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■■I

•SPEECH OF

MR. WILFRED LAURIER, M,P.,

ON THE

RIEL QUESTION.

Delivered in the House of Commons at Ottawa^ March IQth, 1886.

Mr.LAUBIER,who rose midst cheers,
said : Since no one on the other side of
the House has the courage to continue this
debate, I will do so mysf If. The Min-
ister of Public Works stated that the
Qovemment were ready and anxious to
discuss this question, and this is an evid-
ence of the courage tbey pretend to possess.
Sir, in all that^has been said so far, and
that has fallen from the lips of hon. gen-
tlemen opposite, there is one thing in
which we can all agree, and one thing
only — ^we can all agree in the tribute
which was paid to the volunteers by the
Minister of Public Wovks when he
entered into a defeiiuse of the Qovernment.
The volunteers had a most painfhl duty
ta perform, and they performed it in a
most creditable manner to themselves
And' the country. Under the uniform
of a soldier there is generally to be
foond a waim and merciful heart. More-
over, our soldiers are citizens who have
an interest in this country ; but when
tiiey are on duty they know nothing but
duty. At the same time it can fairly be
presumed that when on duty the heart
fiaels'and the mind thinks ; and it may
be fairly presumed that those who were
on duty in the Noi'th-West last spring,
thought and fdit as a' great soldier,
a geeat king, King Henry IV of
Fraaoe, thought and felt when engaged
in battie f or many years of his lue in
fighting his rebellious subjrjts. When-

ever his sword inflicted a wotmd he used
these words : " The King strikes thee^
Ood heal thee." It may be presumed
that perhaps our soldiers, when fighting
the rebellion., were also animated by a
similar spirit, and prayed to God that he
would heal the wounds which it was their
duty to inflict, and that no more blood
should be shed than the blood shed by
themselves. The Government, however,
thought otherwise. The Qovemment
thought that the blood shed by the sol-
diers was not sufficient, but that another
life must also be sacrificed. We heard the
Minister of Public Works attempting to
defend the conduct of the Government,
and stating that its action in this m*tter
was a stem necessity which duty to our
Queen and duty to our country made in*
evitable. Mr. Speaker, I have yet to
learn — and t have not learned it from
anything that has fallen from the lips of
gentlemen oppoeite^-that duty to Queeri
and country may ever prevent the
exercise of that prerogative of mercy
which is the neblest prerogative of the
CroAvn. Th9 language of the hon. gen-
tleman was not the first language of Jbho
same nature. This was not the first oc-
casion >»hen responsible or irresponsible
advisors of the Grown attempted to delude
the public, and perhaps themselvM as
well, into the belief that duty to
Queen aad coonuy required l^tKxl,
when mercy was a possible ^fH^egOBf

■%■■

";u;v£5rv:|%^.

\^H'

jr>

, Vo ^)

tive. When Admiral Byiog w<ai sen-
tfinoed to be shot for no other crime
than that of being unfortunate in battle,
ihere were men at the time, who said to
the King that the interests of the country
required that the sentence should be car-
ried out, though the court which had con-
victed him, strongly recommended him to
mercy. Th.'vse evil counricls prevailed,
and the sentence was carried out ;
but the verdict of history, the
verdict of posterity — posterity to which
hon. gentlemen now appeal — has de-
clared long ago that the carrying out
of the sentence against Admiral Byng
was a judicial murder, i^nd I venture
to predict, Mr. Sp<jaker, that the veidict
of history will be i je same in this instance.
In every instance in which a Government
has carried out the extreme penalty of
the law, when mercy was suggested
instead, the verdict of history has been
the same. oTr, in th5 Province to which
I be]ongj;^^and especially amongst the race
to which I belong, the execution of Louis
Biel has been universally condemned as
being the sacrifice of a life, not to inex-
orable justice, but to bitter passion and
revenge. And now, Sir, before going
any further, it is fitting that, perhaps, I
should address myself at once to the state
of things which has sprung up in Quebec
from the universal

Oondemnation of the Qoyem-
ment,

not only by their foes, but by their friends
as well. The movement which has fol-
lowed the execution of Hiel has been
strangely misconceived, rr I should say,
has been wilfully luisreprti^eiited. The
Tory press of Ontario at once turned
bitterly and savagely upon their French
allies of twenty-five y^rs and more.
They assailed them, n0t only in
thAr action but in their motives. They
charged them with being animated, not
with any honest conviction of opinion, but
with being animated with nothing less than
race prejudices; they not only charged
their former! ]iends, but the whole French
race as well, that the only motive which
led them to take the course they did in

the matter of Biel, waa simply becauae
Kiel was of French origin. They charged
against the whole race that they would
step between a criminal and justice, the
moment the criminal was one of their
own race. They charged against the whole
French race that they would prevent the
execution of the law the moment the law
threatened one of their own. Mr. Speaker,
on this matter 1 am not desirous of follow-
ing the example which has beea set before
us by hon. gentlemen opposite of citing
copious newspaper extracts, although
I could cite extracts of the most bitter
nature that ever was penned, of the Mail
newspaper and other Tory organs against
French Canadians. I will not import
into this debate any more acrimony than
can be avoided, but I will simply quote a
single paragraph from the Mail — and one
of the most moderate — which will show
the general spirit of the attacks made
upon us On the 7th of December last,
the Mail wrote as follows, speaking of the
French Canadians : —

" Their leaders are paying us back at the
present lime by asserting that they should
have the right of suspending the operation of
law against treason whenever they choose to
demand its suspension in the interests of a
trailer of French origin, even though he may
have been twice guilty."

Sir, 1 denounce this as a vile calumny. I
denounce this as false. I claim this for
my fellow-countrymen of French origin
that there is not to be found anywhere,
under heaven a more docile, quiet and
law-abiding people. I claim this for my
fellow-countrymen of French origin — and
I appeal to the testimony of any of those
who know them and have lived amongst
them — that whatever their faults may be,
it is not one of their faults to shield, con-
ceal and abet crime. It is true that upon
the present occasion the French Canadians
have shown an unbounded sympathy for
the unfortunate man who lost his life
upon the scaffold on the 16th November
last. But if they came to that conclusion,
it was not because they were influenced
by race preferences or race prejudice, if
you choose to call them such. They were
no more influenced in their opinion by

^^m:^

limply beoauM
They charged
at they would
id ju8tioe, the
I one of their
^innt the whole
Id prevent the
[oment the law
Mr. Speaker,
[irons of follow-
beea set before
^osite of citing
ct8, although
16 most bitter
>d, of the Mail
lorgans against
11 not import
icrimony than
simply quote a
\Iail — and one
ich will show
attacks made
December last,
peaking of the

back at the

they should

he operation of

they choose lo

interests of a

though he may

lo calumny. I
ilaim this for
i'rench origin
nd anywhere,
9> quiet and
1 this for my
I origin — and
any of those
ved amongst
lults may be,
) shield, con-
ue that upon
'h Canadians
J^mpathy for
ost his life
I November
' conclusion,

influenced
rejudice, if

They were
opinion by

:--7|-

vaoe . prejudice, than were the foreign
ipapers which

^(,, Deprecated the Execution

^ofbieL It is a fact that the foreign
press, the American press, the English
press, the French press, almost without
any exception, have tak^n the ground
that the execution of Biel was unjus-
tified, unwarranted and against the
spirit of the age. Certainly, it cannot
he charged against that press that they
were influenced by race feelings or pre-
judices, if you choose to call them such.
And in the same manner, I say, the
French Canadians, in the attitude wluah
they took, were not impelled by race \\e-
judices, but by reasons fairly deducible
and deduced from ' the facts of the case.
But if it had been stated that race pre-
judices, that blood relations had added
keeneas and feeling to a conviction form-
ed by the mind, tha£ would have been
perfectly true. I will not admit that
blood relations can so far cloud my judg-
ment as to make me mistake wrong for
right, but I cheerfully admit aad I will
plead guilty to that weakness, if weakness

■ it be, that if an injustice be committed
against a fellow-being, the blow will fall
deeper into my heart if it should fall upon
one of my kith and kin. I will not
«dmit anything more than that. That race
prejudices can so far cloud my judgment
AS to make me mistake wrong from right,
I do not believe to be true. Before I
go further, I desire to say this : It has
been stated, time and again, by the Mail
newspaper and by other Tory organs, that
it was the present intention of the French

. Oanadian leaders to organise a purely
French Canadian party, to lay aside all
party ties and to have no other bonds of
party in this House but that tie of raca

- I protest against any such assertion.
Such an assertion is unfounded, it is
calculated to do harm, it is not founded

, on truth. It would be simply suicidal to
French Canadians to form a party by
themselves. Why, so soon as French Can-

* adians, who are in the minority in this

' House and in the country, were to
organise as a political party, they would

compel the mt^ority to organise tf
a political party, and the result must \)0
disastrous to themselves. We have onW
one way of organising parties. Thui
country must be governed and can be gov-
erned simply on questions of policy and
administration, and French Canadians
who have had any part in this movement
have pever had any other intention but
to organise upon those party distinctions
and upon no other. In order to lay this
question at rest, I cannot do better than
to quote the language of the hon. mem-
ber for Hochelaga (Mr. Desjaixiins) at a
meeting that took place recently at
Longueuil. That meeting took place in
January, I believe. Mr. Benoit, the
hon. member for the county, had been in-
vited, but had not put in an appearance,
and the fact had been commented on, by
some speakers who had addressed the
meeting. Ilr. Desjardins spoke as fol-
lows : —

" Mr. Benoit has perha m done well to hesi-
tate, bticauae I have myaelf hesitated, seeing
Bt the hea 1 of the invitation I received, ' Parti
National.' If it be understoofi by ' Parti Na-
tional' that it is a party other than those
already existing, I am not of that party ; bat
if it be underst^d that Liberals and Conserva-
tives shall unite in the same idea and present
a united front when their national interests
may be imperilled, I am of that party. In our
movements we have not desired that a criminal
should escape death be ause he was a French
Canadian ; but because as regafds J«okBon and
Riel, if the first had his life saved, the second
should have hai it also. We do not want any
more privileges ; we are strong Enough, bat
what we want is justice for all.

A Single Life Valuable.

It has been said by sober-minded people
that the execution, even if unjust, of the
man who was executed and who is believed
to have been insane by those who sympa-
tise with him, does not make thisacasefor
the outburst of feeling which has taken
place in Quebec on the occa^on of Kiel's
execution. I difler from that view. In.
our age, in our civilisation, every single
human life is valuable, and is entitled to
protection in the councils of the nation.
Not many years ago England sent an ez-
pediti(m and spent millions of her trea-
sure and some of her best blood simply to

niea« prisonna whow Utm were in the
hukdi of the King of Abyisinia. In the
nune manner I lay that the life of a single
tubjeot of Her Majesty here is valuable,
and is nbt to be treated with levity. If
there are members in the House who
believe that the execution of Biel
was not warranted, that under the
ciroumstanoes of the case it was not
judicious, that it was unjust, I say they
nave a right to arraign the Govern-
ment for it before this country, and if
they arraign the Government for it and
the Government have to take their trial
upon it, it must be admitted as a con^e-

anence that certain parties will feel upon
Ike question more warmly than others.
It is not to be supposed that the same
causes which influenced public opinion
in Lower Canada acted in the same man-
ner with all classes of the community ;
that the causes which situated the com-
munity at large wera identical in all
classes of the community. Some ther^
were who believed that the Government
had not meted out the same measure of
justice to all those that were accused and
who took part in the rebellion. Others be-
lieved that the state of mind of Riel was
such that it was a judicial murder to
execute him; but the great mass of the
people believed that mercy should have
been extended to all the prisoners, Riel
included, because the rebellion was the
result of the policy followed by the Gov-
ernment against the half-breeds. That
was the chief reason which actuated them,
and it seems to me that it is too late in
the day now to seriously attempt to deny
that the rebellion was directly the result of
the oonductof the Government towards the
half-breeds. It is too late in the day to
dispute that fact. Yet we have heard it
disputed in this House. By whom ) By
the last man who, I should have expected
would have disputed it — hy the hon.
member for Frovencher (Mr. Royal).
He gave us the other day his version of

The origin of the trouble.

