BRIEF SKETCH 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 OF THE LATE 
 
 HON. LOUIS JOSEPH PAPINEAI 
 
 BY 
 
 THOMAS. STORROW BROWN. 
 
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 / 
 
 / O 
 
F 
 
\ 
 

 
 -^,:,. . . ^^.:- % 'M'^ 
 
 THE LATE HON. I.. .1. PAPINEAU. 
 
l^From Dominion Monthly of January, 1S7S.'\ 
 
 BRIEF SKETCH 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 OF THE LATE 
 
 HON. LOUIS JOSEPH PAPINEAU. 
 
 BY 
 
 Thomas Storrow Brown. 
 
 '•> 
 
 The illustrious patriot of Canada, Louis Joseph Papineau, whose 
 name will remain forever prominent while her history endures, was 
 born in the city of Montreal, on the 7th October, 1786, in one of 
 those long, low stone-houses, then so common, on what was then little 
 St. James street — now Nos. 54 and 56 — near the top of the St. 
 Lawrence Hill. His father, Joseph Papineau, notary public, de- 
 scended from a family that had long before emigrated from Mon- 
 tigny, in the province of Poitou (now the Departement des Deux- 
 Sevres), France, was a man of majestic stature, who had served with 
 high honor many years in the Provincial Parliament, always con- 
 spicuous as a stern and foremost supporter of popular measures in 
 opposition to the petty tyrannies of that time. His mother, of the 
 Cherrier family of St. Denis, was sister to the mother of the Hon. 
 D. B. Viger, and to the mother of Monseigneur Lartigue, the first 
 Roman Catholic bishop of Montreal. 
 
 His school days were passed in the seminary of Quebec, where 
 his name had preceded him as a boy of remarkable aptitude and 
 promise, which was fully maintained during his scholastic term ; for, 
 as if thus early impressed with the destinies of a glorious future, and 
 already feeling its responsibilities, he studied deep in the accumu- 
 lation of knowledge as the foundation of after acquirements. Not 
 content with devotion to the usual hours of study, he sacrificed to 
 books those hours of recreation or rest that the frivolity of youth 
 claims as a perquisite. 
 
 Leaving college with its highest honors at the age of seventeen, 
 he commenced the study of law in the office of his cousin, D. B. 
 Viger, where the same intensity of purpose of a mind singularly 
 
 (3) 
 
clear and strong for one so young, rapidly acquired mastership of 
 the jurisprudence of the province ; and he was admitted to the bar 
 as a brilliant light, only to pass a short time, meteor-like, through 
 the legal precincts ; for his country had already claimed him for 
 higher purposes. While a law student, he was elected member of 
 the Provincial Parliament by the county of Kent — now Chambly — 
 and took his seat in 1810, entering at once the great political arena, 
 prominent in debates, resolutions, and every bold movement, to stand 
 shoulder to shoulder wiih its stoutest gladiators, then battling with 
 the Governor, Sir James Craig, in a contest so warm that members 
 were consigned by him to prison, while the ofTice of their newspaper 
 ?>rgan was destroyed by his soldiery. Such was our Government 
 then ! 
 
 In 1815 he was elected for the West Ward of Montreal, and con- 
 tinued by re-elections to represent that constituency till 1837. 
 
 A conciliatory policy, deemed necessary by Sir George Prevost to 
 secure the fealty of the French-Canadians during the Avar of 1812, 
 and continued by his immediate successors, allayed political aspciities 
 that had nearly driven these Canadians to be the rebellious spirits 
 that Sir James Craig supposed them ; and they proved sturdy de- 
 fenders of the British flag. Among those enrolled was Mr. Papineau, 
 as a captain of militia. It is related of him that, when conducting 
 a portion of Hull's army prisoners from Lachine, a regimental band 
 of the regulars struck up " Yankee Doodle," to shame the unfor- 
 tunates, on which Captain Papineau wheeled his company out of line, 
 declaring he would not countenance such insult. When reported, 
 instead of reprimanding the captain for insubordination, the Gov- 
 ernor commended him for his humane consideration. 
 
 Mr. Panet, Avho, for many years, had presided as Speaker of the 
 Assembly, being called to the Legislative Council, all eyes Avere 
 turned to the young Papineau as his successor, and the House, in 
 January, 1815, only echoed the public voice by electing him. Young 
 in years — in his tAventy-ninth — Avith only four years parliamentary 
 experience, in a quiet time, he Avas so matured by study and steady 
 action for the post of first Commoner — the highest position in the 
 gift of his countrymen — that he was preferred above all his veteran 
 seniors ; and he continued to hold that position till the end of the 
 last Parliament of LoAver Canada in 1837, by continued re-elections, 
 sometimes unanimous, and ahvays nearly so. The Speaker of that 
 day, when Ave had no responsible Government, and no responsible 
 minister in the House, was not a mere figurehead in a house com- 
 manded by such * minister, but a reality — the head of the commons 
 — the first commoner — really their Speaker — to guide deliberations, 
 defend privileges, and make their voice felt in the government of 
 
the province. Earnest and conscientious in the discharge of duty, 
 leaving to others the frivolities of society and care for private con- 
 cerns, every thought of his life became devoted to public affairs, and 
 to thoroughly fitting himself for his high trust in the coming storm, 
 looming up in the immediate future like the clouds preceding a 
 whirlwind. He held place, not for its honors or emoluments, but, 
 rising to the dignity of position, he felt that he should be what he 
 truly was, the grand tribune of the people ; and, deeming the honor 
 and dignity of that people to be involved in the respectability of 
 their chief, he so maintained that dignity and respectability through 
 all the phases of more than twenty years, that no friend had ever 
 anything to blush for or defend in acts of his private life. His high 
 honor always reflected honor on his supporters. 
 
