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!. 2

AN'

ADDRESS

TO THE

People of Great Britain.

BY R. WATSON,

LORD BISHOP OF LANDAFF.

SEVENTH EDITION.

Ilontion :

PRINTED FOR R. FAULDER, NEW BOND STREET,

COOPER AND GRAHAM, WILD COURT, LINCOLN's-INK

FIELDS.

[Price One Shilling.']

}

ADDRESS

TO THE

People of Great Britain,

6cc. 6cc.

My fellow- countrymen.

1 HE fentimcnts which I (hall, in this ad-
drefs, take the hherty of ftatincr to you on
fome intereftiiig points, will, I hope, meet
with your candid attention; if not from their
worth, from the confideration that they are
the fentimcnts of an independent miui. I am
neither the friend or enemy of any party in
the flate: and am fo far an im.pradicablc
man, that on all public quertions of import-
ance I will follow the didlatcs of my own indi-
vidual judgement. No favour which I could
receive from this or from any adminiftration
would induce me to fupport meafures which
I diHikcd ; nor vriil any negka I may expe-

[ ^ ]

rlcnce Impel me to oppofe meafures which I
approve.

A new fyflcm of finnnce -has tliis year
been introduced; and I fairly own it has my
approbation as far as it goes. It has given
great difcontent to many ; but it has given
none to me. I lament, as every man muft
^o, the necefilty of impofnig fo heavy a bur-
then on the community ; and, with a family
of eight children, I fliall feci its preflurc as
much as moft men : but I am fo far from
cenfurins; the minifter for having; done fo
much, that I (incerely wifh he had done a
great deal more. In the prefent fituation of
Great Britain, and of Europe, palliatives are
of no ufe, half-meafures cannot fave us.
Inftead of callint^ for a tenth of a man's in-
come, I widi the minifler had called for a
tenth or for fuch other portion of every man's
whole property as would have enabled him
not merely to make a temporary provifion for
the war, but to have paid off, in a few years,
the whole or the greateft part of the national
debt.

[ 3 ]

_ A milHon a year lias been wlfdy fct apart
^or the rcch,ai<H> of the <lcl,t; and l,;ul we
continued ar peace, its operation would have
been beneficially felt in a few years: hui, in
our prefent circumflances, and with an ex-
peftatit,,, of tlic rccurrcnry of war a.t fhort
periods, it is not one, two or tliree millions
•1 year, that can prcfcrvc iis from bank-
'■uptcy. Wc had bettor ftniggle to ellia the
extinaion of the debt in (Ive years than in
fifty, though our exertion, during the Sorter
period, ihould be proportioiiably greater.

A nation is but a colk-aion of individuals
united into one bo.Iy for mutual benefit; and
a national debt is a debt belonging to every
individual, in proportion to the property he
pofleffes; and every individual may be juftly
called upon for his quota towards the liqui-
dation of it. No man, relatively fpeakinp-
will be either richer or poorer by this pay-
ment being generally made, for riches and
poverty are relative terms : and when all the
members of a community are proportionably
reduced, the relation between the individuals,
as to the quantum of each man's property,

1! 2

SSKHB

[ 4 ]

rcmaliiln'j: unaltered, the iiullvlduals them-
felves will feel no elevation or clepreiHon in
the f'calc of focicty. When all the founda-
tions of a great building fink upiformly, the
lymmctry of the parts is not injured; the
prefllirc on each member remains as it was ;
no rupture is made: the building will not be
fo lofty, but it may fland on a better bottom.
It does not require an oracle to inform us
(though an oracle has faid it) that riches have
been the ruin of every country; they banifh
the limplicity of manners, they corrupt the
morals, of a people, and they invite invaders.
If we pay the national debt, we may not live
quite lb luxurioufly as wc have done; but
this change will be no detriment either to
our virtue as men, or to our fafety as mem-
bers of fociety.

'■'i

I confider the property of men united in
fociety fo far to belong to the flate, that any
portion of it may be juftly called for by the
legiflature, for the promotion of the common
good; and it is then mod equitably called
for, when all individuals, poffeffing property
of any kind, contribute in proportion to their

5 them-
2iT\oi\ in
foil n da-
lly, the
ed; the
it was ;
I not be
bottom,
form us
les have
y banifh
•upt the
[ivaders.
not live
no; but
ither to
9 mem-

itcd in
lat any
by the
lommoii
called
roperty
to their

[ 5 ]

pofleflions. This is a principle foobviouflyjufl:,
that it is attended to as much as pofril)lt' in every
fcheme of finance; and it would be tlic univcr-
fal rule of taxation, in every country, could the
property of individuals be exa^lly afcerrained.
Much obje£lion is made to tlie obliging men
to difcover the amount of their prt^perty ; but
I have never heard a fufficient reafon in fup-
port of the objection. I can fee a reafon why
merchants, tradefmen, contractors, money-

\ jobbers, who deal in lari^e fpcculations on
credit, and without an adequate capital,

n fhould be unwilling to difclofc their property ;
but I do not fo clearly fee what mifchief

ft would arife to the community if they were
obliged to do it.

The value of every man's landed property
is eafily known ; the value of his monied
property in the funds is known; and his
monied property in mortgages and bonds
might as cafily be known, if an adt of parlia-
ment was pafled, rendering no mortgage or
bond legal which was not regiflered. Th«
greateft difficulty would be in afcertaining
the value of flock in trade: but a jury of

B 3

[ 6 ] .

nciglihours co-operating with the probity of
merchants niul manufadliircrs, and that regard
for character which generally dinin^:uiflK'S
men in bulincfs, woulil fettle tliat point.