Everybody is respomdble for the rebel-
lion exof pt one body. The Oloh« is re-
«pon«ible for it ; the Fanner's Union is

responsible for it; the white settlena
are responsible for it. Everybody you
can conceive of is responsible for it, except
iYiti Government. The Government is
perfectly innocent of it, as innocent as a
new-born child ! Such was the statement
made by the hbh. member the other day.
But if the hon. member is now in earnest
as to that matter, how is it that the half-
breeds alone have been prosecuted 1 If
the 01ob« is the cause of that rebellion,
the Glch* should have been the first to
he indicted. If the white settlers were
the instigators, the white settlers should
Mh\e been indicted also. There is more
l^an that. The counsel for the Crown
received authority and even instruct i<»i8.
specially to proceed against the instigators
of the rebellion, the white settlers, who
certainly would have been more guilty
than the half-breeds whom they had in-
stigated to rebellion. Here is part of the
instructions given by the late Minister of
Justice to the counsel for the Crown :

"It must be, and from the inforination
which the Government have, it se^ms prob*
able"

It seems the Government share the opin»
ion of the hon. member for Provencher,
and they profess to act accordingly.

"It must be, and from the inlbrmatfon
which the Government have, it seems probable
that the rebellion has been encouraged active*
ly by whiter, particularly in Prince Albert.
Nothing in the whole duty entrusted to you is,
I apprehend, more important than thatw6
should, if pos3ible And out some of the men
v/ho,with far better knowledge than the* half*
breeds, stirred them up to rebellion, and your
special attention is asked to this point."

The hon. member for Frovencher (Mr.
Royal) does not seem to have given any
help to the counsel for the Crown,
notvnthstanding the knowledge which
enables him to say on the floor of Parlia-
ment, with the responsibility attaching to
his utterances, that the white settlers are
responsible for the rebellion. If they are,
how comes it that no white settler has
yet been indicted — that every white set>
tier is at large ? What are we to infer
from this ? Are we to infer that the Gov-
ernment has receded from the position
which was here taken by Sir Alexander

^hite lettlflvs

[erybody you

for it, exoept

»verament is

I innocent m »

[the statement

le other day.

low in eamest

that the half-

iouted? If

Ihat rebellion^

the first to

settlers were

[settlers should

^here is more

for the Crown

(n instraotions

the instigators

be settlerp, whO'

more guilty

they had in-

Ire is part of the

late Minister of

the Crown :

the information

I, it se^ms prob>

I share the opin~
ror Provenoher,
cordingly.

I the inlbrmation
, it seems probable
ncouraged active-
a Prince Albert,
atrusted to you is,
vat than thatw6
;some of the men
Igethanthe'half-
ibellion, and your
this point."

^rovenoher (Mr.
lave given any
ir the Crown,
lowledge which

floor of Parlia-
ity attaching to
hite settlers are
n. If they are,
ite settler has
very white set*
e we to infer
er that the doY-
a. the position

Sir Alexander

Campbell t Or are we to infer that the
statement of the hon. member for Pro-
venoher is only one of those wild asser-
tions made as a last expedien in the
defence of acts otherwise indefensible 1
The hon. gentlemen went further.
He not only charged the white
settlers, the Furroer's Union, and
the Globe newspaper, but he also
held responsible the Mackeu/ie Adminis-
tration. He said that the Administration
of that Government, from thy time that
they took otKce to the time they left, had
been a i^erfect blank. Well, Mr. Speaker,
it is a charge which cannot be '^'.ade
against the present Adminislration.
Their Administration was not at all
one blank. Blood, blood, blood, jirisons,
scaffoldj, widows, orphans, destitution,
ruin — these are what fill the blank in
the Administration of this Government
of the aifaira of the North-Wost.
Mr. Speaker, there might be something
to say, as the hon. gentleman will appre-
hend, upon the Administration of the
hon. member for East York (Mr. Mac-
kenzie) of the affairs of the North- West
Territories, but the present would not be
a seasonable time, and the occasion may
arise hereafter. Let me however tell this
to the hon. gentleman : If the Ad-
ministration of Mr. Mackenzie was
blameable for its treatment of the
affiUTd of the North- West, if they were
Temiss in their duties, how much more
blameable must be

The present Administration,

which have not yet done that which
should have been done by their predeces
sore t But I forget ; the hon. gentleman
has nothing, or, at least, very little, to
say against the present Government. It
may be possibly that they have not been
altogether diligent in the duties they had
to perform, but still they have shown a
great deal of good will — at least, so says
the hon. gentleman. Here is what he
says: —

" In 1880 Sir John Macdonald took the first
oppoj^UDity he bad, in order to bring in a
Bill in this House — he himself, the leader of
vlhe Conservative party, introduced a Bill in

Parliament to extend the same privileges and
rights to the half-breeds in the territories as
thuso enjoyed under the Manitoba Act by the
half-breeds in the Province of Manitoba."

This statement is correct, exoept with
regard to the date which should have
beeh 1879 instead of 1880. Sir Joha'-
Macdonald, as ho says, introduced a Biu"
to extend to the half-breeds of the North*
West Territories, the same privileges as
had been granted to those of Manitoba.
That was done in 1871), and the Act
which I hold in my hand reads as
follows : — ,

"Tliat llio following powers are hereby
di'legatod to llio Govornor in Council to tatisfy
any claims existing in ooniicction with the
oxtin(,'ni9liment ol' the Indian titles preferred
by tht! haif-bniods resident in the North-Wost
Teri'ilories, oulsido llio limits of Manitoba
previous to llio I5lh day of July, 1870, by
grunting land to such porsons to such extent
and on such tornn and conditions as may
from lime to time be deenvjd ("xpedient."

The provisions of this statute wera re-
peated in the Act of 1883. But before
we proceed farther, it may be important
to at once define what were those privi-
leges and rights which were extended to
the half-breeds of Manitoba. By the
Act of 1870 it was decreed as follows : —

" And whereas it is expedient towards the
extinguishment of the Indian title to the lands
in the Province to appropriate a portion of
such ungranted lands to the extent of 1,400,.
000 acrei< thereof for the benefit of the families
of the half-breed residents, it is hereby enact,
ed that under regulations to be from time to
time made by the riovernor General in Coun-
cil, the Lieutenant Governor shall select such
lots or tracts in 6uoh parts of the Province as
he may deem expedient, to the extent aforo.
said, and divide the same amoag the children
of heads of families rettiding in the Province
at the time of the said transfer to Canada."

And by a further Act, the Act of 1874,
the samo privileges were extended, not
only to heads of families but to minors,
the children of half-breeds, as defined in
section 32 of that Act. These Acts, as
they were administered, assigned, first,
to each head of a family the plot of land'
of which he happened to be in possessum
at the time of the transfer, to the extent
of 160 acres , and, besides ihat;

) '

The Half-breeds were also
granted,

for tbe extinguishment of the Indian
.tiUe, 160 acres of land or scrip for 160
k$re« of land ; and each minor, 240
Mres or scrip for that quantity. In 1879
the First Minister took power to extend
the same privileges to the half-breeds of
the North West. It will be seen that
the half-breeds of Manitoba were treated
aa a special class. They were not treated
as Indians ; they were not treated as
whites, but as partioipeting in the rights
of both the whites and the Indians. If
they had been treated as Indians, they
would have been sent to their reserves ;
if they had been tr'^ated as whites, they
would have been .granted homest»?ad8;
but aa I have said, they were treated
lU 4 iipecial class, participating in both
righta of whites and Indians ; as whites
they were given a homestead of 160 acres
on the plot of land of which they happen-
ed to be in possession ; as Indians, they
were given scrip for lands to the extent
of 160 acres for each head of family,
and 240 acres for minors. In 1879, as I
have said, the Government passed a
statute similar to the statute of Manitoba.
Did they act upon it ) When did they
aot upon it 1 when was the first thing
done by the Qovernment of Canada to
put in force the Act of 1879 1 The first
thing ever done by the Government of
Oanada to put in force the Act they
themselves had passed, was on the
28th January, 1885. Six long years
dapsed before they attempted to do that
justice to the half-breeds, which they had
taken power from Parliament to do, at
the time. During all that tim^ the Govern-
ment was perfectly immovable. The hon.
member for Provencher ( Mr. Boyal ) told
tiB the Government had done their duty
by the half-breeds. Sir, if the Government
had done their duty by the half breeds,
how is it that the half-breeds so often
petitioned the Government to grant them
th^ rights t How is it that they so often
ileluged the Department with petitions
and deputations f How is it that they so
^ften appealed tO the' hon. member for

Provencher himself? How is it, for in
stance, that on the 19th of November, 1883^
Maxime li^pine, now a prisoner in the
Manitoba penitentiary, Baptiste Boucher^
wounded in battle, Oharles Lavall^,
wounded in battle, Isidore Dumas, killed
in battle, and several others, addressed
Mr. Duck, the agent at Prince Albert,
asking him to try and induce the Govern-
ment to grant them their rights, repre«
senting at the same time that they had
petitioned, and that their petitions had
been supported by prominent n>en,
amongst others the Hon. Mr. Royal, the
mem'her for Provencher, and all without
avail ? H ow is it that these men, in
order to obtain

The rights which were denied
them,

have gone through such an ordeal as they
have, if the Government did justice by
them 1 An agitation was going on all the
time in the North- West, and the Govern-
ment were perfectly immovable. The
hon. member for Belleobasse (Mr.
Amyot) stated the other day that the
Government during all those years were
slumbering and snoring. I believe the
expression was none too sjtrong, because*
we have evidence of its truth in the'
Government's own blue book. Would'
you believe it, Mr. Speaker, we have
evidecce that the Department had for-
gotten the law which they themselves-
had placed on the Statute book ; we have
evidence that the Government actually
forgot that tlie half-breeds were entitled
to special privileges. The thing is almosb
incredible ; yet here is the evidence of it.
There was a meeting held at Frinoe>
Albert of the settlers of the locality, to
take into consideration their own griev-
ances and the grievances of the half-breeds
us well ; amongst the resolutions carried
was'the following, the third one : —

3rd.— "Moved by Mr. Miller.seconded by Mr.
Spencer, and carried unanimously: — •Wherea&
the Indian title in this district or territory has
not become extinct, and the old settlers and
half-breed population of Manitoba •were
granted scrip in commutation or such title,
and such allowance has not been made to
those resident in this territory— ResoLvec^

that
bore

lUrs.l

wUh

ThiJ
hallj
treaj

it, for in
'ber, 1883,
'erin the
' Boucher^

JM, kiJIed
addrensed
f« Albert,
|e Oovern-
fts. repre.
r they had
fionn had
'* men,,
/oyai, the
I* without
men, ia

denied

1 as they
istice by
>n all the

Govern-
le. The
'e (Mr.
I^hat the
*w were
ieve the
because'

in the

'e have

ad for. ' *
Dselves:
e have
•tualJy
Qtitled
ilmosti
of it.
Prince
7.. to
jriev-
reeda
rried

KMr.
ireas
has
and
rere
tie,
'to

that the right hon. tho Minister of the Interior
be rei|iiHst»(l to grant such scrip to (uch »ut-
tlcrs, thus placing thum on an equal fooling
with their eon/rire» in Manitoba."

This resolution simply asked that the
hall-breeds of the North- West should bo
treated just as

Ihe Ealf-breeds of Mbnitoba

' were treated — ^jufet as the hon. member
for Provencher said they should have
been treated ; and what was the answer
of the Department 1 The answer of the
Department will show precisely what I
have stated, that the Department at that
time in 1881, had forgotten the tenor of
the , statute they had placed on the
8ta tute book before. Here is the answer,
ad dressed to the Hon. Lawrence Olarke,
w ho had transmitted the petition :

" Department of the Interior, Ottawa,
22nd Nov., 1881.

" Sir,— By direction of Iho Minister of the
Interior, I have the honor to acknowledge the
receipt of memorial handed in by you, of cor-
tain resolutions passed at a meeting of the in-
habitants of the district of Lome (which you
represent in the North-West Council), held at
Prince Albort on the 18th October, 1881.

•• In reply to the questions iovolved in the

several resolutions copiained therein, I am to

^ay as follows;^

^ * » « k • ♦ *

" Resolution No. 3. As by treaty vith the
Indians their title to any portion of the terri-
tory included within the district of Lome has
been extinguished, this resolution would need
explanation."

Here was a resolution calling upon the
Government to give effect to a law passed
by themselves — to give the half-breeds the
special rights to which by law they were
entitled, and yet the Qovern(pent declares
that this resolution requires explanation.
Well, the explanation came, and it was
not long in coming. Mr. Clarke answered
as follows: —

"Carlton, N.W.T., 25lh January, 1882.

