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Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul cliche, il est film6 d partir de Tangle sup^rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m^thode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 clc^ A ^ / J I WORK'S ISSUED I! V Ubc Ibahlu^t Society. TIIK VOYAGES CAPTAIN LUKE FOXE AND CAPTAIN THOMAS JAMES. \'OU. I. No. LXXXVIll. i I ! ADMIRAL SIR THOMAS BUTTON, KNIGHT. DIED 1G34. I'loiii tin ,'rii;iiiit/ .'// /'limiting hi the /.i My. I,: M. r,;ilu- ii/ ('lUifyi'c/il'l /''iri\ (Uillil,'l\;iiiifii V « f \ A ( .A 11! » I I I I ' I i I THE VOYAGES OF CAPTAIN LUKE FOXE OF HULL, ANU CAPTAIN THOMAS JAMES OF BRISTOL, IN SEARCH OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE, IN 1631-32 : Wn-M NARRA-nVKS OF TH,.: farmer NORTir-XXEST VOVAGFS OF FROmSHER. DAVIS, WKVMOUTH. MALL, KXHIHT. IirnsOV BUTTON, (GIBBONS, BYI.OT, BAFFIN, IIAWKRIDOE. AND OTHERS. «Pl>itrl>, toitft jiotrs anU an Introiurtion, BV MILLER CHRLSTY, F.L.S. Ill IN TWO VOLUMES.-VOE. I. LONDON: PRINTED FOR THE HAKU'VT SOCIETY, 1, LINCOLN'S INN IIKLUS, U'.C. M.DCCC.XriV. m 1 -> l(c.l 12 l.oNDd.V : I'l^lMKI. in .HAS. J. , ,.ARK. 4, ,,N, „1,N'. INN KIKI.ns, W.C, / ' ^ >3 CO UNCI I, OK TIIK HAKLUYT SOCIKTV. n.KMKMS k. MakKH.sm, Km,., C.l,,, |.,K.s.. /Vv ,. A'. (A .V. . I ■kI.M, .KM . Majur-(;kn..:kai. Sir [U.sky Ravviin.v.n, k.( .1".., I).< i,., i.i.,i,., |..k Iss.u;',' /■/rufnvr (/,■ /.'/// I III; kli.HT Hon. I tltltt d, l-'nuuc, \l( i:-l'kK.slliKNI. (iR Vi( i;-.\i Roii ) AliKKDAKK, (i.C.l!,, I'.K.S.. \'|( i.-I' Ri.^mi.N 1. MIKAI. I.lNDKs.W HUIM.: IK I liuowN, ICsy., M.A., I'H.l). MlI.l.KK (.'IIKISTV, I'lso. TiiK Hon. (;i. OK(.K N. ( l K'/().\, M.I' 1 in; Ki(,iir Hon. Sik .Moi n RM.S. V. l)l( ANK GoI).MA\, Ilsi.i. , i' Al.HKKT (Jkav, Ivsy. ('. I'. I.i;< AS, Eso. I.MIAIM !■;. (iK.VN 1-1)1 I I , li. (.>.!., /,,./,■ /', K.S. A. P M AID.sr.AV, IvM). V: l)KI.M.\h MoR. K. A. I'kt)ii;r i( K, Ivsy. s. w. s II.VKR, ICso (.'oLns Trottek, Ksy. prok. e. n. Tvi.oR, n.c. [,. Captain W. J. I,. \Vii.\rton, k.\. Wlll.lAM I'o.SIKR, ^' '. /_' •'ii>r,irv .Si;n-/,n n-w CONTENTS OF VOLUME I, ;..%* Editor's Pkki-acic . Introduction : Preliminary remarks Voyages preceding those of Foxc Captain Luke Foxes X'oyage Captain Thomas James's \'oyagc Concluding remarks Post-script .... North-West Fox : Facsimile Title-page . Address to the King Preface to tlie Reader . King Arthurs Conquests Octher's \'oyage . Voyages of th'i Zciii and others Frobisher's First Voyage, 1576 Frobisher's Second \'oyage, 1577 Frobisher's Third Voyage, 157S Davis's First \'oyage, 15S5 . Davis's Second Voyage, 1586 Davis's Third Voyage, 1587 . VVaymouth's \'oyage, 1602 . Hall's First Voyage, 1605 Hall's Second Voyage, 1606 . Hall's Third \oyage, 1607 . Hall's Fourth Voyage, 161 2 . Knight's Voyage, 1606 . Hudson's Voyage, 1610-11 I'AOE IX and James 1 V . liv . cxxxi ccviii ccxxii J 5 7 '3 16 4.3 5- 60 <^5 74 80 86 92 95 96 106 114 viri CONTEXTS OF VOLUME I. North-West Fox {co,uinucd) -. Button's Voyage, 1612-13 Gibbons's Voyage, 1614 Byiot and Baffin's First \'oyagc, 1615 Bylotand ISaffin's Second Voyage, 1616 Hawkridgc's Voyage, ? 1617 . 162 201 202 24S ■X- * * For conclusion of^^Xorth- 1 1 'est Fox\ see I Wunn- II. LIST OK MAI'S AM) ILLUSTRA'I'loxs. {/•'rontts/n'rirj /■'iici/io; |i. f i'ortiait of Admiral Sir 'I'liomas l^utton Reduced facsimile of Foxc's chart (dobe Chart showing the Routes ,.f .he Knghsh NaN igators who sought a Norlh-West l'assa.^e through Hudson's Hay, 1610-16^2 / -/■ .- ■' iiojinr /,isl /),ioc.) "y^ W^ 1 SMi;gt' EDITOR'S PREFACE, ^ A|^^~~^^^ H I'^ j)rcs(.Mit volumes consist of ;i J— ^ 1^' >v reprint of the narratives of two I'^n^lish navigators who sailed in search of a North-West Pass- age in the yc;ar 1631 — namely, th(t Nortli-M^est Fox, or Fox from the A'orlh-W'csl Passage, by Captain Luke Foxe, of Hull, published in 1(535, ■^'^^' ■^^^^^' ^(^i-Wi^c and Danorroiis l^oyaor of Captain yyio»ias fames (of Bristol), published in 1633. Inasmuch, how- ev(M', as l''o.\e j)i"efi.\ed to his own narrative abstracted accounts of all prcjvious voyages north- westwards with which hi^ was ac(|uainted, his work became much more than a narrative of his own voyage. Most of these accounts of earlier x'oyages given by I'axe are mertily abstracted from the pages of llakluyt or i^u'chas ; but several of them are original and of considerable value. Both works (which are of much interest in their way, though tliffi-ring widely from each other in X editor's pkefaci-:. many respects) are fully described and discussed in the Introduction. The advisability ot making" the two volumes of the present work ap[)roximately equal in thickness has caused the somewhat-inconvenient division in the middle of the reprint of the North-West Fox. The first volume will be found to contain my Introduction (which treats, not only of the voyages of Foxe and James themselves, but also of the earlier voyaj^es which led up to them), together with the first portion of the Nforth-Wcst Fox, containing Foxe's account of the north-west voyages preceding his own. The second volume contains the remainder of the North-lVcst Fox (namely, that portion relating to Foxe's own voyage), together with the whole of Captain James's work, and an Ap[)endix containing certain interesting documents referred to in the Introduction. It remains forme to thank the many kind friends who, in tht; course of my work as lulitor, have so liberally responded to my incjuiries and requests for information. In the first place, I have especially to thank Mr. F. Delmar Morgan, late Honorary Secretary to the I' ' 'uyt Society, who has from the first rendered ■ e very valuable assistance in every possible wa) . EDITORS I'RErACE. XI I am also very much indebted to Mr. G. H. Pope, Treasurer of the Merchant Venturers' Society of Bristol, who has both copied from the originals, and corrected the proof of, the interesting' letters relatin*;" to James's voyage preserved at Bristol ; and to my cousin. Miss C. Tell Smith, of Great Saling, Essex, who has made researches for me at the British Museum and elsewhere, and has rendered me much literary assistance. My thanks are also due to Mr. Coles, of the Royal Geographical Society, who has given me advice on obscure geographical questions ; to Prof. Skeat, who has assisted me with the derivation of various obsoicle words ; to Mr. J. G. Baker, F.R.S., of Kew, who has advised me with reference to several botanical points ; to the Rev. Canon Austen of Whitby, wht) has searched the Parish Registers for the entry of Captain P'oxe's death ; to Captain \V. J. L. Wharton, R.N., who has helped me with reference to several nautical matters ; to the late Mr. John Taylor, of the Free Library, Bristol, who has sent me information relating to Captain James ; to Mr. R. Hill I3awc;, Town Clerk. Mr. W. Andrews, and Mr. T. i indall Wildridgc, all of Hull, for biogra[)hical information relating to Cap- tain Foxe ; to Mr. J. L. Wheatley, Town Clerk, Mr. John Storrie, and Mr. J. Ballinger, all of Cardiff, for much local and valuable information relating to Sir Thomas Button ; to Captain Sir J. Sydney Webb, the late Mr. Inglis. and Mr. I'. Ci. Weller. for facilities in searchino- the ancient records of the V VJ d XII EDITORS I'RKKACE. Trinity House; to Mr. V. C. Dcinvers and Mr. W. Foster, of the /Xrchives I)(;partnient of the India Office, for facilities for examinino- the Records of the Old East India Company ; to Dr. (ieort^e H. Moore and Mr. Washington I'^anies. of the Lenox Library, New York, for information concerning, and for revisino- tht; proof of. the A/olircs; to Mr. Bernard Ouaritch, for advice as to the pre.sent rarity and value of copies of the works of Voxti and James ; to the Treasurer of the Liner 'i'emj)le for permis- sion to examine the Rei^ister of Admissions to that body ; to Mr. G. \V. Waddini^ton, of Orosmont. Whitby, for information as to Foxe's marrias^e ; to I\L". Ivor James, of the University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire, Cardiff, for information relating to Captain Thomas James; to Mr. C. H. Coote, of the British Museum, for help and advice upon several points ; to Mr. Clements R. Markham, President of the Hakluyt Society, for timely assist- ance on various occasions ; and to many other gentlemen who have assisted me in other ways. In conclusion, I need only add that, as editor, I have not knowingly altered a single word in the narratives of either Foxe or James {bad as is the diction of the former) without clearly indicating any additions by inserting them within brackets [ — ], except in the case of c(;rtain obvious misprints, whether pointed out in b'oxe's two pages of errata or not. With the punctuation, however (especially with that of lM)xe, which is exceedingly erratic), I have taken great liberties, and have amended it editor's PREFArK. XIII I throughout, in order to render the meaning- clearer to modern readers. With regard to the numerous foot-notes appended to Foxe's narrative, it is necessary to explain that those with the initial "/\" appended to them are Foxe's own, being explanations and remarks which appear as side-notes in his pages ; those signed with a " C" I am of course responsible for ; while those distinguished by the words ''Foxc AlSy or ''Masters MS.' are extracted from the MS. Journals mentioned in ihv. Introduction (p. cviii). The notes to James's narrative are all mine. None of the original documents introduced herein have, to the best of my belief, ever before been printed in full, except those contained in Appendix I) and Sir Thomas Button's letter of Feb. F6th, 1629-30 (p. Ixv), which appeared in Mr. G. T. Clark's AccoiDit of Ad))iirah Sir Robert I\fanscll and Sir Thomas Button. During lli(; progress of my work as editor, I have u.sed the latest Admiralty ("harts of " Ihidson's I^av and Strait" (No. S63). published ]\\\\v 2Sth, i SS4, with corrections to August iSc^o, and of the " Har- bours and Anchorages in Iludson's l)ay and .Strait" (No. 1221), pubhshed in 1 SSo. All names I have used are taken from these charts. i'Vom th(" former has been prejxired the large chart of I ludson's Jliy, showing th(; routes of the early na\'igators, wliich. is placed at the end of this volumi-. •fnem mmm XIV editor's preface. All references (both in the Introduction and notes) to pages on which occur c(Ttain passacres in the works of Foxe and James are to the pa^'s of this reprint, and not to the original editions unless otherwise stated. CHEr.MSFORI), November 1893. Miller Christy, ^ i i * I '*»¥/.'