I have lately converfed with a variety of
men, in different Aations, and in diilorent
parts 0^ the kingdom, and have ilarccly met
with one among the landed gentry, and with
none among the manufacturers, rradcfmen,
farmers, and artificers of the country, who
has not declared that he had much rather
pay his portion of the principal of the na-
tional debt, than be harrailcd with the taxes
dcftined for tlie payment of the intereft of
it. This is true patriotiiin, and good fenfc ;
and were wc in our prefent circumflances to
difcharge the whole, or the greatcd part of
the national dfbt, all Europe would admire
our>*magnanimity ; and France herfelf would
tremble at the idea of fubjugating fo high-
fpirited a people.

The minifter, I am perfuaded, is too en-
lightened not to have confidcred this fubjecl ;
and objedlions may have occurred to him,

Mty of
t renrard

It.

rlcf V of
lilTcircnt
v\y met
id with
Icfnien,
\r, who
rather
the iia-
ic t;ixcs
ivcft of
[ fenfc ;
rices to
part of
admire
would
high-

oo en-
jbjecl ;
him,

t 7 ]

which have n ,t occurred to me. I have
veutured to ftatc it for general confideratiou ;
that it may not be quite new, if we fhould
at length be compelled to have recourfe to
fuch an expedient. There would be fome
difficulty in alcertainlng every man*s pro-
perty ; but where there is a willino- mind to
remove difficulties, tbey arc feldom infur-
mountable. The modifications which the
bill for incrcafing the aflLfibd taxes has un-
dergonc, ai^e numerous, and in general judi-
cious ; and are a proof that the moil per-
plexing difficulties yiel 1 to impartial and de-
liberative wifdom.

One modification has not been noticed;
at Icafl, J have not fcQu it ftatcd in lb clear
a manner as it might be flatcd; and I will
mention it, as not undcferving attention, if
the bufinefs fhouid ever be refumed in ano-
ther form.— Permanent income arifes either
from (he rent of land, or from the intereft of
money, or from an annuity. The annuitants
are very numerous in the kingdom. PoUef-
fors of entr/ilcd eikt s, widows with join-
tures, the bifhops and clerov, th.e judo-es and

B 4

■i»

[ 8 J

poflcfibrs of patent places during life, the
olilre.'\> of the -.iiv^y niul navy, and mAiiy
others under difi'crent denominations, fupport
thcmfelves upon property terminating with
their hvcs. I'he lives of pofTeflbrs of annui-
ties n)?.y, taking the old and the young to-
gether, be worth twelve years purchafc. An
annuitant then, who has an income of lool.
and MO other property, is worth 1 200I. ; fo
that ill paying a tenth of his income, he pays
am hundred and twentieth part o^ his W'hole
property. A perfon poffefled of an income
of lool. arifing from a property of 2000I. let
out at an intereft of 5I. per cent, in paying a
tenth of his income, pays a two hundredth
part of his property. A perfon poflelling an
income of rool. arifing from land, in paying
a tenth of his income, pays (eftimating land
at thirty years purchafe) a three hundredth
part of his property. Men under thcfe dif-
ferent dcfcriptions pay equally, though their
properties are unequal in the proportion of
lix, ten, and fifteen.

Much objection alfo has on all hands been
made to die touching of the funds by taxation :

[ 9 ]

but I own that I do not fee any fufficient
reafon why property in the funds may not be
as jullly as any other property fubjea: to the
dlfpofalof thclcglflature. I make this ob-
fervation with pcrfca impartiality ; foracon-
fiderable part of the httle property I poflefs
is in the funds. Parliament has pledged the
nation to the payment of the interefl of the
money which has been borrowed, till the
principal is paid off; but when the debt is
become fo great, that the rental of the king-
dom will fcarcely pay the intereft of It, T do
not fee any breach of contra^:, any want of
equity, in the leglflature of the country fay-
ing to the public creditor— the pofleffors of
land are giving up a tenth or a twentieth part
of ail they are worth for the public fervice ;
the poffeflbrs of houfes, of ftock in trade,
of mortgages and bonds, are doing the fame
thing — what reafon can be given why you
Ihou Id be exempted? You plead the faith of
Parliament.— Be it fo ! Parliament preferves
its faith with you ; for if Parliament fliould
with one hand pay you your principal, it
might lay hold of it with the other, and make
you as lirJole as other men poflefiing ixioney,

■HBHI"

[ 10 ]

to pny your proportion ; and does it not come
to the fame tiling, whether your whole prin-
cipal is paid, and a portion of it is taken back
as^ain, or whether your principal is dimi-
niHicd by that portion, and you receive the
ftipulatcd intereft, till the remainder is dif-
char2:ed ?

Frederick II. in fpeaking of France about
twenty years ago, obferved, that there were
three things which hindered France from
rc-afiluTiing that alcendancy in the affairs of
Europe which (he had poflened from the time
of Henry IV.' — the enormity of her debt —
exhaufted refources — and taxes multiplied in
an exceffive manner. The two laft are the
offspring of the firft ; but the monarch's ob-
lervatlon is applicable to every other nation
under the fame clrcumflances, and to our-
felvcs as well as to others. If we pay our
debt by judicious inftallments, we fliall n-ei-
ther run the ritk of the government being bro-
ken up, as it w^as in France, by the difcontents
of the people, and an inability to go on ; nor
Ihall we cripple our commerce by the high
price of labour and provifions; nor (hall

ot come
)le pri li-
en back
s dimi-
ive the
■ is dif-

c about
'e were
e from
[lairs of
be time
debt —
plied in
are the
h*s ob-
n at ion
:o our-
ay our
ill n-ei-
ig bro-
)ntents

1 ; nor

2 high
r fhall

[ II ]

we be depopulated by emigrations to America'
or France ; but wc fliall preferve thi- impor-
tance we poflcfs in Europe, and renovate the
flrength and vigour of the body politic. •

But I will not detain you longer on this
point, there is another, of great itnportancc,
to which 1 wilh to turn vour attention.

