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DUBLIN. 1828 ; IM the citil and church hUtory for inttance of thii country for centuries, and the histories of corresponding states and churches ; the leading emanci- pating speeches too, which aibrd a matter fdr grave reflection, betraying as they often do a wonderful ignorance of a matter upon which they legislate, very fearlessly and superciliously, and often too so wildly, that their most popular arguments if they prove any thing to my judgment prove this, that the "rights of man" require thai Government and Legislation should be granted, even to a banded conspiracy of men, solemnly pledged and infallibly able to overturn the liberties and happiness of a nation ! !- and lastly, I shall scarcely allude to any particular speech or proceeding of the Catholic Association. Some of these latter topics have been already dwelt upon, and I choose, therefore, to pass them over for one perhaps more important.— In fact, 'tis my impression— tiiat many facts of observation or histbrj^iilliy bi r^trdedaa dniy passing or casual occurrences, and many, a^the caprices of this or that man — that even the present proceedings of Roman Catholic Leaden, and the general consent, i^mpathy, or approbation they meet with, are not — if considered in themselves — unanswerable arguments, thdUgh they are strong grounds, for predicting events yet to come ; they are not prophetic unless connected in some natural way with Romanitm ittel/f and viewed as emanations from the system, or illustrations of its power ahd Its spirit — 'Tis only, Ire- peat, fome permanent collection of principtea, some establislied consti- tution or organized system, that can— and that may by itself, without his- tory or experience— support the sage delib|rations and the anticipatiohs of a statesman. But as the view of this system is wide — embracing the arrange- ments and sentiments of large communities, I shall just illustrate the argument upon which I mean to dwell by a simple illustration: it is the first that occurs to me and though not in all respects alike, it may yet do all that I wont or wish, help slightly to give you some idea of a view more general. Suppose then, my Lord, a man were placed in any dangerous situation and were suddenly startled by the advance upon him of a stranger, what would be Ills natural proceeding ? would he not nar- rowly observe the armour and dimensions of that stranger, compare them with his own, try too to ascertain his designs, and if they seemed formida- ble would he not feel inclined to keep any high or vantage ground he oc- cupied — ^not to desert his shield or sword — much less for purposes of con- ciliation present them to the stranger, and prostrate himself in token of friendly submission at his feet I— his rule then was caution, and plainly the two great points of interest to him would be the poi «r and the dittpotiUoH of the man ; or how far he was able and how far willing 1o do mischief. In Ireland, my Lord, two such individuals are found, ae Protestant and Roman Catholic communities — Neutrals at present, I consider as non-entities — ^the Protestant body is in possession of th^ ascendancy— a part indeed, an all-important part, of its armour it has already surrendered— the elective ft-nnchlfte'-bat ttiU 'tin In poasemion of the shield nnd helmet, the legislative, executive, and judicial powers— (as far nt least hs these functions of the state, have not been transferred to a newly-crnntod body, and withdrawn from the bands in which the Constitution has placed them)— such defensive armour we still possess, banded to us by an ancestry whose skill in matters of law and politics is superior to praise or imitation* and whose established Constitution — in defiance of rebellions, wars, foreign or domestic foes — has made Britain to be the Queen of nations! Before, then we give up these inherited defences, and make a vital chanj^e in un illustrious Constitution— which we are bound by every tie of interest and honor to transmit unimpaired to posterity — should we not at least cautiuusly make inquiry, ftrst, respecting the power, nnd secondly, respecting the disposiUon, that moves and governs the Roman Catholic Body. Tliese two points I take to be the most essential of all connected with " the question" and yet they are not the oftenest examined nor the best known, plainly they can only be known, by ascertaining what tAai is which gives to the Irady its o^fentSt union, and name-r-hy iwcertainin'g in fact what Ko- luunism is, or its system of Church polity, and discipline, and doctrine — yut these are matters, as I said, but rarely inquired into, thought to be things utprely erclesiasttcafy fit only for divines and peilunts, and respecting them nccurdlngly most > modern politicians, whether occupying seats in tlie Imperial Legislature or deliberating in a more humble sphere, express un absolute indifterence if not a sovereign contempt. First, then, let us look to the power of the Ruraisb body. The power, my Lord, of any community may be learned at once from an old fable— in