i-L,/;U:aAk;" ■mmmimntimma CHIPS r- FROM MAISTY BLOCKS. BY ELIHU BUEE^ITT, AltTltOR OF " TRN-MINfTK TALKS," " Sl'ARKS FROM THK ANVlIi," "a Vi>ICE FROM TIIK KORGK," RTC, RTC. TORONTO : KOSE-BELFORD PUBLISHING COMPANY. MDCCCLXXVIIT. 145340 B1 es" Entered according to the Act of the Par- llanumt of Canada, in tli»- year on« thousand eight hundred andHeveiity-ei«lit,by the ROSE- BEIFOBD PUBLIBHINO COMPANY, in the OffiCO of tUe MiiUstar of Agnculture. Kntored according to Act of Congress, In tlie year 1878, ))y F.LIHU Bukeitt, In the Otlice of tho Librarian of CongrcHS, at Wash- ington. / NOTE FROM MR. BURRITT. " Ro.sb-Bblpord PuBLisHisro Company, " Dear Sir8, " I send you a short Preface, which I think you will approve. I never felt a more lively interest in the issue of one of my books than in the publication of this volume. I think it will prove the most useful aid inter- esting that I have produced, because I have made chips from more blocks than ever I laid axe to before. " Yours truly, "Elihu Burritt." PREFACE. fT gives me peculiar pleasure to think that the last book I shall be able to make is to be published in Canada, and that Canada now means a Dominion extend- ing across the continent, fiom Newfoundland to Van- couver's Island, embracing educated populations, who are to produce a literature of their own, which shall bear the impress of the mind of a young and growing nation, as- piring to make its intellectual development as honourably recognized by the world, as its political progress and ma- terial prosperity. The idea of contributing a few pages to that literature, at a time when it is beginning to as- sume such a national imprimatur, is especially interesting to me. For, next to the Mother Country, Canada is most associated with the pleasant memories of extensive travels, and kind and genial hospitalities. Indeed, there is hardly a considerable town or village between Halifax and Georgian Bay which I have not visited, and in which I have not received an attentive and sympathetic hear ing from an intelligent audience. And I greatly enjoy the thought, that many of those who thus listened to my VI PREFACE. lectures will read this book and find in it a wide and varied development of those lines of reflection which I suggested to them from the platform so many years ago. Indeed, I have never before put forth in one volume talks on so many different topics as they will find in this, which I now especially dedicate to them, and beg them to receive as if written by a native Canadian. I think they will find something in it that will interest their children, for I regard my one-syllable stories, illustrating the law of kindness, as the happiest success I ever achieved in liter- ary composition. Their older children, I hope, may find what I say to them in the Fireside Talks, suggestive and even helpful in the course of their studies at school. The other departments will perhaps suggest to many thought- ful minds new reflections upon subjects of varied im- portance and interest. Hoping that the Canadian public will give to this vol- ume, bearing the imprimatur of the Dominion, something of the genial reception I shall ever remember in their personal hospitality, I tender them my best wishes for their prosperity in every interest that can promote the well-being of a young nation. Elihu Burritt. New Britain, Conn., May 4th, 1878. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. INTERNATIONAL QUESTIONS. THE INTEGRATION OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE— AMERICAN AND BRITISH DOWN- CASTS—THE THREE ALLIED POWERS — AMERICA'S DEBT OF NATIONAL HONOUR— THE JURY OF THE VICINAGE Page 9 CHAPTER II. THE EASTERN QUESTION. POWER AND PERIL OF A NATIONAL ILLUSION— COST AND PERIL OF PRECAU- TION- THE EASTERN QUESTION— RUSSIA'S AMBITION AND ITS COMPARA- TIVE RESULTS Page 60 CHAPTER III. NATIONAL QUESTIONS. FUTURE ELECTION OP PRESIDENTS— THE TWIN DAUGHTERS OP THE HORSE- LEECH ; THEIR GREED AND CRV— THE WARDS OF THE NATION ; THEIR DEBT AND DUE— THE GOVERNMENT'S DEBT TO LAND AND LABOUR — WANT OF PUBLIC SPECIALTY MEN Page 83 CHAPTER IV. ECONOMICAL AND INDUSTRIAL. UTILIZING WASTE MATERIAL- UTILIZING WASTE POPULATION— OUR NEED OF THE ENGLISH WORKHOUSE — NECESSITY OF REPEOPLINO NEW ENGLAND — THE FETTERED LABOURER THE FALSE LIGHTS OF GREAT NAMES— THE CONTAGIOUS DEMORALIZATION OV SHODDY unvwy , Pag^ 112 • • • Vlll - CONTENTS. , ' • • ■ '' ' CHAPTER V, * , FIRESIDE TALKS WITH SCHOOL CHILDREN. OLD BUBCHELL'S POCKET—A TALK ON THE ALPHABETS— THE FORMATION OF WORDH — WHERE LANGUAGES WERE MADE AND PERFECTED- WORDY LAN- GUAGES—WHAT AUXILIARY VERBS DO FOR I EARNERS— HEAD-SPRINGS OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE Pa^e 148 CHAPTER VI. EDUCATIONAL TOPICS. ELEMENTS AND GROWTH OF TALENT— HISTORY AND MISSION OP ARCHITEC- TURE— THE SECTARIAN QUESTION Page 192 ■■■•.''