Whatever doubts I formerly entertaijied,
or (notwithilanding all I have read or heard
on the fubjeifl) may ftill entertain, either on
the juilice or the neccility of commcncino-
this war in which wc are engaged, I enter-
tain none on the prcfent ncccffity and juftice
of continuing it. Under vshatever circum-
ftances the war was begun, it is now become
JLiH: ; fince the enemy has lufuied to treat, on
equitable terms, for tlie rclloration of peace.
Undi-r whatever circumfiances of expediency
or inexpediency the war was commenced, its
connnuaiice is now become ncccfiary ; for
what ii.ccOuy can be greater than that which
ariies from the enemy having threatened us
with deilrudion as a nation ?

[ 12 ]

Here I may, probably, be told that, allow-
ing the war to be jiifl, it is fliil not neceflary,
but perfedly inexpedient. I may have it
rung in my ean^ that the French are an over-
match for us, that it is better to lubmit at
once to the moil ignominious terms of peace
than to fee another Brainus weighing out the
bulhon of tlie Bank, and infulting the mifcry
of the nation with a " woe to the van-
quiflicd." J. admit the conclufion of the al-
ternative to be jurt, but I do not admit the
truth of the principle from which it is derived
— I do not admit that the French are an over-
match for us.

I amfarenoun;h from afFe£lin"; knowledg-e In
military matters ; but every man knows that
men and money are the fmews of war, and that
vidlory in the field is achieved by the valour
of troops and the Ikill of commanders. Now
in which of thefe four particulars is France
our fuperior ? You will anfwer at once, flie
is iupcrior in the number of men. The po-
pulatiun, I know, of the two countries has
been generally cftimated in the proportion of

•?

A-

'■r;

I ^3 ]

three to one : but though this fhould he ad-
mitted to have been the tiue proportion of
the popuhuion, and of the men capable of
bearing arms, In the beginning of the war,
I think it is not the true proportion at pre-
sent. Both countries have loft great num-
bers ; but France, inftead of lofmg three
times, has, I apprehend, loft above ten times
as many men as we have done ; fo that the
proportion of men capable of bearing arms
remaining in France, compared with what
Great Britain can furnifh, does not, I am
perfuaded, exceed that of two to one. And,
were there even a bridge over the channel,
France durft not make an incurfion with half
her numbers. She knows how ready her
neighbours would be to revenge the injuries
they have fuftained, — how ready her own
citizens would be to regain the b]ef]inf>T. they
have loft, could they once fee all her furccs
occupied in a diftant country. France, I re-
peat it, were there even a bridge from Calais
to Dover, could not fend into the field as
many men as wc could oppofe againft her.

But, it may be urged, all the men in France

[ u ]

are fold'icrs— No ; fome are kft to till the
ground, fonie to fuftniii the languors of her
commerce, fomc to pcrifh in prifon, deploring
the milery of their country. So many, I ac-
knowledge, arc hccome loldicrs in France,
that we mull:, in a <jreat degree, imitate her
example. Every mar- who can be fpared from
the agriculture, the manufacluics, and the
commerce of *hc country, muft become a
foldier, if we mean to face the enemy in a
proper manner, if empire or fcrvltude are to
be fairly fought for.

As to money, I need not enter into any
comparative difcuflion on that head. France
has no mians within herfelf of providing for
her armies — She intends to fend them into
this country either that fhe may pay them,
as (he has done in Italy, by plunder, or, in
the true fpirit of defpair, cancel her debts,
by facrificing the perfons of her foldiers.

i' ■;

With refpecfl to the valour of the Frtnch
troops, I have nothing to obje(fl: I know it
is a fivourite opinion with n.any, that the
French are now what their anceftors were in

[ '5 ]

the time of C;uf:u- ; *' that in the frfr onfct'
" they are mere than men, hut in the ftccml
" leis rlian women." But it appears to mc,
I mufi: confels, that in this war the Freix^h

have luftained with courage tuaiiy cnfcts :

prailb is due to the galantry even oi" aii
enemy. ]]ut if I ^■. ere alked, whether an
equal numher of Enghllimen would heat
thcfe conquerors of -taly, I would anfwer,
as an Englirii ambaflador anfwered a King
ofPriifha, when, at a review of his forces,
lie alked the ambaflador, " whether he
'' thought that an equal number of Englifli-
*« men could beat his Pruffians."— " 1 can-
*' not tell, (replied the ambafllidor) whether
" an equal number would beat tljem ; but I

*' am certain half the number would try."

I have the firmeft confidence that fifty thou-
find Englifhmen, fighting for their wives and
children, for their liberty and property, as
individuals, for the independence and confti-
tution of their country, would, without he-
iitation, attack an hundred thoufand French-
ncn.

As to the relative fkill of the commanders.
It would ill become me to give any opinion

[ '6 ]

upon that point. If I were to admit that the
French «2:on(-'rals are not inferior to our own
in martial ability, yet in the local knowledge
of the country, and in the corredtnefs and
fidelity of the information they will receive,
ours will certainly have the advantage.