one word, it is union, or combination ; nn armjr, wo know, of lOOpien might disperse 100,000 — and in civil matters, though the disproportion be not at all so grea1,yetthe-leust experience will prove the over- wiielming iww'ei'of an extensive indivisible combination — over which suppose there presides an able Governor, and the whole plan of which presents, like the military plan, a system of graduated and well adjusted subordinatiuu, every part being simply governed by the law of obedience to its superior. The consideration of the etiicacy and tlie existence of such a combniatlon is, I think, a matter worthy of present attention ; and in this I am glad to find myself agree with the noble lord now holding the helm of the state, who in Parliament, last Session, imputed the troubles of Ireland to the remarkable combinath>n, now existing in the coimtry — a view which I shall endeavour to open and pursue — and, as philosophy requires a successive uivestigution of causes, I shall try to investigate the source and principle of that combi- nation ; and mark, Gentlemen, particularly that, should that source and principle be permanent or be allowed to remain, the danger is perma- nent and will remain — in that case, even for the combination to cease in point of faet is nothing ; it is but a passing nnd a returning phenomenon; 'tis as if a thundercloud should roll away, and yet the electric fluid «tiU 6 ovorcIinrTi* llti' air, niul tlic principle of nnw clouds and comhinations cxint ii'i'imiiiislu'd. Ildw (ar then, liii* priiui(tl(; of dimgeroin combination may pecu- liarly l)"l()ii!f to Honiiiiii^ni we are now to Inquire, and for distinctness let iH loolc thst to tlie ucelesiastleal department, and then to the lay-popu- lation. I'lipe Iliidebrand my Lord — perhaps the most cunning states- man and hnperious tyrant the world ever saw — was the flrst that usurped, and traced for liis successors, tlie way to supreme dominion over his brethren tile Chrislian Ciericy. Having possessed himself by a train of wily policy of 1li(^ powers of episcopal consecration and investiture, be saw that these e!ial)Ied him to impose on all Ulshopsnnd their dependent Clergy — who should afterward he promoted— any coNnirioNS he pleased; u.ni then nil his schemes of spiritual domination went on quietly : the canon of celibacy was but a step—the great move was an oath of fealty imposed on Christian Hishops— an oath which, witli those of Priests and Regulars and some useful doctrines i^c. for the Laity, forms the pillars on which the whole system of Romish Church militancy mainly rests. The oath of a Roman Catliollc JJishop is indeed, my Lord, very admirable ! if you were to sit down, and frame one to secure all things possibly desirable, you could not perhaps ndd a single clause to those of the wily iliidebrand. Tims— by the strongest tie ever yet invented to bind human conscience — it binds a Chrislian Risliop as far as his ability reaches, flrst, to keep secret all secrets entrusted to him — secondly, to 'prevent and communicate any pernicious design — thirdly, to defend the^ royalties of Peter — one of which royalties is the Itingdom of Ireland ! fourthly, to Increase the Pope's privileges and authority — and lastly to obey all Apostolic ilecrees and commands. (It was, I suppose, owing to the first of these items that this oath itself was kept a profound secret even from the Romish Priesthood for centurie.,, and that perhaps other important secrets still remain unknown to us !) There ure other clauses too of less impor- tance, for whicli I must refer you to the oath itself. — Thus being hinjsolf away from the field of action, this able statesman saw that the clause of mere obedience was by no means enough (for much liberty must he left to local and confidential otficcrs,) but what more could any man contrive or desire, than to bind his sworn vassals — who are yet far the most influential men in our or any land — to energetic devotedness — oflensive and defensive — to confidential secrecy, and to the ofllce of spying out and communicating nil things useful I This oath however, witli all its clauses, is not the only security for the good behaviour of Irish Prelates and their dependent Clergy ; Popes have also in their hands the two important supplements of re- ward and punishment. Thus, in this countrj' all patronage to places of chief rank is in the Pope— he appoints to Bishoprics, Deaneries, and to the chief posts in the Regular system— and seeing this, no doubt, many a holy Priest and zealous Bishop or ambitious Friar is induced* i\ with the laudable view of sclf-prumotion, to udil wings to iiis I'xcitions— tu preucb ii Kornion, write un essay, or publish u convincing ixistonil, wiiicli simll denounce all reason or judgment, enjoin the most blind ubcdicnc-c, and uphold all the high doctrines! And then as tu purdsiinient, liivside ml- monition and minor censures — in cases of plain violation of utith, urcontuina- clous opposition to the interests of Home — or to what it should cull the in- terests of religion— to use a Pope's own