^^!w^. it77r.^«T?":it7e^"?f.i««*viw"'':'w*«wte "7 T ■7^ 95' 90° Arcijc Circle B5l. m° JK >=..^-!i'--.VV" u. (\Sre\roortJLa3tej) o^ O^ '^^ '"A jlf/ ''Me- ' 1 dall S O y T II A M P T O K j: s I. a k d s{ 8 ■■•i' / ^ / \ \ . ^r Gods Me*-cf \ \ - /i. Am ^- \ (SHdpefi t-htAjted,) '<:■'■' '' r-o 1° / ■ (Jiution,) ■ - " J V,y < \ \ > \ '? \ \ \ ^^ \ \ V <" c;^.^''*'^^-/^ ^. t .-, J. ^i^ ;Mi^ '^^ -^V ,^--^- f\ /~0 / \ .0^ lux .,•- •/■ / / /' .«■*'' r-- ^1 H o'^^" • —i -==:: p^' ^ '- ^'^ / /' y \ -V Al P TO K IS- D SI ~\l /WhtteBrar ii A. f .V, <-K"^ I '"■'^-A' SAUSBUKY Iy^J^X,C<>\ - ,, 1 V.,'',\^< . /—"nW •-I?^"-^ > '^. ./t^, .-jCJJaiu broke. At ^ 'P ^r "voYACCS or FOXC & '^hi n J> \ 2/^, ^X suipi;^^r (^ V X '■■■-'. ';vHt:soi,ir \ L ^/ X.^^,/1 ^"S.," vi^oirf HjixisoTt,} ^. '"O^J «<. ,«>!.f*':.^ ?^ >, ■'fid / I i (P^ t ■0.>^" ;\\\ Gr^n /..;-■" 1\\ 0, « VOYACCS or FOXE & JAMES:'hAKLUYT_S0CIETY,I893 ''in *— 4 — « «4f-''" ■isOEir \, Z*" / ^— I— I— I— . ^^-^- i ■t- ^>,A^ ^r ^, '^ ~Ani>A_H»ia«on,lG10. ♦- Jan Miw, 1631 . ?i:-_%wkrid4«,lGl 7. -J J aTne«J632^. .. ...^ •-$fo. ^i^-fesey.6,4 Showing the lloiit^s of tiu' VARIOUS NAVIGATORS, Who sought for a North-west l*a.ssage throuiih HUDSON'S STRAIT, 1610 to 1682. Trace d by MILLER CHRISTY ESQ. B-eference. HudMojv, imom. TIiMMrkruirj^., /^77 ? BuCU>fv. 161 2 r 13 Miuth.lf^'fi. , _^ Gibhcrrta,]€l4'. ^k »• ^lot £Ba/thul6l6. I II ■) — r-mTTT- ic • "" ' ' "^"^ I iyyiita^A ^?r 'a ^J, '*'-%,: -J'-^-l.i6i4. P. Ixxxiv, 11. 7 to II. i'leces ol cloth for Jap;in: sec also Postscript, p. ccxxiv. P. cix. Foxe's MS. Journals : see also Postscript, p. ccxxix. P. cxxxi, last line. /•Vjr " Alderman Thomas" r^arf" Alderman Thomas James". P. II, 1. 27. "litle Mr. Jefiery [Hudson]"' : see Postscript, p. ccxxviii. P. 11,1.28. "Mr. Evans, his Maiesties great Porter": see Post- script, p. ccxxviii. P. 19. Voyages ol the brothers Zeno : see also Postscript, p. ccxxii. P. 79, 1. 20. Davis's "owne words": see Hakluyt's I'oya/^es, vol. iii, p. 118. 1'. 80. Weymouth's voyage : see also Postscript, p. ccxxii. W 115, «o/r. Colbert, Cobreth, or Coolbrand : see also Postscript, p. ccxxii. f I '..■Aii m mmm ^mmmmmmr. ». ERRATA. ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA. P. vi, 11. 15 and 16. Peletc the words "as seems to he the case" (see pp. cviii and cix, and note). P. xxviii. Button's Instructions : see also Postscript, p. ccxxiv. P. xxxix, last line but two V){ note. Delete "John Evelyn, the Diarist". P. xl, 1. 2. /75r "twenty-seven'' nv;^;"' twenty-four". P. xli, i. 13. /•<';• "all j^oods brought" read "all goods which might be brought". P. xli, 1. 20. /•'w"on goods passing" read "on goods which might pass". P. xlvii, note. Lord Carew's letter : This has been printed in Letters from George Lord Carew (Camden Society, i860), p. 27. P. 1, note. Certificate concerning Hawkridge : sec Postscript, p. ccxxvii. Pp. xlviii and xlix. Date of Ilawkiidge's Voyage: see Postscript, p. ccxxvi. P. liii, last line but on> of note. /V?/- " narratives'' /Mr/ " narrative". P. Ivii. For "Trinity House" /rrt;■" Alderman Thomas" r<:rt^/" Alderman Thomas James". P. II, 1. 27. "litle Mr. Jef^ery [Hudson]" : see Postscript, p. ccxxviii. P. 11,1.28. "Mr. Evans, his Maiesties great Porter": see Post- script, p. ccxxviii. P. 19. Voyages of the brothers Zcno : see also Postscript, p. ccxxii. P. 79, 1. 20. Davis's "owne woids": see Ilakluyt's I'oynge.s, vol. iii, p. 118. P. 80. Weymouth's voyage : see also Postscript, p. ccxxii. P. 115, «fl/ist line Init one oi ttote. Iu)r " soutiv' rcdd " soutli-wcst". 167, note 1. Button's deserted ship: sec also Introduction, j). ci ; Postscript, |). rcxxx ; and pj). 344 to 348. 175, note I. Add'' C." 177, note 2. I'\iy " |). 25S, orij^inal edition"' r^(/^/ " sec p. 426". \-/'6, /lotc. Fo?-''{ci. North-West Koxc, original edition, p. 161)" tvad " see p. 241". 203, wrVt'. Delete irom " Knowing, as we do" to "clearly unable to do." (See also Introduction, p. x, note). 201, /tote. Promoters of (ubbons's X'oyagc : see also Postscript, p. ccxxv. 248, last line. /•"(';■ "[1619]'' read "[? r6i7]" : see Postscript, p, ccxx\ i. 399, sixth line of note 2. Petete the loord " who". 402, note 5. For "p. 283" read "p. 2S2". 452. Note on Nash : see also p. ccvii, note. 492, fourth line of note 3. I'or '' he" read " him". 493, 7iote. Ca])e Monmouth : see Postscript, |). ccxxx. 512, note I. /'"r?;- '' ace />ost" read '^ sec ]). 614'. 529. Winter's l'"orest : see Postscrijit, p. ccxxxi. 537, note I. James was ])rol)al)ly Welsh (see lntro(Iu( lion, p. ccvii). 564, note 2. Delete the words "One authority states tii;it", ami see Introduction, p. clxxxix. 591, last line but two of notes. /''or "Hudson's P.ay" irad "Hudson's Bay Comjjany". i'!2. Ill' te. I'or " forcijoin'j" read " follow in; I NTRODUCTION. ffi w> m ^ ^3 ^m K the whole hisiorv of Geonrra- jjhical 1 )iscov('ry, then; is cer- tainly no more strikiiii^ or niorc^ iiUerestinij;" fealure than that rc- inarkal)le fexcr for Arctic e.\j)lora- tion, which hrst showed itself in thv. vox'ai^'es of the. early Italian. Spanish, antl Portu^uest; navii^ators; which, cliirinL;' the- Mickllc Al^cs, affected more or less all the maritime nations of \Vest(?rn Iuiro|)e, develop- ini;' at last into a perfc!Ct cra/e for the discoN'cry of a navij4'abl(; sea-passao;(; round the northern coasts of North America or Asia to th(; rich spice-bcaring countries of the I^^ar I'^ast; and which continued with increased, rather than abated, strength e\-en to our own times. DiirinL;' this loni;' period, scores of different ex- peditions were; sent out ; dozens of fuie N'cssels were lost; huiulrc:ds of bold e.\j)lorers perished; .md many thousands of pountls were fruitlessly i;.\p(!nded. ^■et. so mtense was nations of Western I'Airo belief in the existeii the enthusiasm amon^' the )|)e, and so stroni;- was their i )f th ce oi the; passaire so art Icntly 'fT ""'^'"''mmmmmmmmsflltm mmmmmmmm. fci ' "i l jg»ii Wljl'll^ll 1 in,. 11 VOYAGES OK FOXE AND TAMES. sousjht, and in its hitrh commercial value when found, that there was seldom a tim(? when there were not forthcomino- still more; Adventurcirs who were ready to risk th('ir lives, their vessels, or their w(;ahh in order to undertake further exj)lora- tions. And when, at last, in the vear i8si, success did crown this long and persistent search for a North- West Passage, and the long-sought passage was proved to have an actual existence, it is somewhat huniiliating to have to record that it was at the same tim(^ proved to have no practical value what- ever from a commercial j^oint of view. Yet, in si)ite of a rc;sult which sciems at lirst sight so disaj)pointing, it is im|)()ssil;)le to regard the vast amount of time and treasure expended as b)' any means altogether lost. Although it is perfectly true that the main end in view, when attained, was found to be \'alueless for the |)ur|X)ses for which it was sought, it is nevertheless equally true that many most worthy and valuable (;nds were attained by the long-continued search. In short, a scientific know- ledge of the region affected, and of its products and peculiarities, was obtained, such as could hardly have been acquired by any other means than those em|)loy(xl; and these results, it maybe unhesitatingly slated, are of fu' greater value than those which havt; been th(^ net outcome of many purely military and na\al ('X[)edilions which have involveel the sacrifice of vastly greater amounts of w(;alth and human life. Among the more notable of th(^ earlier English voyages undertaken in search of a NorthAVest 1 -.vt. IXTKODUCTIOX. Ill Pas.sa_i^(^ art' certainly those of Captain Luke I-'oxc and Captain Thomas James in th(; y(;ar 163 i. Their r(?spectiv(; narratives arc; remari^able as bein<^ ahnost, if not ([Liite, the earhest separately-piibHshed Knglish works describinL;' voyay;es in search of a North- West Passage. None of the; earlier \-oya_L;ers seem to have published detailed accounts of their explora- tions in separate; form, though we ha\'(; narratix'es of most of them in tht; paiL;^(;s oi Ilakluyt and Piirchas. The; two volumes in ([uestion arc, moreo\n;r, re- markable; in oth(;r ways : they are in all resj)ects com- panion \-olumes, as th(;y describe \'oyai_;c;s undertakc;n in the sanu; year, to th(; saiiK; |ilace, and with the same; object, b'urther, the two captains met, by accid(;nt, at the scene ot their explorations ; th(;ir r(.;spc;ctive works were published within two years of oin; another, and in the; same; form and size ; and both alike have now become scarce and valuable, a perfect copy of either being very rare, and worth a consid(;ral)l(; sum. Th(; reasons for reprinting them together in the series of th(; Hakluyt Soci(;t)' are, therefore, obvious. I will tak(; Captain b'oxe's narrati\-e first, as it is the more im|)ortant of the two. The xohime con- tainiiiL:- it is hill\- descril)ed hereafter from a biblio- graphcr's point of \'iew. It is, ther(;f()re, sulticicnt to state here; that it is a small (|uarto, consisting of about 275 pages; that it ix'ars the whimsical title of flic Norlh-Wc^f Fox; and that it was published in London in i''),';5. Consi(l(;ral)ly less than half the work, and that the latti-r half, is occupied by l''oxt;'s account of his own voyage;. Thv greater 'iii i t IV VOYAGES OK FOXF AND JAMES. I part of th(; l)ook is filknl with abstracts of the; accounts sj^ivcn of their explorations by th(; princi[)al navig'ators. some fiftecm in number, who had j)re- ceded him in the search for a North-West Passage from the very eaHiest timc;s. These narratives, which are, of course, mainly taken from the; paij^es of Hakluyt and Purchas, render TZ/c Norl/i-]\\'st Fox, so far as the history of Arctic research is concerned, a miniature and abridi^ed edition of those well-known works. Thret;, however, of these narratives are of s})ecial interest, inasmuch as they L^ive us almost the whole of the information extant respecting the v(^yages they