida, «. machine \ #. IV. CHAf. VII.] SOUTHEIIN INDIANS. es scattered i>f Florii)n.* Althotigit lie sniied from St. Lurwr in 1538, he did not laoil i;i Floridaf until Mny, I5o9. With about 1000 men, 313 of whom were provided with horaeis ho undertook the conquest of Florida and coun> tries adjacent. After cutting their way in yarious directions through numerous tribes of Indians, traversins nearly 1000 miles of country, losinff a great part of their army, their general died upon the biuilia of the Mississippi, and the survivors were oblised to build vessels in which ;o descend the river ; which when they had done, they sailed for Mex- ico. This expedition was five yean in coming to nothing, and bringing riiin upon its performers. A populoiis Indian town at thn time stood at or near the mouth of the MoDile, of which Soto'i army had possessed themselves. Their intercourse with the Indians was at first friendly, but at length a chief was insulted, which brought on hostilities. A battle was fought, in which, it is said, 2000 Indians were killed, and 83 Span- iards. We shall not attempt here to go more into detail concerning the band of nuu:auding Spaniards under iSofo, as it will answer the present purpose to observe, that what has just been related, is but one of the many butcheries committed by tKat band ; and, moreover, our accounts are rather indistinct upon the whole affair, and savor much of exaggeration. The French, under Rent At LaudonnUre, settled in Florida fn 1564, near where Penaacola was since bniSt The Spaniards claimed the coun- try, and hence the bIt)ody wars which followed. This first settlement of the French, projected by Admiral Colignij was soon broken up by the Spaniards : tney, in the baseat and most savage manner, murdered the whole colony. . A religious war at thitoperiod distracted the French na- tion, and this outrage would have remained unrevenged, but for the indig- nation of an individual. In 1567, Dominique de Gowrgts sailed to Flori- da, took three forts fhwn the Spaniards, put the men to the sword, and hanged all the other settlers he could find.^ A French garrison was Again established, but, being left without protection, wa« soon retaken by the Spaniards, who remained masters of the country for more than a hundred yearB.§ We will here take occasion to add a paragraph to our chapterjj upon kidnapping. Voiqiua IfAyHttn settled in Florida in ViHd, and remoined there four years; at the end of which time diflSciiltiea with the Indians caused him to leave the country. In 15S4, he sailed again for the continent, and made land on the coast of what is now S. Carolina. He had, it is 8aid,1I fof his object, in bis setting out, the atrocious design of mnking slaves of the Indians. At the mouth of the River San tee, (w'uich he discovered and named the Jdurdain,) he was received and treated with great kindness by the Indians. Having in a short time succeeded in getting a large num- ber of them on board his ships, he banqueted them, and, by means of ar- dent spirits, benumbed their faculties, and in this situation sailed with them for Hispaniola, where he intended to sell them to his countrymen. * Chaudon el Delandint, Nouveau Diet. Historique, art. Soto. t " So called, because it was first discovered b^ the Spanianls on Palme-Sunday, or, as the roost interpret, Easter-dav, which " ' ~ — ■ ■ they call Patqua Florida, and not, as "flieue't ;of.'' Purehas, 769. Modern writers of di*- writelh, for the flourishing verdure thereof.' coveries would do better were they to look more to the sources of information. X See an anit.iated account of these bloody affairs in Johnt&n's Life of Gen. Ortene, i. 480, t.c. ^ Duprets. i. 1—^. Jtian de Orijalva discovered the country upon the Gulf of Mexi- co in lal8, [Herrera, ii. 1^,) and' some report that he carried ofl Indians as slaves. (Sec Wiliiamt'* Florida, 90.) But we are not aware that the faci is elsewhez-e recorded. Herrera, tbouKh very minute, does not name it. Purehas (812) agrees with him. I Book ii. chap. i. M Martin'* Hist. Louisiana, i. 4. 6« BIOGRAFhV AND MlSitJ/iY or THE (Book IV. Justice, however, did not long permit b:m to eactpe her iron hmndti One of hia sliipe foundered in a atorin and was kwt ; the capdvei in the other refused to take food until disease broke in upon tbem, which put an end to moat of their number. Neither did the Spaniuds escape ita ravages. From these transactwns of antiquity we must de> cend to tiroes nearer oar own. In the year 1790, Sir ^zander Cum a ing travelled among the southern Indians, and from whose account we are u>le to give several in> teresting particulars. At thiu period, hn relates t^«t the Onerokee natioo was governed by seven Mother Towns, each o( which chose a king to preside over them and their dependants. He was elected out of certaiD families, and the descent was cenrded only on the mother's side. These mother towns were, according to Sir Alexsnder, Taunaasie, Kettooah, Us- tenary, Telliquo, EBtaot9wie, Kejrowee.and Noeyeote, Four of diese towns were without kings at this time, they having died. Some towns had princes, as our author called them; niatnely, Tomaaao, one; Settecho, one ; Taasettch' e, one ; IwaHsee, one ;i Telliquo, two ; Taonaa- sie, two ; Cannostee, one ; Cowee, one. The chief Mogtoy was called emperor, and pfennded over the seven towns, in 1730. His residence was at Telliquo. On the 3 April, this year, deputies from nil parts of the nation met at Nequaasie, and in pres- ence of Sir AUxandtr Camming and iS other Englishmen, declared Mautoy em|)oror; he liavin^ been nomiiatfMl by Sir Mexander.* The nation consented to receive MoyUmj as tlicir king, provided he was held accountable to Sir Akxavder. At the ct^r.^^viony of declaring Moytaif king or emperor, by whose order Sir ./Ikxande: was placed in a, chair, iiimseff and the coiyiirers standing about him, ami a throng of warriors " lAroked him with 13 eagles' tails, and tboir dingers sung from morning till night." After tliis wns done with, he made u g|>etich to the great concourse of In- dians ; in wliifsh, among a good deal 'u<;8ide8, he displayed the power and goodness of the king beyond the groat witter ; and " required Mnfloy and all the head warriors to acknowledg«> th^^wselvea dutiful subjects and sons to King George,'^ " all which they did o» tl»eir knees, calling upon every thing that was terrible to them lo destroy them, and that they might be- come no people, if tiMy violated their promise and obedience." The ne^t aay, 4 ApHI, " the crown was brought from great Tannassie, viiiich -'•'•*h five eaglss' tails and four scalps of their enemiesy Meytoj/ prer«5. y (3ir JUtxander, impowering him to lay the same at his majes- ty's ft '^he conjurers were well pl'jased with the English baron, ami told hii.i vliey would follow ail his ilirentions. " That when he left th«in Uiey would still consider him as j)re8ent in the person of JMoytoy of Tel- liquo, who would punctually do what he had bid.'' Sir Alexander wuk now at Tannassie, 400 miles from Cliarlestown, according to his reckon- ing, and had but 15 days to arrive there in, to go for England in the Fox man-of-war, which was then to anil. He therefore asked Moyivu if the Indians could travel there in so short n tin^e on foot> The chiei said it might be done, and thut he would have accompanied him, but for the dangerous illness of his wife, and requested him to choose sueh as he de- sired from among his people, to go with hirii.t Accordingly, Sir JUexander chose, as evidences of what bad happened, SSc^agit3ta,\ the head warrior of Tnssetchie, " a man of great power and * This part of the sentence is upon the authority of a good writer, (//eicflM, Hitl. Carolina, i*. 6) but Sir AUxan-drr does not soy quite as much in his Recount. t Moytoy was a bitter ennmy aftcrwnrds. ' In 1768 he wont with his warriors to a plaee calit^il Statiquo, and killed several whites, wiihoat, as was said, any provocation. JflntaU, ii. 230. X Or KitagutUi. This chief was one oft'- ..»''c.i, as will appear immediately onwaid, 4 J chiA?. vn.] SOUTHERN INDIANS. 9 intrrost, who had a ri^t to be a king," JMahtUakviUi, and OtoMtite, or Outacite, a third wamor, Colkmnah, a fourth ; " and from Tannawie, llie avmoteat town of the country, he toiok CHogoiUali and Oukanatkak,* war* riors." About 93 milea from Cbarlestown they met with the warrior Khmakamiowint, a friMid of tlieae chiefe, ** who had juf« come from the Kattarbe nation, and deeired to go along with his countrymen, to which Sir .Macander conwMei'^ They went on board the Fox, a man-of-war, and sailed from Charles- eown Bay 4 May, and arrived at Dover 5 June ; thiia performing a paa- sage acroas the Atlantic in a month and a day, in 1730, not much inferior to what is done now-«>d8yB. At Dover Sir AUxamdtr " took post to London, with the crown of the Cherokee nation, leaving the Indians behind to come up with the man-of-war. He let the secretary of state immediately know that he had full power from that nation to lay their crown at his majesty's feet, and that be had brought over seven Indian chiefs, as an evidence of the truth. His majesty was graciously pleased to order Sir Mexander to bring in his people to the installation, the 13th of June, where they were extremely surprised at the magnificence of every thing al)out them : they compared the king and queen to the surty the princes to the stars^ and themselves to nothing. On the 22d of June, Sir Mexander was intro- duced to his majesty, and upon his knee, in precenee of the court, declared the full power he bad received, the Indian chiefs all knecline at the same time, as a testimony of their submission and approbation. Sir Akx- ander laid the crown of the Cherokee nation at his majesty's feet, with the five eagles' tails, as an emblem of his majesty's sovereignty, and foiu* scalps of Indian enemies ; all which his majesty was graciously pleased to accent oC" The king now proceeded to make a treaty with the Cherokee chiefs, every article of which was accompanied witn presonts of some sort or Other : such as cloth, guns, vermilion, hatchets, knives, &c. After the treaty was finished, a certified copy was presented to the chiefs by Sir Al- exander Cummin^ ; upon which Skyag^tstah, in the name of the whole, made the following speech : — " ff^e an come hilher from a mountrntious place, where rwthing but ^Wk- rteBs is to be found ; bxU we are now in a place where there is light. '1 here was a person in our country, he gave us a yellow token of warlike ho>\t,, , which u 10 wUh Moytoy o/' Temquo, and as toarriors u)c received it JLr came to us like a warrior from you. A man he is ; his talk is uprig : i id Ute token he Ufl preserves his memory among us. We look upon you .. « }f the great king were present ; we hve you as representing the great kii.^. We shall die m the same way of thinkuig. The croton of our natimi u thf- ferent from that which the great King Georof. wears, and from, tha! wc Kfut< in the tower. But to us it is all one. The ch( i ^friendship shall hr ir- ried to our people. fVe look upon the great King George as the sun, ana as our father, ana upon ourselves as his children. For though we are icd, and vou are white, yet our hands and hearts are joined together. When we shall nam acquainted our people utith what we heme seen, our children from gener- wUho\igyiS\r Alexander, \n his communication, docs not name him. Neither (ioco he name AtlakuUaktUla or Outen, witli those named in his own na.- ralive. That AttakuUakuUa was, see HeviaU,u. 221, mid H^yntie, ii. 280. n. We can only account for the blaniat warrior of the Cherokee nation. He^U, ii. 217. 68 BIOOftAPHY AND HttTORIT OF THE (Boob IT, aUbtt to gmtftHim teiU alwHiB rttnemher iL M mir mi thatt abmau h» __ wiikyou. 7%e memie$ Iff ike gnat kmg ihaU he 0ur tmmiu. m»f*opk and mora ehall be one, and thou die to^^thar. We earn hiUmr naked and Cr as the wonu tf the ettiih, but you have every IM^, mnd %ee that t naming mutt hvejfou, and witf never break tke eham ^fnmdeka »kieh it between u». Hm Honda the governor o^ CaroHnoy wkom imAhow.* Thia amall rope\ tM ahow you ia aSthat we have to biatd our davu wUk^ and it may be broken. But have iron cAotiM for yemn. Ho w ever tf we eoMiymir atavea, we'will bind them aa %eeU aa we can, and ddiver Hum t»> ourjriendat and take no pay /or it. We have looked round fir the penam that taaa in our country— -he ta not here i However, we m»iat mw he talked vq/righUyto ua, and we ahall never firgH him. Your white people may very aimbf buUd hmaea near u». We alum hurt nothing that oeUmga to them, fir we are children qf one fither, the great king, tmd ahedl live and die to^ gtther." When Skyaguatah had proceeded thus far, he kid his ftalhei* apoa m table, and closed as folloWR : — " i^ia ia our way of talking, which'ia the aame Uung touaaa your lelterr in the hook are to you, and to }fou, beloved men, we ddiver theae fiathera m confirmaHon of aUwe have aaul." In October, the Indians embarked at Portsmouth with Mr. Johnean^ the governor of (yuroiino, for their own country, and in the same sliip in which thwar, at St. Hellens, in the Isle of Wight. Immediately after their arrival, orders were given fbr preparing proper habits for them, in order to their being introduced at court. This having been done Sir Clement Colterel, Kt., master of tho ccremouioB, was sent, August 1, with three of the kine's coaches^ drawn by six horses each, to the Gleorgia offtte, where the chiefs, all except one, were taken up and carried to Kcnsii^gton, where their introduction to the king took place. The one left at the Georgia office was sick with the small-pox, of which he died the next day. When the Indians were introduced at court, his majesty received them upon hid throne, in the presence chamber, attended by the officers of state, and a numerous court. They were introduced by the Duke of Graflon, chamberlain of his majesty's household ; and after Tomo Chiehi, or ^mo Chach',, and the king had made each a short speechjjj the carri- ages returned with them to their apartments at the Georgia office. The first thing attended to after their i-etum was the burial of their coniuaninn, which took place with great ceremony, in the burial ground of St. John the Evangelist, Westminster, according to the custom of the " Cherokee Creeks." " The deceased being sewwi up in two bhrnkets, with xtne deal board under and another over him, and tied down with a * There was nl this lime no ftovernor, though Robert Johtuon was aominally such. Tn 1729 the ((overnmenl of Carolina was delivered lo the crown of England, for about ,Cl7,000. Jo/tfunn was reappointed in 1731. f Strino^ of wampum, probably. t Before chap. iii. b. iv. ^ .See antt, b. iv. chap. iii. p. 26. CHkf. vn.i SOCrmElN DflHANS. eord, WM pfamed upon a bier, and earried to the phwe cf intennaat There were only preaent at the time of hia being put mto die grave, King TWm, and some of the ehieft, the upper cbineh warden of the par- iah, and tlie grave digger. When the ccHrpaa waa laid in the earth, the elothes of the deceased were thrown into the gnve J •Aw tfaia a qoandty of giaaa beada were oaat in, and then aome ^Mea of aihrer; the ouatom of thooe Indiana being to burj all the deceaaed^ eflbeta with him.** Although we have the naniM* of all the ohieA given ua tint went over vrith Mr. (Methorpt, we have not the nieana of Knowing which it waa that died. Indians often died on their viaita to Europe. One of the five Iroquois chieft died in England,! in 1710^ and of his name too we are ignorBnt4 Mr. OgiicMorpc** chieft, after having been showed the chief curioaitiea in and about London, were taken to Spithead, where the Enriiah fleet lay, that they might go on board and view the tremendous ahipAilamiui, and some others of great magnitude. On the 90 October, 1794, a little past noon, they embarked at Gnvesend, on board the Prmee of Walea, ibr Georgia. Of TbmoeUeM, who was the moat prominent character among them, vre have yet a little to add. He lived until he had attained hia 97th year, and died 15 October, 1799, five years, wanting 15 days, after he sailed ftom England. He reaided^ at the time of his death, about fi>ur mUea ftom Savannah. He was highly beloved by the English, having alwajra been their particular fiiend, Tought for them in war, and aided them by hia eounael in peace. He was aware of the approach of death, and ex- presaed but little deaire to live longer, as he should be unable to aid hia alliea any more agauMt the Spanianls. For Gen. OgUthorpe he expresar 1 the sreatest tendemees, and entreated the Indians to bear m remembrance the kindnesses with which the king of England had treated him, and hoped they would alwaya remain his mil^t9. Having expreaaed a vrish that hia body noight be buried among the English in Savannah, accord- ingly, Iiis corpae was there interred m Pereival Square, with militanr pa- rade, and Gen. OglMorpe ordered a pyramid lo be erected over it, with an appropriate inscriptioii.$ We shall close this chapter with aome revolutionary uid other mat- ters. The Cherokees had encaged not to operate with the British, towards the close of the war, and what is very singular, all the time that the greatest successes attended the British arms, they atrictly adhered to their engagement ; and it was not until the fortune of war had changed, and the Americans bad become masters of nearly all the country, that many of the ill-fiMed Indians, instigated, no doubt, by abandoned white desperadoes, fe*' upon the settlement called Ninety. Six, killing many per- sons, and burning several houses. Upon this. Gen. Pieknu took the field, at the head of a band of mounted men, and in about 5 weeka ft4- lowiog the 10 Sept 1781, || finished this Cherokee war, in which 40 In- dians were killed, 13 towns destroyed, and a great number of men, wo- men and children talien priBoners.f A white man by the name of Wa- tsn was supposed to have been the prime muver of the lndiam^ who with a few m them fled through the Creek country into Fk>rida, and made good their escape. On 17 October, 13 chiefs and 200 warriore met Gen. Pieien* at Long ■ ■ ■ .^ I - ■.!- I II ■. — ■■ ■ I ■■...■. I. I ■ ■ I , ■ ,.- ■ • See amU, p. 26. t Kalm!* Traveb in Amenca, i, 210. X The author poMeMes beautiful full length portraits of four of thoie chiefs, from fine mexzotinto engraving*, which he Intends taking off on steel for future editions of this work. Perhaps the one that died had not his portrait taken, be probably having died ianiediately aAer his arrival in London. 6 M'Call, Hist. Georgia, i. 196, 197. 1 Johuim'i Life of Orem, u. M7. IT Lit't MMMin, Stt, 383. BIOGRAPHY AND imTOftY OF THE [Bmk nr. Swwnp Oiwk, Mid a nvaty wm oaadUided, by wkioh Georgia acquired a kume aaeoMioa oftenkoty." Mh have ima to ralaie the boM eipkiila of a Creek warrior, of the MBfie Ou nal a m tfo.f TIm Britidb held poaeeaiion of Savaonali, id June, 1789, aad Gen. Wojfne waa aeot there to wateh their nmtione. On the 31 M^, Col. AiwMm raaicbed out of SaTannah to laaet^ aceording to ap- pointment, a faaad af Indiaaa uader EmiiU$mg», or Owitttnig: But eome diflkultjr aanaag the indiane had debyed their march, and the movement of Bretm waadiiMKrous in the extreme. Geo. Ifij/it». by • bold manoBuvfa, cut off hi* retreat, fell upon hiia at midnight, killed 40 of hie men, took 90 priaoa«fa,.aad the reat eaoajped only uoder cover of < darknen. In this fight /Payne wouki not permit a gun to be fired, and the Mwoutiea waa eflected wholly with the aword and bayonet ; the ftota having been previoudy taken firena the aoldiere' giwai MeanwbUe, Emiitasngo waatfavening the whole tranavene extent of Georgia, (atnmge a»' it may aeem,) without being di8eevered«exoept by two Mys> wIm were taken and killed. It waa the 94 June, liowe?eiv be- fore he arrived in the neighborhood of Gen. ffayne, who was etwamped about five milea fibm Savannaib Wtyne did not expect an attack, eape- oially by Indiana^ and eoiueqoently was eomplecely nirprieed. But bemg well seeooded by hie oflkere, :?nd happily reaorting to ois fiivorite plan a fightings extricated himself from imminent danger, and Imm tlie Indiana to flicht, aiker a hard9r out all availwl nothing. Porfieiitori French § atroyaa laiTTLE- Sa-oa-y HO-PROV Aeirres 1 interviei THEgn styled by Ab/tone, a . '«» pellations ftf« we proce • " Ces / roU Us no"i ■>»i. iiont partof: In Onoyoui tuna some an to ttbde BOOK V. rhef BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE HIOQUOW OR FIVE NATIONS, AND OTHER NEIGHBOR- ING NATIONS OF THE WEST. .!•, CHAPTER I. Pttrtiaiari rupeeting the Inmioia — Granoola — His famoiia spetth to a Frtitdi gtntJti — ^Adario — /fw auceeasful wcart against the Frentk — Dt- atrwft a Ihoxuand inhabikmts in one expedition — Hia real nantr — Black- icBTTLK — Hit wars against the Dtneh — ^TE-fEE-NEEN-iio-OA-niow — Sa-ga-tb-an-qda-prah-ton— E-low-oh-ka-om--Oh->ee-ye-atii-tow- HO-PROW — GAN-A-jOH-rio-KE — Thcir miit to England— Partictdars oj" Ouir residence there — Treated xoUh great attention oif the noinlifti — TTieir interview with tlie queen — Speech to her — Their return to Jlmtrifa. The great western confederacy of Indian natiuim lias generally been styled by the French, Iroquois,* but generally by the English, tlie Five Nations, and sometimes the Six ATations ; but either of the two latter ap- pellations must be considered oidy as such, because we shall show, as we proceed, that they are not uuniericnlly true nmv, if fhey ever were. • " Ces harbares ne soni qu'nnt aeule nation, et qu'un i:ul interSt pttilie. On pour- roil Its nommer pour la distribution da terrain, tes Buities de re continent, Les Iroquois font partager m cinq cantons, tqaroir let TsononloUanr, let Goyosroans, les Onnotagues, les Onoyouts, et lea Afptit*." (Lahontan, i. 35.) Thus comprehending in \nt five na- tions some nations which the English never have, and met versa. By the Agnies we are to uudertland Mohamii. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I ^1^ Ui ^ lii 12.2 us 111 uo IL25 ii.4 1.6 "^14 Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WiBSTiR,N.Y. 14SM (71«) •73-4503 ^> .<^^.^ GRANGULA. [Boob V. Five may have been the number which originally leasued together, but when that happened, if indeed it ever did, can never be known. It ia a tradition that these people came from beyond the lakes, a great while ago, and subdued or exterminated the inhabitants of the ;untiy on this side. Even if this were the cose, it proves nothing of their origin ; for there may have been a time when tlrair ancestors went from this side to the country beyond, and so on. The Mohawks are said to have been the oMeat of the confederacy, and that the '•Onayants" (Oneidas) were the first thai joined them by putting themselves under their protection. The Onon- dagos were the next, then the '*Teuontowanoe,or Sinikers," (8enecas,\ then the " Cuiukguos," (Cayugas.) The Tuscaroras, from Carolina, joined them about 1712, but were not formally admitted into the confiederaey until about 10 years after that. The addition of this new tribe trained them the name of the Six Nations, according to most writers, but it will appear that they were called the Six Nadons lone before the last-named period. The Shawanese were not of the conwderaey, bat were called Drothere by them. This nation came from the south, at no verv remote S3riod, and the Iroquois assigned them lands on the west branch of the usquehannah, but looked upon them as inferiors. They occupied, before the French wars, a great extent of country, some of their towns being 80 miles asunder. The Six Nations did not know themselves by such names as the English apply to them, biu the name Aquanuscbioni,* which signified unSedpeopk, was used by thero.f This term, as is the case with moet Indian words, is defined by a knowledge of itsetvmology. A knowledge of the Indidn languages would enable us to know what almost every place in the country has been noted for ; whether hill or mountain, brook or river. It is said by CoUlen^ thai New England was called JEtiuAon, by the Indtons, which, he says, means a fish ;§ and that the New England Indians sent to the Iroquois a ** model of a fish, as a token of their adhering to the general covenant" The waters of New England are certainly abundantly stored with fish. From these cursory oMervations we must proceed to details in the lives of the most noted men. Perhaps we cannot present the reader with a greater orator than Ga- rmgvia, or Grangula, as Lahontan writes his name, and that writer knew him. He was by nation an Onondaga, and is brought to our notice by the nunly and magnanimous speech which he made to a French general, who marched into the country of the Iroquois to subdue them. In the year 168'', Mr. de la Bam, governor-general of Canada, com- plained to the English, at Albany, that the Senecas were infringing upon their ririits of trade with some of the other more remote nations, (gov- ernor Dongan acquainted the Senecas with the charge made by the French governor. They admitted the fact, but justified their course, alleging that the French supplied their enemies with arms and ammuni- tion, with whom they were then at war. About the same time, the French governor raised an army of 170C men^ and made other "mighty preparations" for the final destruction of the Five Nations. But before he had progressed far in his great undertaking, a mortal sickness broke out in his arm^, which finally caused him to give over the expedi- . tion. In the mean time, the governor of New Yon was ordered to lay no obstadea in the way of the French expedition. Instead of regarding • LoMd, Hitt Mis. i. S. t At a great uMmblafv of chiefs and warriors at Albany, in Avg. 1746, the chief ■peaker of the Six Nations informed the English commissioners that ihey had taken in the Messesagnes as a seventh nation. Colden, Hist. F. Nations, ii. 175. t Hist. Five Nations, i. 109. \ Kieiotu, ia Algonkin ; Ktgonce, in Cbippeway. Limi^t Voy^fn, dtc. SOS. 4ti>. QiAPfl this prate Dt >Ogi< •■ w high- bad< oath they That badi hash you. €taAr. L) OEANGULA. iooa we muRt thb order, which ww fW>in his maiter, the duke of York, he wnt intar- praten to the Five Nations to eocourage them, with oflhn to aniat them. De la Bam, in hopes to efl^t something by thia expensive undertake iog, cross e d lake Ontario, and held a talk with such of the Five Nations as would noeet him.* To keep up the appearance of power, he made a high-toned speech to Grongwa, in which he obaerved, that the nationa had often infringed upon the peace ; that he wished now for peace ; but on the condition that they should make foil satisfaction for all the iqiuries they had done tha French, and for the foture never to disturb them. That they, the Seoecas, Cayugas, Onondagoa, Oneidas, and Mohawks, had abuaad and robbed aJl their traders, and unless they gave satisfoetion, he shouU dechve war. That they had conducted the Engiidi into theur country to get aMrav their trade heretofore, but the past he would over- look, if they would o&nd no more ; yet, if ever the like should happen again, he had exfweas CHrders from the King, his master, to declare war. Onmgvla listened to these words, and manv more in the like strafai, with that contempt which a real knowledge of the situation of the French army, and the rectitudo of his own course, were calculated to inspire ; and after walking aeveral times round the circle, formed by his peo|rie and the French, addressing himself to the governor, seated m his elbow chair, he benn as follows : — f ** YoffUcmdio ,*} I honor you, and the warriors that are with me likewise honor yon. Your interpreter has finished your speech. I now begin mine. My words make haste to roach your ears. Harken to them. " FemuMifio ; You must have believed, when you left Quebeck, that the sun had burnt up all the foreats, which render our country inaccessi- ble to the French, or that the lokes had so far overflown the banks, that they had surrounded our oastlen, - Jid that 't was impossible for us to gel out of them. Yes, surely, you must have dreamt so, and the curioei^ of seeing ao great a wonder has brought you so far. Now you are unde- oeivM, rince that I, and the warriors here present, are come to assure you, that the Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidaa and Moliawks are yet alive. I thank you, in their name, for bringing back into their country the calumet, which your predecessor received from their hands. It was happy for jou, that you left under ground that murdering hatchet that has been so often d^ed in ^e Mood of the French. " Hear, Yowundu ; I do not sleep ; I have my eyes open ; and the sun, which enlightens me, discovers to me a great captain at the head of a company of soldiers, who speaks as if he were dreaming. He ana, that he only came to the lake to smoke on the great calumet with tne Onondagas. But Chnmgula says, that he aeea the contrary ; that it * As it will sratify most of our readers, we believe, to bear the general in hia own words, we wiUpresent ttieaa with a paragraph of his speech to Qraitgula in bis owa language >- " Le roi mon mallre inform^ que les cinq Nations, Iroquoises contrevenoieni depoii loDg'tems k la pais, m'aordonni de me transporter ici avee une escorte, et d'envoier Akouessan au village dea Oanatagoes, poor inviter les principaua chefs k ne venir voir. L'intention de ce grand monarque est que mus /^unions toi el moi ensemble daai le grand calumet de pais ; pourvft que tu me promettes au nom des TsonontoQans, €h>yo> goans, Onnotagucs. Onoyouts et Agniis, de donner une entiere satis&rtion el dMom- magement \ we* tmets, et de ne rien iaire k I'avenir, qui puisse causer une facheosa rapture," &e. LaJtoiUan. i. 68, 09. \ " Ortmgtila, qui pendant tout le desconrs avoit eu lea yeus fisament attaehea sor le bout de Ba pipe, se leve, et soil par une eivilit^ bisarre, ou pour se donner tana fafon le terns de mMiter sa r^ponse il fait cinq ou sis tours dans n^re eercle compost da aauvagea et de Francois. Revenu en sa place il resta debout devant le g^n^ral assii 4aas un bon fauteOil, el le regarant il lui dit." LahonUm, (i. 61, 6S.) who was one of 'Meareaent. } "ne aaasa they gave the govemon of Canada. Spelt in Ltiltem ltt H. OmomH*. GRANODLA. [Boo* V. CSAf to knock them ^ual chagrin at the plain refutation of iiis own. He immediately re- turned to Montreal, aiid thus finished this inglorious expedition of the French agiunst the Five Nations. Onmgua was at this time a very old man, and firom this valuable speech we became acquainted with him ; a very Mdor of his nation, whose powers of mind would not suffer in comparison with those of a Ronaan, or a more modem senator. He treated the French with great civility, and feastod them witli the beat his country would afford, on their departure. We next proceed to notice Mario, chief of the Dinondadies, a tribe of the Hurons.* About 1687, the Iroquois, firom some neglect on tlie part of the governor of New York, owing, says Smith,\ to the orders of his master, " King Jamtt, a poor bigoted, popish, priest-ridden prince," were drawn into the French mterest, and a treaty of peace was concluded. The Dinondadies were considered as belonging to the confederate Indians, but from some cause they were dissatisfied with the league with the French, and wished by aome exploit to rrengthen themselves in the interest of the Engiisb. For this purpose, Mario put himsolf at the head of 100 warriors, aira in- tercepMted the ambassadors of the Five Nations at one of the falls in Kada- rakkui River, killing some and taking others prisoners. These he in- formed that the French governor had told him that 50 warriors, of the Five Nations were coming that way to attack him. They were astonished at the govemoi^a apparent perfidiousneas, and so completely did tlie plot of Mario succeed, that these ambassadors wrre deceived into his interest. In his parting speech to them, he said, " Go,iHy bretkrm, I untie jmir hond$, .rnation. The fort at Lake Ontario was abandoned, and 28 barrels of powder fell into the hands of the confederate Indinns. Nothing now saved the French from an entire extennination from Cnnadn, but the ignorance of their enemies in the art of attacking fortified places. The real name of Adario was SaatarttsL He married a woman of his owb nation, by whom ho had several children. The French nicknamed him the i2; Six National in the West Indies,1T whish lie between New England, and N>;w France, or Canada: who lately came over with the West India fleet, and wer*t cloathed and entertained at the queen's expense, had a public audience of her majesty at tiie palace of St Jame*, being conducted thither in two of her majesty's coaches, by Sir Charita CoUerd, master of the ceremonies, and introduced by the duke of ISutw»' biirjf, lord chamberlain. They made a speech by tneir interpreter, which Major Pidgeon, who was one of the officers that came with them, read in Ekiglish to ner majesty, being as follows: — ** Great Queen — We have undertaken a long and tedious voyage, which none of our predecessors** could he prevailed upon to iindertMe. The motive diat induced us was, that we might see our great queen, and relate to her those things we thought absolutely necessary, for the good of her, and us, her aliiea, on the other side the great water. We doubt not but our gi«at queen has been acquainted with our long and tedious * " I iatended to have wriuen a book on that lubjecl. I believe be [AddUik us unable to make war against them. The reduc- tion of Canada is of such weight, that after the ^flTectirg thereof, we ahould have free hunting, and a great trade with our great queen'a chil- dren ; and as a token of the sincerity of the Six Nationa, we do here, in the name of all, present our great queen with tha belts of wampum. We need not uige to our great queen, more than the necesaity we really labor under obUgea us, that in case our great queen ahould not be mind- fill of ufi, we must, with our ftmilies, fotiake our countiy, and aeek other habitationa, or atand neuter ; either of which will be muck against our inclinationa Since we have been in alliance with our great oueen'a children, we have had some knowledge of the Savior of the worlo ; and have often been importuned by the French, both by the insinuations of thebr prieats, and by presents, to come over to their interest, but have always eateemed them men of fu'sehood : but if our great queen will be pleaaed to aend orer lome persons to instruct us, they shall find a most nearty welcome. W » now close, with hopes of our great queen'a favor, and leave it to her mosi gracious consideration." We cannot but resp/nn amen to Mr. (Hdmijon'a opinion of thio Kpeech, namely, that it was nude /or instead of by the thiefs; still we thought it proper to print it, ar d that by so doing we should give satisfaction to more than by witliholdnuu,t that rossibly he nu|^t have been alive aa kle as 1680 or 1690. He wrote the nkm our governor to the council at Onondago, he called at the habitation of CaiuuBatego^ an old acquaintance, who embraced him, spread funi for him to sit on, placed before him some boiled beans, and venison, and mixed some rum and water for his drink. When he was well reflvshed, and had lit his pipe, Canwuaatego begaii to converse with him ; asked how he had fared the many years since they had seen each other; whence he then came ; what occasioned the journey, &e. Conrad answered oil his questions ; and when the discourse began to flag, the Indian, to continue it, said, * Conrad, you have lived long among the white people, and know something of their customs: I have been some times at Albany, and have observM, that once in seven days they shut up their shops, and assemble in the great house ; tell me what that is for ; what do they do there ?* * They meet there,' says Cmurad, * to hear and learn good things.' * I do not doubt,' says the Indian, * that they tell you so ; they hove told ine the same ; but 1 doubt the truth of what they say, and I will tell you m^ reasons. I went lately to Albany, to sell my skins, and buy blankets, knives, powder, rum, &c. You know I used generally to deal with Hans Hanson ; but I was a little inclined thb time to try somu other merchants. However, I called first upon Hans, and asked him what he would give for beaver. He said he could not rive more than four shillings a pound ; but, says he, I cannot talk on business now ; this is the day when we meet together to learn good things, and I am going to the meeting. So I thought to myself, since.1 cannot do any busmess to day, I may as well eo to the meeting too, and I went with him. There stood up a man in mack, and began to talk to the people very angrily,; 1 did not understand what he said, but perceiving that he looked much at me, and at Hanson, I imagined that he was angry at seeing me there ; so I went out, sat down near the house, struck fire, and lit my pipe, waiting till the meeting should break up. I thought too that the man had men- tioned something of beaver, and suspected it might be the subject of their Colden and Oordon's Histories. t CMtn's Hist. Five Nations, ii. 14S. •^ OU*P. Ill (ir.lKIIIKAN. moetini^. So whi!n lliey ramo out, I aecoatml my merchant. "Wnll, Hant," nys I, " I lio|i« you have ngraH tn give more than 4«. a poimd." " No," mya he, " I cannot i(ivo ao much, I cannot give more than thre« HhillingR and aixpt-nce." 1 tlinn apoke tn aevernl other denlera, but they •ill auiig the name aung, — (Aree and tixpmet, Ihrtr. and aixpenee. Thia made It clear to mo thai my RUHpicion was right ; ami that whatever they nre- tnnded of meetinfr to Icani f^ood (.Htng't, the pnrpoae was to conault now to cheat Indians in the |irico of heaver. Consider hut a little, Conrad^ and you must lie of my ouinion. If they met so often to learn good things, they would certainly have learned aonw boiore thia time. But they ore still ignorant. You know our practice. If a white man, in travelling through our country, enters one of our cabins, wo all treat hiin aa I do you ; wo dr, him if he is wet ; we warm him if he is cold, and give him tnnat and drink, that he may allay his thirst and hunger; and we sprrad mft furs for him to rest and sleep on : we demand nothing in return But if I go into a \/hitfl man's house at Albany, and ask for victuals and drink, they say. Get out, vou Indian dog. You see they have not yet learned those little roori thinfff that we need no meetings to l>e instructed in, because our motners taught them to us when we were children ; and therefore it is impossible their meetings should iie, as they say, for any such purpose, or have any such effect: they are only to contrive the cheating of Indians in the price of beaver.'"* The missionary Fredene Po»L, in hia journal of an emlmAJiy to the Indiana on the Ohio, in 17>'>8, mentiona a son of Canaaaatego, whom be calls Hana Jacob, We are not to look into the history of Pennsylvania for a sucroesion of Indian wars, although there have been some horrid murders and enormi- ties committed among the whites and Indians. For about 70 years, their historic page is very clea- of such records, namely, from 10S2, the orrivol of William Penn, until the French war of 1755. There were several chiefs very noted about this period, on account of their connection with the Moravian Brethren. Among the most noted was Olikhikan,^ or Olikhiekan^ '*an eminent captain and warrior, counsel- lor, and speaker of the Delaware chief [Pakanke] in Kaskaskunk." It is said that tie had disputed with the French Catholic priests in CanJada, and confounded them, and now (1769) made his appearance among the United Brethren for the purpose of achieving a like victory ; but as the Brethren's account has it, his heart failed him, and he became a convict to their doctrines. In 1770, ho quitted Koskaskunk, to live with the Brethren, greatly against the minds of his firi^nds and his chief. This occasionea pvat trouble, and some endeavored to take hia life. PakmJce't speech to him upon the occasion will ho seen when we come to the ac- count of that chief. At the time of his baptism, Giikhikan received the name of I$aae. The period of the revolutionary war was a distressing time for the Brethren and those Indiana who had adhered to their cause. War par- ties from the hostile tribes were continually passing and repassing their settlements, and oflen in the most suspicioua manner. It was to the famous chief Gltkhikan that thay owed their preservation on more than one occasion. The Indians about the lakes sent deputies to draw the Delawares into the war against the Americans, but they were not receiv- ed by thorn. Shortly after, in the year 1777, 200 Huron warriors, with HMlf-kiriff at their h^, approached the Moravian settlement of Lichte- nau, in their way to attack the settlements upon the fivntiers, and caused * The edilon of the valuable Encyclopedia Pertheuis have thought this uecdolr. worthy a place in that work, (i. 661) t Lotkut. t HtektmtUtr. 9 14 GUKHIKAN. [Book V. great coiiSicrnation aiiiotif; tho Brethren ; but resolving to show no rigna of fear, victuals wera pi-eparecl for them, and sent out by some of the Christian Indians to meet thetn. The reception of those sent out was far more promising than was anticipated, and soon after was "sent a solemn embassy to tiie IJalJ-king and other ctiiefs of the Hurons." Glikhikan was at the head of this emimssy, and tiie following is his speech to HvUf- tdng :— " Uncle ! We, your cousins, the congregation of believing Indians at Lichtenau and Gnadenhuetten, rejoice at this opportunity to see and speak with you. We cleanse your eyes from all the dust, and whatever the wind may have carried into them, that you may see your cousin with clear eyes and a serene coimtenance. Wo cleanse your ears and hearts from all evil reports which an evil wind may have conveyed into your ears and even into your hearts on the journey, that our words may find entrance into your ears and a place in your hearts. [Here a string of wampum was presetiled bif Gltkhikan.] Uncle ! hear the words of the believir; Indians, your cousins, at Lichtenau and Gnadenhuetten. We would have you know, that we have received and believed in the word of God for 30 years and upwards, and meet daily to hear it, morning and evening. You must also know, that we have our teachers dwelling amongst us, who instruct us and our children. By this word of God, preached to us by our teachers, we are taught to keep peace with all men, and to consider them as friends ; for thus God has commanded us, and therefore v/Pi are lovers of peace. These our teachers are not only our friends, but we consider and love them as our own flesh and blood. Now OS we are your cousin, we most earnestly beg of you, uncle, that you also would consider them as your own body, and as your cousin. We and they make but one body, and therefore cannot be separated, and whatever you do unto them, you do unto us, whether it be good or evil." Then several fathoms of wampum were delivered. Half-king i-eceived this speech with attention, and said it had penetrated his heart, and afler he had consulted with his captains, he spoke as follows in answer: — "Cousins! I am very glad and feel great satisfaction that you have cleansed mv eyes, ears and heart from all evil, conveyed into me by the wind on this journey. I am upon an expedition of an unusual kind ; for I am a warrior and am going to war, and therefore many evil things and evil thoughts enter into my head, and even into my heart But thanks to my cousin, my eyes are now clear, so that I can behold m^ cousin with a serene countenance. I rejoice, that I can hear my oousms with open ears, and take theu* words to heart." He then delive;%d a string of wampum, and afler repeating the pait of Glikhikan^s speech relating to the missionaries, proceeded^: " Go on as hitherto, and suffer no one to molest you. Obey your teachers, who speak nothing but good unto you, and instruct you in the ways of God, and be not afraid that any harm shall be done unto them. No creature shall hurt them. Attend to your worship, and never mind other affairs. Indeed, you see us going to war; but you may remain easy and quiet, and need not think much about it,. &c." This was rather odd talk for a savage warrior, and veriiy it seems more like that of one of the European Brethren, but the veracity o( Loa- kiel will not be questioned. Some time after this, a circumstance occurred which threw Glikhikan into much trouble and danger. A band of Huron wnrriors seized upon the missionaries at Salem and Gnadenhuetten, and confined them, and did much mischief. Michael Jung, David Zeisbtrger and John Heckewelder were the Brethren confined at this time. The savages next pillaged Schoenbrunn, Trom whence they led captive the itiissionary Jungman and wile, and tho sisters Zeiabetger and Smaeman ; and, singing the death- song, arrived with them at Gnadenhuetton, where were the rest of tho Chap. II.] P.\K.\NKE. priaonera. This was Sept. 4i 1781. It appears that the famous Capt. Pt/w was among ''<«>ae warriors, from what fol)ov;a A young Indian woman, who ac( (Hinicd the warriors, was much moved by the hard treatment of tin lirethren, and in the ni^ht " found means to get Capt. Pipt^a best horse, and mde off full speed to Pittsburgh, where she gave an account of the situation of the misstniiaries and their congregations." This woman was related to Glikhilum ; on him, therefore, they determined to vent their wrath. A party of warriors seized him at Salem, and brought him bound to Gnadenhuctten, singing the dep^li-song. When he was brought into the presence of the warriors, great commotion fol- lowed, ar.d many were clamorous that he should be at once cut to pieces; especially the Delawares, who could not forget his having renounced hiin nation and manner of living; here, however, Ha^f-king interfered, and prevented his being killed. They now held on inquisitorial examination upon him, which terminated in a proof of his innocence, and, after giving vent to their spleen in looding him with the worst of epithets and much opprobrious language, set h:im at liberty. The missionaries and their ccogregations were soon at liberty, but were obliged to emigrate, as they could have no rest upon the Muskingum any longer ; war parties continually hovering about them, robbing and troubling them in various ways. They went through tlie wilderness 125 miles, and settled at Sandusky, leaving their beautiful cornfields just ready to harvest. Their losses and privations were immense. Above 200 cattle and 400 hogs, much corn in store, beside 300 acres just ripenin. were among the spoils. " A troop of savages commanded by Englia officers escorted them, enclosing them at the distance of some miles on all sides." They arrived at their place of destination Oct. 11, and here were left by Half-king and his warriors without any instructions or orders. Many believing Indians had returned to Gnadenhuctten and the ad- jacent places in 1782. Here, on 8th March of this year, happened the moat dreadful massacre, and OUkkikan was among the victims. Ninety- six persons were scalped and then cut to pieces. Besides women, there were 34 children murdered in cold blood.