" Sir, — I have the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of your letter of the 22nfi Novem-
ber last, embodying the reply of the right hon.
the Minister of tae Interior to a memorial,
handed in by me, of certain resolutions passed
at a meeting of the inhabitants of the district
of Lome, held at Prince Albert on the 18th
October, 1881.

'• With rogord to resolution No. 3, it it re-
marked that :

« 'As by treaty with tho Indians, thnlr title
to any portion ofthe territory includo<l within
tho district of Lorno has been extinguished,
this resolution would neod oxplanatlon.'

" I would respectfully submit that tho In-
dan title, no doubt, has boen extinguished,
but evidently not that of tho half-brood risl-
donis of tho North- West Territories.

" The Oovcrnmonl of tho Dominion of Can-
ada, hnvo repeatedly acknowlod^d the right
in tho soil of the half breed inhabitKuts, ai is

S roved by the Parliament of Canada, in 1870,
3 Vic, chap. 3, SHction 31, as follows:"

Then he recites all the acts by which the
Parliament of Canada ha(| declared, time
and again, that the half-breeds were
entitled to compensation for their Indian
title ; and goes on :

" It will be seen, therefore, that from the
first enactment, in 1870, to the last, in 1879,
tho rights in the soil of the half-breeds, have
been recognised by the uovertiment, and pro«
vision made for tho extinguishment of tneir
title."

This explanation was c< 'tainly dear
enough, but the Qovemment at once
relapsed into the state of immovc^bility
in which they had been living, and the
Minister fell agajn into the state of repose
which he had been enjoying, for so
many years before.

The Half-breeds petitioned again

they sent their friends upon delega-
tions to Ottawa; they sent the hon.
member for Provencher ; yet the
Government never took any action in
the matter until the 28th of January,
18^5, when the Minister felt his seat
shaken by the first waves of the tempest
that was soon to sweep over the country.
Too late ! Too late ! Too late. When
the seeds of discontent ha^ long been
germinating, when hearts have long been
swelling with long accumulating bitter^
nesses, and when humiliations and disap-
pointments have made men discontented
and sullen, a small incident will create a
conflagration,justa8asparkdroppedc the
prairie, under certain c'rcumstances, 11
kindle a widespread and unquenoL^jle
fira When the Government moved, but
it was too late. The iacident oconrrad-—

m^l

what WM it? The hon. member for Pro-
venoher told us what it was. After the
Government had announced a commission,
a man had the imprudence to say that a
commission would not come, but that bul-
lets would ■ come instead ; and this state-
ment of the hon. gentleman is corroborated
by a statement of Archbishop Taoh^ in a
letter published in December last, in
which, spc%king of the commencement of
of the rebellion, he said :

•

"The assurance that a commission would
be sent was not accepted. People preferred
to believe a rumor which went to sbow that
instead or grai^ting them their rights, the
authorities were to send irons for their leader,
and bullets for those who would protect him.
That conviction y^roduced the result which
was to be expected. The half-breeds thought
they would resist and defend themselves.
Badly arm =)d, without ammunition or provis-
ions, they took possession of the stores in the
vicinity. The unfortunate attack madn against
them at Duck Lake was a declaration of war."

It will strike many minda now that there is
a great analogy between the origin of this
rebellion and the origin of the rebellion
in Lower Canada in 1837. An agitation
had been going on in Lower Canada for
many years, as it had been going on in
the North- West for many years, and it
was when the Government attempted to
arrest the leaders of the movement that
the rebellion broke out; and without
going any further, I am glad to recall the
fact that, deplorable as was this rebellion
in Lower Canada, it secured at once to
the Lower Canadians the rights which
they had been vainly seeking for so many
iraars, and it secured this further result :
Tbat although the population had been
hitherto in favor of rebellion they atonoe
became

The nftst foithfiil subjects

Englat^i ever had. In the same manner,
though the last result has not yet been
obtained, it may be and will be obtained,
I have no doubt, in the North-West,
because the ihimediate result of the re-
bellion there has been to secure to the
half-breeds the rights which had been
denied to them up to that time. I have
charged th&<Govemment with not only

1880

having been negligent in the duty they
owed to the half-breeds, but with denying
to the half-breeds the rights to which them
were entitled. I charge them again wiCBT"
not ignoring only, but actually refusing,
of design aforethought, the rights to
which the half-breeds were entitled*
The first order the Government passed
under the statute was that of the 28th .
January, 1885. What was that order?
Its provisions are important to consider,
in view of the charge I have just pre-
ferred against the Government. The '
order runs as follows : —

On a memorandum dated 26th January,
from the Minister of the Interior, sub-
mitting that it is desirable, with a view of
sollliiig equitably the claims of half-breeds in
Manitoba and the North-West Territories, who
would have been entitled to land had they re-
sided in Manitoba at the time of the transfer
and filed their claims in duo course under the
Manitoba Act, and also of those who, though
residing in Manitoba and equitably entitled to
participalo in the grant, did not do so, to
ascertain llie number of such half-breeds, and
recommending that he be authorised to. obtain
an enumeration of them, and to employ three
persons to make such enumeration."

The provisions of the order, you see, were
first, to cause an enumeration to be made
of the half-breeds who were entitled to
compensation, in order to settle equitably
the claims of those half-breeds. What
was to be tha ' equitable settlement 1 The
order is vague upon that point ; it is not,
only vague, it is silent. Was the settle-
ment to be that which was granted to the
half-breeds of Manitoba, as was insinuated
the other day by the hon. member from
Provencher ( Mr. Royal ) t 1 say no ; I
say that the settlement that the Govern-
ment then fontemplated, and which is
called equitable, was not the settlement
which had been made in favor of the half-
breeds of Manitoba. I may here recall
what was the latter settlement The half-
breeds of Manitoba were given, first, a
free grant of the plots of land which they
occupied, to the extent of 160 acres each,
as whites; thoy were given, in the second
place, in

Extinotion ofihelDdian title,

land to the extent of 160 aoroB

he duty they
with denving
tio which tSem
m again wifl^
Jly refusing,
he rights to
re entitled,
roent passed
of the 28th
that order ?
to consider,
i^e just pre-
ment. The

6th January
Interior, sub'
^ a view of
lalf-breeds in
mtories, who
1 iad they ra-
the transfer
'se under the
who, though
Jy entitled to
ot da so, to
■breeds, and
led to. obtain
Jniploy three
in."

•u see, were
to be made
entitled to
J equitably
Is. WW
lent? the
', it is not
the settle-
ted to the
iisinuated
ber from
»y no ; I
> Govem-
whioh 18
sttlement
the half,
re reottU
Biehalf.
, first, a
ich thej
«8each,
9 second

title.

te mA hmi'ti hnSfy, and
kncl or lor^ to the ooctMit at 2mO aerM
for «y«^ Wffi"- ^^ ^ to^ be the
■ettlemetit widoh iraa to be giTen by the
GiQiyenimflili und^ fircler of 2Mk Jaauaiyt
i,mj it WAfl vfo/tiitadl call to witmen
upon this pcnnt the UuigwMp q>oken by
the Ffiat Minister .hiiouelf on the 26th
Ifiurah limt) when this matter oame before
this Hoose, On ^t oceMJon he sidd :

"As a whole the half-breeds have been told
Uiat If they desire to be considered as Indians
there are most liberal resonres that they oov' 1
go with the others; but that if they desired to be
considered white men they would get 160
acres of land as homesteads. But they are
not satisfied with that ; they want to get land
a<sr^ of eqpal qiuntity~I thinlc upwards of
900 aore^^'-and then get, asa matter of coarse,
tjbe^r hq^issteads as well."

Tea lee^ tberefioM, that the CtoTemment,
oa th» 26th March, 18S6,was not diapoaed
to trait the hali-breeda of the N<irth-
Waat Tenitonea aa thay had treated
the hall-fareeda of Manitoba. If th^
had bean dinMiaad to do ao^ the Firafc
MiMaterwoaldhaTieaaid: Wewillg^Te
then, M we hay«giren the hall>*1nreedB <tf
Msaitsha, the ploto of ^id on which ih^
rai^ aa fDaa granto off 160 aorea each,
thb to be their rif^ aa homeateadera;
and as ladianaiwe will grre tLsm, in «x-
MsgoiahBMnft «f thiirxi^ to the Indian
lUk,>iktid aerip to the eztont of 160
aoiia^lor aaek head of fiimily and 240
aeraa to aaoh miaoii No;- the tongnage
aftltoliraiMiniaMrahawB that he wia
oppoaad to their baiw treated in Urn
way. Heaaid: <« If tikey wanted to he
treated aa IndiaiB% tt«y Qodd go on the
Naarfaa ; but if tlMViwantod to be treated
aa Riidlaai thay ooaJd have ahomeataad
UlttOthat)i»yftiak'' Tharafoaa

1 bluurtip ^ dbf9«nuiient

wiiik thiik that whan th^ paaMd tihe ordav
(ie28th^aii«ary»il8a6t it waa aafc thair
ip to n t ioBt to{ afaid the aame jvaliae to
theivhalf-hraada «f the North-Weaft
Xvintoriaa thai had! baen aflhcdad
to lilhopa of Manitoba. The kUtm-
lia«a thm iiyfnaaii! is tha hngnage
IhairajiiaiqiiatadfrfmtlMKrat Mink,
^r wiw»i«inriad oii|iiiur days later, on

«M SOth UMdl, wiMn anotlwf CMw Ik
OooBoa waa Muiiedi and how did tli«t
•ider in OonnoU rsadt It laad m
toUowa: —

"The Minister of the Interior la af the
opinion that it is expedient that thoae etehas
should be satisfied by grantiag: Vfrslt'to
each half-breed head of a family resident bi
the llorth.West Territortes. outside ef the
Ihnits of Manitoba previous to the ItlhJaly,
1870, the lot or portion of land of which he b
at prasMBt in hmm JU$ and undispntad eeciqia*
tioa by virtue of residence upon and caltiTa-
tion thereof, to the extent of 160 aorss» and if
the lot or pcHTtlon of land for which he is tn
bona fide occupation u afinresaid* should he
less than 160 acres, the <ttflBrence to be aade
up to him by an issue of scrip, redeemable in
land, at the rate of one dollar per acre, and hi
case of each half-breed head of a fhaBy rcb
siding in the North-West Territories pievioas
to the 15th day of July, 1870, who is net at
present in bona fid* occupation of any land,
scrip be issued, redeemable in land, to the
extent of $160."

The same providflii ia thereafter mi^a
for the nunora. Let na eiTamiae thia
Order in OovnoU. YfhaA doea it proride
fort It nrovidear ainq^ tUa, tuat tha
half-breed ihall gat a grant of 160 aoraa
aa ajBttler or homaataadar, bat f^t neth»
ing ahall be given him in extiagniahmairt
ofhia Indian title. If th« hatf-fatoed ia
in poaaeaaion of • plot of 100 |tot«(^
he is to receiv* a feat mat ef it
—nothing more; if Uta bt ia Mt
160 aorea, he ia zeaeive the diflSatanoe*^
nothing more; ao that it ia nu|M|ifagt al
that date, trader thia Order in Obonoil, it
waa aot tiie intantifla of the Gktvatnmaat
togivetothe half4inada of the Hortlk*
Weat IWritoriea theaame rightolhat knd
been given to the half-lweeda of Manitoba,
the oonuniflrion being iaaned under tli^
order, it waa not poadbia for the ooaua>
iaaionen to do oiharwiae than toeaiif ehit
tha profia i ona contaJniH in tHa tmim,
Thfff iuul no anthflfity to go toamf naa*
tar length than th^ waia aatMciaad
by that order..