 In 1818 he was united in what proved to be the happiest of mar- 
 riages, with Mademoiselle Julie Bruneau, eldest daughter of Pierre 
 Bruneau, Esq., merchant, of Quebec, and member of Parliament for 
 that city. Superior in intellect and education and personal attrac- 
 tions, endowed with a rare prudence, she was through life the best 
 cf wives and the best of mothers. A true woman, neither too for- 
 ward nor too retiring, a devoted companion and wise counsellor, 
 sympathizing in every thought of her husband, his ideas were her 
 ideas, his friends her friends. With admiration for his character, 
 and full faith in his future, she clung closely to him duriug his 
 stormy parliamentary career, followed him cheerfully in exile to 
 endure its privations, and, when domiciled in his Ottawa retreat, she 
 was there rejoicing in his relief from cares, and continuing to exhibit 
 with him, as they had from the beginning, a most perfect example 
 of all that is excellent and to be admired in every relation of mar- 
 ried life. Happily she lived till the storms had passed away, and 
 their sacrifices were unfelt, to enjoy a few years' quiet repose and 
 tranquillity in their last home, where she saw the idol of her affec- 
 tions privileged to that rest and dignified leisure for which his soul 
 had long yearned, with those cherished companions — the books of 
 his favorite authors — around him. At Monte-Bello, on the 18th 
 August, 1862, when apparently in her usual excellent health, sur- 
 rounded by her children and grandchildren, she was suddenly 
 stricken down, and after half a:i hour's illness, calmly her spirit 
 winged its departure from a world that her whole life had so adorned. 
 
 With the arrival of the Earl of Dalhousie, in June, 1820, com- 
 menced a new Parliamentary era. The offer made by the Assembly 
 in 1810 to provide for the whole civil list, always supplemented by 
 drafts on the British treasury, had been accepted in 1818, and our 
 Parliament was now, when there was a deficiency of £22,000 in the 
 Provincial Chest, called upon to make good its undertaking. Though 
 
6 
 
 the act of 1791, which gave to Canada an Assembly that might 
 justly claim all the powers and privileges of the House of Commons, 
 was mainly urgtd on by the English portion of our population — 
 who had a vague notion of its powers — rather than by the French 
 —few of whom had any notion whatever — these English, soon finding 
 themselves in a minority, cared not for the exercise of these powers, 
 while too many of the French, to whom the clergy had preached 
 quiet submission for half a century, and who were all the time 
 charged v.ith disaffection and seditious aspirations, feared that any 
 opposition to the whims of the Executive might give color to the 
 charges of their opponents. Its great value with many members 
 was its use as an inquisition for calling to account obnoxious officials, 
 while others were satisfied in exercising their right of enacting petty 
 laws. Other politicians were occupied with the thousand details of 
 private affairs, of which Mr. Papiueau had none. Throwing these 
 to the winds, with his whole soul absorbed in questions of state, he 
 alone grasped the spirit of the British constitution in its entirety, 
 and alone fully comprehended the positive and paramount authority 
 in many questions conferred by the act of 1791 on the Commons 
 House of Canada. Others were supplied with only the ruder weap- 
 ons of early warfare ; he came fully armed and equipped in the 
 strongest of constitutional armor, with the keenest of weapons, for 
 the grand coming tournament — throughout which the Earl of Dal- 
 housie figured as the champion of colonial misrule, and Papiueau 
 as the champion of colonial emancipation. 
 
 Dalhousie, acting under instructions from the Colonial Office in 
 London, and supported by the Legislative and Executive Councils 
 here, demanded a civil list, to be voted en bloc — a bulk sum, or fixed 
 amount, payable annually for the life of the King, in accordance 
 with British usage. The Assembly would only vote the civil list for 
 a shorter period, by chapters and items ; that is, under heads of 
 service, with a stated fixed pay to each official, named separately. 
 There were pluralists, siuecurists, and obnoxious persons that the 
 Assembly sought to get rid of, as a charge upon the revenue, by not 
 voting their pay, while the Councils, friendly to these officials, many 
 01 whom were members of their respective bodies, required the money 
 in bulk, that the Governor might in the distribution continue the 
 pay of all. The Councils pleaded British practice; the Assembly 
 denied the analogy ; the Commons of England always held many 
 checks against the Executive. Here, with an irresponsible Council 
 to command, and no responsible ministry to be controlled, the As- 
 sembly would surrender all its strength should it surrender direct 
 control over all expenditures. Year after year, for a dozen years, 
 came the same demand from the Governor, and the same action on 
 
the part of the Assembly ; but some expedient was usually devised 
 to bridge over the dispute and pay the officials. The Assembly 
 claimed control over all the revenues of the province. The Gover- 
 nor denied their right of control, except to a portion. Then there 
 were irritating side issues. There was a " Trade Act" for regulating 
 certain commercial matters, and a " Tenures Act" affecting the hold- 
 ing of land passed against every principle of right (where a local 
 parliament exists) by the British Parliament. The Receiver Gene- 
 ral, Sir John Caldwell, was, in his refusal to render accounts, de- 
 fended by the Governor, till his defalcation of more than £100,000 
 was discovered. There were charges against other officials, and 
 smaller disputes in which the Assembly triumphed in the end ; but 
 concessions coming tardily, when they could be no longer withheld, 
 and when new grievances were rolling up in magnitude, gave small 
 satisfaction. There is truth in Bis dot qui cilo clat, and he who, on 
 the contrary, gives tardily, only half gives. Between the Assem- 
 bly and Legislative Council there was perpetual altercation. Our 
 present upper houses approve of bills sent up by the lower, as a 
 matter of course. The Council of that day disapproved as a matter 
 of course ; and this continued obstruction to legislation chafed the 
 people to fever-heat. More than three hundred bills passed by one 
 house, were rejected by the other. 
 