•..."•.-,■'"'. ' ' '♦ • . , ' .-, CHAPTER VII. RELIGIOUS AND MORAL. god's POLYGLOT BIBLES — GOD'S TENEMENT HOUSES — PULPIT BARS AND CHAINS— CHURCH BARS AND BOLTS— LAY WORKERS AND THEIR TRAIN- ING-FUNERAL BARS OF SYMPATHY -THE RULING FASHION IN DEATH— THE LORD'S PRAYER— AMOROUS SENTIMENTALITY OF MO «:RN HYMNS- HEROINES OF ENGLISH PHILANTHROPY — THE ZONE 0* HE WISHING DAY Page 210 CHAPTER VIII. LITTLE TALKS WITH SMALL CHILDREN ON THE LAW OF KINDNESS. THE LAW OF LOVE— THE POWER OF LOVE -LOVE FOR HATE- A KIND VOICE —WEALTH IN FRIENDS— BIRD FRIENDS AND HOW TO MAKE THEM— A dog's love FOR A CHILD— THE DUTCH BOOH AND HIS HORSE— A POOR dame's way to pay FOR KIND ACTS— THE RAILW.^ ' BRIDGE-MAN— THK BRAVE MAN AT THE WHEEL -THE BRAVE GIRL AT THE OAR— THE OLD DAME AND HER COAL OF FIRE— THE FRIENDS AND THEIR FAITH— THE MEN OF PEACE AND THEIR STREN^>TH— ONE MAY HAVE IF NOT GIVE LIFE— KIND WORK IN SMALL THINGS- HOW SMALL ACTS TELL ON LIFE —THOUGHTS FOR HOME LIFE Page 259 I CHIPS FROM MANY BLOCKS. CHAPTER I. INTERNATIONAL QUESTIONS. THE INTEGRATION OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE. FROM AN AMERICAN STANDPOINT. THE INTEOBATION OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE — AMERICAN AND BRITISH DOWN- EASTS — THE THREE ALLIED POWERS — AMERICA'S DEBT OF NATIONAL HONOUR— THE JURY OF THE VICINAGE. ^HE homogeneity of the English-speaking race de- }~Jy). clares itself more manifestly in its political instincts than in any other ethnical quality. In going forth to all the habitable latitudes and longitudes of the earth, it illustrates as well as proves this characteiistic. However small the germ of a community it plants on continent or island, in temperate or torrid zone, whether it be a score or a hundred men and women, it tak6s the form of a self- governing commonwealth, just as naturally as if sponta- neously following a political instinct rather than a rea- soned plan of civil life. When a score of such little town- commonwealths have been planted within a circuit of one hundred miles' radius, the same instinct or law draws them into a representative union, called a colony, province, or teiTitory, with a federal government in which each has its share and interest. In the lifetime of a generation half-a-dozen or more of such colonies or provinces are CHIPS FROM MANY BLOCKS. formed in tlie same section of a continent, numbering in the aggregate several millions of inhabitants. The same instinct, motive, and necessity that led them to the organ- ization of the first village government now operate with equal force to bring these separate and well-compacted commonwealths into a constitutional Confederation, called the United States in one part of America in 1783, and the Canadian Dominion on the other half of the continent a century later. This centripetal attraction grows with the growth and strengthens with the strength of all the mu- nicipal, colonial, and other confederate communities of the English-speaking race all round the globe. They all gra- vitate into larger combinations and to fewer centres of national being. This law, or force, shows itself as strong and as active in the British as in the American branch of the family. If all the British Colonies had been planted on the same continent with the mother-country, however wide its expanse and varied its climates, they would long ago have been integrated with the British Empire, and had each its proportionate representation in the Imperial Parliament. Then what stands in the way to prevent this political instinct, or law, from having its free and natural course and consummation ? What prevents the political integration of the Britisii Empire, and the direct representation of all its colonies, provinces, and de})endencies in the Imperial Parliament at London ? The instinct, the interest, the common motive and advantatre are not wanting. Then what opposes, when all these favour and demand the union ? This is a question which it is natural for a thoughtful American to ask, but which he is unable to answer. It is a cause of honest wonderment to him that, in the light of the last century's experience, no British statesman answers this question — that the British press and public do not discuss it. This is a period of very significant and in- structive centennials, indicating points of great departure INTERNATIONAL QUESTIONS. 