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A '39 /J 
 
 Til K 
 
 RELATIONS OF THE COLONIES 
 TO THE EMPIRE: 
 
 PRESENT AND FUTURE. 
 
 TWO ADDRESSES, 
 
 DELIVERED IK EDINBURGH AND GREEXnCK, 
 
 ItY 
 
 SIR ALEXANDER T. GALT, G.C.M.G. 
 
 L N D O N : 
 
 PRINTED BY M'CORQUODALE & CO., rJMlTED, 
 (^vRDiNCfTON Street, N.AV, 
 
 Fehnmri/, 18SS. 
 
G- /39a 
 
• r 
 
 THE 
 
 RELATIONS OF THE COLONIES 
 TO THE EMPIRE: 
 
 PRESENT AND FUTURE. 
 
 TWO ADDRESSES, 
 
 DELIVERED IN EDINBUBjGH AND GREENOCK, 
 
 BY 
 
 SIR ALEXANDER T. GALT, G.C.M.G. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED BY M'COBQUODALE & CO., LIMITED, 
 Caedington Steeet, N.W. 
 
 February, 188S. 
 
• • ^« T**< •.•> 
 
 •»•• « • * ••'* 
 
 '»* .•_ •*•• 
 
 . « « • « • « 
 
 • • • « • « 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The two addresses reprinted in the following pages 
 were delivered by invitation— that in Edinburgh from the 
 Lord Provost and other influential gentlemen, and that in 
 (ireenock from the Provost, Magistrates, and the Chamber 
 of Commerce. They were not given by me officially as 
 High Commissioner for Canada, but solely as the views of 
 a colonist on subjects of much interest; and I publish 
 them in the hope that they may lead to the early and 
 lull discussion of matters yearly becoming of greater 
 importance. 
 
 A. T. GALT. 
 
 London, 
 
 February, 1883, 
 
 55203 
 
T 
 
 
 An ADDRESS delivered in the Merchants' Hall, 
 KniNHURGn, on 2C)th January, 1883. 
 
 The Lord Provost of Edinburgh in the Chair. 
 
 Sir Alexander Galt :— My Lord Provost, ladies and gentle- 
 men,— I have first of all to return my thanks to the Lord Provost 
 for his condescension in taking the chair on this occasion, but 
 still more are my thanks duo to his lordship for the kindly 
 reference he has made to my respected father. If then? is one 
 thing more than another that I am glad to find in Scotland, it is 
 the mention of my name in connection with my father's reputa- 
 tion. He was, I believe, a true Scotchman, and 1 hope his sous 
 in Canada have not degenerated. Let me also return my 
 acknowledgments to those gentlemen who have been so kind as to 
 invite me to deliver an address on the relations of the colonies 
 to the empire. There is no part of that great empire which 1 
 should have myself chosen for the purpose so soon as the place 
 where we are now meeting. Scotland and Scotsmen have been 
 distinguished in building up the great colonial empire abroad. 
 They have carried their genius and their energy, and, if I 
 may say so, their Scotch thrift, to every part of the world; 
 and there is no colony that I know of where the influence 
 of Scotsmen is not felt in the government of the posses- 
 sions which acknowledge the sway of our gracious Queen. In 
 venturing to speak before you this afternoon on the subject of 
 the empire, I ought to preface my remarks by a disclaimer of 
 appearing before you in any official or representative capacity. I 
 must speak frankly if I am to speak with any advantage, and I 
 have no right to speak for the Government which I have the 
 
6 
 
 honour to ropresent on such subjects as I shall touch upon. It 
 is in my character as a colonial Scotsman that 1 dcsiro to offer 
 those observations that 1 wish to address to you. In order to 
 tiave the necessity of troubling; you with many figures, ] have 
 prepared a summary of the "Area, Population, Finances, 
 Couuuerce, and Sliipping" of the British Emj)ire, wiiieii. I hop' , is 
 in the hands of most of tlui gentlemen present. This summar)' 
 has been prepared from reliable statistical data. It follows very 
 closely a simple statement which appears in a very admirable 
 book that has been published under tiie auspices of tiie Cobden 
 Club, called the " Vade Mecum." 1 have some\Ahat departed 
 from the iigures in that statement, believing that those which 
 I have taken from the oflicial records will be found to b(* 
 rather more approximately accurate. The alterations have all 
 been in the direction of reduction of the large figures, not, 
 in the way of exaggeration. And, now, let us consider for 
 a moment what the composition of the Jiritish Empin; is. 
 It consists of 8 millions of square miles of the earth's surface, 
 yielding every production that is required for the us(^ of 
 civilised man ; inhabited by 241 millions of human beings, 
 governed by 35 millions in these islands, and by 10 millions 
 of the same race scattered wide-cast through the possessions 
 of the empire. This vast population contributes yearly for 
 its government, and the development of the material resources 
 of the country, no less a revenue than 184 millions sterling. 
 Of this, 84 millions represents the revenue of Great Britain, 
 and 100 millions is the aggregate revenue of the possessions 
 of which I shall have occasion to speak. It ^-ould be hope- 
 less to attempt to compute the internal tralhc of this vast 
 population and this enormous country ; it would be quite 
 hopeless to endeavour to measure the interchange of labour that 
 takes place. But we may get approximately some idea of what 
 that great industry is by looking at the sea-borne trade — the 
 exchange that takes place between the mother country and 
 foreign countries, and between her colonies and foreign countries ; 
 and it will be found that that amounts in the aggregate to 
 