* This was done by white men! Pakanke was a powerful Delaware chief, whose residence, in 1770, was at a place called Kaskaskunk, about 40 miles north of Pittsburgh. He is brought to our notice by the af^ncy of the missionary Loskid, from whom It appears that he was very friendly to the Bret'iiren at firet, and invited them into his country, but when Gm^'ikmi, his chief captain and speaker, forsook him, and went to live with them, he was so disconcerted, that he turned against them, and for a time caused them much difficulty. Meet- ing with GlikJiikan afterward in public, he spoke to him in an angry tone as follows : " And even you have gone over from this council to thern. I suppose you mean to ^t a '.'hite skin! But I tell you, not even one of your feet will turn white, much less your body. Was you not a brove and honored man, sitting next to me in council, when we spread the blanket and considered the belts of wainptiia lying before us ? Now you Sretcnd to despise all this, and think to have found something better, ome time or other yoi> will find yourself deceived." To which Glikhikan made hut a short and meek reply. Some epidemic disease carried off many of the Indians about this time, and they attributed its cause to their obstinacy in not receiving the gospel. Pakanke was among the number at last who accepted it as a remedy. He appears not to have been so * I hnve hcpo particulnr in noticiiif; this affair, as it is not found in such extensively circulated works as the Amerkan Anmai* 16 NETAWATWEES— PAXNOUS. (Bool V. credulous as many of liia ncighiiors ; for wIkmi tlic ackuowledsment of Christiuiiity was concluded u|m>ii by iiitiiiy, lie riMnuined incredulous; and when n belt of wampum was aeiit bini, accompanied witli a message, declaring that " whosoever refused to accept it would be considemf a murderer of his countrymi n," he aflfected not to understand its import, and doubtless would not have acknowledged it, but for the impending danger which he f>aw threatening him. When he went to hear the Brethren preach, he declared his conviction, and recommended his children to receive the goe(>el. A son of his was Imptized in 1775. jVetawalioees was head chief of the Delawares, and if we are to judge of him from our scanty records, he will ap|. nr to the best advantage. ''He used to lay all affairs of state before his counselkirs for their con- sideration, without telling them his own sentiments. When they gave him their opinion, he either approved of it, or stated his objections and amendments, always alleging the reasons of his disapprobation." Before the i-evoUition, it was said that he had amazingly increased the reputation of the Delawares; and he spared no pains to conciliate all his neighbors, and reconcile them one to another. His residence, in 1773, was at Gt;kel- emukpechuenk. The Moravian misawnaries sent messengers to him, with information of the arrival of another missionary, in July of this year, requesting a renewal of friendship and a confirmation of his former promise of protection. When this was laid before him and his council, they were not much pleased with the information, and the old chief A*e- tawatwees said, " They have teachers enm^h already, for a new one eon teatA noUmg bvt the same doctrine." He was, however, prevailed upon to give his consent to their request, and afterwards became a convert to tneir religion. After he had set out in this course, he sent the folk>wing speech to his old friend Pakanke: "Youand lore both M, and know ni4 how long we sluM lioe. Therefore let us do a ffood work, be/ore we dispart, and leave a testimony to our ehilaren and poster^, that we haue recewed the word <(f Qod, Let this be our last wdl and tutammt." Pakanke consented, and was at great pains to send solemn embassies to all such tribes as he thought proper, to communicate his determination. Ndawalwets died at Pittsburgh near th? close of 1776. The missionaries felt the great sever- ity of his loss, for his counsel, as they acknowledge, was of great benefit to them upon all trying occasions. Paxnous, was head chief of the Shawanese in 1754. At this time, the Christian Indians of the Moravian settlement, Gnadenhuetten, were op- pressed by a tribute to the Hurons. This year, Paxnous and Gideon Tadeuskund, who had become dissenters, came to them, and delivered the following message : " The great head, that is, the council of the Iroquois in Onondago, speak the truth and lie not: they rejoice that some of the believing Indians have moved to Wajomick, [near Wilksburg and the Susquchannah,] but now they lift up the remaining Maliikans and Dela- wares, and set them also down in Wajomick : for there a fire is kindled for them, and there they may plant and think of God. But if they will not hear of the great head, or council, will come and clean their ears with a red-hot iron ;" that is, set their houses on fire, and send bullets through their heads. The next year, Paxnow and 13 others came again, and in the name of the Hurons demanded an answer to the summons he hod delivered last year. His wife attended him, and for whom he bad great affection, having then lived with her 38 years. She, being touched by the preaching of the Brethren, was no doubt the cause of softening the heart of Paxnous, and causing him thenceforth to do much for Uiem. This answer was returned to him to bear to the Hurons: **The Brethren will confer with the Iroquois themselves, concerning the intended ro- moval of the Indiana finm Gnadenhuetten to Wiuomick." Paxnous, "being Crap. I only ai closer Poznot baptize fected. child n Brethr Tttdt Chap, n.] TADEU8KUND. 17 only an ambassador in this business, was satisfyed, and even formed a closer ac«|uaintance wiih the Brethren." This is sufficient to explain Pomoiw' iiartiality for the Brethren. Before they departed, his wife was baptized, and all present, among whom was her husband, were much af- fected. She declared as she rtttumed home, " that she felt as happy as a child new bom." Paxtunu also had two sons, who did much for the Brethren. Tadeuakund, a noted chief among the Delawares, may be considered next in importance to those above named. He was known among the English, previous to 1750, by the name Honat-John. About this time, he was received into the Moravian communitv, and after some delay, "owing to his wavering disposition," was baptized, and received into tellowship. His baptismal name was Oideon. He adhered to the missionaries just as long as his condition appeared to be better, but when any thing more fa- vorable offered, he stood ready to embark in it. The Christian Indians at Onadenhuetten were desirous of removing to Wajomick, which offered more advantages than that place, and this was a secret desire of the wild Indians ; for ibey, intending to join the French of Canada, wished to have them out of the way of their excursions, that they might with more secrecy fall upon the English fijntiers. It was iiow 1754. Meanwhile Tadeutkund had had the offer of leading the Delawares in the war, and hence he bad been a chief promoter of a removal to Wa- jomick. The misBionaries saw through the plot, and refused to move ; out quite a company of their followers, to the number of about 70, went thither, agreeably to the wishes of Tadeutkund and his party, and some went off to other places. Tttdeuakund was now in his element, marching to aiKl from the French in warlike style. When Paxnoua, as has been related, summoned the re- maining believers at Onadenhuetten to remove to Wajomick, Tadeutkund accompanied him. As the interest of the French began to decline, TV- dtutkund began to think about making a shift again. Having lived a con- siderable part of the year 1758 not nir from Etethlehem, with about 100 of his followers, he gave the Brethren there intimations that he wishet^ again to join them ; and even requested that some one would preach on his side of the Lehigh. But the hopes of his reclaim were soon after dissipated. And " he now even endeavored to destroy the peace and* comfort of the Indian congregation." From the discouraging nature of the af&irs of the French, ten Indian nations were induced to send dep- uties to treat with the English at Elaston, which eventuated in a treaty of peace. Tadeutkund pretended that this treaty had been agreed to on condition thnt government should build a town on the Susquehannah for the Indians, and cause those living with the brethren to remove to it. This his enemies denied. There was some foundation, from their own account, fur TadeutkwmPa pretending to have received full commission to conduct all the Indians within certain limits, which included those of Bethlehem, to Wajomick ; and therefore deqianded their compliance with his commands. He was liberal in his promises, provided they would comply ; saying, they should have fields cleared and ploughed, houses built, and provisions provided : not only so, but their teachers should attend them, to live there unmolested, and the believers entirely by them- selves. But, through the influence of their priests, they would not com- ply, which occasioned some threats from Taaeuskttnd, nnd he immediately set off for Philadelphia, considerably irritated. Tadeutkund went to Philadelphia in consequence of an intended gen- eral congress of tlie Indians and English, including all those who did not attend at Easton. When he returned, he demanded a positive answer, 9* 18 WHITE-EYES. rBooK T •od tbey replied that tbey would not reniore unless the governor and aH the chiefs so determined, for that they could tot without the greatest ineoDTenience. This seenied to satisfy him, and hm left them. The great council or congress of English and Indiaiw at Eiaston above referred to, bein^ of much importance ui Indian hisloiy. as abo illustra- tive of other eminent characters as well as that of TVufnidhnu/, we will refer its details to a separate chapter. Thdeuohmd was burnt to death in his own house at Wiiiomiek in April, 176a A chief nearly as distinguished as TadtuJtund we shall introduce in this place ; but will first note that we observe the same errors, if so they may be called, in mel them by force." But "this man [Captam WkUt-ofta^ kept the chiefs and council in awe, and would not sufier them to injure the missionaries, bdng in his own heart convinced of the truths of the gospel. This was evident in all his speeehes, held before the chieft and council in behalf of the Indian congregation and their teachera."* The old chief ffdamOuu* used every art to thwart the endeavors of IfUte-cyu, and, as they were ratlier in a strain bordering upon persecu- tion,' were only sure to make the latter more strenuous. He therefore declared "that no prosperity would attend the Indian affairs, unless they received and believed the saving gospel," &c IPMe-eyw was fbreed about tfaia time to separate himself from tiie other chiefs. "This occasioned great and general surprise, and bis presence being considered both by uie chiefr and the people as indispensably necessary, a negotiation com- menced, and some Indian brethren were appointed arbitrators. The event was beyond expectation successfiil, for chief AMmtalweu not only acknowledged the injustir'.^ done to CaMain WtiU-mt, but changed hio mind with req>ect ic tLe believing Inoians and their teaehera, and re- mained their constant friend to his death."* At the breaking out of the revolutionary war, the American congress endeavored to treat with the chiefs of the Six Nations, end accordingly invited the Delawares to send deputies. WhUe-tya attended on the part of the Brethren, and his conduct before the commisrionere was highly qiproved by the misMonariea. Tovrards the close of the vear 1776, the Hurons sent a menage to the Delawares, " that they must keep their shoes in readiness to join the war- riors." A'cttoiMifiMet beinff their head chieC to him, consequentiy, was the talk delivered. He would not accept the menage, but sent belts to the Hurons, with an admonition for their rash resolution, and reminding tfiem of the misery they had already brought upon themselves. Captain lAttkiH, iii. 101— t. '^ ffioOK V mor and all the gKMeat CSAf. It ] 8KENANDO. li above illuatm. ><>«/f we will ^•jomiek in ntroduce in *» if BO thej ■taoding of it will have K2 to a atiU mpoin were I who have !ad chiefs of , euch mis- it here, that some write There was nes settling n9,"werea the council exjiel them chiefs and Dissionaries, This was I in behalf ideavore of >n persecu- e tnererore unless they breed about occasioned ed both bj Mion com- itois. The e» not only hanged hii inland re- n congress ivcordingly >n the part vas highly »getothe n the war- ly, was the Bits to the reminding Captain tt^hUfnu was a bewrer of the bells, who in his turn was as unsuccessAil as the Huron ambusadon: for when they were delivered to the chiefr in Fort Detroit, in presence of the English governor, he cut them in pieces, and threw them at the feet of the bearers, ordering them, at the same time, to depart in half an hour. He accused ffkUe'Oftt of a connection with the Americans, and told him his head was in danger. It is not strange that ffkUe-ejfes was treated in this manner, if he took the stand at the commencement of the war, which we suppose fVom the following circumstance that he did : The Iroquois, being chiefly in the English mterest, and considering the Delawares bound to operate with tliein, ordered them to be in readiness, as has been just related. Upon this occasion, WkUe-oftM said "he should do as he pleased ; that he wore no iMtticoats, as they fklsely pretended ; he was no woman, but a man, and they should find him to act as such."* We hear nothing mora of importance of this chief until 1780, which was the year of his death. He died at Pittsburgh, in Pennsylvania, of the sniall-pox. Many others died about this time, among whom was a man who must have been very old, perhaps near 130, as he could well re- member when the first house was built in Philadelphia, in 1688, being then a boy. Although WfaU-eya was so friendly to the Brethren, yet he never fully joined them, stating his political stotion as a reason. The Delaware nation perpetuated his name ; a chief signed a treaty in 1814, at Greenville, in Ohio, bearing itf fyhiU-etfei' town is frequently niendoned in history. It was the place of his residence, which was near tKj falls of the Muskingum. Skmando, though belonging; to a later age, may very properly be noticed here. He was an Oneida chief, contemporary with the missionary Atrit- hmd, to whom he became a convert, and lived manv years of the latter part of his life a believer in Christianity. Mr. Khrldmd died at Paris, N. York, in 1808, and was buried near Oneida. Skmando desired to be buried near him at his denth, which was granted. He lived to be 110 years old, and was often visited b^ strangers out of curiosity. He said to one who visited him but a little time before his death, "■i am an aged hemlock ; the wiTuis of an hundred winters have whitUed through my branch- e$; lam dead at the top. The generation to whieh I belonged hat run away andlejlme.^ In early life, he was, like nearly all of his race, given to intoxication. In 1775, he was at Albany to settle some affairs of his tribe with the gov- ernment of New York. One night he became drunk, and in the morn- ing found himself in the street, nearly naked, every thing of worth stripped from him, even the sign of his chieftainship. This brought him to a sense of his duty, and he was never more known to be intoxicated. He was a powerful chief, and. the Americans did not fail to engage him on their side in the revolution. This was congenial to his mind, for he al- ways urged the rights of the prior occupants of the soil, and once opposed the Americans on the same principle, for encroachments upon tne red men. He rendered his adopted Anglo brethren important services. From the " Annals of Tiyon County ,"{ we learn that iS%enanio died on the 11 March, 1816. He lefl an only son. And the same author ob- serves that " his [)er8on was tall, well made, and robust. His countenance was intelligent, and displayed all the peculiar dignitv of an Indian chief. In hie yoiitn he was a brave and intrepid warrior, and in his riper years, one «f the noblest counsellors among the North American tribes:" and that, in • Hec*«oeWer, Hist. 22. f Sec Hi»t. Second War, by 8. R. Brttum, Appendix, lOfi. XHy W. W.CampbeU. viT.: so SHIMOB. the ivvoltttioaary war, by h» Tigiknoe ibe pff«aer«ed dw German Flala ftom bniig dealro^d. (■bob W. «r 0«Ar. II 7 % : CHAPTER m. the French of Oldo — Shumhs — ^Moracatoocba — Half-kmo — Jcska- \ KAKA — ^WhiTS-THUiXDER — ^AuJftCIPA — CaPTAIH JaCOBS — HufBRNK , — His histonf — CWioia aiiccilofe af—\AMAn — OcMp*« Wmt — ArfUt ff . Poitd PUcuant — Logan''s famous spetdt — Coekstock — Uia hutmnf — >, Red-hawk — Ellinipsico— The harbanma muirder rf Aae tiutt Jlfe / - ani^'Jmly death of Lofran — Pontiac — .4 nrnomted Mil ia r — CkL Ragtn^t y euxouii*. of him, — Hit poticg — FaU of MichHumaktmok — ^Mirbbwbhua — iSic^ of Detroit —PonHara dratofrem to anrpriie U — b diarwend — Q|l- eiai aecoiad of the affair of Bloody Bria'gt — Pm^^me mhaxdona the aiigt — Becomu thefriemd of tkt Enghah — It aansaimdtd. Ths expedition of ff'ashintrlon to the French on the Ohio, in 1733^ brings to our records infonnatiun ot* several chi« of the Six Nations, of the meet interesting kind. lie was roiiunisBioned and sent as an ambaa- sador to the French, by Goveruor DiHwiddit of Virginia. He kept an accurate journal of his travels, which, on his return to Viiginia, was pub- lished, and, not long after, the same was rcpublishe«l in London, wnh a map ; tlie substance of this journal \iras copietl into almost evety periodi- cal of importance of that day. Shir^is -was the first chief he visited, who lived in the Ibiks of the Alleghany and Monongdihela rivers, whore Pittsburgh now alanda He intended holding a council with tne celebrated /faj/~^^^>* •'''eady men- tioned, at Loggstown, and such others as couM be asaemMed at diort notice, to strengthen them in the English interrst. He thei^bre invited Shingin to attend the coimcil, and we accordingly accompanied him to Loggslown. " As soon as I came into town," says Wmalmglam, " I went * He is called n Huron by LtitUrl, HisL Mtssimis. Ki. tiS. He was called ^ ti Delawwes Pomcaean, wbicii in Enrlisk neaas KtrOTt-wctir. Uc tktm t Uir, Nar. V6. Cl«AP. lU.] HALF-KING. 31 to MaiuJuttoodut, (as the Ha^-katft WMout at his hunting cabin, on Litthi Bt ver Creek, about 15 miles ofl[() and informed him by Mm Dmidtont my Indian interpreter, that I was sent a messenger to the French general, and was ordered to coll upon the sachems of the Six Nations to acquaint them with it I gave him a string of wampum and a twist of tobacco, and desired him to send for the half-king, which he promised to do by a runner in the morning, and for other sachema I invited him and the other great men' present to my ten*, where they stayed about an hour, and returned." This place was about 140 miles, ** as we went, and computed it," says the 'great writer, ** from our back settlements, where we arrived between sunsetting and dark, the twenty-fiAh day after I left Williams- burgh. Half-king, it seems, had, not Iom lufore, visited the same place to which Wa$kmgion was now destined ; m as soon as he returned to his town, fFiaahiturton invited him privately to his tent, ''and desired him to relate some of the particulars of his journey to the French commandant," the best way for him to go, and the distance from that place. ** He told me," days WatkitLrhn, " that the nearest and leveleet way was now impassable, by reason ofmany large miry wvannas ; thatwe must he obliged tofobf Venango, and should not get to the near fort in less than five or rix nights' sleep, good travelling." HaJ^-lang further informed him that he met with a cold reception ; that the French ofiicer sternly ordered him to declare his business, which he did, he said, iu the following speech : — " Fathers, I am come to tell you your own speeches ; what vonr own mouths have declared. You, in former dajrs, set a silver basin before us, wherein there waa the leg of a beaver, and desired all the nations to come and eat of it; to eat in peace and plenty, and not to be churlish to one another : and that if any such person should be found to be a disturber, I here lay down by the edge of the dish a rod, which you must scourge them with ; and if your father should set foolidi, in my old days, I dera« you may . -e it upon me as well as othenL — ^Now, fathers, it is you who are the disturbers in this land, by coming and building; vour towns ; and taking it away unknown to us, and by force. — ^We kindled a fire, a long time ago, at a place called Montreal, where we derired you to stay, ana not to come and intrude upon our land. I now desire you may despatch to that place ; for, be it known to you, fothers, that this is our land, and not youn. — I desire you mav hear me in civilneas ; if not, we must han- dle that rod which was laid down for the use of the obstreperous. If you had come in a peaceaUe manner, like our brothera the English, we would not have been against your tnuiing with us, es thejr do ; but to come, fiithera, and build houses upon our land, and to take it by force, is what we cannot submit to." Ha^-king then repeated what was said to him in reply by the French, which, when he had done, fficuhington made a speech to him and his council He acquainted them with the reascm of his visit, and told them he was instructea to call upon them by the governor of Virginia, to advise with them, to assure them of the love of the English, and to ask the assist- ance of some of their young men, to conduct him through the wilderness, to the French, to whom he had a letter 4rom his governor. Half-king made this reply : — " In regara to what my urother the governor had desired of me, I return you this answer." " I rely upon yau as a brother ought to do, as you say we are brothe^^ and one people." " Brother, as you have asked my bdvice, I hope you will be ruled by it, and stay until I can provide a com- pany to go with you. The French speech belt is not here ; I have it to go R>r to my hunting cabin. Likewise the people, whom I have ordered as HALF-KING. [BoOE V in, are not yet come, and cannot until the third iiight flt>m thii; until which time, brotlier, I must beg you to .Any." When Washington told him that his buBinnn wmild not admit of ao much delay, the chief seemed flispleased, and said ii was **anusiter of no tmaU moment, and mutt not be entered without due corsidtralitm.*' Pernapit it will not be too much, to give this Indian cl'^ef credit for some of that character wh/ch was so well exemplified by tVcuikiiigton in all his after life. ' And " as I found it impossible," says the namnor, ** to get off, with- out affronting tbem in the most egregious manner, i o«''^sented to stay." Accordingly, Ha^f-king gave orders to Kmg Shingii whn was present, to attend on Wednesday night with the wampum, and iwo men of their nation, to be in readiness to set out witli us next .'woming.** There was still I. delay of another day, as the chie4 could not get in their wampum aud yo mg men which were to be sent ; and, after all, but three ctiiefb and one hunter accompanied. ** We set out," says Waahifwlor, ** about 9 o'clock, with the Hatf-ldng, Jutkakaka^ fViUe-thunder, and the hunter; and travelltsd on the road to Venango, where we arrived the 4th of December." This place is situated at the junction of French Creek with - the Ohio. Here the French had a garrison, and another a short distance above it, which was the extent of our discoverer's peregrinations north. The commanders of these posts used all means to entice Hay-king to desert the English, and it was with great difficulty that fVathiv^^ton succeeded in preventing them. They endeavored to weary out the major, by making the chiefs delay their departure from day to day, by means of liquor, so that they should be left behind. At length, having out-gen- eialed his complotters, and ** got things ready to set off, I sent fur the Half-king," continues the narrator, ** to know whether be intended to go witn us, or by water. He told me that fVhite-thtmder bad hurt himself much, and was siek, and unable to walk ; therefore he was obliged to carry him down in a canoe ;" so, notwithstanding the delays, Watkington was obliged to go without him ; but he cautioned him strongly "gainst believing Monsieur Joncaire^a pretensions of friendship, and represeiv- tations against the English. Here ends WaahingUttCt account of Heif- kitur. He now set out for the frontiers with all expedition. He had, he says, the ** most fatiguing journey possible to conceive of. From the 1st to the 15th December, there was but one day on which it did not rain or snow incessantly ; and through he whole journey, we met with nothing but one continued series of cold, . et weather." - This expedition of Wwhington has in it great interest, more especially from his superior eminence i^rwards. It is pleasing to contemplate the " savior of nis country" in every adventure and circumstance of^his life ; and even gratifying to view him with a gun in one hand, a staff in the other, and a pack upon his back : weding through rivers, encountering storms of sleet and snow,- and sleeping upon the ground, thus enrly, for his country's good. He had some very narrow escapes, and, during part of the way on his return, he had but one attendaat. One day, as they were passmg a place called Murderiiig Town, they were fired upon 1^ one of a war-party of French Indians, who had waited in ambush for them; and although they were within fifteen paces uf him, yet they oacaped unhurt. They captured the fellow that fired upon them, and * We hear again of this ohief in 1794, when, with 68 others, he signed a treaty with the U. States at Fort Stanwix. His name is there written JUhkaaga, which signified a green grauhopper. He was sometimes called Zit((/e-£t0Sf. •OsAr. in.] HENDRICK. 98 kept him until nine at night, then diamiaBed him, and trarelled all night, *** without making any Btop," fearing they abouild be purrae^ the next morning by his party. Cfontinuing their coum all the next day, they came to the river where they intei^ed to croaa. Here the firmneaa of fFoMt^ton and bis companion waa thoroughly tried. The river waa very high, and filled with floating ice, and there waa no way to paaa it but by a rut They had '*but one poor hatchet," wiih the aaaiatance of which, after laboring from morning till aunaet, thev had a raft ready to laurvh ; on thia they aet out, but it waa aoon crushed between the floranc icd, and they very narrowly escaped perishing. H^a$hingtcn waa himself precipitated into the river, where the water was ten feet deep. Fortu- nately, however, he catched by a fragment of the raft, and saved himsel£ They € '' lUy extricated themaeives from their perilous situation, by getting upon the ice trhich confined their frail bark, and from thence to an island, and finally to the opposite shore. The cold was so intense, that Mr. Oid fipoze hia hands and feet This place was about three miles below the mouth of the Yohogany, where an Indian queen, as WaMngUm <^M» her, lived. He went to see her, he observes, she having ** expressed great concern that we poased her in going to the fort. I made her a present of a watch coat, and a bottle of rum, which latter was thought mucn the beat present of the two."^ Her name waa AUiqumta. From thia place, he pursued liis journey home without further accioent. We have mentioned the friendly attention of Shingii to our adventurer, who had probably expected he would have attended him ^in hin journey ; but iShttigM went to colloct in hia men, and did not return. The Indians aaid it waa owing to the sickness of hie wife, but Wa$huigtm thought it was fear of the French which prevented him. But this conjectiuw does not seera well founded, for he ordered Kuattdoga, who lived at Venango, to proceed lo the French and return the wampum, which was as much' as to tell them they wished no further fellowship with them. The massacres which followed BraddodCa defeat were horrible beyond description. Shingia and Capt Jaeoba were supposed to have been the Sirincipnl instigators of them, and 700 dollars waa offered for their heads.* t was at this period, that the dead bodies of some diat had been mur- dered and mangled were sent firom the fi-ontiera to Philadelphia, and hauled about the streets, to inflame the people against the Indians, and also against the Quakers, to whose mild forbearance was attributed a laxity m sending out troops. The mob surrounded the house of assem- bly, having placed the dead bodies at its entrance, and demanded imme- diate succor. At this time the above reward was oftbred. Some of the most noted chiefs now fall under our observation. Hmdriek was a gallant Mohawk chiefj who took part, with many of his men, agunst the French, in the year 1755. The French were encour- aged by the defeat of Gen. Braddock, and were in high expectation of car- , ryingall before them. Hendrick joined the English army at the request '^ of GJen. Jtdinaon, and met the French, consisting of 200 men, under Gen. DieakaUf at Lake George. While the English aud Indians were encamped in a slight woik, their scouts brought news of the approach of the French, with a great body of Indians upon their flanks. Gen. Johnaon despatched Col. ff^Uintna of Massachusetts, with 1000 men, and Hendrick with 200 of hia warriors, to give them battle ; but fiilling in with them about four miles fiom camp, unexpectedly. Col. WUliama a:id Hendrick were killed, with many other officers and privates of the detachment. The rest fled to the main body with great precipitation, infusing consternation into the whole • WcUori* Anaala «r FhUaidelpiiia, 450. 94 mNMUCK. {Bom T. ■my.* Tha French MIowmI elonly, and pound ta • mmetidoiia im, wbioh Hid vwy Htll* czecutioii, thtm the pfccMitkia of the EngKih Id f " upoB their fteaa. Thayaooa n eo n nd fton their euriiriny i iot with bravery, havinc advaataca not only in nnmbera, but atuiieiy, of whirh the French had nooe.f At length the brave INMlav waa wounded is the thigh, and hia Indiana^ behig leniflcd at the havoe made by the cannon of tlie Eagiiah, fled to the wood% and the regulara were entered to retreat by their genoai, which th^ did ingreatdiaorder. Gen. ZNetftoH waa found in the pomiit, auppotting himadi by the atonf of a tree. Suppeaing phinder to be the ml oinect of hia eapton^ aa ha waa attempting to drawhia watch to p rea en t to then, aone one, aappeefaif him tobeaearchingierhiapiatoi,diaehaigedhiagaaintohiahipiL Not- withatandiog lie waa thua twice wo un de d , he lived to reach England, bat he died aeon after. The French leal 800 men in the attack. When Gen. M m tt m waa about to detach CoL ITilKaaw, he arind An- iriek*$ opinion, wliether the force waa anffdenL To which he replied, ""^f they an to Jigkt^ «A«y are Im Jim. fflktg are te k UUti, tUgantf w a wy. " And when it waa propoaed to divide the detachnoent into three partly Hendridt ol^ected, and forcibly to expnaa the fanpncticability of the plan, picked up three eticki^ and, putting them together, aaid to the general, ** Fou m* new that ttew c aw wul At can^ intm ; imt fefte tktm eiw Ijf one. and «ou aiay ftreek tktm a( •nc*." But firom thia valuable counael very httle advaata^ aeema to have been derived. It waa reported at the time, that 38 of ikitdntlft men were killed, and 19 wounded.! Few hiatoriana mention the hiea of the Indiana ; nrobabl* ooniideringtoemaa unworthy of record! Such hiatotiaaa aiay ary^ijga^ tuL At iMat, they cannot expect to paaa under that name in another age. The IndiaLa were greatly azaapented againat die Flmcb, **by ue death of the fiunoua Bmtidr*Jt,^ ■ayatheaame writer, "a renowned Indian warrior among the Moh^.wk% and one of theiraachana,or kinga, who vraa alain in the b^tle, an«! whoae eon, upon beinc told ttet hie fiither waa killi»d, giving the nMial Indian groan upon audi octarioii% and suddenly putting his ban^ on hia left brcaal, awore hia fother waa atiU aOve in that place, and atcod there in hia aon : that it waa with the utmoel difficulty. Gen. Mtutm prevented the fbry of their reae n tment taking place on the body of the Frdich generaL*^ Aa aoon aMhe battle waa over, the Indiana diapened tbemadvea in various directiona, with the trophiea of victoiy. Some to their bomea, to ooodole with the frienda of tne slain, and aome to the Engliah, to carry the welcome news of victoiy. The diflerentiunneia hfougnt into Albany above 80 acalpa, within a veiy abort time after the fight.| And thua vre are furnished with an early record of the wretched cuatom which appeara to have been fostered, and actually encouraged by all who have employed the Indians as auziliariea in war. Indeed to employ them, vraa to em^y their pracUeea— they were inaeparaUe. To talk, aa aome have doo^ of employing them, aaid preventing their barfaaroua cualoma with the unfor- tunate captivea, all ei^ierienee ahowi^ in but fe falfc one thing and mean another. Soon after Sir WUKam Muutm entered upon hia dutiea aa soperintend- ent of Indian afliuis in North America, he recw e d fiom England some . richly embroidered auits of clothes. Hmdridt waa neaent when thex, were received, and could not help csprcaaing a great deaire for a share ■ them. He went away very tbouKhtfol, but retwned not long after, and called upon Sir IPHfum, and told hhn be had dreamed a diream. Sir * TheEiwIiihloilabeatSOOiai t Ibid. t am. - mkmk. rytiii'» IWrcnal HiMoiT, x. M. ! far Vm. f >m4. I IbM. MBdoiM Ultp 9 Engliih in lumben, but It the iMToe the nguhn PBMdi wwtiar. Bjr UM flitmp ■ptonsMha ie,MppMiiif I hips. Nol- Eogluid, bat I wind An- I be replied, tftkyantot at into tbrae cticebility of ,a*id to tbe MbOmem •UecottiMel BUIled,uid i8;prDb«bl* uwtberefe. bb, "by tbe miedlndiu lgB,whOWM fttber waa id suddenly ■firein tbet • difficulty, Itlaceoatbe emedvesia ir bomea, to ■b, to carry into Albany id tbua we iebappeara e employed ■ to employ re don&of tbe onfor- ■ndmean iperintend- nnd aone . vben tlMTv aebaieni after, and «an. Sir OtaAP. OI.] LOGAN. WWam Tery concernedly desired to kn-iw what it waa. IhniiMi readily told him he had (Irtiaiiifd thnt Sir iViUiam Johuam had him with one orhia new suits oruuironn. Sir HVtimm couM not reAnn it, and one of the ulegant suits was forthwith presented to HmdndL who went awav lo sliow his present to his countrymen, and left Sir WUkaai to tell the ioke to his friends. Some time after, the Mneral met HntdricL and told him he had dreamed a dream. Whether uie saobem waimnmm that he was now to be taken in his own net, or not is not certain : but he seriously desired to know what it was, as Sir ffilhmm had done befcre. The jfenersl said he dreamed that Htndriek had praaented him with a ceruiin tract of land, which he deaeribed, (coniristiiig of about 500 arrsa of the most valuable huid in the valley of tbe Mohawk River.) Hmdriik answered, "Itit jfoun ;** but, shaking his head, said, "Sir Wutimm Jokn- jon, I will never dream with vou again." John KotAapol, a Stockbridge Indian, waa crandson to HmMek^ and he informs us that his grandftither was son of tne Wolf, a Mohegan ebief, and that his mother wm a Mohawk.* Rev. CUdton HauUy, in a letter to Gov. ifu/cAtnsoa (1770) about the Marshpee Indians, has this passage: ** Among JohumCa Mohawks, Mraham and Hmdriek were the oidaal of their tribe, when the^ died, and neither of them was 70, at their daatba. I saw a sister of theirs in 1765, who appeared to be several yean above 70. At Stockbridge, Captain Kunkapot was ft>r many years the oMkM man in his tribe.''f We have now come to one of the most noted chieA in Indian story. Logan was called a Mingo): chief, whose fiither, ISiiktUiimu, wtm chief of the tribe of the Cayugaa, whom he succeeded. I^ukettimiu waa attached in a remarkable degree to the benevolent Jama Logtm, ftom which circumstance, it is probable, his son bore his name. The name ki atill per|ietiiated among the Indians. For magnanimity in war, and matness of soul in peace, few, if any, in any nation, ever surpiMMd Itogan. He took no part in tbe French wars which ended in 176^ except that of a peacemaker ; was always acknowledged the flriend of the white people, until the year 1774, when hia brother and several otbera of his Amilv were murdered, 'he particulars of whksb folk>w. In tbe spring of 1774, some Indians robbed the people upon the Ohio River, who were m that country exploring the lands, and preparing for settiementii These land-jobbers were alarmed at this hostile carriage of the Indiana, as they considered it, and collected themselves at a place called Wheeling Creek, the site on which Wheeling is now built, and, learning that there were two Indians on the river a little above, one Captain Mimatl Cre$tf, belonging to the exploring party, proposed to fall upon and kill them. His advice, although opposed at first, wns followed, and a partjr led by Cnat^ proceeded and kilM the two Indiana. The same day, it being reported that some Indians were discovereil below Wheeling upon the river, Cnaap and his party immediately marehed to the place, and at first appeared to sho*^ «henriserves friendly, and suffered the Indians topaaa by them unmolestai, :o encamp still lower down, at the mouth of Grave Creek. Crtsap so jn followed, attacked and killed several of them, having one of his own wen wounded by the fire of the Indians. Here some of tbe family of Logan were slain. The cireumstance of the affair was exceeding af^^vating, inasmuch as the whites pretended no provoeatwn. Soon after this, some other monstera in human shape, at whoee brad were Danitl Greaihou$e and one T^omlinaon, committed a horrid murder upon a company of Indians about thirty mile* above Wheeling. Greof- 7, ..91 llbid. • Col. Mm. Hilt. 8o€. X Ma^we, Maquat, Maqua, or Mroqmoi, all mesa tka i t fiiid. 3. i. 181. LOOAN. [Bmc W. Obav. Amim midcd at the Mme place, but on the oppoaite aide of the river fltNn the Indian eueampmeni. A party of thirty-two men were collected for thia ottiect. who aecrated tiiemaelvea, while GreoiAaw*, under a pretenoe af flrimdahip. oriMaed tlie river and viaited them, to aaeerUin their atrangtb ; wnicb, on flounting tJiem, he found too numeroua for hia feiee ia an open attaek. Theae Indiana, having heard of the late murder of their relationa, bad determined to be avenged of the whitca, and Graot- kmm did not know the danger he waa iit. until a aquaw adviaed him of it, in a flriendly caution, *^^to go home/ The aad requital thia poor woman met with will preaently appear. Thia abominable felbw invited th« Indhina to come over the river and drink rum with him ; thia being a part of liia plot to aeparaie them, that thev might be the caaier deatroyed. Toe opportunity 11.00 offered ; a number oeing collected at a uvem in the wmte aettlement, and conaiderahiy intoxicated, were fkllen upon, and all murdered, except a little girL Among the murdered waa a brother of £«lgaii, and hia aiater, whoae delicate Muation greatly aggravated the horrid crime. Tlie remaining Indiana, upon the other aide of the river, on hearing the firing, aet off two canoea with armed warriora, who, aa they approached the wore, were fired upon by the whitea, who lav concealeu, awaiting their approach. Nothing prevented their taking deadly aim, and manpr were killed and wounded, ami the reat were oUiged to return. Thn afiUr took place May S24th, 1774.* Theae were the eventa that led to a horrid Indian war, in which many innocent flimiliea were raerificed to oatiafy the vengeance of an incenaed and injured people. A calm followed theae troublea, but it waa only auch oagoea before the atorro, and laated only while the tocain of war could be aounded amons the diatant Indiana. On the 19 July, 1774, Logan, at the head of a amal) party of only eight warriora, atrtick a blow on some ifihabitanta upon the Mii8kin|uni, where no one expected iu He had left the aettlomenta on the Ohio undiaturbed, which every one auppoaed would be the firat attacked, in caae of war, and henco the reaaon of his great micceaaea. Hia firat attack waa upon three men who were pulling flax in a field. One waa ahot down, and the two othera taken. Theae were marched into the wildemeaa, and, aa thoy approached the Indian town, Logan gave the acalp halloo, and they were met by the inhabitacta, who conducted them in. Running the gauntlet waa next to be performed. Logan took no delight in torturea, and he in the moat fi-iendly manner inatructed one of the captivea how to proceed to eacape the aeveritiee of the 'gauntlet. Thia aame captive, whoae name waa Hofrmaon, waa afterwarda aentenced to be burned ; but Logan, though not able to rescue him by hiaekiquence, with hia own band cut the corda that bound him to iho stake, and caused him to bo adopted into on Indian family. He became aftarwards Logan^s acribe, and wrote the letter that waa tied to a war club, the {larticulara of which we shall relate farther onward. The warriora now prepared themaelvea for open conflict, and, with Qirttstock at their head, wero determined to meet the Big-lmivea, aa the Virginians were called, from their long awords, in their own way. It iii neceaaary to notice a chief rather suddenly introduced here, as, in ikct, he waa the leader, or cominander-in-cliief, of the Indiana in this war. The name of Comatodt we havo already mentioned. He waa chief of the Shawaneae, and in the tiinu of the revolutionaiy war, waa a great friend of the Moravian miaaionariea. We shall again notice him. The Virginia legislature was inaeaaion when the newa of Indian depre- datione was received at the aeat of government. Gov. Dumntre immedi- * Facia pabluhad in J^jftrtorit Nolu. Obav. m.) LOOAN. •talv onkrad out Um militia, to the nunilwr of 9000 imn, half of whoii^ niMMtr CoL A mJ t n m Ltmg, wera orderad towiird* ih« iiHMith of tho OtmH Kanbaira, wbila the povemor hiinaalC with the other half; nwrolMKi to a point on the Ohio^ to flJi upon the Imliao towoe in the ahaeaea of tka warrtoni, drawn off by the approflDh of the anny under CoL L n m $ . The Indiana met the diviaion under Ltwia at a place called P»ht Pleanmt, on the Qi'eal Kanhawa, where a very bloody battle enaued. A detachment of 300 rnen flrat iell in with them, and were defeated, with groat alaucfater ; but the other diviaiona coming up, the fight waa mai»> tained dunng the whole day. Never waa ground maintained with mora obatinacy. Every atep waa diaputed, until the darkneaa of the night elooed the aoene. The Indiana alowly retreated, and while the Amen- eana were preparing to punaie and take revenge for their aevere loaa, an ezpreaa arnved ftoni Gov. Dimmon, that he luul concluded a treaty with Uie Indian chieft. In thia battle, above 140 Americana were killed and wounded, nearly half of which were of the former, among whom waa Col. Ckartu Lima, brother of Andrew, and Col. FkU. Theae offlcera led the flrat diviaion. Of the number nf the Indiana deatroyed, we are igno- rant ; though very probably they were many, aa their numbera engaged were laid to have linen about 1500.* After the Indiana had been beaten, aa we have atated, the Americana encamped on a plain eight milea firom Chillicothe, a phwe appointed for meeting the chieft to treat of peace. Three dava after, Cormtoek^ came to the encampment with eight other chieft, where a abort debate waa held between him and Lord 2>iMimere, in which each charged the other with the breach of treatiea and injuriea committed by their reapective countrymen ; but finally a peace waa aettled. It waa at thia time tliat the fiur-ftmed apeech of Logan waa delivered ; not in the camp of Lord Dmn- store, for, although desiring peace, Lt^fon would not meet the Americana in council, but remained in faia cabin m sullen ailence, until a meaaenger waa aent to him, to know whether he would accede to the propoaala. On which oecaaion, after ahedding many tears for the loss of hia mends, he said to the meaaengeir, who well understood his language, in aub- stance as follows : — **Iapptalto my uMteio toy, jf ever he entered Logan^ eo&m kmmy, andhegttKehimnotmeat;}feverheenrueoUandnahed,andke€iotlMimm noL " During ike eowrte of Ote la$t long bloody xear, Logan remmntd MBe-tn hia eokin, an adooeidefoT peace. Such waa my hve for Ote wUtea, Okat aw eounirymen pointed aa they paaaed, and $akl,*lMge.nia^Jn*ndqftM **lMdeventKovighthM»eUi^withiiini,lnd/orttaim^^ sum. CoL Cresap, tite laat apring, in cold Nooa, and mgtrovoked, nuuwred otf the rtUdUma of Logan ; not even apariw my women and ekUdrsn. ** There run* not a drop nf my l£tod in the veuw of any living ereahare. Thia ealUd ftn me/or rei^nge. Ihaeeaouf^iL IhavekiUedmany. 1 hattejidly glutted »m vengeance. For my eomhry, I rgoiee at the heama iff peace. But do not "harbor a thought that mine u the joy tffear. Locan never felt fear. He will not turn on hia had to aaoe hia l}fe. Who ia Mere to mourn for Logan ?— JVU one.'^ When Mr. J^firaon published his ** Notes on Virginia,** the ftwts therein stated implicating Creaap as the murderer of LogmCa family, were • CampbeW$ Virginia. t Some write ComilaU, but when a word is oied for a proper nmme, there ii no hana ia adopliiif a dtAraal •paling, and we follow our otdetl prialed suthority. C0RN8T0CK. [Book V. bf Cruap*$ friends called id question. Mr. Jifftrton at fint merely stated tbe ftcts as preliiniaary to, and tlie cause of, the "Speech of Li^an!* which he considered &3 generally known in Virginia ; but tbe acrimony discovered by his enemies in their endeavors to gainsay his statement, led to an investigation of the whole transaction, and a publication of the nsult was the immediate consequence, in a new edition of the ** Notes on Virginia." Among other proofi, that the chief guilt lay upon the head of Cntap of bringing aliout a bloody war, since well known by his name, Judge hmu of Frankfort, Kentucky, wrote to Mr. Jeffinon, 2 March, 17^, that he was^ he thought, able to give him more particulan of that affiiir than, perhaps, any other person ; that, in 1774, while at the house of Col. PreMon, in Fincastle county, Va., there anived an express, calling upon him to order out the militia, " for the protection of the inhabitants reiiiding low down on the north fork of Holston River. The express brought with him a war club, and a note tied to it, which was left at tbe house of one Robertton, whose family were cut off l>v the Indians, and gave rise for the application to Col. Preston." Here follows the letter or ■ote, of which Mr. hmu then made a copy, in his memorandum Ixrak : — "Captain Cresan, What did youkUl myptrnpiU on Ydb>w Creek for f The white people l^lUd my kin at Conettofca,'' a fpreat while ago ; and 1 ihnighl nothing o/thaL mdyou kiUed my inn agam, on Ydlow Vreek^ and took m^ eouiin prisoner. TTun Ithcvght Imtul kill too; and I have httn three times to war since : but the hdvms are not a/ngrg ; only myself," It was signed, ** Certain John Losan." \ Not long afler tlieira times of calamities, which w« have Kcorded in the life of Logans he was cruelly murdered, as he was on his way home fh>m Detroit. For a time previous to his death, he gave hhnsrlf up to intox- ication, which in a short time nearly obliterated all marks of the great man! ^ The fate of Comstock is equally deplorable, although in the contempla- tion of which, his chara'^ter does not suffer, as does that of Logan. He was cruelly murdered by some white soldiers, while a hostajj^ among them. And there is as much, nay, far more, to carry down his remem- brance to posterity, as that of the tra^cal death of Archimedes. He was not muniered while actually drawmg geometrical figures upon the ground, but, while he was explaining the geography of his countiy by drawings ufion the floor, an alarm was given, which, in a few minutes after, eventuated in his death. We will now go into an explanation of the cause and manner of the murder of Cornstoek. It is well known that the war of the revolution bad involved all, or nearly all, of tbe Indians in dreadful calamitips. In consequence of murders committed by the Indians on the frontiers of Virginia, several companies marched to Point Pleasant, where there liad been a fort since the battle there in 1774. Most of the tribes of the north-west, except the Shawanese, were deter- mined to fight against the Americans. Comstock wished to preserve peace, and therefore, as the only means in his power, as he had used his pQwerful eloquence in vain, resolved to lay the state of affairs before the Ameri- cans, that they might avert the threatened storm. In the spring of 1777, he came to the fort at Point Pleasant, upon this friendly raissioo, in com- pany witti another chief, railed RedhcHolt. After explaining the situation of things with reganl to the coiifbderate tribes, he said, in regard to his own, the Shawanese, •* 7%e current sets [with the Indians] so strong against the Americans, in consequence of the agency of the Brituh^ Oust (hey 3 * AUudisf , 1 suppo8«, to the mnsiiacre of tbe Conestoga Indian! in 1763. cbap. ni.j CORNSTOCK. 20 Klie Shawaneae] wdlJUxA with it, Ifatr, ui ajtite of all my txerttoni.** Upon is intellimnce, the commander of the garrison thought proper to detain him and ludhouk as hustagra to prevent the meditatetl calamities. When Captain Abuckk, the commander of the garrison, had notified the new government of Virfrinia of the situation of afikirs, and wliat he had done, forces marched into that country. A part of them having arrived, waited for others to join thena under Uen. Hand, on whom these depended for provisions. Meanwhile the ofBcen held frequent conversations with Comitoek, who took pleasure in givins Uiem minute descriptions of his country, and eq)ecially of that portion between the Mi^issippi and Missouri. One day, as be was delineating a map of it upon the floor for the sratification of those present, a call was heard on the opposite side of the Ohio, which he at once recognized as the voice of his son, ElKniptico, who had fought at his side in the famous battle of Point Pleasant^ in 1774, of which we have spoken. At the rei^uest of his fiither, EUimpiico came to the fort, where they had an aflectionate meeting. This son had become uneasy «t his fiither's long alnence, and had at length sought him out in his exile here; prompted by those feelings which so much adorn human nature. The next day, two men crossed the Kanhawa, upon a huntiLg expedition. As they were returning to their boat after their hunt, and near the nide of the river, they were fired upon by some Indians, and one of the two, named UUmon, was killed, but the other escafied. A party of Captain HaWa men went over and brought in the body of OUmore ; whereupon a cry was raised, '*Let u« go and kUl the huHant tn the fort." An enfuriated ^g, with Captain Hdl at their bead, set out with this nefiirious resolu- tion, and, against every remonstrance, |iroceeded to commit the deed of blooid. With their guns cocked, they swore death to any who should oppose them. In the mean time, some ran to apprize the devoted chiefs of their danger. As the murderers approached, Ettinip$ieo discovered agitation, which when Comslock saw, he siud, **Jlfy ton, tile Great Sprit heu seen )U that tee $hovU die together, and hat tent you to that end, R is hia wilt, and let ua aubmUJ* The murderers had now arrived, and the old chief turned around and met them. They shot him through with seven bullets. He fell, and died without a struggle ! EUinipaico, though having at first appeared disturbed, met his death with great composure. He was shot upon the scat on which he was sitting when bin fate was first pronounced to him. Rut-hawk was a vouug Delaware chief, and, like £Ihntpnco, had fought under Comatoek. He died with less fortitude : having tried to secrete himself he was soon discovered and slain. Another Indian, whose name is not mentioned, was mangled and murdered in the most barbarous man- ner. Suffice it hers to say, that this was all that was effected by the expedition, and the forces soon after returned home. Few, if any, chiefk in history are spoken of in terms of higher com- mendation than Comriock. Mr. fVithiera, a writer on Indian afTurs,* speaks as follows of him : "Thus perished the iiiighty Comalalk, sachem of the Shawanees, and king of the northern confederacy, in 1774, — a chief remarkable for many great and good qualities. He was disposed to lie at all times the friend of white men, as he ever was the advocate of honorable peace. But when his country's wrongs * called aloud for battle,' he b(;rame the thunderbolt of war, and made her oppressors fuel tho weight of his uplifted arm." "His noble bearing — his generous ond disinterested attachment to ths * In Ills " Chromcla," a work, it i* our duly to remark, written wiih candor and iadnieat. a* Ml 90 PONTIAC. [Book V. tiair. coloaiea, when the thuoder of Britisb cannon was reverberating through the land— faia anxiety to preaerve the frontier of Virginia fimn desolation and death, (tlie object of bia visit to Point Pleasant,) all conapired to win for him the esteem and reapect of others ; while the untimely and perfid- ious manner of his death, caused a deep and lasting regret to pervade the bosoms even of those who were enemies to his nation ; and excited the just indignatiou of all towarda his inhunMn and barbarous murderers." Col. n^iUiM, present at the interview between the chieiii and Got. Dunmore in 1774, thua speaka of Comdoek : — " When he arose, be waa in no wiae confused or daunted j but spoke in a diAinct and audible voice, without sUurimering or repetition, and with peculiar emphasis. His lodis, while addressing Sunmon, were truly grand and mtyeslic ; yet graceful and attractive. 