Th« oommlMlail ifM taMMd

toBfr. Street, Mr. Owlet MUr. liMat,
and aa aoon aa they aama to tha
Nortb-Weatk aa aoon aa tbegf aaaa to

■ ', I

i(ll#a#%id|o«yi^4Uiil»< pMMMd rMttil»^
MntNMRillfbeVittflrilttilMMMiJi^ aiiall; tla«
th« ludf-breeds would be stUl diflBftlMM^

mMjkmMi Mt^MMjAeraoiii tte Mimstier

of tlHflbMi^, ia!<oltow«».-^

' iii...i..- t ,_ ■:■,:■ ; , , ;. ';,.:,;;. ,; ,i,,, ,

Jl II<derfMdiby .bailf-teneds, ; wovl(A ^t Opt Jmi
a^feiiaiUito grtat aoripv : om^ mia or ftw^
fiMlyl(lbiMfB,'ipeinntttin0rti6ein to oequuiBtHle
UMpad* l»J ofcilpatiDiir, UUmigh ,po8Ms«^Mi)?
QtMNrirfB^iOovenuBeBtfraaUyif^v^s iii9;i|hjliigi
fbrtlodiKt I titln i Doj >. ywo wish ; lao . to ; give:
■itif IhlitienwtMtoni wiUitajto evjjlen«e.j^,
alAiiMi( other iJlbut; those oC fajOf-bre^T
Mmexfoncan iir^t «itggeHy>n< V I ( , , ii j

ownw jovt^ ilM')(>rd^ ioft! 0(Haeil,r.!Jlihe
Gb^HMtatt^M giV^' lititi^iiigytd this htOf'

lis

l^ter followed np t)ie teleigram

ymtH l4ftegwt>^(MM(yiMiutiaiy\ atut^polai
HwyiitNlnJii Mp4to ( ibiiJteiiW JQPO< wia(^ m^

j&l^{QvW(fli%ol'<wll6i&

il« tbit at<lallmeellr h«s9iieMi jtpoiitmcl,
8iB««iM)fitff|lfi{i81!i»iiR1)pom>«Ho«.«KC.» Vm

i^^mm

ilAfaoifidWi tllBaiithoi*}ijRfe vM iwsaaairwe

tnfrocaBn^n^«M^l]¥did8'b<«)^
that wbicb any ordinary settTeBfdnDcliaii;|ai|«
noth^ff for the extinguishment of his Indian

' fiJ(lii"iMJl liiilliiili\ffiliTTrnrr''"T

fUUy with us ana concarraaintDe ao^sabil-

r— ^Jy iinirui«fer flftHhorffttWtf

iftbvtMIII,^ ii^a(MBfl»n<««o ih§f^i\A

^_ for4)f9j|60 ot itMlMitbe cmmvi ki^

8b#'a| ttdl ljM^^IAtMIio«a't»'{fivMti|(lft^
m 0^, tMFW]&t'VaA<'tfab ai^^t^l'
rveirfdllb^^ttiiy tbM»<^4v%KU<tell^'

j^'biMKM&t'lefttV:^' ^

'• W. P4R„9xn*|5T«rQ+5^ lOPjainna* Half breed
, .Commission, '^^oniptOS'

"Nii idl^tliiiHb ^yWif su4«»t!Wi' tA^ glV«*
8dfip,'abd aM o^u^m^fb' acq^ tiite'
fhi^vrgKi>dMissidi \^§ti'd^fi«d bf tbdnf;*' '*'

At' laai' juMiiMt had 'been glirMt'td'tlMiP

petitioned, and petiti^M itt^ri^' Ott
tli»Mtk M4^i the £niiie Ifinutor ii^
b«ifi|MbiA<tliuiBoaie,igai6 i4i> avifaiv
ptUiwf^thae tbwenun' #tei n6t MrtUledt
tioMqir tapeeAd'piiTilegesr tiMtii tifey taUf
norirtidi rightii- as weie gtrentf^^HUMil^
^MMl^^rB^in^faiBtobi^ tiM^tttey weired t^
b9!tr^tod liot : a#*faiM4iMRhi?«no«^M' •.
apeeialvoialb^dbiriV ei«li9rw{ IxidUsar'^
wMle^nt Ati'lalrt ■ jiirtwb>' irai^ mibiw H
tU«nt AiiUlfiHui* ti^grtaa beoa^iwr
Utiofah^^lor lio naa^fjiHunr'' i^i cjtdfa^
ta4h8nv«na wiipt! wva^ ibinjdMie ^ 'V

<MU off<A^ilie<MTfl«nfl|n« UMi^liiMt
tlMr ^c](ial1hiili^Hd «Im* tli^ptanl
i#ag|diio»< 1^840^ WlMrtnwiMiuPMMMt
n» bnlldtoik awk iiili*$tai^Mbdll(b
■vfjtlnr Novti»-i^^^|gkii a»i>Oo<AiiiimMft
lMid>il«i»j> reftHb|l for yiw^lknd'i^ «k
Idiifc attsm^ bteir ttdk, tiMfartlimbe Mtf
UbtttiAvv van Itiiiir/.lniiftiji jmU alnkMi
a»lGkiveik)meiifcf.balil«><>da9Plii 4iii)<|fliv«i
them what «lii^i«Aib <iblMidrtt9x I> ^

s:ii?iWW

kiwid BritMFh«lirt<ti^ihil<«MHi^' iiiid^
«fr.»wlMH 8fii|$Mbr>df A# MMefQ^^li^
bwi(/p4llli«ibin|^iflbr jf^urlftrttlifHghli^
ani-itiitee iMb Ifiivb ii«« onl^'iglMdt
b«l>lUky0»)Hni 4ibl«lfiimd)<*wMl^^eitf
nHU'liM thiiirUteiivflttlr Mili ^^mil

thaw nidi, 'irMiii<<iib^g(^' iMb^^hH^

;;^;»tyj.st:ia:

,1 ■ . ! r

i i

4liM',<HaiMl Mrildar'«9MMB siMMMh«4o

i^^ffi!8ft

e no

airy ,,pi9^ , ^Oft9i irl|0

-itl^fi^fT WW* i.tW** "I'Wl • j/rrrT TWr )WW

.tgfi«4rM«flriindiff«r^t .^^ruBflWiw,"

^f^fn ,w>o, Jjpkywgo^/pow« to aW-

the pQ^tiimB: ,ti|M»t,^ WP J»W* rlsP t^^flW >
, )^e men .who, v^Iwm* 1^7 ii*re Mj^fd'
,|pr ;a , J9fl,ujgive «a i/|feosk^ ^Tfee j^n.

!«»«* i;»|V4oVl|ip<w. proud .rta<iU«.»tW^>»l^

,.«;fjiP4 )iaff i^mmifmiA M^-)^ mmms^ ,

i» i;^ j;iha¥jBtflBen,tbo.4w w!»W».*e oThe<jMii.j8e9^a^ji» |ivm> ^ lMl*«ld

fdr^alL ofilbh((>6s

WmniW' t md He isay ^ -^ -

muon Jbeqause ^t dom.inot a
iSlultbW 8f theNortVWWt dif

<mvfflfe V«JMd^ %giiHit Ad^ *e3i|jfflf»^'MPRftl
frodi tbis.HouBeiii#tMuknbt4Mvf^iiil»lHUitlh-

f Awliw. wk^Mi Midftfl^ «rwfiaMiy : in
,?WWi»^««f»« i1pffl«ft,i^niMftiV«*,pw>^

was ju8j4^. .^^i^i^LniMHllAilWS
ju§tifiea, was not the second rebellion
(^iS^ifii^^P l^jyi^^i^Cd^ie Jthe
ilialfrbtieMto torday il4Avhad iMki b(Miiof>r
itiul vaMlionlr .W5oiitdtrtMy.i»iii»iriitoip-
•d>t)M^rii(ht«dw]MUtJ^MV^ AMii^ta^ «I
,fliy^ir^,tt»tjthe<aia>dyite iTniirMniMit
Atogds dOonmiOtBd : ) 9I uMvlDg g iyiri Mh i

^t nipref|;«t«»i«tt4£thi^a|^1iie«dB^ ind
,o£;banngiactHillyj|oMMtl- ttoiiiini^rwi-
'»l«tfecti«9> lik^peaAlt, swdbuAre liy
lifit^inMntSt^Midjr 4>tftettiipin jilhiwiMitr.
iI/l<tiwM»lHiiiBaathiltr»iWwya^ta8,tfa<iip

• »

P" • .&

•J '

■iii^ Wfi iiilthrfr^tirti ttnrffl whwfr
4 iiliMgti tif fawdoM wiM going on jnany
flOtMtShht iroiM; wllh thelt^ani^whcn
thqr Mivwed tbebr tooniry from the
voht «i ▲votrift ; with the A.merioani,
a Ihtfe MiMBdow straggle for national
wUjf Mi4 for tl» mipnrMiiaa of Afri^
oapi'il^yeiiy ; with the ttedcani, in their
■iiiiOMrfid attwnpt to redst the foreign
dnwinatigp whioh the Frenoh Emperor
■OQj^t to impow on them; with the
Frcodk themeelTee in their genaroui
ilMMf h often mitigiiided efforts to estab-
lish aaoDgstthemselTes the bulwark of
freedom, parliamentary and responsible
Mvenuaent ; with the Dannbian popula-
ponst when they attempted to rid them-
■uToe from the degrading d(»ninati<m of
the !iVirlca ; and -when at last— «t lest— -
% aeetion of our own ooontrymen rose
in etas to claim ri|^tB long denied
thitaq, vightu which wefe immedilitely
aiiail9w|MM to be just, as soon as they
wwe sslBed with boUeta^ are we to haye
tnwfmgtAif with themt Though, Mr.
Sjpsaker, tmse men were in the wrong ;
Ukroi^ tfie rebelli<m had to be pat down ;
IhfMgh it was tibe duty of the Oanadian
Cbvenuaent to assert its authority and
▼Idttoste the law, still, I ask any friend
(»f]|bsrQr,ifthereisnota fwling rising
te his heart, stronger than all reinsoning
to'ilMi eosttnuy, that these men were ex-
eamMst Suohwerek Mr. Speaker, my
smtilMntB. I spoke them elsewhere. I
hsifv had, dnee that time, ooosskm to
nallie that I hate grealiy shocked Toiy
«4ft«n«adTetymembeEs. Sfar,

I taew wbat Tory loyalty is.

Zoiies have always been ikmous for
pnafddng loyalty lo others. IVxieshaTe
ahrijyi besn frmona for beliig loyal, as
lo^g Si it was profitable to be so. under
the ffdlni of Jame%' the Tories were gush-
il|gii|tfnir loyalty as long as the tyrMMay
of tlw Ui^ foil tapaa Whigs and Dis-
MeHn; hSk whoa at last the tynumy
«f JasMi fell upon the Tories
thsiiiwlms sttd the Ohuroh of theb
heart, thufr daviih notions leeoived

•unit ihilMnr fJMJk Oiev^toek iddi^

wlththeWh%L and hem* 6f
they shonlderad the musket, joiaed) the
Pmoe' of Onuu^e and put lumen the
throne; and I belieTe tliat tot^ day
the Tories will say that it wss a haM)y
day for England when that MbelliimtMk
plaoe. If we pass from Eiighmd tt^ this
oonntiy we hare the same tiil« ib teO.
In 1849 the Ibries were gudiiiigfrit thefar
loyalty as long as they ezpMted the
Governor General to be diJd(^ to the
people, but when thetr found the Oorer-
nor General was loyal to the people, their,
owte loyalty oosed out of their bodies and
vaaished into ^'in air. They dici hot
shoulder the musket-^that weuld have
been too noble a weapen-^llnt with hf^
and stcmes they pelted tihe repr e sei l tfctiTe
of Iter Mi^esty. Thtydidnot shoulder
the musket, btiiwith pem and iidc thty
wrote and signed cnnexatioii msabifaltoieB.
And, Mr. Speaker, if wi <9ontlnne the
sto]i7, eyen down to the days i^oe this
Goternibent has btten in poweir, we iBnd
that when they iKtroduoed the National
Policy, and when it was obje^d that
that policy was unfiur and ungenerous to
England, and that it might possibly
endanger British cenneotiidn, the nool
To«7 answer was : *< So ttiUoh the worse
for British oobnection.'* Sit, this is Toi^^
loyalty. Beady they sM tb-day ' to saori-
Hoe BMtiidi ecmileotidlii if Jiritnm cobneo-
tion stands between them iMd their
selfishness; ready they wtt to^y to
saorifioe British ottifiedldik if It stihds
between them and their' enjoymenit of
power; ready the^afe to Vacrifice British
connection for merft sordid greed, but
they alfoot, forsooth, to be shooksd when
we profess 'sympelhy for men who^ in the
wiest, have been tindloating their rights
long denied. Sit, I will not leceith any
leetures <Ai loyalty from ihen ^th sudi a
reoord. lam a British subfeet, and I
value the proud titte' as nttwth astoyone
in this fionse. But if it' Ibe ezpboted of
me tiiat I sbdl ellti% fellow:cMmtrvmeti
unfriended, undefoiyied, ttte fcote et ed tod
unrepresented in this Krarse, *lb be
tteAnqded under foot by this QiovemiBaat,
I esT that ii not what I' uadflMNtod'by^
kyiltyi aM I iTMfifi •«|]1 msti mMttf,