But if the "rench arc not our fuperiors,
cither in men or money, in the valour of their
foldiers, or the (kill of their commanders,
what have we to apprehend, fhould we he
forced to fight them on our own ground ?
A thoufand evils, no doubt, attend a country
becoming the feat of war, to which we are
ftrangers, and to which, through the good
providence of God, and the energy of our
navy, we fhall long, I trull:, continue fl:ran-
gers. But fliouid the matter happen other-
wife, fhould the enemy, by any untoward
accident, land their forces, I fee no reafon
why we fhould defpair of our country, if we
are only faithful to ou elves, if, forgetting,
all party animolity, we fland coUedUd as one
man again fl: them.

Many honeft men, I am fenlible, have

It that the
our own
lowJedge
nefs and
I receive,

uperiors,
r Ox^ their
nanders,
d we be
ground ?
country
I we are
he good
r of our
le flran-
n other-
ntoward
5 reafon
y, if we
getting,
-1 as one

have

[ '7 ]

been alarmed into a behef, that were the
French to invade this country, they would
be joined by great numbers of difcontented
men. This is not my opinion. That they
would be joined by a few of the worfl: men
in the country, by thieves and robbers, and
outcafts of fociety, is probable enough ; but
that any individual, pollciiing either property
or charader, that any reipedlablc body of
men, would fo far indulge their difcontents,
as to ruin their country and themfelves, in
gratifying their refcntment, is what nothing
but experience can convince me of.

I have heard of a Diflenter In Yorkdiire,
(a man of great wealth and eftimation), who,
on the lail rejedlion of the peilrion for the
repeal of the teft-adl, declared that he would
go all lengths to carry his point---but I con-
fider this declaration as made during the irri-
tation of the moment, and as oppofite to ihe
genf.ral principles of that body of men. The
Dillenters have on trying occafioiis fliewn
their attachment to the houfc of Brunlwick
and the principles of the revolution ; and I
iliould think myfelf guilty of calumny, it I

[ ,8 ]

(liouUl fay th;U they had in any degree ahaii-
doncd either their attachment or tlieir ^)rin-
ciplcs, or were dir})ored to join the invaders
of tiieir country.

There is another fet of men whom it
fecms the faflilon of the day to reprcfent as
enemies of the ftale, to fligma'"ize as re-
publicans, levellers, jacobins. But vul-
gar traduction of charadler, party coloured
rcprefentation of principle, make no im-
prcfllon on my mind ; nor ought they to
make any impreffion on yours. The mofl
refpe(ftable of thofe who are anxious for the
reform of parhamcnt have not, in my judge-
ment, anv views hoftile to the conftitution.
They may, perhaps, be miftaken in believ-
ing an eftl'6lual retorm prad;icable, without
a revolution; hut few of them, I am per-
fuaded, would be difpofed to attain their ob-
jedt with fucli a confequence acconn panying
it ; and fewer ilill w^ould wifli to make the
experiment under the aufpices of a French
invader.

There may be fome real republicans in the

[ '9 ]
kingdom; their luimbcr, 1 nm convinced, is
extremely Imall; and tlicy arc, probably,
republicans more in theory than praaicc;
they are, probably, of the fame Icntimentr.
with the late Dr. Price, who, being alked a
few months before his death, whether ho
really wiflicd to ke a republic cllablillied in
England, aufwered in the negative. '' He
*' preferred,'' (he faid,) '' a republican
*' to a monarchical form of government,
*' when the conftitution was to be formed
*' anew, as in America; but, m old tlla-
*' blilhed governments, fuch as England, he
** thought the introdudion of a republic
*' would coft more than it was worth, would
«' be attended with more mifcluet than ad-

vantag

»»

I have -a firm perfuafion tliat the French
will find themfelves dilappointed, if they
. expea: to be fupporttd in tfieir expedition
by the difcontented in this country. They
have already made a trial; the event of it
iliould lower their confidence; the Welch,
of all denominations, rufhcd upon their Gal-
lic enemies, with the impetuofity of ancient

C 2

[ *° ]

Biiions; they diTcomfitcd them m a mo-
ment ; they covered them with fhnmc, and
led them into captivity. 7'hc common peo-
ple in this fortunate Iflind, enjoy more li-
berty, more conlcquencc, more comfort of
cvLiy kind, than the common people of any
otlier country ; and they aie not infcnfihlc of
their felicity ; they will never ere<fl the tree of
liberty. They know it l)y its fruit; i!ie bit-
ter fruit of flavery, of contempt, opprcfTlon
and poverty to themfelves, and probably to
their polKrity.

If Ireland is the ohje^l of ii?vafion, France
may flatter hcrielf, perhaps, with the expec-
tation of bcino: more favourably received
there than in (ireat Biliain : but I truft fhe
will be equally uliappointed in both countries.
I mean not to enter into the politics of Ire-
land; but, confidcring her as a fiftcr king-
dom, I cannot wholly omit adverting to her
fit nation.

1 look npon England and Ireland as two
bodies which are grown together, with
di/ierent m.embers and organs of fenfe, but

[ 21 ] . •

iiourlfhcJ by the circulation of the flime
blood: vvhilfl: they continue iitiitcd they will
live and profper; but if ihcy futfer thcm-
felvcs to be fcparntcd by the force or cunning
of an enemy; if they quarrel and tear thcm-
felvcs afundcr, both will inftantly periih.
Would to God, that there were ecjuiry and
moderation enough among the nations of the
earth, to fufFer Irnall Hates to enjoy their
independence; but the hiftory of the world
is little elfe than the hiftory of great flates
facrificing fmall ones to their avarice or am-
bition ; and the prefent defigns of France,
throughout Europe, confirm the obfervation.
If Ireland fo far liftens to her rtfentment
(however it has originated) againft this king-
dom; if (he fo f;\r indulges her chagrin
againft: her own legiflature, as to feck for
redrefs by throwing herfelf into the arms of
France, fhe will be undone, her freedom
will be loft, ihc vvlll be funk in the icale of
nations; inftead of flourilhing under the pro-
tedion of a fifler that loves lier, the will be
fettered as a flave to the feet of the greatefl
dei'pot that ever afflicted human kind — cu the
feet of French democracy.