1 have heaird the first orators in Virginia, — Patritt Henry and Sichtard Henry Lee, — but never have I heard one whose powen of delivery surpassed those of ComtUUkJ* Ten years after the bloody afiair above related, an able writer* upon those times savs, "The blooid of the great Curnstock and of bis |^llant . son was hitape^ with the dust, but their memory is not lost in oblivion." But how few at this day know of his fiue, or even that such a chief ever existed ! and, at the same time, the same persona would be indignant, vrere we to suppose them ignorant of the fate of the monster Puorro. As great a warrior^ perhaps, as any who have lived among the nations of the west, we shall in the next place proceed to give an account o£ His was PoniUUf a chief of the Ottaway nation, wbbse ftme, in his time, was not alone confined to his own conUnent ; but the gazettes of Europe spread it also. One who knew this chief) and the tribes over whom he had sway, thus qieaksof them in 1765: — ^"The Indians on. the lakes are generally at peace with one another, having a wide-extended and fruitfVir country in tbeir possession. They are fi)rroed into a sort of empire, and the emperor ia elected from the eldest tribe, which is the Ottawawas, some of whom inhabit near our fort at Detroit, but are mostly further westward, towarda the Mississippi. PotUeack is their present king or emperor, who has cer- tainly the largest empire and greatest authority of any Indian chief that has appeared on the continent since our acquaintance with it. He puts on an air of majesty and princely grandeur, and is greatly honored and revered Iw his sutnects."t In 176(lj Major Ri^geri marehed into hia countrv, in fulfilling his orders of displacing the French, after the fall of QueDec4 Apprized of his approach, PonHac sent ambasaadora to inform him that their chief was not far off, and desired him to halt until he could see him ** with his own eyes," and that he was lord of the country. Poniiae soon met the English oflicer, and demanded his business into bis country, and how it came about that he dared enter it without hia Krmission. When the colonel told him he had no design against the dians, and only wished to remove the French, their common enemy, and cause of all their trouble, delivering him at the same time several beksof wampum, Pon/ioe replied, <*I stand in the path you travel in, until to-morrow morning," and gave him a belt. This communication waa underatood, and " was as much as to say," says the actor, ** I must not inareh fiirther without his leave." The colonel continues : " When be departed for the night, he inquired whether! wanted anything that * la Oarty'* Muwum, iv. 140. t Rogen't Account of North America, exirarled in the Anmtal Rtgitttr for 176ft. t Qmtbtii ii an Algonquin word, signifying a 8tr»U, CkarUvoix. troit. Crap, ni.] PONTIAC. his cnuntry aflbrded, and [in did] he wonid send his warrion to ftteb k. I assured him that any prnviriom they brought shoujhl be paid fbr ; and the next day we went supplied by them with aevwral bags of parched corn, and some other necessaries. At oar second meeting, he gave me the pipe of peace, and both of us by turns smoked with it ; and he assured me he had made peace vrith me and my detachment ; that I might pass tiirough his country unmolested, and relieve the French sarrison ; and that he would protect me and my party fh>m any inmhs that might be offered or intended by the Indians; and, aa an eameat of hia fKeniit-^hip, he s«>nt 100 warriors to protect and assist ns in driving 100 At cattle, which we had brought for the use of the detachment 1ix>m Pittsburgh, by the way of PreHque-Isle. He attended me constantly after this interview till I arrived at Detroit, and while I remained in the country, and was the means of preserving the detachment frrms the fiiry of the Indians, who hiid nssemhied at the mouth of the strait, with an intent to cut us off*. I hac^ wveral conferences with him, in which he discovered great strength of judgment, and a thirst after knowledp}." This same oflfcer observes, that he discovered much curiosity at their equipage, and wished to know how their clothes were made, and to learn their mode of war. He expressed a willingneaa to acknowledge the king of England, though not as his superior, Itut as his uncle, which he would acknowleilge, as he was able, in furs. England was much in his thoughts, and he often expressed a desire to see it. This was very natural, and was often observed among other natives. He told Col. Ra^tn that, if he would conduct him there, he would give him a part of his country. He wns willing to grant the Englisli fiivors, and allow them to settle in his dominions, but not unless he could be viewed as sovereign ; and he gave them to understand, thai, unless they conducted themselves agree- ably to his wishes, '*he would shut up the way," and keep them out Hence it is fair, within the sco|>e of the most reasonable conjecture, to conclude, that his fiual disaffection to the English was owing to their haughty carriage, and maltreatment of him and his people. The principal scenes of his prowess were at Michilimakinak and De- troit. The French finally gave up iMMSf«iion in Canada, in 1760 ; but many of the Indian nations who had become attached to them were taught, at the same time, to hate (he English. PoriHae was most conspic- uous in his enmity, althougli, until he had uniteil the strength of many trihrs to his, ho showtnl gi-eat kindness and fViendship towanis them. The Miamis, Ottawas, Chippewas, Wyandots, Potto watomie8,Missiisagas, Shawnnese, Ottogamies, and Winneliagoes, constituted his power, as, in after time, they did that of T^runueh. There was more system employed by this distinguished man than, per- haps, by any other of his countrymen U|X}ii any similar undertaking, not excepting even Metacomet- or TVeurmreh. In his war of 1763, which is justly denominated "Ponliac's war,*' he afipointed a commissary, and liegan to make ami issue bills of credit, nil of which he aflerwards carefully re- deemed. He made his bills or notes of hark, on which was drawn the figure of the commodity he wanted for it The shape of an otter was drawn under that of the article wanted, and an otter wns the '-signia or arms of his nation. He had also, with great sagacity, urge*. o8t, and the game consists in throwing the ball up to the post of the ad- versary. The ball, nt the beginning, is placed in the middle of the course, and each fmrty endeavors as well to throw the Itall out of the direction of its own poet, as into that of the adversar}''s." This farce drew many off their guani, and sonte of the garrison went out to witness the simrt. "The game of ba^rgatiway, (he continue^,) as from the description above will have been perceived, is necessarily attended with much noise and violi'uce. In the ardor of contest, 'he ball, as has been suggested, if it cannot ha thrown to the goal desired, is struck in any direction by which it can l)e diverted from that desig.ned bv the adversary. At such a moment, therefore, nothing could he less liable to excite premature alarm, than that the bull should be tossed over the pickets of the fort, nor that, having fallen tiiom, it should be followed, on the instant, by all en- gaged in the game, as well the one party as the other, all eager, all striv- nig, all shouting, all in the unrestrained pursuit of a rude athletic exer- cise." And this vras their plan, while in the height of their game, to * Raynal, Hint. Pbilot. et Poliiiaue. &c. ix. 89. eA. Geneva, 1781. f Travels in Canadn, by Alexanaer Hmnf, Eiq., Aom wUch t^ > following account nf the deslruclion of Micbilimakiuak >< token. CaATwllIil PONTIAO. tluow their ball within die pinkels of the Art, and then all to rush in, and, in the midat of their hubbub, to murder the garriaon ; and it aucceeded to their wiahea. They atniok the ball over the atoefcadn, aa if by accident, and repealed it aeverai tiinea^ running in and out of the (on with aU fieedom, ** to make the deeepuoa mofe complete ;*** and then, niahing in in overy direction, took poaa ma ion of the piaee without die least reriatance. Tttey murdered the aoldiera, until their numbers were ao diniiniahed, that they apprehended nothing iVoni their reaiaiance ; many of whom were ransomed at Montreal afterwards, at a great price. Seventy were put to death, and the other twenty nwerved for slaves. A Ibw daya after, a boat from Montreal, without knowinc what had happened, came ashore with English passengers, who all ftU into the hands of the Indians. Pontine was not personally ooneemed in this affair, but it was a part of hia deaign, and, therefore, is very properly here related. A chief named Mmthwtkna was the commaadm* in that aflhir.f It was only 15 days from the time the firat blow was struck, before Ponfioe had taken poeseaBion of every garrison in the west except three. No less than 10 were, in this abort space, reduced. Detroit alone remain- ed in that distant region, and, as wiA presently be seen, this was brauj^ht to the very brink of the most awftil precipice of whieh the im^nation can conceive. The namra of those captured at this time were Le Boeuf, Venango, Preaq' Isle, on or near Lake Erie; La Bay, uponi^e Mic'..'- nn; St Jo8epb*s, upon the river of that name; Miamis, upm the Mic^'/i River ; Ouachtanon, upon the Ouabaehe ; Sandusky, npeo Lake Junun- dat; and Michilimakinak4 The garrison at Detrmt was ekwely b e si ege d by PkmfuK, in person, before the news of the massHore of Port M tchiflmakiiiak arrived there. It was garrisoned by about 300 men, and when PtmHae came with his war- riors, although in great numbers, they were so intermixed with women and children, and brought so many commodities for trade, that no sus- picion was excited, either in the mind of Mufjor CKoAvtn, or the inhabit- ants. He encainpit'1 a little distance from the ibrt, and sent to the m^jor to inform him that lie was come to trade, and, prepaiatory thereto, wished to hold a talk with him ibr dm purpose of *bH^tening the chain of peace** between the English md nis people. No suspicion was yet en- tertained, and the major readily eenaented, and the next rooming was fixed upon for the council The same evening, a eireumstance trwispired' which saved the garrison flrom a dreadfhl massacre. Aft Indian woman, who had made a pair of moccasins for Major Gfiuiwm, out of • curious elk skin, brought them to him, and returned the remainder of the skin. Being much' pleased with them, die major wished her to take the skin and mi&e another pair, as he had concluded to give the others to a ftnend, and what was left to mdke into shoes ftir hermlf. ^e was then paid for her work, and dis- missed. But when those whose duty it was to see that the fort was clear of strangers, and to dose the gates for the night, went upon their duty, this woman was found loitering in the area, and, bnng asked what she wanted, made no reply. The major, being informed of her singular de- lacanor, directed her to be eonducted into bis presence, which being done, he asked her why she did not depart before the gates w«r6 shut. She replied, with some hemtation, that she did not wish to take away the diin, as be set so great a value upon it. This answer was delivered in such a manner, that the major was rather dissatisfied wkh it, and a^ed Iter why she had not made the same objectiou on taking it in the first • Correr'f Travels, 19,, SO. edikSvo. Lond. t Memnf* Traveb, at tiipra. 1784. X Bouqueft Ohio EsptdllioD, ist. Ui. 34 rONTUC fBtmm. T. CHAr.l place. This ratlmr eonfbnd bar, ud abm nid Oat if Ae look it DOW, ■!!« never abould be able to icturn h. It was DOW evidvnt tbat sh« withbeid soawtba* wbieb riie WMhed to flommunicate, but was feaaraimd tbrouab fcar. «tt oa hetnc sawiwd by a or GbuAsm tbat sbe sboold not bs betrayed, but abooU be nroleeted rewarded, if tbe inlbnnalioa was TahMble, aba said ibat uie ebiefii who were to meet him in couneil tbe next dajr bad co n tr i fe d to murder him, and take the garrison, and put all ibe wbahiianla la death. Earb ehief^ she said, would come to the council, with so much cut off of bis gun, tbat he eould conceal it under his blanket; tbat FbnImc was to S've the signal, while delivering his speech, which waa, when be should aw hiu peace bch of wampum, and picaent it to tbe nM|iar in a certain manner ; and that, while tbe eouncil waa sitting aa many of tbe wairioia as couki shouM assemble within the fbit, armed in the same manner, under the pretence of trading with tbe garriaon. Having got all the information necessary, tbe woman waa diachar^ed, and M^jor Gbubwa bad everr precaution taken la put the garrison mto the best possible state for defence. He imparted the di s un e rj to his men, and instructed them how to act at tbe approaching eouncil; at tbe same time aending to all tbe traders in diflbraat direenons lo be upon their guard. Tbe next morning baring arrived, every eounteaanea worn a diflerent aspect; the hour orthe eouncil wsn §m mproariiinfc and tbe qinrk alep ond nervous ezerdse in every endutioa of tbe aoldioa were expressive of an approaching event, big with their destiny. It was boghtened in the past niriit, wmn a cry was heard in the Indian encampment differ- ent nrom wnat was usual on peace oecadona. Tbe nrrisoo fiiea were extinsuisbed, and evoy man repaired to bia peat. But tbe cry being heard no more, the remainder of the night waa psased in silence. Tbe appointed hour often o^lodi arrived, aad also sb punctual arrived PonfuK and bia 36 cbiefi^ followed by a train of warriorsk When the stipulated number had entered tbe garrison, tbe galea were closed. The cluefii ofaaerved attentively tbe troops under arms^ marching firom Ebce to place; two eolumna nearly eniloaing the council bouae, and oth faciiw towards it. On ftwli'ac^s emering it, be demanded vf Muor Gladmn the cause of ao much parade^ and why Us men wnre under arms; bo said it waa an odd manner of boUiog a coundL The rnqor told bim it was onhrto exereiss tbeas. Tbe Indians being acaied upcrn tbe skins prepared m diem, Pttdim comme nc e d bia speech, and when he came to the sigpal of preaenting tbe beh, the governor and Jiia attmd- ants drawing their sworas half out af their acuibards^ and the aoMien clinching their guns with firmnesi^ d i s c ov ere d to the cbids, by their pe- culiar attitudea, that their pfot waa d i s c overed. Pswliac, with all bia bravery, tuned pale, and evei^ chief abowed signs of saMNHshment. To avoid an open detectiwi, the signal in psssing tlw bdt was not given, and Pantiae closed his speech, which eontsined mamr proftswons of respect find affection mi the English. But when Miiior &mmm commenced bii^ he did not &il directly to reproach l^ sw h' a c widi tieaebciy ; toM him ho could not do any thing to ensnare the En^sh, and that he knew bia whole diabolical plan. Panltac tried to exouae bimaeN^and to make Miyor Glodwm believe that be bad kid no plot ; upon which die major stepped to the chief neoreat himself and, drawing aaide his blanket, ex- poaed bis short gun, winch ooro^eied their confinon. He (^vemor, for sueh vrsa M^or Cf adisin, ordered J ^ a lisc to leave the fort immediately, for it would be with ififfieulty he could restrain hie men firoin cutting lum in iHoees^ should they kmw tbe eireumstancea. The govemoi* waa afterwards blamed for thua suffering dmn to with* gem ' and run about t( figiousi that it quendy make a inside I breach and at t for the them, and tbe subriste Tber CkiAr. ID.] potmAc. draw, without ntaining aeTeral of them m hoatagm for the quiet beha- vior of the reat ; but he, having paaHed his word tliat they ahouM come and go without hinderanee or reatraint, merited, perhapa, leaa censure ibr keepmg it, and reapecting hia honor, than those who reproached him. A fimoua attacit waa the next day made upon the fort Every strata- gem waa reaorted to. At one time they filled a cart with combiiatiblea, aod run it against the pickets, to set them on fire. At another, they were about to aet fire to the church, by ahooting fiery arrows into it ; but re- ligious scruples averted the ezecutioii, — a French prieat telling Paniiae toat it would call down the anger of God upon him. They had fre- quently, during the siege, endeavored to cut down the pickets so aa to make a breach. Major CHadwin ordered his men, at laM, to cut on the inaide at the aame time, and assist them. This was done, and when a breach waa nutde, the?e waa a rush upon the outside towards the breach, and at the same instant, a brass four pounder, which hail been levelled for the purpose, wns shot o^ which made a dreadful slaushter among them. Afl»r this they merely blockaded the fort, and cut on its supplies^ and the English were reduced to the greatest distress^ and for some time subsisted upon half rationa There was great difliculty in throwing succor into the garrison at De- troit, as there was such an extent of country between it and the other most wtetem poets, in possession of the English. Fort Pitt and Niagara had been besieged, and all communication for a long time cut ofl'; the former had been reduced to great extremities, but *hey were at leosth re- lieved by Col. Bouquet. Capt Dalj/ell waa at the same time sent for the relief of Detroit, where he arrived on 29 July, 1763.* A bloody scene was shortly to follow. Captain DalyM, with 247 men, went out of the fort to surprise Pontiuc in his camp; but the wary chief bad runners out. who save him timely notice, and he met them in an advantageous place, and, being vastly superior in numbers, and concealed Iwhind a picket fence, near a bndse where the English were to pass, poured in upe cut off and set upon a post. Between eighty and a hundred dead bodies were counted upon the bridge the next morning, which entirely blocked up its iwssage. Having been put in posseasion of the ofncial return of Sir Jeffery Am- herst, minutely aetailing this affair, we will lay it before the reader, as it appeared at that time : — ''On the evening of the 30th of July, Captun Dalyell, ud-de-eam(i to General Jimherst, being arrived here with the detachment sent under his command, and being nilly persuaded that Pontiac, the Indian chief, with his tribes, would soon abandon his design, and retire, insisted with the commandant, that they might easily be surprised in their camp, totally routed, and driven out of the settlement ; and it was thereupon determin- ed, that Captain Dalyell should mareh out with 247 men. Accordingly, we nuurched about half an hour after two in the morning, two deep, along the great road by the river side, two boats up the river abng shore, with a patteraro in each, with orders to keep up with the line of mareh, cover our retreat, and take off our killed and wounded ; Lieutenant Bean, of the QueenV Independents, being ordered, with a rear guard, to convey the dead Bojqutft Expedition, Introd. ir. PONTIAO. fBooa V. tmi wonaded to the boats. About m mile and a half flora the fbrt, we had orden to form into platoons, and, if attacked in the front, to fire bv Mnet-fimgs. We then advanced, and, in about a mile fwtiier, our ad- vanced gmrdf commanded by Lieut. JBrown, of die 55th regiment, had baeo fired upon so close to the enemy's breastworks and cover, that the firs^ beeng very heavy, not only kiSled and wounded some of his party, bat reacMd the main body, which put the whole into a little confusion; but they soon recovered their order, and gave the eoemr, or rather their works, It being very dark, a discharge or two from the front, commanded by Captain €rm/. At the same time, the rear, commanded by Captam Vnmtf were fired upon from a bouse, and some fences about twenhr yards on his left; on which he ordered his own and Captain Hopkimrs companies to face to the left, and give a fiiU fire that way. After whioh, it appearing that the enemy gave v;ay every where. Captain DatgrU sent orden to C«ptain Grant, to take roesession of the above-aakl houses and fimoea ; wbiefa he immediately did ; and found in one of the said houses two men, who told him, the enemy bad been there long, and were weU uprized of our design. Captain Qraid then asked them the numbers; they said, above 300 ; and that they intended, as soon an they had attack- ed us in the firont, to get between us and the fort ■■, which Captain Grtmt told Captain DafyM, who came to him when the firing was over. And in about an hour'after, he came to him apun, and told Captain GfranI he was to retire, and ordered him to march m the firont, and poet himself in an orchard. He then marched, and about half a mile fiirther on his re- treat, he had some shots fired on his flank : but got possession of the or- chard, which was well fenced ; and just as he got there, he heard a warm firing in the rear, havips, at the same time, a firing on his own post, from the nnces and com-fieids behind it. Lieutenant AfDougal, who acted as adjutant to the detachment, came up to, him, (Captain Grant,) and told him, that Captain Dabfeil was killed, and Captain Grmf very much wound- ed, in making a push on the enem^i and forcing them out of a strong breastwork of cord wood, and an mtrenchment which they had taken po oneas ion of; and that xbe command then devolved upon him. Lieut BeoH immediatdk came up, and told him, that Captain Rogers had de- sired him to tell Captain Grant, that he had taken possession of a house, and that he had better retire with what numbers he had, as he [Captain mgera) could not get off without the boats to cover him, he being hard pushed bv the enemy from the enclosures behind him, some of which scoured the road throne^ which he must retire. Captain Granf then sent Ensign PauK, with 90 men, back to attack a part of tlie enemjy which annoyed bis own post a little, and galled those that were joining him, ih>in the place where Captain Dalyell was killed, and Captain Grm, Lieutenants Broum and Luifce, were wounded ; which Ensign PauH did, and killed some of the enemy in their flight Captain Grant, at the same time, detached all the men he could get, and took possession of the enclo- sures, bams, fences, &c. leading from his own post to the fort, which posts he reinforced with the oflicers and men as they came up. Think- ing the retreat then secured, he sent back to Ca|>tain Rogers, desiring he would come oflT; that the retreat was quite secured, oiid the different partiss ordered to cover one another successively, until the whole had joined ; but Captain Rogers not finding it right to risk the loss of more men, he chose to wnit for the armed tmets, one of which appeared soon, commanded by Lieutenant Brekm, whom Captain Granf had directed to go and cover Captain Rogers's retreat, who was in the next house. Lieut BrAm acr.iirdingly went, and fired several shots at the enemy. Lieut ^ibott, with the other boat, wanting ammunition, went down with Capt Chray, Lieutenant Proton and some wounded men returned also, which Chap. III.J PONTIAC. 37 Captain Orant suppooes the enemy ieeinf, did not wait her arrival^ but raUred on Lieutenant Brdm's liring, and gave Captain Rugtn, with tba rear, aa opportunily to come off: so that the whole firoro the different poiM Joined without any confusion, and marched to the fort in good order, covered by the armed boats on the water aide, and by our own parties on the country side, in view of the enemy, who had all joined, and were much stronger than at the beginning of the affair, as was afterwards told us by some prisoners that made their escape ; many having joined them from the other side the river, and other places. The whole arrived at the fort about eight o'clock, commanded by Captun Ortmt, whose aUa and akilftil retreat is highly commended. Actum qfkUUd and taounded of the seveml detaekmenU near ^ Dtlnilf J^ySi, 176a USA Regiment.— I serjeant, 13 rank and file, kSUd ; 1 captain, 3 lieu- tenants, 1 drummer, 28 rank and file, wounded. Royal AnurwmM. — 1 rank and file, kSUed ; 1 rank and file, ununded. 80m RegimenL — ^2 rank and file, ktUed ; 3 rank and file, tBotmded. <2ue«n'« Rangtn.—i rank and file, killed ; 1 rank and file, wourdeJ. Mtmu of the €ffeera. SSQi Regiment. — Captain Oray, Lieutenant Lute, and Lieutenant Brounif wounded. A*. B. Captain Dalydl, killed, not included in the above. Captain, Lieutenants, Serjeant, 1 Drummer, Rank and file,. , 18 TWal, 19 1 3 1 38 Hence it appears that the accounts hitl^erto circulated of this fiunous action contain material errors ; at least, they differ materially fiv>m that furnished by those eugaced in it. About this time several small vessels fell into the bands of Poniiae, which were destined to supply the garrison, and the men were cruelly treated. The garrison was in great straits, both from the heavy loss of men, as well as from want of provisions and continual watching. In this time of despondency, there arrived near the fort a schooner, which brought them supplies of provisions, but nothing of thiti kind could be landed without Pontiac'a knowledge, and he determined, if possible, to seize the Kchooner; a detachment made the attempt, and, to save herself the vessel was cbli^d to tack short about, and proceed in an opposite direction. The Indians followed her in canoes, and, by continualqr firing into hw, killed almost eveiy man, and at length boarded her. As they were climbing up the sides and shrouds in every quarter, the cqilain, having determined not to fall into their hands alive, ordered the gunner to set fire to the magazine, and blow all up together. This was heard ty a Huron chief, who understood enough En^sh to know what was going forward, and instantly communicated it to his foltowers. They tuam- ^aged themselves from the vessel as fiut as possible, and fled firom her m a great fright, at considerable distance. Meantime the crew took tke ad- 4 » CAFTAIN PIPE. (Book V. vantage of a wind, mn\ arrived aafe back to the (brt. Id the purauit of the venel, the Indiana diwoverad extrenM tcmeri^, often eomiDg ao cloae to the schooner aa to be aeverely humed by the dwcbarce of her guna. Many other circumatancea are related of tbia fanMua aiege, mit it i* believed the preceding are all that are well authenticated. Pontiac having inveatetl I>etroit now for about twelve montha, and , md as lie waa going to hold a council among the luuiana in lUinoia, as nil asent ibr the English, a spy attended him to obeerve his conduct ; nnd that, in a speech, he betrayed the English, and diarovered hia former <;.'iinity against them. When he had finished, the Indian who had ac- companied him plunged a knife into his breast, and thus ended the days of u chief who has bpcn rcnowne*! for singular sagacity, daring courage, ^reat spirit of command, and indoed numerous other qualities, found only in those bom to be great. Ca4r. CHAPTER. IV Capt. Pipe — SUvatUm qf affain an tKef/yMm id Ac period ELBi.EMBitD— BooKoirsAHEias— Murder of^ajor Tnieaum and others disapproved 6y him — His speech to the murderers — In the batUe of Prtsque-lsU^His death — ISa great tntre- pidUy— Further parHculan ofCajO. Pipe — His famous speech— Expedi- tion and defeat of Col. Crawford, toho was taken prisoner and burnt at the stake — CbIKTOMMO—ToM-LEWIS— MeSSHAWA— KlHG-C&AIfE— LlTTLE- TURTLE — Defeats Cm. iSt CU^s army — Incidents inthata^ffidr — LitUe- turtle'a opinion of Gen, fFayne — Visits PhiladtipUa — His mterviewwith C. F. FiAnm—^ecdUes — Bloe-jacket — Defeated by Cen. Wayne in the haiUe tf Preajue-Ialc. Pipe, or Captain P^* as he in usually called, firom hia having been a most conspicuous war-captain among the Dclawarea, during the period of the revolution, in particular, was chief of the Wolf tribe. His charac- ter is a very prominent one, in the memorable troubles among the frontier settlements, ut the breaking out of the war. Situated aa were the Dela- * A chief of this name 'if^ed a treaty at Foit Greeaville, in 1814^ with 112 other*, \>y which it seems the l)cla«are$ peq>etuated it. it followed that of WkUe-eyei. [Bool V. le purauitof miDf ■oclow r her gum, eg«, mit it in nthi, and the impire, ezten- r. Awara or S for Detroit ^ which WIS a. He aeema , and became granted him a in lUinoia, as hia conduct; ed hia former who had ac- ded the days iring courage, es, found only ClAP. IV.] CAPTAIN PIPE. 39 odoftkerevo- id^Hal"- I rtmonst tmsd prevails, aries taken to :«s ht3 conduct wronce — Capt. (^Pipe^IKa mnaMoartof a ItapeeekUtikem oneAHEiJis— -Hia apeeeh to Ha great iiUre- etek—Expedi- nd burnt at the WfE — LlTTLE- qffair—LdtUe- tnterviewwith '•en. tVayne in laving been n ig the period His charac- ig the frontier ere the Dela- with IIS others, luU-eyti. wan» between the Engliah of Canada and tlio Americana, it waa hardly to be enaeted but that they ahould be drawn into that war. They could not well weich ita nierita or demerita upon either aide. A apeech of the renowned Otm-planl contaioa the beat commentary upon tbia matter. The En^iab atood much the beat chance of gaining the Indiana to their intereat, uiaamueh aa they were prufuae in their preaenlk of what wuh uaefiji to them, aa well aa ornamental, whereaa the Americana required all their reaoureea to carry on the war. The commanding officer at De- troit, believing that the Moravian Indians upon the Suaquehannah favored the Americana, ordered them, dead or alive, with their prieats, to be brought into Canada. The Iroquoia agreed that it should be done, but, unwilling to do it themaelvea, aent meaaengera to the Chippewava and Ottawaa, to intimate that if ihev would do it, "they ahould have them to make aoup of." Theae two tribea, however, refuaed, and the Hay-king of the Hurona undertook it himself. Ho had been formerly very flriendly to the believing Indiana, and now pretended that he only concluded to seize upon them, to save them from destruction ; and, Mr. Loakiel adda, " even the Haif-king would certainly never have agreed to commit this act of injustice, had not the Delaware, Caftu PV't * noted enenw of the cospel and of the believing It^dians, instigated him to do it" Pipe and nia company of Delawaroa, joined by Hay-king and hia warriors, and aome Shawanese, held a war-feaat, roaate*! a whole o\, and agreed upon the manner of proceeding. The captains only of this expedition knew fully ita deatination. With auch aecrecy did they proceed, that the Monip vian aettlementa knew nothing of their approach, until they were in their vicinity. They bore an English flag, and an English oiHcer was among them. It waa now 10 August, 1781. Half-king sent in a niuasage to Salem, reeducating the inhabitants not to be alarmed, for tliey ahould receive no injury, and that he had good worda to apeak to tncm, and wwhed to know at which of the aetUementa they might bold a council mth them. Gnadenhuetten being fixed upon, ul assembled there upou 11 August. Meanwhile, the numbers of Pipe'* expedition had increased from 146 to 900, and about 10 days after, Ha^-kmg made the following speech to the believing Indians and their teachers : — " Cousins : ye believing Indiana in Gnadenhuetten, Schoenbriinn, and Salem, I am much concerned on your account, perceiving that you live in a very dangeroiw apot Two powerful, angry and merciless goda atand ready, opening their jaws wide against each other : you are aitting down between both, and thus in danger of being devoured and ground to powder by the teeth of either one or the other, or both. It is therefore not advisable for you to atay here nay longer. Consider your young people, your wives, and your children, and preaerve their lives, for here they must all perish. I therefore takp you by the hand, lift you up, and place you in or near my dwelling, where you will be safe and dwell in peace. Do not stand looking at your plantations and houses, but ariae and follow me ! Take also your teachers [prieata] with you, and worship God in the place to which I shall lead you, as you have been accustomed to do. You shall likewise find provisions, and our ftther beyond the lake [the governor at Detroit,] will care for you. This is my message, and I am come hither purposely to deliver it." The brethren, after taking thia into conaideration, remonstrated, in feeU ing language, against such an immediate removal ; saying they did not conceive that the danger waa so great, aa, moreover, they were at peace with all men, and took no part in the war, and that it would bring famine aod distreaa upon them, to set out before their harvest with nwiing in their hands^ but that they would keep and consider hia words, and would 40 CAPTAIN riPE. (Book V. uwwer hlin th« neit w'lDter. It wiw aoppoMd that Ha^f-king wm willing to comply, but for th« iniporliiiiity of Ptpt and the Engliah captain. Thia amir eventuated in thn aei/ure of tlie miaaionariea and tlieir remoTal to Sanduakj, aa haa tiuen wriltt-n in the account of OlMnkan. Caut. Pip* m^w publicly boaated of hiti exploit, and aaid the Indiana and their prieata were hia ahiv jb. They had hail but a moiiient'a repoae at Handuakv, when the governor at Detroit ordered Capt. Pip* to conduct them to him. They were glad of an op|iortunity of aeeinc the governor (ace to face, believing they could convince him that they had never aaaiated the Americana, and accordingly attended Pipe thither. Here the miaiionariea Zeiaberger, iSinfeman, Heekewelder and Edwtnrds bad to await a kind of trial, and Pipe waa the evidence againat them. On the 9 November, thia ^al or examination came on, and Capt. Pipe appear- ed, and apoke aa f^ltowa: ** Father, you have eommantkd iu to bring the be- lieving hdiani ttnd their teaehere from the Muekingum. Thi$ mm been done. Hlten we had brmight them to Sandtukv, you ot^kndu$h bring their teaehen and $ome of their eh^ft unto you. Here you aee them btfart vou ; flow you may ipeak vfUh them yourt^f, aa you have desired. But I hope you wiU apeak good worda unto them, yea I tetl you, apeak good worda unto them, for they are myJHenda, and I ahould be aorry to aee them ill tued." The governor then repeated to Pipe tlie charges lie had formerly urged acaiiwt the brethren, and called on him to prove hia aaaertiona. The chief seemed now evidently confused, and said such things might have happened, but they would do so no itiiore, for they were now at Detroit. This did not satiaiy the ^vemor, aueo- rle are my friends : but this I tell you, that if yo>i hurt any one of them, know what I will do!** This threat deterred them: thus were the minionaries as well as many others saved. It is stated by Mr. Heekewelder, that, notwithstanding Capt Pipe was so eager for the war before its commencement, he soon oecame sorry fbr it afwrwards. This might have been the case ; and yet he was one of the most efficient enemies of the Americans after the peace, as will elsewhere appear. Capt White-euea, or Koqudhagaethkn, which was his Indian naintt,* was his fiarticufar friend, and they were both great men of the * According to Mr. HeckeutUer. His residence was at the moulli of the Big Beaver. Chap. IV.J CAPTAIN PIPK. It Dniawnre nation, having bocn nearly nliko (li^^tinffuiKhH hy thnirrourngn on many oocasions. No on« runiti hav« nioro nt lioart llit! Wflfare of their country, than Capt. H'kiU-eyu hud ihat of thn Ui-luwaro nation, and it ia not pmtKnded, but that aa much ahould hv raid of CB|rt. Pipt ; but they were diflffrently circiimatanced, and the former waa open and foarleaa in li» declarations in favor of the Americana, while the latter socretiv (hvor- od the British. Thus they were unwillingly opposed to each other, and for almut two years, one by his frankneas and the other by hia clandestine operations, strove to unite and strengthen their respective fwrties. Meanwhile a circunwtance happened, which Cupt Pipe seized upon for declaring war. JIfKee, EUiol, Ourly, and aeveral others, had been held At Pittsburg as tones. Early in the s|>ring of 1778, they made an escape, and fled ipto the Indian countrv, and, as they went, proclaimed to tnat 1>eople, that the Americans had determined to destroy them ; tliat there- ore their only safety consisted in repelling them ; that they must fly to arms, and fl^ht them in every place. i*ipe, beinf( rather inclined to war, believe see the big commander be wanted. iXntiy. who replied, " 7b moAe Ptaee.*' Then, said the coloncd, send over some of yuur chie& fhe Inaiiui interrogstively said, "Mag oe you AiUf* No, said the colonel, they shall come and go in safeQr. Hereupon a chief of most elegant appearance crossed to the encampment, ana — I heatate to relate it-^while this chief was conversing with the coiood, a monster, of the militia, came up, and wit^ a tomahawk, which he had concealed in his clodies, laid him dead with a single stroke !* Thus the peace which might have been concluded was unhappily suspended, and the war after- wards might well have been expected to exJiioit scenes no less bloody than befm one of these parties ; that therefore no time should be lost, but they should go to the country on the Miami, where they would be entirely out of danger. ■"The Christian Indians replied, that, as they had never injured the Amer- icans, they thunght they need not fear iniurv from them ; that if their friends at war wished them well, in truth, they would not make their settleinem upon the path they took to go to war, as it would lead their antagonists the same way ; and that they could not remove without great detriment ; and therefore, as they were then situated, they could not con- sent to go. Paef^anttekikiku consulted in the mean time with his ehief men, and ' ainswered very feelmgly to what the brethren had said. He observed that he was sorry that they should differ firom him in opinion, but that he had no intention to use compulsion, and only requested that those might be permitted to go, whose fenn* prompted them to it This was readily assented to, anil tlie council broke up, and the warriors depart'id. At Salem they made a short stay, where they conducted themselves as they had done at Gnadenhuetten. Here a fiimily of old people joined them, through fear of what PachgantKhiMUu had predicted, aiid the event justi- fied the proceeding ! The massacre of Gnadenhuetten will ever be re- membered with the deepest resret and indignation. '■ Nothing was feared fh>m the good PefeAenana&u; but the prowling monsters JiPKee, Girty, Elliott and perhaps others, calling themselves white, were the plotters of the ruin of the innocent people at Chiaden- buetten, which followed not long after. Our present desiffn makes it expedient that we pass over many events in the chronicles of the frontier wars, that we may he enabled to proceed with more minutencu of detail, in the lives of the eminent chicfi. Although we cannot, by any rule known to us,d' *ve Buokm>gahi!a» from Paehgantaeihilat or Petckenanalat, yet, as they have as much affinity as Pometaeom and Metacomet, we shall let them peas for the same pereon, and thus continue our narrative. "'' Buokongak^B was not only a great, but a noble warrior. He took no delight in shedding blood ; and when iio raised the hatchet on the side of the British in the revolution, it was for tho bc«t of reasons ; and would that numerous other allies we could name had acted fiiim as pure motives. Our next notice of Buokon/rj/idas is in 1798, when he showed himself no less itiagnaniinous than at Gnadenhuetten and Salem. Col Hardin, Major TVueman, and several others, were sent, in May of this year, with a flag of truce, to the Indian nations of the west, imrticulnrly the Manmee towns. They having arrived near the Indian town of An Gflaizc on the S. W. branch of the Miami of the Luke, fell in with some Indians, who treated them well at firrt, and made many profeaeions of Irieiidship, but in the end took a^ ^ Aod io $au had nat been liked, U wotdd luue been time enough to hme Kuled them then. Mbtbing, he aaid, eoutdjiutyy them for putting than to 4eath, a$ there woe no chance for them to eecape. The truth wu, diey killed them to plunder their effect!. Buokongahdaa took Mr. SlmaUy into his cabin, and showed him great kindness; told him to stay there while he could go safely to his former Indian friends. (He bavmg been adopted into an Indian fiimilv, in place of one who had been killec^ in his former captivity.) While here with Buokongahelas, which was near a month, Mr. Smal^ said the chief would not permit him to oo abroad alone, for fear, be said, that the young Indians would kill 'aim. Thus, though we do not meet often with ^tio- kongahelae, but when we do, tbe interview is no less honorable to him, than in the instances we have civen. It is said that tbe conduct of^the British, at the battle of Presoue Ue, forever changed the mind of this chieC as it did that of many otnerr, in regard to them. Buokongahela$ said be would bencefhrth trust them no more. Tbe fort at Maumee was critically situated, but bv its own impru- dence. The officers of it had told the Indians that if the battle turned against them, they should have protection in the fort. Immediateljjr after, Qbb. Wa^ne informed them, that if they did protect the Indians m that event, he^ould treat them as though found in arms against him ; there- fiire, think{jng their own safety of more consequence uian keeping thnr faith with Uie Indians, they barred the gates, and were idle spectators of those they bad baselv betrayed, cut down in great numbers by the swords of the horaeinen, under their very ramparts! It would seem ftom a passage in tbe Memoirs of Gen. Jbrriaon^ that BwikonitahiUu died soon « after die treaty of 1804 ;** that if he had been alive, Mr. Dawton thinks, when IhemfiA aod the Prophd enlisted ao mjuiy nations against the Americans, he would not have suflbred their pj^ip^ito bave been matured. The same author relates an incident of necuKar interest, concerning our subject, which is as follows : — After the fight with ffoyneV army bdfbre mentioned, Buohongahiat odlected the remnant of bis band, and embariced with them in canoes, and passed up the river, to send a flag of truce to Fort Wayne. When the chief arrived against the British fort, he was requested to land, which he did. When be had approached the sentinel, he demanded, " fl'lui hifoe you to $ajf to meV He was answered that the commandant desired to spsuk with bim. « 3TI^ he may come aaaB,** was tbe reply. The sentry then said the offi- cer would not do that, and that he would not he allowed to pans the fort, if be did not comply with its rules. " fFhat ahaU prevent meV said the intrepid chief. Pomting to the cannon of the fort, the sentry said, <* Those.** The chief replied indignantly, '* I /ear not tyour cannon .* ^Uter an ironical reproach to the iBritish garrison for their troacheiy to Indian*, whicn, has been mrationed. , , It is said that Buokongahdaa was present at Fort Bl'Intosh, at the treaty 0^ 1^85 ; but as his name is not among the signers, we suppose he was opposed to it. Oen. Otorre R. CUA, Arthur I*e, and JRicftordf Butter, were tbe American commissionen; the former had been a successftu warrior a^nst tbe Indians, which had gained hini the respect of JSitofton- * By Mr. Danuon, f»ge 8S. 46 CAPTAIN PIPE. [Book V. gdhdat; and when he had an opportuniqr, he paned the others without noticing them, but went anil took Gen. Cktrk by the hand, and said, **!' Oumk £e Gnat SpirH for having Otu dmi broufAt togtiher two twh grtat waniort, as BcoKONflABEi^s ami Grh. Ulakk. A separate article in the treaty just named, illustrates the hntcrjr of several chieft already mentioned. It is in these words : — ** It is agreed that the Delaware chiefs Kdehanand, [(kkUmend, KSlbuek,'] or Col. Henry ; Hengve-muhets, or the _Big-eat ; WieoeaKnd, or Capt. nlnU-tyea ; who took up the natchet for the United States^ and their families, shall be received into the Delaware nation, in rhe same situation and rank tm heftre the war, and enjoy their due portions of the lands to the Wyandot acd Delaware nations m this treaty, as fully as if they had not taken part with America." We shdl have occasion again to conmder fttrther some of the characters which we have but incidentally mentioned hers. For the present, we will proceed with some matters of deep interest in the life of C&pt. Fqit, At one time, after an expedition against the Americans, Capt Pipe went to Detroit, where he was received with respect by the British com- mandant, who, with his attendants, was invited to the council-house, to ffive an account of ^ast transactions. He was seated in fh>nt of his IndianB, ftcing the chief officer, and held in his left hand a short stick, to which was ihstened a scalp. Aifter a usual pause, he arose and spoke as ft>]lows : — * JVttiler, [then he stooped a little, and, turning towards the audience, widi a countenance ftil! of great expresnon, and a sarcastic look, said, in a lower tone of voice,] " / have said father, although, indeed, I do not iiuw WHT I am to c
oii the bottom of the Itoat, an they were in sreat danger of Itciug trampled to death by (hem before they fell, and anerwarda from their strivings. When this was fiuishetl, the firing ceased, and Mr. JIfay stood up, and held up a white cap in token of 9urrend«';but he fell in a mo- iiiciit idler, with a ball shot throuffh his head. Several of the Indians now Hvvurn to the boat, and were iiel|)ed into it by those within. Having now got |>ossessioa of it, they seeuKid well pleased, and offered no further violence. All things were now taken on shore, and un immense fire kindled ; the dead wero scalped, and thrown into the river, and the captives divested of most of their clothes. As several Indians were gathered around Mr. Johnston when he was stripped, one, observing that he nad on a kind of red vest, approached and said to him in English, " Oh ! you cappalin ?" He fciaid, " Ao." Then (he Indian pointed to his own breast, and said, "Me cappattn—M dete^ my sogers." This was Chikatommo, An Indian, iinmed Tom Letois, discovered much humanity to Mr. Johnston, in that hu covered hiiii with his own blanket after he had lost his clothes. Being all stationed about the fire, Chikatommo was at one end of it, (it being about 50 feet in length,) who, rising up, ir ~de a speech to the multi- tude. An old Shawanee chief, whose name is t mentioned, made the first speech, at the erd of which Chikatommo conducted Johnston to another Shawanee chief, whose name was Mes-shaw-a, to whom he was given or assigned, and infunncd that he was his friend. At the end of CAttofommo'x speech, another prisoner was disposed of. The same cere- mony was repeated with the third and last. Johnston, Skyles and Flinn went to the Snawanese, and Peggy Fleming to the Cherokees. This band of robbers appears to have been made u]> of adventurers from the tribes just mentioned, with the addition of a few Delawares. The latter had none of the prisoners, as they did not wish to he known in the business, thinking it might involve their nation in a war with the U. States. The two white men who had decoyed the boat into the Indians' hands, were still with them, and the next duy all the captives were ordered to take a position upon the edge of the river, to decoy the fii-st that should be passing. A boat soon appeared, and, repugnant as such an employment was to the feelings of these captives, yet they were obliged thus to do, or Mjfier a horrible death. Divine and Thomas were the names of the two .whites so often mentioned : the former was the voluntary agent, and, as Mr. /oftfufcm expresses it, the one who "alone bad devised and carried into eflect their destruction;" and, "ingenious in wicked stratagems, seemed to be perfectly gratified to aid the savages in their views, and to feel no scruples in suggesting means for their accomplishment. He fabri- cated a tale, that we were passengers down the Ohio, whose boat had suffered so great an injury, that we were unable to proceed until it was repaired ; but that for want of an axe, it was impossible for us to do the necessary work. These unsuspecting canoe-men turned towards us; but the current bore them down so far below us, as to preclude all chance of my putting them on their guard. [Mr. Johnston having intended by some sign to have given them warning of what awaited them.] The Indians, as they had acted in our case, ran down the river at such a dis- tance from it, and under cover of the woods, that they were not discover- ed until the canoe was close to the shore, when they fired into it, and shot every one on board. As they tumbled into the water, their little bark was overset. Two, who were not yet dead, kept themselves afloat, but were so severely wounded that they could not swim off. The In- dians leaped into the river, and, after dragging them to the shore, de- ,^piUched them with the tomahawk. The bodies of the four who were kdled were also brought to land, and the whole six were scalped. All camp, € Chap. IV.] KmCM^RANK. 51 were then thrown into the rhrer. Nothing I could then learn, or which has since come to my knowiedn, haa enabled me to understand who these unfortunate sufferers were. After various successra and encounters upon the river, Ckikatommo left it, and met a number of his company at an encampment about five miles from it. Here he left the rest, taking with him a select number and some of the Cherokees, with Miss Fleming; and the company with whom Johuion remained did not join him again for many days. After much delay and interesting incident, they reached tlie Indian town of Upper Sandusky. Here they squandered all their rich booty for whiskcjr, and, as usual, rioted in drunkenness for several day& CkiluUommo at this time shewed himself very savage to the prisoners, and had ho not been pre- vented by the humane and benevolent Mesahawa,* would have killed some of them. The unfortunate SkyUt had some time before left them, and gone in an unknown direction with his cruel master. ^ A French trader at Sandusky, a Mr. Dudtou^utt, had used endeavors to ransom Johniton ; but his master for some time would hear nothing of it At length, having dissipated all his booty, and ashamed to return home in such a state, he concluded to sell Johniton for the most he could get ; and accordingly 600 silver broaches were paid him, eqjual in value to 100 dollars, the amount agreed upon. Chikatommo and his party then took up their march for Detroit. Not long after this, Mr. JohntUm return- ed home by way of that piacu. Before, he left Snndusky, he was informed of the burning of the ill-fated Flimt: he suffered at the stake at the Miami village, and was eaten by his torturers. The Indian who brought the news to Sandusky, said that he himself had feasted upon him. King-crane, a Wyandot chief, appears conspicuous in this narrative, and illustrates a valuable trait of character in Indian life. When Mr. Ihuhoiupiet and Johnson had arrived at Lower Sandusky, in their way to Detroit, the town was filled with abtrm, and the^ soon learned the occa- sion to be firom the arrival of some Cherokees in the neighborhood with a female captive. The traders in the place immediately went t(i their camp, where they found Peggu Fleming, who some time before had been separated firom JohntUtn and the other captives. Among those who went to see her, was a white man by the name of Whitaker, who, having been carried into captivity in his youth, had grown up in all the Indian habits, and being a man of considerable physical fwwers and enterprise, had become a chief among the Wyandot8.t He had been upon the fix>n- tiers with the Indians upon trading expeditions, and had lod^d at times in Pittsburg in the tavern of Miss FUming^a father. She immediately knew him, and besought him, in the most affecting manner, to deliver her from bondage. He went immediately to KiAg-erane, and told him that the woman with the Cherokees was his sister,^ and urged him to use means for her relie£ Xing-crane went vrithout loss of time, and urged the Cherokees to restore her to her brother. They were enraged at the request, and there was danger of their murdering* her lest she slioiild be taken from them. He next tried to purchase her ; but his lienevolent offers were indignantly refused, and their rage was still increased. Re- solved to rescue her out of their hands, J&ng-crane repaired to their camp eariy the next morning, accor.^nanicd with 8 or 10 youn^ warriors. They found the Cherokees asleep, but the captive — it is shocking to hu- manity to relate — was without the least attire ! extended and lashed to the stoke ! — ready to be burned ! — her body painted all over with black. * Mr. Johntton, throusfaout bis narrative, gives him an excellent rharactor. He was alive afier the ".■?r of 1812 began, and was one of the followers of Teeuuueh, ' i f^-^, tm» and Wyandott are synonymous terms with most writers. i If aver good came out of evil, we should expect it in a case Hke this. s 89 LITTLE-TURTLE. [Book V. Kvne-rraixc silunll.v rut th« thongs with wiiieli she wan hound, then awakiiiril tli<> niunlcrcrH, uiiil thn^w down upon thn ground tlie price of a cai»^ivu in silver hmache?, (which ar« current money among them,) and deparlfd. She \ms wHin niler sent forward fi>r lier home, diaguised in the uttiru ol' n squaw. The Clivrokecs pruwicti about ae^king vengeance upon 8UII10 white itcreon for u few dayts and then disanpeared. The reader inuy wish to know what bocauie of Shftea : — be was taken to a pincu upon the Miami River, wiiere he was doomed to be burnt, but made his tf8ca|>e tiie night previous to tlie day on which he was to have suffered. After ondunug the ruoat painful fatigues and hunger, from wandering nlonc in the wilderness, he met with some traders who con- veyed him to Detrait, and from thence home to Vii^inia. TJic sequel of the life of the old liard-hearted Chikatotnmo is as follows: Fol^fotir years succeeding the events above related, he followed his dep- redating career, and wiis concerned in opposing the war parties ofi^Amer- icans until the time of Uen. Wmpte'a fiiiious ox|)edition. As thai veterai] was advancing into the western region, Chikalommo met an advance par- ty of his army at the head of a band of his desperate warriors, who were Hunt forward as the Indian forlorn hope. A sharp skirmish followed, and Chiekatommo wns siniii. This was the artion near Fort Defiance. Kng- crant wus also in itrms to oppose ( jen. n'ai/ne ; but in the last war against England, he fought tor the Ameriraiis, and is supposed to have died three or four years ailcr ite close. He was one of the signers of IFoync'c famous treaty at Fort Greenville, and several others. We now pass to a chief by fkr more prominent in Indian history than many who liavc received in|ich greater notice from historianB. This was Miahikinckwa, (a name by no means settled in oithctfrapby,) which, in- terpreted, is said to mean the LitOe-birtlt. To the dinerent treaties beer- ing his name, wo find these spellings: Mediekwtmoghqifoh, Greenville, 3 Aug. 1795; MeshrJnmnogkquoh, Fort Wayne, 7 June, 1803; Mashekan- akmiak, Vincennes, 31 Aug. 1805 ; Muhekatoghpia, Fort Wayne, 30 Sep;^ 1809 ; and were we disposed to look into the various authors who have used the name, we might nearly finisii out our page with its variations. lAUk-turUe was chief of the Miamis, and the scenes of his w/Iike achiovemcnts were upon the country of his birth. He had, in conjuii"- tion with the tribes of that region, successfully fought the armies of Har- tner and St. Clair ; and in tlie fight with the mtter, he is said to have had the chief command ; hence a detailed account of that afiair belongs to his life. It is well known that the Americans inveighed loudly against the English of Canada, in most instances, charging them with all the guilt of the enormities committed on their frontiers by the Indians. It is equally well known, at this day, by every judicious inquirer, that they were not so blamable os the Americans represented, nor so innocent as themselves and friends, even long after, represented them. That tfie British govern- ment encouraged depredations upon the' frontiers in times of^ peace, should not too easily be received for truth ; still, there is reason to believe that some who held inferior ofiRces under it, were secret abettors of bar- barities. In the attack upon Gen. iSt. Ctait'a army, now about to be re- lated, there was much cause of suspicion against the Canadians, as it was known that many of them even exceeded in that bloody aflbir the Indians themselves. Mr. Weld, the intelligent traveller, says,* " A great many young Canadions, and in particular many that were tram of Indian women, fought on the side of the Indians in tnis action ; a circumstance which confirmed the people of the States in the opinion they had pre- Bon, * Travth m Canada, 496-7, 8vo. Londoa, (4 «d.) ISOa Chaf. IV] LITTI.E.TURTI^E. viomly (brmetl, thnt tho Indinnn were cnroiirnffed nnd abetted in ihoir attacks upoD them by tlie Hritiah. 