 In 1822, Mr. Edward Ellice would, unknown to the people, have 
 rushed a bill through the British Parliament, for uniting the two 
 provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, had not Mr. Parker, a re- 
 tired Canadian merchant, not for any love for Canada, but in mortal 
 hate to Mr. Ellice, for some old trick in trade between them, caused 
 an opposition to be made, which gave time for Lower Canada to 
 depute Mr. Papineau and John Neilson to London, with the signa- 
 tures of sixty thousand people, and on their representations, aided 
 by Sir James Mackintosh and Sir Francis Burdett, the project was 
 abandoned. 
 
 In 1828, when grievances had gone on for years accumulating, a 
 deputation from the Assembly, with the petition of eighty thousand 
 persons, proceeded to England to bring the whole question before 
 the British Parliament, which named a very able committee, whose 
 report admitted the rightfulness of our Assembly's pretensions, and 
 recommended general redress, but le^t the carrying out to His 
 Majesty's ministers, who never waked up to the necessity of decisive 
 action till roused by the fusillade of St. Denis and St. Charles. All 
 remaining as it was, the whole body of grievances were, in 1834, 
 rather expanded than reduced in the Ninety-two Resolutions, which 
 remain as the historical record of Government abuses. 
 
 Things meaningless and valueless, and simply irritating, wer*! 
 
8 
 
 deemed by the Executive, in these years, necessary for the safety of 
 his Majesty's government. A subservient Quebec grand jury found 
 bills, only to be abandoned for their folly, for seditious writings 
 against that stern old Scotchman, John Keilson, and Charles Mon- 
 delet (now judge). Mr. Papineau, elected Speaker, was rejected by 
 the Earl of Dalhousie — a supremely ridiculous act. The Assembly 
 persisting, he was compelled to leave the province, and Sir James 
 Kempt was sent to approve the choice with a ready-made speerh for 
 the opening of Parliament, prepared for him in London, and sent 
 out to be delivered here. Doctor Tracy, of the Vindicator, and Mr. 
 Duvernay, of La Minerve, in 1832, were imprisoned by the Legis" 
 lative Council for calling that body " a nuisance." One of the 
 honorable members charged the Assembly w'tli attempting to estab- 
 lish a republic, and arraigned the whole mass of French-Canadians 
 as traitors. Such men as Bourdages, Vallicrcs, Quesnel, Viger, 
 Papineau, Holland (afterwards Chief Justice), and others of note, 
 were dismissed from militia offices (then only existing on paper ) for 
 creating disaffection among the people by their language. All these, 
 and many other paltry things, perpetrated from month to month for 
 twenty years, recoiled back on their author:^ by disapprovals from 
 England, which followed consecutively, so that the party of prog- 
 ress, always enraged at some new injustice, were always in triumph 
 for victories gained over the old. All this kept the population in a 
 condition of chronic excitement; hatred and bitter language found 
 everywhere expression, and every element of civil war divided and 
 distracted society. 
 
 Some littlenesses will creep in everywhere ; but on the whole the 
 Assembly, basing their position and demands upon fundamental 
 principles of British freedom, were respectable throughout the long 
 • contest, which can hardly be said of their opponents. It is difficult 
 to day to conceive how so many years could have been occupied, 
 and public business impeded, by puerile subterfuge, deceits, delu- 
 sions, and procrastinations.* 
 
 The appointment of Lord Gosford Governor-General in 1835, 
 
 * The late Mr. Jacob Dewitt and I met no end of obstacles in the small matter 
 of procuring a charter for our City Bank. In the first year the bill was lost. In 
 the second it passed both houses ; but was reserved for his Majesty's pleasure. 
 Six directors of the Bank of Montreal and Quebec branch were in the Council. 
 About a year afterwards a lady wrote me that her husband, then in London, had 
 requested her to inform me that the bill had been returned with approval. Our 
 Parliament being in session, I wrote to Mr. Dewitt to move for the dispatch. He 
 replied, that he could not, as in answer to a recent address for all dispatches re- 
 ceived, the Governor had, as he declared, sent them down, and there was nothing 
 about the bank. I again urged him to move, regardless of usage. He did so, 
 and down came the bill, approved, except in a useless clause about a forgery, that 
 Parliament struck out, and thus our second bank got its charter, 1833. — T. S. B. 
 
9 
 
 to act witli two other incompetents, as a commission to inquire into 
 our grievances, after seven years' neglect of the British Parliamen- 
 tary report, and which our people had through their Parliament 
 reported over and again, was entirely outside the law, and one of 
 the most impudently stupid devices ever planned as a make-shift to 
 amuse away time. Gosford, cunningly hiding his instructions, and 
 pretending to have great power for redressing grievances when he 
 had none, making himself peculiarly pleasant with the Canadian 
 ladies of Quebec, and cajoling their husbands, had drawn several 
 leading men from their party allegiance, when that mad-cap, Sir F. 
 B. Head, Governor of Upper Canada, gave publicity to the instruc- 
 tions under which he was to act, and which, on the main points, 
 being the same as Gosford's, and quite contrary to his pretensions, 
 showed that he had been acting the part of a silly dupe to his own 
 good nature, or a cunning trickster in the game of others. The 
 work of the Commission, as known from the beginning, was nought, 
 and when published was thrown aside as rubbish. A " Times Com- 
 missioner" would have produced more effect. 
 
 The session of Parliament meeting in September, 1836, was opened 
 by Lord Gosford with a speech, vague and meaningless, except in 
 showing that no determined attention had been given by the Colo- 
 nial Office to Canadian complaints. This could be endured no 
 longer. Fourteen years of neglect, procrastinations, prevarications, 
 and delusions, carrying trifling beyond all limits, had exhausted all 
 patience, and the Assembly, rising in their dignity, in the name of 
 an insulted people, replied to the address (3d October, 1836) that they 
 should adjourn their deliberations until his Majesty's Government 
 should by its acts commence the great work of justice and reform ; 
 until grievances were in progress of redress, they would listen to no 
 demand for supplies. This Parliament was prorogued at the end 
 of thirteen days — not one bill having been passed. 
 