the enorinou.s sum of 1,040 millions sterling— 700 millionH in 
 round figures belonging to this country, iinj no less than 
 340 millions being the foreign import and export trade of the 
 British possessions abroad. This enormous trade employs 
 8,300,000 tons of shipping belonging to the subjects of the 
 Queen ; and, as a little evidence of the value of one of the 
 colonies, 1 may state tliat ^1 *^^at 8,300,000 Canada alone 
 possesses 1,300,000 tons. She is only one out of many colonies ; 
 circumstances, perhaps, have caused a greater development cf 
 this particular industry in that colony than in others, (.'ircum- 
 stances have given her facilities in the development of her ilsheries 
 to propagate a nursery of seamen ; and I may venture for one 
 moment here to digress to tell you that at the last census she had 
 no less tlmn 47,000 men and boys employed in her shore iisiieries. 
 Measure for one moment the value of that amount of naval 
 strength added to that of this country. It is a source of 
 additional security if only maintained auc' developed. ISuch, in 
 very brief terms, is the empire to which . all belong. It has 
 been ages in acquisition. It has been created by the genius and 
 the heroism of our race for centuries, and I think that the 
 preservation of it and the development of it are the very highest 
 objects which can engage the attention of our statc'iuen. It is 
 only, as it were, in its commencement. It is the future of tliis 
 great empire that is really the most interesting subject we can 
 consider. If we see what it has done within the last few years, 
 one is struck with something like astonishment ; but w hen we 
 remember the influence of steamships, of railways, of telegraphs, 
 it is manifest that the great natural resources of Canada, 
 Australia, the Cape of Good Hope, and the numberless colonies 
 which belong to the empire, must receive much greater develop- 
 ment in the future than they possibly can have had in the past. 
 And it must be remembered that of late years we have seen that 
 Europe has felt the pressure of over-population. It is not 
 confined to this country; it has extended to Germany and to 
 Scandinaria, and it is now reaching Italy, Bohemia, Hungary — 
 in fact, all the nations of Europe. A large tide of emigration is 
 
8 
 
 now yearly flowing out. That emigration has only two points to 
 which it can be directed. One is the great United States. It is 
 the place where at present the great bulk of the emigration goes ; 
 but it must be remembered that the ability of the United States 
 to absorb that emigration is daily diminishing. That country is 
 rapidly becoming filled with people, and therefore, leaving the 
 United St:. - to one side, there remain only the vast possessions 
 of the British Crown as the point to which emigration can be 
 directed. Just conceive the additional strength we should derive 
 from that state of matters. These various populations — we see it 
 in the United States — are blending with the existing people ; 
 they share our institutions, they admire them, they believe 
 them to be better than those they lived under in the countries 
 they had left ; and, instead of being a danger, w^e shall find they 
 will be a strength and support to us. We have the finest 
 unoccupied portion of the world. If you look over the map of the 
 globe, you will find that the possessions which own the sway of the 
 Queen are at this moment really the only unoccupied portion of the 
 globe suited for a European population. If you once part with 
 those possessions they never can be restored. There is no future 
 for the British Empire if you once allow it to be disintegrated and 
 severed. The world does not peririt of it. Once gone it is 
 gone for ever. Now the question naturally arises. Is there 
 anything in the British Empire at this moment that threatens its 
 future existence ? I think there are some causes, and I will 
 venture to state them. I state them with submission to the very 
 much better information that you may possess, but they are those 
 which are suggested to us in the colonies by our own observation. 
 We think that there is a great deal too much apathy, and I might 
 even add the word ignorance, in regard to the colonies of the empire. 
 Frequently in the press we see it spoken of as if the increase of 
 prosperity in a country like Canada or in Australia would have for 
 its natural result independence — that they would part from the 
 mother country. Now the colonies do not like tliat. Colonists do 
 not believe this is, or ought to be, the policy of this country. We 
 believe that the policy of the Government ought to diav»- us 
 
9 
 
 •closer together; that the self-government which is developing 
 our strength should be made a source of future strength to 
 this country. And in the colonies there is a certain amount of 
 danger. There is a sense of isolation— the sense that they are 
 comparatively alone, that they are not those inherent parts of the 
 empire in that sense which makes them in fact co-partners in all 
 your joys and hopes, and, I may add, in all your sorrows. Tlie 
 colonies have no share in the government of the empire. They 
 govern themselves, but they have no word in the great questions 
 that come up for discussion. For instance, there is the question 
 of peace and war, which in itself is one carrying, it may be, 
 desolation to the homes of colonists and destruction to their 
 property : they have no voice in the settlement of such a question 
 as that. And believing, as I firmly do, that the British Empire is 
 an empire of peace, that it is not an empire that any reasonable 
 men desire to see extended by force, I say that the possession of 
 those colonies is in itself the strongest guarantee that that policy 
 will be carried out. It is not the outlying portions of the empire 
 certainly that would desire to provoke contests with other countries. 
 I will now venture to call your attention for a moment to what 
 these colonies themselves are in reference to the summary I have 
 just read. I will not refer to India, because, though India is a 
 possession, and a most valuable possession, of the Crown — one of 
 enormous importance — still it is, we may say, sui generis ; it is not 
 one you can speak of in the same connection as the self-governing 
 colonies. I make the same remark in reference tc the military 
 and naval stations that stud the face of the earth. These are 
 posts held by this country as a means of maintaining its influence 
 throughout the rest of the world and protecting its several 
 possessions. I therefore desire more particularly to refer to what 
 are known as the self-governing colonies — those colonies which, 
 under the wise policy of this country, have been permitted to have 
 the freest form of self-government. Now I desire to consider 
 with the self-governing colonies, the West Indies, because I believe 
 the time is not remote when the constitution which was enjoyed 
 by Jamaica for some time, and afterwards parted with, will be 
 
10 
 
 restored, and that the popuhition of the "West Indies and the 
 riding race there will have very soon given to them the same 
 measure of self-government which is enjoyed by the other colonies. 
 Now, leaving out the Indian Empire, the self-governing colonies 
 occupy seven-eighths of the whole territory of the empire, or 
 seven millions of square miles. They have a population now of 
 10,800,000 souls, and of these nine millions are the descendants of 
 the people of these islands. It is the same race, certainly as well 
 educated, as enterprising, and as progressive; and in point of 
 numbers, though scattered over a large expanse, it actually exceeds 
 the population of Ireland and Scotland to-day. They have a 
 revenue of 29 millions, obtained and expended in the govern- 
 ment and the maintenance of law and order throughout this vast 
 expanse of territory. Their trade, export and import, amounts 
 to 175 millions, of which 90 millions is with the mother country, 
 and 8o millions with foreign countries. I think it will be rather 
 surprising to many gentlemen to know that there is so large 
 an interchange of productions between the colonies of the 
 empire — the self-governing colonies, without reference to India — 
 as 85 millions with foreign nations. In 1890 — it will very soon 
 reach us — there can be no doubt that Canada and Australia alone 
 will have 10 millions of population, and probably the other 
 colonies will bring up the total to 14 millions. Now the question 
 arises, whether that population — intelli.Tinit, educated, energetic— 
 is likely to remain contented with precisely the same share which 
 t'liey now have in the great affairs of the British Empire. I 
 think it may be doubted. It is a very doubtful question whether, 
 as these various countries increase in material — we may say 
 national — strength, they will continue to be pleased with the 
 position they occupy to-day. At the same time, the only sugges- 
 tion which apparently has been offered in some quarters, and to 
 which I alluded a few moments ago, is that, if they are not 
 content, separation must follow. Now, is this either desirable or 
 necessary ? It is a question, I think, of the utmost importance, 
 and one which I answer in the negative. It is, in my opinion, 
 neither desirable nor necessary. There can be no question that 
 