1 ran mfeiy nflirin, bowever, fn>m havinK ronveraed with many of theen young inen wlio fiMight o^iiM iSt. Ctmr, that it waa with the mmodt MRn-cy lliey leA their boinva to join the Indians, fearful lest the government should censure ttieir comluct. The western Indians were only emboldened by the battles lietweer. them and detachments of Gen. Harmer't arm^, in 17U0, and, under such a leader as Muhikinakwa, entertained aangume hopes of hrinf^ing the Americans to their own terms. One murder followed another, m rapid succesHion, attended bv all the horrors peculiar to their warfiire, which caused President fyauiingUm to take the earliest opportunity of rrconv' mending Congress to ado|it prompt and efficient measures tor checking those calamities; and 2000 men were immediately raiwd and |)ut under the cominatid of Oen. S. CUtir, then governor of the Nortli-Wescem Ter- ritory. He received his appointment the 4th of March, 1791 ; and pro- ceeded to Fort Washington, by way of Kentucky, with all (losMible de- spatch, where he arrived 15 May.* There was much time lost in getting the troo|w embodied at this place ; Gen. BtUUr, with the residue, not ar- riving uutii the middle of September. There were various circumstance* to accoinit for the delays, which it is unnecessary to recount here. Col. Darke proceeded immediately on his arrtvul, which was al>out the end of August, and built Fort Hamilton, on the Miami, in the country of LittU4urtU ; and soon after Fort Jefferson was built, forty miles farther on- ward. These two forts being left manned, about the end of Octolier the army advanced, being about 3000 strong, militia included, whose numbers were not inconsiderable, as will appear by the miserable manner in which they not only confused themselves, but the regular soldiers also. Gen. St. Clair had advanced but about six miles in firont of Fort Jeffer- son, when 60 of' his miKcia, from pretended disaffection, commenoed a retreat ; and it was discovered that the evil had spread considerably among the rest of the army. Being fearful they wouM seize upon the convoy or provisions, the general ordered Col. Heaidramk to pursue them with' hit regiment, and force them to return. The army now consisted of but 1400 effective men, and this was the number attacked by LittU-turUe and his wai'riors, IS miles from the Miami villages. Gen. Butler commanded the right wing, and Col. Darke the led. The militia were posted a quarter of a mile in advance, and were encamped in two lines. They had not finished securing their baggage, when they were attacked in their camp. It was their intention to have uiarehea immediately to the destniction of the Miami villages. Of this thehr movements apprized the Indians, who acted with great wisdom and firm- ness. They ftll upon the militia before sunrise, 4 November, who at once fled into the main camp, in the most disonlerly and tumultuntrt manner: mai«y of them, haviug thrown away their gims, were |NjrsUed and slaughter jd. At the main camp the fight was sustained some tinne, by the great exertions of the officers, but with great inequulity ; the In- dians under LUtU'twrlle amounting to about 1500 warriors, (^ols. Darke and Butlerf and Major Clark, made several successful charges, which ena- bled tliem t» save some of their uumben by checking the enemy while flight was more practicable. Of the Americans, 593 wore killed and missing, beside tkirtj/-«ight oflicers; and 242 soldiers ard twenty-one officers were wounded, man^ of whom died. Col. BuUe ■ was among the slain. The accoimi of hif fall is shocking. He wai severely woimded, and left on tbe grotnid. The well-known and infe nous Simon Gwfy came up to him, and ouervlBd 5* St. Cltm't Narrative, p. 4. LITTLF-WRTLE. fBortu V. bim writhing under ficvcro |>ain from liiH wiiundi;. Oirty know and Hpokf to him. Knowing thnt Iw could not live, the colonel Mggnd of Girty to put an «nd to his iniaery. Thia he rcAiaed t(* do, hut turned to an In- dian, whom he told that the officer woa the commander of the army ; upon which he drove hia tomahawk into his head. A numher of othnra then came around, and after taking off hia acalp, they took out his heurt, and cut it into aa many pieces as there were Iribea in the action, and di- vided it among them. All manner of bniul acts were committed on the bodies of the slain. It need not bo mentioned fur the information of the obaervcr of Indian aiTairs, that land was the main cause of this aa well us most other wars between the Indians and whites; and hence it was vcrv easy to account for the Indians filling the mouths of the slain with earth after this battle. This was actually the case, as refwrted by those who shortly after visited the scene of action and buried the dead. Oen. iSi(. Clair was called to an account for the disastrous issue of this campaign, and was honorablv acquitted. He published a nahntive in vindication of his conduct, which, at this dav. few will think it reauired. What he aays of hia retreat we will give in h« own words.* '•The re- treat was, you may be sure, a precipitate one ; it was in fact a flight. The camp and the artillery were abandoned ; but that was unavoidanle, fiir not a horse was left ative to have drawn it off, had it otherwise been practicable. But the most disgrnceful part of the business is, that the greatest part of the men threw away their arms and accoutrements, even after the pursuit, which continued about four miles, hod ceased. I found the road strewed with them for nianv miles, but was not able to remedy it ; for, having hud all my horses killed, and being mounted upon one that could not be pricked out of a walk, I conld not get forward myself, and the orders I sent forward, either to halt the firont, or prevent the men from parting with their arms, were unattended to." The remnant of the army arrived at Fort Jefl^raon the same day, just liefore sunset, the place from which they fled being fg) miles distant. Gen. St. Clair did every thing that a brave general could do. He ex- posed himself to every danger, having, during the action, eight bullets abot through his clothes. In no attack related in our records, did the Indians discover greater bravery and determination. After giving the first Are, they rushed forward with tomahawk in hand. Their loss wae inconsiderable ; but the traders afterwards learned among them that lAUU- twtU bad 150 killed and manv wounded.* '•They rushed on the aftil- lery, heedless of their Are, and took two pieces in an instant They were again retaken by our troops ; and whenever the army charged them, they were seen to give way, and advance again as soon as they M|(U> to retreat, doiiig great execution, both in the retreat and advance. They are very dextrous in covering themselves with trees; many of them however fell, both of the infantry and artillery." *' Six or eight pieces of artillery fell into their bonds, with about 400 horses, all the baggage, ammunition, and provi8ions.''t It has been generally said, that had the advice of LitUe-lwtie been taken at the disastrous fight afterwards with Gen. Wcnmt, there is very littlt^ doubt but he had met as ill succes8| as Gen. St. Clair^ did before him. * Pcim. Oatette, of that year. t Letter from Fort Hamilton, dated six days aOer the battle. X LiaU-turtle told Mr. Voltiey circumslaDces which gave him that opbion. See his ISrtmeU in America, ed. Load. 1804. f Oen. Arthur 8t. Clair was of Edinburgh, Scotland. He came to America in the lleM which broucht over Admiral Boieauien, in 1765, and having served through the rcv- ohitionary and Indian wars, died at his farm near Greensburgfa, Pa. 31 Aug. 1818. ilflMT. Mom. Mag. ii. 469, (N. Y. 1818.) Gmap. IV. LirrLE-riiRTi.E. ss DioD. See his He wan not for fightiii(( Gen. Wayne at FreM|U« Isle, and inclined rather to peocu tlmn fighting tiim at ttli. In a coiiitcil hold ttio uislii iNtfun the tmttlu, ho argued as mlluwa : " H^e have beaten the enemy limee, under $epa- rate eommanderi. We cannot expert the game good foriunt. id\emj$ to attend Uf. The Americana art now lea bif a chirfwho never $leep»: the nigtU and (Ae daif are alike to him. Jlni during tdl the time that he has been nuercking upon our vUlageJi, nolwilhatanding the tealch/idnui of our young men, uk hitve never been able to aurprise him. Think xetU of U. Then i» lomething whijpera me, it touutd be prudent to liaten to hia qffera of peace." For hold- ing this lunguuge hu was reproached by anotlier chief with cowardict*, which put an end to all l\irUier discounte. Nothing woundi tlie feelinfp of a warrior like the reproach of cowardice ; but LitUc'turtle atifled his resentiiiout, did his duly in the battle, uud its issue proveil him a truer prophet than hia accuser believed.* His residence was upon Eel River, about 90 miles from Fort Wayne, whei-u our govoinment built him a house, and furnished him with means of living, much to the envy of his countrymen. Therefore, what had been bestowed U|)on Urn, to induce others to a like mode of lif; by tiieir own exertions, proved not only pre- judicial to the cause, but engendered hatred against him in the minds of all the Indians. Ho was not a chief by birth, but was raised to that standing by his superior talents. This was the cause of so much jealousy and envy at this time, as also a neglect of his counsel heretofore. The same autlior,f from whom we get tho tiicts in the preceding part of this paragraph, says, " Meahecunnaqua, or tiie LitUe-turtle, wus the son of a Miami chief, by a Mohecan woman. As the Indian maxim, with regard to descents, is precisely that of the civil law in relation to slaves, that the condition of the woman adheres to the oflspring, ho was not a chief by birth," &c. Little-turtle was alike courageous and humane, possessing groat wis- dom. " And," aays my author, " there have been fow individuals among aborigines who have done so much to abolish tiie rites of human sacri- fice. The grave of this noted warrior is shown to visitors, near Fort Wayne. It is frequently visited by the Indians in that part of the country, by whom his memory is cherished with the greatest respect and veu- eration."^ The grave of his great opponent was also in the same region ; hut his remains were not long since removed to the seat of his family. Ever after his successful expedition, the Indians called him the Big-wind;^ or Tor- nado; some, however, on partioulur occasions, called him Sukaih-gook, which signified, in Delaware, a black-snake ; because, thoy said, he pos- sessed all the art and cunning of that reptile. |l Wo hear yet of another name, which, though it may not have been his fault that acquired it, is less complimentary than the two just named. It is well known that the British bestowed a great many more presents upon the Indians than the Americans did ; but iuit8. And it was with the view of soliciting Concress, and the benevolent Horiety of Friends, for assistance to effect this latter purpoae, that he now visited Pliilatleiphia. While here, he was inocuiatecl for the small-|)ox, and wits also afflicted with tiie gout and rheumatism. At the time of Mr. Volney's interview with him for information, he took no notice of the conversation while the interpreter was communi- cating with Mr. Volney, for he did not understand English, but walked alMut, plucking out his beard and eye-brows. He was dresstxl now in English clothes. His nkin, where not exposed, Mr. Volruy says, was as white as his ; and on siieuking upon the subject, LUUe'turtu said, " I have seen Spaniards in Louisiana, and fo showed him tbe supposed comnmnication between Asia and Americn. To this Little-turtU re|)lied, " HTiy akould not these Tartars, who resimblr. tts, have come from America ? Are there any reasons to the contrary? Or why should we not both have been born in our own country ?" It is a fact that the Indians give themselves a name which is euuivalent to our word indigene, that is, on^ sprung from (Ae soil, or natural to ii.* Baron Lahontan,\ after describing the different dances, or dances for different occasions, among the Indians of Canada, adds the following in a note : — " Tbu learn what is done here would require a long time." " Old age comes on." ** I should he a piece of farviture useless to my nofum, useless to the whites, and useless to myself. " ^ ^''^ return to my oton country." At the same time, (1797,) among other eminent personages to whom this chief became attached in Philadelphia, was the renowned Koskiusko. This old Polish chief was so well pleased with LiUk-turtle, that when the latter went to take his final leave of him, the old ** war-worn soldier" and patriot presented him with a beautifitl pair of pistols, and an elegant robe made of sea-otter's skin, of the value of "several" hundred dol- lars. Littte-turUe died in the spring of 1812, at his residence, but a short time before the declaration of war agtunst England by the U. States. His por- trait, by Stewart, graces the walls of the war-omce of our nation. The following notice appeared in the public prints at the time of his death : "Fort Wayne, 21 July. 1812. On the 14 inst. the celebrated Miami chief, the LUtle-tartie, died at this place, at the age of 65 years. — Perhaps there is not left on this continent, one of his color so dis:*! juished in council and in war. His disorder was the gout. He died in a camp, because he chose to be ill the open air. He met death with great firmness. The agent for Indian afiain had him buried with the honors of war, and other marks of distinction suited to his character." He vras, generally, in his time, styled the Messissago chie^* and a gentleman who saw him soon after St. Clair's defeat, at Montreal, says he was six foet high, "about 45 years of age, of a very sour and morose countenance, and apparently very crafty and subtle. His dress was Indian moccasins, a blue petticoat thtt came half way down his thighs ; an European waistcoat and surtout ; his head was bound with an Indian cap that hung half way down his back, and almost entirely filled with plam silver broaches, to the number of more than 200 ; he had two ear-rings to each ear, the upper part of each was formed of three alver medals, about the size of a dollar ; the lower part was formed of quarters of dollars, and fell more than 12 inches from bis eara— one from each ear over his breast, the other over his back ; he had three veiy large nose jewels of silver, that were curiously painted. The account he garve of the action [with the Americans, 4 Nov.] was, that they killed 1400 of them, with the loss of nine only of their party, one of whom killed himself by accident" The person who gave this account said this chief was in Canada for the purpose of raising all the Indian force he could to so out again in the spnng against the whites. Mr. Dawson relates a pleasant anecdote of Little-turtle, which happened while he was sitting for his portrait in Philadelphia. A native of the Emerald Isle was sitting for his at the same time, who prided himself upon his ability at joking. LittU-turtte was not backward in the same business, and they passed several meetings very pleasantlv. One morn- ing, LiUle-turtle did not take much notice of his fi*iend, and seemed rather sraate, which was construed by the Hibernian into an acknowledgment of victory on the part of the chief, in their joking game, and accordingly began to intimate as much. When lAtUe-turlle understood him, he said to the interpreter, " He mistakes ; / u>as just thinking of proposing to this * ThoM of this tribe in the vicinity of Lake Ontario, are of a much darker eom plexioo than the other Indiimi of the well. Weld, Travelf in America, 46L 5». BLUE-JACKET. [Book V. maa,t»paint u$ bM on one board, and Uiert Iwaddttandfact to fact wiA hum, and blackguard Aim to aU tlemitjf" Amoog the cbieft awociated in command, in the ima of which we have be«n 8|)ealung with the Amoua Miahikinakwa, wos another of nearly equal note, familiarly called Blue-jadut by the whites, but by his own nation, tVeyapUnenwaw. He was the most distinguished ch'ief of the Shawanese, and we hear of him at Fort Industry, on the Miami of the Lake, as late as 1805. By some particular arran^ment, the chief com- mand seems to have devolved on him of opposing Gen. Wajfnt. He WW more bloody and precipitate than JlfttUfctnaJnoa, and possessed less disQriminatico and judgment The tribes which furnished warriors to Qppose the Americans were the Wyandots, Miamis, Pottowattomies, DoJawares, Shawanese, Chippeways, Ottaways, and a few Senecas. Btw-jackU was the director and leader of tliis mighty baud of warriors. From the time Qeneral iSK. Clair was defeated, in 1791, murders were continued upon the frontier, and all attempts on the part of government to effect a peace, proved of no avail ; and lastly the ambassadors sent to th«i»i, weee mucde^ed, and that too while the army was progressing towards theic country. Aft«r building Fort Greenville, upon the Ohio, six miles above Fort Jef- ferson, General H^ojfw took possession of the ground where Gen. St. Clair hod been defeated, and there erected a fort, to which he gave the name of Recoveiy, in wbick the army spent the winter of 1798-4. Many cen- sures. w«r» passt^. upon the |[eneral for his sIqw progress ; but ho knew much bettei; wl)#t h» was domg than newspaper writers 4id what they w«ire writing whj^n they undertook to censure hioa, as the event proved. it was the 9 August, ]i794, wiien tl;^ mrmy arrived at the confluence of the rivers Au, Glawe and Maumee, where they built Fort Pefiauce. \^ was the genentl'si desien to have met the eoemv unprepared, in this move ; but A fel^>W' deserted his camp, and 9ptified the Indians' He now tried agai« to bring them to an accommodatipn, and fiiora the nnswecs which he rec^ive^, vrotn theiin,,it wasspme time revolved in his mind, whether toey were for peace or war; S9 artful Vfas the manner ii^ which their replies were formed.* At length, being Ailly satisfied, he marched down. im Btaumee, ^nd arrived at the rapids, 18 August. His army con9i9ted of upwardi of 300Q men, 2000 of whom were regulars. Fort Dep qt woo erected «t this place, for the security of their supplies. They now a^t out to meet tb^ enemy, whQ had chosen his position, upon the bank of the river, with much judgment They had a breastwork of fallen trees in firont, apd the high rocky shore of the river save them much se- curity, as also di4 the thick wood of Fresque Isle. Their ibrce was di- vided, and disposed at supporting distances for about two miles. When this Amerieaus bad arrived at proper distance, a body wi|b sent out tQ begin {'"e attack, " with orders to rouse the enemy from their covert with the bsyQijiiet ; and when up, to deliver a close fire upon their backs, «j|>d press them so hard as not to give them time to reload.'*! This order w<|b so well exeouted, and the battle at the point of attack so short, that only about 900 Ameri the whites, it was gen ally for||otten. He received a very good English ed- ucation at the " Ji: * ' r's charity school," at Lebanon, in Connecticut, where he was place! by Sir WiUiam JtAnson, in July, 1761. His age, at this time, we have not learned. The story that he was but half Indian, the son of a German, has been widely spread, but is denied by his son, and now believed to be a false- hood, ignorantly circulated. This error might have arisen either from the known fact of his being of rather a I'^hter complexion than his country- men in general, or from his havinr married a woman who was half white. Brant went to England in 1775, in the beginning of the great revolu- tionary rupture, where he was received with attention, and doubtless had there his niind prepared for the part he acted in the memorable struggle which ensued. He had a colonel's commissioB ia. the English army, upon the frontiers, which consibt< d of such of the Six Nations and tories, as took part against the country. Gen. Sir William Johnson was agent of Indian affairs, and had greatly ingratiated himself into th\. esteem of the Six Nations. He lived at the pla^ since named from him, upon the north bank of the Mohawk, about 40 miles from Albany. Here he had an ele- gant Heat, and would often entertain several hundreds of his red friends, and share all in common with them. They so much respected him, that, notwithstanding they had the full lil)erty of his house, yet they would tuke nothing that did not belong to them. The better to rivet their es- Coiiin, he would, at certain seasons, accommor!ate himself to their mode of dress, and, being a widower, took as a kind of companion a sister of Brantf by the name of MoUey. He had received honors and emoluments from the British government, and the Indians received also, through his ngency, every thmg which, in their opinion, conduced to their happiness. Heuce it is not strange that they should hold in the creutest reverenco tlie name of their "great father,'' the king, and think me few reljcls who opposed his authority, when the revolution began, most ungratefiiiiy wicked, and unworthy all mercy. Sir William died in 1774, about a year before the battle of Bunker's Hill. The Butlers, John and Walter, whose names are associated with the re- collection of the horrid barbarities upon Cherry Valley and Wyoming, lived at Caiighnewaga, four miles south-easterly Gtom the village of John- »toi), and upon the same side of the Mohawk. Ill J775, in a letter to the Oneida's, our chief subscribes himself "sec- retary to Guy Johnson.''* This wa early in the summer of that year, and hence he was immediately from Enjiand. Col. Guy Johnson was son-in- law of Sir WiUiam. The letter was found in an Indian path, and was supposed to have been loct by the peY-son who was intrusted with it. It was in the Mohawk language, the translation of which commences thus : " Written at Guy Johnson's, May, 1775. This iayour letter, jfm great ones or sacfiems. Guy Johnson says he unll be glad if you gel this intelligence, iiir * Carey's Museum, v. 18. t Annals Tryon County, 15. t Generally written Brandt by tbote who ar« unacquainted with the meaning of his Indian name. -.'tjiki^'lirs:^^^^- €iiAf. v.] BRANT. m you Oneidai, how it goet with him now, and he is now more certam eoneem- (fijjf the intention ^ ike Boston peofle. Ouy Johnson is tn gnat fear ^ bemg taken prisoner by the Bo^omans. ne Mohawks are ol&ged to tsatdt him constanity" &c. After this, Brant accompanied Guy Johnson when he fled to Canada. The two Butlers were also in the train. Being now in a place of aafety, and the means in their hands, plots of destruction were put m execution in rapid succession. Having had some disagreement with Johnson, Brant came again to the fW>ntiei8. Some of the peaceable Mohawks had been confined, to pre- vent their doing mischiet, as were some of the Massachusetts Indians in PkiKp's war. ** ant was displeasod at this, for he said, if the distant In- dians should come down, they would destroy them indiscriminately with the whites. He was accompanied by a band of 70 or 80 warriors, who, in their rambles, visited Unadilla, where they assembled the inhabitants, and told them that they stood in need of provisions, and if they did not give them some, they should take it l)y force ; a refusal, therefore, would nave been worse tha, uscIohi. Bfant further observed, ^that Uieir agree- ment wUh the king was strong, and that they were not such viUains as to break their covenant with him. Gen. Herkmer marched up to Unadilla, in July, with 380 men, where he found firant with 130 of his warriors. Here he bad an interview with him, in wnich he held the following lan- guage: " IViat the Indians toere in concert with the king, as their fathers and grandfaOters had been. That the kir^s belts were yet lodged urith them, and thet/ could nat falsify their pledge. That Gen. Herkimer and the rest had joined the Boston people against their kitue. Thai Boston people were reso- lute, but the king umdd hunMe them. That Mr. Schuyler, or general, or what youplecse to call him, was very smart on the Indians at tht treaty at German Flatts ; but was not, at the same, time, able to afford them the small- est article of clothing. That the India is had formenv made war on the white people all united ; and now they were divided, the Indians were not frightened." Col. Cox, who accompanied Herkimer, said, if war was his determination, the matter was ended. Brant then spoke to his warriors, and they shouted, and ran to their place of encampment, seized their arms, fired several gims, and, after giving the war-whoop, returned in warlike array. Gen. Herkimer then told Brajit he did not come to fight, and the chief motioned for his* men to remain quiet. Perhaps, as a worthy au- thor observed upon a transaction in PhUip^s war, it is better to omit the cause of the conduct of Herkimer, than too critically to inquire into it. His men vastly outnumbered the Indians, and his authority was ample ; but his motives were no doubt pure, and his courage must not now be called in question, as will appear from what is to be related. To put the most favorable construction upon his neglecting to break down the power of Brant, is to suppose that he was impressed with the belief that the In- dians would not jom with the English in committing hostilities; if this were the case, he too late discovered the error of his judgment. After the general had said that he did not come to fight, Brant, with uu air of importance, said, " If your purpose is war, I am ready for you." A tempest, which came up suddenly, separated the parties, and each retired peaceably. This is -isia to be the laipt talk held by any of the Americans with the Six Nations, previous to hostilities, except with the bnoidas ; all, except a very few, of whom reinaired neutral. Towards the auii"nn of this year, (1777,) Brant was under the direction of Gren. Slf. Leger, who detache(i him witn a considerable body of war- riors for the investment of Fort Stanvix. Col. Butter was commander in cbiefl with a band oC tories. The inhabitants in the valley of the Mo- kawk determined to march for the relief of Col. Ganesvoori, who com- 6 at BRANT. [Book f. manded the fort, which they did, in two ragimeiua^ with CSen. Jkrkmtr ftt their head. Aa 'm inud with militia, they mairhed in great disorder, and when the general ordered Mouting partiea to mareh as aeeurinr againat surpriae, upon the flankaof the main body, they accused him with cowardice, which, inoat unwarrantaNy, had more influence upon his mind, than the aalktj of his army. A catastrophe enaued, whiofa, thoM^ not 8o momentous m that day, as waa that of LaOmf in 1670^ nor so complete a victory on the part of the Indiana, yet it waa a aevere fight, in which 900 Americans were dcin.* The ptece of attack was selected by Bnmt or J3Mfer, and was a ravine of a brand bottom. Dearly impassable, except a rough track covered with logs, of from 13 to 15 feet in length, laid tran8vei8ely,t which extended acraas it. Gen. Ikrl t im t r arrived at this phoe about two hours beforw mid-c^ted an ambuah, but his first intimationa of the vicinity of an enemy were tii:^ terrifying yells of the Indius, and the still more last- ing impressions of their rifles. The advaiucU i^uard were all cut ofi*. Such as survived the first fire, vrere hewn down wtth the tomahawk. The tktal causeway waa aemieircular, and Ar«al ant! his forces occupied the surrounding heights. A suiveon. Dr. Jlfeaet Foua^loee, vras taken pris- oner in this battw, and after his ivtutu nom oqptivi^, he wrote a poem upon the afiair, from which we extract the following : — " The tiaw aad place of our u B huppy figiM, To ymi al iMge weie aeedless to Kcile: Whim ia the wood our fierce mhiiii foe*, Wilk jptereiar yell (torn rircliMr uabwh row, A sowlen voHey rends (be vawled sky ; Their paiated bodna Mdeous to ike ejre, • IVy rasli like helKsh fiuiea oa ow bands, TiMir slaaghtor weapons btaadiA'd in ibcir hands. TV a w* wilk coimI I'urr join the ^hi. E'er ?haebas gaia'd his lull meridiaakevhl: Nor »ased Ike kortMS of ike bloody Gtay, Till w bad joamey'd kair kis evening way." Jtnnnini down firom every direction, they prevented the two regiments from fonmnga junctioii, one of them not havmg entered the causeway ; and a part of the assailants fell upon those without, and the remunder upon those within it The former ftred worse than the latter, for in such a flight has ahnoet always been a dismal defeat It was now the The other regiment, hemmed in as they were, saw, in s moment, that. To l^hl, or not to 6^t, was deaik. They, therefore, back to back, forming a firout in every direction, fought like men in despair. This, Or. Fow^^ove thus forcibly depicts: — " Now, kaad to hand, the coolest is for life, Wilk bay'f lel, Mn'hnwfc, swoid, ami scal^pin|r knife : Now more reasole Ike work of death we p(y, And tkick as kail Ike skow'rins bullets lly: ^ • FVill many a kaidy wanior sinks supine ; Tells, sknetcs, groans, shouts and Ihiuid-'ringTolleys join } The dismal din the ringing forest fills, llie sounding e«ho roars along the hills." • Their whole loss was about 4Q0, says JfarsftaK, Life WaAington. v. S61. t All who have travelled, ev«i wilhin a few yean, in Ihb part of the slato of New Torfc, cannot but well remember the " Osr Ar o y * roads, memorable ravine. Such was the romd over this Chap. V.] BRANT. Tie poet thus preaento to our view the attackiog parties :- " Of two departmentt were tiie aMailinr foet ; Wild Hivage naiivet lead the first of imm ; Their almoct naked framet, of various d^et, And ringi of black and red lunound their ejrei: On one side they present a shaven head ; The naked half of the vermilion red : In spots the partr-color'd Atce they drew, Beyond dMcription horrible to view ; Thieir ebon locks in braid, with paint o'erspread ; The silver'd ears depending from the bead : Their gaadrv my descriptive power exceeds, In plumes of feathers, gtitt'ring plates and beads." He thus speaks of the tories :— " With them of parricides a bloody band, Assist the ravage of their parent land : With equal dress, and arms, and savage arts. But more than savage rancor in their hearts. These for the first attack their force unite, And most sustain the fury of the fight ; Their rule of warfare, devastation dire, 1^ undistioguish'd plunder, death and fire ; They torture man and beast, with barbarous rage. Nor tender infant spare, nor rev'rend sage." And Buffer is noticed in the same poem from which we have made the preceding extracts, as follows : — " O'er them a horrid monster bore command. Whose inauspicious birth dismc'd our land } By malice urg'd to evW baro'rous art ; Of cruel temper, but of coward heart." With such bravery did they fisht in this forlorn condition, that the In- dians began to give way ; and, but for a reinforcement of tones, under Major iMtaonf they would have been entirely dispersed.* This reinforce- ment is thus characterized by the surgeon : — " The second was a renegade crew. Who arm and dress as Christian nations do, Led bv a chief who bore the first command ; A bola invader of his native land." The sight of this reinforcement greatly increased the rage of the Amer- icans. It was composed of the very men wKo had left that part of the country at the commencement of the war, and were held in abhorrence for theur loyalty to the king. The fight was renewed with vigor, and the reinforcement fought also with bravery, until about 30 of their niunber were killed. Maj. Watson, their leader, was wounded and taken prisoner, but left upon the battle ground. In the mean time. Gen. Herkimer bad got forward to the fort an e^qiress, which informed Col. Ganeavoort of his situation. He immediately de- tached Col. JHoriniM WUUt with 207 men, who succeeded in rescuing the remnant of tliis brave band from destruction. He beat the enemy from the ground, and returned to the fort with considerable plunder. Such were the events of the battle of Oriskana. * Dr. Gordon says the tories and Indians got into a most wretched confusion, and fought one another ; and that the latter, at last, thought it was a plot of 'he whiles on both sides, to get them into that situation, that they might cut them off. '^: <^ BRANT. [Book V Gen. Herkimer died of a wound which be received in this fight. Near its commencement, ho won severely wounded in the leg, and his horse was killed. He directed his saddle to be placed upon a little knoll, and rett- ing himself upon it, continued to issue his oraers. On being advised to remove to a place of greater safety, he said, «' JVb — / toittfaee the enemy ;" and, adds the historian of Tryon county, *'In this situation, and in the heat of the battle, he verv deliberately took from his pocket his tinder- box, and lit his pipe, which ho smoked with great composure." The Indians, as well as the Americans, suffered dreadfully in this fight. And our poet writes, " Such was the bloody fight ; and suth the fop ; Our smaller force rclurii'd Ihein blow for blow ; By turns successfully their force defy'd, And conquest wav'ring seem'd from side to side." BroTtPa loss being about 100 men ; we are inclined to think the loss of the Indians exaggerated in these lines : — " Not half the savages returned from fiehl ; • They to their native wilds had sped their flight." The Senecas alone lost 30. and the tones about 100. The regiment which fled suflered severely, but would have suffered still more, had not their pursuers been apprized of the desperate case of their fellows en- gaged in the -.vine, wnich caused them to abandon the pursuit The commanding officer, Col. Cox, was killed, and the command devolved upon Lieut. Col. Campbell and Major Clyde, who conducted the retreat. The scene in the night following the battle is thus strikingly presented by Dr. Younglove, the eye-witness :— " Those that remain'd a long encampment made, And rising fires illumin'd all the shade : In vengeance for their num'rous brothers slain, For torture sundry prisoners they retain $ And three fell monsters, horrible to view, A fellow pris'ner from tne sentries drew ; The guards before received their chief's command, To not withhold from the slaught'ring band ; But now the sufferer's fate they aympathise,' And for him supplicate with earnest cries. I saw the general* slowly passisg by, The sergeant, on bis knees, with telirfiil eye, Inplor'a the guardu might wrest hina from their hands, Since now the troops could awe their lessen'd bands. ^ < . With lifted cane the gen'ral thus replies, f While indignation sparkfes from his eves : ) ' Go ! sirrah ! itiind your orders gi v'n before ! ' And for infernal rebels plead no more !' 1 1 For help the wretched victim vainly cries, :/ With supplicating voice and ardent eyes ; With horror chilrd, 1 turn away my (ace. While instantly thev beftr him from the place. Dread scene !->-witn anguish stung' I inly groan, • To think the next hard wt may be my own." " When through the crovQ th« flaming fires arise ; And loud resound tne tortured pris'nera' cries ; Still as their pan{[s arc more or less extreme. The bitter groan is heard, or .sudden scream : But when their natures fail'd, and death drew near, llieir screeches faintly sounded in the ear." "~ • Butter. ■t -i f. -rii. [Book V fight. Near lis horse was oil, and reat- ig advised to ! the enemy ;" n, and in the 3t his tinder- 5." in this fight. Chaf. v.] BRANT. 6S he loss of the rhe regiment lore, had not fellows en- lursuit The jid devolved the retreat. ;ly presented • ■■>«!■ The poet next describes his dream, in which he was carried to the b«t> tle*ground ; and then thus opens the morning scene — " Whea lavafen, for horrid sport prepar'd, Deinand aiioUier prU'ner fion the cuard, We saw their fear'd approach, wilh morul friffal, Their scalping-kntTet Ihey sharpen'd in our sicht, Beside the mard they «at them oa the jf^rouao, Aad vMw'a, with piereiaf eyas, ike pris'B«n raoad." ., ,.« " At leaglb, oae rising seiced ne by the hand } Bt him drawa forth, oa tremblinf knees I stand } I old my fellows all a long adieu, With answering grief, my wretebed case they view. Tkey led me bound, along the winding flood, Far ia the gloomy boaom of the wood : There, (honid Mcbt ! ) a pris'nar roasted lay, The carving^itniR bad out hi* flesh away.'' -rit ASter enduring every thing but death in his captivity, Dr. Yirr^iflove re- turned home in safety. In 1778, a fort was built at Cbeny-vaUey, where Amilies for considen- ble extent about took up their abode, or retired oceaaioiuklly for safely. Brant intended to destroy this, and came into the neigfaborbood for the purpose. It happened that, at the time he chose to make the discov* eiy of the strength of the garrison, the boya were assembled in a tniniof, i^itb woodeQ gima, ^r amuaeroent: not having a clear view of them from the foliR^ of the trees which intervened, Braal thou|^£ them to be men. It WiS bis dongn to have made die attack the following night ; bift- on this discivery, he ^ve up the derign. He still remained in the neigh- borhood, aei'reted behind a llUrge rock near the mam road to the Mohawk, and about two miles north of the fort in the valley. Here he waited to intercept acme unwary passenger, and gtin more certain intelligence. N^ar this piaoe is the little cawade called by the natives, TVmk^mma, The inhabitants of the valley were in expectation of a company of soldien from the Mohawk, to reinforce diem, and the same day Lieut f^ormttood oame from thence, and informed thbm that Col. KJoek would arrive the next day with die parlv. Near night be set out to return, accompanied by one FeUr SUz, the bearer of some despatches. He was a yoimg offi> cer, of fine personal appearance, and was to return the next day viritn one of the companies of soldiers. He had been out of sight but a few min- utes, when, as he passed the ambush of Brant, his warriors fired upon him, and he fell from his horse. The chieij sprinf^ng from hishiding< place, tomahawked him with his own hands. Womupood and bis oom* panion were ofdered to stand, but not obeying, occasioned thor being Bred upon. Brant wos acquainted with Lieut M^ormtMHid before the war, apd afterwards exnressed sorrow at his fate, pretending that he took bim to be a continental officer. His horse immediately runnmg back to the fort, with blood upon the saddle, gave some indication of what bad hap- pened. His companion, iStlz, was taken prisoner. In June, the same summer, Brant came upon Springfield, which he biu-ned, and carried off a number of prisoners. The women and chil- dren were not maltreated, but were left in one house unmolested. About this dme, great pains were taken to seize the wary chief, but there waa no Capt Chiarch, or, unlike PhUip of Pokanoket, Brant had the remote no* tions to fly to without fear of being killed by them. Capt JIPKian himt- ed him for some time, and, not being able to find him, wrote aninsultiiig letter for him, and left it in an Indian poth. Among other things, he chal- lenged him to single combat, or to meet him with an equal number of 66 BRANT. [Book V. '«'»- men ; and " (hnt if be would eoni^ to Cherry-vallMr, and bare a Air flgbt, tbey wouM .l.^ogc bim fioma Bmnl into a Com. Tbis letter, it is •up- poeed, BratU roceivod, fVom an intimation contained in one wbich be wrote aiNiut the samo time to a toiy. To this man (Panjfbr Can, of Ed- meston) he writes from Tunadilla [Unadilla] nnder date 9 July, 1778, — ** Sir : I wideraUmd ig the hdimui that imu at your Amim kut veek, Aat one Smitli /trea near wHk yvH, ka$ lUtte mare tarn to apart. I AouU be muck e'diged to you, (^ mu mmU he to kind at to try w gd m much com iu Smith can apared; he haa aetd toe Jive MppUa tSireami, iff tchiek lam miuk obliged to kirn, and witt aee Aim paid, and woM be very ^ad yfyou could apart one or heo your men to jom n% tapeeidly EBas. 7 would be fdad to ate kirn, and I wiah you eouU tenl me aa manu guna you kave, aa 7 know you kavt no uae lor tkem, tf j^u any; aa I maan note to ^kt the cruel rtbtla aa well aa I eon ; wki dne r yvu witt oUc lb aenPd me, you mtut tenfd by tke bearer, lamuour aineere friend and kumbU aer't. Jo- seph Brant. P. S. I keard Aof Ckerr^wdky people ia very bold, and intended to make notking of ua ; tkty eaUed ua teutf P^*^ hut I know tke eontrary." This we mippoee to be a Air specimen m the composition of the chief who afterwaras translated the Goapel according to Jom into the Mohawk language, abo the Book of Common Prayer ; copies of which are in the library of Harvard college.* The next event of importance in which Bread was engaged, was the destruction of Wyoming,f one of the most heaR-rending rwords in the annals of the revolutionary war. In that horrid aAir, about 900 settlers were killed or carried into captivity ; iVom the greater part of whom no , intelligence was ever obtained. There were assembled at the fbrt in Wyoming 368 men. On the 3 July, 1778, a council of war was held among them, upon the propriety of marching in quest of an enemy. While they were holding this council, news was brought that a par^ bad left Nianra, to attack the settlement! upon the Susquehannab, and the majority or the people determined upon an expedition of discovery. Accordmgly,they issuea forth the same day, and ranged up the river, under the command of Col. Zeftulon BuUer, who was coushi to the leader of the torie84 The Americans sent forvrard a scout, who soon discovered the enemies: the toiieswere in possession of a fort, and the Indiana in huts about it.4 Evenr appearance was now in fkvor of the Americans, and the 8{ne8 returned towards their camp with the important intelligence. They bad not proceeded fkr, when they were discovered by two Indians, who were, doubtless, upon die same business. The scouts fired each upon the other, and then hastened to their respec- tive bead-quarters. Botli parties were immediately in motion, and joined ''lattle near a tliick swamp. The Indians and tones, being die more nume- rous,^ out-flanked the Americans, and Braid, at the h«id of bis flirious warriors, issuing fVom the swamp, turned their left flank, and creating thereby a conflinon, which greatly favored his kind of warfare, and ena- bled bim to make drendfbl havoc among them. Hie Americans were in two lines, and it was the line commanded by Col. Demaon that Brard successflilly encountered. BuOxr, at the same * It would te«m from Mr. Wtld, (Travels iu America, 485,) that be traiulated those work* before the war. t Tbit name is said to signify a Md of blood, from a great battle fought there by the bdiaua before Us settlement by the whites. ' , i Life Wathmgtam, iii. fi56. <-;' \ This was Fort Wintennoot, which, being garrisoned by tones, was treacherously tance from the fort, and the Americans marched out m eonaiderable force, to prevent treachery, to the place appointed ; but when they arrived there, they fbund nobody with whom to pariey. The commander of the tories has been branded with gross inikmy, for this piece of treachery with his kinsman ; for he feigned fear firora his approach, and had retired as they advanced, displa^ng meanwhile the flag of truce. The unwary Ameri- cans were, by this treacherous stratagem, led into an ambush in nearly the same manner as were Hutekituon and fVheeter^ at Wickabaug Pond, in PhUip't war. They were, in a moment, nearly surrounded by Brantt warriors, and the work of death raged in all its Airy. The tories " were not a whit behind the very chiefest*' of them in this bloody dav. A rem- nant only regained the fort, out of several hundreds that went forth. They were now more closely besieged than before ; and the more to insult the vanqniahed, a demand waa sent iu to tbem to surrender, ** accompanied by 196 bloody scalps, taken from those who had just been slain.'* When the best terms were asked of the besiegers, the ** mfamous BuUer'* replied in these two words, '*the hatchet." This was the oulv truth we bear of bis uttering. It was the hatchd, indeed>'« few only fled to the surroundiog wilderness, there to meet a more lingering death by famine. 'These were chiefly women and children. Thus passed the fowrfh of Jdy, 1778, in the before flourishing settle- ment of Wyoming, on the eastern branch of the Susquehannah. Barlow knew well, in bis early day, who was forever to be branded with infamy for the acts of this memorable tragedy. He says, — ' " His savage hordns the murderous Johneon leads, Files'tbrough the woods and treads the tangled weeds, Shuns open combat, teaches where io run, Skulk, couch the ambush, aim the hunter's gun, Whirl the sly tomahawk, the war-whoop sinj^, Divide the spoils, and pack the scalps Iney nring." Columbiad, vi. 389, &c. Having now got ftill possession of Wyoming, and, observes Dr. Hutch- tr, " after sele'cting a few prisoners, the remainder of the |ieople, including women and children, were enclosed in the houses and barracks, which were immediately set on fire, and the whole consumed together. Another fort was near at hand, in which were 70 continental soldiers ; on surren- dering without conditions, these were, to a man, butchered in a barbarous manner; whon the remainder of the men, women and children were shut up in the houses, and the demons of hell glutted their vengeance in be- '*Th<'re arc disngreenienis in the accounts of this affair. I fellow pnrilv Chajnan'i hi >!.'!> (if il, as priuicd iu the Annals of Tryon County. 'f •RANT. (Boos ▼. hotdinv dkeir dHtnictioii in dim moenU coniagnlioo.** The hoiMM of the (omi wMv ipaNd. As Umhi^ tbey could not entcm their eruel^ «nougb upon humaB beiofi, Umv Ml upon the bc—i in the field — ahoot- iiif ■om«, woundiag and nuuMriinf othen, by cutting out lueir tongueai 4(«. ami leaving tbMn alive. Well does CoinfMl mue hi* Oneida chiei to aay, (who oomea aa a friend to wam the ■ettlament of the approach of tlia ooBiMnad army of toiiea and Indiana,) " • But tbu if not a iinw,'«>4ie •tanad up, And Mnota bis braaM with woe-donouaeiaf head ■ ' Tbit is ao tiaia to AH Iby joyoui cup : Th« mammotb coaiat— toe foe— (h« moniler Bramdl, With all kii bowling dctolatinf band -f— Thc*« eyM have wen their blade, ana buniiaf ptor, Awake at once, and lilenea half your land. R«d i* the cup they drink ; but not with wine : Awake and watch toHUght I or Me ao morning thin* " ' Seominr to wield the hatchet for hit brib«, 'Gaimt BraniU himself I want to baMie forth : Accuraed BrtnuU ! h* Uft of all m^ trUt ■J Nor man, nor child, nor tiiiag of livit^ birth : No ! not the dog, tnat walciwd my houiehoid hearth, Esraped, iliat night of blood, upon our plaina I All perished !— I alone am leA on aarth I To whom nor relative nor blood remains, No !->«Mt a kindred drop that run* in human vein* !' " Otrtnide of Wyomb^. The toriea, aa woa often the case, were attired like Indiana, and, firom Mmf account, it appeora that they exceeded them in ferociQr. dr. THa^ur gives us the following examples of hmor, which wen of Botoriety at the time, and " promulgated from authentic sources. One of tbto prisoners, a Capt. Badlock, was committed to torture, hy having his body stuck flifl of splinters of pine knots, and a fire of dry wood made round him, when his two companions, Capts. ilaiuon and Durku, were thtown into the same fire, and held down with pitchforka, till consumed. One Partial 3Vry, the son of a man of respectable character, having joined the Indian party, several times sent his Ikther word that he Aapea tittoaah hi$ haitdi in kis hearths blood. The monster, with his own hands, murdered hit father, mother, brothers and titters, stripped off their scalps, and cut off his father's head !*** It was upon such' scenes as these, that the mind of the poet just cited had dwelt, which caused him to wield the pen of denunciation with such effect ui)on the memory of Brant. That BvUtr was the far greater sav- age, none can dispute, and Mr. CampbM has long since acknowledged his too great severity upon the character of the fbrmer. We should explain here, that a son of Col. Brant, a chief Mohawk, of the name of Juiyon- teae^ht, called by the English John Brant, was in London in 1892, and furnished Mr. Campbell with documents, which, in the poet's own words, "changed hin opinion of his father." This passage was contained in a long and interesting letter upon the subject, to Mjfonwaeght, which Ap- peared at that time m the newspapers. With Wyoming were destroyed Wilkesbarre and Kingston, upon the other side of the Susquehannan. Though Wyoming is generally under- stood to be the place destroyed, it should be remeraMred that ki the vat ley bearing that name, there were three other towns, which were all da- Btroyed, as well as Wyoming.f These towns were setded by emigranis * Thacher'i Journal. t The settlement of Wyoming consisted of eight townships, each five miles square. Amtiial Reg. for 1779, page 9. " Eacli containing a square of five miles," is the lan- guage of iSe Register ; but it is thought unlikely that thne towns were so small CiAr v.] BRANT. ftom CoDuecUeut, and when dontroyed rontainmi more than a 1000 flunt- iiea, and luwl Airnifllied thn coiitinenul army with mnrv than a 1000 men, who were seneraJly the young and active part of the popidatiofl.