•<»:ssft?v^»-

-■(i>m-l^..iam

hJoiM4 the
lum^ (he
to this d»7

^ ihis
tlil« ftb ten.
fitt their
the
lojal to the
theOover-
iMople, their
trbodfeeimd
\»f diet toot
wenid have
tt with «g|^
ipreeepittitiTe
M shoulder
lid iidc they
nuu&illBeto^ *
ontintie the
s Ainoe this
'Of, we' JBnd
he Nfttionsl
bje'sted that
igenerons to
(ht posribly
a* the oool
oh the tronie
; this is 1^
day to saarU
itau oos)Bee>
^M their
> to^y to
tf h teds
tjoyBieiit of
iiiee British
Ifroedi hilt
oekedwhen
who^ in the
iheir lights ,
receive any
•rith sttdi a
tMt, audi
laeliinyoiie
txpeetedof
iMeatrvmeta

^teoted and
M) ^ be
hremaMBt,
ttMindby

/ ''

1 Mi • British ioUeok, b«i my leyaHy is
not ef the lipsi. |f hon. gentlemen oppe*
rife triU read Ustoiv, they wiU find that
^.j alaeesto^l^ in all tiMfapstrua^lesagrinat
the British drown in the past, nev<er
aenglit anything else than

Ta \m treated as Britiah Sufc^eotfl,

and' as soon as they were ti«ated as
Britidk subjects, though they had ndt
fbrgotten the land of their ancestors, they
beauoe amongst the most loyal subjeots
that England ever had. Sir, rinoe our
loyi^ has bden impugned by hon. gentio'
men opposite, I am inclined to quote the
sentiments of iny race and of my periy,
as tiiey were ezpreaeed by my hon. iriend
ftom. Meg«iiitie (Mr. Langelier) on an
occasion Whidi wte not political. Last
summer certain delates from boards of
trade in Fnuioe Tirited Oanada. They
were entertained by the Corporation of
Quebeo which presented them an address,
and the hon. member for Megantie,
inhiM i^uality of mayor,spake as follows : —

, ^< The fate of arms has decreed that our pol-
itical destinies should be united with the des-
tinies of England, and when we consider all
the advantages whioh we have reaped flrom
that state of things, our regret at being separa-
ttd from France is not without compensation.
When we can est^bli&h with France extended
commercial relations^ nothing more shall we
want. We preserve a peliucal regime of
which we are proud, and we obtain cli the
same time the satisfaction of preierviag our
' interests and sentiments."

This is the loyalty of the Ftcnch Oana-
dians to-day. They they are trae to their
ancestorst And who inould eil^eot t We
speak the French language^ tandi if you
look M it from a purely utilitarian point
"of view it is a gnat disaidTanti^ becanse
we haye afterwards to learn a foreign
language to take oitr part in the national
movement ' <^ this country. Sveryone
tittiist leartk to qpeak it the best he can in
-his own poor way. It would perhaps be
best, frem a utilitarian p<ttnt of view, to
to have mily one language ; bat the French
is the language of our mothers, the
lan|aia||e whi<u leAalla tp onr minds the
mdn sadied aasooiauons whioh fiiiit dawn
Oil «h»4i6iM ofiMii indlrtikii oa&Mvw

die mIL md ao Ung as thelw are iVcadli
mothen the langtMgt» will not die. Tet
these sentiments are quite consistent witii
onr loyalty to EaglaM, and Iqjal we am
toB^land;andif I were called #» iUiai-
trate it, I could not do so better tiian by
quoting the remark of a Wench OanadJisn
lady to Mr. De Belv^se, wh<»,''fai 18166,
visited Oanada by order of Kaptfken
m. : ** Our hearts are with Franee^bat
our arms are to England." But loyahnr
must be reciprocal. It is not nnoQ^
for l&e subjeot to be loyal to the Ordwn ;
the Grown must also be loyal to the
subjeot. So far as England is eonoetned
she has done her dttty nobly, generously;
but this Government has not done tts
dttty towards the haU-bteeds. The €k>.
venunent are shocked, and their friebds
profess to be shodmd, because those men
ehdm thrir rights and demandlMl thetn
With bullets. Have the Oovemment been
l0Y<d to thoee half-breeds f Ifthwr bad
beoi loyal to the half-bMeds no
saioh trouble would have oteorred.
If the Government do not respect the
law themselves,and if afterwards men,
to vindicate thrir rights, takb weapons in
their hands and brave the lawi, I eay the
Government are bound to seardt their
eonscienoee and see if tiicrv have given
ooeasion for rebdtton, and if they have,
to give the benefit to the gull^ mMB.
This is what we, in Lowei^ Oanada, have
been olainriinfc sod this is one of tin rea*
scms why We nave felt so wannly on tMs
question. Such is not, httWthrer, llie
d()ctrine of thd Govenunent.

5o B"

■Mr

The Dootrine o£ tiieCkMierninpt

is^ot|Aitin thAtjWay iiifh^ niemoMi-
dum which mA isened ^m^ time after
tile exebntion Of Loois BieL' Shortiy
after that eoEeoatimi tl^ 6overn|Bent
thought it proper, and I do not blame
them for it, to put their defence before
the country. They did it In a veliy ipU

Juper sinied by the late Ministin> ef
ustipe, Bii' Alexander Oani]^ll. In
the very first worda.he qpeaks as folloWs :

« The qpp<iaients of the Government haye
not josiiBM, Dy tnev UMi iuiMiiiTiiiiuwi oi

Il4

d^Hh^^^trikfi*

i|i«l|^,V^ «u1;Miiii their i!e«iK>i)B<f<Mr liAVUkg
,iOMl|ecl»,89e8 9^ fk Hotter of owib^ , tkh
Hfifvs .tojiive thfir reawqt-^tlM^Hirere
, m sf^fm m . > ito . .Mia > iwoyie. !Jlm in i»

)«ra^>lixi^inin«jt)ie f^tifin ((^(tlM-Jli^VV'Wii-
■TiiaMit I ^M« himiiif ■ nwif 'iJin

i«||ralBlM«WH.M«gB»# 4»>^4t^««)f the
||ii^li|W4)<^iJi|«)yi9e ^ ||iM]»ireriinto .the
oaoaes of ihftjfdM4M9#r. 1^ ifp,^(^e
requimMnte of the law would nofc be

wA. tm.Tm»A iOuL Uo thi»g Ja Wib hehind
tMt wa letcLto tliM jafMnd end,! Aad

(iim#qiMUgr rlviijl. .o]i«|r, 0B|tlMi0alrtaHqr,
Ah*tiitlti«i»xme i4if ,1^ie#rauiidsi» nU^fel
ara^gn itj^ii tfmtrnritfrl It i^nMHtheir
4»tor when tk«y cmoui^o Auiifiderrirhilk-
er the death iMItenie dbMlldibeje^plid
out gn Riel, to consider whether Ji*
M taUVed i W^ooi& ibr'^ nSd

s^dTimvujg M^ |;p do jp, tl^e shYm^i

Wfy»t. on t^eir ^own opP^fifl^ ,f(j^
^jRulty of ^ymgf^Igd^in.a .dftty^^Mflh
,p!0|^^,f^Jtheinost js^ ^l^t.evfr^

9g»)[d jppt adhere to, jit (ip Jihe, iMt. .iB^lJ^
)^f$»e Sir AlwMer .V^iWDeU?4^
rei^rf t^ end of J|^^ fiMrt^
dpiped hw l^eory.J^r ,jifi tfte jt^ry.fep,^^

hashed Wuh deuh i&a question . upon wBigh

(Mier r«iDtiti'%lislkil4Iw»y8jha«%een %MiMg
ooLvtUi^'iiatiois, tM JtighestATaU eriifaet ;

hui «iMMmY)9^Aq^^ rJI#io|anpe mm Jje
treated and disposed of by the BxeoutiT^ Oo-
V(ramentttp<m its own merits, apd withalUll
«ont)iBMtt«>n eir all the attendaikl 'cir^uih-
'stanies. In this parlibular insttace, it i^s
a'sioond olMice, iaH', as t<|^ th« lifkt
ooearion." ■ 'T' " '"■ '^ '■'■ '

ju» i^Mk i^ittto (the ^eaosss )#hioh had
)JAdiM«d>^the vebe^n;; he ^ ff^"^*

but he no less oonvttfi^uj looked into
'fiMt)that tliis WM aweoikXtffmd*.
aaiLiiidlb#1lMB«Mid|liB^thd«aSmirmB(i^t
W M% lif v<liabi(felkAyx)n } t|«r Ike
)MDolicUtiaM(#M,«iiB ikn^MAf tdA waiia
Mbtl 'on Mil«otii«t'«r ^the 'oebd«o<( ^
the "^launt ""Cfflwahmieiit. 6ir, 'I m^
li^ oof thoM <i^o' iloek tipoa ^iLoius
'^MMi as a >ken>. >Kati»e' had .-eaiUM^-
«d ikiik tK^ caattjr ibiHllisiit -qtMtt.
(iti«ay> hkM nat«MMi|idl*''*4e«ib4'iMk'<>tflilt
^sbjprsih^^iUtity' wibhoat whMk,istl a^r
4ualiiies,* hMniver htfUlknt^ aM ^of »o
iMwif. 'Nafcvire^hpd^ideikied'hltt aiwefl-
ubalaaoeditniiid. Atlhis uranfftihie

ttigti^^

mmhidbl

i i-JiMMtlMir

whether Ji«

»Hll profiffigly

trail eriifaet;
^iQ«j)mit 1)6
ixeoutira Oo-
i|i(twl,ttyal\ill
rdafkt cijr^tiiii.
Maoe» iiihia

, alia ^im-n
ip<Mii iJLoius

«Mlor BO

nhk wik ^^^
niftf

— ^I do i)ot believe at least that he waa
t^e'ted'ilAlh tlHit mhkk^iOl^teptmilM'

htf6tim ^giuMiiie VM'; it' #trn(i ' thst^ W
laj^mMU a<toe|»y^ a bribe'^tettg; tHfe
OofMMltUent. xKitjtMfMw'his nnnnoH^'
i^ltea<ttl4t all tti^'eirdfttiietteoei^^cotf'
nMd ^rftk' tK»' faM, sHottld' tib laid'
bef6fe thi Bbtn^." If' he ai^tepted
thiiii i6tik^i it i^ ciVident that iU
hl«o^ otttfuKed'ittiiid'lf was not witJt a
viW ofUraTtiig tlHi bi^Vttaf of his fallow

Sbrn^ hM»i MEBtBEBS. Ves, yes.

Mie; LA17BISRV \ni(J^, Mtr. Speikt»r,
I dd not' sxp66t that' tiie memberii yiko
ildW^ inter^pt me, y^iM deal ii th%
ttllitie tttanner, but, Sb^; I give' thett the
cMfcRt of haidtt^ better l^Ianoed minds
tdaif Ld^' me' Itf* hiik'own dillced
niihilitiir'eTidetat thit if'U»^^i(bc6pted the
mbU^y,' i^ mM not' witfafia view of bdtrtky-
iiiy'liis fto^H^ oMiiti^Mi— it ^tM' itm
the vittw'bf WVttkthg Ctt tUtai' itk' aiiibther
TM^,H^tf9^'he said he woaiaykart s paittfi'

dthei^yiitittiUditie*;
An-hion. HEBI!^]9B. AnoCheir r^'

^»:! IiAiUttlte I flfmiit' thilt if
tllift iN&ilS6niii^h!id been'mii^e by a' mikitf
iil'liiijsei^l^'stfdi'^ib !ibb. ^eutlemai^
oftftlD^'otU^ sMi^, it w*otild be «iiMrtij(h t<y
stlffle ^ s/kpathV We' ooilid hkve fibl*
te; Ibittt'We ^iiMi nitite due allowtoties
fik ik%'bM'm»' it iii proved' that^ if U^
wlMndt actUidljr instoie, no maiitsatf denjr
that iiifp6tt thiM iiibjiMst of poIitJM

Wk vaMww noi right oir sound ;

alM'^OttfafifeinthtitiM of a itfiiid'Ui^-'
ribmA'tit itkmtt Wd cannot apply thW
MuAk^ tests' that we shtfuld apply tb a'
vd«adki!ibi^ mlrid^H'WoaM be uufaii^ t6
^IkH' ^t heiNirfiUMtae, sMms'tome
HH^fh^aflii^jtMA thl^pqssibiMty dfobntH)'
imsf.' WhiMtthe'r4>^^rtitoameheN)
iHtM^iyd^itt the) eiblysummitt'.or'his
il^ig«%iid'«yylikgs" i«' the Ndrfh^W^
irtJM<Wfl'l)i4rd'thfctrWNiHtt tb ^Mablish

tSlQ TNOTBHflf 'in

, _ ^^ _ ., i^mt^iip^^'

hm Mueved he was m imposMsr, b^t
thosdrhd'kaMw^him'faMW at onsetwtlal^
iNKthtf nlaltelr with him; In ' tMb Pivn

isfHthiHi^Vik there iMtk nbt'aU'iUiMMI'S'
h^^t^H^ atet ii' APmost' e^^^ man'

several tltrar ooniflnecr in airflttms, and
lJKMre0(itiA it'tlw'^aiiaufreU'to tmf^[Ao|t1b eii^
QUebM that he tikd fiiOia'^onedf
those miifbrtUhM: nmh wftieli' ^ im
affliotbd.' When h\k pettUJiel w^' ttiii
gAjged'aad oommenoed to prepar^ fbl^ hi^
^udrthey saw at onee tbM if juMob tb'
himtlttd'onlyjUBtibe'to hllh wU: tb bb'
d6ne; their plea should be a plte: of ' iU^^

ItlUMi been said tiMiit]ie!Jbial\
. was a ftdr one.