language, he can « strike willt the edge of an excommunication"— u weapon, my Lord, very .sharp and cutting, and not often permitted to grow rusty in its scublund, but drawn sometimes against the highest dignilieH Thus, in tlii': GuUican Church no less than o)ie hundred Bishops were excom- municated at once, ond In our history five Bishops at a time were smitten by a Papal legate— Now Priests and Bishops have always tanght that, as Bishop Doyle says, *< communion with the Pope is essential to Catholicity" and that out of Catholicity there is no salvation — such at least is the rule, though there may be fencing about possible excep- tions — (indeed if an anathema be added, it sentenves in express terms « to eternal Are with the Devil and his angels") -excommunication there« fore is very formidable ; U would separate Pi-'^sior Bishop from absolution and Church sacraments, dnd what is wors % suspend their jurisdiction, and all their episcopal of " vr&m rfrawn out u?id dictated by tlie Papal Government. — Here then, my Lord, we see as it were an ndamantine chain of motive ami moral obligation, thM hiinp^ from the Papal throne, and that binds |)ermanently the \t^bole body of Secular Clergy from Metropolitan down to Curate — nomething lilce the imagination in Homer, of a chain let down from h«aven, and holding all inferior deities, who, thougli beings of power and weight, are yet wheeled to every extremity ^i heaven by the swing of the omnipotent Jupiter ! t So far we have considered tiie Secular Clergy ; but there is another very dangerous body in the land, one to which as yet sufficient attention has not been paid — nor has tliat body been once considered in any of the securities connected with what is called qualified emancipation — I called it parti- cularly daii^rous, for its Members ore generally more select than Seculars, and more united ; resitting in the same house (in which is their library and club-room) and thus havitig more the character of conspirators, and illuminati ! — They are called Regular Clergy — a name which embraces a vast nvimber of orders, distinguished by various and picturesque names— and as the Vo\ie might create new orders ad libitum, and send, too, by a word communicated through their General, whole corporations upon a ntimoH *into Ireland, there is no knowing what flights of these Reverend^, ^Gentlemen may one day come to iMjrch or pounce upon us— Som^r of these, the Jesuits for instance, have been expelled from diflefent European nations forself- preservtttion, butin this intolerant country there is no law against them — in fact the children of the Roman Catholic Aristocracy, are this moment chiefly educated, at the two large establishments of Clongowes and Stoney- hiu'st, by Jesuits !!— here then they may settle and emigrate, my Lord, in numbers unlimited ; indeed various orders, Jesuits, Dominicans, Carme- lites, ifec. are settled, and seem to be gradually creeping into the country, building and purchasing, as we see, m many places — ^with what fund no man can tell ! — it is a curious matter, and one that is veiled in a mys- terious obscurity. All these Regulars, of course, are properly secured. By their obligati- ons of celibacy, and vow of individual poverty, they are freed from all strong ties of interest or sympathy with the country they inhabit — and then comes in, as usual, the vow of obedience — of unqualified obedi- ence — to their general ! This general, or head of the order, is thus, you see, a man of weight, and deserves the attention of " the See" ; and accordingly it is not inattentive to him t he is appointed by the Pope — is himself sworn to obedience — he is bound to reside at Rome under the eye of the Roman court^ — there his letters are sent — and if he evince a holy zeal for the exultation of the Church, and eradication of heresy, they know how to honor and reward him — or if suspected of trea- -i i I ( # cbery, castigation is at hand — But even Regulars do not complete the enumeration — I might add Nuns too> and female orders well dis- ciplined, to whom the education of females — a most important engine of policy— is a good deal committed ; and lay orders too— sodalities, fraternities, confraternities, <&c. — a kind of whippers-in to the clerical company! all of them bound by appropriate vows. In every diocese, too, as we are informed by Dr. Phelan — ^who has amassed such valuable information on this whole subject, and to whom eminently I am delighted to acknowledge my own large debts of pleasure and instruction — there is a mysterious class of legal personages called << Apostolic Notaries;" and they are sworn to defend the royalties of Peter. Here then is an ecclesiastical combination of many thousands, properly subordinated, and over them a foreign power, having, (by the united influ- ences of education, reward, punishment, and moral obligation,) far more despotic sway than ever Field Marshal had — a large compacted body, govern- ed and moved by a will, of which all I shall say at present is, that it is not the will of the State, and that its aim is not