 Government was thus left for the fourth year without a vote of 
 supplies; and public officers remained unpaid, though there was 
 £130,000 in the Provincial Chest, which led to the resolutions of 
 Lord John Russell, then Colonial Secretary, in March, 1837, en- 
 abling Lord Gosford to pay off the arrears without waiting for a 
 vote of the Assembly. These resolutions, though carried by a strong 
 majority, were never acted on, as Lord John, frightened at the 
 wretchedness of his own expedient, dropped the resolutions in June, 
 and obtained a vote to pay arrears out of the Military Chest, to be 
 repaid by the Province thereafter. Thus all the offense, if any there 
 be, in the general agitation of 1837, and the so-called rebellion, must 
 rest at the door of Lord John Russell. Knowledge of these resolu- 
 tions, presented on the 6th of March, only reached Canada — there 
 
10 
 
 being then no ocean steamer — in the middle of April, to be met by 
 a storm of indignation that roused the Province from end to end in 
 mass-meetings of whole counties, organization of political commit- 
 !j! tees, speeches, and hot discussions. No one could foresee that Lord 
 John was to break down in a scare, frightened at himself, and 
 when the news did come that the resolutions were abandoned, 
 though the more sedate remained quiet, the more ardent and the 
 young continued the agitation till November, when warrants for 
 high treason and general arrests brought old questions to an end. 
 There is a momentum in the impulse of masses that can not be sud- 
 denly arrested. 
 
 Though the word is familiar to us, future historians may hardly 
 admit that there ever was a Lower Canada rebellion, and the whole 
 record may be reduced to read that the proceedings of the Colonial 
 Office, in 1837, caused such excitement that towards the end of the 
 year Lord Gosford, fearing a revolt, directed the Attorney-General 
 to obtain warrants for high treason against several leading men, 
 which the judges, there not being sufficient grounds of action, would 
 not grant ; and recourse was then had to the weak instrumentality 
 of two magistrates. Many arrests were made of persons against 
 whom there was no charge; many escaped them by going to the 
 United States. Three persons only — Doctor Nelson at St. Denis, T. S. 
 Brown at St. Charles, and Doctor Chcnier at St. Eustache — headed 
 resistance to these illegal warrants, which ended speedily in the dis- 
 persion of their adherents. Elsewhere, men were quietly pursuing 
 their usual course of life, employed in their usual occupations. 
 
 The Parliament of Lower Canada met for the last time on the 
 18th August, 1837, only to receive an unsatisfactory speech from 
 Lord Gosford, replied to in a tone still more decisive than to that of 
 the previous year, and be prorogued. 
 
 This narrative, necessary in this place for the information of the 
 common reader of the present generation, exhibits a contest between 
 practical despotism and popular rights, small in its sphere, but as 
 great in principle as though the millions of an empire were in the 
 struggle. To repeat what is before said, Great Britain by the act 
 of 1791 had established in Lower Canada a Lower House, or Com- 
 mons House of Assembly, invested with the attributes of the British 
 House of Commons. But little appreciating these powers, the mem- 
 bers had for thirty y^ars, nearly the whole time, submitted to the 
 dictation of the councils and officials, acting by their always con- 
 venient tool — a military governor ; and it was only when Mr. Pap- 
 ineau, arrived at man's estate, became their teacher, that they be- 
 gan to understand their own powers and consequence. They could 
 discuss, deliberate, and vote ; but, through a council, the Governor 
 
li 
 
 opposed a veto to every act not pleasing to these dignitaries ; while 
 Colonial Ministers in London, to whom complaints were always car- 
 ried — conceding as rights things often refused, and constantly re- 
 fusing rights when first asked ; often false and always wavering, 
 with neither the wisdom to concede gracefully to the people unde- 
 niable rights demanded through their representatives, nor courage 
 to maintain to the end their officers who opposed them — kept the 
 parties in the position of two wrangling litigants in court, continu- 
 ally appealing to a judge, who, restrained by law from deciding 
 against one and by policy from deciding against the other, is 
 too cowardly to decide for either. Though Lower Canada was the 
 seat of hostilities, the war was Pan-colonial — each colony interested 
 in an issue that was to determine the question of government for 
 all. 
 
 In a resolution adopted in 1836 (47 to 6), the Assembly said that 
 " the House had been greatly encouraged by the hope and expecta- 
 tion that any ameliorations in the political institutions of this Prov- 
 ince would be followed, of right, by similar advantages to our 
 brethren inhabiting sister colonies." In an official letter from Mr. 
 Speaker Papineau to Mr. Speaker Bidwell, of Upper Canada (15th 
 March, 1836), he says: — "To whatever extent the blessings of a 
 just, cheap, and responsible system of government are obtained by 
 us, to that extent and amount will the inhabitants of British North 
 America participate in the same blessings." Prophetically was this' 
 written. Immediately on the concession of popular government to 
 Canada, it was conceded to British colonies round the circle of the 
 globe, and all should reverence the memory of the great champion 
 Avho won their battle. Another of his prophecies occurred during a 
 warm debate in the Assembly in 1834. He said : — " My honorable 
 friend boasts of his attachment to monarchy, and thinks it eun be 
 perpetuated on this continent. I will venture to say to him that in- 
 stead of Europe giving kings and kingdoms to America, the day 
 is not far distant when America will give presidents and republics 
 to Europe." 
 
 Whatever may have been the power or the usefulness of minor 
 lights, Mr. Papineau was the great luminary and representative man 
 of his time, and recognized as such by contemporaries ; his name, like 
 the names of representative men in the world's early history, will 
 go down as a personification or embodiment of progress in the sci- 
 ence of government in our day. 
 