describe. With refer- ence to these abstracts of earlier voyages, Foxe himself, in a passage (Preface to the Reader; see p. 9) which, were it a little less uncouthlv worded, would be a really fme piece of rhetoric, boldly admits that they were taken chic^tly out of Hakluyt and Purchas, and says : "I do confesse my selfe to be infinitly bound unto them and others for their paines." ile had, he tells the reader, by these abstracts, brought the large and costly works of the above-named writers cheaply within the reach of all, besides adding "much that never came in print as yet, being very difficult to be hatl. . . . Nor [says he, with much force] doe I hold that man fit to take charge of voyages remote, especially north-east or westward, and be ignorant of those Abstracts and Journals following. ... In them I have done my best, and whosoever will amend them, I shall take him for my friend." I ,3 1 M M IXTKODUCTIOX. V James's hook is also a small quarto, but it only contains about i 50 pages. Its smaller size enabled it to be issued froni the press two years earlier than h'oxe's book, namely, in 1633. It consists entirely of a clear and interesting account of James's voyage, and is remarkable for the exaggerated account he gives of the dangers he escaped. From a geo- graphical point of view, it has not much value. A bibliographical description of it appears hereafter. In order clearly to understand the position occu- pi(;d by boxe and James with reference to the Arctic explorers who preceded them, it is necessary to turn back and to notice briefly the achievements of some of these. Inasmuch as neither Foxe nor lames explored anything beyond Hudson's Bay and Hudson's vS trait, it will only be necessary here to notice fully the voyages of those who sought a Passage throui^^h I he Jhxy or S/raif. On this account, I have, in what follows, said little or nothing of the achievements of the Cabots, of Sir Martin b'robisher, of Captain John Davis, of Knight and Hall, and of otht^rs whose names arc: as house- hold words in the History of Arctic Discovery, but have merely reprinted what b'oxe said of them, adding here and there a note to point out some unusually glaring error or some s])ecially interest- ing feature. Most of their narratives have been already treated in the series of the Ilakluyt .Society by editors far more com[)etent than myself. The men whose voyages it is essiMitial to notice \\ 4 m ( \ 'IT mi VI VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. more (jr less fully here are Iluclson, JiutUJii, Gibbons, Bylot, Baffin, HawkridL^e, and Alunk. Of the achievements of these exj)lorers, therefore, extended notices will be found in what follows. In the case of three of them, we are indel)t(;d to the industry of Foxe for almost, if not cjuite, all we know concerninL]^ their voyages, and his accounts of them may be said to be the most interesting and valuable portions of his book, not even exce|)t- ing his account of his own voxage ; for, whereas concerning them we have no (jther source of in- formation, of boxe's own voyage we should have been abk; to gather full particulars from a coj)y of his own manuscript journal which remains to us, even if the original has been destroyed, as seems to be the case. Two of these vovages — those, of Gibbons and Hawkridge—it is true, were of little conse- quence, and accomplished almost nothing in the way of discovery ; but the third — that of ikitton is of high importance, and Foxe deserves crc;dit for having rescued almost everything we know about it. The man to whom the credit of ha\'ing bec^n the discoverer of the huoe inland s(;a now known as " Hudson's Hay" is, of course, "that worthy irrecover- able discoverer" (as i'urchas calls him). Captain Henry Hudson, whose tragic fate; is told in many a children's slory-l)ook. And it is c(M"tain that the credit of beino; the; first to make known to the world the existence of this great l)ay belongs as rightly to Henry Hudson as the credit of having '»—"•*• ."J'BS'^ INTRODUCTION. \'ll been \.\ni first to expound the law ot natural selec- tion belongs to the illustrious Darwin ; but, just as then; appear to have been evolutionists (of a kind) before Darwin, and discoverers of America before Columbus, so also there seeni to have been explorers of Hudson's Bay before Hudson. Dr. G. M. x\sher produces evidence to show that nt least forty years before the date of Hudson's voyage the early Portu- guese navigators had reached the entrance to Hud- son's Bay, if they li;id not actually sailed into it.^ It is certain also that Sir Martin h'robish(;r, on his third vovaw north-west in i^rS, entered Hudson's Strait by accident and sailed up it for no less ih.in sixty leagues without interruption (see p. 5S). l'"ro- bisher himself believed he could have sailed straight on into the Western Ocean, and he even declares he would have done; so if he had not been con- cerned for the saf(;tv of his laro-o lleet, most of the vessels of wliich had bc^come separated from him. Moreover, his voyage had an immediate commercial, rather than a gc;ographical, object. Davis, too, had sighted the; entrance to Hudson's Strait on his third voyage to the north-west in 15S7. llis companion jan(;s says: "We passed b)- a \'er\' great gulf th« water whirlin-'- and roriiiLj-, as it were the meeting of tides." 'Idiis whirl])0()l |)a\'is s|)ok(.; ot as " tlu:: l'"urious ( )\'erf ill", b\' whith name man\' later navi- gators hav(; mentioned it. Again, it is quite clear r ' Henry Hudson^ the Xiivi\i^aior : Jhuii the Oriy^iital Pihti- incuts^ t'/c. (Hakluyt Society, 8vo, 1860), pp. xcvi and clxxi. ■'! t ^jW^P^>Mfl*^WP^^^|^| mmmmmmmm HMi vm VOVAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. I that W(;ym()Lith, in 1602, sailed some considcirahlc; disiancc-^hc hirnsc;]f savs 100 Icasj'ues — into the Strait (s(,'c p. 84), and it is certain that Ihidson was fully aware of this when he start(!d on his fourth and last voyage in 16 10. if, indeed, that knowledge had not partly led him to undertake the voyage; for Hessel Gerritsz.^ tells us that in 1609 Weymouth's log-books were in the i)ossession of Peter Planclus, a well-known geographer of Amster- ^'Hesscl (lerrit/.oon ((Icrrits/..), or (Icirard, an uiniiiLiit l)iitch geographer and cartographer, was born in the village of Assum late in the sixteenth century. In 16 17, he was appointed carto- gra])her to the l)utc-h ]'".ast India Company, a post he held until his death early in 1634. Me it was who, in 161 2, engraved and published at Amsterdam the very interesting and now rare map of Hudson's discoveries on his fourth voyage, of which a facsimile is prefixed to Dr. Asher's most valuable work on Hudson. It was, without doubt, engraved from Hudson's own "card", which we know the mutineers brought home (see p. 149). On the back of the map was a brief but interesting account in Dutch of Hud- son's voyage and of the steps tak-.n to follow u[) his discoveries. ],ater in the same year (161 2), the chart was reprinted as [)art of a tract in Latin containing a fuller account of Hudson's voyage. Another edition of this tract, translated into Dutch, also appeared in the same year, and a revised Latin edition a|)i)earcd in the following year (1613). In all these editions the notice of Hud- son varies somewhat. Other editions of less conse(juence followed, and the important work was at once translated into several other languages. The notice of Hudson's fourth voyage in the first edition of J^iirltas /lis JV/i^r/wd^i^v (1613, p. 624) is a slightly abridged translation of it into l<^nglish. Dr. Asher has given a very comi)lete notice of Oerritsz. and his tract {Ifciin' Hudson^ [ip. xliii-xli\), and has [)rinted translations of the four chief editions cited {loc. ('if., ])p. 181-194). An excellent facsimile reprint, with an introduction by S. MuUer 1'"/., was published in Amsterdam in i.SyH. t INTRODUCTION. IX 4 tl;iin, wlio had sul)iiiilt(;(l thcni to Hudson on his visit to that city in the year named.' Still, as stated aho\"e, the crc:dit is in realitx' iludson's, lor he In'st explored the l)ay and Strait, and thus made them known to the worUl at lanjfc. Of Hudson's life and works we know nothino:, except durini^ a period of a little over four years — - from April 19th, 1607, to Jime 21st, 161 i, or there- abouts, when his life ended. Durino- this short pciriod, he i)t:rformed the four \^oyages which ha\e made his name famous. The first was made under the auspices of the Muscovy Company in 1607, ''^ search of a north-east passage to China. The second, in the foIlowiiiL;' year, had the same aims and ])ro- moters. The third, undertaken in 1609, '^^ the ex|K:nse of the Dutch Ivdst India Coni[xuiy, had the same object; but, meetinL( with ice in the lUM'^^di- boLirhood of Nova Zembla, he turned westward in search of a north-v/est passage, in the course of which he explored the Hudson Ri\er. His fourth recorded voyage was that herein described (see pp. I 14-162). All these voyages have been fully do scribed ami discussed by Hudson's chief biographer, \)\'. Asher, in the work above mentioned. Dr. Asher has rei)rintGd from Purchas" the narratixH.-s of 1 III ' Sec Hciiry Hudson^ //if XiJ^i^^a/tir, p. 1.S6. - The t)il)li()i;r;ii)hy of Purchas's various works (which arc wry ol'lcii ([uotcd from in these volumes) is somewhat comph'catcd, and is incorrectly given l)y most writers. Iacii Dr. Asher, who attempts an explanation {fffiirv Jfi/dsoii, p. 277), is, I believe, not ([uitc correct. 'Die Rev. Samuel I'urchas was horn at '! |i *!■ X y()\'.\C,V.<, OK vow. A\l) JAMKS. Hudson's four voyages, and has added all llic in- lonnation about these voyages to be gleaned from the works of Hessel Gerritsz, and others. Thaxted, Essex, in Novcmhcr 1577, and was educated at i ani- I)ridgc. In 160 1, he was curate of Furleigh, Essex, where, on December 2nd, he married Jane, daughter of Vincent Lease, of W'esthall, Suffolk. In 1604, he was instituted to the vicarage of I'.astwood in P^ssex, which he resigned late in 1614, when he was translated to the rectory of St. Martin's, Ludgate. He died in London in or about September 1626 (not in 1628, as is invarial)ly stated). The statement made by all his biographers to the effect that he died much impoverished owing to his devotion to geo- grajjhical research, is entirely without foundation, as will be proved by a i)erusal of his will, which has been iirinted {Trans. Essex Arc]i(r(>li>\^iaxl Society., vol. iv, ]). 