the interest of Great Britain. But hitherto we have only mentioned the officers of the ecclesiastical army, to ascertain the number or spirit of the soldierj', we must ascertain the influ- ence of the clerical combination upon the lay "subjects," as they are pro- perly called— Now I will not assert that this influence is universal, or all- commanding. The Roman Catholic Aristocracy, no doubt, and edu- cated men, who are not prepared to surrender all reason or judgment, are manifestly not so liable to priestly influence— They have, indeed, a great temptation to consider the priesthood but a useful department of state ma- chinery, and Christianity itself but a pious fraud, since that priesthood proves to them the truth of Christianity precisely as Turkish or Chinese priests might verify the religion of Mahomet or Confucius— Yet even they too, have the prejudices of education, and the prejudices of inhe- ritance ; they are born with the name of Roman Catholic, and belong naturally to the party which that name associates ; they like, too, local in- fluence and political weight, which in this country can scarcely be had except by union or party } and thus they always, as we see, predomi- nantly join in the throng with more pious devotees — But whatever be the principle or extent of obedience amongst the aristocracy, amongst nine- tenths at least of the general population, clerical authority is absolutely predominant and overwhelming— I shall not allude to passing facts — to recent elections, for instance, (which in my opinion have saved the country, by seasonably informing it)— but, as before, confine myself to the necessary and unalterable sources of this authority. Over education, then, priests have always to exercise a superlntendance ; they inspect schools, and can introduce a good book or expel a bad one ; they have catechisms too, in which they expound and cross-examine ; ond missals and breviaries well worth your inspection j and in this way the doctrines they B T 10 If I ' like llic best arc so ilt'(!|tly Impressed, ami interwoven with all the early stni- tinienls ol' youth, that scarcely any degree ol' meiiliil or moral exertion can ul'terwards disengage them. The doctrines most popular are doubtless that cluster of doctrines, ol' which no trace is to be I'ound in Scripture, or in any early Father, and for which the evidence is oral tradition, or the ipse dU'il of the Roman See — they are popidur, for it is a remarkable character ol these novel doctrines, that perhaps every one of them is calculated to uphold Church authority, and to impose a shivish obedience upon the lay " sub- jects." — Indeed — without descending into minute examination— the con- cerns of futyrity, the interests of an immortal soul, and terrors of perdition, even in an indistinct and general view, when once a temporal principle can be engrafted on them, such as exalt the Church, depress its enemies, nnist evidently have a paramount inlluence over all the transactions of mortality with submissive believers. JJtit there are particular doctrines and disciplines, upon which priests C'lii dwell with emphatic advantage. Thus, one most comprehensive and domiiumt article of belief is always taught, one which, as the celebrated Dr. Milner intimates, every mitutored peasant in the land receives, and which, it seems, can make a true believer of him— by what is called " implicit faith," — though he were not to know a single iota about Christianity ! that strange article is this : " I believe all tliat the holy Church reijuires me to believe." — A plan of implicit I'ailh, Gentlemen, which luis always reminded me of the plan of evidencf of a witness, wlio, wiien askwl in some legal process what lie could swear, said, " I'll swear all liiat my landlord swore." Tims tesliiyiiig all tilings ileslrahle at once, by what Dr. Milner would call " comprehensive" and '* implicit evidence !!" For a miracle, again, that far snr[)asses all tlie performances of eastern Mngi, there is tran- subslanliation — Look again to the conniianding autiiority assumed and acknowledged in Auricnhir Cuiilession, in Penance, Absolution, Extreme Unction, as they are laiiglit in llie Roman Church. All these are important matters, which (hot/ only can siinicienlly know, who know the details of Romish faith anddiscipline — and lliesfarn nottheonly points, connected with emancipation, in wliich statesmen might derive assistance I'roni well-inform- ed divines — I do not wisli on lliis occasion to dwell largely on them, but how, my Lord, can the m;iss of believers once duiilit llie unspeakable value of Cliiircii sitcraiiienls, or the imiispensihleiiess of all priestly minis- traliuns, wlien these matlevs iiieiU-eply ciiputvcu upon tlieni from infancy, and et!;!:r!iven too by priests tlii'ms-jlves ?-- Purgatory, indeed, may deserve; distinct notice as ;ni iiivaiiiahle imagiiiatioii- for out of that horrible place you (MM rescue jour iriends or fiiiuily only through the intercessions of the (Miurch, ihlcicessions wliicli the Clinich will not make gratis — they are »)liiied urdy on rondihojia. — huliilgeiices too are a distingiiislied source t>f iiilluuice-llu'y griint iemi>.Mon of sins It) llie penitent, hut not tijiles-s he u Ivi to hi.5 rejientance some one cu/uiti'ion, ih:d is uilutrary and 11 jtlpftsiiiR lo Ihc ilislributor.