11 
 
 the colonies all desire to maintain the connection ; that is their 
 present feeling beyond doubt. They are loyal beyond all c^aestion, 
 and whenever an occasion arises where they can show their 
 devotion to the interests of the country at large, they are al\Nays 
 ready to do it. The self-government which has been granted to 
 them has increased their attachment. We know, as a matter of 
 history, that when they were governed as Crown colonies, directed 
 from Downing Street, there were constant differences arising, 
 constant questions that tendt;d to embitter their relations. But 
 since they have had self-government the colonies have been 
 marked by increased attachment to the institutions of the British 
 Empire. These institutions have stimulated their progre^s and 
 their wealth. They are now absorbed in the development o£ their 
 vast local resources. Eailways and steamboats, telegraphs and 
 manufactures, and all the various varieties of human industry, are 
 now occupying the minds of the colonies almost to the exclusion 
 of everything else. All local ambitions slumber. The public men 
 of the coimtry seek their future now entirely in the development 
 of their resources. That is what gives them the confidence of the 
 p(!ople, and it is that to which their attention is most constantly 
 directed. But I admit that a change in that respect is probably 
 not very far off. We see in the case of Canada that it is semi- 
 national now ; its claims in that respect are largely recognised by 
 the Imperial Government. There is never any interference ; the 
 bond of union is one of mutual attachment, and it is one 
 which 1 think we certainly ought to strengthen, and will try 
 to strengthen as much as possible ; but at the same time I rather 
 doubt whether a mere bond of sentimental attachment is strong 
 enouffh. I think we want to have an alliance of material interests. 
 I think we want to have some subjects in which we are true 
 partners, in which we will share the losses and share the gains. 
 There is one reason why a country like Canada should not desire 
 separation. What is the future it would give us? We would 
 become an insignificant independent country. At present we 
 belong to the greatest empire in the world. It is our pride and 
 boast that we do so ; but if we once separate we drift off, and 
 
12 
 
 It ! 
 
 become perhaps like one of the South American republics or one 
 of the minor nations, wh;ch really exercise no influence on human 
 affairs, and which are the very playthings of the powerful nations 
 of the earth. Now it is far better to belong to this great empire, 
 to continue an integral portion of it, than, from any mistaken 
 idea, to pander to a cry for independence that would not satisfy. 
 Now I have spoken of the loss of influence and advantage which I 
 really believe would be entailed on the colonies by separation. 
 Let me now ask you to consider what would be the effect on the 
 United Kingdom itself. The colonies are the best field you have 
 for the surplus labour and capital of this country. Reference has 
 been most truly made by the Lord Provost to the sad condition of, 
 I am afraid, millions of the lower masses of this country. They 
 are getting crowded out of the various employments by which they 
 live. They have to look, abroad, and there is no part of the world 
 to which they can look with such confidence as our own colonies 
 for their future home. It is not a separation ; it is not emigra- 
 tion in the sense of severing all those home ties which Scotsmen, 
 at any rate, have such a reverence for. It is carrying with them 
 abroad the remembrances of their old native country, and, as we 
 know perfectly well, having the closest and most intimate rela- 
 tions with the friends they have left behind. They are your best 
 customers. The statistical returns published monthly by the 
 Board of Trade unquestionably show that of all parts of the 
 world, of all the inhubitants of the earth, the British people 
 abroad are the best customers for their fellow-countrymen at 
 home. The emigration which has become a necessity for this 
 country would in the future tend to be a source of weakness. At 
 present it is a source of strer-gth. It is a transference of a\ hut 
 you can very well spare to those portions of the empire which 
 require it, and the consequence is an additional strengtli here and 
 additional strength there. But if these countries are separate 
 from the United Kingdom, what is the result? They go to 
 strengthen some foreign element. It may be a friendly one, but 
 it may be, and very often is, an unfriendly one. Putting aside 
 those reasons — which I think are in themselves very strong 
 
 
13 
 
 material grounds for desiring to maintain the colonies in connec- 
 tion with the United Kingdom — I may say that politically there 
 would be very serious results. The loss of Canada and Australia 
 means the loss of the command of the Northern and Southern 
 Pacific Oceans, If these great countries were separated from 
 Great Britain, and were independent — and possibly at some future 
 time they might be hostile — it is perfectly evident that the influence 
 you now exercise over those great oceans would be materially 
 threatened. It would, therefore, have an important influence upon 
 your ability to hold the East Indies and the great Indian Empire, 
 which is the pride and boast of us all. The influence of this 
 country would be diminished by the loss of trade and the diminu- 
 tion of its shipping — by the diminution of the very power which 
 it now possesses, and which is the strongest means of maintaining 
 its influence in tliese outlying districts. It is the naval power of 
 England that is behind and above the whole influence of these two 
 islands, and therefore the deduction from that naval strength of 
 all the commercial resources of the present colonies would be a 
 very serious interference indeed, and would tend to diminish the 
 influence of this corntry on foreign nations. It is no use being 
 sentimental about the position we occupy towards foreign nations. 
 We know perfectly well it is the material strength of this country 
 that assures her an influence. It is not by speaking of the 
 impropriety of war and the dangers and evils of it ; it is not by 
 that ; it is because this country has the power, if her counsels are 
 unheeded, of enforcing them, which is the basis of our national 
 influence ; and it is that which every one of the large countries 
 of the world is at this moment trying to undermine and build up 
 for themselves. I think, therefore that it is neither desirable, 
 and certainly not necessary, that any change of the nature of 
 separation should take place. I believe it would be fraught with 
 the greatest possible injury, botli to the possessions of this country 
 abroad and to the mother country. Now, in continuing my 
 remarks, I must, if I am to give you any of the ideas that are passing 
 through my own mind, speak frankly, and I must ask your indul- 
 gence if I apparently tread upon points that it may be supposed I 
 