c 3

[ " ]

Let the n\il-coiitents In every nation ot
Europe J(X)k at Ifollnnd, atid at Bclgiuni.
Hollaiul was an hive of hecs ; her ions flew
on the whigs of the wind to every corner of
the glohe, and returned laden with the fweets
of every climate. Belg" mi was a garden of
herbs, the oxen were ftrong to labour, tlie
fields were thickly covered with the abund-
ance of the harveft. — Unhappy Dutchmen !
You will flill toil, but not for your own
comfort; you will ftill collect honey, but
rjot for yourfelves; France will feize the
hive as often as vour induftry fhall have filled
it. Ill-judging Belgians ! you will no longer
cat in fecurity the fruits of your own grounds ;
France will find occafion, or will make oc-
cafion, to participate largely in your riches;
it will be more truly faid of yourfelves than
of your oxen, " you plough the fields, but
not for your own profit l"

France threatens us with the payment of
what flic calls a debt of indemnification ; and
the longer we refifl her efiorts to fubdue us,
the larger flie fays this debt will become ;
and flie tells us, that all Europe knows that

[ ^3 ]

this debt muft be paid one time or other—
And does (he think that this flourilh will
frighten us? It ought to move our contempt,
it ought to fire us with indignation, and,
above all, it ought to inftruct every man
amongft us what we are to expcft, if through
fupinenefs, cowardice, or divillon, we fuilcr
her mad attempt to prove fucccfsful. She
may not murder or carry into flavery the in-
habitants of the land ; but under the pre-
tence of indemnification, (he will demand
millions upon tens of millions ; flie will beg-
gar every man of property ; and reduce the
lower orders to the condition of her own pea-
fants and artificers— black bread, onions, and
water.

France wiflies to feparate the people from
the throne ; Ihe inveighs, in harih kngr.<^[^e,
againft tiie King, and the cabinet of Saint
James' ; and fpeaks tairly to the people of the
land But the people of the land ate too wile
to oive heed to her profeffions of kindneis.
If there be a people in Euroj^e on wivo.ii lucli
praaices arc iolt, it is oinielvc. Ml our
people are far better educate i, have far ufter

c 4

[ H ]

notions of government, far more (hrewdiiefs
in dctCkfling the defigns of thofe who vtould
miilcad them, than tlje people of any other
country hav j, not excepting Swillerland it-
Itlf. Tliere is no caufe to fear that French
hypocrily fhould be fuperior to Britifh faga-
ciry. lAt France approach us with the cou-
rage of a Hon, or with the cunning of a fox,
we aic equally prepared to meet her ; wc can
rclift her arms, and we can expofe her ar-
tifice.

■s

France reproaches us with being the ty-
rants of the ocean ; and we all remember the
armed neutrality, which was entered into by
the njariiimc flates of Europe during the
American war. It originated, as was faid,
from our afl'uming a dominion on the feas,
which the law of nations did not allow. I
cannot enter ii^to the difcuflion of this qucf-
tion here ; and it is lefs neceflary to do it any
where, as it has been ably difcufled many
years ago. I (incerely hope the accufatiori
againft us isnotjuft; for no tyranny either
can be, or ought to be lafting ? I am an utter
enemy to all dominion founded iii mere

[ 25 1

power, unaccompaniod with a juft regard to
the righti. of individuals or nations. Conti-
nental ilates, however, ought to make fomc
allowance for our zeal in claiming, and our
energy in maintaining, a fuperiority at fea ;
our infular fituation gives us a right which
they cannot plead ; they have fortreffes for
their defence againfl: their enemies ; but fleets
are the fortreffes of Great Britain.

We wifh to preferve our fuperiority at fea
for our own advantage, but other nations are
not uninterefted in our doing it. If by the
voluntary afliftance of Spain and Holland, by
the conflrained concurrence of what was Ve-
nice, by the improvident acquiefcence of
Ruflia, Sweden, Denmark, and the other
naval powers of Europe or America, the tri-
dent of the ocean (for fome one nation muil
poffefs it) Ihould be transferred from Gi. ^
Britain to France, they will all have caufe to
lament its having exchanged its mafter.
They may at prefent think otherwife, and
be pleafed with the profpeil of our humilia-
tion (I fpeak not this as if I thought that
humiliation would happen, for no man has

[ 26 ]

an h idler confidence In onr navy than I
have) but I f'peak it witli a prophetic warn-
ing to thole nations, that they may fee the
error of their pohfics hcfoie it becomL-s iin-
poffible to retrieve it. if France becomes as
great by fea as fhe is become by Luid, Eu-
rope will have no hope, but that her chains
may be light.

The channels of commerce, were they
open alike to the enterprize of all nations,
are fo numerous and copious in the four quar-
ters of the globe, that the induftry of all the
manufadurers in Europe might be fully em-
ployed in fupplyuig them. America is dou-
bling her numbers, and will for many years
want fupplies from the manufactories of Great
Britain. Africa will hi time civilize her mil-
lions, and afFord for centuries a market for
the commodities of all Europe. What folly
is it then in civilized, what wickednefs in
chriftian flates, to be engaged every ten or
twenty years in deftroying millions of men,
for the protedion or the acquifition of arbi-
trary monopolies? ■' ' ■

v.'iL « '

[ 27 ]

There flill remains another fubje<n: winch
I am moft anxious to recommend to your ie-
rious confidcration — the attempts of bad men
to rob you of your religion.