1^14). His works, and tho^' " of his friend Hakluyt, have formed the basis of all later hist' of travel and discovery. Purchas's first work, published w .0 lived at Eastwood, appears to have been Pitrchas his I^i/griiimge, or Relations of tlie ll'or/d and the Re/ii^ions ol'served in all Ai^^es a)id Places discovered Jrojn the Creation to this present \Tiine\ etc. (London, pott folio, 1613). It is chielly a theological work, but becomes more geographical near the end. The information relating to Hudson, which is very brief, appears on p. 624, and is obviously taken from the third edition of Hessel (lerritsz.' work (Amsterdam, 1612). The second edition of the Pilgriniai::;e (Ivondon, pott folio, 1^114) had almost the same title-{)age as the preceding edition, but was " much enlarged, with additions through the whole work". Though containing much the same matter, it seems to be an entirely new edition, and to have been reset throughout. The information concerning Hudson, which is much fuller than in tlie first edition, occupies [)p. 743-745. Here, for the first time, we meet with Purchas's well-known account of Hudson's voyage as we are now acquainted with it, though in much briefer form than that in which Purchas after- wards gave it to the world. Purchas had, as he says in a side- note, received the matter from Hakluyt, since the appearance of his first edition in the previous year, and had also had some IXTRODUCTIOX. XI liLiclsoii sailed on his fourth and lasi nu'inorahlc \-()\-a''(; in April 1610 in thi; /h'sco:r/'y, a \'i'ssc:l of ^>f tons burden. Sir 'i'homas Smith, Sir |ohn lull) from Sir Dudley I )ig_i,fe.s, to wiiom he cj;ives five loni; lines of gross flattery. Three years later, appeared tlu' third iclitioii (London, ])otl folio, 1617), ■which had almost the same title, hut was again much enlarged. Though the same work, there are many additions, and the whole ap])ears to have been reset. 'I'he information concerning iludson occu|)ies pp. 924-926, and 's identical with that in the previous edition, except in a few irilling [)articulars. Although a fourth edition of the 7'//- Xri/'ar^r afterwards appeared, the next of i'lu-chas's geographical works to appear was ///s /'//i^^n'/z/cs, which is an entirely distinct work from the former, and of much greater consefjuencc. It appeared in four large volumes in 1625, and is entitled Ifakluytu:; J\)st/iiti/iiis^ or Pi'rclias /lis Pili^riiucs, i-i>ii/ii\iii/ii^ a J/isforv of the World in Sea I'oyages and Land Tratnili l'\' Eii^lisltiiioi and of/icrs, I'/c. (London, 4 vols, [called " parts", e." h containing 5 hooks], fcaj). fo., 1625). In this I'urchas gives (ui.iirdy in iheir own words) the narratives of many early explorers, most of whose narratives would probably have been lost to us but for his diligence. Here he gives in full the information relating to Hudson, the narrati\e of whose fourth voyage occu[)ies ])p. 596-6 ro of the third volume. In the following year appeared the already-mentioned fourth edition of the J'i/i^^/-i/na,i;r (London, fcap. fo., 1626), which con- tains the narrative of Hudson's voyages practically identical with that in the two [)revious editions (1614 and 161 7). This narra- tive, though so much briefer than that contained in the ./'i/i^rin/d.'! (1625), contains several interesting items (jf information not con- tained in the latter, as the source whence I'urchas obtained iiis information, the names of Hudson's chief adventurers, the date when the survivors rea(~hed the Irish coast, and other minor matter; 'I'his work, though commonly regarc (led IS a tilth volume t the /-'//i,'-/7/'w.v( which appeared in the [)revi(;us year), and though it matches that work in size (which the three earlier editions do not), has no necessary connection whatever with it, being an entirely separate and distinct work. The fact that the fourth ;iH 1 "'■ ''A, Xll VOVACKS OK FOXE AND TAMES. II Wo].st(Mih()lim; (the FJdcr). Sir Dudley Dii^^i^'cs (of al! of whom wv, shall hear an;ain shortly), aiul tv\cnt\' others (w hose nam(;s are L,n\'en hereafter; sc^e Aj)|)(.'n- dix D), bore the expenses of the expedition. I lis three pre\'ioiis recorded voyages hatl all been under- takcMi with a \'iew of disco\'(^riiig' a passage to the novth-cas/iuan/. The \<)yage we are now concerned with, howcA'cr, was s('t forth with the express purpose of searching to th(; north-rt'r.sV for a j)assage. The intention was, no doubt, to follow up \\\'.] Miouth's disco\'er\-, as alreatly hinted (j). \iii). l,ea\'ing London on April i /th, 1610. Hudson entered the Strait early in July. Sailing slowly through it to the wc;stward. on August 3rd he reached its westernmost limit, and, })assing between two capes, which he named Ca[)es Wolstenholme and 1 )ii'ijes, after his chief "adventurers", he (jd.lioii ol the y'//i^/-////(!xt' appeared in the yeM' f'jUowiiiL;' llie l)ul)li('ati()n nf tlie /'//x'j/'ws, ami that the two works are uiiiforin in size, is no doubt ivsponsihle lor the error, as I cainiol find anything; in either work to show ilial the former was intended in any way to he re^yarded as a jjart of the latter. 'I'lie eonfiisicMi is tuilher 'ncreased by tlu' fact that, in lOu), I'lirehas had piil)lished a small, thirk, |iott Svo. vohiiin' entitled Piiri-liax his J^ih^riiii : Mii'ri>i(isiiii/s, i>r the Historic of Mo 11, etc., ot" which a second edition (evidently the old sheets boiinil up with a fresh title and dedication) appeared in 1627. 'I'his work, however, has no relation to geo.uraphieal history, and is ])urely reli,L,Mous. More- over, I'lMchas, ill his will {li>c. cit., p. 175), not only mentions the thret' works that is, the Pilc^riiiiiv^^c, the Pil^riiii, and the Pil- }:;rimcs si'parately, but he s[)eaks distinctly of " one entire work of my rilgrims in fower bookes", which shows that \\v did not regaril the nixriiiui^c as a lifth volitme of the Pih^riiiics. pos lie Wdll Aslu will! t., ^, :it H [ t,»tm IXTKoniTTinX. Xlll cntt'i-ccl the hiio-(; inlaiul sea which now hears his nanic. At this i)oint Hudson's own journal ends ahruptly. The narrative is continued by his com- panion. Abacuck Prickett, who rela.tc^s in a vaL;ue manner how he and his companions sailed south- wartl aloni;' the eastern shore of Hudson's Hay, and cruised about amon^' the islands in what is now known as James' Bay. At last, (m Novem- l)er ist, they hauled the ship aground for the winter at a s[)ot which may with fair certainty b(.' identified as the southernmost extremity of the small bay or inlet which is situated at the (txtreuKj south- east of lames i)a\', and which contains the Ilud- son's Ha\' Company's post known as Ru])ert 1 louse/ 1 lere they remained frozen up till the 1 8th of die following' June {i6ii), when the)' were again abU^ to proceed upon their X'oyage of disco\-er\'. In the meantime, howex'cM", serious (piarrels had arisen between 1 ludson and some of his cr(;\\, which bttfore long ended in open mutiiu', and lludson, with liis son antl six of his crew who had I'emaineil faithful to him, were put 1)\- force Into the ship's shallop and cast adrift, ne\-er to be 'n-ard of more;, as has so often been related. The nuitineers then, with all possible speed, set sail on their return journe\- ; but ^ Sci' p. i^^o (note). 'I'hc iik'iitiricalion of llu' s[)ol nttrmpud at)i)vc is rendered all llic iudic ( (.rtain iiy tlir staiciiuiils made hy llcsscl (ienils/., in at least three out of the tour editions of his work published in the years i6ij-i_^ (for translations, see Dr. .\sher's llinty Hudson^ pp. iSi H).}.), to the effect that lludson wintered in I. at. 52^' N. 111!' '! V *»'!*>-'*H-^-r^-»' ■ ■' ' "'"" "f ' ' XIV VOVAGKS OF I'OXK AM> lAMES. just retribution soon overtook them. Cirt-cn, the; riniL(leacler, ;iiul thrix; others, were slain in an encounter witli some sa\'a<^es, and juct died of slar\'ation Ixdore l''no'land was reached in lh(! month of Septeml)er, their proxisions haN'iiiL;' L^ixcn out. The sin*\'i\'ors, se\cM"al of wliom were after- wards (MV'aL'ed in Arctic \-o\af>('s, seem ior the most part to hax'e succeeded in excusini;' themselxcs for the infamous proceechn^s in which the\- had been enL;aj4'ed or had not strix'en to i)re\'enl, and there is no very satisfactory record of punishment liax'ino' been inllicted upon an\' ot them, thoii^^h 1 lessel (ierrits/. sf importance in the sha|)e of a contempo- rary record has been brought to lij^lu. It is with ' I'oxc, in llu' i)iL'NriU work, gi\rs an m count, al)iitlj;c(l iVoni I'urciias, ot' Hudson's fourtli voyage; Ixil, tli()u;;h wiiling only twrnty years aflrr, hv clois not add an) nnportaiU additional iiilonnalion. INTRODUCTION. XV 111 u-y 1- )US (TC lb. (■11- rll. 1'"'- .villi ri( im only .iuiuil M ' ■!» especial pleasure, therefore, that I am (Miabled to jirint herein (see Appendix A) some most inter- esting' clocunients relating- to IIikIsoii's last voyage, which ha\'e recently Ikxmi disco\'eretl anioiii^' th(^ Records prcser\('d at the Trinity House. Idiese docunu'iits torm part of a lar^c; j)archm(.;nt-l)ouiid tolio \'olume labelled "Trinity House, transactions, 1609 to 1625", of which they occtijjy folios 11-13. They consist ot copies or abstracts of depositions of all the eii^'ht sur\i\'()rs of Huds(Mi's ex})edilion (wilh the exce[)tion of a b(n'). taken at Trinity House on the 24th of October 1 61 I -that is, within a nionlh of their return to England together with the opinion of tlu' Corporation of Trinity House as to the reliabilitN' of the slateiiieiits contained in them. Nt:xt we liax'e what appi;ar to be abstracts ot portions ol the lo^'-book of the; Jhscovcry, both while she was outward Ijoiind and whc;n sht: was on her retLirn home after the; nuitiny. Then follow some "(irounds for a Coniecture |as to tlu; Mxisttmce of a North- West Passage; I", which wvxv. probabh' sup[)lit;d by the sur\i\'ors. i'inall)-, two days later (that is, on Oclolier 26tli, lOii), we hax'e the conclusions of the Corporation " C()ncernin<>' th.it disco\(;r\- which 1 O * is made in the Xorth-W'csl", arrixcd