14 
 
 would have been wise to avoid : but I do not think there is any use 
 in standing up for the purpose of talking on such an important 
 subject as the future of the British llmpiro, and withholding the 
 opinions which one has and honestly entertains. 1 wish to sub- 
 mit those opinions, and to ask your indulgence for them. I would 
 be very loth indeed to say one word that would be mischievous. 
 My desire is, on the contrary, to say that which will prevent 
 mischief. Now I admit that it would be almost useless to speak 
 of any change in the system of government of the empire if the 
 only ground I could put it upon were the interests of the colonial 
 portion of it. No doubt attention would be given to their argu- 
 ments ; but we know perfectly well that as long as things are 
 going on satisfactorily and well here, that this people are not 
 lovers of change. They like to hold to what they have tried and 
 found by experience to have been good, and therefore I must 
 advert to points which have struck me, possibly as an outsider, as 
 indicating that the present state of things in this country is 
 undergoing a process of change. It is, no doubt, largely attri- 
 butable to the Irish question— to the Irish agitation. It is almost 
 impossible to avoid speaking of Ireland if one speaks on any 
 public question at all. There is no doubt whatever — any one that 
 has watched Parliamentary proceedings during the last three years 
 must be aware — that the effect of that agitation has been Lrgely 
 to arrest the legislation that was desired, at any rate, by England 
 and Scotland. It has largely arrested it, and the consequence has 
 been that the House of Commons have found themselves over- 
 borne, over- weighted ; and they have souglit an escape from that 
 position by, to a certain extent, sacrificing their independence for 
 the sake of their efficiency. It is an acknowledgment on their 
 part, it appears to me, that the pressure of business upon them 
 had gone so far that, in ordtT to discharge it, it was necessary for 
 them to curtail what used to be the great privilege of the Imperial 
 Parliament — free discussion. Now I believe it was absolutely 
 necessary ; I believe they could not avoid it. They had to make 
 the sacrifice. They had either to see an indefinite postponement 
 of measures that were loudly called for in England and Scotland, 
 
16 
 
 or thoy had to arrive at some method by which the necessary time 
 could bo obtained for their consideration. They have also adopted 
 another plan with the view of meeting the same difficulty, and 
 that is in the appointment of Grand Committees. Now it 
 appears to me that tlio logical result of these Grand Committees 
 is that it is pointing to the delegation of the legislative powers 
 that have been exercised by the whole House of Commons itself to 
 certain Committees of the House. And those Committees, if they 
 are to be of any influence at all, must be chosen from the persons 
 best informed and most interested in the subjects that are referred 
 to them. Now, if these Grand Committees, of which only two have 
 been named, should ever succeed, it is certain, I think, that the 
 principle will be extended, and that many local measures could 
 bo similarly referred — for instance, a measure connected with 
 Scotland would be referred to such members in the House 
 of Commons as had most intimate acquaintance with that 
 part of the empire. And so, we may presume, with Ireland. 
 Then, again, as I said, these Committees all point, in my 
 judgment, to local self-government. It is found that tliere is 
 a certain class of subjects which have hitlierto been dealt with by 
 the House of Commons, by the general Parliament, wliicli they 
 are now beginning to see could be better dealt with by the people 
 more directly themselves ; and we know that in the case of 
 Ireland, and in the case, I think, of England too, that schemes 
 are before the public with the view of endeavouring to meet that 
 demand. Now we hear, too, that almost immediately following 
 the passage of the bill for the extension of the county fran- 
 chise there is going to be a redistribution of seats. It is 
 impossible that a redistribution of seats can take place in this 
 country without a great deal of local difficulty attending it. It is 
 clear, if you look either at the population, or the wealth, or the 
 influence of the different sections of the mother country, tliat 
 there are certain portions which are less represented than they 
 ought to be. Scotland has only 60 members, and Ireland has 
 1 03. That disproportion cannot be maintained ; and at the same 
 time, if you reduce it, or equalise it to anything like the rela- 
 
16 
 
 tive claims of the two countries, you will find that you have 
 added, I am afraid, very seriously to tho Irish discontent. You 
 will find that the objections which they now have to the 
 rule of England in Ireland will be intensified if they have a 
 smaller representation in the House of Commons ; and yet I do 
 not see how, in any redistribution of seats, it can be avoided. 
 Moreover, it must be admitted that both England and Scot- 
 land are impatient. They are impatient under the difficulties 
 that have arisen under the Irish question to a certain extent; 
 there is a feeling in the country that things cannot long 
 go on as they have been doing. And that compels me to say 
 something m regard to Ireland itself. Now, in speaking of 
 Ireland — and it is a subject in which one has to be very 
 careful in saying anything about just now — I certainly should 
 desire to be clearly understood that the maintenance of law 
 and order is the one first principle that must be upheld. It 
 is clear that the severest measures of coercion have been abso- 
 lutely necessary. It is to be hoped that tliey will not long 
 be necessary ; but no one can look at the position of the sister 
 island without seeing that the security of life and property must 
 at all hazards be maintained, no matter how unpalatable it may 
 be. At the same time, measures of coercion can only be tem- 
 porary. It is impossible to keep such a country as Ireland 
 constantly under coercion. It is repugnant to the feelings 
 both of Scotchmen and Englishmen that any portion of their 
 fellow-countrymen should be kept under by main force; and I 
 must say that I consider it really a disgrace to the country that 
 such a state of things should be necessary. But the difficulty 
 
 is and it is one that I certainly speak about with great 
 
 hesitation and diffidence— we have to look at the causes of dis- 
 content in Ireland. I think they are twofold. There is the real 
 practical distress which exists in Ireland, and there is also the 
 sentimental grievance, which I apprehend is the more serious of 
 the two. The disaffection which exists in Ireland is not so much 
 that England has misgoverned Ireland, but that England governs 
 Ireland at all. They object to the government. They have 
 