I deny ii I wiH not go oVer sbiliae' 6f
the aygumetuts whloK hav^ b^ii' piit fd)^-
ward on this snbieet, but I siAc the spediU
atteUtidU' of the Housti to tl^fiEifet : This
mim aUkM f6r a; month'«^<de1^fo^1i^
ttfal ; h4» dbtiiiM eli^ daVs. Vf^HLaUt

jiMiio^r Wlstl^t ti^ii&f^MY W0

that giting fktir play t«^"%e abcmii^t
Wfato' 1^ swore that juatioe tb hiHi- oas^
dtoiaUdbd a delay of '<meUionthootlld
thiMM a&y public reason thaiiMtiKt^d'
i&instthAt deh^mdl Oould" thl^^ ttf
any' jinbUc reakhi why^ siibk a reqttili'iii
thitt dumid nbt have bbeH (gattiMI
and yet it w^ riifiiked: Jilgifior."
whed V asked fbr witneiMeii, yhM
Hkls mie^ r«»ted Bmt M, ik
iMMd^ 'refused. I agkiiu reoall m
at(eai<S6hofthe Honie to the affidavit
wUichBlergtiTe, that he wtoted ttHkuM

atd'SCi^ Dnito and otheiHi. I ^ti
at dttb^ that to bring Gabiler lyi^oftit
and IlicKel Dumas to tli& odUhthr, bdCU
of Witom' were fugitive fh>lhju)mee, yhk
hiii^y possible; but rememoei^ ibtt h(j
vm as an dternative a thfilm ii^o)iiriii
Mtfebth: feasible, and' it wOs'lbiiieaf liitai;
He asli!di' this altemMtiv^ uiidw bath':

. «11iat unless t^e PpveirT^em, of tbif oouof
t^ 6r t6t8 honiorabie court do provide the
means with which to secure thd attehduro^

of tii««lwv^ttMMd wltsMwai taaim tbtoeonrC,
It it efftntfaU to mv defenoe that the vailoiu
IMipara, wrttlnf* tnd doeumttnts t«k«c from no
•t the Ifaho of ity tuiirender to Oonenil
MkUUotOB, uid tokm by bin oad his oiBoert
ttvmmy houM subsaquaDtlT.ahooldhoplMod
in tho hands of my oouasel for their fzamina-
lion tnd ooosiderstion, previous to being put
upon my trial.'*

Riel'8 unflij^ trdfttment

Bir, 70a leethetiNatiDent of the aoooifid on
^kb oooaaion ; he asked one of two things.
He mid «ithev prooaro ma the attendance
of oertain witnesses, Gabriel Dumont and
lliohel pumas and others, pr if you oan>
QOt or will not do that, give to my counsel
the papers taken (kom me at Batedie.
Was there ever a n^we moderate or
ve?«onable j^ition presented to a court
of justice f When this man simply said :
I do not a«k those witnesses ff you caA-
not give them to me, but there is one
thing you can j^ve tp me ; you can give
me communioation of my pfipers wnich
were taken iErom me at Batoche. Why
were they pot given f Reasons of State I
Wiffi these papers, have been moved for
in thu Ipeaent Sesf^on, andf the Gtovera-
anewt f*it"'l^ ^ inotion without ^aJ
ofqeotimi. l,'lian> could not, therefore,
be any reafon ^f State. True, th^y Imvo
not been brought down yet, but the
reason fxf $tiate which was invoked at the
tr^ ii not brought foirward in tUb
Itoiip, and why i Because such a
le^apn woi^ never have stopd discus-
sion ipi this public Parliament Yet
witji ihp iijjperfeot trial ihe jury re-
tninmenaed lum to ^le meroy <^ the oouri
'Th« Minister dt Public Works M^d the
QlhtMr day that it was nothing unusual
fpr JQxies to bring in verdicts with re-
oommendatioia to rQeroy. J^^y it is not
Qi^|isual, but what is very unusnfl i* thi^t
ti« Oo!«erii«|4nt /diQ^ld give no heed to
^ reoon;up9nd(itioii. 'I hat was thann-
ipjnial thing 4?Qe on thia occasion. Aft^
we trial i^as oyer the conviction was so
4eepbr , feated ii| the minds of many
fris^ « t^e Qoyemment that amf>le.<ui4
fnll^iiftipeM not been done, th^tt the|yr
at onbe ' pentioned the Ooveramott to
Hitttf ft odmmfiiion to examine th4 pnih

in mind. Ihia petition was made^ «a I
am informed, by friends of the Qpvem-
ment, to the Government, ag«in and
again. The Government did not refuse,
but treated it simply as the petitioqa
of the half-breeds were tr^atedr— >
put oBt put ofl^ nntd the very week
that preceded the executioi^ And
then uie commission — was it a com-
missioni I dp not know what kind of a
thing it was, what kind of instruptions
were given we do not knpw. But we dp
know that upon the 8th November, 18^5,
just a week before the execution, two
medical gentlemen from the emt.were at
Bpgma and examined the prisoner,
WfBjre ^ose gentlemen sent to Begins
with the object of advising the Govern-
ment whether or not the sentence should
be omnmutedl I say emphatically, no. I
charge this against uie Government agaiiky
that when they sent this sO'Oalled oopi-
mission to Bpgina to examinp the state
of m|nd of Loiiis Biel, it was npt with a
view of determining tha questaion "frhethi^r,
thf sontenoe abpuld be carried oiit pf
commuted, but it was to throw dust in
the eyes of the paUie ^and pivihle the
Government to say afterv/ards, we Wve
Qonsnlted specialists and they have ire-
ported in lavor. of sanity.; 3ttt», Hr^
Speaker, we have ^ on reoonjl that w}sfB^,
this commission was sittiiig in Bagfa^,
when on the 6th, the 7th »M the
8th of November,, Pf:^ Xiavell and
Pr. yala4p were examining Bipl to
see whether he was insane prnot,
at that time the Goveriifnent had deter-
mined to hang Biel ; and this ^aot stancta
to the ahftine of the Gpvehitieiit^ perl
haps more than anything, else^ becawe at
that time they were sin^iJj playing «
comedy ; they ware not acting with A
view to justice ; th^ -^ere simi^y. 9^
tempting to blindfpld the jpepplje-— tp. dp^
cttve the peppjie. , Why> ^v, the Qrdtr
in Ooundl contajiijiiig the de(4l49>i ^ the

Goven^nentwaspmaedonithA l^ Pf
Npvemhinr,,but long, before ^^hat timii,t|^i

Qpvemment h«dVoome tp^thfiroonolfL*
lien., iFhe hon. Minister c^ if^i^tfft about

any

«skit

•there!

'than-

fortl

send

«onvil

the of

insanl

time,[

cidedl

objec(

(nrero-

week

And

oom<

pdof a

rnotiona

we. do

, im,

in, *wo
were at
iriaoner^

Begins
Ck>vem-
Bghoold
^, no. I
(itagai^
ed oopn-
he atftte
t with a
,whe(4w
I out qr

dust in
ka}>le the
we W*e
haveiTO-

^ut^Hi;.*

hat1lrlae^

Rigin#,

and the

yell apd

Biel to

) (IT not,

tad ^ief'

aotstanctill

liMiK^ pep*

l»eoaiiMiit

playing a

log wittfia

aimply fft-

^B— todjB^

*• PrdMP

ifir oaaK^fL'
ilij^aibwi

that time taaAe a trip to the North- West.
He arrived at Winnipeg on the 7th or
8th of November, so that he must have
left Ottawa about the 3rd or 4th, or the
2nd of November ; and before the hon.
gentlemen had left Ottawa for W;- "' oeg,
the sentence, if not recorded, had been
decided upon by the advisors of His
Excellency. We have the

Evidence of the Premier himself

as to that. Here is a letter which was
sent by the hon. Prime Minister to the
hon. Minister of Militia :

"Ottawa, 20th Novomber, 1885.

"My Dear Gabon, — You say you are
charged with having left Ottawa before the
deCiSion of the Governor in Council was ar-
rived at with respect to Louis Kiel, and as if
for the purpose of avoiding being party to the
decision.

"This is not the case, the Council had come
to the conclusion that it was necessary, in the
interest of justice, that the sentence should be
allowed to be carried into elfect, in your
presence as a Member of the Council, before
you left for Winnipeg."

Sir, we must give the Minister of Militia
his due ; he has had a full share in the
hanging of Louis Biel ; let him have
what really appertains to him. Betore
he left Ottawa, the sentence had been
decided between him and his colleagues.
Let him have his full share of the
merit, if merit there be, or the
shame ; let him have also his full
share of the comedy which was Afterwards
played before the public. For, I ask
it of any man in his senses — I ask it of
any man on the Opposition benches I
ask it of any man in this country— us
•there ever a more

Shameftil thing enacted by a
Government,

'than — after they had decided to execute
for the purpose of blinding the public, to
send a commission to enquire whether the
<M>nvic^ was insane or not ) What was
the object of enquiring whether he was
insane or not, if the Government, at that
time, had made up their minds and de-
cided that he should be hanged) The
•object was to do what has since been

done — to say to the people of Canada :
We have consulted medical officers, and
they have reported, and upon their report
we have acted. Sir, it was not upon this
report that they acted ; this report was a
false note, and they did not act upon it,
because when they got it their decision
had been arrived at; and upon this I
arraign the Government of the couutiy,
not only as being guilty of a cruel act,
but as being guilty of an attempt to
deceive the people of this country.
Sir, if the Government had been
desirous of learning whether Kiel was
insane or sane, there was no need of
sending a commission to examine him.
It would have been sufficient to
look at his history ; it would have been
sufficient even to look at his record in the
rebellion. We have it now as a fact of
history that while Eiel was inducing that
rebellion, he chose as his chief adviser
and secretary, a man notoriously insane,
William Joseph Jackson, who signed his
letters and Orders in Council. Will it
be pretended by any man that if Kiel
had been in his senses, if he had had a
sane and discerning mind, be would have
accepted an insane man as his chief
adviser? Wliy did this not strike
hon. gentlemen opposite? One of the
things which we in Lower Canada have
felt as deeply as we have ever felt any-
thing, is that we have believed that the
measure of justice which was extended to
Louis Kiel was not the same measure of
justice which was extended to William
Joseph Jackson. Jackson was put upon
his trial, and I am bound to say this,
in duty to the Crown prosecutors, that
upon that occasion they did their duty,
lliey acknowledged at once the insanity
of the prisoner and directed an acquittal
The trial of Jackson took place on the
24th of July last. Mr. Osier, counsel
for the Crown, in opening the case, spoke
as follows :

"The prisoner is charged with having par-
ticipated in the recent rebellion, with having
acted In the capacity of private secretary to
Louis Kiel, the leader of the rebellion. He is
charged here now formally with ^his cr^ne,
but it is understood tbat the counsel for ,the
prisoner, Mr, McArtbur, will be able to give

TfJ

yon Mtitfactory evidencA of the Insanity of
the prisoner, and that he is not really rospon>
slble, and was not rosponsiblo tor the acts
committed by him. The Crown do not pro-
pose to c6ntest that contontion on the part or
the prisoner's counsel. *rhe evidence, in Tact,
comes Trom the medical men who have ex
amined the prisoner on the part of the Crown,
and evidence that has como to the knowledge
oC counsel for the Grown, during the course
of preparation for othor trials, is conclusive
that, at the time he committed the acts, he
was not responsible for them."