— Thus to the Cnismlors IiKhilpfonct's wen? given for militsiry uchievomertt, ufterward for gold— and thence cliiffly sprang the Reformation — Afterwards for exterminating heretics, iinil now in tliis country a very usual condilion is tiiat of fretjuent and fervent prayer repeated so many times, for *Mhe exaltation of the Holy Ctaircii, and the extirpation of heresy" — Tills very power of ordering pinyer, without permission of the state, I take to be a diujgi^rous poli- tical engine. — When millions are collected in dill'erent chapuls tiirough Hie land, the Priests can prostrate their respective congregations by a word, and make them in that impressive attitude, vvitli uplifted liiind and eye, express any sentiment desired. — It was a Di. Coppinger, I tliink, that composed a prayer lately for tiie simultaneous meetings, and w iiethor in such occtisional prayers they speak plain Kiiglisli, or whether we are shielded by iininlelligilile Latin, I am not al)le to siiv. All this,tlien, partly shews you \\w source, as you have often seen instances, o| Church inlluence upon the lay population — Vou see education, orilinances, liturgies, catechisms, disciplines, all ieli;.^ious iustiuniiMils, and spiritual nrlillery, in lull pl.iy— .ind the vvliole vi.'W, eui'tracin '• l.iily ami clergy, m;iy partly establisli and derive iVoni the peculiurilies of llu:iiisli polity and (ioctiine, a system ofchtse and lurnii or provoke hostility. Now then the Association is, as we see, 0|)enly supported by the Episcopal bench, with them go the whole body of Priests and Curates, and with them again, the immense moss of poi)u- lation, that can be moved by their several influences. Hence, chapels are lent to the Association, its Missionaries harangue from altars one ad- dresses a mob, as I am told, bearing in his hand, a Crucifix, and another prostrates himself in the street before a Reverend Father — the rent, in the mean time is collected by Priests, sermons are preached, and private ad- vice given, votes are secured, and simultaneous meetings assembled. On the other baud, should the Irisli hierarchy once change IL. h^mOB^M- 11 l> I mind, ftiul lluf Association tlisohedieHt, nnd assert tbnt it oppost'il Ific liittTcsls of ri'lipfion!— Yoii will I know flndit hard, iii first, to conceivff tliis case, for liow ymi asli by possibility, can the view« of these two parties clash? not easily I own, I shall try, however, to make the supposition intellip;ible to you: suppose it then possible, that the Association shouhl, for the sake of liberty and their country, generously risk, or rather sacrifice nil the social and electioneering influence, popularity, « know in a word your views, character, political judgment and religious principle, and jfou know the matters which we alone can judge, and the settled limits you can never pass— ourviews then are identifled, and all details of a minor character, and ordinary proceedings, must clearly be left to you — remember, however, that these advantages are granted only under eonditien that you still proceed ever promoting the interests of your church and religion — If it be otherwise — you shall be denounced at once and new Leaders and a new Association be set up by us*' !f Thus then, strictly speaking, the fountain of all the authority that com> bines and agitates the countvy is the Roman Court, but to subordinate and local instruments, or aid-de-camps, for its own sake, many trusts and lowers must be granted. It must leave the bishops much of liberty and Influence — and they must leave the leaders much of liberty and influence — each superior power, but little obstructing the general proceedings of the inferior, exercising only a constant surveillance, and interposing an occa- sional check or regulation. But in answer to all this, good-natured people simply tell us, that they love quietness, and they hope if emancipation once pass, the country may be restored to peace and the matter be < settled !* Quod volumus facile credimus. Still before men act upon mere wishes, they should consider whether they can reasonably calculate upon the happy result. Are you then sure, my Lord, quite sure, that unqualiiAed emancipation will not be the signal for increased agitation ? that the greaf troubles of the nation will not begin with Roman Catholic admission to the legislative function, if other matters remain. Look to analogy. Hith«rto then, confessedly, the claims of Roman Catholics have always advanced— every privilege conceded has been made but a step, on which they stand, and try to reach higher — Why then now stop — why stop if any thing furtheror higher seem desirable — why stop, till tliey wield, if possible, all the powers of the country ?