 
17 
 
 resented the transference of the management of their local affairs 
 to a body which, as they conceive, is unable to appreciate their 
 feelings and to deal practically and uprightly witli them. The effect 
 of these two causes of discontent is that it calls into existence the 
 law of action and reaction. We see the distress in the West 
 of Ireland ; we hear of the distress which is stated to be in other 
 districts of Ireland ; and that distress, we know perfectly well, is 
 largely caused by the withdrawal of confidence, which is the basis 
 of the employment of capital in the country. It is because con- 
 fidence is shaken in Ireland that the means of employment of the 
 people is diminished, and the result is that the one cause is 
 operating upon the other. The distress of Ireland cannot be 
 cured so long as you have such a feeling of insecurity in regard to 
 property there. It appears perfectly clear that you cannot, by 
 simply dealing with the condition of real practical distress, cure 
 the whole of the evils whicli we all deplore, and the excesses 
 which I am sorry to see are rife in that island. Emigration, no 
 doubt, would go a certain length in remedying the distress in 
 certain portions of Ireland where the population is greater than 
 the land would support. Emigration would largely cure it, and I 
 am glad to believe that emigration to a certain extent will form, and 
 is forming, part of the efforts made by the Government to restore 
 something like prosperity to the sister island. But, after all, I think 
 that the Irish demand for self-government, or, as it is called — though 
 the term is one I scarcely like to use — Home Eule, is really what 
 this country will have to consider — whether it is not possible to 
 give to Ireland such a measure of self-government as will remove 
 this growing grievance, sentimental if you will, but still not the 
 less real. Now I believe that very remarkable man wlio is now 
 the Premier of this country — I believe that the invitation— for it 
 amounted to that — which he enunciated at the beginning of last 
 session to the Irish members to propound what they thought 
 would be acceptable in the way of self-government for their 
 country, indicated in Mr. Gladstone's mind the opinion that some 
 measure had to be taken in that direction — that it was not 
 possible to allow the present state of things in Ireland to go on. 
 
 2 
 
18 
 
 I'ltl 
 
 It was possible to put. down disorder, it was possible to punish 
 crime ; but it is not possible by legislation to restore satisfaction 
 and contentment. Tlie invitation which Mr. Gladstone addressed 
 to the Irish members was taken up rather more seriously by the 
 Canadian Parliament . As probably you may remember, there was 
 an address passed by the Parliament of Canada to the Queen, praying 
 that she would give her assent to a measure for the self-government 
 of Ireland. Now 1 may be permitted to digress for a very few 
 moments to say som(»thing in regard to that. The reasons for it 
 are not perhaps unworthy of your attention. In Canada we have 
 nearly a million of Irishmen or their descendants. They have felt 
 perhaps as great an interest in the fate of their countrymen at 
 home as if they were resident there ; but, beyond all that, there are 
 six or seven millions of the same race in the United States, and 
 the Irish in Canada are necessarily affected by the opinions which 
 are expressed by tlieir countrymen across the frontier. Their 
 ])ublications reach them, and it is a source of great anxiety to us 
 in Canada whenever anything causes excitement in Ireland, 
 because it spreads inevitably to the United States, Let me 
 instance the case of the Fenians, who at one time invaded Canada. 
 They cost us a million and a half sterling to repulse them ; they 
 cost us the lives of some of our very best young men. Now it is 
 not by any means from a mere desire to give unsought-for advice 
 that the people of Canada may express opinions upon that 
 subject ; it is because we have perhaps next to yourselves, 
 and perhaps even more than yourselves, a direct interest 
 in the thorough pacification of Ireland and the settlement 
 of all its difficulties. And besides that, singularly enough, 
 we have had in our Confederation in Canada an almost parallel 
 case, which you will pardon me for mentioning, in the case of 
 the province of Quebec, in Lower Canada. It was a con- 
 quered country, inhabited by a foreign race, speaking a foreign 
 language, having foreign laws. They were kept under by a small 
 English minority. They were given a constitution about 90 years 
 ago. Under that constitution they endeavoured to obtain the 
 control of their own affairs, but they found themselves constantly 
 
19 
 
 diccked by tliu superior power of tlio govcu'iiing race, Tlu) result 
 was a rebellion, which was, of course, put down ; and then the 
 remedy which was applied was to unite the province of Lower 
 Canada, now the province of (Quebec, with the English province 
 of Ontario. The result of that union for a few years was as 
 satisfactory as could be desired ; but ])resently the Englisli province 
 grew so rapidly in population and in wealth that the time arrived 
 when the French province began to be again alarmed in regard to 
 their language, their institutions, and their laws. We arrived at 
 a dead-lock. We got into a position not very much different 
 from the position in which Great Britain and Ireland are to-day. 
 We could not work our system, and we then found our rtMuedy, 
 not by giving self-government only to Quebec, but by extending 
 the principle of federation to the other provinces of North 
 America, by bringing in new blood and new ideas ; and the 
 consequence has been that peace, tranquillity, and progrc^ss have 
 signalised the whole state of Canada since the Confederation 
 became law. Now I quite believe, following that very instance, 
 that it is impossible to grant Ireland self-government alone; 
 there would be such an antagonism between the Parliaments on 
 either side of the Channel that probably a worse state of things 
 would arise than exists to-day. I venture to think that the 
 remedy may be sought for in extending or adopting the principle 
 of federation to the whole empire, or at least to that portion of 
 it which now enjoys self-government. I think that that is the 
 only direction in which we can look for the means of satisfying 
 what are j)erhaps exaggerated ideas and exaggerated claims, but 
 still not the less necessary to be satisfied. I think it is in that 
 direction alone that we can find an escape. Now there is nothmg 
 novel in what I am saying. I am only repeating what has been 
 mentioned over and over again by public men in this countr;^ 
 It has been discussed in the press, and, notably. Earl Grey a few 
 years ago propounded absolutely an elaborate plan whereby con- 
 federation was to be brought about, and whereby these various 
 colonies should have the opportunity of expressing themselves in 
 regard to the government of the whole empire. But the circum- 
 
20 
 
 fitanees of the country itself at this moment may make it worth 
 while for thoughtful men, such as I see before me, to consider 
 whether there may not be in that principle some escape from the evils 
 that we are likely to experience here. I am quite prepared to say 
 that as regards everything it would be an unmixed good. It 
 would certainly tend to consolidate the empire, to bring the 
 inherent elements of strength more directly under the control of 
 the principal Government, and increase her influence and strength. 
 The general principle would bo simply the consolidation of the 
 general interests which concern us all, whether we are East or 
 West, or North or South — the consolidation of these under 
 one general Legislature, and the localising of the sectional ques- 
 tions which are not imperial to England, to Scotland, to Ireland, 
 or to Canada or Australia. There are certain local questions 
 which they can deal with bett-er than anybody else can ; and I 
 believe that it would be very much better if they were dealt with 
 by all whose interests are really embarked in them. I would not 
 venture to attempt to suggest even the details by which such a 
 policy could be adopted. My object this afternoon has been rather 
 to bring the subject before you, and to suggest it as one which 
 I think might well be worth consideration and discussion. I do 
 not think it would be time lost, by any means, if the statesmen of 
 this country would see whether there may not be in the Irish 
 claim for self-government a principle involved that would tend 
 to the great advantage of the empire at large. I do not 
 believe that the statesmen of this country are unequal to the 
 difficulties of such a task. On the contrary, I believe that 
 the difficulties which they now are encountering are greater 
 than any that would follow the attempt to solve the problem. 
 The difficulty of constantly applying an anodyne to an acute 
 disease is worse than that of dealing directly with the disease 
 itself. I venture to think that if the consideration of such 
 subjects as I have occupied your attention with this afternoon were 
 referred to leading men in this country, and to leading colonists, it 
 would not be very difficult to elaborate a plan that would commend 
 itself to the judgment of the thoughtful people of this country. I 
 