 Entering Parliament an elegant young man, scrupulous in his 
 attire, bringing the prestige of his father's popularity and his own 
 repute, standing about five feet ten inches in height, broad-chested, 
 finely moulded, a handsome face, eagle eye, magnificent voice, 
 
12 
 
 and commanding presence, he could early assume a superiority that 
 all conceded. His salary of one thousand pounds per annum was 
 accepted, not as the wages of parliamentary duties, but as the pro- 
 vision for one devoting himself to public concernments, whose posi- 
 tion should be pecuniarily independent. On one half he maintained 
 and educated his family ; the other half, with little thought for 
 prospective private requirements, was expended in aid of an ill-sup- 
 ported liberal press, and those numerous public calls of which 
 public men who have not their hands in the public treasury, know 
 the cost. The independence of economy and self-denial enabled him 
 for years to refuse the acceptance of his salary, offered against law 
 by the Executive, and his noble wife bore with him many priva- 
 tions at home, of which, for the honor of his party, no outward sign 
 was visible. The bar and its emoluments he had abandoned. His 
 seigniory, entirely neglected, produced no revenue. 
 
 In all reforms there are partisans who from time to time find 
 excuses for walking no longer with their brethren. Some are satis- 
 fied with gaining their own one point ; others are satisfied with small 
 concessions ; some are coaxed or cajoled away or purchased ; and 
 others, quailing at new obstacles in the onward march, are arrested 
 by sheer timidity. The Canadian struggle exhibited examples of 
 all. Year after year produced its deserters ; and towards the end, 
 Mr. Papineau found his strongest opponents among the men who 
 had been the first to urge him onward. But nobly was he supported 
 by the great body of his countrymen, who returned him at every 
 new election by stronger and more determined majorities. 
 
 Fresh obstacles and perplexities only nerved him to greater effort ; 
 threatening intimidations, to more courageous action ; flattering 
 seductions, to greater scorn for those who offered them. An orator 
 of the highest order, exceeding in eloquence all his compeers, his 
 voice, that carried conviction when it thundered in the halls of 
 Assembly, echoed with equal power in every parish of the province. 
 
 Fourteen years of consistency — always spurning palliatives, 
 always demanding for the government of colonies the undeniable 
 rights of British subjects to their fullest extent — were not without 
 their fruit. With implicit and unquestioning confidence, his will 
 became the supreme law of his party, numbering three-fourths or 
 more of the people of the Province. His dictatorship may be seen 
 in proceedings of the House of Assembly, and those of primary 
 assemblages of the people, and in those of political committees, 
 either casual or parliamentary — all of which was public at the time, 
 and much remains on record. For what may be here found his 
 memory is responsible, and for no more. . 
 
 In the so-called Rebellion, his responsibility was only that of one 
 
13 
 
 among the many. The people, educated by him to a consciousnens 
 of their right to a government giving them the control of their own 
 affairs, had become bold in their determination to accept nothing 
 less, and he in 1837 had become less a leader than one marching 
 with or impelled by theni. Nothing with him was hidden or private. 
 For his public teachings only was he ^-"sponsible ; and what were 
 they ? They may be found in the published speech made by him at 
 the great meeting of the county of Montreal, in May, 1837, and 
 speeches at many county meetings held in that year, ending with 
 the meeting of the five counties at St. Chark", on the 23d October. 
 From hence to below Quebec, east and west, county meetings were 
 held, and the roads he traversed from parish to parish were thrcnged 
 with the populace ; houses by the way-side were draped with flowers 
 and flags ; miles in length of men on horseback and in carriages 
 escorted his march. But they were peaceful ovations ; there were 
 few symbols of war, and multitudes gathered roun<l when he spoke, 
 listening for hours to his eloquence; and what were his teachings? 
 The people were exhorted to continue firm in support of their repre- 
 sentatives in Parliament, with a new instruction to promote non- 
 intercourse with Great Britain, by ceasing as far as possible from 
 the use of her products, and to abstain as far as possible from the 
 use of all duty-paying articles, to diminish by such sacrifices a 
 revenue that was only paid to be stolen. The world would then see 
 the earnestness of their determination, and the British people be 
 aroused to the danger of longer neglecting their remonstrances. 
 This, with all right and justice on his side, he deemed sufficient to 
 insure in the end the desired results ; never advocating armed 
 resistance or sanctioning arming or military preparations. At an 
 important meeting of the principal men of his party, held in a 
 previous year, one of the greatest influence (he soon after went over 
 to Lord Gosford), who proposed as the most eflfectual measure of 
 redress the purchase of twenty thousand stand of arras, was at once 
 put down by Mr. Papineau. In the summer of 1837, he severely 
 reprimanded the writer of this article for making quiet inquiries in 
 New York about the purchase of muskets. With the organization 
 of the " Sons of Liberty," whose daring proceedings tended so much 
 to bring on the final crisis, neither he nor any man of long promi- 
 nent political standing, or member of Parliament, was concerned. 
 The young men, rank and file of the party in Montreal, tired of the 
 timid councils of the older, organized, not so much for immediate 
 action as for the future defense of their political chiefs, who dreaded 
 precipitancy and indiscretions, and few offered any encouragement ; 
 though recognition was forced upon them when it reached a sudden 
 importance, and was hailed by the popular voice as a new power. 
 
14 
 
 The organization was in two divisions — one political, with president 
 and the usual officers; the other military, under six chiefs of sec- 
 tions ; and the writer of this article, who wrote their manifesto, on 
 which the warrant for high treason against him is supposed to have 
 been founded, wr.g elected their general. When their last meeting 
 (6th November, 1837) led to riots, political arrests, and martial law, 
 Mr. Papineau left the city for the Richelieu country, where Dr. 
 Wolfred Nelson, independently, on his own responsibility, had de- 
 termined on armed resistance to the warrant sent for liis apprehen- 
 sion. By the merest of accidents, the writer of this arrived a week 
 later, also independently, without consultation with anyone of note, 
 to establish a camp at St. Charles, as a rallying point of safety. Mr. 
 Papineau was present at both places; at St. Charles only twice, 
 where he only stopped a short time when passing, merely as a look- 
 er-on. He remained at St. Hyacinthe till after both camps were 
 dispersed, when he retired across the lines to pass the winter in 
 Albany. A warrant for high treason had been issued, and one 
 thousand pounds offered for his apprehension.* 
 
 In 1839, jNIr. Papineau visited France, where he remained till 
 1847, in quiet life, devoting himself to studies that were made most 
 interesting by the intellectual treasures at his command, especially 
 in all things relating to the earlier history of Canada, and to the 
 society of congenial spirits, who so abound in Paris. A nolle 
 prosequi in his case was, unsolicited by him, entered in the court of 
 Montreal in 1843,f and rightly, too; for the information and pro- 
 ceedings on which a warrant for his arrest had been issued, and one 
 thousand pounds re>yard offered for his capture, must have been 
 contemptible in the extreme. The whole record would be interest- 
 ing for publication now ; but it was removed from the archives of 
 the court here, and possibly destroyed by those who saw the shame 
 such outrageous proceedings brought upon their party. 
 