Evidence of Intermittent
Insanity.

Now, Sir, it is important to look at the
evidence which was adduced on that oc-
casion. Dr.^ Jukes was examined :

"By Mr. Osier— Q. Is he so insane thai it
would be unfair to say he was not responsible
for his acts? — A. There are occasions when
I would consider he would be quite re-
sponsible; to-day he spoke and reasoned
with me in a manner that was very clear, but
only three days ago he was dazed. Bis mind
seemn to be dazed. ( do not think that, to
bring him at a moment's notice, he would be
capable of conducting his trial, or of doing
justice to himself in any manner.

" Q. To a considerable extent, your opinion
is, tbat he could not control his actions ?— A.
I have never seen anything about him to give
me th6 tmprdssiort thftt hiB aetion? w?re un-
controllable. It is rather hts mdntal halla-
cinaMon!>i bis ideas. He holds peculiar ideas
on religious matters In connection with this
tirouble, and in connection with the new reli-
gion of which he thinks that Louis Riel is the
founder, and 'which he thinks it is bis duty to
sustain.

"Q. Would this be consistent with his
committing crime ? — A. If he spoke rationally
I would think so, but he does not.

"Q. Then you would not hold him respon-
sible for acts done in connection with these
ideas ? — A. If he committed any acts in the
condition he is now, I would not hold him
responsible. The slightest excitement pre
duces a great efTect upon him."

Well, Mr. Speaker, I ask any fair-minded
man if this applies to William Joseph
Jackson, would not every line of it apply
equally to Louis Riel ? Is it not a fact that
these two men were deluded on the same
subjects f Jackson spoke rationally, but
he had hallacinatious, just as Riel had ;
•ad yet one of these men is acquitted, is
aent to an asylum, and is then allowed to
escape, while Louis Rial is sent to the

gallows. Jackson is free to-day, and Riel
is in his grave. I therefore cannot come
to any other conclusion than that upon
this occasion the same measure of justice
which was extended to one man was not
extended to the other. I do not want to
raise national pi-ejudices, but prejudices
are not always the out-growth of ignoble
passion ; sometimes they are simply the
outgrowth of a noble passion ; national
prejudices may be the outgrowth of
national pride, and when ^he people ef
Lower Canada found that the one prisoner
was treated in one way and the other in a
different way, there was occasion, at
least, why they should feel as they did
upon this matter. But we nevev
knew, until the Minister of Public
Works spoke the other day, what
was the true reason of the execur
tion of Riel. We have it now ; he haa
spoken and we know what was the Imo
inwardness of it. The Government had
written a pamphlet in order to justify
themselves. The utility of that pamph-
let is gone ; it never had any ; not one
of the reasons it gave for the execution
of Riel was the true reason. It nevei;
had any usefulness at all, except, perhaps
^ f^ffo^n^ to the Government Job print-
ing to

Settle the WaveringrOonscfenoes

of some of their followers. But now we
know the true reason why Riel was ex*^
ecuted, and here it is in the language o£
the Minister of Public Works :

"We had this before us, we had the fact
that Louis Riel had, fifteen years before tbis,
committed an act which was considered at
the time one that should havo been punished
In the most severe way. > .'le prisoner, Louis
Riel, at that time was not condemned to a
severe punishment; he was allowed to re-
main out of the country for Ave years, and he
was not brought before a tribunal to be tiied,
and.punished or absolved, for the death of
Thomas Scott."

Here is the reason — the death of Hiomas
Scott. Since I have named Thomas
Scott, let me pause a moment. The
Minister of Public Works said the other
day that those whe sympathised with Riel
could not condemn the Government for

" hi.

for
def<
the
gov<
rea8(
Riel
is a (
consi
deatl
for 01
prese
death
ways
most]
red in
of thoi
possib]
now hi
sound,
of soui
If cruel I
Scott \
ment
/acto gr
of judio
Whethe
»de,fae
manha<
gentlem
we resp
tion of
memory
iheDuI
momoryl
Louis ~
IVenoh
Admira]
Oovei
<tf Mary]
<rfQu«e/
of Riel

TfaedeaH
of Riel
numthi
oune,dij
Soott vrij
1870, th]
«itil thi
I

ome
ipo«
Btice
\ not
at to
dices
loble
' the
bionaV
h of
p\e •i
isoner
Bf in a
on, at
jy did

neven

Public

trhat

exeoa-

[xe trao

)nt bad

juBtiff

pampb-

not one

xecution

:t never,

perhaps

ab ]jtintt-

clefnoeff

; now we
I was ex'^
Dguage o£

id the fact
jefore tnis.
nsidered at
sn punished
soner, Louis
demned to a
lowed to re-
ears, and be
lUobetned,
,he death ot

1 of Tbomft*
leA Thomas
nent. The
lid the other
wdwitbBiel
rerninfiD'ti fot

bis execution, became they exouied him
for the execution of Bcott, and the only
defence made in his favor was that
the act was done by a de facto
government. This was not the true
reason. Whether the government of
Riel was a de facto government or not,
is a question upon which there may be
considerable difference of opinion. The
death of Scott has not been prosecuted
for other reasons, to which I shall come

Sresently, but eince I have spoken of the
eath of Scott, I must say that I have al-
ways held the view that it was one of the
most painful tragedies that has ever occur-
red in the life of any country; it was one
of those acts for which there could be no
possible excuse, uuless the excuse we
now have, that the man's mind was un-
sound. I cannot conceive that any one
of sound mind could have committed so
cruel an act Whether the death of
Scott was the act of a de facto govern-
ment or not, does not matter. De
facto governments are sometimes guilty
of judicial murders, as w> know to-day.
Whether the act of Riel was the act of
a de, facto Government or not, if that
man had been responsible for his acts, as
gentlemen on the Treasury benches
are responsible for theirs, then the execu-
tion of Scott would be a stain on the
memory of Riel, just as the execution of
the Duke D'Enghien is a stain on the
memory of l^apoleon, as the execution of
Louis X YI is a stain on the records of the
French Convention, as the execution of
Admiral Byng is a stain on the English
(Government of that day, as the execution
of Mary Stuart is a stain on the memory
of Qu^n Elizabeth, and as the execution
of Riel will be a permanent stain' and

Sbameozxthe present Goyem-
ment.

The death of Scott is the cause of the death
of Riel ixyday ! Why, if the hon. gentle-
man trunks tiiat the death of Scott was a
crime, did he not punish Riel at the time 1
Scott was executed in the early days of
1870, tbe Qovemment remained in power
natil the fall of 1873, yet they never

did anything to bring that man to justice^
who had committed such a crime as they
tiktj now he committed. 1870-7 1-72-78^
almdt four full years, passed away, and
yet the Government, knowing snob a
crime as it has been represented here had
been committed, never took Any step ta
have the crime punished. What was
their reason 1 The reason was that the
Government had promised to condone
the oflence ; the reason was that the Gov-
ernment were not willing to let that man
come to trial, but, on the contrary, actu*^
ally supplied him with money to
induce him to leave the country, and
Sir, I aek any man on the other
side of the House, if this offence
was punishable, why was it not
punished then? And if it was not.
punitihabl^ then, why should it be>
punishtrd now ) The language of;
the hon. gentleman is obvious, it is plain,,
it is transparent, it was spoken with the
view of reaching the feelings of a certain
section of our countrymen ; but I recijl
to hon. gentlemen the language which'
was spoken by the Minister of Militia^
who showed that this offence should haver
been fully pardoned at the time. Well,
if the offence was to be fully pardoned at
the time, is it fair to bring it as a charge
against the offender now 1 Is it now fair
to base a condemnation of death against
him, upon it 1 Sir, I say it is one of the
greatest mistakes — not a mbtake alone,,
but one of the gravest wrongs against the
rights of mankind that ever was per-
petiated by any Government. Yet I
must say I was not altogether sur-
prised at the language of the hon..
Minister of Public Works. We had
heard something of that before. The
Secretary of State visited his county
in the month of January, and he also
spoke of this event and the execution of
Louis Riel. The Minister of Public
Works would not meet his accusers except
upon the floor of Piarliament. The
Secretary of State did not object to meet
the people, but not his accusers. Still,,
he went to Terrebonne, and here is the
manner in which be spoke of

Th0 Death of Soott :

" I have my •ympathies Tor the hair breeds,
^nd I hive proved It ; I htve proved it berore
to-day. In IH74, when AmbrolBo Lupine was
accused of murder, I travelled over 5.000
miles to defend him. I did not go round
passinn my hat for subscriptions to pay me
for defending the iiccusod. I did it mantully,
without any hope of reward. (Cheers.) The
insurrection of 1870 had a color of an excuse.
Men highor than I am in politics havM gone
fo for as to say that thero was iustillcation
for the rebellion of that day. It was the
assertion of the rights of nationality against
the fiO'Sion of territory by supremo power. I
defended my ciionl and during thit d-jfenco I
liad proof, and the best proof, too, that the
killing of the unfortunate Scott, was one of
the most atrociou.s murders ev.-r cc imilted.
That atrocious murder was without the con-
nivance and without tiro approval of Lfipiao,
but it was the result of the seldsli vengeance
of th< then dictator of the Norih-Wost— Louis
Rlel"

Such was the l«uguage spo'cen by the
hon. gentleman |on that occasion. He was
speaking something like ten years after
he had gone to the North- West to defend
Ambroise Lupine, and after he had ac-
quired that knowledge which enabled
him to say that the murder of Soott was
one of the most atrocious murders ever
<:ommitted. Yet, scoroelj a few weeks
after his return from Winnipeg, where
he had defei)ded Lupine, the hon.
gentleman moved in the Legislature of
Quebec, a resolution, in which he thus
chanMterises the act which he now repre-
a&nia m one of the most atrocious mur-
ders ever committed :

«The troubles in the settlement of the Reid
River, now the Province of Manitoba, in
1366-70, unfortunately produced a conflict of
such a nature as to develop into a rising of
'Considerable magnitade. The leaders of that
movement then constituted themselves into a
^government, and one act to be deplored, pei^
petrated under the assumed authority of that
government, was the execution of one of the
subjects of her Majesty. • * • • While
Jsowing to the verdict rendered against one of
the actors in the movement above mentioned,
public opinion in that remote Province of
Manitoba, as well as in other Provinces of the
Doininion, and even in England, has been
«trongly impre8s<!d with the idea that the
deplorable act of violence is so interwoven
with the political events of that unhappy
jperiod as to render |t impossible to assimilate

it to ordinary oases of murder. • • * *
With the view of satisfying such sentiment
of clemency, and of realizing th<i ideas of
conciliation, p^ace and tranquility, which
presided over the establishment of the Con-
federation, and farther, with the view of
removing all causes of divisions and hostile
sontloaents from among the various national-
ities of the country, and especia'ly with the
view of giving eifect to the recommendation
to mercy wlilch the jury couphd with their
verdict, your Excellency Is humbly prayed to
be pleased to exercise, In favor of Atnnrolse
L6plne, now under sentence, the royal pre-
rogative of mercy, by extending to him grace
and pardon."

Now, if in 1874, the hon. gentleman, just
fresh from "Winnipeg, where he hid just
defended L6pine, represented this act as
one "so interwoven with the political
events of that unhappy pariod a.s to
render it impossible to assimilate it to
ordinary cases ot" murder," in order to
obtain the lite of one man, is it
fair and just now to represent the same
act as an atrocious murder in order
to take the life of another man ? Sir
this issue of the death of Scott has
long been a buried issue, and it should
not have been brought up again for po-
litical cons^'deration. There was a time
when it was a living issue, too living an
issue, before the people of this country.
When the Administration of my hon.
friend the member for East York (Mr.
Mackenzie) came into power, that had
been for years a living, burning issue
before the public. Scott had been eze-
cuted in the early days of 1870.