* Th« oppoaite aidea whirh the inhaCitanta took in tho great rorohitionanr ques- tion, created the moat violent rancor in tho boaoma of Imth partlea, and hence the barbaritiea which ennued. In November following, Cherry-valley met with a fkte aimilar to Wyo- ming. At thia time, Brant wan returning to winter•quarte^^ when he woa met by a torv captain, and permiaded to engagn in one expedition more. Thia waa ffalier Butler^ aon of John, the Aero of Wyoming. He went to Canada with Guy Joknton, in 1775, aa hon been mentioned ; and now oohm Gircurnatancc brought him among the frontier nettlementa of New York. What Ilia object waa, wo are not informed ; but it waa, doubtleaa, that of • apv. However, he waa taken up on auapicion, at leoat, and confined in jolil at Albany ; falling aick, be waa removed to a private dwelling^ fltm whence he aoon found means to eacape. Joining nia ftther at Nragara, he aucceeded in detaching a part or his regiment upon an ineuraion. Meeting with Brant, aa waa juat mentioned, ui'iy returned to the frontier. It is said that Brant was at first dupleosed with the project, understand- ing that Copt Walter bad been put in oflice over him by his old general, naUer'M father, but stifled his resentment. Their whofo force waa 700 men, 500 of whom >»'ere the warriors of Brant. Col. Ichabod w^en, of Maseachusetts, waa in command at Cherry-ral- ley, and tojiia misguided judgment is to be attributed the disaster which ensued. But, like Waldnm of Cochecho, he was doomed to escape the disgrace. He wos early apprized of the march of Brant, and when urged to receive the inhabitants mto the fort, observed that there was no danger, aa he would keep out scouts who would apprize them of the approach of an enemy in season to remove. Scouts were accordingly sent out ; one of whicn, either forgetting the business they were upon, or what was equally reprehenaible, mode a large fire and lay down to aleep. BramPn warriors were not misled by so luminous a beacon, and the whole were na«de prisoners. This was on the night of the 9 November, 1778. The prisoners now in the hands of Brant, were obliged to givt the most exatft intelligence cdnceming the garrison. On the morning of the II, A- Tored by a thick and nozy atmosphere, they approachea the fort. Cols. JBdm and Stada quartered at the house of a Mr. WtUa. A Mr. HambU waa fired upon as he was coming, from his house to the fort, by a scout, which gave the first notice of the enemy. He escaped, and gave the alarm to Col. >Mden, who, sbrange as it may appear, was still incredulous, and said it was nodiing more Uian some straggling Indians. The last space 6t time was thus ioe(! — and, in leas than naif an hour, all parts of the place were invested at once. Such of the soldiers as were collected being im- mediately all killed or taken, the poor inhabitants fell an easy prey. Col. wfi<2en was among the first victuns. Like Chopart, in the massacre at Natchez, he fled m>m bis house, and was pursued by an Indian with his hatchet, at whom the colonel endeavored several times to discbarge his pistol ; but it missing fire, and losing time in fhcing about for this purpose, the Indian was sufilciently near to throw his tomahawk with deadly ef- fect. He did so. Col. Mden fell upon his fkce, and his scalp was in a moment home off in triumph. ** A tory boasted that he killed Mr. WdU while at prayer." His daughter, a young lady of great amiableneea, fled from the house to a pile of wood for shelter ; out an Indian pursued her, who coming hear, composedly wiped his long knife, already bloody, upon his legg^s, then letommg it to his belt, seized her by the arm, and with a t MartKaU, iii. SS6. BRANT. [Book V. blow of hki tomahawk ended her existence. She could speak some In- dian, and begged her murderer fo epare her Ufe, and a torr interceded^ who stood near, urging thai she was his sister ; but he would hear to nei- ther. Other transactions in this afiair, of still greater horror, we mast pass in silence. Between 30 and 40 prisoners were carried off; but the fort, contain- ing about 200 soldiers, was not taken, although several trials were made upon it. Brant was the only person eneaged in this tragedy of whom we hear any acts of clemency ; one of which was the preservation of a poor wo- man and her children, who, but for him, would have met the tomahawk. He inquired for Capt JWKean, (who wrote him the letter before men- tioned,) 3i.ying he had now come to accept his challenge. Being answered that " Capt M'Kean would not turn his back upon an enemy," he replied, " I know it. He is a brave man, and I would have given more to have taken him than any other man in Cherry-valley ; but I would not have hurt a hair of his head." Brant had seen and heard so much of what is called eunlhed toarfare, that he was afraid of the traduction of his character, and always said that, in his councils, he had tried to make his wairiors humane ; and to his honor it is said, (but in proportion as his character is raised, that of the white man must sink,) that where he had the chief command, few bar- barities were committed. The night before Brant and BuUer fell upon Cherry-valley, some of the tones who bad friends there, requested liberty to go in secretly and ad- vise them to retire. BtiUer, though some of his own friends were among the inhabitants, refused, saying, "that there were so rtiany families con- nected, that the one would inform the others, and all would escape. He thus sacrificed his friends, fbr the sake of punishing bis enemies." This, whether reported by Brant to magnify his own humauity, by a contrast with the depravity of his associate, is not known, but it may have been the fact Various incursions into the Indian country by Gren. SuUivan, and oth- ers^ much damped the spirits of the Indians, although few of them were either killed or taken. When the armies approached their settlements^ they fled into swamps and mountains ; yet they suffered extremely fbom the loss of all their crops. It was said that this summer, (1779^ 160,000 bushels of their corn was destroyed. As soon as it was known that Sui- Uvan was advancing into the country. Brant & BvUer, with 600 IndiansL and Johtuonf with l%0 tories, took a^sition on his route, to cut him off. SuUivan came upon them, August S^, at a place called JS/httoum, where tbev had entrenched themselves, and immediatelv attacked them. The bat- tle Iast authorized to treat of peace, and wishing to know the strength of the Americans, thirty chiefs of different tribes were despatched upon this im- portant business. Col. Brant was one of these 30 Indian ambassadors. If the Americans would make the Ohio the boundary, they wished peace. The whole cause of Gen. Wayne's war appears to have been about the lands lying west of the Ohio and Alleffhany Rivers. We have no doubt Brant secretiv, if not openly, advocated the establishment of this bound- 7; yes, and we must acknowledge that if he did, it was from the liest reasons. We know that Teeumseh labored incessantly fbr this bound- ary. Rightiy did they conceive of the mighty wave of population rolline westward, southward and northward. Truly, they must have been blind not to have seen that it was about to engulf them forever ! When they had met the commissioners, and found them inflexible m their determina- tion. Brant, with most of the chiefs of the Six Nations, gave up the point as hopeless, preferring peace, on any terms, to war. But the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanees and Miamis would not agree to it. Mention will be found in the account of Farmers-brother of a great council held by the chiv.r8 of most of the western nations, at Niagartf, in April, 179R. In this council it was agreed that peace should be %Mn- tamed ; and "they unanimously nn-eed to meet the Americans in 4 grimd council, to be holden the June follovring, upoii the south side of lirite upon * This i« the case with many of the whites. t Carei/s Museum, vi. 178, Ohap.V.] BRANT. 33 Erie ; and for the purpooo of making the peace more permanent and ex- tensive, they have ap[K>intc(I Brant, who is now their kin}^ of kiocat to go und convene nil those trii>es who live to the north-west of Lake Onta- rio. He acconliugly, tlie day uAer, set out for that ptirpose." The IiuUaos did not assemble until July, from the difficulty of their journeya and oth- er causes, which is generally tlie case with meetings of this kind. The council was held at Sandusky, and Col. BratU set out from Niagara for thut place in Miiy. Before leaving, ha bod frequent conversations with a gentleman of respectability, to whom he gave it as his opinion, that no peace could tuko place, until the Ohio and Muskingum should make the bounda>'y between the Americans and the red men. Ho still expressed good ferilingH towards the United States, and hoped that they would see it to bo their interest to agree to that boundary, as lie firmly believed war would ensue should they refuse. He even said, that, in case tKey would not consent to make these rivers the boundary, he should take part aaunst them. It was not agreed to ; but we do not hear that the old chief was actually engaged in the hostilities that followed. How much .the English of Canada influenced the measures of the In- dians, it is difficult to determine ;* but men like Pon/iar, Braid and Te- cumaeh could easily see through such duplicity as was practised by a few unprincipled speculators, as jirKee, Girty and EUioU They had, doubt- less, conceived that if the Ohio and Muskingum were made the boundary, it would be an easy matter for them to possess themselves of the country from thence to the lakes, and thus enlarge the extent of Canada. They knew well that if the Indians possessed this tract of countr^-, it would be no difficult matter to purchase it from them by means of a tew trifling ar- ticles, comparatively of no consideration, and that woret of calamities, ar- dent spirits ! In this they were disa[)pointcd, and, with the battle of Presque Isle, resigned their hoped, at least for a season. They urged upon the Indians what they must hare been well assured of— tneir de- struction ! Much has been said and written of the cold-blooded atrocities of Brani, but which, in our opinion, will be much lessened on being able to come pretty near the truth of his history. Bvery successful warrior, at least in his day, is denounced by the vanquished as a barbarian. JVapoteon was thus branded by all the world — we ask no excuse for our chief on this score — all wars are barbarous, and hence those who wage them, are bar- barians ! This we know to be strong language ; hut we are prepared to prove our assertion. When mankind shall have been cultivated and im- proved to thot extent which human nature is capable of attaining, — ^wben the causes of avarice and dissension are driven out of the human mind, by taking away the means which excite them, — then, and not till then, will wars and a multitude of attending calamities cease. * We will hear a ^reat writer and traveller upon this subject, whose means of forming: n correct judgment, it is presumed, will not be questioned. " Je remarquerai & cette occasion sans m'etendre davantaee sur cc suiet, aue toute la politque de I'Angleterre avec les Indicns est absolument dans les mams aes agens, qui scuis en entendent !a langue ; et qui seuls sont les distrihuleurs des prcsens ;" 6t,c. Voyage dam lex EtaU- vma «n 1795, etc. Far La Roche/oucatUd-Lianeourl, ii. 78. The duke was at New- ark, U. C. at this time, where he witnessed a business assemblage of Indians. AAer a dance, which they held before their audience with the governor of Canada, the duke layi that, " Pendant i ' lui a dit qu( sa nation de Tuscorora le consultait pour teau par les Indicns Oncydas k Onondago poyr vcndre leurs terres de reserve, que I'Etat de New Yorck disirait acheter. Le gouvemeur a r^pondu tr^-vaguement k cell : ces jeux, I'agent s'est approcbi du g6n6ral avec_ un des chefs, el n deTuscorora le consultait pour savoir si elle irait k un conseil question : I'agent a traduit comme il a voulu cettc r6ponse ; mais il a r^pliqu^ nu gou- vemeur de la. pari des Indiens qui comme ils croyaient £lre plus agr^ablcs au roy d'Aa glelerre en n'y allant pas ; ils n'iraient pas." Ibid. 77. n BRANT. [Book V. As a sample of the stories circulating nbout Col. Brant, while the affiiirs of Wyoming and Cherry valley worn fresh in the recollections of all, we extract from /Veld's Travels the' following : — * " With a considerable iKtdy of his troops he joined the forces under the command of Sir John Johmton" " A skirmish took place with a body of American troops ; the action was warm, and Brant was shot by a musket ball in his heel ; but the Americans, in the end, were defeated, and an offi- cer with about 60 men were taken prisoners. The officer, after having delivered up his sword, bad entered into conversation with Col. JoATUfon, who commanded the British troops, and they were talking together in the most friendly manner, when Brant, having stolen slily behind them, laid the American officer lifeless on the grouncf with a blow of his tomahawk. The indignation of Sir John Johnston, as may be readily' supposed, was roused by such an act of treachery, and he resented it in the warmest terms, brant listened to him unconcernedly, and when he had finished, told him, that he was sorry for his displeasure, bid that, indeed, his heel teas extremely painful at the moment, and he coulJ not liclp revenging himse^ on the only chief if the party that he saw taken." Jpoii this passage the author of the Annals of Tryon Couutyf observes : " I have heard a story somewhat similar told of him, but it was said that the officer was killed to prevent his being retaken by tho Americans, who were in pursuit." This we should pronounce very^t's-similar to the story told by Mr. Weld. But there was, no doubt, some cireumstance out of which a story has grown, the truth of which, wc apprehend, is now past finding out. Col. Brant was married, in the winter of 1779, to a daughter of Col. Cfroghan by an Indian woman. He bad lived with her some timt ".d lUii- tum, according to the Indian manner, but at this time, being p.,ouent at the wedding of a Miss Jlfoore, at N' ^ara, (one of the captives taken from Cherry-valley,) insisted on being married himself; and thus his consort's name was no longer Miss Cro^han, but Mrs. Brant. The ceremony was Eerformed by his companion \n irms. Col. John Butler, whc> although he ad left his country, yet carried eo much of his magistrate's commission with him, as to solemnize marriages ftccording to lato. King George conferred on his faiTiOas ally a valuable tract of land situ- ated upon the west shore of Lake Ontario, where he finally settled and lived after the English fashion. His wife, however, would never conform to this mode of li^, but would adhere to the custom of the Indians, and on the death of her husband, which happened 34 Nov. 1807, she repaired to Grand River, there to spend her days it. a wigwam, with .:;ome of her children, while she left benind others in a commodious dwelling.]: A son, of whom we have spoken, with a sister, lately occupied this mansion of their father, and constituted an amiable and hospitable fa'nily. This son, whose name is John, is a man of note, and is the same who was in Eng- land in 1822, V.S has been mentioned, and the same, we conclude, who has been returned a member of the colonial assembly of Upper Canada. His place of residence was in the county of Haldiman, in Brantford, so called, probably, in honor of the old chief.§ Several other places are mientioned as having been the residence of Brant — Unadilla, or Anaquaqua, (vvhichis about 36 miles south-west from the present site of Cooperstown,) and Niagara. He resided at these places before the Mohawks removed to Canada, which was soon after the war of the revolution was ended. They * Paffe 4^, octavo ed. London, 1800. t III Uie Appendix, page 16. % Buchanan's Sketches, i. 36. ^ Mr. Campbell'* Annals of Tryon County has been one of our main sources of in- formation throughout this account, especially oC the revolutionary period. ♦.J CHAr. v.] BRANT. 75 made their principal residence upon Grand River, which lalls into Lake Erie on the north side, about 60 mi!cs from tho lowp of Newark, or Ni- agara. At one time, ho had no leas thou 30 or 40 negroes, who took care of his bcrses and lands. "Thcae poor creatures," says Mr. fFeld, '*are kept in the greatest subjection, and they dare not attempt to mdte their escape, for he has assured thein, that if they did so, he would follow them himself, though it were to the confines of Georgia, and would tomahawk them wherever he met them. They know his (iisposition too well not to think that he would adhere strictly to his word." The same author says that Brant received presents, which, together with his half pay as captain, amounted to £500 per annum. An idea of the importance of this chief, in 1795, may be formed from the circumstance, that a gentleman considered himself a loser to the amount of £100, at least, l>y not bein>i: able to arrive at Niagara in season to attend to some law case for him. Contnuy winds had prevented his arrival, and tHe business had been given to another.* " Whenev^: the affairs of his nation shall permit him to do so, Brani declares it to be his intention to sit down to tho further study of the Greek language, of which he professes himself to be a great admirer, and to translate from the original, into tho Mohawk language, more of the New Testament ; yet this same man, shortly before wu arrived at Niagara, killed his own son, with his own hand. The son, it seems, was a drunk- en, good-for-nothing fellow, who had often avowed his intention of de- sttoying his father. One evening, he absolutely entered the apartment of his uther, and had begun to grapple with him, perhaps witli a view to put his unnatural threats in execution, when Brant drew a short sword, and felled him to the ground. He speaks of this affair with regret, but, at the same time, without any of that emotion which another person than an Indian might be supposed to feel. He consoles himself for the act, by thinking that he has benefited the nation, by ridding it of a rascal."f With regard to thd dress of the sachem, there has been some contradic- tioa. JMr. Wdd, though he did not see him, says he wore his hair in the Indian fashion, as . he also did his clothes ; except that, instead of the blanket, he wore a kind of hunting frock. This was in 1796. But it was reported, that, in 1793, Brani having waited on Lord Dorcheater, the gov- ernor of Canada, upon some business, his lordship told him, that as he was an officer in the British service, he ought to lay aside the Indian dress, and assume that of an English captain ; and that, if he persisted in wearing an Indian dress, he should stop his pay. It is added that there- upon he changed his dresB.:^ When Col. Brant arrived at any {>rincipal city, his arrival was publicly announced in the gazettes with great minuteness. Although we have given some specimens of these, we will add one more : — " New York, June 20, 1793. On Monday last arrived in this city, from his settlement on Grand River, on a visit to some of his friends in this quarter, Capt. Joseph Brandt, of the British army, the famous Mohawk chief, who so eminently distinguished himself during the late war, as the military leader of the Six Nations. We are informed that he intends to visit the city of Philadel|)hia, and pay his respects to the president of the U. States,"§ Gen. JVcuhington, which he did. We have before mentioned his visit to that city. The very respectable traveller H Rochefoucatdd thus notices our chief: ^ At 34 miles from this place, (Newark, U. C.) upon Grand River, is • »V>W, Travels, 487. t Ibid. 489. i Apoilo for 1792. J American Apollo, 297. Duke di Liatuourt, Travels, ii. 81, before cited, from whom we translate this. Ttt BRANT. pkwK V. au establishnicnt wliich t had been oirious to Ttait It ■ tkit of CoL Brant. But the colonel not being at home, and being aasuied that I ahouM •ee Tinle ehe than what I had already aaen among thoae people, I g*v« over my intention. Col. Brant '» an Indian who tmik part with the Eng- lish, and having been in Engfamd, waa commtasioned by the lung, and po- litely treated by every one. Ilia manners are lialf European. He is ac- companied by two negro Krvants, and is in appearance uke an English- man. He has a garden and farm under cultivation ; drenes alinoat entirely Dke an European, and has gjvtt influence o\-er the Indians. He is ^ present [1795] at Miami, holding a treaty with the United Stateo, in com- pany with the Indians of the west. He is equally respected by the Ameri- cans, who extol so much his character, that I ngnl much not to hare ■een him."* The vreat respect in which Annit was held in England will be veryapr parent trom a penisnl of the following letter,! dated 12 December, 1785: ''Monday last, Col. Joseph Brant, the celebrated king of the Mohawks, arrivey now ineditate against the United States of Ameri- ca. He took his departure for Engiuid immediately as that assembly broke up; and it is ron^tured that his embassy to the British coiut is of Sreat importance. Tins countr}' ovves much to the services of Col. Brant uring the late war in Amrrira. * He was educated at Philadelphia, fat the Moon charity school in Lebanon, Connecticut,] is a very shrewd, intel- ligent person, possesses Xireat coura^ and abilities as a warrior, and is in- violably attached to the Enriish nation." It has been denied that Brant was in any vray engaged in the massa- cres at Wyoming, liut it eeenis Irnrdly possilue that so many should have been deceived at that time ; and, moreover, we do not find that it yn» de- nied until almost everyone of that age bad left the stage of action. Those who deny that he was at Wyoming should, at least, prove an alibi, or they cannot expect to be believed.| * This French traveller aetms to have hccn in ndiraace of hisioiy, in as hr as he tbui early sets in their proper IMit the characten of the heroes of Wyoming. Aflrr speak- ing of the inflaence of Indmn amrts over those peapfe^ as we Mve extracted in a pre- vious note, he thus ronsiriis to Cni. Bmller the place which he n —" L^gvnT mtghit Joml il est id oaeston, est le Colonel ButlJei; (avaeax par ses ia<«adics, sein0me Americain d'auprts 3e Wilkesbarre;[«neof the tuwus in the valley of Wyomin';;] son prMendu loyalisme qn'il a sa se faire payer de iMcvets et dc traitcmciis, Idi a fit' '. commeMre plus de baittaries, pkn d'intasies roatre sapatrie, qu'ikqui que re soiu '. ' conduiaait k» Indiens, leur iadianail les fennes, les amisons a bn^ler, les virtini«s k scarpeler, k>s enfuns i cWrhiier. L'Ancleteife a reccanpens^ son loyalisme (!c 5000 acres de terre pour lui, dhuw qoantili ps^eiTle poor ses enraas, d'une pension de deux iV trois cents livres sterlings, dHiue place d'agent aapr^s des lodiens, -|ui lui en vwit rinq cents autres, avcc la laciKlf de puiaer jk vokmti oun les magaiias le pr^ns." RcthrfouemiU, nl supsv, (ii. 78-9.) t There is no oanie lo this lellcr ; but il was wntlea ia Salisbury, Eng. and dieaceseii? to London, where il was published. ^ In a late criminal trial which has much agitated New England, reasonable people said, the defemlant, out of respect to public npiuioa, ought to make it appear where he was at Itie time a murder was committed, anhongh ia law he was not bmind so lo do. An advornic tor his innocence tnid the writer, that " he was not eUmd lo lell where be was," and it was noltody's business ; and, ther^N«, we were bound, according lo law, to believe him innocent. This we oMr as a parallel case to the one ia hand. Bol it happens wc are not " bound by law" lo beBeve our chief ealirdy iwairsat of the Uood shea at Wyoming. a; I* ii SAG®YEWA'irHA alias REUD JACjKIET. Chiei\ of the Seneoa« Cbap. VI 1 REIMACKET. 7f R-ant was stud to Iiavu bot-n 65 veara old at bin death. A daug!<">r of hia iiiarried fFm, J. Ker, Esq. of Niagnra, atid he had several othi- )u\- drea besides those we have iiiPntionen. Tbj son who visited Rnt^l ■ 'd hi 182SI, and another named Jitcob, entered MfMr't school at Hanovc r, W. H. in 1801, under the care of Dr. ffTuekKk. The former son, John, died about two years since, in the winter of 1831. CHAPTER VI. Fada in Vie htatory qf the Seneca notum— Saootxwatha, or Red- Jack- KT — Hkfamcug apuch to a miaaionary — His intervieu) tcith Col. SneU- iitg — Bniiah invade hia country — Rnaolvea to nod them — Hia apeech upon the event — Gov. C7tnion'a or :nt of him — fntcherqfl affair — Com- jnaina of encroachuunta — One i nia ^eople jtvt to death far being a mlck — He dtfenda the execvtioner— H iHtervtew unih Lqfaydle — Coun- cil at Canandai^ua — Farmera-^ other—^led-jacket viaita PnUadelpkia— Hia apetch to the govemtr qf Pn.n^tflvama — ^eech of .Afmelondongwaa^ or Good Peter — jH'amslive of hii capture during Uit revmulionary war — Farhers-brotheb, or Honat«wds — Viaita Philadelphia — Peter- JAqcETTE — Viaita France — Ace .j,nt qf hia death — MemonMe meeeh of Farmera-broiftr — Hia letter to the aeeretaru of umr — ^^Toticf 9/ aeveral other Seneca ckufa — KoTI^ uautah, or YonNQ-KiNo— Jdskakaka, c> LiTTI.E-BILLT ACUIOUT, Or HaLF-TOWN KlANDOOEWA, OT BlS- TREE — Gyantwaia,' OT CoRN-PLANT — Mdrtaa of Ike three latter (0 Preaident fFcukit^ton — Grant of land to Big-tru — Hia viait to PhSor ddphia, and death — Further account qf Corn-plant — IKf oton aeconnt qf himadft—Intereating eventa in hia Itfe — PRajmu. Tub Senecas were the most important tribe among the Iroquois, or Five Nations, and, according to Conrad H'eiaer, they were the fourth na- tion that joined that confederacy. Ho calls them* . " leuoutowanoia or Sinikers,"and says, "tliey are styled by the Mohawks and Onondasoa, brothers;" and that their titlo in councils is Onughkaurydaaug. The French call thera Tsonnonthouans, from their principal castle, or coun<;il« house, the name of which, according to Colden, is Siuondownii8.f Otiier particulars of this nation will be related 09 wo proceed in detailing the lives of its chiefs. Aiapng thest;, |)crhaps, the most illustrious was Sagoyewthoit cMa^hy the whites, Rei-jaduL His place of residence wa.<;, for many yfofv previous to hia deuth, (which happened 20 January 1830, ut his own housef) about four niilea from Buffalo, and one mile north of the road that leads through tho land reserved for the remnant of the Seneca nation, called the Reaavation, His house was a log cabin, situ ated in a retired place. Some of his tribe are Christians, but Red-jackd would never hoar to any thing of the kind. He was formerly considered of superior wism Maaaachuaetta. It waa at thia time that Rad-jatkel delivered hie nmoua apeech, about which M> much liaa been aaid and written, and which we propoae to pre here at length, and corrttU^ aa aome oiniaHona ami errora were contained in it aa puUiahed at tlie ome. It may be taken aa genuine, at least aa nearly m aa the Indian languaga can he tranakted, in which it waa deliv- ered, fur Rtd-Mukd woukl not speak in .Engliah, although he understood it. The niimionarr first made a apeech to the Indiana, in which he ex- plained the object ror which he bad calknl t!iem together; namely, to in- form them that he waa aent ^ the miasionary society of Boston to instruct them "tiow to worship the OtmI SjpMt^ and not to get away their landa and money ; that there waa but one religion, and unloa they embraced it they could not be liappy ; that they had lived in daricnesa and great er- rors all tlieir livra; he wiahed that, if they had any objectioua to his reli- gion, they would sute them ; that he had visited some smaller tribes, who waited their decision liefbre they woukl consent to receive him, as they were their "older lirotheia.** After the missionary had done speaking, the Indiana conferred together about two houra, by themaelvea, when they gave an answer by Rid- JaclKt, which follows: — " fYUnd and ftrolker, it was the will of the Great Spirit that we should meet together this day. He orders all things, and he has given us a fine day for our counciL He has taken hki gvment drota before the sun, and caused it to shine with brightneaa upon ua ; our eyea are opened, that we aee clearly; our ears are unatoppeo, that we have been able to hear dis- tinctly the words that you have spoken ; for all theae fovora we thank the Oi«at Spirit, and him only. ** Brothtr, this council fire vraa kindled by you ; it waa at your request that we came together at thia time ; we have listened with attention to what you have aaid ; you requested us to apeak our minds fieely ; this gives us great joy, for we now consider that we stand upright before you, and can speak what we think ; all have hevd your voice, and all speak to you as one nun ; our minds are agreed. '* Bnther, you say you want an answer to your talk before you leave thia place. It is right you should have one, aa you are a neat dimance ftom home, and we OIK of bii rvationa. Its of New ruTiorsMk MMbuwttt. B«ch, about NMW to|[iTe B contaiMd at leaat aa : was deliv- undcratood liich be ex- nel^, to in- ito inatruet their landa mbraced it d great er- to his reli- tribea, who m, as they ed together T by Rtdr we should m us a fine le sun, and ed, that we to bear dis- ) thank the »ur request ittention to ireely; this lefbre you, ill speak to you leave It diMance look back at we have fbrefiithers , ing to the liana. He He made He had them. He id done for ut#B about eddiuff of rossed the mall; they their own ir religion. ■lud. Caxr. VI.) REIWACKET. They asked for a smrM seat ; we took pity on thoin, granted ilieir request, and they snt down amongst us ; we gave iheni corn and meal ; they gave OS [loimn* in return. The white |ieoph9 had now found our ciiuntry, tidings were curried back, and more came amongst us ; yet we did not fear them, we took them to be fViends ; they called ua bruthers ; we be- lieved them, and gave iliem a larger seat. At length, their nuinliers had greatly incrnased; they wanted more kind; they wanted our country. Our eyes were opened, and our minds liecame uneasy. Ware took place; Indians weri^ hired to fight against Indians, and many of our |ieople were destroyed. They also brought strong liquors among us : it waa strong and |K>werful, and has slain thousands. " Bntli*T, our seats were once large, and yours were very small ; you have now hnnome a great people, and wo have scarcely a place lett to spread our blankets ; you have got our country, but are not satisfied ; yarn totttit to force tfour rtligimi upon iw. ** Brother, continue R> liatm. You say that you are sent to instruct us how to worship the Oreai Snir^ agreeably to his mind, and if we do not tnko hold of ilio religion which you white people teach, we sliull be un- happy hereafter ; you say that you are right, and we are lost ; how do we know this to lie true ? We understand that your religion is written in a book ; if it was intended for us as well as yon, why has not the Great Spirit given it to us, and not only to ua, but why did he not sive to our forefnthers the knowledge of that Iraok, with the means of understanding it rightly ? Wo only know wlial you tell us about it ; how shall we know when to believe, being so often deceived by the white |teople ? " Brother, you say there is but one way to worship and serve the Great Spirit ; if there is but one religion, why do you Mhiie |ieopk; difler so much about it ? why not all agree, as you can all read the book ? " Brother, we do not understand these things ; we are told that your re- ligion wna given to your forefathera, and has been handed down from father to son. We also have a religiou which was given to our forafk- tliers, and has been handed down to us their childrt- n. We worship that way. R tecKh^h us to be thankful for all thefavon we receive ; to luoe laeh other, and to be united ; we never quarrel about religion. " Bnthtr, the Great Spirit has made us all ; but he bos maile a great differoncR between his white and red children ; he has given us a differ- ent complexion, and ctifthrent customs; to you he has given the arts ; to these he has not optmod our eyes; we know these things to bo true. Since he has made so great a difference between us in other thin^G, why may we not conclude that he has given us a different religion according to our understanding ; the Great Spirit does right ; he knows what is t)est (or bis children ; we are satisfied. " Brotlver, we do not wish to destroy your religion, or take it from you •, wo ouly want to enjoy our own. " Brother, you say you have not come to got our land or our money, but to enlighten our minds. 1 will now tell you that I have \\ccu at your irsetings, and saw you collecting money from the meetiiiv. Ds JVitl Clinton, in hia most valuable discourse before the Histor- ical Society of New York, thus notices Red-jacket : — "Within a few yean, an cximoitlinMry orutor iins risen among the Senecas ; his real name is Saguoaha, Witliout the advantages of iUustrioua descent, and with no ex- traordinary talcDts for war, ho has attained the first distinctions in the na- •"i':^ N. E. Oaluy, 13 July, 1833. Cii*r. VI.] REIKIACKBT. 81 tion by the fbree or liia eloquence." Red-iatkd havinf, by ■ome meana, Inst the confidence of hie countrymen, in onler, u it is reported, lu rotrieTe it again, prevailed upon hia brother to announce himaelf a prophet, comiiii*- Hioned liy the Great Spirit to redeem the tniaerahle condition of hia country- niun. It required nothing but an adroit anii other business that they may have to do at Albany, must be transacted in the presence of the gov- ernor. He will see that the bargain is fairly made, so that all parties may have reason to be satisfied with what shall be done ; and when our sanc- tion shall be wanted to the transaction, it will be freely given. I much regret that, at this time, the state of m;^ health should have prevented me from accompanying you to Albany, as it was the wish of the nation that I should state to the governor some circumstances which show that the chain of friendship between us and the white people is wearing out, and wants brightening. I proceed now, however, to lay them before you by letter, that you may mention them to the governor, and solicit redress. He is appointed to do justice to all, and the Indians fully confide that he will not suffer them to be wronged with impunity. The first subject to which we would c«ll the attention of the governor, is the depredations that are daily committed by the white people upon the roost valuable timber on our reservations. This has been a subject of complaint with us for many years; but now, and pardcularly at this season of the year, it has become an alarming evil, and calls for the immediate interposition of the govern- or in our behalf. Our next subject of complaint is, the frequent thefts of our horses and cattle by the wlute people, and their habit of taking and using them whenever they please, and without our leave. These are evils which seem to increase upon us with the increase of our white neighbors, and they call loudly for redress. Another evil arising from the pressure of the whites upon us, and our unavoidable communication with them, is the frequency with which our chiefs, and warriors, and Indians, are thrown into jail, and that, too, for the most trifling causes This is veiy galling to our roelings, and ought not to be permittM to the extent to which, to grat- ify their Imd passions, our white neighbors now carry this practice. In our hunting and fishing, too, we are greatly interrupted by the whites. Our venison is stolen from the trees, where we have hung it to be re- claimed after the chase. Our hunting camps have been fired into, and we have been warned that we shall no longer be permitted to pursue the deer in those fi>reBt8 which were so lately all our own. Tjie fish, which, in the Buftalo and Tonnewanta Creeks, used to supply tis with food, are now, by the dams and other obstructions of the white people, prevented from multiplying, and we are almost eutirely deprived of that accustomed sus- tenance. Our great father, the president, has recommended to our young men to be industrious, to plough and to sow. This we have done, and we are thankful for the advice, and for the means he has afforded us of carrying it into efliect. We are happier in consequence of it. But anotktr thing recommended to us, haa created grtat confusion among ua, and is mak- ing ua a iptarrdaome and divided people ; and that is, the irUroduction qf preachers tnto our nation. These olack coats contrive to get the consent of some of the Indians to preach among us, and wherever wis is the ease, confusion and disorder are sure to follow, and the encroachments of the whites upon our lands are the invariable consequence. The governor [Boos V. to the gov- among his ; it to con- will give it to the gov- bany, to do , but I am Dr this you will ofthe k8 is to pur- I that they ofthe gov- [Hirtiea may 1 our aanc- I. I much evented me ation that I w that the ]g out, and i>re you by ledrese. He hat he will otto which ma that are timb&r on IS for many lias become he govern- uent thefta 'taking and ise are evils neighbors, le pressure itb them, is are thrown f galling to icn,to grat- aciico. In the whites, t to be re- nte, and we lue the deer hich, in the 1, are now, ented from itomed 8U8- our younff done, and rded us of But anoOur If ui is mak- oduction ^f the consent is the ease, lents of the e governor CBAr- VI.] RED-JACKET. must not think hard of me for speaking thus of the preachenk I have observed their progress, and when I look back to see what has taken pkire of old, I perceive that whenever they come among the Indians, the^ were tho forerunners of their dispersion ; that they always excited ennu- ties and ouarrels among them ; that they introduced the white people on their lanoa, by whom they were robbed and plundered of their property ; and that the Indians were sure to dwindle and decrease, and oe driven back, in proportion to the number of preachers that came among them. Each nation has its own customs and its own religion. The Indiana have theirs, given to them by the Great Spirit, under which they were happy. It was not intended that they shoula embrace the religion of the whites, and be destroyed by the attempt to make them think differently on that subject from their fathers.* It is true, these preachers have got the con- sent of some of the chiefs to stay and preach among us, but I and my friends know this to be wrons, and that they ought to be removed ; be- sides, we have been threatened by Mr. Hydt^ who came among us as a school-master and a teacher of our chiidren, Imt hao now become u black coat, and refused to teach them any more, that unless we listen to his preaching and become Ciiristians, we will be turned off our lands. We wish to know from the governor if this is to \\c. so, and if he has no right to say so, we think Ae ought to be turned off our lauds, and not allowed to plague us any more. We shall neves' bo at peace while ho is among us. ' Let them be removed, and we will be happy and contented among our- selves. We now cry to the governor for help, and hope that he will at- tend to our complaints, and s{>eedily give us redress. Red-jacket." "This letter was dictated by Red-jacket, and intcrpretefl by Henry ObeeU,] in the presence of the following Indians : Red-jacket's son, Corn- planter, Jokn-cobb, Peter, Young-kinga-brother, Tom-tlui-infarU, [Onnong- gaiheko,] Blue-sky, \Towyocauna,] John-sky, Jemmy-johnson, Marcus, Big- fire, Caplain-jemmy. The success this petition met with, it is presumed, was full and satis- fkctory to him, in respect to one particular ; for no ministers are now ad- mitted upon the reservation. In the spring of 1831, a man of Red-jackeVs tribe fell into a loiiguish- ment and died. His complaint was unknown, and some circumstances ' attended his illness which caused his friends to believe that ho was be- witched. The woman that attended him was fixed upon iis the witch, and by the law, or oistom, of the nation, she was doorficd to suffer death. A chief by the name of Tom-jemmy, called by his owii peof>le Soo-nong-gise, executed the decree by cutting her tiiroat. The Aimh-icanH took up the matter, seiiijd Thm-jem,mf,mul tlimwliini into prison.! Some time after, when his trial came on, Red-jacket appeared in court iis an cvideiico. Tho counsel for the prisoner denied that the court had any jurisdiftion over the case, and after it was carried thron£!;h throe teriuH, Soo-noytp^-gine was finally cleared. Red-jacket ami the other witnesses testified that the wo- man was a witch, and that she had been tried, condemned nnd executed in pursuance of their laws, which had been established from lime imme- morial ; long before the English came into the countiy. The witch doc- trine of the Senecas was much ridiculed by some of the Americans, to which Red-jacket thuc aptly alludes in a speech which he made while upon the stand : — * A happy illustralion nf tho force of cdiiraiion. t Son or Coiitplanter, or Corn-plant, I Information of n genlletnaii ( W. J. Snelling, Esq.) wl,n wns on llio spot, and sfcw him brouriil lo Buflalo. This was the next day after llio murder, nnd the blood wa* yet upon nis handt. REIMACKET. [Book V. " fFhat ! do you denomue ti« aa/ooU and bif^, beeauie tee ttill continw to believe that tehieh you yourarlvea aedulou$ly tnailcaled tteo eenhiritt ago f Your dhrinu have thundered Una doctrine from the pulpii, yourjudrea have firmunmced it from the bench, your courta of juatice have aemdionedit toiih theformalitiea of law, and you would now pumiah our unfortunate brother far adkerenee to the auperatitiona of hia fathero! Go to Salem! Look at the reeorda o^ vour govemmeni, and you will find hundreda exceeded for (he very crime which has coiled forth the aentenee qf condemnation upon thia woman, and drawn down the arm of vengeance upon her. fVhatlutve our broUiera done nwre than the ruUra of your people have done ? atui what crime haathia man committed by executing, in a aummaru torn/, the latoa of hia country, and the injunetiona qfhia Godf" Before Rea-jaeket was admitted to give evi- dence in the case, he was asked if ho believed in future rewards and pun- ishments, and the existence of God. With a piercing look into the face of his interrogator, and with no little indignation of expresaiot^, he re- plied: " Yea! Much more than the white men, \f we are to judge by their aetiona." Ufion the appeanmce of Red-jacket upon this occasion, one ob- serves : " There is not, perhaps, ^n nature, a more expressive eye than that of Red-jarket ; when fired by indignation or revenge, it is terrible ; and when he chooses to display his unrivalled talent fur irony, his keen sarcastic glance is irresistible."* When licUaytite, in 1825, was at Buffalo, among the persone of distinc- tion who called upon him, was Red-jacket. Of tne old chief, M. Levaa- aeur observes :f This extraordinary man, although much worn down by time and intemperance, preserves yet, in a surprising degree, the exercise of all his faculties. He had ever ramembered Lcfayette since 1784, at which time he, witli others, met a great council of alt the Indian nations at Fort Schuyler, when the interest of all those nations, friends and ene- mies, was regulated with the United States, ^'e asked the general if he recollected that meeting. He replied that b lad not forgotten that great event, and asked Red-jacket if he knew w' . had become of the young chief, who, in that council, opposed with t ich eloquence the '* burying of the tomahawk." Red^acket replied, " Hi ia btfore you," His speech was a master-piece, and every warrior who heard him was carried away with his eloquence. He urged a continuation of the war against the Americans, having joined against them in the revolution. The general observed to him that time had much changed them since that meeting. " Ah !" said Red-jacket, " time bos not been so severe upon you as it has upon me. It has left to you a fresh countenance, and hair to cover your head ; while to me behold !" and taking a handkerchief from his head, with an air of much feeling, showed his head, which was almost entirely bald.:( At this interview, was fully confirmed what we have before stated. Levaaseur continues : Red-jacket obstinately refuses to speak any language but that of his own country, and affects a great dislike to uU others ; al- though it is easy to discern ihat he perfectly understands the English ; and refused, nevertheless, to re|>ly to the general before his interpreter had translated his qut^stions into the Senecn language. The general npoke a few words in Indi'jn, which he had learned in his youth, at which * Niles's Weekly Register, vol. xx. 359, 411. t In his Lafayette en Amirique, tomo ii. 437-8. X " Lea assistanl3 tu pwenl I'empteher de tourirt de la timplicUf de I'hdien, qui tem- blait ignorer Cart de rearer Us injwe$ du tempi ; mats on se garda bien de d/truire son errtur ; et pi'ut-t.tre fit-on bien, car U dl/ ptt confondre une pemup/t avec une chet^elure stalp^e, ft coticeroir Pid^e de regamir sa l4ie uwj: dt'pens de la tSte d'w/ie de ses voisons." Ibid, This pleosivilry ofMonn. Ltvasseur would beUer hove suited the dge of the rev- oiutioR ; but cve;i then not so well the character of Red-Jacket. Obap. V1.J RED-JACKET. Red-jacket was highly {Weascd, and which augmented much his hig!i opin- ion of Lafayette. Tiio autlior of the following passage is unknown to us ; but prpsuming it to be authentic, we quote it. " More tlian 30 years* have rolled away since a treaty was lield on the beautiful acclivity that overlooks the Ca- nandaiguaf Lake. The witnesses of the scene will never forget the pow- ers of native oratory. Two days hod passed away in negotiation with the Indians for a cession of their lands. The contract was supposed t9 be nearly completed, when Redrjaehet arose. With the grace and dignity of a Roman senator, he drew his blanKet around him, and, with a pierc- ing eye, surveyed the cnultitude. All was hushed. Nothing interposed to break the silence, save the gentle rustling of the tree tops, under whose shade they were gathered. Afler a long and polemn, but not unmeaning Sause, he commenced his speech in a low voice and sententious style, lising gradually with the subject, he depicted the primitive simplicity and happiness of his nation, and the wrongs they had sustained from the usurpations of white men, with such a bold but faithful pencil, tlint every auditor was soon roused to vengeance, or melted into (cars. The effect was inexpressible. But ere the emotions of admiration and symimtliy bad subsided, the white men became alarmed. They were in the heart of an Indian country — surrounded by more than ten times their num>K>r, who were inflamed by the remembrance of their injuries, and excited to indig- nation by the eloquence of a favorite chief. Appalled and terrhied, the white men cast a cheorless gaze upon the hordes aroimd them. A nod from (he chiefs might be the onset of destruction. At this |>ortentouB moment. Farmers-brother interposed. He replied not to his brotiun- chief, but, Avith a sagacity truly aboriginal, he caused a cessation of tlie council, introduced good cheer, commended the eloquence of Red-jacket, niid, be- fore the meeting had reassembled, with the aid of other prudent t-jiiefs, he had moderated the fury of his nation to a mo.e salutary review of the question before them. Suffice it to say, the treaty was concluded, and the Western District, at this day, owes no small portion of its power and influ- ence to the counsels of a savage, in comparison with whom for genius, heroism, virtue, or any other quality tiiat can adorn the bawble of a dia- dem, not only George the IV. and Louis le Desiri, but the German empe- ror and the czar of Muscovy, alike dwindle into insignificance." We can add nothing to this high encomium. Red-jacket was of the number who visited Philadelphia in 1792, as will be found mentioned in the account of Jaqvelk ; at which time he was welcotned by the governor of Pennsylvaniii to that city, and addressed by him, in behalf of the commonwealth, in the council chamber. The fol- lowing is the closing paragraph of the governor's speech : " Brothers ! I know the kindness with which you treat the strangers that visit your country; and it is my sincere wish, that, when you return io your fami- lies, you may be able to assiuc them, that the virtues of friendship and hospitality are also practised by the citizens of Pennsylvania." He had before observed that the government ba«l furnished every thing to make them comfortable during their stay at Philadelphia. This was upon the 38 March, 1792, and on 2 April following, they met again, when Red- jacket spoke in answer to the governor as follows : — "B.'other, Onas^ Governor, open unprejudiced ears to what wc have to I copy it from Itliscellanits telecled/rom the The lake received iu name * This writer, 1 conclude, wrote in 1822. Public Jotvmals, by Mr. Buckingham. t Siffnifyin;^, in the Seneca laiiipiaEre, a town itt off. (fom the town upon its shore. — Sp'afford's Oa?,. i Onas was tne name tlic Indians give William Perm, and they continue the same name to all the governors of Pennsylvania. 8 m RED-JACKET. IBookV, say. Some days since yoii addressed u», and what you said gave us ^eat pleosuro. This day the Great Spirit has allowed us to meet you ngain, in this council chamber. We hope that your not receiving an inmiediate answer tn your address, will make no mproper impression upon your mind. We mention this lest you should suspect that your kind welcome and friendly addiress has not had a ji'-oper effect upon our hearts. We assure you it ie far otherwise. In yr ir addrew to us the other day, in this ancient council chamber, where our forefathers have often conversed together, several things struck our attention very forcibly. When you told us this was the place in which our forefathers often met on peaceable terms, it gave us sunsible pleasure, and more joy t}ian we could express. Though we have no writings like you, yet we remember often to have licard of the friendship that existed between our ftthers and yours. The picture* to which you drew our attention, brought fresh to our minds the iriendly conferences that used to be held between the former governors of PennHylvania and our tril)C8} and showed the love which your fore- fiUhers had of peace, and the friendly disposition of our people. It is still our wish, as well as yours, to preserve peace between our tribes and you, »ud it would he well if the same spirit existed among the Indians to the westward, and through every part of the United States. You porticularly expressed that you were well ,)l4^aRed to find that we differed in dis))osi- tion from the Indians westwnwi. Your disposition is that for which the ancient Onas Governors weit>^ :\ inarkable. As you love peace, so do we also; and we wish it could b> extended to the most distant pan of this great country. We agreed in counfil, this morning, that the sentiments I have expressed, shoulf^ be coniinnuicated to you, before the delegated of the Five Nations, and to tell you that your cordial welcome to this city, and the good sentimen :s contained in your address, have made a deep im- preosion on our hearts, hjkve v'iven us great joy, and from the heart I tell you 80. This is all I have to miv," When Red-jack'l had iiUMhed, another chief, called ^gwelondongwas, (and wMnetimes Good-peler,f) addressed the assembly. His speech is much in he style of Red-jack"J^s, and was diiefly a repetition, in other words, of tt. It was short, and contained this ]ia&sage: "What is there ■-Tore desimlWe than that we, who live within li< aringof each other,should ■initc for the common good ? Tliis is my wislu It is the wish of my na- on, although I am sorry I can't say so of every individual in it; for there are differences of of)inions among us, as well as among our white brethren." Since we have here introduced Domi»ir Peter, we will so far digress as to relate what follows concerning him. He was one of those who took part against the Americans in the revolutionary war, anj^whrn hostilities commenced, he retired and joined the remote trllies towards Canada. Col. John Harper (one of the family from wlioin Harpersfield, N. Y. takfs its name) was stationed at the tort at Scliorrie, in the statf of New York. Early in the spring of 1777, in the season of making ma|)lc sugar, when all were upon the lookout to avoid surprise by the Indians, Col. Harper left the garrison and proceeded through the woods to Harpersfield; thence by an Indian path tn Cherry-valley. In his way, as he was turn- ing the point of a hill. In saw a company of Indians, who, at the same time, .saw him. He dared not attempt flight, as he could expect no other than to be shot down in such attempt. He, therefore, determined to ad- vance and meet them without discovering fe.ar. Concealing his regimen- tals as well as lie could with his great coat, he hastened onward to meet them. Before they met him, he discovered tliat Piter was their chief, *A .iiio picliire representing 7Vnn's Ucaly wiili ihe Indians, t .