 * Landin<r at St. Charles on the 18th Xoveraber, I had not seen or heard of Mr. 
 Papineau for two weeks, and knew nothing of his whereabouts, when, by a 
 siuLrular coincidenee, I met him and Doctor Wolfred Nelson on the bank. They 
 were from St. Denis, and at that exact moment were passing up to St. itathias. 
 He visited me after I was established ; but neither counseled nor advised, for I 
 wished him to be free from all inii)lieation with what I supposed would be a general 
 uprising of the people, that he could neither arrest or control, and in reserve for 
 negotiations with the authorities, that I thought would follow. When parties, 
 with whom I had no connection, organized an invasion of Canada in the winter 
 of 1838, I Ment to Albany purposely to learn his opinion, and found that all was 
 done without his concurrence or knowledge or approval. I found him, moreover, 
 surrounded by personal friends of President Van Buren — the then rulers of Xew 
 York — who, determined on the enforcement of neutrality laws to jirevent mis- 
 understandings with Great Britain, were directly opposed to such movements. — 
 T. S. B, 
 
 t T. S. Brown and E. B. O'Callaghan were included in the same motion. 
 
15 
 
 This left him in law precisely where he stood before the proceed- 
 ings against him were instituted. Here was an acknowledgment 
 that there had never been grounds of action. There was nothing 
 to pardon, nothing to require amnesty. He had been driven ii'to 
 exile, with a price upon his head, only to be told at the end of six 
 years that the authorities were all in the wrong. Though free to 
 return to the country when he pleased — safe from molestation — he 
 only came four years afterwards. Four years of salary as Speaker 
 of the old House of Assembly, which in past years he refused to 
 accept from the Governor, stood at his credit in the books of the 
 Province, and was of right paid to him. 
 
 Called again to public life by election to Parliament for the 
 county of St. Maurice in 1847, and afterwards for the county of 
 Two Mountains, he found himself alone in the House, and without 
 a party. The Assembly he had commanded was composed of gen" 
 tlemen sacrificing self and disinterestedly working for their country's 
 liberties. The House he singly entered was composed too much of 
 "professionals" — all self — contending for prizes and public purses. 
 He who had predicted that America would give republics to 
 Europe, could ill endure what he considered a bastard offspring of 
 monarchy taking growth here. Led by books, he was, in early life, 
 an open admirer of the British constitution, till observation of its 
 practice disgusted him with the fictions in its working. Instead of 
 three estates of theory, he hud seen, previous to the Reform Bill of 
 1832, the monarchy and the multitude, practically, almost annihi- 
 lated by an oligarchical supremacy ; and from that date, the waves 
 of the multitude gradually encroaching on " king " and " lords " to 
 a threatening of their entire extinction. The constitution of the 
 United States was to him the perfection of human wisdom, and the 
 essence of the British idea of freedom, or " constitution," stripped 
 of its excrescences, practically developed in the only fit form for 
 American communities : and in his sincerity and singleness of pur- 
 pose, he could tolerate nothing dii similar for Canada. 
 
 Small reasoners have spoken of ]Mr. Papiueau as one possessed of 
 no administrative or practical ideas of government, but a turbulent 
 orator, impracticable and obstructive, excelling only in opposition 
 or the work of demolition, and incapable to construct or to improve. 
 
 On the contrary, making the science and philosophy of govern- 
 ment the study of his life, and watchful of its workings everywhere, 
 he was — though perhaps before the time for Canada — admirably 
 fitted to construct and direct ; but before erecting a new edifice the 
 rubbish of the old was to be swept away down to its foundations, as 
 it was in 1843. Determined to obtain for the people and their Pai- 
 liament all their rights as British subjects, he sought to demolish 
 
16 
 
 the little clique of officials who had usurped the patronage and 
 powers of government, and on principle opposed all palliative 
 measures of expediency thai might, by satisfying many, give perma- 
 nency to things as they were, and prolong or perpetuate the exist- 
 ence of a sy:^tem that could never work for good. With his hand to 
 the plow, he looked not back, nor to the right or to the left, but 
 straight onward, where the furrow, opening the new, and burying 
 the old, should be laid ; and determined in his purpose, nobly sup- 
 ported by his countrymen, contented to 1 ibor and to wait; he only 
 asked in the beginning, and continued t>> ask, what in the end was 
 cheerfully conceded by Great Britain to all her colonies. 
 