It is now fomewhat more than feventy
years, fmce certain m? • . who efteemed theni-
fclves philofophers, and who, unqueflion-
ablv, were men of talents, began in diffe-
rent parts of the continent, but efpecially
in France and Germany, to attack the chrif-
tian religion. The defign has been carried
on by them and others, under various deno-
minations, from that time to the prcfcnt
hour. In order to accomplilh their end,
they have publiftied an inhiity of books,
fome of them diftingullhed by wit and ridi-
cule, unbecoming the vaft importance of the
fubje<ft, and all ftutttd with fL\lfe quotations
and ignorant or defigncd milreprelentations
of fcripture, or filled with objedions againft
human corruptions of faith, and for which
Chriftianity cannot be accountable.

A fimilar attempt, I have reafon to believe,
has for fome years been carrying on amongft

[ 28 J

ourfelves, aiicl by the fame means. Irreligious
pamphlets have been circulated with great
induftry, fold at afmall price, or given away
to the loweH: of the people, in every great
town in the kingdom. The profane ftyle of
thefe pamphlets is fulted to the tade of the
wicked, and the confident aflertions which
they contain are well calculated to impofc
on the iinderftanding of the unlearned ; and
it is among the wicked and the ignorant that
the enemies of religion and government are
endeavouring to propagate their tenets.

It is here fuppofed that the enemies of re-
ligion are alfo the enemies of government ; but
this muft be underftood with fome reftridlion.
There are, it may be faid, many deifts in
this country, who are fenfible of the advan-
tages of a regular government, and who would
be as unwilling as the moft orthodox be-
lievers in the kingdom, that our own (hould
be overturned— this may be true — but it is
true alfo, that they who wifh to overthrow
the government are not only, generally fpeak-
ing, unbelievers themfelves, but that they
found their hopes of fuccefs in the infidelity

[ 29 ]

of the common people. They are fenfiblc
that no government can long fubfift, if the
bulk of tlie people have no reverence for a
fupremc being, no fear of perjury ; no ap-
prehenlion of futurity, no check from con-
fcience ; and forefeeirg the rapine, devafta-
tion, and bloodlhed, which ufually attend
the iail: convulfions of a ftate flruesflins' for
its political exiflcnce, they wifli to prepare
proper adors for this dreadful cataftrophe,
by brutalizing mankind ; for it is by religion
more than any other principle of human na-
ture, that men are diftinguifhed from brutes.

The mafr. of the people has, in all ages anJ
countries, been the mean of efFecluatino-
great revolutions, both good and bad. The
phyfical flrength of the bulk of a nation is
irrefiftible, but it is incapable of felf-direaion.
It is the inftrument which wife, brave, and
virtuous men ufe for the extinction of ty-
ranny, under whatever form of government
it may exift ; and it is the inftrumcnt alfo,
which men of bad morals, defperate fortunes,
and licentious principles, ufe for the fubver-
liou of every government, however ju ft in

C 30 ]

its origin, liouxvcr equitable in its admiiil-.
ftration, however coiulucive to the ends for
which fociety has been eftabllflied among
mankind. It is againil the machinations of
theie men, fecret or open, folitary or ailb-
ciated, that I wifh to warn you ; they will
firfl: attempt to perluade you that there is no-
thing after death, no heaven for the good,
no hell for the wicked, that there is no God,
or none who regards your a£lions ; and when
you (hall be convinced of this, they will
think you properly prepared to perpetrate
every crime which may be neceflliry for the
furtherance of their own dcfigns, for the gra-
tification of their ambition, their avarice, or
their revenge.

No civil, no ecclefiaftical conftitution can
be fo formed by humafi wifdom as to admit
of no improvement upon an increafe of wif-
dom ; as to require no alteration when an al-
teration in the knowledge, manners, opi-
nions, and circumftances of a people has
taken place. But men ought to have the
modefty to know for what they are fitted, and
the difcrctlon to confine their exertions to

r 3> ]

lubjc-as of wliich they have a competent

knowledge.

Tliere is perhaps little difference in the
/Ircngth of memory, in the acutenefs of dif-
ccrnrncnt, in the iolidity oi-judgemcnr, in any
of the intclkaual powers on which know-
ledge depends, between a flatefman and a
manufliaurcr, between th..^ moil learned di-
vine and a mechanic: the chief difference
coniifts in their talents being applied to dif-
fcrent fubjeas. All promote both the public
good, and their own, when they ad within
their proper ipheres, and all do harm to
themfelves, and others, when they go out of
them. You would view with contempt a
llatefman, who fhould undertake to regulate
a great manufadory without having been
brought up to bufinels; or a divine, who
fliould become a mechanic without having
learned his trade; but is not a mechanic, or
manufaaurer, ftiU more mifchlcyous and ri-
diculous, who affeas to become a flatefman,
or to folve the difficulties which occur in
divinity? Now this is prcciiely what the
men 1 am cautioning you againft: wi(h you to
do—they harancrue you on the diforders of

r 3* ]

our conflltiition, and propofe remedies; they
propound to you fubtilties in metaphyfics and
divinity, anddefireyou tu cxplani tlien-* ; and
bccaufeyou are not prepared to do this, or to
anlvver all their objcdlions to our govern-
ment, they call up n you Id itjcift religion,
natural and revealed, as in^poflureG, and to
break up the cnnfVitution of ihe country, as
an enormous mala ut incurable corruption.