11 in the past and i'or the futnie. No better time could be chosen for British statesmen and leaders of public opinion in England to consider this very question. And they might reasonably begin at this starting-point of reflection: If each of the thirteen American Colonies, one hundred years ago,hadbeen allowed even two representatives in the Imperial Parliament, what would have become of, or whence would have arisen, the ground-cause of the American Revolution, or " Taxation without Representation ? " Did it pay the English Government and people to shut the door of parliament against the representation of as intel- ligent, virtuous, and loyal Englishmen in America as any that then peopled the home islands of the Empire ? Has the same policy of exclusion, in regard to any colony or province under the British Crown, paid the Home Gov- ernment and people in any decade since 1776, in any form of compensation, in the sense of security, economy, or dig- nity ? If not, then in the light of the past, in the bright- er day of this present, and in the opening dawn of the great future before us, why should they longer be willing to repress and thwart the great political instinct of our common race, to arrest this centripetal law of their politic- al being, and exclude these scores of loyal millions from the full and equal title and right of citizenship and own- ership in a great and integral Empire ? There was a time in the far past when the proudest words a man could utter, on the Danube, the Volga, the Nile, or the Euphra- tes, were ''Romanus civis sum." Paul, a Hebrew of the Hebrews, was glad and proud to say those words of power in the teeth of his Jewish persecutors. Britain's India alone outnumbers in population all the races that yielded obedience to the sceptre of the Ciesars. Why should not any man of those hundreds of millions of subjects of the British Crown be allowed to say, as proudly as Paul spoke those great words before the Roman governor, "Britannicus civis sum" and to say it to as full compass of its meaning and prerogative as any Englishman could express and 12 CHIPS FROM MANY BLOCKS. claim in the boast for himself under the shadow of St. Stephen's ? To the mind of an American, well read as to the char- acter and history of his race before and since it branched off into two pai-allel nationalities a century ago, every motive, interest, and generous ambition, that should act not only on Great Britain, but on the race it begat, would seem to press for such an Integration of the Empire. Without giving one motive undue rank over another, let us begin with the patriotic sentiment, which is to the po- litical forces of a nation what charity is to the sisterhood of Christian virtues in an individual. Certainly no nation can be great, in its own force or sense of being, at home or abroad, without patriotism, or a love of country that endures to the end, whatevei- that end may be, or what- ever may come this side of it. This noble, inspiring senti- ment, like charity, ^as covered, almost ennobled, a multi- tude of sins in the lives of nations. When we feel the pulse of a nation, and find this sentiment beating faint and slow in its veins, we know it is affected with the heart-disease, and has but little temps ou raison d'etre. But when the sentiment pervades all classes like a com- mon inspiration ; when even the toiling masses, though bending complainingly under heavy burdens and wrong- ful inequalities, can say, with as much pride as a peer of the realm, " England, with all thy faults, I love thee still — aye, better than any other land the sun shines upon ; " when they can sing with the enthusiam of the French peasants, of " La Belle France," or " C'est doux de mourir pour la patrie;" when they can feel their souls lifted and thrilled by the songs of the German Fatherland, or by the " Star-spangled Banner " of the American people ; when we see what this great sentiment is and does for a nation, every possible motive and interest would seem to induce statesmen and governments to cultivate and ex- tend it toevery section and every subject or citizen within their domains. If patriotism, even at its lower valuation, INTERNATIONAL QUESTIONS. 13 is an active, evei'-available political force, on which a goveinment may count in any emergency, then why .strengthen it- in one subject and weaken it in another ? Why kindle it to a constant heat and glow in the loyal Englishman at home, and starve it down to a taper's light and warmth in an Englishman equally loyal in Canada, Australia, or India ? The purest, noblest pa- triotism i) must live, must grow, by what it feeds upon. If it is the love of country, it must have a country to love — a country