— or is it in- deed in expectation of no very important change that the Priests, Ac. are now so aclively interested ? or have not they indeed ever, or the Leaders declared openly, that ulterior measures are the grand aim ! But, my Lord, monj porticularly, if emancipation pass— while the BishoiMf and Priests still remain feudal vassals to a foreign directory, and wliile the state of the elective franchise converts their spiritual influence into constitutional power tell me, what is possibly to prevent the existence of the Catholic Association!?— its speeches— its rent too— and seeing that Ireland has been always esteemed the strong-hold — " the island of saints"— with the loss of which Popery is itself to decline and iuU, ujid bj' which and Britain's navy it may yet be wafted triumphant- I 17 ly to mny pxtromily of the earth I why not nn(lina^ Romish iiifliiiMice over our Fiegislnturr* imrchtuing boroiiiflH at any price, ami giving cummiiiul of all the siiiuwx of war ! What \n to prevent, I finy, all its present proceeilings and influences ? It is a question worthy of an answer and a pause! — What to prevent Asso- ciation Missionaries, hacked by Priests, from still capturing votes at each election, turning out from every county the Protestant member^ and putting a Roman Catholic in his place, and in that way sending, perhaps, eighty Roman Catholics to Parliament ! ? What to prevent the uncon- stitutional imposition of pledget by this church — combination and the ki^ troduction of siich new pledges, as the concordat between the Hierarchy and the Association', from time to time, may recommend F — Gentlemen, I can see no conceivable end to these pledges ; if not sea- sonably checked, they may soon reach to a length overturning nil the principles, and upsetting all the freedom, of Legislation itself!! For instance, Radical Reform is a pledge. Why not make it a pledge, that every benefice or see of the Et^tablished Church, when vacated, should be fliled by a Roman Catholic churchman ? — of which single measure the r&sult w ince and we our liberty — If indeed it be sound doctrine, that for national independence and individual freedom, the ruling powers of a stute, should be mainly free from the control of a foreign Court, and a despotic system. The centre of these links, can perhaps only be touched indirectly — by education and not law — but the other two may more di- rectly, (particularly if the State will legislate about concessions and secu- rities, and not negociate about them ! ) — thus may not all the present oaths of Hishop, Priest, and Regular, bo abolished, and the nomination of Roman l^isliops be reassumcd, and an Act passed to prevent tho Intrusion of Jesuit*, PW 20 ^c.?— (for ^vhy should they invade us ?— have they not congenial souls enough in Italy or Spain, where their church system, too, is not constrained to wear a mask ?) — These small matters are the best of all securities ; and if they are secured,more than half mytlifliculties vanish atonce. — (Asto the pro- posed/ «<«, or the privilege of rejecting two in three, it is absolutely worthless) The apparent difficulty in these things, is not insuperable — the worst is for Rome to resist or refuse consecration — in which case there are various modes of proceeding. — And as to the third link, that connects the Legisla- ture with its subjects — why not new-model the elective franchise ? (for in it lies the root of the evil)— And make the pledges, and the appli- cation of ' the rent' or a national stock purse to election purposes, as illegal as they are unconstitutional ?— and for the suppression of any society, dan- gerous to the state, might not a power be granted to the local Government for a limited time, to countermand oir disperse any such meeting — a dis- cretion lodged in safe hands, being in times of public commotion, a more eiTectual and constitutional remedy, than a law ; which having to describe by generals, must infringe upon the liberties of the wise and good, while it cannot restrain the extravagancies of the turbulent. Other measures, too, there are, needless now to mention, which might be carried, if the public safety requires, independently , and not be tacked as usual to the question of emancipation. But, my Lord, that all the best measures will be adopted, we have a hope from the wisdom and firmness of our Prime Minister. Yet even he would generously excuse our fear — did we feel it— that a spirit accustomed to diffi- culty and danger, might possibly feel strong temptation, to take a ^tep bold and irretrievable ; and the Legislature too will listen, complyingly, to our prayers, that it should not at last be tempted to get rid momentarily of a complaint — never ending — and ahmys acting on the principle that ** im- portunity will do much." ! — Let such prayers then, as this resolution re(.om- mends, be addressed to the legislature, let every parish if possible, in the United Kingdom, come forward, and their petitions almost fill the two houses so as to leave there an indelible impression and a standing record of national feeling! !