SI 
 
 beliove the difficulties would ranisli as they were approached. 
 There cannot bo any inherent danger in it, while wo see we have 
 examples before us. Wo have the great example of the United 
 States. We have also the example of the German Empire; we 
 have the Confederation of Canada, as comparing very small things 
 with great ; we have ulso the Dutch Republic, the Swiss Confedera- 
 tion — in fact, without going back to former history, there are 
 abundance of examples where countries have had to consider these 
 very subjects, and where they have found a successful solution for 
 the problem. I apologise for having ventured to occupy your time 
 so long, and I must also again i.3peat my apology for having 
 ventured to touch upon these subjects. I hope my excuse will be 
 found in the fact that I take myself personally the warmest and 
 strongest interest in the development of such a policy as will give 
 me the assurance before I die that my children will remain subjects 
 of the British Queen. It would even be something gained, I 
 think, if it were shown that such a thing was impracticable, 
 because then, instead of looking to this mode of extrication, we 
 would seek to find out some other. I cannot believe that the 
 statesmen who have built up this great empire have not bequeathed 
 ability and talent enough to their successors to hold it together. 
 The truth is, it appears to be growing beyond the present 
 system, and beyond the system of government which has brought 
 it up to this point. Its interests have become so diversified and so 
 vast in all portions of the world, the influence which it exercises 
 is so great, that I think the time is rapidly approaching when 
 consideration must be given to some change in the system. I 
 think the events of the last three years, and the action of the 
 House of Commons, have shown that things cannot long be main- 
 tained on the present lines. There has been a departure, and a 
 most important departure. In other days it would liave been 
 called a revolution in our Parliamentary system of government — 
 and we know that revolutions never stop — and I only hope that 
 as the necessity for further changes comes, these changes may 
 seek a direction which will give vitality and permanence to the 
 British Empire. 
 
An ADDRESS delivered in the Tontine Hotel, Greenock, 
 on 2dth January y 1883. 
 
 Provost Wilson in the Chair. 
 
 Sir Alexandeb Galt, after some introductory remarks, 
 said : — Provost "Wilson and gentlemen, — I am not going to repeat 
 the speech I made in Edinburgh; but when I spoke there it 
 was in the knowledge that I should have an opportunity of 
 saying a few words on this occasion, and therefore one or two 
 points that I might have elaborated more fully in speaking upon 
 the great question of the United Kingdom and our colonies I 
 shall now be able to speak upon in a more detailed way than I 
 then did. You will recollect tliat it is only a few days since 
 representatives of the self-governing colonies had the honour of a 
 formal reception for the first time by the Secretary of State for 
 the Colonies, Lord Derby, who received us in our character as 
 representing the colonies that were to a certain extent not 
 dependent upon the Colonial Office, but dependent upon the \AilI 
 of the people they represented. There was one expression that fell 
 from Lord Derby that certainly imprinted itself upon my mind. 
 Speaking of the future of the empire, he said that he believed 
 that its greatness would be found in the development of it^ 
 colonial possessions, rather than in the interest it might feel in 
 European affairs. Now, we all know that Lord Derby has a 
 very high reputation as a statesman ; but I think he is perhaps 
 more than almost any other man in Parliament a I'epre- 
 sentative of the sound common sense of this country. And 
 in that character I do think th?t he spoke the feelings of 
 the great bulk of the people of this country when he said 
 
23 
 
 that he felt that the future of the empire was not to be 
 confined to these islands, but would be extended and brought to a 
 higher measure of greatness through the means of her colonial 
 possessions. Having the remembrance before me of this remark 
 of Lord Derby, I ventured to say, in speaking in Edinburgh, that 
 there were two points in which I thought the colonies might be 
 fairly commended to the attention of their fellow-subjects in this 
 country. One w - that they afforded the best field for the 
 surplus labour and capital of this country; and next, that they 
 were the best customers. Now, speaking merely without refer- 
 ence to political considerations, these are two questions that 
 I think will come home to all practical men. If the colonies are 
 a vast field for what you can dispense with, and if they are the 
 best customers for what you produce, then clearly they are the 
 countries with whom you should not merely maintain your 
 connection, but do all in your power to extend it. I must not 
 take advantage of the kindness which you are extending to me 
 this afternoon, and I shall not trespass too long upon your time ; 
 but I will venture to ask you to bear with me if I endeavour to 
 some extent to elaborate tl^ese two ideas. The first question in 
 connection with the best field for your surplus labour is, evidently, 
 Have you any surplus labour, and do you want any field for it ? 
 Now I think that quc^stion must be answered by every gentleman 
 now present in the affirmative. There is no doubt- — I grieve to 
 say it, but I do not think it can possibly be disputed — there is no 
 doubt in this country an over-population, an overcrowding in 
 the professions. We see the depression in agriculture, but I shall 
 not dwell upon that ; we know that there is an overcrowding in 
 the professions, and 1 shall not dwell upon that. But behind and 
 beyond it all is the presence in our midst of a vast mass of pauper- 
 ism, a vast body of people who cannot, however \\illing tliey 
 may be, get a fair day's wage for a fair day's work. No\s', it 
 is to deal with that evil that the colonies offer you an escape ; 
 and it is because you have this surplus labour which is depress- 
 ing the wages of those who are employed, and is burdening 
 the resources of this country with unnecessary weight, that this 
 