:'(

No one, I tru(T, will fufpe^l the writer of

contending that great ahull s in church or

flate ought to be perpetuated, or of wifhing

that any one liognKi oi oui holy religion

fhould not be dlfcuTid uit() decent freedv m

(for the more religion is tried, the n^ore iK

will be refined ;) but he does contend that

the faith of unlearned chriflians ought

not to be fhakcn by lies and blafphemies; he

does contend that it is better to tolerate

abufcs, till they can be reformed by the coun-

fels of the wifcfl: a:id the befl men in the

kinodum, than to fubrnit the removal of

them to the frothy frequenters of ale-houfes,

to the difcontentcd declaimers againfl our

eflablifliment, to the mlferable dregs of the

nation who feek for difciuelion in public

i 33 1

confuilon. An ancient fabrick may by mere
force be defaced and thrown down; but it
requires the knov> ledge and caution of aii
architca to bcaMtify and icpair it. You are
feniiblc that rhc mofl .ncrenious piece of me-
chanilm niay be (polled by the play of a
child, or broken to pieces by the blow of an
idcot or a madman ; and can you think that
the m .chine of government, the moft inge-
niou:, and complicated of all others, may not
at once be defpoiled of all its elegance, and
deprived of all its fuadions, by the rude and
bunghiig attempts of the unlkilful to amend
its motion ?

I have not time to lay before vou the rife
and progrefs of that infidelity with rcfped to
revealed religion — ^t' t.'.at fcepticifm with re-
fped to natural ivJI/ion— of that infanity
with refpea tog rnmei.r, which have, by
their combined iriHuence overwhelmed with
calamity one ot the iiii^ntiefl: ftates in Eu-
rope, and which iDcnace with deftruAioii
every other. [ 'nave not time to (hew you
by detailed quotations from the writings of
the French and German philofophers— that

[ 34 ]

the fiipfrfliilon of the church of Rome mndc
them iufitlels — rhat a iriifapprchcnfinii of the
extent of hmnaii knowledge made tliem fcep-
tics — and that the tyranny of the continental
governments made them enemies of all go-
vcrnnicnt, except of that fdly fyftem of de-
mocratic liberty and equality, which never
has had, nor ever can have a permanent efta-
blilhment amonafl: mankind.

Though I cannot, in this fhort and general
addrel"^, enter fully or deeply into thelc mat-
ters, I may be allowed to fiiy to thcfc philo-
fophcrs — how has it happened that men of
your penetration, in fliunning one vice, have
fallen, like fools, into its oppofitc? Does
it follow that Jefus Chriii wrought no mira-
cles, becaufe the church of Rome has pre-
tended to work many ? Does it follow that
the apollles were not honcfl: men, becaufe
there have been priefts, bifhops and Popes
who were hypocrites ? Is the chriftian reli-
gion to be ridiculed as more abfurd than pa-
ganifm, to be vilified as lefs credible than
mahometanifm, to be reprefented as impious
and abominable, becaufe men, in oppofition
to tvery precept of Ch rift, and to every prac-

■ [ 35 ]

ticc of the npoAk'.,, have worfliippcil nn^rc;,
prayed to dead miMi, believed in tranlnbdm-
tiation, granted itidiilgL'ticIcs, erected iiujui-
fitions, and loafled honed men alive for not
complying with their lliperftitioii?

With refpctfl to natural religion, I would
fay to them— -you complain that you cannot
comprehend the creation of the univcrfc, nor
the providence of God ; and is this your want
of ability to become as wife as your maker a
reafoii for doubting whether there ever was a
creation, and whether there is a providence?
What (hould you think of a neft of reptiles,
which, being immured in a dark corner of
one of the loweft apartments of a magnifi-
cent houfe, (hould affcd to aigue againft the
houfe having ever been built, or its being
then taken care of. You are thofe reptiles
with refped to your knowledge of the time
when God created, and the manner in which
-he flill takes care of the world. — You cannot,
you tell us, reconcile the omnifcience of God
with the freedom of man — is this a real'on for
your doubting of the freedom which you feel
you polFcfs, or of the power of God to under-

■■P*"

L 36 ]

Ibnd the nature of wh;it he has mado: — You
cannot compreheiid how it is poillhlt* for an im-
material being to be adted upon by material
organs of fenlc— will you therefore deny the
exiftence of your foul as a rub,^ni\ce diftintft
from your body? do you not perceive that it
JiTiuft equally fu'pafs yo\n- undcrilmding how
matter, atfling upon matter, can produce
any thing but moti"on ; can give rife to per-
ception, thought, will, memory, to all thofe
intel]e6tual powers, by which arts and fcicn-
ces are invented and indefinitely improved ?

With refpecft to goverment, I would fay to
them — admitfing that there is a natural equa-
lity amongfl mankind, docs it follow that
there may not be, or \iu\i tiiere ought not to
be, an iniHtuted inequality? Admitting that
men, before rhev enter into focietv, are free
from the dominion of each other, docs it fol-
low that they may not voluntarily relinquifh
the liberty of a ftate of nature, in order that
they may enjoy the comfort and obtain the
fecurity of a flate of fociety ? Can there be
no juft government, becaufe there is and has
been rnuch oppreffion in the world, no poll-

• i

[ 37 ]
tical freedom in Great Britain, becaufe there
was, during the monarchy, little in France;
where tl>ere is, probably, flill lefs than there
was ? Does it follow that there ought to be no
diftinaion in foclety, with refpedl to rank or
riches, becaufe there are none in a Ikte of
nature ; though nature herfelf has made a
great difference amongft the individuals of
our fpecies as to health, ftrength, judgment,
genius, as to all thofe powers which, either
in a ftate of nature or fociety, neceflarily be-
come the caufes and occafions of the fupe-
riority of one man over anoLhcr ? Does it
follow that rich men ought to be plundered,
and men of rank degraded, becaufe a few may
be found in every 0:ate who have abufed their
pre-eminence, or mifapplied their wealth ?
In a word, does it follow that there ought to
be no religion, no government, no fubordina-
tion amongft mea, becaufe religion may de-
generate into fuperftition, government into
tyranny, and fubordination into fiavery r—
As rcalonably might it be arguea, that there
ought to be no wine, beraule fome men may
become drunkard:? ; no meat, becaufe fome
men may become gluttons ; no air, no tire.