at, apparcntU, allcr diu; coiisideralion of the precediiiL;' doeunimls and aft(;r careful examination of tli(; nic;n. The full Ir.Nl of these documents is printed lK;reafter (for the lirsi lime in complete form)' ; while their chief pt>inls ' In an ;uli( Ir in llic St. /otiies's (i\iu/A' lor .April Jolli, iS.Sy, .Ml. W.J. 1 l.uxly c.ilk'il atlri.liiin lo and (ItMiilu'd these tloeu- 11 1 •'^•••••'•^mimmmm XVI VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. of intcircst and thtnr bearing upon the information l)r(;\'i()usly c;xisting arc; pointcxl out in foot-nt^tcs apjKMicled to ?"oxc:'s narrative of Hudson's voyage (pp. 114-162). Taken as a whole, the documents cannot be said to throw anv \'erv important new hcrht (^n the main ex'ents of I ludson's \'o\-at>:e. Their interest lies mainly in the fact that th(;y corroborate or suppknnent (and in some cases contradict) the details given in Purchas's hitherto-uncorroborated narrative. As corroborative evidence they have considerable value. That the narrative of Hudson's discovery excitetl the greatest interest, both among those who wert; specially eager for the discovery of a Norlh-W'cst Passage and among the general ))ul)lic, is certain. Although there is no record ot what took place immt:diatelv after the return of the mutineers, there is (;vidc;nce of the interest their narratixc excitetl in th(! fact that another voyage, which proved to l)e of consideral)le importance, was at once projected, and, nicnts .Ts though thi>y wciv previously unknown. Six years earlier, however, all the ancient records of 'I'linity House had hi'cn described in the Ki;^htli Ref^ort of lite luiyal Cominissioii 011 Hislorical Mttiiiiscripls (i.SSi, [)|). :;35-2^57), wln'iein apife.us a very full ai)Stiacl of the documents in (|Ucstion. 'I'iiis fact, iiowever, I believe, has esca|)ed the notice of all later writers on early Arctic voyages, largely, no doubt, liecause neither in the text nor index of the Report is tluic anything connecting the do('Umcnls with lludson's well known and iniportaiU voyage. 'I'hey are simply spoken of as " the depositions of some sailors who had been on a voyage to discover the North West Passage". 'This was certainly a grave oversight and omission on the part of the cataloguer. INTRODUCTION. XVll .-ars had on •s a a.t, oil the tlic ImIS with coiiimcndablt; proniptituck'. was dispalclicd at the. earliest possible inonient the: following spring.' This was the expedition of Cai)tain (afterwards Atlmiral Sir) Thomas Button, which sailed from London about the middle of A])ril 1612." TIk; ' I'urclias's accouiU of tlir mattrr (/it's Pi/i^riiiidi^c, 2n(l cd., 1614, p. 745) is that, uTtcr Hudson's vo)a,m', the Advcntunrs. '•with ])iincL'ly assistance, pursued the action in more ro)all fashion, with greater shippin^i^^ under the coiuuiand of a worthy sca-nian, seruant to I'rince Ilenry, ('aptaine Thomas T^>uttoii". Henry Prince of Wales tlietl before IJutton's return lionie, namely on November 12th, 161 2, aged only eighteen years and a half. Though so young, he seems to have taki'n a genuine interest in Arctic discoverv, and his loss was keeidy felt. .\n obituary reference to his memory which is made by I'urchas in /lis /'i/^ri/iiij^r (4th cd., 1626, p. Sk)), contains so many idolatrous adjectives that one si'ntence occujjies no less than nine long lines, and the whole is almost inconceivably absurd i 1 the fnlsoniciv.ss of its flattery. - There is evidence that the preliminaries of llulton"s voyage had already been settled, and that a shij) was l)eing selected as early as January 1612, for in the 'S\'^. Aii/<>/>i(ii:;ni/>/i\i)J J'/iincas J\'tt occurs the following passage : " About this time also [January 1612), I did accom[iany ('apt. I'homas Dutton to make choice of a .Shi[)p for y*-" nor west passage, in which Journey he was to be imployed by the appoynt- iiiciu of y-' I'rince " riiineas Pelt was a son of Peter Pett of Dejjtford Strand, one of (Jn.een I'.lizabeth's shi|)wrights. lie was born at Dtptford on November ist, 1570: was educated at Kmanuel ( 'oIKge, Cam- bridge ; and was apprenticed to a shipwright at I )eptford. lie ami' oni' of the principal shipwrights to Kin ks, t o liave been a trustid afterwards bee James, and seems, from his rtuiar adviser of the Prince of Wales on nautical matters. His M.S. Aii/(>/>i(>ffni/^/n\ now in the British .Museum {liar/. MSS, No. (•279), is of interest in t(;nnection with the history of the Navy at this period. '\l '•^•'mmmmim 'iK Will VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. objects of this voyai^e we m;iy assume to have bc;en twofold. Pirst. thcM'c was the humane d(;sire to learn, if possible, what hatl become of Hudson and his fellow-sufferers.' Secondly, there was the; need to follow u]) the discoveries ot liudson, which oa\'e a most allurinu' promise, thoLiL-h no ccn'taiiiLv, of the (!arly disco\'ery of the much-souL^'ht j)as- saL^e. Hudson, it must be remembered, had sailed throuui'h a noble strait which led him for 600 miles in the; desired dir(;ction, after which h(; had entc!red a vast open sea. The whole of the eastern side of this sea or bay we know that he explored ; but the: question he had to so]\-e was, not what lay on the c;astcrn side, but what there was to the wcs/ ; and the western side of the bay wc; know he did not ex[)lor(;." It was un(]uestif)nably Hudson's ardc^nt desire to continue exploration to the westward, after his stock of proN'isions had run perilously low, that led to the tragic mutiny among his crew and cost ' II may hr surmised that this was to soiiu' l'Ml'IU one of the objects of the promoters of liutton's e.\[)edition, small as was the ho[)e of its sueeessful aeromplishmeiit. In three out of the four editi(jns of llessel (lerritsz.'s work, pnhlished while liutton's expedition was actually out {7'i> when "a ^reat tloud (which th('\-, b\- this accitlent, look first notice of) came h'om the westward and set them on llole" (s(.e p. 150). This llood or tide was regarded at the time as stronu' eA'idence ot an K' openini;' into the Western (oi' ".South") .Sea. Tl necessity ol tollowin^' up this tide to its source is pointedly spoken of in Ihitlon's Instructions. W'c; may learn how bright, to the promoters of lUitt n's expedition, seemc'd tlu; [)rospect of the (■arly discovery of a naxi^able [)assao-e from the \'er\' inter(;stin''' and valuabU; Letter of Instructions oi\'en to lUitlon by his patron, I lenr\' I'lance of W lies, wliicn IS i)rmted 111 11 as .\ PI lendix In it, the Prince s; ivs W assure ourse l>V le (lod's (jrace you will not returne, without either tl L;o()d newes of a passage, oi' sufficient .issurance 1 le is hnlher instructed to b 01 an uni)ossil)ility. "spend as little lime as male f)c in |the search foi a o()o(l ha\'en or harl)our for ships "on the back of America or some Island in the .South .Sea" | or in an\- other search, saxano of the I'as.saoc, till \i :)U ! T mmmm wmmmmczr-. li 1 1 (I XX VOYAGKS OV F(J\K AN]) JAMKS. have dispatched the Pinnace w'"" advertisement of your Entrie into the South Sea, \v"'' must be done as soone as you sha]b(! ther(!of assured." Another very strong!;- |)iece of evidence of the extreme confidence felt in the complete success of Ikitton's expc;dition is afforded by the statennMit made by I'^oxe (orio'inal edition, p. 268) that " in the VoyaL^e of vSir Thomas Button were about 160 adventurers". It would have been quite impossible to have L^^ot to(,a;ther so large a number of adven- turers had not the very i^reatest confidence been felt in the success of lUitton's expedition. Xo list of the names of this very lar^e number of adven- turers has bec;n preserved ; l)ut th(;re can be no doubt whatever that all of them were among the 288 j)ersons who were; incorporated as "The Com- pany of the Merchants of I^ondon Discoverers of the North-West Passage", under a Royal Charter _u;-ranted in July 1612, three months after Captain Button's dc:I)artur(^ This Charter, with its hiLi'hlv J. O ^ remarkable list of names, is printed in full hereafter (see Appendix 1 )). P^rom it, one may gather that the? general opinion then was that the much-sought passage had been already discovered, and that it only rcMuained for Button's expedition to sail /l/roitol/ // ,• for those noblemen and o-entlemen who bore the expenses of lluilson's expedition are repeatedly sp(jken of in the Charter ;is being "the first adven- turers and discoverers of the North-West Passage". It is clear also from what Purchas says that he fully believed that Hudson had discovered a passage. "^1 INTRODUCTION'. XXI In the first edition of /lis Piloriiuagc, published in 1 6 I 3, less than two yeai's after the return of Hudson's expedition, he says (/. r., p. 624) that Hudson had "gained more ho[)e of this discovery of the South Sea by a northerly Passage than ever before". In the last (edition of the same work, published in 1626, after the ex[)editions of Ikitton, Bylot and liiffin, j\Iunk, and Ilawkrido'e had |)r',,'Vcd that Hijd.son iiad \\(M really discox'ered a passage, Purchas says of Hudson (/. f., p. S17) that, having passed between Ca|)es Wolstenholme and DiLjLjes, he canie "into a s[)acious sea, wherein he sailed above a hundred leagues south, confidently proud that he had won th(; i)assage". Even then, however, some; skU;- notes which Purchas Inserts seem to L^Ive o-rounds for the belief that he still thought It ]X)ssible a passage nilght be found through Hudson's I^ay or Strait. Still stronger evidence of the confident expecta- tions that prevailed of the comjjlete success ot Ikitton's expedition may be gathered from the various editions of Hessel (ierritsz.'s work which were pul)llshed while lUitton was actually away upon his voyage ; antl it is interesting to note how those expectations grew when It was lound that he (lid not return the first year. In the first, which appeared soon after Button's de[)arture, we are told that one vessel was ordered to sail through the passage, when found, while the other "shall be sent home with the news, which we are expecting". In the next edition occurs the passagi; : " W'r expect \% ^1 Hil -««? %/' ^^'^i^'mHfimimmmmiiKmmm mim Wll VOVACKS OK FOXK AND JAMES. ,1! more certain news by the shijjs which have already been sent there ; and even the much-desired report that th(;v have passed through the Strait. 