24 
 
 transference of the burden to Canada, Australia, or any of the- 
 colonies, would be turning into a support to you that which is 
 now a burden. Speaking of emigration, if it be admitted 
 that emigration is desirable — and I think the people themselves 
 have solved that question for us, because emigration is one of the- 
 recognised institutions of this land, and will take place whether 
 you like it or not — there are certain conditions which I think 
 we may look to for successful emigration, and for the choice 
 of a country to which the people may go. There are three condi- 
 tions. One is accessibility ; and another is fitness of climatf* and 
 soil ; ai d the last is fitness of its associations — the social con- 
 ditions which exist. With reference to accessibility I need not, in 
 a commercial town like Greenock, say one word. You know that, 
 as far as Canada is concerned, there are ships going to and from 
 that colony almost every day. They carry out hundreds and 
 thousands of people in the course of a year — carry them to Mon- 
 treal, and deliver them on the shoj es of Canada. The question of 
 accessibility, therefore, may be answered in favour of Canada. 
 But there is that of fitness of climate and soil ; and I wish to say 
 a few words upon it, because, though they are scarcely required 
 here, still the question is very often asked, and by people whom I 
 should have expected to be better informed, "Is the climate of 
 Canada such as we can exist in ? " I think the answer is found 
 in the feelings of the people who live there. I would not 
 exchange a day of our midwinter for a day of your Scotch 
 winter. It could not be supposed that we would be such fools 
 as to stay in Canada if it was not a country we liked, and if 
 the climate was not suitable for us. We would not stay there, 
 and keep our childi'en there, and try to get our friends there, 
 if that was not the case. It is impossible that we could be 
 so unwise as that. There is one fact which I happened to 
 learn in Edinburgh when I was there last week. I am con- 
 nected with the Standard Life Office, being one of their 
 local directors, and I asked them, "What do your tables of 
 mortality show of Canada as compared with this country ? " The 
 gentleman I was addressing said, " I can answer your question,. 
 
 
25 
 
 because I had the figures made up only a short time ago. The 
 deaths there are only 70 per cent, as large as the tables should 
 show." That is a satisfactory result ; and I think, when that is the 
 commercial value of life in Canada, those of you who desire to 
 prolong your days cannot do better than proceed thither. Then 
 comes the question of whether the soil is suitable. Well, I do not 
 suppose there is any gentleman who hears me — and especially 
 when there are many gentlemen around me with a knowledge of 
 Canada — will think I need say much upon that point. "We know 
 it is capable of producing all the cereals that are raised in the 
 British Isles ; we know that it produces them in profusion, and 
 that it has also a large export of them — not so large as it will be 
 in the future, still sufficiently large to show what may be expected. 
 I have myself within the last four months travelled in that new coun- 
 try, Manitoba, and the Great North- West. I travelled a thousand 
 miles right round from Winnipeg to the Eocky Mountains, for 
 the first 500 miles by a railway constructed within that one year, 
 and I do not think I saw one single mile of country that would 
 not have made an excellent farm. That extended north and south, 
 and east and west. And if you consider for a moment the vast 
 extent of country that represents, I think you will be of opinion 
 with me that no doubt for ages to come there will be room for 
 as many of the sons of Scotchmen as choose to go out. I do 
 not wish — it would be unfair — to make anything like a lengthened 
 speech. I only wish to illustrate a statement I made in Edinburgh 
 that it is the best field — I do not mean Canada alone, and I 
 particularly desire you should not understand me so, because 1 
 believe that other colonies will bear examination quite as well 
 as Canada — except that Canada is more accessible, and I take 
 Canada because I am speaking from a personal knowledge of fifty 
 years. I have lived both in Ontario and in Quebec, and I travelled 
 for two years in the north-west, and therefore I speak with 
 perfect personal knowledge when I say that in regard to climate 
 and soil I never saw a finer country in my life. However, that 
 might be true, and yet it might not be the best field for your surplus 
 labour. It might be that there were other countries, foreign 
 
 I 
 
26 
 
 countries — the United States of America might claim to be a 
 better field. But the United States has this great disadvantage, 
 that, so far as you are concerned at least, if a man gets there he 
 ceases to be a British subject, and, as I shall presently have 
 occasion to show you, he thereby ceases to be one of your best 
 customers. Now the institutions of the country are certainly as 
 good in Canada as they could be anywhere. We have the most 
 perfect system of self-government. We have as good a system of 
 education as exists in the world. We have the most efficient 
 administration of the law ; justice is done as perfectly as it can be 
 here. There is nothing to desire in that respect. Indeed, I 
 believe that in some important particulars we liave even 
 advantages over you, because in our legislation — I speak it 
 with all submission — we have perhaps been able to avoid some of 
 the errors which you have borrowed from your ancestry. If, 
 then, it be true that the colonies are the fittest point to which you 
 can direct yourselves, and if a man going there and remaining a 
 British subject connects him still with you in a material sense, and 
 enables him to serve your interests, I think it only remains for 
 me to take up the other branch of the subject with which I 
 started — to prove to you that the Britisli colonies are the bevst 
 customers which this country has. Now, having been an old 
 Finance Minister, I am very little indeed unless I use figures. At 
 the same time I would scarcely venture to do so in an ordinary 
 assembly, but I had the honour of an invitation from the Chamber 
 of Commerce, which has been united with that which the Provost 
 and Magistrate's gave me, and, speaking to commercial gentlemen, 
 I may venture to ase as few as I can, sufficient to prove the 
 contention with which I set out, when I undertook to show 
 that the British possessions are the best customers which this 
 country possesses. I could perhaps come near enough the facts 
 from recollection, but I prefer using figures. Now, on this 
 subject I had occasion to make an official report about a year ago 
 — I mean on the question of the British export trade — to the 
 Government of Canada. It was a confidential report, but 1 
 venture, notwithstanding that, to use some of the figures, which 
 
27 
 
 were prepared by me with very great care for that purpose. I 
 may say that it was a review of the Board of Trade returns of the 
 imports and exports of this country between the period of the 
 census of 1871 and the census of 1881. My object was to 
 endeavour U, ri^^ out how far the export trade of this country was 
 improving, or tending to the improvement of, the labouring classes. 
 The next point was to ascertain how far that employment of the 
 labouring classes was being created by Europe, by the rest of the 
 foreign world, or by the British possessions. That was the point 
 that I selected for analysis. I think I can show you that I was 
 correct in taking up the export trade as being the proper subject 
 for analysis, because it appeared to me to be clear that, as regarded 
 the outer world, the export trade of the country, whatever it may 
 be, must be the measure of employment which it has given to the 
 capital and labour of this country. You send out, whether it be 
 manufactures or the products of your mines, so much British 
 and Irish produce, and they are represented by so much money. 
 That is the value of those articles which have been created by the 
 capital and the labour of this country. The imports of food 
 have a great deal to do with the comforts of the people, but the}' 
 have nothing to do with the question of employment in this country, 
 or, if there is anything raised by it, it is a question which 1 do not 
 propose this afternoon to discuss. I found that the only irnv 
 measure of comparison must be with reference to population. 
 Now the population in 1871 was 31,845,871 ; in 1880 it had 
 risen to 35,246,562. I think the export trade was almost exactly 
 the same in those two years— it was c£223,666,162 in 1871, and 
 =£223,060,446 in 1880. Now, the amount which that export trade 
 represented per head in 1871 was £7 Os. Id. ; in 1880 it was only 
 £6 6s. 7d., showing the large diminution of 13s. 6d. per heav^ of 
 the population. That was not a desirable feature to show in con- 
 nection with the export trade of the country, and therefore I 
 proceed to find out the reason, and how it was distributed, which 
 may lead us to some very important conclusions. I found that 
 there were certain countries which may be classed manufacturing 
 countries, which competed, if not in this country, certainly in 
 
 . 
 