C 38 ]

no water, bccaufe thefc natural fourccs of
general f'crk:ily niay accidentally become in-
flriimcnts of partial calamity ? '

He who pcrufes with attention the works
■of thofc toreigners, who for the laft fevent}''
or eiditv vears have written ag-ainfl: revealed
or natural religion, and compares them with
the u'rirings of oi^r Englifh deifts towards the
end of the laft and the beginning or middle
of tl)e prefent century, will perceive that the
former have borrowed all their arguments and
objedtions from the latter ; he will perceive
alfo that they are far inferior to them in learn-
ing and acutenefs, but that they Turpaf them
in ridicule, in audacity, in blaiphemy, in mif-
reprefentation, mi all the mifcra' le arts by
which men are wont to defend a bad caufe ;
they furpafs them too in their milbhievous
endeavours to difl'eminate t' eir principles
anion lift thofe who, from their education,
are Icaft qualified to refute their fophiflry.

■j'uflly may we call their reafoning fophiftry,
fiiice It vvMs not able to convince even them-

'^ i

[ 39 ]

fclves. One of the moft eminent of tbem,
f Voltaire) who had been a theifl:, a matcria-
liO-, a (I'lLcIiever of a fixture ftate all his
days, afked with evident anxiety a few y-rrs
before his death, Is there a God fuch as nrjcu
fpeak of? Is tii'Te a fcil fuch as people ima-
gine r Is there any thitig to hope fjr after
death ? He feems to have bet a coafiUcnt in
nothing, but in his hatred of tiiat gofpel
which would have enlightened the obfcurity
in which he was involved, and at once dilfi pa-
ted all his doubts. As to his notions of go-
vernment, he appears to hive been as un-
fettled in them as in his religious fentiments ;
for though he had been one of the moft zea-
lous apoftles of liberty and equality, though
he had attacked monarchical governments in
all his writings with great bitteruefs, yet b«
at laft cpnfelled to one of the greateft princes
tiicn in Europe, '* that he did not love the go-
V r:^ment of the loweft orders— that he did
acl wifh the re-eftablidunent of Athenian
democracy.** ^

Such are the inconl'ftencies of men who,
by their profane difputation againft religion.

'TTZ

^^m

•*.'•:< .V.

[ 40 1

have diriiurbcd the confciences of iudividuals;
who, by their fenfelefs raiUng again ft go-
vernment, havQ endangered the tranquillity
of every nation in Europe ! And it is againft
fuch men I warn you.

v^'

Are any of you opprefled with poverty,
difeafe^^and wretchednefs ? Let noneof thefe
men beguile you of your belief that ** God
" is, and that - *: the rewarder of them
" that diligently Icv . him," — " the protec-
*' tor of them that truft in him.** — Are any
ofvjrdu afHi(fled in mind, defpairing of mercy
through the multitude of your fins ? Let
none of thefe men ftagger your perfuafion
that the gofpel is true ; for therein you will
read that " Jefus Chrift came into the world
•* to fave finners"— repent, and the gofpel
will give you confblation. Are any of you
^itofperous in your circumftances, and cafy in
your confciences ? Let none of thefe men,
by declaiming againft defc£ls in our conftitu-
tion, or abufes in government, betray you
into an opinion that were the prefent order
of things overturned, a better might, by their
CoiTrifels, be eflablifhed ; for, by their coun-

rid
)el
ou

•

;n,

u-
ou

ler
eir

•

S0 »*

11-

[ 41 ]

fcls, y^u would either be plundered of your
property, or compelled to become their ac-
complices in impiety and iniquity. Sec what
has happened in France to all orders, to the
common people as well as to the nobility.
" The little finger of their republic has be-
*' come thicker, more oppreffive to the whole
*' nation, than the loins of their monarchy;
'* they were chaflifed with whips, they are
" chaftifed with fcorpipns."

I am not altogether infenfible of the dan-
ger I may have incurred, (fhould matters
come to extremity) by thus publicly addref-
fing my countrymen. I might have con-
cealed my fentiments, and waited in retire-
ment, till the ftruggle had been over, and
the iflue known ; but I difdain lafcty accom-
panied with diihonour. When Hannibal is
at the gates, who but a poltroon would liften
to the timid counfels of neutrality, or attempt
to fcreen himfelf from the calamity coming
on his country, by fkulking as a vagabond
amid the mountains of Wales or of Weft-
raoreland ? I am ready, and I am perfuaded
that 1 entertain a juft confidence in faying,

[ 42 ]

that hiiiulicds of thoufaiids of loyal qnd
honeft men are as ready as I am, to hazard
every thing in defence of the country,

I pray God to influence the hearts of both
fides to good will, moderation, and peace: to
grant to our enemy grace to return to a due
fenfe of piety and a belief in uncorrupted
Chriftianity ; and to imprefs our own minds
with a ferlous fenfe of the necelfity of fo re-
penting of our fins, and fo reforming our
lives, as may enable us to hope for his pro-
tection agaiiift all enemies, foreign and do-
meftic.

London^
Jan. 20, 1798

R. LANDAFF.

j_ - ';;, , Jir ttn'.}'i..'h;iJ I

8 -u

jr f

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