'I'hese ships will thus obtain etc;rna1 fame and u;-li)ry." In the next edition, the tone is still more hopeful and we read that, when the ships "have found the open [western] ocean, one of them is to return with the desired news. 'I'his ship is daily e\pc;cted home." In the last edition, we may obser\'e even ^reattir confidence. We read that nothino; had been heard of tht; rc^turn of Ijutton's ships. " \\\', may, there- fore I says (ierritsz. |, hope that they have passed beyond that Strait, and we do not think that we shall hear anything about them l^efore they return to baio-land from h'ast India or China and |apan," i;tc. L^nfortunately, however, all these brii^ht hopes ended in disap[)ointment. Captain (afterwards Admiral Sir) Thomas Ihilton was fourth son of Miles Button of Worlton, Gla- morganshire. The date of his birth has n(jt betin recortled, but he entered the naval service as t-arlv as 1 5S9. Before the year 1600, he had served in the West Indices, in Ireland, and elsewhere, and had won considerabk; distinction and a pcMision ; but not much is known of him prexious to his coming' into prominence in connection with the present ^•ova_^■(;. After his return, he was knighted and rendered X'aluable serxices to the Crown as Admiral of die Kin_L;"'s .Ships on the Irish Coast, and in other [)()sts. I^aler, he became mixed up in (juarrels with the Admiralty ; and, aithouL^h he easily cleared himself ^ INTRODUCTION. XXUl of the ch.irt^cs brought against him, he died much iinpoxxirishcd in A])ri] 1634.^ Tlic best accounts U(; ha\'e of him arc Mr. G. T. Clark's ^-Iccouiil of Sir Robci't Manse L Kt and of Admiral Sir Thomas /hillon, Kt. (Dowlais, Sxo, ICSS3), and Prof. [. K. Laughton's sketch in the I^iiiionary of National Bioi^raplty. The only jjopular work which, so far as I know, u-ives a notice of Button is the Penny Cyclopccdia (London, 1 S36). In the Encyclopicdia Britannica (9th ed., iSSi) he is, by some extraordinary oversight, spoken of as Butler. The Buttons, thouirh not oriirinally Welsh, had lung been seated in Wales, and had intermarried with many good W^elsh families. Various members of the family, both before and after the time of Sir Thomas, h(;ld \\\v. office of sheriff of their county. CK:arly, tlu;refore, Sir Thomas lUitlon was of good famil)' and education." 1 had receiuly ' 111 a letter written h)' a certain (1. (larrarcl to \a)\\\ Strafiord, dated May ist, 1634, and printed in Tlw Earl of Straffonti's Jyffcrs iiiiit Dispati/u's (London, fol., 1730. vol. i, p. 2.^2), the writer says: '"Sir Tlionias llultoii dietl of a NurninL; l''e\cr ijuickly, nuu'h discontented that he lost hi> IiH[iloynient in the Irish Seas." - It is interesting to note hrre that I'lUllon ( Iwinnitt, one of the "signers" of tlie American 1 )eclaration of Indepentleiice, was a direct lineal tU'scrndanl from Sir 'rhonia> Dutlon. Mrs. lUuion, widow of Robert ISntton (the last of the liutlons of (^otterell), was mother of Mrs. (Iwiiniett. who had ("ottereli from her. IJtitton (Iwiiniett was her son. Me is said to ha\e been horn about 1732, probably at Cotterell, though Sanders(;n states {Bio}^rapliy oj tlw Si^i:;iu'rs i>f the Dcclaratiim of Iiidepoidauw p. \vi. 1»1 I ' '1 I .'J ! i I XXIV VDVAGKS OF FOXK AND JAMES. I'! \ i it h ; 1 ail opportunity of visiting the residence of his father, and therefore his probal^le birthplace. The name of Worlton is now totally forgotten in the district, and the place is known as Duffryn House. It lies in the parish of St. Nicholas, about six miles inland from Cardiff The house is a moderate-sized and unpretentious, but picturesque, mansion, charm- ingly situated in the bottom of a richly-timbered sheltered valley. A small stream, which flows through the grounds and passes close to the house, formerly worked a mill, which has now disappeared. Portions of the present house may be as old as the date of Button's birth, but the greater part seems more modern. It is rumoured in the neiL^hbourhood that the ghost of Sir Thomas, armed and in full uniform, sits astride of one of the casks in the wine- cellar, and that pilferers are, in consequence, deterred from any attempt at robbery ! There are in existence two reputed portraits of Admiral Sir Thomas Button. One of these now hangs in the Town Hall at Cardiff. It appears from a i-eport made by Mr. J. Storrie, Curator of the Borough Museum, to the Mayor {Borouo/i Minutes, No. 1659, p. 405), that this pi ! merl\- hung, with another, in the ** ji, and after its demolition, was ston m tin ^alK y of one of the courts, where damp destroyed its Philadelphia, 4to, 1865) that " the place of his birth, or where he resided, seems lost in obscurity". He was killed in a duel in May 1777. P no nisti 39 ih.: C0LI Carl no by sonil I)re> INTRODUCTION, XXV frame and clamaij^cd the paintinL,^ In ihc: course ot time, it was. through Mr. Siorrie's intervention, cleaned, restored, reframed, and Inmg. The picture, however, now represents a judge, and its style assigns it to the end of last century. According to Mr. (i. 'l^ Clark, F.S.A., of Talygarn (/or. ci/., p. 109), it was formerly a portrait of Sir Thomas Button, but the Corporation, wishing to honour Mr. Justice Hardinge. who was a favourite in Cardiff and a noted Welsh judge; at the v.m\ of last century, engaged an artist to paint his portrait oil an old picture in its j)ossession, and that the .u'tist added the red cloak and wig, changx;d the baton in the ^Vdmiral's hand to a rcjll of paper, and made (Jther alterations. This may very likely be the; case, for the portrait is certainly painted cn-er an older one ; but, in its present form at least, it bears no resemblance whatever to the other portrait of Button. This other portrait has a much more satisfactory history. It is a large oil-painting, measuring 34 by 39 inches, in perfect preservation, and it adorns the walls of the library of Mr. G. M. Traherne at Coedriglan Park, which is about fixe miles from Cardiff antl in the parish of St. Nich(jlas. There is no clue whatever as to the artist, but his work proves his competence. The picture was acquired by purchase from the descendants of the Admiral, some seventy years ago, by an ancestor of the l)resent Mr. Traherne, and has ever since hunu: in its present position. It represents an erect, almost I I i )■ 11 H XXVI VOVACKS OF KOXK AM) TAMES. M i full-faced, thrcc-fjuartcr leni^th figure, with chcstnut- ])ro\vn hair and a decidedly pleasing expression. 1 !(■ wears a white ruff round his neck, and white frills at his wrists. 1 lis shoulders and chest are pro- t(,'cted by what looks like a gorget of metal of a dark colour. The body is clothed in a tight-lltting doublet of greyish-brown matc;rial, finely embroidered, but- toned down the front, and with tight sleeves of the same material. The legs, which are shown almost to the; knees, are encased in \'<_;r\- loose breeches of dark green material, api)arently velvet, embroidered in i)laces. Across the body is a greyish-white sash of some light material, probably silk, lied in a large bow-knot o\er the right shoulder. At his side; is a sword. I)oth arms are slightly extended from the sides, the; left-hand resting on a terrestrial globe;, the right holding what looks like a short staff or truncheon, one; v.nd of which is against the thigh. At the; U)[) corners are two smalU;r pictures, that on the left depicting a ship at sea in full sail, that on the; right, a[)parently a landscape-, but it is rather indistinct. At the bottom is the motto, " jVo// iiiilii sc(/ I\ilri(r\ 'idiat the pe^rtrait repre:se;nts a navigator is obvie)Us ; while- I have- the authe)rity of Mr. (i(;()rge .Scharf, C. 1^., Ke(;p{-i- of the Nati(.)nal l\)rtrait (ialle;ry, lor stating that it is admirably paiiUcel, anel that il is uiKjues- lionabK- of the elate- of .Sir The)mas Hutte)n. 'I'he-re'- fore, alth.)ugh the-re- is no abse)lute pre)e)f that it rei)r(;se-nts the; ,\elnnial, ''^'-re se;ems to be- no gooel reason to doubt that it de)es. The; me)tte) (which 1 "f \\a - i; ill lliL- ,i;i'iitlL'ii (lociiin liiMiiii' • ll'llll.' IN |iiv lllr (.■M in thr 'itlK>L;r;i •IdlU.' ;i t'n ■llclK I I ^ IXTKODrCTlOX. XWU in;i\' \n: tr;Ln.sl;iU'cl, " Xot for ni)'.si!it, hul for my country") docs luH seem to h;i\-c: hccMi that of tlic l)iitlon famiK' : l)Lit tliis in no wiiy i)ro\c:s that the noi-triiit does not represent Sir 'I'homas, who ma\' ha\'e ulopted it [)ei'sonall)' The portrait, which ,is i)c;en reprocUiced h\' photoi^rajjhy by the kind permission o to this x'ohime r Mr. Trahernc, forms the f rontispiece 'rh( instructions under winch I'.utt on sailed were; urinted in lull hv Runda 11 {N< cvrahi'cs o >/ I'O) 'di'i'S toioai'ds the Xoi'tli-\\\-sL pp. Si-S5). Ruiul. ill's work beiiiL;' now out ot piint, and the; Instructions of L^reat interest, vXwy are hc;rein reprinted in hill (see .\[)pendi.\ I)), toi^'ether with the " Letter of Cretlence". dated Westminster, April 1 2th, 1612, L;i\-en to lUitlon hy Kin,; James w!"ii.:h Rundall omits." ^ ll was lioriKdiy tlu' S[iriiigs, baronets (cr. iC)4i ; i\L 1 7'ii;), nf I'.ikriiliam, Suffolk, and l)y llic I li|)|iislcys, haroiicls (cr. ijii'i), W irlirUI CiroM .rrks l)U I I cannot U^ac any connection .'IWL'cii those laniilies anil ihal of liutl on. - ISolh the Letter of C'rcilence and die Instructions wert.' printed ill the Atln'iuriaii for 1X54, p. J05, " through the courtesy of a ;eiitleiiian wlio has a rich I'ollection ol such triasures. ■ oil) ucunients it is stated are heaulihilh' written on \elhiin Iniiucr is richly enihla/uneil : the \\\yw\ has the seal and signature Kuiul.ill (who evidently did not know ol' n| the I'rince allixed. il^ |iic\ious ]»ulilication), in iS]o, |iriiiled the I nstructioiis (-^ec .iliovc) " Iroiii a r.in' /iirsi//i/7c of tlie oiigin.il M.S.'', ph jMied at llic expense of Mr. 1'. .