An amnesty had been promised

by the men who now ait on the Treasury
benches, but thev never had the courage
to carry it out; tliey never had the coun^
to stand by their word and deal to the
offenders in that rebellion, what ihoy had
promised to them. They allowed years
and years to pass, and, in the meantime,
passions wore getting more and more
bitter. There are prejudices in Ontario,
and there are prejudices in Quebec,
and upon snoh a question the people of
Ontario took one yiew and the people, of
Quebec took the other view. The people
of Ontario demanded that the law should

;

if we
launch
I am
upon
leaf frd
the Bou^
over, tl
then fu]
Andersc
demandl
topolit
were
broughtl

Noti

rota
lo-day

'•■i'

imenl
E^as or
which
J Con-
ew of
hostile
Uonftl-
th the
idatlon
I ihelr
lyed to
abrolee
al pre-
1 grace

in, just
id just
I act M
lolitioal

aH to^
be it to
rclor to
, is it
ho same
I order
n? Sir
ott has

should

for po-
I a time
iving an
country.
ny hon.

•k (Mr.
hat had
ag issue
yt^ eXA'

>mi8ed

Treasurj
courage
e courage
alto tlie
thoy had
iredyean
(ieantime»
^nd more
Ontario,
Quebec,
people of
people, o£
'he people
a V should

i«'

take its oourse ; the peopio of Qaebeo de-
BMUnded that the promises of the Oovem-
BMot should be osrried out ; and between
the two Provinces the Oovemment hsd
not the courage to do anything, and they
allowed this bitterness of feelug to grow
uitil it became a public danger, which
they had not the courage to face. But
when the €U>vernment of my hon. friend
the member for East York came into
power, they grappled with the ditlioulty
and settled it in a way which must ever
be a credit to them. They sailed their
followers from Ontario and their followers
from Quebec each to give up a oer>
tain portion of their pretensions for
the oommoa weal, each to sacrifice upon
the altar of their country something of
their pretensions and to unite upon a
common course ; and upon that they
united, and the result has been what was
stated 'by the hoa member for Rouville
(Mr. Qigault), that at last peace pre-
vailed which had been unknown for
many long years. This issue of the death of
Thomas Scott has been long dead, and
now it is raised by whom 1 It is raised
by members opposite— the last men who
should ever speak of it. Sir, we are a
new nation, we are attempting to unite
the different conflicting elements which
we have into a nation. Shall we ever
succeed

If the Bond of Union is to be
Reyenge,

if we are to rake up the old sores and
lannoh them at the heads of one another)
I am sorry that the Government
upon this occasion did not take a
leaf from the bode of our friends to
the south, of us. After the civil war was
over, there were men who, when they
then fully learnt of the outrages at the
Andersonville prison and other places,
demanded that, if an amnesty was given
to political offenders, a^ least those who
were guilty of those outrages should be
brought to justice ; but

Not a Drop of Blood was Shed,

rot a trial was had, and it is manifest
to<lay that the nation is the greater for

it. I am sorry also that the Qovemmeiit
did not take another leaf flrom the book
of the American nation. I believe there
was a reason — a reason adequate lo my
mind, at least — why they should hav9
granted, if not an amnesty — I do not say
that — at all events a commutation of
sentence. On the 13th May, the day
after the battle of Batoohe, Qeneral
Middleton, the commander of the forces,
wrote as follows to Louis Riel :—

« Mr. Riel,— I am ready to receive you and
your council, and to prottct you uotll your
couio has been deoidod upon by the Canadian
Government.

" Fhed. Miuolbton."

Riel surrendered. Did he or did he not
surrender in virtue of that letter, of that
invitation of General Middleton 1 On
that point there can be no better evidence
than that of General Middleton himself :

"May I5ih.— I sent out parliei of mounted
men, uader Major Boulton, to scour the
woods. In the afternoon two scouts — Arm-
strong and Hourle— who had been henl out
with Boulton, and had moved away by them-
selves, came upon Riel, who gave himseirup,
producing my letter to him, in which I sum-
moned him to surrender and promised to
protect him until his case was considered by
the Canadian Government."

8ir, is there not evidence here that Riel
then surrendered by virtue of the invita-
tion given by General Middleton? If
such is the case, then I submit it to any
man's sense of justice and honor if the
Canadian Government were justified
afterwards in executing a man, their pris-
oner upon their own invitation 1 It may
be that legally speaking Biel could not
bring this as a bar in his trial to any
indictment against him, but it seems to
me that it is repugnant to anyone's sense
of honor and justice that a man whom
you have invited to become your prisoner
in order to avoid the death of a soldier
upon the battle field, should afterwards
be hanged to a gibbet.

The Letter of General Middleton

was undoubtedly dictated by the most
humane sentiments and not only that,
but it is evident also that the course
was politic. We see by the report

*!*^..--,

of the General that, after the cap-
ture of Batuche, oae of hU objects w^as
the capture of Biel. We caH easily un-
derstajid that. As long as Kiel was in
the field the rebellioa was not ended, and
there was a possibility that he might or
ganise guerilla bands, and more lives and
treasure would have to be spent before
the rebellion was suppressed. The Gen-
states in bis report :

"May 14th— We marched for Lupine's
Crossing. Having halted for dinnt'r, I received
inrormation that Riel was somewhere in the
vicinity, so determined to muice for Guar dapui,
or Short's Grossing, which was some miles
nearer, and cdmp for the night."

7',

You see the General is obliged to alter
his course, because Riul is in a certain
direction which he had not anticipated.
Then when Riel surrendered, the least the
Government could do, was not to
treat him as they would have done if
he had been taken on the field of battle.
We have in this matter the precedent of
Geneml Lee and General Grant. On the
2nd April, 1865, Richmond, which had
8o long withstood the Union forces, sur-
rendered, and General Lee commenced
his retreat with the object of joining his
forces with those of General Johnston.
He was followed closely by the victorious
army, and, on the 7th of April, General
Grant sent him a letter, not inviting,
l)at simply suggesting to him to surren-
der. General Lee refused, and continued
to fight ; but, two days afterwards, find-
ing that his situation was hopeless, he
sought a conference with General Grant,
and accepted the invitation to surrender.
General Grant dictated his terms, and
here they are :

"Appomattox Court House, Virginia,

9th April, 1885,

" General,— In accordance with the sub-
stance nf my letter to you of the 8th instant, I
propflie to receive the surrender of the army
of NCHf^ern Virginia on the following terms,
to wi])<: Rolls of all t^e oOicers and men to be
made In duplicate, one copy to be given by an
officer designated by me, the other to be re-
tained by such officer or officers as you may
designate. The officers to give their indivi-
dual paroles not to take up arms against the
Crovemmeat of the United States until pro-

perly exchanged, and each company or regi-
mental commander to sign a like parole for
the men of his command. The arms, artillery
and public property to be packed and stacked,
and turned over to the officers appointed by
me to receive them. This will not embrace
the side arms of the officers, nor their private
horses or baggage. This done, each o'Bcer
and man will be allowed to return to his
home, not to be disturbed by the United
Stales authority so long as they observe their
paroles and the laws in force where they may
reside."

U. S. Grant.
General R. C. Lee.

There you see that the surrendered army
were paroled. They were not confined,
but allowed to go at liberty so long a«
as th y did not take up arms again and
violate the laws of the United States ; but
some authorities in the United States
held that this did not prevent the Gov-
^ ernment from prosecuting the leaders for
treason ; for guilty of treason they cer-
tainly were. The new President of the
United States, Andrew Johnson, took
steps to bring General Lee, and several
of the most prominent officers to trial
This was steadily opposed by General
Grant.

The magnanimity of General
Grant's character

then came out, and he threatened to re-
sign his position in the army if General
Lee aiid the other prisoners of war were
tried for treason. A few months after-
wards a committee of Congress sat upon
the question. General Grant was brought
before' the committee and gave tbiiy
evidence : ^

" I frequently had to intercede for General
Lee and other paroled officers, on the ground
that their i arolo, so long a- they observed the
laws of the United States, protected thwm *
from arrest and trial. The President, at that
time, occupied exactly the reverse grounds,
viz., that they should be tried and punished.
He wanted to know when the time would
come when they would be punished. I told *
him not so long as they obeyed the law and
complied with the stipulation.

" Eldridge.— You looked on that in the
nature of a parole, and held that they could,,
only be tried when they violated that parcle.

"Grant.— Yes, that is the view I took of the
question.

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"Grant.— No, Sir, he did not take any
parole. It applied to no person who was
captured — only to these who were paroled.

" Eldridge. - Did the President insist that
Xieneral Lee sliouldbe tried for treason?

" Grant —He contended for it I insisted

that Gentiral Lee would not have surrendered
his army, or given up their arms, if he had
suppoepii that after surrender, he was going
to be tried for treason and hanged."

f\^'NoWy is it not manifest, as was stated by
the hon. member for West Huron the
other night, that if Kiel had supposed
that in surrendering he would meet with
the same fate as if he was taken prisoner,
he would never have surrendered, but
would have done as Gabriel Dumont and
several others didi Becurring to the
American case, who can doubt that of
those two men, Andrew Johnson and
General Grant, the true statesman, the
true patriot, was the

One who advocated clemency?

You see the result today. Scarcely
twenty years have passed away since that
rebellion, the most terrible that ever
bUook a civilised nation, was put down,
and because of the merciful course adopted
by tbe victors, the two sections of
that country are now more closely
united than ever before, more closely even
than they 'twere when fighting for their
independence. The Canadian Govern-
ment should have followed this example,
and I repeat again that we cannot make
a nation of this new country hy shedding
blood, but only by extending mercy and
charity for aU political offences. The
Government say they were desirous of
giving a lesson. In the last paragraph
of their written defence, they say :

"lo deciding for the application for th^

, commutation of sentence passed upon th

prisoner the Government were obliged to keep

in view the need of exemplary and deterrent

punishment committed in a country situated

in regard to settlement and population as are

, the North- Wnst Territories ; the isolation and

I' defenceless ^position of the settlers already

[ there ; the horrors to which they have been

[ exposed in the event of an Indian outbreak ;

the efiest upon intending settlers of any

weakness in the hi ministration of law,
and the couse(|uencos which must folloir
such a course m a country if it came
to be believed that suiJh crimes' as Riel'g
could be committed rithout incurring th*
extreme penally of the law, by and one who
was either subject to delusions, or could lead
people to believe he was so subject."

Indeed the Government have convinced
all the people here mentioned, the half-
breeds, the Indians, the white settlers,
that their arm u long and strong, and
that they are powerful to punish. Would
to heaven that they had taken as much
pains to convince them all.the half-breeds,
Indians and whit(j settlers, of their desire
and their willingness to do them justice,
to treat them fairly. Had they taken as
much pains to do right, as they have
taken to punish wrong, they never would
have had any occasion to convince those
people, that the law cannot be violated
with impunity, because the law would
never have baen violated at all. But
to day, not to speak of those who have
lost their lives.

Our prisons are ftiU of men

who, despairing ever to get justice by
peace, sought to obtain it by war, who,
despairing of ever being treated like free-
men, took their lives in their hands, rather
than be treated as slaves, They have suf-
fered a great deal, they are suffering still;
yet, their sacrifices will not be without
reward. Their leader is in the grave ;
they are in durance, but from their
prisons they can see that that justice, that
liberty which they sought in vain, and
for which they fought not iu vain, has at
last dawned upon their country. Their
fate well illustrates the truth of Byron's
invocation to liberty, in the introduction
to the Prisoner of Chillon : —

" Eternal Spirit of the chainless mmd I
Brightest in dungeons. Liberty thou art !
For there thy habitation is the heart —
The heart which love of thee alone can bind ;
And when thy sons to fetters are consigned—
To betters ana the damp vault's dayless gloom,
Their countri conquers with their martyrdom."

Yes, their country has conquered with
their martyrdom. They are in durance
to-day; but the rights for which they

#0re fighting have been acknowledged.
We have not the report (Mf the commiBsion
yet, but we know that more than two
t&ousand olaima bo long denied have been
at last granted. And more—still more.
We have it in the Speech from the Throne
that at last representation is to be grant-
ed to those Territories. This side of the
House long sought, but sought in vain, to

obtain that measure of justice. It ooiUd
not oome then, but it came after the war ;
it came as the last conquest of that in*
surreotion. And again I say that th^
country has conquerod with their martyr*
dom, and if we look at that one fact aIon»
there' was cause sufficient, independant of
all ethers, to extend mercy to the one wha
is dead and to those who live.

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