 To appreciate the magnitude of reform for which the subjects of 
 Great Britain are indebted to this iron will and undaunted deter- 
 mination, the present generation must be told of British colonies 
 scattered everywhere upon the earth's surface, each with a so-called 
 constitutional government, composed, as modeled upon the home 
 system, of an " Assembly," to correspond with the " Commons ;" 
 " Legislative Council," to correspond with the " Lords ;" and some 
 old military officer as Governor, to correspond with the "Xing." 
 In theory this was a free government, but in early days the garri- 
 son was law to a colony as it is today to a village, and the people 
 willingly permitted Governors, mere puppets in the hands of coun- 
 cillors and officials, to rule as arbitrarily as the Governor of a 
 Spanish dependency, who ■wa?* " Jeneral de los Reales Exercitos, Gob- 
 
 ernador politico y Militar de la y sus Provincias, y Gefe de 
 
 la Real Hacienda.'''^ 
 
 With the increase of population, wealth, and private interests, the 
 people had become everywhere restive under this domination, sup- 
 ported as it invariably was by the officials of the Colonial Office. 
 Emancipation, and the free exercise of Parliamentary powers, and a 
 deliverer, were required. They were found in Mr. Papineau and the 
 people of Lower Canada, who so unflinchingly confided in his leader- 
 ship. It was a curious anomaly to see Britons, to whom freedom is 
 a traditional inheritance, indebted for their birthright to the de- 
 scendants of Frenchmen, whose political memories went back to no 
 government but one the most absolutely despotic. 
 
 Such was the government found by Mr. Papineau in 1818. A 
 Governor sent out from England to be the instrument of a body of 
 officials, appointed by the Crown for life, and responsible to nobody, 
 affiliated with a Legislative Council or Upper House of Parliament, 
 appointed in the same manner, composed in part of the same officials 
 
 * " General of the Eoyal forces, civil and military Governor of (some city) and 
 its Provinces, and Chief of the Eoyal Treasury." 
 
17 
 
 who ruled the Province, regarding the popular branch as of little 
 more consequence than a mob meeting on the market-place to pass 
 resolutions. Its control over only a portion of the revenue was 
 admitted, and the Council sought to dictate the mode in which even 
 this portion should be voted. 
 
 . When left in 1837, nearly every right clained by him with un- 
 wavering pertinacity for the Assembly, had been conceded, though 
 ungraciously, and dribbled out by fractions from year to year; the 
 Council itself only remaining as an obstruction, for the removal of 
 which a Council elected by the people had been for five years 
 demanded. 
 
 But his triumphant victory over misrule of the past was only 
 acknowledged during his exile, when the colonial administration 
 which had so long fastened colonial privileges to the mast-head, 
 above the reach of the people, let all down by the run, to be scram- 
 bled for by them. Those Avho succeeded Mr. Papineau founded our 
 present system of " Responsible Government," which he looked upon 
 with contempt and disgust, as a shabby imitation of Old World 
 machinery ; and he entered the new Parliament to please others ; 
 for while he could not conscientiously approve what had been done, 
 he did not think the time come for disturbing what had been 
 accepted by the people. 
 
 Of all men, a philosophic democrat sees most clearly the necessity 
 of curbs on democracy, such as the constitution of the United States 
 seeks for by separating powers that are legislative ; powers that are 
 judicial ; and powers that are executive ; and further in the con- 
 struction of the legislative power. Each member in the Lower 
 House represents, and is responsible to, one of the small districts, 
 each containing an equal number of inhabitants, into which the 
 whole country is divided. The Senator is one of two who represent 
 a State, large or small, without regard to population, whether it be 
 counted by hundreds of thousands or millions. The President, voted 
 for by the whole people, represents the nation. Legislative and 
 executive powers are not jumbled by " ministers" in the House, to 
 dragoon the representatives of the people, who are thus left free in 
 their deliberations, the heads of departments being mere executive 
 subordinates of the President, in carrying out the laws, and respon- 
 sible, not to the legislative power, but to him. Here is check upon 
 check, the greatest of all being the veto power of the President, 
 which is simply conservative, to suspend ; for if obstructive, there is 
 a remedy in the next election. 
 
 Our Dominion is governed by ideas that are European, existing 
 in vigor here, while they are wearing away in their place of birth ; 
 
18 
 
 but it requires a smaller prophet than Mr. Papineau to foresee that 
 when the American-born part of our population begin more gener- 
 ally to think for themselves, there will fall from their eyes those 
 scales that hide the fact that our assumed monarchical government, 
 having little of monarchy in it beyond the gold-lace of ministers, 
 and certain flunkeyisms, are an unbridled democracy headed by the 
 leader of the Commons, that may end in " Rings" compared to which 
 the late Tammany Ring was but a plaything. 
 
 The English-speaking population, with the exception of the Irish 
 Roman Catholics, who usually voted with the French, were nearly 
 as united in supporting the Governor and Council as the French 
 were in their opposition. They had also their continued public 
 meetings from month to month, and year to year, their associations, 
 their manifestoes, and their resolutions ; and they also sent their 
 agents to London to oppose those deputed by the French. City 
 elections were seasons of open war between the parties, turmoil and 
 bloodshed. Much appeared on the surface illogical in all the pro- 
 ceedings of the English, for underneath was the unseen impetus of 
 instinctive dread of French supremacy, the dangers of which many 
 may now think were not over estimated. Singular are ihe sequences 
 of party strife. The same conservative English party that, before 
 the union of the two provinces, literally carried war to the knife 
 against the French, became after the union those steady allies that 
 so completely elevated them to supremacy ; for, now alarmed at 
 Upper Canada liberalism, they aided the French in making Gov- 
 ernment under the Union an impossibility, and forced on Confeder- 
 ation, by which old Lower Canada.has become the French Province 
 of Quebec, where, if we may credit some alarmists, an English 
 Protestant may be as powerless, politically, as a Jew in Rome or a 
 Christian in Constantinople. 
 