\ii you do, brother ? Hliich tsmf an you bound?" . The colonel replied^ " 0/t a nerd expedition. And tohiuh way are you bound, brothers ?" They an- swered without hesitation or distrust, thinking, no doubt, they bad fallen in with one of the king's men, " Down the Susyuehannah, to cut off the Johnitone aettlemenL" This place, since called Sidney Plains, consisted of a few Scotch families, and their minister's name was Johnstone ; hence the name of the settlement. The colouel next asked them where they lodged that night, and tliey told him, " At the mouth of Scbcneva's Creek.^ After shaking hands, they separated. As soon as they were out of sight. Harper made a circuit through the woods with all speed, and soon ar- rived at the head of Charlotte River, where were several men making sugar. This place was about ten miles from Decatur Hill, where he met the Indiahs. He ordered them to take each a rope and provisions in their packs, and assemble at Evan's Place, where he would soon meet them : thence he returned to Harpersfieiil and collected the men there, which, including the others and himself, made 15, just equal to Peter's force. When they arrived at Evan's Place, upon the Charlotte, Harper made known his project They set off, and before day the next morning, came into the neighborhood of the Indians' camp. From a small eminence, just at dawn of day, their fire was seen burning, and Peter, amidst bia warriors, lying upon the ground. All were fast asleep. Harper and big companions each crept silently up, with their ropes in their bands, maa to man ; and each, standing in a position to grasp his adversary, waited for the word to be given hv their leader. The colonel jogged his Indian, anH, as he was waking, said to him, " Come, it is time for men of business h he on their way.'" This waffthe watchword ; and no sooner was it pronounce than each Indian felt the warm grasp of his foe. The stru^le was des- perate, though short, and reijultedin the capture of every onn of the party. When it was sufficiendy lisbt to distinguish countenances, "^ftcr, obssr.- ing Col. Harper, said, '' Ha 7 Col. Harper! JVow I know you : — Why {<»•"■ t not know you yesterday ?" The colonel observed, " l&me />;>. .y Ia r j» , Peter.^ To which Peter replied, " Ah! me find em so new" '^ hesc tives were marched to Albany, and delivered up to the cc . cer. By this capital exploit no doubt many lives were save. But to return to Sagoyewatha. We have observed that he was in the war of 1812. In was particularly named as having distinguished himself. Farmer.' '■> oi'ter was bis eoual in command, and, with several others, was ab honombly raentionea. When they resolved to take up the hatchet, >ney did not wish to be under the United States' officers, but desired to retaliate i:. their own way upon their invaders. This, as far as practicable, v/as ac- ceded to. The famous Seneca chief, called the fhrmet's-brother, is often mention- ed in the accounts of Red-jacket. His native name whs fh-vi-ya-wus. In 17%, FartMrs-brother was in Philadelphia, and was amonp those who attended the burial of Mv. Peter Jaquetle, and is thus noticed in the Pennsylvania Gazette of 28 March, of that year: " On Mouday last, the chiefs and warriors of the Five Nations assembled at the state-house, and were welcomed to the city of Philadelphia in an address delivered by tho governor. Three of the chiefs made a general acknowledgment for ihe cordial reception which they had experienced, but postponed their formal answer until another opportunity. The room in which they assembled * ding oili- bstl'e he • Annals of Tryon Co. 8vr N. York, 1831. ^i 88 FARMERS-BROTHER. [Book V wm mentioned as the ancient eniinril cliamher, in whkh their anceaton and ours had oAon niet to brighten tlie chain of friendt4tip ; and this cir- ouiiistance, together with the iHPCsvnrc of a great part of the heaiity of the city, had an evident effect upon the fcelinfp of thn Indiana, and aoemcd particularly to enibarrass tlie elocution ot the Fanun-bnUurJ* This MM clauw does not correspond with our ideas of the great chiefl Through his whole life, Farwura-inUter seems to have been a peacema- ker. In the spring of the next year, there was a great council held at Niagara, consisting of tlie chiefs of a great nwuiy natioiw, dwelling upon tbe shores of the western lakes. At this tinic, many king and iaborious speeches were made, some ibr and oihera against the conduct of the Uni- ted States. Fcprmen-bnther shone conspicuous at this time. His speech was nearly three hours long, and tlie final determination of the council was peace. We know of no sueeches being preserved at this time, but if there could have been, doubtleea much true history might have been collecteii from them. Ho seems not only to have been esteemed by the Americans, but also by the Engiisb.* Of Pettr JaqtuMty wliom we have several times incidentally raendoned, we will give some account before proceeding with Hamm/amu. He was one of the principal sachems of the Oneidas. This chief died in Phila- delphia, 19 March, VTXL He had been taken to Prance by Gen. Lnfm/- ttte^ at the close of the revolurionarv war, where he received an educa- tion. Mr. Jaquettej hnviiig died on Slonday, was interred on the following Wednesday. *' His funeral was attended from Otler^s hotel to the Pres- byterian burying-ground in Mulberry-street. The corpse was preceded by a detachment of the light infiintry of the city, with arms reversed, drums muffled, music playing a solemn dirge, l^lie corpse was followed by six of the chieis as mourners, succeeded by all the waniors ; the rev- erend clergy of all denominations; secretary of war, and the gentlemen of the war department ; oflScen of the feden! army, and of the militia ; and a number of citizens.''f One of the most celebrated speeches of f Uim t ta -b nU ur was delivered in a council at Genesee River, in 1796, and, after being interpreted, was signed by the chieis present, and sent to the legislature of New York. It follows : — " Brofken, as you are once mom assembled in council for the purpose of doing honor to yourselves and justice to your country, we, your broth- ers, the sachems, chiefs and warriors of tm Seneca nation, request you to open your ears and give attention to our voice and wishes. — You will recollect the hte contest between you and your fkther, the great king of England. This contest threw the inhabitants of this whole island into a great tumult and commotion, like a raging whirlwind which tears up the trees, and tosses to and fro the leaves, so that no one knows from whence they come, or where they will tiill. — ^This whirlwind was so directed by the Great Spirit above, as to throw into our arms twtt of your ioftnt chil- dren, Jasptr Parriah and Horatio Jonea^ We adopted them into our families, and made them our children. We loved them and nourished them. They lived with us inan^ years. M kng^t tht Gnai l^pvit ipokt to the whirtwindy and it vm$ attIL A clear and uninteinipted sky ap- *" Le villagn cle Rtiffalo eit hiibii^ par Ics Scnecas. L« cbef de celte nation est Brothers-farmtr, esttfn<^ par toutes Irs trihus comme grand goerricr el grandjpolitique, «t fort rar«ss^ it ce titra par W a|^s ai^ais el les agens AmMcains. Buffalo est le cbaf Ueu de la nation Scnern." Roche/a»mmld, Voyeve titnu CAan'rifm cm 1795, 6, and 7, 1, i. »9. t Penn'iylvania Gazelle. ; Taken prisoners at the dettruclioa of Wyoaiag by the lories aad Indians under Bititr and Brant. CUAP. VI.] FARMERS-BROTHER. » peared. The path of peace wos opened, and the chain of friendship wm once more rnadc bright. Thon these our adopted children left us^ to seek their relations; we wished tiiom to niniain ftiiong us, and promised, If they would return and live in our country, to give each of them a seat of land for them and their children to sit down upon. — ^They have returned, and have, for soveral years past, bt:en serviceable to ns as interpreters. We still feel our hearts beat with affection for them, and now wish to fiil- fi) the promise we made them, and reward them for their services. We have, therefore, made up our minds to give tliem a seat of two square miles of land, lying on the outlets of Lake Erie, about three miles below Black-rock, beginning at the mouth of a creek known by the name of Seoyf^tunutydeaartek^ running one mile from the River Niagara up said creek, ttience northerly as the river runs two miles, thence westerly 0116 mile ro the river, thence up the river as the river runs, two miles, to the 'place of beginning, so as to contain two square miles. — ^We have now made known to you our minds. We expect and earnestly request that * you will permit our friends to receive this our gift, and will make the flame good to them, according to the laws and customs of your nation. — Why siiould you beuitate to make our minds easy with regard to this our request? To you it is but a little thing ; and have you not complied witli the request and confirmed the gitls of- our brothers, the Oneidas, the Onondagas and Cayugas to their interpreters ? And shall we ask and not be lieani ? Wn send you this our sfieeuh, to which we expect your i)|>- •wer before the brfaking up our great council fire." A gentleman* who visited BuflTalo in 1810, observes t^nt FYannen- irother was never known to drink ardent spirits, and although then 94 years old, walked {lerfectly upright, and was remarkably straight and well formed ; very grave, and answered his inquiries with great precision, but through his interpreter, Mr. Parrith^ liefore named. His account of the mounds in that region will not give Hatisfoction. He told Dr. King that they were thrown up against the incursions of the French, and that the implements found in them wore taken from them ; a great army of French having been overthrown and mostly rut ofl^ the Indians became possessed of their accoutrements, which, being of no use to them, were buried with their ownei's. He was a great warrior, and although " eighty snows in years" when the war of 1813 began, yet he engaged in it, and fought with the Ameri- cans. He did not live tilNits close, but died ut the Seneca village, just after the battle of Bridgewater, and was interred with military honors by the fifth regiment of U. S. infantry. He usually wore a medal presented him try Gen. Wtuhinglon. In the i-evolution, he fought successfully against the An^iericnns. Perhaps there never flowed from the lips of man a more sublime metaphor tlian that made use of by this chief, in the speerh given above, when alluding to the revolutionary contest. It is worth repeating : " T^e Grtat Spirit spoke to the tehitiunnd, and it waa atilir The following letter will, besides exhibiting the condition of the Sene- cas, tievelope some other interesting facts in their biographical history. " To the Honorable William Eustis, secretary at war. "The sachems and chief wurrioi-s of the Seneca nation of Indians, un- derstanding yoii arc tiio person apiminted by the great council of your ^nation to manage and conduct the afthirs of the several nations of Indians with whom you are at peace and on terms of friendship, come, at this *Dr. Wiiiiam Kin^, the celebrated electrician, who gives the author this infomistion verbally. 8 ^ 90 FARMERS-BROTHER. [Boo* V. » time, aa children to a father, to lay before yon the trouble which wo have on our niinda. " Brother, we do not think it beat to multiply words: we will, thprefore, tell you what our complaint is. — Druther, listen to what we aay : Some yean since, we held a treaty at Bigtree, near the Genesee River. Thia treaty was called by our great father, the president of the United States. He sent an a^nt. Col. Wadnvortk, to attend this treaty, for the purpose of advising us m the bumness, and seeing that we had justice done us. At this treaty, we sold to Robert Morrit the greatest part of our country ; the sum he gave us was 100,000 dollars. The commissioners who were ap> pointed on your part, advised us to place this money in the hands of our creat father, the iiresident of the United States. He told ua our father loved his red chiloren, and would take care of our money, and plant it in a field where it would bear seed forever, as long as trees grow, or waters run. Our money has heretofore been of great ser, ice to us ; it has hel|)ed us to support our old people, and our women and children ; but we are told the field where our money was planted is liecome barren. — Brother, we do not understand your way of doing business. This thing is veij heavy on our minds. We mean to hold our white brethren of the United States by the hand ; b;u this weight lies heavy ; we hope you will remove it — We have heard of tiae bad'conduct of our brothers towards the set- ting sun. We are sorry for what they have done ; but you must not blame us ; we have had no hand in this bad business. They have had bad people among them. It is vour enemies have done this.— We have per- auaded our agent to take this talk to your great council. He knows our (rituations, and will apeak our minds. Farmer's Brother, [Hotumnnu,] hit X mark. Little Billy, [Giahkaka,] " X " YoDNo King, [Koyingqvautdh,] " X " Pollard, [Kaounaaotoand,] " X " Cbief-warrior, [Lunuehmewt,] " X " Two-GUNS, •• X " Joan Set, " X " Parrot-mose, [iSboeootmi,] " X " JoHif Pierce, ITukiny,] " X ** ' ' ■. Strong, [KahaMa,] ** X " Wheelbarrow, ** X " Jace-berrt, " X " Twenty canoes, [CadbaumMMe,] " X ** BiG-EETTLE, [Seaaewa7] " X " Half-town, [^claoutf] " X " Keyandeanoe, " X ** Captain-cold, " X " E8^e possession of yf^fit was left to them, and then ask, **Does this promise binJ you V* And jthjat tio sooner was the treaty of Fort Stanwix concluded, thtin commissioners ,iroiu Pennsylvania came to purchase of them what was inchided within the lines of' their state. These they informed that they did mt wish Xo sell, but being further urged, consented to sell a part. But th(: coinn^^s- sioiicrs biid tnnt " they mutt ftove the. whole ;** for it was already ceded to thrill by the king uf England, at the peace following the revolution. But still, as their ancestors had aJwaya paid the Indiana ibr land, they were C«*P. VI.) HALF-TOWN— OORN-PLAHT—BIO-TREE. 98 willing lo pHy them for it. Being not able to contend, tli« land wm told. Soon afli-r this, they cni|iowen»m FhotogFEqiiic Scmces Corporalion 23 WIST MAIN STREiT WnSTIR.N.Y. MStO (716)172-4503 4^ Mr GORN-PLAMT. |B«OK ▼.. the wntiinMils of the whole natioiH as well a» thoee of himseM; HaHf-Umm vaA Bit(-4rt€. In 1791tan act paeaed the legislature of Pennqrlvania," to empower the l^tvemor to grant a patent to Mg-trte, a Seneca chie^ for a certain idand in the Alleghany River." He lamented the disaster of St. CUar'a army^ and was heard to say afterwards, VuA ht vxnM hme two acalps for Gen. BuUaf*a, who fell and was scal|)ed in that fight. J<^ DeekardL, another Seneea chief, repeated the same words. Being on a mission to Philadelphia, in April, 179S, he was taken sick at his lodgings, and died after ahout 90 hours' illnessi Three days after, be* ing Sunday, the SSd, he was buried with all requisite attention. The riiver Bi^>-htt was probably named from the circumstance of this chief having lived upon it. His name still exists among some of his descend- ants, or othersef his tribe, as we have Bom it^ubncribed to several instru- meulB within a few years. Although Corn-fianler be but half Indian, we would not throw him out of our book on that account, and will, therefore, proceed again with bi» memoira His Indian name, as we have before noted, was Qyantwm- UL i and most of «nr knowledge concerning him is derived from himself, and is contained in a letter sent from him to the governor of Pennsylva- nia ; and, akhouf^ written by an interpreter, is believed to be the real prsdudaon of C o m-fHemk r . It was doled " Alleghany River, 2d mo. 9d^ rSSO^ and is as follows:^ * 1 ftel it my duty t» send a speech to the governor of Pennsylvania at this tinM^ and inform him the place, wbeie I was from — which was at Conewaug*.*^ en the Ctenesee lUver. ** Wbea 1 Was a chiM, I played with the butterfly, the grasshopper and the frogs ; and as I grew up, I began to pay some attention and play with tke lancn beys in the nei^borhood, and they took notice of my skin be- iag a diffcreat color froaa theirs, and spoke about it. I itratiired of my mother the cause, and she told me that my father was a residenter in AI- baiiydt I still cat ny victuahr out of a berk dish. I grew up to be a young BNn, and manried me a wife, and I had no kettle or gim. I then knew wrhare tm fiither lived, and went to see him, and found he was a whit^ vomnt »M»pi^9 the Eni^ith kaqpiafe. He gave me victual? whilst I was at his houasv but when I sisned to return home, he gave me no provision to e*t on the way. He gave me nekher kettle nor gun, neither did he tell itM thai the United States wt>re dbout to rebel against the government, of England. <* I will now tell you, favothers, who are in session of the IJegislature of FeBonylvanie, that the Great Spirit has made known to me that I have btea wicked ; and the cause thereof was the revohttioBary war in Amer- isB. The cause of Indmns having been led into sin, at that time, was that DMHvy of them were in the practice of drinking and getting intoxi- oated. Orent Britain requested ns to jeiit with them m the conflict against the Ar^erieans, and promised the Ind'ant land and liquor. I myself was opposed to joining in the eonflictt as i nad nothing to do with the dtf- fle wll y that existed bMweeft the two parties. I have now informed you how It happened that the Indians took a part in the revolution, and will raiale to you some civeumslanees that ocrurred after the close of the war. G«a. Pafmmi, who was then at Philaddphia, told me there was to be » cooBcil at Fen Stanwix ; and the Indians requested vaa to attend on be- t * This was the Iroquois term to desienate a place of Cliristiail IndiaSt ] heaiie xoatlf ptasMbeavki lilsaMsaMeatCs^^wMiM^ I k k said' tAsMTk' Ref . iil SB) UmM ha was aa IrUtmaBi ,j^' Chap. VI.) CX)RN-PLANT. half of the Six Nations; which I did, and there met with three ooinmia- aionere, who iiad been appointed to hold the couneiL They told nie they would infimn aie of the cauae of the revolution, which I requested them to do nuautely. They then said that it had originated on account of the heavy taxes that had been imposed upon them by the British |{o\'em- ment, which had been for fifty years mcreanng upon them ; that the Americans had grown weary thereof and reftised to pay, which aflronted the king. There had likewise a diiSculty taken place about some tea, which they wished me not to use, as it had been one of the causes that many people had lost their lives. And the British government now being affionted, the war commenced, and the cannons be^[an to roar in our country. General Putnam then told me, at the council at Fort Stanwix^ that, by tne late war, the Americans had gained two objects: they had estabUshed thenoselves an independent nation, and had obtained some land to live upon ; the division line of which, firom Great Britain, run through the lakes. I then spoke, and said that I wanted some land for the Indians to live on, and General Putnam said that it should be granted, and I should have land in the state of New York for the Indians. Gen. Putnam then encouraged me to use my endeavors to pacify the Indians generally ; and, as he conndered it an arduous taik to perform, wished to know what I wanted for pay therefor. I replied to him, that I would use my endeavon to do as hie had requested, with the Indians, and for pay thereof, I wouM take land. I told him not to pay me money or dry goods, but land. Aud for having attended thereto, I received the tract of land on which I now live, which was presented to me by Governor Mytin, I told General Putnam tb t I wished the Indians to have the excluHve privilece of the deer and wild game, which he aasented to. I also wuhed the Indians to have the privilege of hunting in the wooda, and making fires, which lie likewise assented to. "The treaty that was made at the aforementioned council, has been broken by some of the white people, which I now intend acauaiuting the governor with. Some white people are not willing that Indians should hunt any morc^ whilst others are satisfied therewith ; and those white people who resHie near our reservation, tell us that the woods are theirs, and they have obtained them from the governor. The treaty has been also broken by the white people using tlieir endeavors to destroy all the wolves, which was not spoken about in the council at Fort Stauwix, by General Putnam, hut has ori^nated lately. "It has been broken anun, which is of recent origin. White people wish to get credit from Indians, and do not pay them honestly, according to their agreement. In another respect, it has also been broken by white people, who reside near my <'i welling; for when I plant melons and vines in my field, they take them aa their own. It has iieeii broken again by white people using their endeavors to obtain our pine trees from us. We have very few pine trecj ou our land, in the state of New York ; and white people and Ind'dns often get into dispute respecting them. There is also a great quantity of whiskey brought near our reservation b^ white people, and the Induuis obtain it and Income driiiikcn. Another circumstance has taken place which is very trying to me, and I wish the interference of the governor. •♦ The white people, who live at Warren, called upon me, some time ago, to pay taxes for my land ; which I objected to, as I had never been called upon for that purpose before ; and having refused to pay, the white people became irritated, called upon me frequently, and at length broug!it four guns with them and seized our cattle. I still refused to pay, and was not willing to let the cattle gft. After a time of dispute, they re- turned home, and f understood the militia was ordered out to enforce the CORN-PLANT. (Book V. eollection of tbe tax. I went to Wnireii, and, to avert the impendinc difficulty, was obliged to give nay note for the tax, the amount of which was 43 dollars and 79 cents. It is my demra that the governor will ex- empt me from paying taxes for my land to white people ; and also cause that tbe money I am now obliged to pay, nmy be refunded to me, as I am very poor. The governor is the person who attends to the situation of the p(M)ple, and I wish him to send a person to Alleghany, that I may inform him of the particulars of our situation, and he be authorized to instruct the white people in what manner to conduct themselves towards the Indians. "The government has told us that when any difficulties arose between the Indians and while people, they would attend to having them removed. Wo are now in a trying situation, and I wish the governor to send a per- 8on, authorized to aiioud thereto, the fore part of next summer, about the time that grass has crown big enough for pasture. " The governor rormjrly requested me to pay attention to the Indians, and take care of them. We are now arrived at a situation that I believe Indians cannot exist, unless the governor should comply with my request, and send a person authorized to treat between us and the white people, the auproacbmg summer. I have now no more to speak."* Whether tlie government of Pennsylvania acted at all, or, if at all, what order they took, upon this pathetic appeal, our author does not state. But that an independent tribe of Indians should be taxed by a neighboring people, is absurd in the extreme ; and we hope we shall learn that not only the tax was remitted, but a remuneration granted for the vexation and damage. Q>m'pkmt was very early distinguished for his wisdom in council, not- withstanding he confirmed the treaty of Fort Stanwix of 1784; five years after, at tbe treaty of Fort Hanner,hegaveup an immense tract of their country, and for which his nation very much reproached him, and even threatened his life. Himself atid other chieft committed this act for the best of reasons. The Six Nations having tdcen part with England in the revolution, when the king's power fell in America, the Indian nations were reduced to the miserable alternative of giving up so much of their coun- 2 OS the Americans required, or tlie whak of^ it. In 1790, Corn-plant, i^f-Unen and Big-trte, made a most pathetic appeal to Congress for an amelioration of their condition, and a reconsideration of former treaties, in which the following memorable passage occurs: — " Father : we will not conceal from you that the great God, and not men, has preserved the Corn-plant from the hands of his own nation. Forihey ask continually, ' Where is the land on which our children, and their chil- dren after them, are to iie down upon ? You told us tbat the line drawn iVom Pennsylvania to Lake Ontario, would mark it forever on the east, and the line running from Beaver Creek to Pennsylvania, would mark it on the west, and we see tbat it is not so ; for, first one, and thei> another, come and take it away by order of that people which you tell us prom- ised to secure it to us.' Hu is silent, for he has nothing to answer. VVhen the sun goes down, he opens his heart before God, and earlier than th( sun appears, again u|H)n the hills he gives thanks for his protection during the night. For he feels that among men become desperate by the inju- ries they sustain, it is God only that can preserve him. He loves peace, and all he had in store he has given to those who have been robbed by your people, lest they should plunder the innocent to repa^ themselves. The whole season, which others have employed in providing for their * Bvchamm't Sketches. [Book V. mpendinc of which >r will ex- abocauae > me, as I 9 aituation hat I may lorized to !8 towards e between removed. end a per- , about the le Indians, It I believe (ly request, ite people, It all, what state. But eigh boring ■n that not le vexation luncil, not- ;five years ict of their I, and even ict for the land in the itions were heir coun- Com-plant, ressror an er treaties, d not men, I. For they their cliil- ine drawn m the east. Id mark it iu another, I us prom- ^er. VVhen !r than the tion during r the inju- ives peace, robbed by hemselves. ' for their Chap. VI.] CORN-PLANT. chiefs of the Five Nations, and a very ^reat warrior, took up his g and said, ' / ttumk the Great Spirit for thta opportuniiy tf smokmg the ; families, he has speqt in endeavors to preserve |teace ; and this monwnt his wife and children arc lying on the ground, and in want of food." Iu President fFathington's answer, wo are gratified by his particular no- tice of this chief. He sayf, ** The merits of the Cornrplant^ and bis friendship for the United Statp«<, are well known to mc, and shall not be forgotten ; and, as a mark of esteem of the United States, I have directed the secretary of war to make him a present of too hundred cmdj\fhi dol- lara, e:tl.loyed thv m, more prolMibly, as a means of inspiring his countrymen with that respect and veneration for himself which was BO necessary in the work of expulsion, which he had undertaken. The first exploit in which we find Teeumseh, engaged was upon a branch of Hacker's Creek, in May, 1792. With a small band of wacriora, he camb upon the family of John fTaggoner, about dusk. They (bund Waggoner a short distance from his house, sitting upon a log, resting himself after the fatigues of the day. Tecumseh directed his men to cap- ture the family, while himself was engaged with Wagmner. To make sure woric, be took deliberate aim at him with his rifle ;1>ut fortunately he did not even wound him, though the ball (Missed next to his skin. Wag- goner threw himself off the log, and ran with all his might, and Tecumseh followed. Having the advantage of an accurate knowledge of the ground, Wag^mer made good his escape. Meanwhile his men succe^sd in carrying off the family, some of whom they barbarously murdered. Among these were Mrs. Waggoner and two of her children. Several of the children remained a long time with the Indians. This persevering and extraordinary man had made himself noted and conspicuous in the war which terminated by the treaty of Greenville, in 1795. He was brother to that famous impostor well known by the name of the Prophet, and seems to have joined in his views just in season to prevent his fiilling into entire disrepute among his own followers. His princiiml place of rendezvous was necr the confluence of the Tippecanoe with the Wabash, upon tho north bonk of the latter. This traci of coun- m TEcuMsen. [Boob ▼. try WW none of hia, but o«u been iiosMseed by hia brother the Prophdt in 1808, with a motley band of nbuut a 1000 young wiurriort from among tba Sbawaneae, Delawarea, Wyandots, Potowatomiea, Ottowas, KlkKa- poos and Cbipnevvaya. The Aliamiea were very much Opposed to this intrusion ioio uieir country, hut were not powerful enough to repel it, and many of their nhieft were put to death in the moat barbaroiia man> ner, for remonstrating against their conduce The mHladministration of the Projfhtl, however, in a short time, verv much reduced his uumbera, BO that, in about a vesr, hia followers consisted of but about 800, and these in the :.ioBt miserable state of existence. Their habits had been such as to bring fiiriiine upon them; and but foi' the provisions furnished by Gen- eral iiarrijon, from Vincennes, starvation would doubtless have ensued.* At this juncture, Teeumatk made his appearance among them ; and al- though in the character of a subordinate chiet; yet it was known that he directed every thing afterwards, altho'igh in the name of the PropKeL His exertions now became immense, to cnguge every tribe upoii the con- tinent in a ronledemcy, with the open and avowed object of arresting the progress of the whites. It will be hard to find excuse for all the proceedings of the governi/ient (if the United States and its agents towards the Indians at any time. The consciousness of power goes a great way with almost all men. Agreeably to the direction of the government. Governor Harrison pur- chased of the Delaware*, Miamies, and Potowatonies, a large Xraci of country on both aides of toe Wabasli, and extendiit)^ up the river 60 miles above Vincennes. This wilh in 1809, about a year after the Profhti set- tled with his colony upon tho Wabash',' As' raioVo stated'. 'Ttc&iAikh Was ■h wn t at this time, and his biother, the Prophtt. was not considered as liivin|( any claim to the coiiiitrv, being there without the consent of the Mlainies. TecunueA did not view it in this light, and at hi« ireturn was Meeedingly vexed with those chid^ vtrho had mad^ the %<}n<&ievtace ; many of whom, it is aaselted, he threAteued with death. 7>eum«^S'« dis- pleasure and dissatiiiftction reached Gov. JEf2irHMn,,who despatched a nicssengei'to him, to state *'tfaat any claims he might We to the lar Is which had been ceded, were not affected by the treity; that be infiht come to Vincennes and exhibit his pretensions, and if they were fovtriiTtb be solid, that, the land would either be ^ven up, or an ample coiiipQnsa tion made fol* iL'^t Thid, it mum be confessed, was not in a strain e«ilc>>- latod to soothe a mighty mind, when once justly irritated, as v^ that of TTtrto^nM, at least as ho conceived. However, upon thd 19 Atigkst, 1810, (n da> which cannot fail to remind the reader of the fate of bis great archetype, PkSip, of Potanoket,) he met the ^verrior in council at Vincennefp, with many of bis warriors ; at which time be spoke to him as follows: — "It is true I am a Shawanee. My forefathers were warriors. Their son 19 a warrior. From them I only take my existenise; fhim my tribe I take nothing. I am tho maker bf my own fortune; and oh! that I ctiuld hmke that of my red people, and 'ftf my country, os meat os the oonceptions of my mind, when I think of the Spirit that rules the universe. I would not then come .o Gov. Harriaori, to ask him to tear the tr^y, and to obliterate the landmiirk ; hut I wotild say to him. Sir, ;^on have liberty to return to your own c6untry. The being within, comniuning ^ith piost ages, tells me, thM once, nor until lately, there' was no vvhitb tetta on this cotiUncnt. That it then all belonged to red men, children of dib atme parents, placed on tt by the Gt^at Spirit thiit made them, to tee'p it, to traverse it, to enjoy its producdons, atid to fill it With the saine * Memoin of i/arriMN. t Jfii/i*. OSAr. vn.] TBOUmBH. IM Odm • iuppy raee. Since made miMnbie by Um whha peopit, who an never conianted, but r'wejre eueroecbiug. Tbe way, wid tbe only waj lo obeek and to Mop this evil, m» for ell ihe red men to unite in ekuininji a eommon and equal ri|{ht in the land, aa it waa at firat, and ahouk) M yet ; for it never waa divided, but belonga to all, for tbe uae ofeaeb. Tbat no part baa a right to aell, even to each other, rouoh lea to arrangera; Uioae who want all, and will not do with leaa. The white people nave uo right to take tbe land firom tbe Indiana, becauae they had k flnt; it la theira. Tbev may aelL but all rouat join. Any aale not niade bv all ia not valid. The lale aale ia bad. It was made by a (Nut only. Part do not know how to aeU. It requirea al! to roalr.« a bargain for nil. All red men have equal righta to tbe unoocupied laotl. The ri|^t of occupancy ia aa good in one pwee aa in anotbor. There cannot be two occupationa in the aame place. Tine firrt exeludea all othera. It ia not ao in hunting or travelling ; for there the aame ground will aerve many, aa they may follow each other all day ; but the camp ia stationary, and that ia occu- pancy. It belongi to the firat who aits down on bia blanket or akina, vhich he baa thrown upon the ground, and till he leavea it no other baa aritfht"* How near tbia ia to the original ia unknown to ua, but it appeaia too much Auiericaniaed to oorreapond with our notiona of TVcwnma; never- tbeleaa it may give the tnie meaning. One important paragraph ought to be addeil, whien we do not find in tL<* wthor fW>m wnich we have ex- tract^ the above; which waa, "that tbe Americana had driven them firoiM tbe aen-coasta, and that they would shordy push them into the lakea^ and. tbat they were determined to make a stand where they were."f This language forcibly rsminda us of what the ancient Britona said of their enemies, when uey besought aid of the Romans. " The barbariana (anid thoy) drive ua to the sea, and the sea beata ua back upon them ; between these extremea we are expoaed, either to be alain with the aword, or drowned in the wavea."t TVeuaueA, having thua explained bia reaaona against the validity of tbe purchase, took bin seat amidst his warriora. vemor HaniMm, in bia reply, aaid, ** that tbe white people, when tbey arrived upon this Continent, had fuund the Miamies in the occupation of all tiie country on the Wa- baal'^ and at that time the Shawanese were residents of Georgia, from which they were driven by tbe Creeks. That tbe lands had been pur- chased fifom the Miamiea, who wf^re the true and origitial owners of it That it was ridiculous to assert thnt all the Indians were one nation ; for if such had been tbe intention of 'he Great Spirit, he would not have put six different tonguea into their heaJs, but have taught them all to speak a h'nguage that all could understand. That tbe Miamies fo.tnd it for their interest to sell a part of their lauds, and receive for them « ftirther an* nuity, the benefit of which they had long experienced, from the pimctu- ality with which the aerenteen fires [the seventeen United States') com* plied with their engagenMnts; and that the Shawanese had no right to come from a distant country and control the Miainieb in the disirasal of their own property." The governor then took his seat, and the inter* fireter proceeded to explain to Ti^mmMth what he had said, who, when le htid ntsariy finished, suddenly interr pted him, and exclaimed, " Jt if aUjfaiai ;** at tho same time giving to his warriors a signal, they seized tlieir war cluba and spruiig upon their feet, from the zreen grass on which they had boui aitting. The governor now thought nimser in imminent -danger, and, freeing nitnself firom bia arm-chair, drew hi'- sword and pre- pared to defond himaelf. He was attended by some oflicers of bis gov- * Hilt. Kerilaeky. 9» t M«m. Hvritoa. X Sdler*! Englaiid. "s' V"wi'> i.' ICB TBCUMSBH. IBoM T. crnmeiit. and nmaj eltizena, more numermis tluui the Indkni, bat all unaruwd : mott of whoni, however, wbted upon Mnne weuwD, meh m Monca and cluba. Tteum$th continued to maks geaturaa andT apeak with freat emotion : and a guard of 13 armed men atttioned in the rear were ordered up. For a few minutea, it waa eipeeted bkHid would be died. Major O. R. Fhude, who atood near the governor, drew hia dirli, and /fMneaM/t eocked hia piatoL which he had ready primed ; he aaid TVeian- «dk liad threatened hia life for bavinc aigned the treaty and lale of the diaputed hud. A Mr. ffhuu, the Methodiat minister, ran to the gov- emor'a houae, and taking a gun, atood in the door to deftnd the ikmilr. On being informed what TVeimueA had aaid, tlie governor replied to him, that "ho waa a bad man— that he would have no fiirther talk with him— that he muat return to hia camp, and aet out fbr hia liome imme- diately.'' Tbua ended the conference. TVetmueA did not leave the neigh- borhoo<], but, the nejtt morning, liaving reflected upon the impropriety of hia conduct, aent to the governor to have tlie council renewea, and apol<^ed for the aflhmt oOfared ; to which the governor, after aome time, eonaented, having taken the precaution to liave two additiooal com- paniea of armed men in readineaa, in caae of inault Having met a aeeond time, Ttcum$ek waa aaked whether he had any other fTOiinda, than thoae he had atated, 1^ which he could lav claim to the bmd in queation ; to which he replied, " No other." Here, then, waa an end of all argument. The indignant aoul of TeewmaA could not hut he enraged at the idea of an *'eauivalent for a country," or, what meant tlw same thing, a eoR^wnrafion lor land, which, often repeated, aa it had been, would aoon amount to a eouniry! ''The behavior of Tkeim- Mk, at thia interview, waa very different fivm what it waa the day before. Hia deportment waa dignified and collected, and he Aowed not the least diqKwition to be inaolent. He denied having any intention of attacking the governor, but aaid he had been adviaed by white men"* to do aa he bad done ; that two white men had visited him at hia place of residence, and told him that half the white people were opposed to Governor Hani- ton, and willing to relinquish the land, and tola him to advise the tribes not to receive pay for it ; for that the governor would be soon put out of office, and a <*gnod man" sent in his place, who would give up the land to the Indiana. The governor asked him whether he would prevent the aurvey of the land: he repKed that he was determined to adhere to the oM houndaru. Then nroae a Wyandot, a Kikk8])oo, a Pottowattomie, an Ottowas, and a Winnebago cbie^each declaring his determination to stand liy SfVeiMueft, whom they had chosen their chief. After the governor had Informed Tunmath that his words should be truly report id to the presi- dent, alleging; at the same time, that he knew the land wouM not be re- linquiahed, and that it would be maintained by the sword, the council eloaed. The governor wished yot to prolong the interview, and thoui^ht that, possibly, Tievnuek might appar more subinissive, should lie meet him In his own tent. Accordingly lie took with liini fin interpreter, and visit- ed the chief in his camn the next day. The governor was received with kindnem and attention, knd Tenmueh converwd with him a considerable time. On being adced by the governor, if his determination really was aa he bad ezprnsed hunself in tlie council, he said, ** Yes ;" and added, "that it waa virith neat reluctance he would make war with the United Stales — against whom he had no other complaint, but their purchasing the Indiana' land ; that he was extremely anxious to be their flriend, and if he (the governor) would prevail upon tne president to give up the lands * Memoirs of Hatrinm. IBami T. HI, bat all >n, tueh M ipeak wHh ) dirk, and lidTkcMM- Mle of the > thfl lOT- B fiuni^. repHeo to •talk with mo imtiM- I the neigh' npropne^ Mwea, and after aome lionalcom- le bad any lY claim to nerei theni h could not r," or, what fvpeated, as of 7VeiM»- day beftwB. ot the least f attacking D do as he ' residence, mor Harri- the tribes put out of ip the land irevent the lere to the rattomie, an ion to stand >vemor had ) the presi- not be re- the council iOUi;ht that, meet him r, and visit- ceived with ronsiderable 1 really was and added, the United purehasins fliend, and ip the lands tmikv. ya.] I'luumui. UM htoly pyKjI — d , aad agree nevar lo nwha aneihar timtj, without iIm ooMant of aU riM tribaa, he would U thair flihIiAil aHy, and aiaiat Uimb fa all ihoir wan with the Bngllsh," whom ha knew were alwaya traal> fag tfM IndfaM Ilka doga, ekqtpiBg their handa, and hdkwfag tithhtf; that he wohM mueh mber join the aevaolaen Area ; hut rf'Uiey would not five up said kada^ and eompiy with his raoiieat in other rapeeta, he would jaia the English. When the governor told him there was no probability that the prsMdent w«niM eompfy, he said, •• Well, as the great ehief ia to determine the manar, I hope the Great Spirit wiU put aanae enough into his head, lo induce him lo direct you to give up tbia land. It ia true, ho fa so Ihr al^ be will not bo iqjurad by the war. Ho may ait aiill iu hfa town, and drtek hfa wine, wbilH you and I will have to fight it out" He had aald beftira, wheii aaked if it were hfa determination lo make war unleaa hia lermn were complied with, ** Jl if m« tk kr m ii m H am ; nor «Mll Ijgim rul fa wffidymMIhmmmiikdMiktndmtH m lk» Hkt Thus is exhibited the determined character of TVcusim*, In which no duplfaiqr appears^ and whoae reoentinent might have been expected, when queatioiied. again and agabi, upon the same subjocL Moat rsligwaaly did ho proaeculo tbia plan ; and could hia extraordinary and wonderflil exertioas be known, nn fiction, it is believed, coiikl scareo- lyaurpan the reality. Thetribeato thewestoftheMi«i«ippi,andthooe about Lakea Superior and Huron, were visited and reviaiua bv him pre- vious to the year 181). He had raiaed in theae tribea the L' ,h expeotft- tion, that thmr ahouM be abfa «• drive the Americana to the east of the Ohio. The nmous Bhm^mektt was aa sanguine as Tteumith, and was hfa abettor in uniting diatant tribea. The Mfawmg eharaeteriatie drcumslance occurred at one of the meet- i'lga at Vineeimea. After TmmttA had made a speech to governor Hmr>- t vsen, and was shoot to aeat himaelf in a chair, he olieervRd that none had been pheed for him. One was immedfately ordered bv the governor, and, as the interpreter handed it to him, he aaid, ** Your fttner reauesia you to lake a ehair." <• Afjf JMtrf* saya TVcusMeft, with great indignity of exp r ess i on, " Ifce aim is wn^ faAer, and the earth i$ mymoOur; and on Ur t a s ssi IvnU repass ,*" and immediaiely aeated himseli, in the Indfan man- ner, upon the groamL* The fight at Tippecanoe followed aoon after. This affiur took place in the night of Nov. ti, 1811, in which 03 Americans were killed, and 196 wounded. TVmsiadk was not in this fight, but bis brother, the Prophet, eonducled or ordered the attack. During the action, lie was performing conjurations on an eminence not far ol^btit out of danger. His men displayed great bnveiy, and the fight was long and bloody. Harmon Boat aome of hfa braveat oflkers. The late Colonel Snetting, of Boston, then a captain, was in thia fight, and took priaoner with his own hands an Indian chfaf^ the only Indian taken by tne Americans. The name of the captured chfaf we do not learn, but, from bis fear of being taken for a Shnwanee, it fa evident he was not of that tribe. When he viras seized by Capt. SrtUmg, he ejaeuhted, witfi hurried accents, ** Good man, me no Aaisanee.*'t The chwls WkiU4ian (Wapamangwa,'^ Stone-taUr (Sanor- mi Mmn ga,) and I Piw w t s idfc , were cnnapiruous at mis time. The latter hnd been tiw pretended flrfand of the governor, but now appeared his eneui/. Just before hostilities commenced, in a talk Governor Harruon had widi TVeusue^ the former expr es s e d a wish, if war must follow, that cruehy to priaoners should not be allowed on either side. 7%cum«ei as- sured him that be would do all in his power to prevent it; and it is be- t laibraMlion of bis WMk,W. J. Bneliing, Esq. of Botlos. (Bms V. Havod ht mMtf adlMrMi lo this ratoliMioa. ladewi, w« liars on* «z- •mule, wUeh hM never baea eaUed ia qiMMioo, and ia worthy iha araat nriiid of ihia ebief. When CoL Dudkg ww eut oil; and oaar 400 of hto maot not ftr Anm Port Meifi, hjr ftlling Into an acnbiiali, l \t mut k arrivad at the leaiie oT action whan tha Amancana couM raaiat no longer. Ha axaned himaelf to put a atop w tha roaanaere of tha aoidiara, which waa than loinK <>■> < *od meeting with a Chippaway chief who would not deaiat oy pemuiaion nor threaia, ha buried nia tomahawk in hia head.* It ia aaid that TVcMMdk had been in almoat every important battle with the Americana, Aom the deatruetion of General Harmo*t armv till hk death upon the Thamea. He waa under the direction of GeneralPtwdar, In the laal creat act of hia lifc, but waa greatly diaantiadt^ with hia coum of iNTOoeedlnga, and ia aaid to have remonattated againat retreating before tha Americana in very pointed term*. Pemft viea>rv had juat given tha Americana the comnMnd of Lake Erie } aiMl immediately lAieir^Pnehr abandound DeAoit, and marched hia nwjeaty'a armyup the river Thama% aecompanied by General TVcwnmA, with amut Ir aome tim^ TVeuaitdk received a aevera wound in the arm, but continued to fight with deaperation, until a ahot in the head ftom an unknown hand laid him proatrate in the thiek- aat of the flghLf Of hia warriora 190 were left upon the fiekl of battle. Thua fell TVniawcA, in the foity-lburth year of nia age. He waa about five feet ten incbea in hei^t, of a noUe appearance, and a perfectly aym* metrical form. ** Hia carriage waa erect and lofty — hia motiona quick — hia eyea penetrating— hia viMge atem, with an air of Aauleur in hia coun- tetamce, which aroae flrom an elevated pride of aouL It did not leave him even ki death." He ia thua apoken of by one who knew him. Hia dreaa on the day of the firtal battle waa a deenkin coat and pantaloona. At the battle of the Thamea, a chief by the name of iSllmie aerved aa a guide to Col. Johutm^a resiment. He informs us that he knew TeevaweA well, and that he once had had hia thigh broken, which not being proper- ly aet, cauaed a conaiderabie ridge in it alwaya after. Thia waa puUianed in a Kentucky newspaper, lately, aa necessary to prove that the Indiaa killed by Col. Mnuon waa Twmteh. From* the same jiaper it would aeem, that, even on he day of battle, it was doubted by some whether the .chwf killed were Tuumteh, and that a critical inquest, was held over his body ; and akbough it was decided to be lie, yet to the fact that the colo- nel killed him, there wus a demur, even then. But, no doubt, many were willing it should so pass, thinking it a matter of nu conaeoueoce, ao long aa TVcMaueA, their most dreaded enemy, was actually slain ; and, peihape, too, so near the event, many felt a delicacy in dissenting from the report of Col. JoAfiam'* firienda; but when time had dispelled such jealousy, thoae came out firankly with their opinion, and hence resulted the actual truth of the case. That the American soldiers shouM have dishonored themaelves, after their victory, by outraging all decency by acta of astonishing feroci^ and barbarity, upon the lifeieaB body of the fallen chief, is grievous to mention, and cannot meet with too aevere condemnation. Pieces of hia riiin were • Jamu, i. S9I— P«rMM, tS] . t The slory (hat he fell in a pcrsonitl rencounter with Col. Johnion, mutt no longer be believed. F*«M ire enrirely opposed to inch a conchuion. Indeed, we cannot leva ikat the colonel ever daimKl tM honor of (be aehievenMnl. OiAK VlLl TKCUMBKH. uken swajr l>T aonw of UMin m menMntow!* He ii Mid to have bom* • penooal entnity lo Qenertl IfarriMn, at thb time, Ibr having juat beibva deatroyed bia fkihily. The celebrated imeeh, aaid lo have bisen deUvend 5 the mat ** Shawaneae warrior* to General Plnadttr, before the battle the Thamea, ia believed by many not to he genuine. It mw he aaen in every hiatory of tho warjUid every periodiealof that day, and in not • fow ainne, even to thia. Therefore we omh it here. The ueeeh of Logan, perhaiMj baa not circulated wider. Another, in our opiniou, mora worthy the rajghty mind of TtetmuA, puhttahed in a work aaid to ha written by one who heard it,t la now genefaOy (on the authwrity of • iwbllo joumall) diacarded aa a fiction. ' Among the akirmiahea between the bellicereniB, before Geik Jhli aur- rendered the north- weatem army, 2Vnwmf and hia Indiana acted a coa- ^ticuoua part . Maiden, situated at the junction of Detroit River with Lake Ene. was dbnatdered the Gibimltar of Canada, and it waa expected that Gen. mlPt flrat inovementa would be to poaieaa himMlf of it In a movement that way, Col. AtArikmr came verv near beiiw cut off by a pai^ of Indiana led by iVnoMeA. About 4 milea fipom Maldeii, he found a bridge in po*. aeaaion of a body of the enemy ; and ahhouch the bridge witi carriea hv a force under CoL Ca$$A in effecting whiebjJl of the enemy were kille^ ^t it aeema, that in a '*tew daya afterwafda" they wera io poanaidii of It again, nnd again the Americana atood rendv to repeat the attack. It waa in an attempt to reconnoinre, that CoL UtArOmr "advanoed aomewhat too near the enemy, and narrowljr eaeaped beiiy cut off firom hia inen"| by several Indiana who had nearly p feve at ed hs retreat , Mwor ronAom waa detiiched from Amt CanaidsLMth 900 men, to oon- v'6y ISO Ohio militia and some (irovlaMna AogK Wltiver Rairin. In hai s^ond day\i march, near Brownatown, he ACi *«]kn wuhuah of 70 f n- diana under TVcunuek, who, firing upon bun, kilk» W men ;'«mong wfiqni w;er9 Cantaina, MPCvUoek^ -AmMt, OiknaM** iad Vkry: 9 mora wtt« wounded. A British writer upon the late war,t( q>irit, rather nld supply him with a flow of oratory, that enabled hiiu, as ho Siverned in the field, so to prescribe in the council. Those who consider at, in all territorial questions, the ablest diplomati<>t8 of the U. States are sent to negotiate with the Indians, will readily appreciate the loss sustain- ed by the latter in the. death of their champioa. The Indians, in general, are full as fond as other savages, of the gaudy decoration of their fMrsons; but Teeumnh was an CAception. Clothes and other valuable articles of spoil had often been his ; yet he invariably wore a deerskin coat and pan- taloons. He had frequently levied subsidies to, comparatively, a large amount ; yet be preserved little or nothing for himself. It was not wcalui, but ^lory, tfiat was TecumseVa ruling passion. Fatal day! when the 'Christian people' firs*: penetrated the forests, to teach the arts of 'civiliza- tion* to the poor Indiau. Till then water had been hiF only beverage ; and himself and his race possessed all the vigor of hardy savages. Now, no Indian opens bio lips to the stream that ripples by his wigwam, while be has a rag of clothes on his back, wherewith to purchase rum ; and he and his squaw and his childron wallow through the day, in beastly drunk- enne8s.t Instead of the sturdy warrior, witii a head to plan, and an arm to execute, vengeance upon the oppresso/« of his country, we behold the puny besotted wretch, squatting on his hams, ready to barter his country, nis children, or himself, for a rew gulps of that deleterious comfiound, which, far more than the arms of the United States, [Great Britain and France,] is hastening to extinguish all traces of his iiame and character. TVciMweA, himself, iu early lite, had been addicted tc intemperance ; but no sooner did his judgoient decide against, than his resolution enabled him to quit, so vile a hwit Beyond one or two glosses of wine, he never afterwards indulged." ■' It was said not to be ftt>ni good will to the Americans, that he would not permit his warriors to exercise any cruelty upon them, when fallen into their power, but from principle alone. When Detroit was taken by the British and Indians, Teewnaeh was in the action at the head of the latter. After the surrender. Gen. Brock requested him not to allow his Indiana to ill-treat the prisoners, and to which he replied, " JS/h ! I de- tpiat thtm too much to mtddU with than.