\. llaiiniU (/, ,',, p. i\), ami slill preserved in the Ih'itish .Museum {(iiriivi7/c l.il>rt\r\\ Xo. 7JI.S), It is a litlu)gra[)hed facsimile ahoul jo inches hy i j, and apparently done about iS^^o. Ruiulall make.s no allusion to the Letter of Credence, of which he probably kni'W nothim.;. In iSq-^, both I I 1 mimiitim:^^^m,^ Sm-.»m i ,m XXVIU VOVACKS OF FOXK A\l) fAMKS. i(i; i ill The Instructions W(;rc drawn up by I Icnry Prince of Wales, and are dated April 5lh, 1612, The most noticeahlt; featiu'e in these instructions is (as has already been mentioned) the conhdent belie*" they indicate that nothinL, was lc:ft but for iUitton to sail tlirouL^h the; l^issa^e. The pith of the directions he receix'ecl was that he was to hasten to l)it»'U:es Island, " remeniberim''' that the waie [there] is alreadie beaten", antl thence to " st.mtl o\"er to the opposite: Maine [land] in the Latitude of some s8 den-rees, where, ridinii' at some head- land, observe well tin; llood ; if it conK; in south- wc;st, then )-ou maie be sure thi- [)assao'e is that waie; yf jit come in] from the north or north- west, your course must be to stand \-pp into it." ;\monL;" other thini^s Ihitton was instructed to do were to pay due; r(;^ard to i'(;liL;ious ()bser\-anct;s ; (loc'imii'iits were a,i!;ain printed hy I'etherhani in his /i/7'//<)x'?-ii/'//iui/ J//S(r//i!//v (St). I, Nov. 15, iS5_^, |)|). 5-,S). l''roin this work wc may gallier thai the gentleman by whose courtesy the Athciuviint was enabled to print the doeimients was Mr. Ilaiu-ott, wh lo note which of his men ;Li)|icared most ardent in the; cause; ; to keep accurate and full journals ; lo m:ikc. fre(]U(Mit obserxations ; to follow a certain course on his outward \()\aLi"e ; to spend no time on ihe search for anythmi;', exc(;])t the passa^'e, until he had discox'ered it ; and, jnially, when he had dis- coxered it, to Imd some con\"enient hax'en on "the ac )ai rt of A merica or on some is land m iw. western ocean, antl th(,"n to send his pinnace back u'd throuL;h the passa_L,r(^ with news of his homevv; success, lUitton sailed about the middk; of April 1612,^ in ht( two ships, victualled lor cnohteen montiis. I Ic himself, as "Admiral" or " (ieneral" of th(; expedi- tion, commanded the Rcso//t/ioii, ami he had with him a relative; named (dbbons, and a friend named 1 lawkrid^L;'e (both ol whom afterwards commanded expeditions which had similar aims, but filled to attain th(;m) ; while; Captain lohn Ingram coiiim uuU;d Hudson's old vessel, the /^ srovcry l'rick(;tt. too, accompanied Ihitton. and he also had with him Robert liylol or IWleth. who had b(;(;n uidi iludson (s(;(; pp. 164 and 203). iUitton passed through lludson's .Strait and anchored, as iiisiructed, at I )iL;L;'es Isl.md, where he j)ul lo^cihcr ,1 pinnace; aiul lost \\\v me'U, who were' killcel by Ik; sax'aLi'es. rhe;nce he slooel to the westware eliscejverini:" the' laiul he' namcel Carv's .Swan's-nesl. iiiul afte;rvvards, in acce)ielane;e' with his instructions .Sci' [). \U.\, ni>f(\ i /, '?0«™>"™"*''f?WJ5W||||pL f • v !1 I w I ; I XXX VOVAGKS OF FOXK ANH lAMES. \\(\ sailed 1)11 westwards (across what is now l<:nown as Hudson's Www hut which was for loim more ai)i)roj)riatcly known as Ihitton's l)a\'),' falhiiLi' in with the western shore of tlie l);i\- in aI)out latitude 60' 40' N. 'Ihus he was the first to cross the hay from east to west and to discoxcr i'.s western shore, which he named New Wales (see p. 1 jcj). The particular spot at which he enct-untered it, he named llo])es Checked, because he was hy it dis- appoiiUed in his hojies ol sailing' straight on into the Western Ocean. lie then coasted south- ward: entered j'ort \elson on August 15th ; win- tered thei'e amid i^reat hardships, losin;^ his own ship, the Rcsolitl loii- \ and, on ^ctliiiLi' free attain in die rollowiii!,;' sjir'HL;', scare hed to the noi'th-westward lor the Tassa^'e. exploring in the /^iscoi'cry the whole; western shore ol the l)a\' as hi^h as latitude 65 N., in the inlet aflcrwards know as Sir 'I homas Roe's Welcome, wliich point he reached on julv 2')lh, 101:. Then, liis search ha\ iiiL"' proved fruitless, he turned south-e.istward, and, coasliuL;' alcii^- the soudiern part of .Southampton Island, he spent a short time at the western end of lludson's .Strait, w he:-e he desii-ed to liirlher investiuale the tide whic lludson's sur\i\-ors h.id '-' 'I'liis I'ait is mil nu'ntioncd in l'(i\i 's narraii'.f of llic voyngc. lint I'lirchas sa\s thai I'utlon "was rnrccd to cuiii tln' (lie'! Ship" (set' )i. I'll), /iii/c), and hr is siippoitid 111 liis staUaiicnl 1)\' an inscriptiim on a Imard whirh lUitlim ncclrd, ami whiih Vow dist'oviird in Aul;usI U)^! (see hcn.iiicr;. c, no\ \-ar llol Oil scare! \- in; r^'l IXTRODUCTIOX. X X X 1 observed there (see \). 1 50). This he admits he should lia\'e done at the outset, hut his excuse was that, in actiiiLi' otherwise, he was oiiK" carrviuL!' out \'t:rv d(;finite instructions.' The resuk of his his itl xcstiL^ations orcaiiy strengthened his ho] '•th d h DCS ()| uassa<>(: ochil'' uitunateK- Ini t th found !n this (Hreciinn, th( e season was too acKancecl lor lurtner search it beinij" now the; entl of .\u<>ust. I le then re\'isit eo I)i rc;s Isli uid, and thence procec dvx\ 1 loniewarcls, disa|)])oint{;d in his hi^^h hopes, hut still, like otiiers, t linallv conx'inced of the usc^lessnc^ss of furth no searcl er TIk; all-too-mea^'re information which J'\)\e ^'i\-(^s us about Ihitton's xoyan'e shows us that it was conducted with energy and discretion, and that (without fulhlliuL;' its main object) it was remarkabl\- successhil. By it, the discox'cn'y of the coastdine of the whole of Hutlson's l)ay was jiractically com- |)leted, with the exception of that part between Cai)e 1 b'nrietla Maria and I'ort Nelson, where, however, no hopes of a passa(;e lay. W'itli rcderenci; to Ihitlon's obserx'ations on the X'ariation ol the needle, it is of interest now to note that I'urchas makes the followini;' comm( nl on those observations [///s /^//i^r/^^uti^r, 4th ed.. 1626. p. 819) : — "This sccincd stran.^c : duit. in tliis vo}-aj;c, as he searched man)' leagues I'last and West, he fniiiid ihc X'ariatien of the ((tin[)assc to rise and lall in adinir.d)lc ' .Sii' |), i()(). Sco p. 197, //,)/(■. I 1 r 1 ' ]i il 'I ! i XXXI 1 VOYAC.es ok roXK and [AMES. '. I ill proportion, as if the true Magncticall Pole mi^^ht be tliscovcrcd." The variation of the needle had been first ob- served lon*^' before, namely by Columbus on the 13th of September 1492; and, although a certain amount of regularity in the variation had been ob- served by I'robisher on his voyages to Meta Incog- nita, according to William Borough's Discoiirs of the ]^ariation of the Cuvipas or iMagnetieall jVeed/e (London, 4to, 1581), the observations were thought of so litde moment that, in his work published in the same yvA\Y [The Au'we Attractive, London, 4to, 15S1), Roljert Norman declared that th(;re vras no regularity whatever in the variation, hrom Pur- chas's remarks, therefore, it may be inferred that it was not until Button's voyage that the fict was cl(;arly recognised; but it was not until 1831 that the North Magnetic Pole, or place of vertical dip, was first reached by Sir James Ross in about 70" 5' N., 96' 45' ^v. Of P)Utton's voyage;, Rundall pertinently writes^: — " The proceed! 11 i;".s of this voyage are involved in what appears to be needless mx-slerx'. I'urchas complains he could not obtain an}' information on the subject ; and l\Ir. Hriggs was also kept, U) a great degree, in the dark, althout,4i he was eminent for his scientific ac(|uiremcnt.s, deeply interested in the success of the enteijjrise, and intimately accjuaintcd with the na\ii;ator. l'"or what is ^ Ntu-rnlivi's of Voyages hnvards tlic Norili-U'est in Scan It of a /'assa,i^f (o Cattiay and India, i4«/) io 1631 (Hakluyt Society, iS\(i, 1S49), p. 81. ^Smkej^' "^; %- INTRODUCTION. XXXIU known respecting the proceedings, thanks are due to the inquisitivencss and industry of Luke Fox, who sought and obtained inh)nnation from some of the companions of Button, if not from the navigator himself, and also from Sir Thomas Roe, an energetic promoter of the north-west project [of whom we shall hear again shortly]. The in- formation thus acquired was first printed in the NortJi- U'esi Fo.ve, A.u. 1635." Foxe's own account of how he came by the in- formation is as follows (see p. 162) : — "Concerning this voyage, there cannot be much ex- pected from me, seeing that I have met with none of the Journalls thereof It appeareth that they have been con- cealed, for what reasons I know not ; but i*^ is fitting that such things should be made extant as may in any way redound to the good of the Common-wealth ; and there- fore I can but communicate what I have received from Abacuck Pricket, wiio was in the same voyage, and [from] others by Relation, and from Sir Thomas Roe [as regards the latter portion of the voj'age]," It seems from what F^oxe says that, in addition to the two persons named above, he also received information as to Button's voyai^e from Captain Hawkrido^e, who sailed with him, and of whom also we shall hear a<;ain presently. The accounts jj^iven to F'oxe by these three form a fairly-clear and connected narrative of Button's expedition ; but why the full and official narrative should have been withheld is not altoi^ether obvious. That it was purposely withheld, and that it has never since been brouLjht to li^^ht, is certain. Purchas says that, on button's return, his doinjj;'s were "by him kei)t secret by some intent of his" (///.v Pi/ori»ics, j^art iii, d I ^1 i '1' .1^1 XXXI V VOYAGES OF FO>tE AND JAMES. n ¥m p. 843). A little later, however, Purchas tells us (/. c, p. 848) that he had " solicited him for his noates, and had received from him gentle entertain- ment and kind promises" (cf p. 240). He adds that, at the time these promises were made. Sir Thomas was detained in London by urgent affairs, but had undertaken, on his return home, to send his journals to Purchas. After that, instead of proceeding home, he was called away from E^ngland, so that the indefatigable Purchas never received the journals he so much and so advisedly coveted. " I cannot [he sadly says] communicate that which I could not receive"; but he added that, if he received the journals later on, he would insert them out of place, rather than not at all. P\jxe says (see [). 