28 
 
 foreign markets. These are France, Germany, Holland, Belgium, 
 Spain, Italy, and the United States. I find that in 1871 we had 
 exported to these countries £109,627,395, and in 1880 only 
 £87,091,706 — showing that per head we had exported in the one 
 year £3 8s. lOd., and in the last year £2 9s. 5d., being a reduction 
 of 19s. 5d., or nearly one-third of the whole bulk. I find that for 
 the re^t of the foreign world, excluding the British possessions, 
 the figures in 1871 were £62,188,554, and in 1880 £60,714,561, 
 showing the trade remaining very much the same. But in the 
 British possessions the trade had risen from £51,250,213 in 
 1871 to £75,254,179 in 1880. Now I take it that is a 
 very remarkable statement — your trade with all the great 
 nations of Europe and the United States had fallen off nearly 
 one-third, that your trade with the rest of the world was 
 at a standstill, and that your trade with your possessions had 
 risen 50 per cent. That is only half the case. The other half, if 
 you will allow me, I will now proceed to state. There are such 
 things as imports of manufactured goods as well as exports, and it 
 may be well to look where they come from. The European 
 countries I have named and the United States send to this country 
 manufactured goods — not wines, not food, but manufactured goods, 
 what we call the produce of the loom, textile fabrics, &c., &c. 
 They sent us in 1871 £36,003,074, and in 1880 £58,329,224. 
 The increase of your exports to them had fallen off, and your 
 imports from them had risen from £36,003,074 to £58,329,224. 
 The rest of the world stood nearly equal, about £2,000,000. Now,, 
 bringing those figures down to the question of percentage, I find 
 this result — that the export trade of this country, without 
 reference to the imports, in 1871, to the large manufacturing 
 countries of Europe formed 49 per cent. ; in 1880 they had falleu 
 to 39 per cent. The foreign world, outside of Europe and the 
 United States, had fallen from 28 per cent, in 1871 to 27 per cent, 
 in 1880 ; the British possessions had risen from 23 per cent, in 
 1871 to 34 per cent, in 1880. But consider — and I am now 
 speaking with reference to the question of the employment of 
 labour and capital in this country — that every pound's sterling 
 
29 
 
 -worth of goo Is imported by you represents the displacement of so 
 much labour in this country, if we could produce the same goods 
 at a profit. We, therefore, must consider what amount of goods 
 we have imported from those countries, and how the balance 
 stands \\'ith reference to the employment that is given to our 
 labouring population and our capital. And this is the result, and 
 it is a remarkable one: in 1871, deducting the imports of manu- 
 factured goods, France, Germany, Holland, Belgium, Spain, Italy, 
 and the United States furnish 40 per cent, of the entire trade ; in 
 1880 it had fallen to 18 per cent. The rest of the foreign world 
 had risen from 33 per cent, to 37 per cent., and the colonies had 
 risen from 27 per cent, to 45 per cent. Now, Provost, I think I 
 have proved my case. These are figures which may be submitted 
 to any analysis you please. They are Board of Trade figures, and 
 I will vouch for their accuracy ; and the proof is that, taking the 
 employment of capital and labour as represented by the import 
 and export trade in manufactured goods, the British possessions 
 are very nearly furnishing one-half of your trade. Of the figures 
 for 1881-82, the years subsequent to this comparison, those figures, 
 I pledge myself, carry out the same result even more strongly 
 than has been stated. The increase of your export trade has 
 more than half been due to the demands of your colonies. Now, 
 Provost and gentlemen, is it possible that as men of business, 
 desiring to see this country prosper, looking in the most selfish 
 light possible, that you can look with indifference to the two 
 points — to the one either that your population should flow away 
 to and build up a foreign country — I speak it without the least 
 animosity — like the United States of America, or that you 
 should hesitate for one moment in extending to your colonies the 
 support which they desire, in furnishing them with this surplus 
 labour, which is a burden to you ? I do not think that there can be 
 any hesitation in regard to it. I think that with those two points 
 I have put before you, with the wants of this country, the want 
 of employment of your labour, whether it may be by sending your 
 surplus labour abroad or fijidinj^ employment for it at home, you 
 will see that the true policy is to dovclcp the iadustry of your 
 
30 
 
 fellow-countrymexi on the other side of the Atlantic and on the 
 Southern Seas. For this question it is immaterial wheije they go, 
 provided they remain under the flag of this country, which has been, 
 and I trust will continue to be for years, the emblem under which 
 Christianity, peace, and civilisation will be spread throughout the 
 world. Of course, Provost, it is natural that colonist as I am — 
 though I am also a Scotchman: I do not mean to give it up — as a 
 colonial Scotchman, perhaps, to put it in that way — it is natural 
 that I should feel strongly, if a doubt entered into my mind for a 
 moment that my fellow-subjects here do not share the feelings 
 that I have in regard to the mutual advantages that will flow 
 from the extension of our common rights and our common 
 empire. It is natural, I say, that I should feel strongly on that 
 point, and that I should indulge in suggestions more or less vague, 
 more or less in the future, in regard to what may be done ; and I 
 do claim, on behalf of the colonial empire, that statesmen in this 
 country, that you gentlemen who are concerned in the business of 
 this country, should give your thought and consideration to such 
 points as I have put before you this afternoon ; that you will 
 consider whether your own interests, apart from the grandeur of 
 the empire itself, whether your own interests will not be best 
 served by taking care that this great empire does not drift back 
 again into those divided elements out of which the genius and 
 heroism of its sons, and especially of its Scotch sons, have done so 
 much to bring it together. 
 
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