 Leaving concernments of state in 1854, Mr. Papineau, at the age 
 of sixty-eight years, commenced a work for his own enjoyment. 
 The seigniory of Petite Nation, fifteen miles wide on the left or 
 north bank of the Ottawa, and fifteen miles deep, purchased by him 
 about the year 1816, from his father, possibly with the foreshadow- 
 ing of dignified retirement, had remained useless and unproductive 
 — not one-fourth being occupied by inhabitants — till now, when 
 complete abstraction from public affairs gave him the required lei- 
 sure, at the end of nearly forty years, to attend to his own ; and 
 giving scope to a long-cultivated ideal, most beautiful was made his 
 last dwelling-place among us. The passenger proceeding up the 
 Ottawa, when a little above L'Original, sees before him at the end 
 of a ten miles stretch of the river, a large quadrangular edifice, with 
 
19 
 
 high towers at the angles, built on a slightly elevated wooded point, 
 after the fashion of a French chateau. This was the hospitable 
 home where friends were made welcome as the day ; and around 
 are gardens and flower-beds, brilliant and fragrant, while through 
 an adjoining park of five hundred acres in natural forest, cleared 
 beneath, run miles of driving roads and foot-paths. Here, at this 
 imposing abode, so perfected as his last work, with his daughter, his 
 son and daughter-in-law, and his son-in-law, and all his grandchildren 
 around him, and apparently in the enjoyment of his usual robust 
 health, he was suddenly culled away at near the close of his eighty- 
 fifth year. 
 
 Accustomed to imprudent exposure in all weather, on Thursday, 
 the 14th of September last, though troubled with a slight indispo- 
 sition, he went out in dressing-gown, slippers, and bare neck, on a 
 frosty day, to give directions to some laborers on his grounds. Chills 
 followed soon, and congesti'^n of the lungs set in, with oppression 
 and difficulty of breathing. On Monday (18th) the family were 
 collected, with a physician from the city. By this time the oppres- 
 sion became so great that, for five days and nights, unable to recline 
 in bed, he sat in chairs, nearly without sleep, changing frequently 
 from one to the other ; but never was the philosopher and giant spirit 
 more conspicuous! His mind perfectly lucid, his courage and self- 
 possession complete, without effort, with absolute calm, he spoke of 
 the fatal issue soon coming to mock the kindness, skill, and care of 
 those attending. He explained minutely the intentions of his will, 
 drawn by his own hand some years previous, and counseled his 
 children with lessons of love, leniency, equity, and good-will in all 
 the relations of life, to make them happy here and resigned to de- 
 part from this world when their allotted course was run, and death, 
 the good and normal termination of our days, opened the gate to 
 an unknown but not to be dreaded future career, prepared by the 
 all-wise and all-good Creator of the Universe. Taking his pre- 
 scribed medicine, he would say with a smile, "All this I must do to 
 satisfy the doctor ; but he knows, as well as I do, that it is of no 
 use." Seldom taking nourishment, he preferred helping himself to 
 asking of others ; patient and kind, he thanked them smiling for 
 every little attention, and displayed a quiet strength, without one 
 moment of physical or moral faltering. His chair drawn to the 
 window, he gazed upon his grounds and trees tinged with the bril- 
 liant tints of autumn, and calmly said, " Never again shall I see 
 my garden and .my flowers." His only allusion to politics was 
 when an opiate had been administered, after six waking days. 
 Waving his arm to the wall, he exclaimed, " There is an appeal in 
 favor of the poor Irish I " and shortly after, '* What a stupid thing 
 
20 
 
 for me to be sick here while such tremendous events are occurring, 
 and the attUirs of England and France are so entangled." * 
 
 At half-past eight on the evening of Saturday, the 23d of Sep- 
 tember, 1871, he called the doctor to be alone with him, and taking 
 his hand, said : — " Everything that science and the kindest care and 
 attention could do for me has been done ; but to no use — adieu, my 
 dear doctor." Half an hour after, his head was thrown back on 
 his chair, with a deep sigh, and the brave, great spirit had fled. 
 The heart, that had for some years suffered derangement, suddenly 
 ceased to bi'at — the most painless of deaths possible. 
 
 In the vault of a pretty private chapel, upon a knoll near the 
 mansion, the remains of this purest of patriots are deposited with 
 those of his father, his wife, and a son. To this thus consecrated 
 shrine distant eyes will be turned, and ])ilgrimage8 be made. 
 
 The historian of years coming will tell of a remarkable French- 
 Canadian, prominent above all in his time, of eagleeye and noble 
 presence, serious and learned beyond his years, entering Parliament 
 as one stamped to be the political chief and regenerator of a people, 
 incorruptible and devoted, endowed Avith a force of mind not to be 
 surpassed, a hatred of oppression, a love for his constituents of every 
 origin and creed — who could be neither enticed by promises nor 
 shaken by threats, and who was honored even by enemies for pure 
 blamelessness in private life, consistency, unyielding integrity, ex- 
 tensive knowledge, talents as a statesman, and power as an orator — 
 a mortal privileged to command, ranking among the most illustrious 
 of his age, the grandest figure of a constitutional epoch, distin- 
 guished for every moral, social, and domestic virtue — a philosopher 
 and philanthropist, uniting the erudition of a man of letters with 
 the urbanity of the most accomplished gentleman, delightful in con- 
 versation on every subject, a Bayard sanspeur ei sans reproche — one 
 who from a height surveyed the whole political field, and always 
 saw the sun behind the clouds — a master mind expressing itself 
 with equal ease, elegance, and energy in English or French, grave, 
 dignified, and senatorial, carrying with it the Parliaments in their 
 sessions, or the people when met in their primary assemblies ; and 
 then will .be repeated the story of a prolonged life, honored and 
 glorious, as sublimely tranquil in its decline as it was brilliantly 
 tumultuous in its rise. 
 
 * With strong sight, never requiring glasses, Mr. Papineau kept by his bed-side 
 a candle and matches, which he lighted to read when he wakened at night. The 
 following list of books found upon the table at his death exemplifies the eclecti- 
 cism and Catholicity of his thoughts and study : — " Life of Washington," " Life 
 of Jefferson," " D'Alembert," "Thoughts of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius," 
 " Dictionnaire des Contemporains," " Dictionnaire Gen4alogique," " The Holy 
 Bible," "Poetry of Horace," "La Flore Canadienne," "Imitation of Jesus 
 Christ," " Histoire des Gaulois," " Works of Seneca," the last numbers of the 
 " Westmmster," "Quarterly," and "Edinburgh" Reviews. 
 
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