*' Some of the En^sh have said that there were few ofiicers in the U. States' service so aUe to command in the field as Tecumieh. This it will not us behove to question ; but it would better have become such speech- makers, if they had added, " in his peculiar mode of warfare." That he was a more wily chief than Miakikinakwa, may be doubted ; that either had natural abilities inferior to those of Gen. Jroyne, or Gen. Brock, we see no reason to believe. But this is no argument that they could prac- tise European warfare as well as those generals. It is obvious, from his iuteroourse with the wl*.ites, that Tecuvmh must have been more skilled in their military tactics than most, if not aM, of his countrymen, whether predecessors or cotemporaries. A military man^ as we apprehend, says, " He [Tecunuehj was an ex- cellent judge of position ; and not only knew, but could point out the lo- calities of the Whole country through which he had passed." "His fa- oility of communicating the information he had acquired, was thus dis- played oetore a concourse of spectators. Previously to Gen. Brock's cross- mg over to Detroit, he asked Tncumaeh what sort of a country he should * Ai though the Eoglith of Guada had Mver been guilty ofenrroachnoni t Thii ii not tnie. \ Mr. Jamet, ut npra. ^ Chap. VII.] PROPHET. 107 have to pan through, in case of his pror«eding farther. Teeunueh, taking a roil of elm-bark, and extending it on the ground by means T four atones, dre>v forth bis scalping-knife, and with the point presen etched upon the bark a plan of the country, its hills, woods, riven, morusses, and roads ; a plan which, if not as neat, wan, for the purpose required, fuliv as intelligible as if Anmotmith himself had prepared it Pleased with this unexpected talent in TVcunueA, also with bis having, by his charac- teristic boldness, induced the Indians, not of his immediate party, to cross the Detroit, prior to the embarkation of the regulars and militia, Gen. Brock, as soon as the business was over, publicly took off his sash, and placed it round the body of the chief. T^eutnaeh rec«ivt;d the honor with evident gratification ; but was, the next day, seen without his sash. Gen. Brbck, fearing something had displeased the Indian, sent his interpreter for an explanation. The latter soon returned with an account, that Te- eunuth, not wishing to wear such a mark of distinction, when an older, and, as he said, abler, warrior than himself was present, bad transferred the sash to the Wyandot chief Round-head," The place of this renowned warrior's birth was upon the banks of the Scioto River, near what is now Chillicothe. His father's name was Pvketahmo., which means, / Kgld from flying. He was killed in the battle of Kanhawa, in 1774. His mother's name was Metthttttuhe, which sig- nifies, a turtle laying her eggs in the sand. She died among the Chero- koes. She had, at one birth, three sons : — Ellakwatawa, which signifies, a door opened, was called the Prophet; Ttcunueh, which is, a tiger crouching for his prey^ and Kumskaka, a tiger that flies in Mx;n tnnch censured for his conduct at tlie River Rai- sin. It \vas said tliat he agreed to the terms iisited for bv Gen. JVinche^, and then paid no nttentinii to their observance, but rather countenatieed Vif In'lians in their barlrarities, thinking thereby to strike the Ainericans with dread, that they might be deterred from entering the service in future. ]{ut the Itriiish historians say that "the whole of the loft divis- ion surrendered at discretion," and not "on condition 6f their being pro- tected from the savages, btnng allowed to retain their private property, and having their side-nrms returneeen drawn up; but, indeed, Gen. fVinchtt- ter Avas not in a condition to dictate tcnns. Stripped to Us shirt and trow- sers, and suilering exceedingly from the cold, the American general was found by Col. Prortor, near to one of the Indian tires, in possession of the Wyandot ch\ef Round-htad." So, according to the judgment of this historian, Col. Proctor was under no obligation to keep his word, liccause there was "no writing" with his name to it The historian that will even set up a defence for treachery may calculate witli certainty upon the value posterity will set upon bis work. We want no other than Col. Proctor's own account from which to condemn him of, at lea^t, great want of humanity. We do not pretend that the Americans were always free from the same charges ; but wc would as soon scorn their extenuation as that of their ei^emies. Round-head was present with Gen. Brock and Tecunueh when they took possession of Detroit, on the 15 August, 1813. When about to cross the river to lay siege to Detroit, Cren. Brock presented Tecunueh with his red sash. This chief had too much good sense to wear it, well knowing it would create jealousy among the other chiefs, who considered them- selves equal with him ; he therefore presented it to Round-head, as has been mentioned in the life of Tecunueh. Whether this chief were more wise than T^cumseh^ in the last affair in which the latter was engaged, we are unable to say ; but it appears high- ly probable that the conduct of Gen. Proctor was the cause of bis bemg abandoned by most, if not all the Wyandots, previous to the battle of the Thames.f As Round-head was their chie^ to him will be attributed the cause of their wise proceeding. The following letter, written after the battle of the River Raisin, (we conclude,) is worthy of a place here. " TAe Hunma, and the other tribes of Jnduiiu, assembled at the fiKami Rapids, to the inhabitants of ihe River Raisin. — IHends, listen ! You have always told us you would gtve us any assistance in your power. We, there- fore, as the enemy is approaching us, wUhin 25 miles, eaU upon you aU to rise up and come hen immeduUely, bringing your arms along urith ycfu. Should you faH al tftis time, we tviU not consuter you in future as friends, and the consequences may be very unpleasant. H^ are weU eonvinced you • Thomson has 522. Hitt. ^etchet, 104. t Gen. Harrison'* official letter, among Brammift Ofieial Doc. p. 297. 10 !» * ' his mark. fValk-in-Uie-tDoter © bis mark.* fFalk-^n•{he•xeat^r aldo signalized himself in these events. His native name is Myeerah. He is a Huron, of the tribe of the Wyandots, and, in 1817, resided on a reservation in Michigan, at a village railed Maguaga, near Brownstown. Mr. Brawn, in his valtiahio Western Gazetteer, justly styles this famous chief one of "nature's nobles." The unfortunate Gen. Hull mentions him as one of the principal "among the vast number of chiefs who led the hostile hands" of the west when the war of 1812 commenced. The Kaska^^kias Wyandots, in 1814, were nearly equally divided between a chief called Tarhx, which signitics the Crane, and Myeerah. The former was called the grand chief of the nation, and re- sided at Sandusky. He was u very venerable and intelligent chief. In 1812, Myeerah told some American officers who were sent to the Indians to st-cure their favor, that the American government was acting very wrong to send an army into their country, which would cut on their communication with Canada. The Indians, he said, were their own master", and would trade where they pleased ; that the affair of the Wa- bash was the fault of Gen. Harrison -ntirely. He commanded the In- dian army with Round-head at the battlu of the River Raisin. Ailer the battle of the Thames, in which also fValk-in-tke-waler was a conspicuous commander, he went to Detroit to make peace, or rather to ask it of Gen. Harrison. In crossing from Sandwich with a white flag, many were attracted to the shore, to see him, where also were drawn up the Kentucky volunteers. All were struck with admiration at his noble aspect and fearless carriage, as he ascended the bank and passed through the ranks of the soldiers. The greatest firmness attended his steps, and the most dignified nonchalanee was upon his countenance ; notwithstand- ing his condition was now calftuluted to discover humiliation and deep depression. Only a few days before, he had fought hand to hand with these same volunteers, whose ranks he now passed through. We have njt heard of the death of the heroic and truly great chief Myeerah ; but, whether alive or dead, our veneration is the same. It was said of his cotemporary, Tieuvnsth, that in the field he was an Jlchitles, and in the council un t^gamemnon. At least, we think, as much may in truth be said of Myeerah. The sequel of the life of Tarhe will be found in a former chapter, where he figures under the name of King Crane. In 1807, a treaty was made at Detroit between the Chip|)ewnys, Ottowas, Pottowattomies and Wyandots and the U. States. Two chiefs I:"«»;des Jtfyeerah signed on behalf of the last-named tribe. His name to that treaty is written Miere. The next year, 1808, another treaty was made at Brownstown with the same tribes, with the addition of two delegates from the Shawanees. Three besides Myeerah signed at this time. He was also, we believe, a party to the treaty made at Fort Industry in 1805, on the Miami of the Lake. Less is known of the history of the two next chiefs, of which we shall ny something, than of many others less distinguished. Teyoninhokeratoen was a Mohewk chief, who is Rencmlly known under the appellation of John JVorton. " This interesting Ind Ian, about two years ago, [1804 or 5,] visited England, where numerous traits of an amiable disposition and a vigorous intellect produced the most pleasing impres- sions on all who were introduced to him. A proof of his possessing, in a * Engluh Barbarititi, 188. cbaf. vn.] TEYONINHOKERAWEN. lU [Book V. frwnda at aric. I mark.* H'm native Dtn, and, in Maguaga, &ZETTEER, infortiinate ist number ir of 1812 riy equally Crone, and DP, and re- chief. In he Indians iCting very t ofr their their own »f the Wa- led the In- ixdtr was a r rather to white flag, ) drawn up t his noble ed through i steps, and twithstand- and deep hand witii great chief lie. It was m JlchilUs, ich may in ill be found Crane. In s, OttowaSv efs i:«»«»;deB me to that was made o delegates time. He try in 1805, ch we shall lown under It two years an amiable ng impres- lessing, in a high degree, the qualities of a good temper and great mental quicknesL occurred at the upper rooms, at Biith, wiiero he appeared in the dreaa of his country. A young Eiiglishiiian, who hod been iu America, ac- costed the chief with several abrupt questions res;iectiiig his place of alMxle, situation, and the like. To these Mtrton returned answers {it once pertiuciit and modest. The inquirer, however, expressed himself dis- satisfied with them, and hinted, in almost plain terniii, thut he believed him to be an impostor. Still the Aiucricaii suppressed his resentment, ' and endeavored to conviuce the genlleman that ilrm uccoiinl of liimself might be depended upon. 'Well, but,' returned the other, 'if you really are what you pretend to be, how will you relish returning to the savages of your own country ?"Sir,* replied Norton, with a glance of intelligence, * I shall not experience so great a change in my society, as you imagine, for IJini there are savages in this counby alaoJ Animated with the xpirit of genuine |)atriotism, tTiis generous chieftain was unweariedly occupied, dui-- ing the intervals nf hia public business, in acquiring every species of useful knowledge, for the purpose of trans|)nrting it to his own country, for the benefit of his people ; and what the friends to the happiness of meu will hear with still greater admiration and pleasure, he was also engaged, under the auspices of Mr. WUberforee and Mr. Thornton, in the laborious oniployinent of translating the Gospel of St. John into his native tongue."* Whether that published by the American Bible Society be the same translation, I am not positive,* but believe it is. The following is the 3d of Chap. i. Yorigkwagwegon ne rode wiyeniduUn, olf, tsi nikon ne kaghson yagh oghnahhoten teyoJon ne ne yagh raonJuth te haybdare. We learn also from Mr. /aruen that whtitiTeyonin^jkerawen was in Eng- land, ho ''apiieared to be about 45 years of nge;" tall, musbular, and well proportioned, possessing a fine and intelligent countenance. His mother was a Scotch woman, and he had spent two yeara in EklUibiirgh, in his youth, namely, from nis t3th to hia l.'hb yvwr, read and s^R'e English and French well. He was married to a female of bis own tribe, by whom he had two children. He served in the lost war with the English, as will presently be related. Becaiisj this chief spent a few years in Scotland when young, some historians^ have asserted that he was not an Indian, but a Scotchman ; and a writer^ of a sketch of the late Canada war, says ho was related to the French. Of this wo have no doubt, as it is not uncommon for many of those who piss for Indians to have white fathers. We should think, therefore, that, instead of his mother's being a Scotch woman, his father might have been s Frenchman, and his mother an Indian. Of JVorfon's or Teyoninhokerawen^s exploits in the Inst war, there were not many, we presume, as there are not many recorded. When Col. Murray surprised Fort Niagara, on the 19 Dec. 1813, JVorton entered the fort with him, at the head of a force of about 400 meu.§ Fort Niagara was garrisoned by about 300 Americans, of whom but 20 escaped. AH who resisted, and some who did not, were run through with the bayonet. We only know that JSTorton was present on this occasion. On the 6 June, 1814, Gen. Vincent and .Yorton, with a considerable force,|| attacked an American camp ten miles from Burlington Bay, at a place called Fifty Mile Creek. The onset wns made before day on a Sun- day morning. The invaders seized upon seven pieces of cannon, and turned them upon tlicir enemies. The night was very diu-k, and the confusion * Jamon't Strnnj^r in America, 278. 4to, Loudon, 1307. t Jamet, Military Occurrences, ii. IG. \ Mr. M. Smith, who lived (hen in Canada. ^ Some American historians 8ny, " Britisli and Indians ;" but Mr. Jamet (ii. 16.) Mvs there was but oiio " Indian," and ho was a Scotcliman ! I The number of rajik and iilc was 704, of tho Americans about 3000. -# 113 WAWNAHTON. [Book V. wa very groit. The American generals Chandler and fFinder, one ma- jor, five captains, one iieutennot, and 1 16 men, were taken prisoners. Never- theless the Americans fought with such n-solution that the attackicg party were obliged to abandon their advantage, leaving 150 of their number behind them. They, however, carried on two pieces of cannon and some horses. The next chief we intr^ iuce chiefly to illustrate a most eztraordinaiy mode of doing penance, ait mg the nations of the west WaumaUon,* a bold and fearless chief, of the tribe of Yankton,f (whose name, translated, is " Ae who chorees the enemi/") was considerably noted in the last v:vr with Canada, "He had," says my author, " killed seven enemies in battle with his own hand, as tlio seven war-eagle plumes in hia hair testified, and received nine vvoiindH, as was »ho wn liv an equal number of little sticks arrangtvl iu liis coal-hlack hair, and pimted in a manner that told an Indiun eye whctlier they were inflicted liy a~ bullet, knife or tomahawk, and l>y whom. At tl^e attack on Foit Sandusky, in the late war, be received a liuliet and tJtiv;e liuck shot in iiiei breast, which glanced on the boiie, und passing ivMmd uiider^lio skin, came out at his back." This, and other extraordinary escai)eH, he made use of, like th« famous Tuapa- qutn, two ages bcibre, to render himself of greater importance amon^ his nation. At this time he was supposed to.,|)^ atwiit 30 years of age, ot* u noble and elegant appearance, and is still believed to be living,| Major Long's coinjxtny considered WaumaJdon a very interesting man, whose acquauitaiice they cultivated with success in the neighborhood of Lake Traverse. They dc3cril)e him as upwards of six feet high, and • Wanotan, in Lontr't Kxped. to St. Peers, i. 448. t Yatdctoan, (I.»ng, ib. 404,) which signifies detcended from the fern leavei. i Facts published by W. J, finellinjr, Esq. It 'i» said by Keating, in Lon^i ExpM, ' i. 448, liiat be was about 28 yean of a^. Tliia was in 18z3. CBAr. vn.] BLACK-THUNDER. 113 poR'eeamga countenance that would be considered handnome in any cour.try. He prepared a feaM for the part^, as soon as lie kn<>w they were jconiiug to hu village. ** When speaking of the Dneotas, wc pur^ porciy |H>8t|Ktned mentioning the frequent vowh which they make, and their strict adherence to them, because one of tho iM-st evidences which we have collected on this point councctn itself with the character of fVa- fwtan, and may give a favorable idi>u of his extreme fortitude in enduring paiu. In the summer of i&Si he undertook a journey, from which, a|>- prehending mucii (!.«ng«r ou the part of the Chipiiewas, he made a vow to the s'.'n, that, if he returned safe, he would abstaiu from all food or drin'c fur the space of four successive days and nights, and that he would distribute among his people all the pro(ierty which he possessed, including all his lodges, liorses, dogs, &c. On his return, whicli happened without accident, he celebrated the dance of , he sun ; this consisted in niaMng three cuis through his skin, one on his breast, and one on each of hia arms. The skiu was cut in the manner of a loop, so as to perniit a rope to pass betweeu the flesh and the strip of skin which was thus divided from the body. The ropes being passed through, their ends were sccur> od to a tall vertical pole, planted at about 40 yards from his loduc. He then began to dance round this pole, ni the commencement of this fast, frequently swingiug himself in the air, so as to be supported merely by the conls which were secured to the strips of skin sepr rated from his arms and breast. . le continued this exercise with few intermissions during tho whole of his fast, until the fourth day about 10 o'clock, A. M., when the strip of skiu from his breast gave way ; notwithstanding which he interrupted not the dance, although supported merely by his urms. At noon the strip from his left arm snap|>ed off: his uncle then thought that he had suffered enough," and with his knife cut the last loop of skin, and Wanotan fell down in a swoon, wher6 he lay the rest of the day, ex- posed to (he scorching rays of the sun. After tliis he gave away all his property, and with his two squaws deserted his lodge. To such mon- strous ^)llies does suiwrstition drive her votaries ! Bla:k-thunder, or Macldutlananamakee, was styled the celebrated patriarch of the Fox tril)e. He made himself remembe<'ed by many from an excellent speech which he made to the American commissioners, who had assem- bled many rhinis at a place called the Portage, July, 1815, to hold a talk with thetn, U|)on the state of tJKsir utTairs; particularly as it wns believed by the Americans that the Indians meditated hostiliiier- An American comrni.sslnncr o^Nsned the tnik, and unbecomingly accused the Indians of breach of fbrinor triiaties. The first chief that answered, spoke with a tremulous voic.o, and evidently betrayed guilt, or ])oriiaps fear. Not so wi;li the upright chief Black-thunder. He felt equally iiidipiant at th« ciKi'tft3 of tliR white man, and the unmanly cringing of tho chief who had just s()ok('n. lliiiily. I sIihII not speak with fear and trembling. I have never injnre-1 y;)u, and iunocenrt! can feel no fear. I turn to you all, red- Mkitis and vviiiie-skiuji — where is the man who will appear as my accuser? Fatlier, I underHjand not clrp.rly how tliin<» are working. I have just iHion set at lilvirty. Am I again to bn plunged into hondnjce? Frowns are all aroimii m<- ; but I am incapable of change. You, perhaps, may \w, i<;iioritnt of vvliHt I tell vou ; hot it is a truth, which I call heaven an.t earth to witness. It is a hict which can onsily he proved, thnt I have been assailed in uhuost cvm that counsel we never have departed. We smokefl, and resoived tn make common cause with th<^ U. States. I sent yon the pipe— it resembled this— and 1 iicnt it by the Minouri, that the Indians of the Mivsiwippi might not know wlint we were doing. You received it. 1 then told you that your friendH should be my frienc>ople ; but the wkUe are bttter than the red Pf'jple. ^Iiia acknowledgment ia too degrading, and does not comport with the i^iioral charorier of the American Indians. It is not, however, very sur|f iHing that ouch an expreaaion should CHcapc on individual aur- rounded, |ia woa Ongpatonga, by magnificcace, luxury, and attention from the fpvab Bw'dk was a party to several treatiiA, made between Ns nution and the laiited States, previoua lo his visit to Washington in ItiSl. ■ r f Petalesharoo was not a chief, but n brave of tht; tribe of the Paunees. (A brave is a warrior who has ilistiiigni^hed himsHlf in battlc,an(l is next in importance to a chief.*) lie wtm the !utati<>ii rro.'u ! is nation to the Antericnn government, on u business mutter. Long'.i ExpctlitUai. i. ''.Hi ; and Dr. Morte's ludiaii Report, 347. Chap. VH] PETALE8HAROO. 117 This iraoe was of elefant form and countenance, and waa attired, in Ilia viait to Washington, aa repraaeoted in the above engraving. In ItSl, ho waa about 25 yean of age. Attbeag«of91,hewaaaodia(iucuiiihe4lby hia abihtiea and proweaa, Uiat he waa called (he *^bravett «^the bntvet. Hut few ycara |irevioua to ItJOl, it. waa a cuatom, not only with hia nation, but thoae adjacent, to tortiiro and bum captivva oa aacrificet to the great Star. In au expedition performed by aome of hia countrvincu aguinat the Iteana, a tuuiale waa taken, who, on their return, waa doomed lu aulfer according to their uaagea, Blie waa iaatened to the atake, and a voat crowd ajMcmbltid upon the adjoining plain to witneaa the Mccne. Thia 6ra«e, unoliaerved, liad atationed two fleet horaea at a amall diatance, and waa aented among the crowd, aa a ailent apeetator. All were aiixioualy waiting to enjoy Uio 8|iectacle of the firat contact of the flamea with thou* victim ; when, to their oatoniahment, a hravr. waa aeen rending aaunder the conia which Iwuud her, and, with tbe awitlneaa of tliought, bearing her in hia urtns beyond the amazed multitude ; where placing her uiion one horae, and mounting himaelf upon tbe other, he bore her off aafe to her frienda and country. Thia act would have endangered the life of an or- dinary chiefj but auch was bia away in tbe tribe, that no one preaumed to cenaure the daring act Thia transaction was the more eztraordinarv, aa its performer waa as much a aon of nature, and hod had no more of the advantages of educa- tion, than the multitude whom lie astonished by tbe humane act just recorded. Thia account being circulated at Wasbinston, during the young chief's stay there, the young ladies of Mihs fHat^i seminary in tbat place, re- solved to give bim a demonstratioa of the high esteem in which they held hirn on account of hia humane touduct ; they therefore preaented him an elegant silver madol, ap|iropriately inacribed, accompanied by the following anort but aflfoetionateaddreas: " Brother, accept this token of oiur esteem — always wear it for our sakes, and when again vou have the power to save a poor woman from death and torture — think of this, and of us, and fly to her relief and her rescue." The hrme'a reply : — ** Hiii [taking hold of the medal which he bad just suspended from h>9 neck] wiU gtoe me ea$e more than I tver had, and I will listen more than I ever aid to white men, I om glad that my brothert and aiatert hme heard qf the good act I have done. Afy brothers and sixers think that I did it in ig- noraiice, but J now know what I have done, I did it in ignorance, and nd not know that I did good; but by givinff me this medal I know if." Some time rfter the attempt to sacrifice tbe Itean woman, one of the warriors of Ldeletha brought to the nation a Spanish boy, whom he had takeiL The warrior was resolved to sacrifice him to Venus, and the time was appointed. Letelesha had a long time endeavored to do away the custom, nnd now consulted Petaleshwroo upon the course to be pursued. The youug brave said, " I will rescue the boy, as a warrior should, by force." Ilis fiitlier wss unwilling that he should expose his life a seconil time, and used great exertions to raise a sufficient quantitv of n erchan- dize for the purehase of the captive. All that were able cuv .ributed, and a pile was made of it at the lodge of the Knife-chief, who r lien suin- nooned the warrior before him. When he had arrived, the chief com- manded him to take the merchandize, and deliver the boy to him. The warrior refused. Letelesha then waved bis war-club in the air, Imde the warrior obey or prepare for instant death. "Strike," said Petalesharoo, "I unit meet the vengeance of hia friends.'" but the prudent and excellent Letelesha resolved to use one more endeavor before committing such an act. He therefore increased the amount of property, which had the de- aired effect. Tbe boy was surrendered, and tbe valuable collection of m METCA. [Book V. foods McrificofI in h» stoad.* Thia, it is thoujfht, will bo thn last time llic inlininan custom will bo attom|itefi in the tnbe. "The orisiii of thiii aangiiinary nrrifice is unknown ; iirobntily it existed praviousTy to thehr iolerrounte with the white tradcrs.'t They believed that the micct'ss of their enterprises, and all undertakings, depended upon their iaithAilly adhering to the due perfbmiance ofthesa rites. In hia wav to Waahington, he ataid boom days in Philadelphia, where Mr. AWqffe bad a fine opportunity of taking hia portrait, which he per- fbrrood with wonderflil aueoeaa. It waa copied for Dr. Oodman^t Natuial Htaioiy, and adonia the aecoad volume of toat valuable work. * A Metea, chief of the Pottowattomiei^ is brought to our notice on ae- eount of the oppoailion he made to the sale of a lai^ge tract of his country. In 1821, he resided upon the Wabash. To numerous treaties, from 1814 to 1821, we find hia name, and generally at the head of those of his tribe. At the trenry of Chicago, in the year last mentioned, he delivered the fuilowing speech, after Gov. Ccua had informed hiiu of the objects of his mission. " My father,—- We have listened to what you have said. Wc sliall now retire to our camps and consult upon It. You will hear nothing morH from us at present. [This is a uniform custom of all the Indians, When tlie council was nt^iii convened, Mttea voiitinued.] We meet you hero to-ilay, because we had promised it, to tell you our minds, and what wh have agreed upon among ourselves. You will listen to us with a good mind, and believe what we say. You know that we first rame to this countrv, a long time ago, and when we sat ourselves down upon it, we met with a great many hardshi|)8 and difficulties. Our country was then very large, wit it has dwindled away to a small spot, and you wish to pur- ' Long, lU cMpra, 357-8, t Jlld. CB4P. VII.] METEA. 119 ehane that ! This hu eauMd lu to rdkrt much upon what you htm told us ; and we have, therclure, liroticht all tli« rhicfa and warrion, aad the youuff men and women and childrra of our iribe, tliat one part mar not do wnat the oihen ohjwt to, and that all n«y he nitnraa or what m going forward. You know your children. Since you fint came among theiN, they have lititenod to your wonla with an attentive ear, and have always hearkened to your ciHinaela. Wlienrver you have had r proposal to make to us, whenever you have had a fiivur to auk of us, we nave al* ways lent a favorable car, and our invarialric answer has been 'ycfc* This you know ! A long time haii iMKwd since we first came upon our lands, i^id our old people bnve all sunk into their graves. Tliey had wnse. We are all young and foolish, and do not wish to do any thioK (hat they would not approve, were they living. We are fearfld we sliaU offend tnvir Hpiritis if wo sell our lands ; and wc are fearful we shall of- fend you, if we do not sell them. This has caused us great perplexity of ' thought, because we have counselled among ourselves, and do not know how we can |wrt with the land. Our country w:i8 given to us by the Great Spirit, who gave it to us to hunt uuon, to make our coniiiekls upon, to live upon, and to make down our beila upon when we die. And ho would never forgive us, shoukl wo bar^n it away. When you fint spoke to us for lands at Sl Mary's, we said we had a little, and agreed to sell you a piece of it ; but we told you wc couM spare no more. Now you ask us again. You are never satisfied ! We have sold you a great tract of land, already ; but it is not euougli ! We sold it to you for tho bei\pfit of your chiltlren, to iiirm and to live upon. Wc have now but little left. We shall want it all for ourselves. We know not how long we may live, and wo wish to have 8o.-no lands for our children to hunt upon. You are gradually taking away o had more land, you should get more, but our land has boon wasting away fcver since the white people became our neighbors, and we have now hardly enough left to cover tho bones of our tribe. You are a the midst of your red children. What is due to us in money, we wish, d will receive at this place ; and wc wont nothing more. We all shake bands with you. Behold our warriors, our women, and children. Take pity on us und on our words." Notwithstanding tho decisive language held by MtUa in this speech, aguQBt selling land, yet his name is to Uie treaQr of sale. And in another lao KEEWAGOUSHKUM. [Book V. speech of about equal length, delivered shortly aflcr, upon the same sub- ject, the same determination is manifest throughout. At this time he appeared to be about forty years of age, and of a noUe and dignified appearance. lie is allowed to be the most eloquent chief of his nation. In the last war, he fousht against the Americans,, and, in the attack on Fort Wayne, was severely wounded ; on which account he draws a pension from the British goveniment.* At the time of the treaty of Chicago, of which we have made mention, ^veral other chiefs, I)e8ide8 Metea, or, as his name is sometimes written, Meet^Of were very prominent, and deserve a remembrance. Among them may be particularly named Keetoagoushkum^ a chief of the first authority in the Ottowa nation. We Rhall give a speech which he made at the time, which is considered very valuable, as well on account of the history it contains, as for its merits in other respccis. Indian History by an Indian, must be the most valuable part of any work about them, ktewagouahkum began : — " My father, listen to me ! The first white people seen by us were the French. When they first ventured into these lakes they hailed us as children ; they came with presents and promises of peace, and we took them by the hand. We gaveihem what they wanted, and initiated them into our mode of life, which they readily fell into. After some time, during which we had become well acquainted, we embraced their father, (the king of France,) as our father. Shortly after, these people that wear red coats, (the English,) came to this country, and overthrew the French ; and they extended their hand to us in friendship. As soon as the French were overthrown, the British told us, ' We will clothe you in the same manner the French did. We will supply you with all you wqnt, and will purchase all your peltries, as they did.' Sure enough ! after the British took poeaession of the country, they fulfilled all their promises. When they told us we should have any thing we were sure to get it ; and we got fi-om them the best goods. — Some time after the British had been in possession of the country, it was reported that another people, who wore white clothes, had arisen and driven the British out of the land. These people we first met at Gneenville, [in 1795, to treat with Gen. IFoyne,] and took them by *he hand. — When the Indians first met the American cbieij [Waynt^ in council, there were but few Otto was pres- ent ; but he said to them, ' When I sit myself down at Detroit, you will all see me.' Shortly after, be arrived at Detroit Proclamation was then made for all the Indians to conie in. — We were told, [by the general,] ' The reason I do not push those British farther is, that we may not forget their example in giving you presents of cloth, arms, ammunition, and whatever else you may require.* Sure enough ! The first time, we were clothed with great liberality. You gave us strouds, guns, ammunition, and many other things we stood in need of, and sa'd, ' This is the way you may always expect to be used.' It was also saiil, that whenever we were in great necessity, you would help us. — When the Indians on the Maumee were first about to sell their lands, we heard it with both ears, but we never received a dollar. — The Chippewas, the Pottowattomies, and the Ottowas tcere, orieitiaUy, but one nation. We separateo from each other near Michiliinackinac. We were related by the ties of blood, language and interest ; but in the course of a long time, these things have been fonmtten, and both nations have sold theur lands, without consulting UB." — "Our brothers, the Chippewas, have also sold you a large tract of land at Saganaw. People are constantly passing through the country, but we received neither invitation nor money. It is surprising that the Schoolcraft'* Traveli. [Book V. same sub- of a noble lent chief ns^ and, in iccount he 3 mention, 18 written, . Among va nation, considered as for its ust be the began : — y us were ailed us as 1 we took iated them ome time, leir father, ! that wear le French ; ;he French the same wqnt, and ! after the promises, get it ; and 1 had been eople, who i" the land, with Gen. 8t met the >was pres- t, you will 1 was then B general,] / not forget nition, and 3, we were nmunition, s the way enever we ans on the both ears, iwattomies, ratea from 38 of blood, :hings have consulting je tract of le country, ig that the Chap. VII.] TOPINABEE. 131 Poltowattomies, Ottowaa, and Chl|)pew:is, who are nil one nation, should sell t!)eir lands without giving eucii other notice. Have wc tiien degen- erated so much iliut wo can no longer trust one unothor? — Perhaps tho Pottownttomies iriuy think I lia*'c coirie hero on a i)Rgging journey, that I wish to claim a sharu of lands to which my people are not entitled. I tell theia it is not su. Wo have never begged, aud shall not now com- mence. When I went to Detroit lost full. Gov. Caas told ine to come to this place, at this time, and listen to what hu had to 8ay in council. As we live ii groat way in ihc woods, and never sec white people except in the fall, when tlie traders ctitne among us, we have not bo many oppor- tpnities to profit by this intercourse us our neighbors, and to get what necessaries we require ; but we make out to live independently, and trade upon our own lauds. Wc have, heretofore, received nothing less than justice from the Americans, and all wo expect, in the i)resent treaty, is a full proportion of the money and goods." " A scries of misfortunes," ways IVlr. Schoolcrajl, " has since overtaken this friendly, modest, and sensible chief. On returning from the treaty of Chicago, while off the tnouth of Grand River, in Lake Michigan, his canoe was struck by a flaw of wind and upset. After making every exertion, ho saw his wife and all his children, except one son, perish. With his son he reached the .shore ; but, ai if to crown his misl'ortunes, this only surviving child has since been poisoned for the part he took in the treaty." The result of this treaty was the relinquishment, by the Oftowa?, Chip- pevr'as, and Poltowattomies, of a tract of country in the .southern part of the peninsula of Michigan, containing upwards of 5,000,000 acres, and for which they received of the United Stales, in goods, 35,000 (iollars; and several otiier sums were awarded to tho separate tribes, to some yearly ibrever, and to others for a limited term of yeare. Some of the chiefs who attended to the treaty were oppose«l to this sale, and hence the reason that Keeiaof^ooshkurn's son was poisoned. Koange, in the following speech, o[)posed it in a manly style. lie was a chief of mature age, and of a venerable aspect. " My father, since you heard froq^ our brothers, the Chippewas and Ottawas, we have counselled together. It is now your wish to hear the sentiments of the three Nations. I shall deliver them. Sometimes the Indians have acted like children. When requested they have signed away their lands without consideration. This has always made trouble in the nation, and blood has been spilt in consequence. We wish to avoid such foolish and bad conduct. The last time we sat down in coun- cil together, we had not fully consulted each other; and perhaps you drew a wrong conclusion from what we said. We did not consent to your request. In times past. When you have asked us for lands, we have freely sold them. At present there are a number of our people opposed to selling, and we have found it very difficult to agree in mind. One point, in particular, we differ tnuch upon ; it is the extent of the grant you request. Wo give you one more proof of our friendship, by meeting you in this council. . You know our minds — wo now take you by the hand. Look down upon us with compassion and wish us well." This speech, Mr. Schoolcrajl says, was rather more favorably rendered by the interpreter, than it should have been, in regard to the (lisposal of the land. We think, however, that ho speaks m very decided terms against it. There was another chief present at this treaty, a Pottowattomie, whom we will mention, particularly to show the "ruling passion" of the Indians for ardent spirits. This was T^'no&ee, or Thupenda. He was a chief much respected, and was ^m BLACK-HAWK. (Book V. venerable now from his age ; haviing been the first chief of his tribe, from before the time of fFame'a war. His name stands first to a nti miter of treaties, from that of Greenville, in 1795, to that of Chicaco, in 1821. There was a good deal of reluctance with many present, at tlie latter treaty, to comply with its requisitions, but when it was finally determined that it sliould be executed, all seemed eager to have it go into effect with- out delay, from the circumstance, that a certain quantity of whiskey was stipulated to be delivered to them as soon as it was executed. Thupeneba said to Gov. Caas, *^ Father, toe are very thirsty for aome of that mm you have brought for u». We toish it to be given to ua. fVe can no longer re- alrain our thirat." And when he was told that the goods were not ready to be delivered, he said, " Give vs the whiskey. We care not for the reat.^ We need not ask, here, whether the tempter or the tempted deserve most our censure in such coses. CHAPTER VIII. Of the laic war in the west, and the chiefs engaged in it — Black-hawk — JVeopope — The Prophet — Keokuk, and othet^. It will be necessary, in this chapter, before detailing events in the lives of chiefs, to give some account of such tribes of Indians as will often be mentioned as we proceed. We shall, however, confine ourselves to such tribes as took part in the late war in the neighborhood of the Ijakes Mich- , igau and Superior, more especially ; and firstly of the Winnebagoes or Winebnygos. This tribe inhabit the country upon the Ouisconsin, a river that rises between the Lakes Superior and Michigan, and which diNmbogues itself into tlie Mississippi, near the S. W. angle of the N. W. Crap. VDI.] BLACK-HAWK. 198 territory. They were fbuod seated here when the country was fint visited by whites, about 150 years ago, and here they still remain. In 1890, they were supposed to number 1550 souls, of whom 500 were men, 350 women, and 700 children, and lived in ten towns or villages.* A body of Winnebago warriors was in the fight at Tippecanoe, under the impostor EUakwc£u§a. Sanamahhonga, called Stone-eater, and fVapam- vtigwo, or ffkUe^ootit were leaders of the Winnebago wiuriors. The latter. was one that oppc»ed Gren. Wayne in 1794, but was reconciled to the AmericaiM in 1795, by the treaty of Greenville. He also treated with Gen. Harrison, in 1^D9, at Fort Wayne, and again at Greenville in 1814 ; but he was active in the war of 1812, and on the British side. Winneba- go Lake, which discharges its waters into Green Bay, was probtilily named fit>m this tribe of Indians, or, what is quite as probable, they re- ceived their name frotn the lake. Secondly, the Menominies. This tribe inhabits a river bearing their name, and is situated about one degree north of the Winnebagoes, from whom they are separated by a range of mountains. They numbered in 1820, according to some, about 355 persons, of whom not more than 100 were fighters; i)ut this estimate could apply only, it is thought, to the most populous tribe. Thirdly, the Pottowattomies, or Pouteouatamis. This nation wns early known to the French.* In the year 1668, 300 of them visited Father tffdotiez, at a place which the French called Chagouamigon, which is an island in Lake Superior. There was among them at this time an old man 100 years old, of whom his nation reported wonderful things; among others, that he could go without food 20 davs, and that he often saw the Great Spirit He was taken sick here, and died in a few days after.f The country of the Pottowattomies is adjacent to the south end of Lake Michigan, in Indiana and Illinois, and in 1820 their numbers were set dowp at 3400. At this time the Unittsd States paid them yearly .5700 dollars. Of this, 3S0 dollars remained a pennanent annuity until the late war. Fourthly, the Sacs and Foxes. These are usually mentioned together, and are now really but one nntion. They also had the gospel taught them about 1668, by the Jesuits. They live to the west of the Pottowattomies, generally between the Illinois and Mississippi Rivers, in the state of Illinois. The chief of the Sauks, or Sacs, for at least 14 years, has been Keokuk. Of him we shall particularly speak elsewhere. The Sacs aud Foxes were supposed tt' amount, in 1820, to about 3000 persons in all ; one fifth of whom may be accounted warriors. Thus we have taken a view of the most important points in the history of the tribes Mrhich were engaged in the late border war under Blaek- luuek, and are, therefore, prepared to proceed in the narration of the events of that war. It will be necessary for us to begin with some events as early as 1823; at which period a chief of the Winnebagoes called Red- bird was the most conspicuous. This year, the United States' agents held a treaty at Prairie du Chien, with the Sacs or Saques, Foxes, Win- nebagoes, Chippeways, Sioux, &c., for the purpose, among other things, of bringing about a peace between the first-named tribe and the others, who were carrying cc protected from insult from others by said garrison. Notwithstanding this, in the summer of 1827, a party of 24 Qhippeways, on a visit to For* Snelling, were fallen upon by a band of Sioux, who killed and wounded eight of them. The commandant of Fort Snelling cap- tured four of tliem, whom he deliver.'^d into the hands of the Chippe ways, who immediately shot them, according to iheir custom. Red-bird resented the proceedings of the commandant of Fort Snelling, and equally the conduct of the Cliippewnys, and roisolved on retaliation. Accordingly he led a war party against the latter, but was defeated ; and upon his return he was derided by iiis neighboi-s. It is said thnt Red-bird hod lieen deceived by the Indians, who told him, that those put to death by the Chip|)cways were those who had been imprisoned for the murder of Methode and family. If this were the case, kit it go us liir as it will to brighten the character of Red-bird. Enraged ut liis ill success against the Chippeways, Red-bird, with only three despciute companions like himself, rapaired to Prairie du Chien, where, about the first July, they killed two persons and wounded a third. We hear of no plunder taken by t!iiem, except a keg of whiskey, with which they retired to the inoiith of Bad-axe River. Immediately after, with his company augmented. Red-bird waylaid two keel-boats that had been conveying cnminissary stores to Fort Snelling. One came into the ambush in the day-time, and, after a fight of four hours, esca()ed, with the loss of two killed and four wounded. It was midnight before the other fell into the snare, and, owing to the darkness, escaped without much injury. Not Itiig after, Gen. Atkinson marched into the Winnebago country, with a hiigade of troops, regulars and militia, where he succeeded m making prisoners oi Red-bird a:id some others of the hostile Winnebagoes. J{e(/.6tra Boon after died in prison. "Some of the otlier culprits were tried and found guilty, and sentenced to death, but were pardoned by President Atam$, it is said, on the implied condition of a cession of the mining district."* In the case of the United States against Wmtrkoo-hak and Man-na-at- ap-e-kah, lor tlic nnirder of Methode and family, a nolle prosequi was en- tered, and the jjrisoners discharged. Kanoiidcak, or the Youngest-of- the-tku7ider8, and Karcahonsept-hiui, or Black-hatok, had been imprisoned for the attack on die boat above mentioned, and also a son of Red-bird; but they were dischaiged. Two others, at the same court, were found siiiity of murders, and sentenced to be oxccutod 26 Deceml>er following. This was in Aiigimt, 1828. Hence, where duily troubles, in kind like what we have related, oc- curred, no one could expect Iraiiqunlity while the parties in them were within hail of each other ; and it has often happened that much greater bloodshed luis followed far less causes, than existed at the commence- ment of the piTsent war. Nevertheless, it did not commence, as border wars often do, by a great irruption on the part of the Indians; and it seems as though thoy were only following up a retaliation, to which, by numerous giievoiici s, they had been actually driven. The complaints on * Troin a collcclioa of facU published by W. J. SaeUiitg, Esq. CaAr. vm.] BLACK-HAWK. m the part of the whites are the same aa have always been made — that the Indians paid no remrd to their engagements. We do not pretend to ex- onerate them of blame, but we do chai^ge their enemies with much greater. In our present business, it is enough that the whites were the agffreswra, which, for once out of hundreds of times, where the facts are well established, we shall not be thought very presumptuous, perhaps, in setting down as granted. The fact, we apprehend, will not be denied, that many fhmtier estab- lishments have very little to lose by an Indian w&i-, but much \o gain if successful. The settlers are sure that by a wai- the Indians will be drivjBD farther from them, and be obliged to give up their approximate lands ; in which event they are no longer a frontier, but a thoroughfare to one. And hence the nocking in of new settlers raises the value of produce, aa well as lands, by creating a demand for them. Thus it >s not difficult to see, that the avaricious and wicked have every inducement to bring about an Indian war. Black-hawk, we have just seen, was, in 1827, suspected, and even im- Erisoned for an act of alle^d bostili^ ; and it is probable that he may have een remotely concerned m the afiair charged against him. Be tnat as it may. Red-bird had died in prison, and Red-bvrd was his IHend. Indians could be seized, tried and executed, for killing those who aggravated them to do so, but it often happens that when Indians are murdered by whites, the murderers cannot be brought to justice. Sometimes they make an escape, and sometimes are shielded by their friends ; therefore the equal administration of justice has never neen had. The Indians know and feel the force of these reflections; and it is not strange that, in 1831, the whites of the frontier of Illinois thought that **the Indians, with some ex- ceptions, from Canada to Mexico, along the northern fivntiers of the United States, were more hostile to them than at any other period since the lost war."