— and if this be done, I promise that— aa has always happened — the sentiments of legislators, will undergo a great and a permanent change— in fact our great practical principle is this ** if we do not support the legislature, it cannot protect us" — it cannot protect us if our sentiments be smothered or unknown. Let then, all classes of Protestants come foi-ward, and act their part nobly — 'tis unworthy of an honorable mind, to leave to others all the trouble, odium, or expence ! in a common cause, the exertion' should be common and individual— AnA is not this, my Lord,a common cause? — the cause of freedom, C'vil and religious liberty, is an universal concern. Even liberal Roman Calhulics should feel this, and resolutely refuse to lend themselves, to a plan of spiritual despotism, when once they see t k 4. souls ftined and if jpro- tiless) is for mious gisla- ? (for appli- illegal , dan- nment a dis- more »CTibe bile it IS, tOOy public lestion a hope would todiffi- a ^tep igly, to Eirily of t " im- re(.om- , in the the two ttanding -as has a great I is this ; cannot leir part all the i' should iHuse? — concern, refuse to they see I ,.J1^^^ 21 it« existence, and its aim — remembering tho many nvi experiences of men at first its instruments, and then its victims, and seeing too tliut the clergy, whatf'ver they might wish are prevented, from openly attempting their liberty, by the very oaths, ifec. that fetter them. They should suspect, too, a popular outcry — a thing easily raised when a well organized system has the ignorant, and bigotted, and discontented to pluy upon — as in Spain, that for the Inquisition, in Portugal against the Constitution, and here fur unqualified Emancipation. But especially over and over again, I would say, let Enuland remember that this is lier cause — that we have a com- mon legislature, a united Church, a united Kingdom— let her then, if there be weight in any thing we have urged or might urge — and remark, all our arguments are general, scarcely a word said of Ireland peculiarly, all the great mischiefs must come from a legislature, common to the three countries! — Let her then as I said stand up in defence of the Constitu- tion — let her freeholders assemble, like the brave men of Kent, and display to representatives the sentiments of those they serve ; and thus the flame of civil and religious liberty will spread itself. And why should not Brunswick Clubs too, for the present, arise there ? — unless some better plan be found for uniting Nobles, Clerg}', Yeomanry, and Gentry, in expression of sentiment, and defence of liberty, some bet- ter plan for— promoting petitions —preventing, as they have already largely done, the emigration of our scared and persecuted Protestant tenantr>- — interrupting that stillness and silence, which have been so long a triumph to our opponents, and even to our best friends a doubt, and dread, and mis- construction ; — and shewing to the country the learning, talent, numbers, property — the pre-eminences of heart and head upon our side — shewing, in a word, WHAT WE FEEI, and WHAT WE ARE !— I see, at this moment, no better plan for efiecting all these things, and therefore I have joined them, and advise their formation : no doubt, against them, sometliing may be said — but at this crisis they are so necessary, that hut for them per- haps — within one small year, the Constitution might be sacrificed ! — Let them then be formed in England. The mode of creating them, my Lord, is exceedingly simple. If two or three gentlemen, in every town, will appoint a time and place of meeting, and communicate the fact, some friends to the Constitution will attend. Whether they be few or many, let them form a Club, and name its officers, and before a week hundreds will flock to join them ! And thns a Briareus will arise with a hundred arms in defence of liberty ! — and his Stentorian voice will be heard by the country ; and if that voice be clearly beard, then, in the worst possible case, there is still a hope and a remedy. A dissolution of Parliament might prevent a representative body from opposing the feelings, or sacrificing the interests of its constituency ! Meantime, while danger overhangs, let Brunswick Clubs continue, anil disappear along with the danger ; let them prove that their aim is to siiiiport the Govurnniotit — thut their motives are not bigfotrj, not monopolj, nul iiny uncluistiun ur unmanly spirit, but simply a love of liberty, and a well-groumled fear that it is in (lunger — let US especially, my friends,meet, unite, encourage and know each other — and contribute liberally — for I tell you, that, to carry on our objects, liberal contribution is imlispensible ; and lastly, let us adhere to our plans and principles — promulgate sound politi- cui doctrines — correct misrepresentations— awe outrageous violences — redress the victims of persecution — abstain from every thing of insult — from every thinf>; of injury — exercise eminently the spirit of charity, espe- cially to our llomun Catholic countr>'men, and thus maintain the characters vhich should peculiarly be ours — the illustrious characters of loyalty, of legality, oiid of universal benevolene. ■ y m