* It is not probable, however, that the conjecture was true, to the extent imagined. A number of the Sac Indians, who, in the war between the U. States and Great Britain, served the latter, which gave them the name of the " British band," was the most conspicuous in opposing the whites. This band of Sacs had rendezvoused at their chief vil!nge, on the Mississippi, where they hod collected such of their neighbors as wished to engage in the war. Gen. Gaines, joined by Grov. Reynolds, and Gen. Duncan's brigade of 1400 mounted men, possessed themselves of the Sac village on the 26 June. They did this without opposition ; for when the Indianjf discovered the whites on their march, they fled across the river, and after a short time dis|)layed a white flag for a parley. Meantime their as- sociates had abandoned them, and the Sac band was left alone to manage affairs in the best manner they could. They therefore made peace with the whites, with all due tiubmission ; and the latter thought there would be no further cause of alarm. Indeed, such was their deportment, that Gen. Gaines was of opinion that they were as completely humbled, as if they had been chastised in battle, and were less disposed to disturb the frontiers than if the other event had taken place ; and only a few days before this. Gen. Gaine ' said he was confirmed in the opinion, that, what- ever might'bc their hostile feelings, they were resolved to abstain from the use of their tomahawks and fire-arms, except in self-defence. Meanwhile a difliuulty seems to have arisen between some of the Sacs and the Menominies, and 28 of the lotter had been murdered. Agreeably to the 14th article of the treaty of Prairie des Chiens, concluded 19 Aug. 1825, the United States obliged themselves to interpose between these and * Gov. Reynotd'i leUer to the secretary or war, 7 July, 1831. *' rab BLACK-HAWK. [Book V. other western tribe* in cases of tiviibles. Tlie Sans had not only coin< mitted the n>.uru»ra just mentioned, but tlie^ hnd recrossed the Mississippi to its east bank, and occupied the country in the spring of 1833, that they had fled from the last year, and by treaty given up. Black-hawk was the allc^d leader in botli coses. Therefore Qen. AUanton set out on an ex- pedition, in which it was hoped he would seize Black-hawk, who, it was said, was " the sole fomenter of all these disturbances ;" and it was said niso tho* be had little respect for treaties, and that he had, " in former ne- gotiations, so far overreached our commissioners, ns to make peace on his own terms." Here we have nn early acknowledgment of the abilities of our chief in matters of diplomacy. . But to return to the expedition. Gen. ^tkuiaon was at Rock River, at a place called Dixon's Ferry, on 15 May, when he received news from a force which had marched to Sycamore Creek, about 30 miles from Dixon's, that a part of that force hod mei with a total defect. There had been various murders committed at Sycamore Creek, which occasioned the march of this force thither. Ainons the sufTerers about that place was the family of a Mr. Hall, which, from the circumstance of his two daughters having been carried into cap- tivity, created much sympathy ; they being one but 16 and the other 18 J ears of age. Before they were leid away, they saw their mother toma- awked ana scal|)ed, and almut 20 others (nt Indian Creek, which empties into Fox River) treated in like manner. These youne women, aAer they were conveyed out of the reach of the whites, by tlieir captors, were hu- manely treated, and have since been restored to their friends. Those who marched to Sycamore Creek were in number about 375, under the command of Maj. StiUman. They were encamped at Ogee, or Dixon's Ferry, when the news of the massacre on Indian Creek arrived, at which intelliseuce M^j. SliUman got permission of Gen. fFhUesidea to inarch in that direction. On Monday, 14 May, they came upon a few Indians, whether enemies or not is not mentioned^ nor do we presume the whites 8top|ied to inquire, for ''theirs was the march of death," and therefore two of them were shot down, and two others captured. The same day, at evening, when the army had arrived at a convenient place to encamp u()on, and after they had madj some preparations for encamp- ing, a small band of Indians were discovered bearing a white flag. One company of men went out to meet them, but soon discovered they were only a decoy. How they knew this to be the fact, we are not informed. ,Thu detachment, therefore, fell back upon the main body, which, by this t^me, had remounted ; and, as strange a.s it is true, this misguided bund rushed forward, regardless of all order, for several miles, until they had croned Sycomore Creek, and were completely in the Indians' |)ower. The reader can now expect nothing but a detail almost exactly similar to the Pawtucket fight. The whites had crossed the creek man by man, as they came to it, and all the Indians had to do, wcs to wait until a goodly number had got within their grasp. It was moonlight when tlie fight began, and after a few struggles the whites fled in greater disorder, if pos- sible, than they came. The Indians, after making the onset by a dis- charge of their guns, fell on with their knives und tomahawks, and had not the night and situation of the country favored tiieir flight, nearly uU the army must have been cut off. The Indians were reported to have ■en about 1500 or 2000 strong, and it was said 12 of them were killed in tlie fight. Of the whites 13 only are refwrted as having been killed. Their flight was quite equal to that of the nnny under Gen. St. Clair. Immediately after, 1400 men marched to the scene of action, to bury the dead; and their account of Imrbnrities committed on the bodies o^ the dain adds nothing to those already related in similar events. One sol- dier only escaped disfiguration, which is not easily accounted for, unless Cbaf. VIII.] BLACK-PVWK. 197 were as it were the cam that he hail secreted himself until all the Indians hut one bad \ct\ the sreno of action ; for h« was found side by side with an Indian, cod I grasping the other, and both in the arms of death. The soldier's bead was nearly cut off, and the Indian was shot through the bodv. Hence it was supposed that these two had exchanged their deadly shana at the same moment; and from the situation of the Indian it was evident he had died while in the very act of dealing the fatal blow upon his ad- verBiiry. An idea of the rapidity with which the Indiana convey intelligence of important events may Im had from the fact, that a runner from Blaek- hoiok and his allies, bearing to the Missouri Indians the news of their victory, arrived at the Dos Moines Rapids 24 hours before tiie express sent by Gov. Reynolds. In July following the cholera ravaged severely among the troops op- posed to the Indians, insrunuch that several companies were entirely broken up, and many belonging to them perished in a manner too revolt- ing to lie described. Of a corps under Col. Thoiggs, of '208 men, but nine were left alive! Gen. Dodge surprised a party of 12 Indians near Galena, and cut them oflT to a man. The whites, that they might not be outdone in cniehy by their enemies, scalped the slain. Near this same place Capt. Steveruon had what was termed a hard fi/j^ht with another small |)arty, killing six of them, and losing three of his own men. This fight was severe ; knives, bayonets and tomahawks being the weapons employed. What time this affair took place is not mentioned, but it was probably in July. Black-hawk assembled his forces at a point between Rock and Ouis- consin Rivers, where it was nxiKcted he would meet the whites in a gen- eral battle. His waniors were yiipitosed to amount to at least 1000. Gen. Mkinson had nearly double that number of men, and resolved to meet him as soon as possilile ; and great hopes were entertained tiiat, in such event, a finishing blow would be |>ut to the wiir. But the old chief had seen too much exfterience to full a prey in this case ; he therefore escaped into an intrrmiimble wildiriu ss. Gen. Jitkinson^ after almost insur- mountable liifficultics, arriviul at Cashkonong; in this move he was also disappointed in finding any Iitdians. This was about the middle of July, 1832, and |ieople began to i)es|)air of effecting any thing against the old wary chief, but by 8trat?WG»<« About the same timr, Gnn. Doc^e was in pursuit of a trail of Indians uear 40 miles from Fort -lebago. It appears they were a flying, half- , starved band, who made litu or no resistance, on being attacked l>y the whites. It is stated that they were "brought to battle" in the evening; which will account for their not being nil cut off. They left 16 dead on the ground where the fight or attack l)egan ; and the whites had but one man killed, and four wotmdod. The condition of the Indians at tliis perio(i can bo well conceived of, when it is understood that the army found many of them dead, as ihey marched along, emaciated and starved to death ! Gen. DoJge had pursued this trail of Indians near 100 miles; and the place where he came up with them was upon the Ouisconsin, over against the old Sac village. In the general's official letter, he says, "From the scalps taken by the Winnel»agoes, [a part of which tribe were befriending the whites,! as well as those taken by the whites and the Indians carried from the field of battle, we must have killed 40 of them." It was now uncertain where the Indians were next to be found, but it was supposed they might descend the Ouisconsin, and so escape across the Mississippi in thut direction ; therefore Gen. Dodge recommended the > jdacing a cannon on the river to cut them off, and Gen. Mtinxm marched % m BLACK-HAWK. [Book V. i'^ for tjie Blue Moundi with bis regular troops, and a brigade of mounted men, in all about IGOO strong. Mfltiiwbile BUuMrhttwk, finding it im|)racticable to escape with his whole company bv way of the Ouisconsin, crossed the country, it ap- pears, and atrucit tne Mississippi a cousiderablfl distance above the mouth of the former, and, the better to ensure the escape of his warriors, suffer- ed tlieir women and children to descend the river in boats, by which means a great nunilwr of them fell into the hands of the whites. In their pasMue, some of the boats conveying these poor wretches were overset, (by what means we are not informed,) and many of those in them were drowned. Their condition, on arriving at Praine du Chien, was doieflil ill the extreme. Many of the children were in such a famished otate that it was thought imponible to revive them. It is humiliating to add, that in speakinff of their treatment, it was said, they were **gmiraUy received Mid treated with humanity ;" if, indeed, generally is to be understood in its common import. Immediately after these tranHactions, the steomboat Warrior, with a small force on l)OHril, wna acnt up the Miasiasippi ; and on its return the oaptain of it gave the followiii); account of his expedition : — " Prairie du Chieti, 3 Aug. 1832. I arrived at this place on Mondav last, [30 July,] ond was despatched, with the Warrior alone, to Waposhaw^ village, 120 miles above, to inform them of the approach of the Bars, and to onler down all the friendly Indiana to this place. On our wey down, we met one of the Sioux ImumI, who informed us that tlie Indians (our enemies) were on Bad-axe River, to the number of 400. We stopped and cut some wood and prepared for action. About 4 o'clock on Wednes- day afternoon, [I Aug.] we found the eentianm [Indians] where he stated he had ten them. As we ncared them, they raised a white flag, and endeavored to deroy us ; but we were a little too old for them ; for, instead of landing, we ordered them to send a boat on board, which they declined. After about 15 minutes* delay, giving them time to remove a few of their women and children, we let slip a six-pounder loaded with canister, followed by a severe fire of musketrv ; and if ever you saw amight blankets, you would have seen them there. I fought them at anchor most nf the time, and we were all very much exposed. I have a ImH whirli came in cIoho by whei-e I was standing, and passed through the bulkhead of the wheel-room. We fought tbem for about an hour or more, until our wood began to fait, and night coming on, we left and went on to the Prairie. This tittle fight cost them 33 killed, and, of course, a great many woimdcd. We never lost a man, and had but one man wounded, (shot through the leg.) The next tnorning, before we could get back again, ou accoUiit of a heavy fog, tlicy had- the whole [of Gen. Alkmaon'si army upon them. Wo found them at it, walked in end took a hand ouraelvcs. The fii-st shot from the Warrior laid out three. I can hardly tell you any thing almut it, for I am in great haste, as I am now on my way to the field a^n. The army lost eight or nine killed, and seven- teen wouudi'd, whom we brought down. One died on deck last night. We brought down 36 prisoners, women and children. I tell you what, Sum, there is no fun in fighting Iniliaiis, particularly at this seoson, when the gross is so vtiry bright. Every man, and even my cabin-boy, fought w<>il. We had 16 regulars, 5 riflrmen, and 20 of ourselves. Mr. How, of Platte, Mr. Jamet G. Soulard and one of the RoUttet, were with us, and foiifjlit well." The place where this fight took place was about 40 miles above Prune du Chien, on the noiili side of the Mississijipi, nearly opposite the mouth of tlie loway ; and the whites were very fortuiute in being able, at the time, to cooperate by laud and water. Gen. JltShufm having ■t" [Book V. mounted with hu ry, it ap. lie mouth n, suffer- by which Id their 3 ovonet, lem were OS doiefiil Dtate that add, that f received jnrtood in >r, with a return the 1 Mondav apashaw^ Sara, and vsy down, idiauB (our 'e stopped a Weniies- where he white flag, them} for, vhich they I remove a mded with you saw It them at I have a id through an hour or I and went if course, a t one man I we could tie [of Gen. n and took ree. I can I am now , and seven- night. We what, Sam, J, when the boy, fought Wr. flow, of re with us, K)ve Prwrie 3 the mouth able, at the \uon having cbap. vin.] NAOPOPE. 1» formed a junction with Oen. Dodge, the army, connsting of 1300 men, crossed the Ouisconsin on the 27 and 28 July, and soon after fell upon the trail of thn Indians, who were flying from the late scene of action on that river, as wo have observed above. The country through whicli the army had to march was a continued series of mountains, covered to their very tons with a thick wood of heavy timber, and much underwoKod. The valleys were very deep and difficult to be passed ; but nothing could damp the ardor of the whitea, and they pressed on to overtake Black' hiouk before he should be able to escape across the Mississippi. This they accomplished, as we have already seen. The place where they were overtaken was very favorable for the Indians, as may Im; jugded by their being able to maintain a fight of about three hours, in their wretche«l, half- starved condition, with not more than 300 warriors. They were discov- ered in a deep ravine, at the foot of a precipice, over which the army had to pass ; and they were routed only at the point of the bayonet. Old logs, high grass and large trees covered them until the charge was made, when, as they were driven from one covert, they readily found another, and thus was the fight protracted. At length the whites were able so to dis- pose of their force, as to come upon them above and below, and also in the centre. No chance remained now to the Indians, but to swim the Misbiitiippi, or elude the vigilance of their enemies by land, whtf had nearly encomimssed them. Many, therefore, undertook the former means of flight, but few escaped by it, as the greatest slaughter was in the river; but a considurable number found means to escape bv land. One hun- dred and fifly of them were supposed to have been killed in this battle. Blaek-haiok was among those who escaped, but his precipitation was such, that he left even his papers behind him ; one of which was a cer- tificate from British oflicers, that he had served faithfblly and fought val- iantly for them in their late wur against the United States. The prison- . en taken at this time stated that at the battle on the Ouisconsin, with tho force under Oen. Dodge, 68 of theur numbers were killed and many wounded. It was now thought that the Sacs would he glad to make peace on any terms. Accordingly (ron. ^Udtuon determine to order Keokuk to de- mand a surrender of the remaining urincipal men of the hostile party. From the battle ground the Gleneralb ^tkxruon, Dod^e and Po«ey went down the river to Fort Crawford, (Prairie du Chien,) in the Warrior, and the army followed by land. On the 4 August, Capt. Price, with a small company, killed and took 19 Sacs lietween Cossville and the Ouisconsin. The fortune of the hostile Indians having now become desperate, enough of their countrymen were ready to volunteer to hunt them in every place. On the 3 August, 100 Sioux had permission to go out after them, and soon after another smaller band set off. News was soon after brought, that these had'oveclaken tho hostile Sacs and Foxes on the south side of the Mississippt, and in a fight had killed about 120 of ihem. JTeo/tititwaschief^of tho friendly Sacs, and, about the same time, caused a nephew of his to be given up to the whites, as being die murderer of one Moaiin, in Warren county, Illinois. ^aopope wa6 second in command to Black-hmok, and in all the expe- ditions against the whites ; ho was taken prisoner in the fight with the Sioux, and at his examiimtion afterwards by Gen. Scott, about the murders which had been committed on the whites, be gave this account of himself : — " / (dtoaya belot^d to Black-hawk's hand. Last aummtr I went to Mai' dm ; when I came bcKk., I found that by the treaty roith Gen. Gaines, the Sacs had moved across the Mississippu I remained duritw the tinnier leith Ou prophet, on Rock River, 35 miles above the mouth. During Ou winter, Ae prophet setU me across the Mississippi, to Block-hawk, wim a message, u lao DECORIE. [Book V. to UU him and hit btmd to erott back to hit viUage and make com : that yf the L^marieant tame and told them to move arain^ thty teouU thake handt with them. If the ^merieant had come and toU vt to moot, toe thmdd have tkaken hamli, and immediately have moved peaceably. We encamped on i&nKtwe CreeL We met tome Poltouattomiet, and I made ajtaaifar them. A that time I heard there teere tome Americant [under Major SiUmon] near ut. I prepared a white flag to go and tee them, and tent tioo or three young men on a hill to tte what tMy were doing. Before the ftatt wot fmmtd, I heard my young men were killed. Thit wat at tuntet. Some iff my young men ran out ; two killed, and the Americana were aten ruthing on to our camp. My young men fired a few gunt, and the ^merieant ran off, and my young men chated them abotU tix milet." Mnpope further naid, tbat tho Pottowattoinies of the Village immediate- ly left them, and that no Kickapoos joined them, but those who were oriffinalk with Black-hawk ; but the Winnebagoea did, and brought in acupa irequently ; that, at laat, when they found the Baca would be beaten, they turned against them. It waa also siven in by some of ihoae examined at this time, that Black-hawk said, wlien the steamboat War- rior approached them, that he pitied the women and children, and began to make preparations (o surrender to the whites, and for that purpose sent out a white flag ;o meet the boat, which initucHiately fiied upon them. Then said be, ** I fired too." The truth of this will not be ques- tioned, inasmuch us the facts agree with the captain of the Warrior's own account Hence tlte inference is clear, tbat much blood might have been saved, but for the precipitoncy of those who only sought revenge. The bioody scene on the morning of the 2 August luiiy lie conndered as the last act of hostility of importance lietw^^u the whites and Indiana. Putiea of the friendly tribes were so coptinually ou the alert, that it see^iied very probable the principal chiefs wqiud soon full into their han^ These axpectatious were soon realized; for at II o'clock, S7 Au^st, Blaekrhawk and his prophet were delivered to Gen. Street at Prairie tl . Chien. They were brought by two Winnebagoes, Deeorie and Chtetar, and, whei) delivered, were dressed in a full dress of white tanned deerekkM. Soon afler they were seated in the presence of the oflScer, Jhcorie, coUed the One-eyed, rose and spoke thus to him : — <* My father, I now stand before you. When we parted, I told you I would return soon ; but I could not come any sooner. We have had to ?> a great diatonoe, [to the Dalle, on the Ouisconsin, above the Portage.] ou oee we have done what you sent us to do. 'These [pointing to the prisoners] are the two you told us to get. — We have done what you told Da to do. We always do what you tell us, because we know it is for our good. Father, you tcld us to get these men, and it would be the cause of much good to the Winnebagoes. We have brought them, but it haa been very liard for us to do so. That one, Mueedamwhkduiekq, [meaning Black-hawk,] was a great way off. You told us to bring them to yon alive : we have done so. If you had told us to bring their beads alone, we would have done so, and it would have been less difficult than what we have done. — Father, we deliver these men into your hands. We would not deliver them even to our brother, the chief of the warriors, but to you ; because we know you, and we believe you are our friend. We want you to keep them safe ; if they are to be hurt, we do not wish to see it Wfut until we are gone before it is done. — Father, many litdp birds have been dying about our ears oi late, and we thought they whis- pered to us that there was evil intended for us ; but now we hope these evil birds will let our ears alone. — We know you are our friend, because you take our port, and that is the reason we do what you tell us to do. Xva wy you love your red children : we think we love you as much if not Chap. VIII.] CHAETON. 191 more than you love us. We have confidence in ymi, and you may ntf on us. — We have been promised a great deal if w« woultl uke theae men, * — that it would do much good to our people. Wc now hope to see what will Ite done for us. — We iiave come m haste ; we am tired and hnugiy. W« now pui these men into your hands. Wu liAve done all that you tokl us to do." 0«n. StnH said in answer : — " My children, you have done well. I told you to bring these men to me, and you have done ■•. I am pleased at what you have done. It b for your good, and for this reason I am pleased. I assured the great chief of the warriors, [Gen. .^tkituoti,] that if these men were in your country, you would find them, and bring them to nio, and now I can say much for your good. I will go down to Rock Island with the prisoners, and I wi.sh you who have brought thusu men, especially, to go with me, with such other chiefs and warriors as you may select. Mv children, the great chief of the warriors, when he len this place, directed me to deliver uiese, and alS other prisoners, to the chief or the warriors at this place. Col. TVij^/or, who is hero by me. — Some of the Winnebagoes south of the Ouisconsin have befriended the Saukies, I^acs,] and aome of the Indians of my agency have also given them aid. This uispleaseth the great chief of the warriors and your great lather the president and was calculated to do much harm. — Your great fiither, the president at Washington, has sent a great war chief fVom the far east, Oen. ScoU, with a fresh anny of sol- diers. H(i is now at Rock Islana. Your great father, the president, his sent him and the governor and chief of Illinois to hold a council with the Indians. He has sent a speech to you, and wishes the chiefs and warriors of the Winnabagoes to go to Rock Island to the council on the tenth of next month. I wish you to be ready in three days, when I will go with you. — I am well pleased that you have taken the Blaek-hmok, the prophet, and others prisoners. This will enable me to say much for you to the great chief of the warriors, and to the president, your great father. My children, I shall now deliver the two men, Black-hitok anothe prophet, to* the chief of the warriors here ; he will take care of them till we start to Rock Island." Col. Tm/Utr, having taken the prisoners into his custody, addressed the chiefs as follows: — "The great chief of the warriors told me to take the prisoners when you shall bring them, and send them to Rock Island to him. I will take them and keep them safe, but I will use them well, and send them with you and Gen. Street, when you go down to the council, which will be in a few (lays. Your friend. Gen. Street, advises you to get ready and go down soon, and so do I. I tell, you again I will take the prisoners ; I will keep them safe, but I will do them no harm. I will deliver them to the great chief of the warriors, and he will do with them and use them in such manner as shall bo ordered by your great father, tfie president." Chaetar, the other Winnsbago, next spoke, ond said, " My father, I am ynung, and do not know how to make speeches. This is the second time I ever spoke to you before people. — I am no chief; I am no orator; but I have been allowed to speak to you. If I should not speak as well as others, t^till you must listen to me. — Father, when you made the speech to the chiefs fVauffh kon Decorie Carratnani, the One-eyed Deeorie and others 'tother day, I was there. I heard you. I thought what you said to them, you also said to me. You said, if these two [pointing to Black- hawk and" the prophet] were taken by us and brought to you, there would never more a biack cloud hang over your Winnebagoes. — ^Your woi-ds entered into my ear, into my brainit, and into my heart I left here that same night, and you know you have not seen me sincQ until now. —I 133 PROPIIKT. [Boob f. have lieon a frreat way ; 1 Imd niiirli troulile ; hut when I n-iiioniltfired what yuii raiil, I knnw what yuii wiiil wub right. Thin mode iiic rontiiiun and (In w hnt you told ini! to do, — Near the Dalle, on the OuiM'oiiHin, 1* took Black-hmek. No one ilid it htit itie. I say thm in the earn of all preoeut, and they know it — and I now ap|)eal to tlio Great Spirit, our grandfather, and the earth, our grnndtnother, for the truth of what 1 nay. — Father, I am no chief, hut what I have done is for the iM-ncfit of mv nation, and I ho|)e to see the gon» men. On the 7 September, the Indian prisoners and their guards went on boonl the steamboat NViimebogo, and were conveyed down the river to JefTersoii Barracks, ten miles below St. Louis. There were, b^isides Black-hawk and the prophet, eleven chiefs or head men of the Sacs and Foxes, together with about fifty less distinguished warriors. These were landes which rose several inches above the top of his head. The whole man exhibiting a deliberate savogeness ; not that he would seem to delight in honorable war, or fight ; but marking him as the priest of assassination or secret murder. He had in one h«md a white flag, while the other hung carelessly by his side. They were both clothed in veiy white dressed deerskins, fringed at the seams with short cuttings of the same." This description, though written long before any painting was made of him, will be found, we think, to cor- respond very well witii tho engraving of hiiri on the following page. It is said by many, thot Wabokie^hiek was the prime move.- of this war, and had powwowed up a belief among his people, that he was able to conjure such kind of events as he desired ; and that he had made Black- hawk believe tho whites were but few, and could not fight, and therefore might easily be driven from the disputed lands. It seems, however, rather incrcdil)le Uiat Blojck-hawk should have believed that the Americans were few and could notfif^hl, when it is known that he was opposed to them in the last war, and must, therefore, have been convinced of the fiilsity of mob a report long before iliis war. „.._- (Book f. icnilwred rontinun icoiiHin, r I of all pii-it, our r what 1 ciictit of to us. — 18 to be the «ndH nre foing to these went on 3 river to , besides Sacs and liese were )eaceable. oven wor- icks, all of d. Some Is of wars )wattornie, D his phys- B that may lad of this I be excel- les used by 1 States in rp. In a spelt Mus- rs old, and Vinnebugo, las u Iar^(! k lips, with Dso several I deliberate »r, or fight ; r. He had y liis side, igcd at the ugh written link, to cor- page. }f this war, vas able to ade Black- id therefore ever, rather ;ricans were to them in le falsity of nn.i raonBT. i» In September, a treaty was made by the United States with the Win- nebagoes, and another with the Sacs and Foxes. The former ceded all their lands south of the Ouisconsin, and cast of the Mississippi, amounting to 4,600,000 acres of vnluablu Innda. The treaty with the Sacs and Foxes wua on the 21 of that month, and (2,000,000 acres were acquired at that time, "of a quality not inferior to any l>ctwiv, mil tlur Indians say in others. For these tracts the United States agrred to make the following con- fiidtTutions : — "to pay nn annuity of 20.000 dollars for 'iOvoare; tosup(tort a blucksinitl) and gunsmith in aililition to lliusit then t:mplovcd ', to jiay thu debts of the tribes; to supply pr isions; and, as a r.'ward fi)rthi! lidclity of Keokuk and the friendly baml, to allow a res«;r\atioM to be niatlo for thorn of 400 miles square* on the loway Lliver, to ini'ludo Keokuli^^i prin- cipal village." By the same treaty, Black-hawl\ his two sons, the pro;)Ae.', Nonpope, and five olhere, principal warriors of the hostile bands, wi-iv to nitiuiii in the hands of the wliites, as hostages, during tho pleasure of the president of the United Stat«!s. The other prisoners were given up to the friiuully Indians. A gentleman who visite;ister,| but we very much doubt lliis eDormout space. 40 miles squaro gives 1600 square miles, which perhaps mij^ht have been tb* Initb. But when 1G0,000 square miles are considered, all probability is ouireged. m BLACK-HAWK. [Boos V. words, accompanying them with a heany shake." " They were clad in leggins and niorcasins of huckskin, and wore blankets, which were Uirown around them in the manner of the Roman toga, so as to leave their right arms bare." " Tbt> younnat among them were painted on their necks, with a bright vermiliou color, and bad their faces transversely streaked with alternate red and Iwiack nripes. From their bodies, and from their faces and eyebroWi, they pluck out the hair with the most assiduous care. They also l^aVe, or pull it «ut from their heads, with the exception of a tnft of about tilTM nogeni' #idth, extending from be- tween the forehead and crown to tlM bade of uie head: this they some- times plait into a qiiaue on the erowu, and cut the edoes of it down to an inch in lengthj and, plaster k wiUi the vermilion wbiett keeps it erect, and gives it tlw apfiearanee of a eoek's contt)." The same author 0^9, the ol4«M boh of JKacJt-AntML Muinetoislmk, called Jack, but fttriranl of** that peculiar expreasion which onanates from a cultivated iptiilect,^ couki have been look^ upon by i^im ^as the living personification df his htou ideaiVt nmi^ S^autv." lie <»lbi Black-hatek Mack-aUma-ti^tuHie, apd «>iites bis beirot at about 5 ^t 8 inches, and that he should jut^pB Iw^v be 50. ThoM #fao have known him for vears, say hta c^ifm^^ktti is very amiable ; that be is endowed with great kindness of hMll^ H^ the strictest integrity j thai^ Uke Jtf&AtAtnoAwa, he was not a cbifff iKT bktb, but acquired the tid^ by braveihr and wisdom. MtseuskudkiWVifi 'j^ndtrchudf is the second son ot'JtSlfuk-hmok, and accompanied niija iii hi* captivity. He is said not to be vliry handsome. Opeekeuhieck, QeWSitiokiltMeK^ the prophet, of whom we have already given some particulars, carries with him a huge pipe, a yard in length, with the stem ornamented with the neck feathers of a duck, and beads and ribboLs of various colors. To its centre is attached a fan of feathers. He wears his hair long all over his head. JVfaopope, .Vhopope, &c. or Broth, of whom we have also several times qioken, was brother to the prophet, and " some years bis junior ;" and our infbrmant adds, ** he resembles him in height and figure, though he is not 80 robust, and bis face is more sharp : in wickedness of expression they are par nobUefratrumJ' " When Mr. Catlin, the artist, was about taking the portrait of J^Taapope, he seized the ball and chain that were listened to his leg, and raising them on bigh, exclaimed, with a look of scorn, 'Maketne to and show me to the great father.* On Mr. CaiUn*a refusing to pdnt him as he wished, he kept varying his countenance with grimaces, to prevent him from catching a likeness. ** Poweethieck, or Stratoberry, is the only Fox amon^ them, the rest being all Sacs. He is the son of tlib chief Epanoaa : his parents dying while he was an infant, he was adopted by ^aapope. He is 19 years of age." **Pomahoe, or Fait-swimmiT^-JUth, is a short, thick set, good-natured old brave, who bears his misfortunes with a philosophy worthy of the an- cients." The following act of congress we extract, as it throws light upon sub- aeqiient details : — ** For the expenses of 12 prisoners of war of the Sac and Fox tribes, now in confinement, and to be held as hostages, under die seventh article of the treaty of 21 Sept. 1832, embracing the cost of provisions and clothing, compensation to an interpreter, and cost of removing them to a pmce of safety, where they may be kept without being closely confined, the sum of 2500." On die 22 April, (1833,) the captive Indians arrived at Washington, and the next day Blaek-hmek had a long interview with President Jackaon. Tbe first words with which it is said he accosted the president, were, ** I AM A MAN, AND YOU ARE ANOTHER." Chap. VHI.] BLACK-HAWK. 135 it erect, The president, after a few brief observationB, directed the articles of dre88 provided for them tu be exhibited to them, and told Black-hawk that the whole would be delivered to him to be diatributed aa, in hi« judgment, he should think best. He then uM them they must depart immediately for Fort Monroe, and renoain there contented, until he gave them permission to return tu their coimtry. That time, he said, de- Jiended upon the con uct of their people ; that they would not b« set at liberty, until all the .Jticlea of the treaty had been complied with, and good feelings were evince4se the war-whoop — I say no more of it ; it is known to you. JSeolilJE once was here ; you took him by the hand, and when be wished to return to his home, you were willing. Blaek-haiwk expects^ that, like Keokuk, we shall be permitted to return too." The president added, that be was well acquainted with the circum- stances which led to the disasters to which they had alluded. It was unnecessary to look back upon them. He intended now to secure the observance of (leace. They need not feel any uneasinras, he said, about their own women and children. They should not suffer from tKie Sioux and Menominies. He would compel the red men to be at peace with one another. That when he was salisDed that all things would remain quiet, then they would be permitted to return. He then took them by the band, and dismissed them. It is said, that, while in Washington, the Indians expressed more B,ur- prise and pleasure at the portraits of the Indian chieft in the war depart- ment than any thing else that was shown them. On Friday, 96 April, the captives were conducted from Washington towards Fort Monroe, which is ufion a small island at Old Point Comfort, on the west side of the Chesapeiike Bay, in Virginia. Before closing the present chapter, a few other interesting matters sliall be laid before our readen. We have just givon the description of the In- diana while at Jefferson Barracks, by one who visited tnem there not long after their confinement. We now intend to give what the author of Knickerbocker says of them soon after. Mr. Irvine's account is t antained in a letter, dated Washington, 18 Dec. 183S.~"From St. Louis I went to Fort Jefl'erson, about 9 miles distant, to see Biaeh-haukf the Indian war- rior, and his fellow-prisoners — a forlorn crew — emaciated and dejected — the redoubtable chieftain himself, a meagre old man upwards of 70. He has, however, a fine bead, a Roman style of face, and a prepossessing countenance." Since we are upon descriptions, the following will not be thought out of place, perhaps, although we had reserved it for our next eha|)ter. It is llrom the pen of the editor of the U. States' Literary Gazette, Philadelphia. <* We fouad time, yesterday, to visit the BUuk-hauk, and his accompany- I3r> FILACK-IIAWK. [Book V. in^' Ijidinii cliiofs, niul llic Pi-o|>lief, at Con^jiess Hnll Hotel. We went iiiti) tlifir r}iiiml*rr, and roiiiitl iri(M.>, of iniddiin;; ^izc, with n iietul )lmt would excite the envy oCn plireiiologisi — one of liie finest thut heaven ever let full on the shoulderH of i)ti Indian. The Prophet has a coarser figure, with less of intellect, lint witii tlie inarkH of deciflion and finnneB;^ His face was painted with red and white. The son of Black-hawk is n noble specimen of physical Itcaoty — n model for those who would einlrady the idea of strength. Ho wa8 iminted, and his hair cut and dressed in n strange fantasy. The oilier chiefs had nothing in particular in their appearance to distinguish theiri from other natives of the forest. The whole of the deputation lijiitrd the water works yesterday, [June 11 or 13,] and subsequently wore tnken to the Cherry-bill Prison, and t^hown the manner in which white men punish. The exhibition of arms and ships at the navy-yard, l(ul the Ilaiok to remark that he suspected ihc gnat father was gcttivf^ rcwfij/or war." It was reniarkfd by pome in Philadelphia that BfflcX:-Aat«A:'s '* pyramidal forehead" very much resembled that of Sir fValtcr Scott. Others olwerved that his countenance strongly reminded them of their late worthy liene- factor, Stephen Girard. In Norfolk it wan noticed that the old warrior very much resembled the late President JV/oti«)«. The Ibliowinp s|)eech of BltuklMwk, on being taken prisoner, would have been introduced in its proper |))uce, if it hud lieen in our possession when that yrart of our manuscript was written. Jf there be any who en- tertain si'pptical notions in regard to its genuineness, they may feel as well Kitisfled to meet with it in this place. For ottrselves, we confess iheie is room for doubts about it. Ncverthekss we thought proper that it should appear, as it is in true Indian style, and we know nothing to the coutrniy but that it is genuine. " You have taken me prisoner toith all my warriors. I oi» mxwh grieved, for I expected, if I did not defeat yov^ to hold out much longer, and give you tnore trouble before I turrenaered, I tried hard to bring you into ambush, but ijour last general understands Indian fighting. The first one was not jo wise. Wlien 1 saw that I could no(. beat you by hdianfighiing, I determined to riwft on you, and fight you face to face, f fought hard. But your guns were well aimed. The bullets fiew bke birds in the air, and whizzed by our ears like the urind through the trees in the winter. My warriors fell a^und me ; it began to look dismal. I saw my evil day at hand. The sun rose dim on us in the morning, and at night t/ sunk in a dark cloud, and looked like a ball of fire. That UHts the last sun that shone on Black-hawk. His heart it dead, and no loru^er beats quick in his bosom. — He is now a prisoner to the white nun ; they will do with him as they icish. But he can stand tor- lure, and is not afrmd of death. He is no coward. Black-hawk is an Indian. ** He has done nothing for which an Indian ought to be ashamed. He has fought for his countrymen, the squaws and papooses, against tohite men, who came, year ajler year, to cheat them ana take away their lands. You knotD the cause (f our makinff war. It is known to all white men. They ought to be ashamed of it. The white men despise the Indians, and drive e caiUed a great council, and built a large fire. The nirit of our faihers arose and spoke to us to avengtaur wrongs or die. We all spoke before the council Jbre. H was warm and pleasant. We set up the toor- vmoojp, and dug up the tomahat^; owr knives were ready, and the heart of Black-hawk sweUed high in his bosom, when he led his warriors to batUe. He is sati^d. He wtU go to the world t*«r, F(tk tin. N«-«he-««cucli, ib<« «M Uv4 Tltonrfer. Po-w-Mi>cli, PnmlM'ia H r l t i i m^B trt ml W»-ka-ke-xbiek,U« Arv*<(f-<->C(MrAiy. | HafOfe,tk$ wamtr, atrtitg 9 CiiAr.IX.] LEAVES PORTRBBB MONROE. 4 June, 1838, ordfln came for their being liberated ; and the next daf, Maj. Jokm Oarland aet off with tbem in a ateam-boat for Baltnnore, aj Norrdlc, CkMport, Portsmouth, &c. During their abort May at Monroe, the Indiana became much atta ch ad lo iia cofomander, Col. £tMfu, and on the aAemoon of the aame dav that the order of release arrived, BlaeMauk went and took hia leave or hioBt and at parting made the following speech : — " BrotkeTf I hmn come an my oum part, and m heha^fi^mg com p awwin, lo bid youfareudL Our gnat father ha» at kngtk keen vltand to ptrmii u$ to nlMm to our hunting grounda. W* have bwied Ae towuihattk, and the lound of the r^le wQl kermtter atdv bring deaA to the deer. and Ou buWor lo. Brother, you haiee treated the red men 9erg kindfy. Your tqmwe mm made them preaente, attd you have given them plenty to eat aind drmk. 7%* memory t^yourfriendAip will remain tiU the Great Spirittttjfe it ia time/or Black-hawk to ting hie detOh-aong. — Brother, your houtta are aa numer- oua at the leavea upon the treea, ana your young vMrriora,Uke the aa$ida vgpem the ^unre of the big lake, whieh roUa btfore ua. The red man haa hd few hornet, and few warriora, but the red man haa a heaoft which Ihroba aa warm' bfatAe heart of hit while brother. The Oreat Sfirithaa given va ourhunt- tng groiNufa, and the akin ^the deer which we kdl there u hia favorite, for ita color ia white, and tiua it the emMem qf peace, ma huntinit'dreaa and theaefeathera qfthe eaf^ are while. Awui tiieia, my &r«lAcr; Ihme given one l%ke thia to the While-otter. Jleeept t^it at a memorial qf Bi.ack-hawk. fFhen he ttfar atoeof, thit will aerve io remind you qfhiin. May the GtmI spirit bUaa you ana your children— farewM." Col Eualia, in his reply, said, the fortune of war had placed him in hia hands, and aa it was not the practice of the whites to attack an unarmed foe, he w«B safe ; but that if he had met him in the field of battle, his duty would have required him to have tf>ken his life. lie rejoiced, he said, at his prospect of speedily returning to hia friends, and hoped he would never a^u trouble hia white neighbors. To which Bfocc-Aoiat added, " Brothbr, the Great Spirit puniaha thoae who dtceioe ua, and my faith ia now pledged." Aa to Uie literal correctness of what the old chief said on this occasion, it may be proper to remark, that, as it was taken down from recol- lection, after it was delivered, there mav poasibly be some unimfiortant variation firom his actual worda. We know not, however, that there ia any. At the close of the interview, the colonel's lady presented the chief with an elegant bag, with which h« expreaaed himaelf much plaaaed, and aaid he would carry it to bia aquaw. On leaving Fort Monroe, the Indiana were uken to Portsmouth and Gosport, to sae the navy-yard, the dry-doek, and men-of-war. At Ooa- pori, they went on board the 74 Delaware, whsre they couM not but ex- press much aatonishnMUt, at the vasmesa of the " big canoe," aa thay called It, and its extraorduiafy uncouth furniture. Bwdb-Aimaic seemed the moat to admire the ahip, and wiahed to see the cMe^who commanded it, and eapeciallv thu man that built it •, for he wished, he aaid, "fo take him by the hand." When they left the ahip, they passed around under her bow, which terminatea in a colossal atatue of an Indian warrior. Thia the Indians beheld with considerable emotions of surprise, and evident de- monatiations of high vratificatkMi. At Norfolk, the rush to aee the Indiana was very gteat, and many could not be gratified even with a sight of tbem. This great curiosity in the tary vicini^ wberu they bad been for near 10 weeks, will not be thou^t hd BLACK-HAWKi-BALTOiORE. [Book T. ■trui|;e, when it w conaiilnred, that no one expected their immediate re- raoval, ami tlierefore few had been to see tliem ; thinlting they could do ao when some more convenient time offered. Having taken Mainga at the hotel in Norfolk, the Indiana were aware 0f tlie great curioatty of the people, and therefore they exhibited theni»- aelves upon the balcony, from whence TFoMciwMcJE, the Prophet, made the following addreaa : — "The Great Spirit sent ua here, and by the same fiat we are now hap- pily about to return to our own M i iia iip pi, and our own people. It u- Ibrila UB much liappinesa to rejoin our nienda and kindred, we wouM abake handa with all oar white frienda anembled, and offer our beat wiabee for theh* proaperity. Should any of them go to our country on tba Miaaiaaippi, we wohM take pleaaure in reauitinff the many kindueaaea we have received flrom their people here. We wiH go home with peace- able diapoeitiona towaida our white brethren, and endeavor to make our condupt hereafler more aatiafiMtoiy to them. We bid you all farewell, aa it ia the last time we may aee each other." BUuk-hawk ^n aaid a few wordai expremng the aame sentimenti; and one o'clock having wrived, they departed. Thia waa 5 June. When the ateam-lioat was near nhimore, it waa discovered that there bad been a roMwry committed '>n board ; and when this became known to Btaek-luuekf he showed considerabie cuncem, fearing some of bis party ahouM be suppeeted ; and when the boat hiy to at considerable distance flmm the wharf, to noake search for the ' oey, he sak), **he thfnred that kSmttlftmd eompmjf shouU be Mtmrdud, ' he would kt Ike tohttu knew that the Saf$ did not tttal.'* Prtisident Jackson had arrived in Baltimore, and after Black-hauk^t arrival he bad an interview with him. The Indiam were conveyed in the ateani-boat Columbus, and arrived about 11 o'clock in the forenoon of the next day, after leaving Norfolk, nanody, 6 June. Among the crowds who vinted them were many ladiea, to whom, ^^nerally, the Indians said, **Prttty aquawf, fretiy aqiums? The Indians and the prewdent attended the theatre the same night, and it was remarked, that the attention of the house was pretty nearly equally divided between them. On the next day occurred the interview between them, of which meuiion baa just been made; at which time, among other things, the president said to the lAA chief: — ,<* When I saw you in Waahington, I told you, that you had h'-'^aved very Imdiy, in raising the tonoabnwk against tm white people." He added, that his conduct last year had caused nim to send out his warriors against him, and that he and thoee with him had been surrendered to him to be kept during his pleaMire, or until ha should tliiiik there vi^ouid be no dan- ger from letting him ^. ''I told you," he eootiniKd« ** I wobld inquire whether your people wiahed you should return, and' whnthcry if you did return, there would be any danger to the frontier. Cien. CIiir% and Oen. w9(fttn«Mi, whom you know, have inftimied me that S^Jelisa^f\om princi* ml chief, and the rest of your people, are nnxioiM you abould return, anA Keokvk has asked me to send you back. Yout* chiefs have pledged them'^ selves for your good conduct'' — ** You wUl see the stre'*gth of the whita people. You will see that our young men nrn aa nur^ierous aa the leave* in tbewooda What can you do against us?"— <* When you go back^ Haten to the coCiiieels of Keokuk and the other friendly chiefs." To this the ^^phet said a fow words, aaMlows; — ■'Ftther, my ears are open to your words; I am glad to hear them; I •m glad to go bark to my peo|riek I want to aee my family. I dkl- not behave well last summer. I ought not to have taken up the tomahawk. Btit my peopie have suftbred a great deal. Wben I gat back, 1 will re- Gmaf. IX.] PHILADELPHIA. 141 memlier voar words. I will not go to war again. 1 will live in peaee. I will hold ynu by the hr^nd." Black-hawk intended to have made a long apeech at this time, hut the president was unable to hear him out, on account of the great ratiaueN he hnd tmdergonc ; and the old chief was, therefore, very Miort. He oakl, " Mif heart ia big, for I have miieh to $av to tmf gnat faiher^ and cloaed, after many expressions of aifection and respect for him. The warmth of the weather and the great crowd that surrounded the hotel in which the Indians were lodgeleased them far more than the stars and garters of the mock lords and adies of the theatre, and it was very natural they should. To see a lady ride upon one foot, while the horse was running at his utmost speed, wa* matter of fact to them, and excited the greatest admiration. But to see a fellow popping out fVom beb'nd a curtain, strutting about the stage, ut- tering to himself some unintelligible nonsense, could not interest any one similarly situated. They said they believed those who rode in the circus could hunt buffalo even better than the Sacs. Considerable inconvenience was experienced, from the meeting of two «uch conspicuous characters as the PREsiDEitr of the United States, and Bladt-hmok, at the same time, in populous places ; and it was announced in a Philadelphia paper, of 9 June, that Maj. thxriand had arrived there, but had left the Indians in Baltimore, and ttiat they would not proceed to N. York until the day afler the president. Accordingly they did not ar- rive in Philadelphia until 10 June, when they were conducte*! to lodgings in Congress Hall. The next day there was a great military display, ac- companied by an immense procession, and the whole passed up Third Street, opposite Congress Hall, by which means the Indians had a fine opponunity to see and contemplate their numbers. Pointing to the sol- diers, BUuk-hmok asked if they were the same that were in his country last summer. On this occasion the old chief spoke to those about him as follows: — " / onee Ounif^ I eouid conquer the whitet, my heart grew liUtr, and my hattds ttrotig. I dug up the tomahawk, and led on my warrkn to Ji^hl. I fought hard. I wa» no coward. Much blood utaa thed. BtU the white men were mighty. They were many as Oie ko.. a of the fared- I and my people failed. I am aorry the tomahawk was raised. I nave been a pruoner, I aee the strength of the wldte men. They are many, very numy. TTu Indiana are but few. Thetj are not cowards. Thty are brave, mit they tre few. While tnt Great ^rit above [and he pointed up] keepa my heart as it now is, IwUl be the white man's friend. I vm remain tn peace. I uriU go to my people and speak good of the white man. I will teU them they are as leaves of the forests. Very many— very strong; and that I wiU fght no Mora againat them." At the same time the Prophet said a few words, among which :— 141 BLACK-HAWK.— NEW YORK. [Boob T* **I would cheMrAilty tak« jrou tM by the hand, but you are too nuroer- oua. I feel heartily gind to aee you. We pledge ounelvea for our nar lioii, to remain in peaoa hereafter." The next day, being Wedneaday, 13 June, among other plaeea, the ■tfangen of llw woat visited the Oyotville glaaa worka, attended by the imtor of the city, Majw €karland, and aome othera. The operation of making glaaa waa ao different from any thing of which they had formed an idea, that in apite of their diaimereaMdnen they could not help Iteing a Btda inquiaitive, neither could they help expreaaing themBeWea amuaed at the imu pmppootu (aa tbey called the amall boya) manage the Having viaited the U. StMea' mint, and been ahown the depoaita in the bank, and being informed that it waa the property of the people, they auppoaed every one had a rigiit to it, when ttiey pleaerd ; and Black-hawt obaerved, it vku wtty ttnmgt tht vMa ueuU takt ao mndt trauibU to mm- der auKOf talo hit t&mttihf to gd numejihi Jv»% andht/ digging t» tint ground, ■Aen thufhad »tuk atore dt baw. It ia and tlmt while here Bkukrhmtk waa prenented with a hat, which waa the first he had had, and of which he aeemed quite proud. WbeB> he waa ridins afterwarda, he made • l^*** display of it, aa he coiistantiv took ic off to kow to the multitude. The Indian costume is novel enoughi among vm, but when it beeomea wiised up with our own, it aenerolly par- takea a little of the ridicniow. Thus a kind of petit coat, half covered by an officer'a umferm coat, and theee bound on with a belt, or girdle, a fine kat no how fitting ttie bead, and a huse pair of spectacles on the noae^ might well excite mirth among the vwgar. Thus at one tiaie appeared our chief. s| Having viiilad all placea of amuMement and cmribiiity, the Indians doi' Ked for N. York, where tbey arrived u^ a ateara'-boat of the People's e, about 5^ o'clock, 14 June,>on Frklay. The arrival of Litfagttte, m 18SI5» could not halve attmcted a greater crowdy than was bow aaaembled al,aiid iO'diaivicinify.of Gastle Garden, Aa if happened,, Mc Dwrtmiy, ^•aeronaut,, had jiiet got ready to aaeend in bis balloon from the garden. The ateaa>>i»oat, thevefore, rounded to, tbat the paaaengnrs might witneaa the aaoenaiun. When' it waa known on shore that the Indiana were on. bo a ad, the cheeria^aBd elappinip became tramtndoua^ and it was not a little augpnenled fhmi tbone on noard the numeroua craft in the river. TboM iO' the beat ansvlrered'aa well a» their numbers would admit. The Indfauia, at firs^ were aome terrified, supposing thev had at last come to aa enemy, and' tbat the noiae about tbem waa^ the war-whoop of the whites, but were, soon undeceived. SooB after th» balkwn bad ol«aaed the walfo of the tiastle, and Mr. Du- rmd had unfurled bia flag, EUuk-hauk was asked what he thought of it. To which he anawered: — " Tkfd man w a gnat akavk. FdonH tHittk htnieMfgettiiek, He mwt he a Sae."* Anotier said, *^ If he it a Soe Xe'U get none of hit bMhen to /Mow m M* traU, NbWt of*em t9iU ever see Oik atnokik ^MVw^fi^itm. He tpiU have to Koe ahm^-^^mthmU any aqtunei** When tbe talloon bad attained a vaat'hersttt, tt^d aflhiolait out of the old ehreTs sitttA, (wbleb bad become con^ertmiy iWp)AiMd,),N0 e)(claimed» '*1ttinkhteango iii ttie heaven*; to fKe GteOt ^^iHt.** Pom^i^ioe then said, "flAinf Ae can Me the eouintry V' i^ itfWj&A.** The Prophet, or Wabokieikide, hcvins been asked what he' thot^gnt of tbib hafloon, eaid, ** t eanH fam ony irfeo, M Mvk he can ga up 16 ihe dMb'^^vUH. ShmM' ttmk he eovUteeUie Great S^nt tMo. »■■ !■«■■■ I I .1.1.1 I M l — I ■- -».i !■ .. .,, I — . ' ■■ ■ ■.■ L' | ' ».