200) that, on the return of the captains of the ships who sailed under Button, their "journals were taken from them, and therefore who doth desire any further satisfaction from this voyage must seeke it from Sir Thomas Button". It will be seen hereafter, from a letter written by Button on P'ebruary r6th, 1629-30, that on that date his journals were still in his own possession; and one may gather from what he says that it had not been through his wish that they had been kei)t secret. Probably some exi)lanation of the mystery is to be found in the fact, already mentioned, that, on July 26th, 16 1 2, about three months after Button sailed, the King had granted to the Adventurers who had sent forth Hudson and afterwards Button, a Royal Charter incorporating them as " The Com- ■*^" INTRODUCTION. xxxV p;iny of the Merchants Discoverers of the North West Passage", with Prince Henry as "Supreme Protector". We may fairly assume that it was in consequence of instructions given by the Company incorporated under this Charter that the journals of Button and his companions were kept secret ; but, inasmuch as Button did not discover the Passaw, the members of the Company derived no advan- tage! from their selfish desire to keep the informa- tion to themselves. It does not seem at all im- probable that Button's journals may even yet be discovered in the possession of his descendants or in some public institution. At this point, it will be convenient to make a digression, in order to speak of the Company above- mentioned, and to trace its development. Late in December 1851, there was sold by Messrs. Sotheby and Wilkinson the second [)ortion of the library of Mr. lulward Drummond Hay, which con- tained a copy of that very rare work by John Davis, entitled The Worldcs Hydrographicall Description, supposed to be a presentation copy from the author to Henry Prince of Wales, whose reputed arms aj^peared upon the cover. In this volume was a folio sheet, supposed at first to be in the handwriting of John Davis, entitled Motives Inducing a Project for the Di score rie of the North Pole Terrestrial ; the Streights of .Inian into the South Sea ; and the Coasts thereof [Athenceuni, Dec. 27th, 1 85 I, p. 1377).' It was, howevei, after- ' It was purchased by Mr. Henry Stevens for ^s' '">' l'i<^ d2 w i \ i>i ^ ti ': iiti \l \ I* t \^^ ■• *£r .■ ''^'^St^— «ui!»*iae? aiSSi m ( : ' 14 hi ; H' '!'■ If ^ - i' I'. i 'i « .' XXXVl VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. wards pointed out [Athcncriuu, Jan. 3rd, 1852, p. 19) that the work could not have been a presentation copy to Prince Henry, who was only sixteen months old on the day of its publication, May 27th, 1595 ; while the inserted MS, could not have been in Davis's handwriting-, for Davis had died in Dec. 1605, when Prince Henry was only about ten years old. More probably, the MS. was of the year 1 610, that date appearing on the back of it. If this document was not by Davis, the question arises, Who did ivrite it? It seems possible that it was written by Sir Dudley Digges, who was largely interested in the voyage undertaken by Hudson in the year in which the MS. is dated, and who, in 161 1, published a work (see p. 119) entitled Of the Circumfe7'ence of the Earth ; or a Treatise of the North-East [should be West\ Passage. Digges, nioreover, was afterwards prominently connected with the Company of Discoverers of the North-West Passage, but there is no actual proof whatever that he was author of the Motives. This MS. (which has never before been printed in an accessible form) appears as Appendix C. It is obviously addressed to the Prince of Wales, and, I,enox Library, New York, where it is still preserved 1 am indel)ted to Mr. George H. Moore, Librarian of the Library, for this information, and for pointing out that tlie Motives was printed in No. i of the Bihliographical Miscellany^ Nov. 15th, 1853, which seems to have been an appendage to the catalogue of second-hand books for sale by the late Mr. John Petherham, and which can only be obtained with great difficulty. sovt IS ni in CO C0\' The of n( advt one tion' disci that I th<' aftet moul Prin INTRODUCTION. XXXV 11 from its contents, one may note that the complaint that "The country is cooing to the dot(s" is by no means a modern cry. The document commences with a dissertation on the advantai^es of commerce, especially to ishuid kini^doms. It then proceeds to state that the profits of En^dish merchants, trading- with neiii^hbouring kini^doms, had sunk so low that it was necessary to open trade relations with countries more remote ; and that one of the most hopeful means of doing this was the discovery of a northern passage to China, Japan, and other countries in the "South Sea". It then proceeds to suggest that th(; King should create an order of knighthood, or some other dignity, to be conferred on those Adventurers who would provide funds and forni a Company to promote the discovery of such a Passage, as other sovereigns had done with other objects in view. It is next proposed that the Adventurers should be incorporated into a Company with a view of dis- covering and "planting" the North-West Passage. These Adventurers, it is urged, should be men either of noble birth or high position ; and, for every ^loo adventured, it is suggested that they shall receive one thousand acres of land wherever the " Planta- tion" shall be located, with other benefits at the discretion of the Prince. In conclusion, it is stated that the document contains an outline merely ; that the details and a scheme of management were there- after to be communicated to the Prince by word of mouth ; and that the writer, in order to enable the Prince better to understand the project, had left with ,h li ' ■ (I 'i: \r-K I' ': '^l| !'! XXXVlll VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. 1 1 ' 1! i i 1 I i Mr. Wrii^ht,^ at the Royal Library at St. James's, a small terrestrial globe. P>om this summary of the contents of the Af olives it will be obvious that (whoever the author may have been) we have in this document the germs of the project afterwards developed in much greater detail in the Charter of the Company of Discoverers of the North-West Passage, already alluded to. The Charter in question, which is preserved at the Public Record Office [Signs Manual, James /, vol. ii, no. 30), has never yet appeared in print though portions of it are incorrectly given by Dr. Asher [Henry Hudson, pp. 255-256). It is, how- ever, of considerable interest in connection with the History of Early Arctic Research, no less than five voyages of greater or less importance having been promoted by those who were incor- porated under it between the years 16 10 and 16 16, namely, those of Hudson (1610-1 1), Button (161 2-13), Gibbons (1614), Bylot and Baffin (161 5), and the same again in 1616." I have thought, therefore, that it is well worth while to print it entire, in spite of its great length (see Appendix D). The Charter commences by reciting that, whereas ^ Edward Wright was born at (larveston, Norfolk, in 1560, and died in 1616. He was an eminent mathematician, a friend of Uriggs (see post), and preceptor to Henry Prince of Wales. He is the last named of the 288 persons incorporated as the Company of Discoverers of the North-\\'est Passage. - Proliably, also, Hawkridge's voyage, in 1619, was partly promoted by the same Comi)any, but of this there is no very clear record (see p. 249, and also Rundall's Voyages North- WesiuHinis, \\. 150). INTRODUCTION. XXXIX twenty-three Adventurers, in conjunction witli the Muscovy and East India Companies, had, in April 1 6 ID, equipped the Discovery, under the command of Henry Hudson, for the search for a North- West Passag-c to the South Sea; and, whereas Hudson had discovered a strait whereby the Adventurers hoped to open a trade with China, Japan, and other countries on those seas, the King, for the better accompHshment and discovery thereof, and according as he had been jietitioned by the Prince of Wales and others, did incorj^orate the first Adventurers and some 265 others,^ with the Prince as " Supreme Protector" under himself, into a " body corporate and politique" by thc! name of " The Governor and Company of the Merchants of London, Discoverers of the North- West Passage", with a Common Seal, a Coat of Arms, and all the rights and privileges of a corporate body. The direction of the Company's > I have already (p. xx) alluded to this long list of names as "highly remarkable". It contains the name of nearly every per- son who is known to have taken a special interest in Arctic research at the time, together with those of an extraordinarily large number of eminent people and of persons belonging to well- known families, as a perusal of the list will at once show. It i)egins with many of the most distinguished statesmen of the day, with the i'rince of Wales at their head, and enumerates altogether 25 Peers or Peeresses, 37 Knights, Baronets, or Court Officials, 38 Esquires, and 188 Merchants, or 288 persons in all. Among them, we meet with the two W'olstenholmes and Henry Jhiggs (who were afterwards connected with Foxe's voyage) ; Captain Thomas Button himself, and his companions Ingram, (libbons, Hylot, and Prickett (but not Hawkridge) ; Richard llakluyt, the celebrated author of the Voyages; John Evelyn, the Diarist; Sir James Lancaster, Alderman Francis Jones, Sir Thomas Smith, and a great many other well-known persons. I ;< V (i !■ Ill ,', 1 ' M ■ I »l »» - I'» l l l »l . . ■ 'r' \\ xl VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. affairs was to be vested in a Governor and a Com- r.iinee, or lioard, of Directors, Lwcnty-seven in nunil)er, who were to be elected annually in October, with certain prescribed ceremonies. Inasmuch as Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Dudley Di_(^a-es, and John Wolstenholme, Esquire, had been the prime movers in the matter, the first-named was appointed first Governor, while the other two were appointed fir^t Directors, toi^ether with a number of others who ..re named. The Company is empowered to set forth ships, to imjiose fines, and to sell merchandise. The exclusive ri^ht to trade and traffic through the Passai^^e is granted to the Company for ever, and the subjects of the King and all foreign i.)otentates are expressly prohibited from entering it : any patent to the contrary grant(!d by Oueen Elizabeth notwith- standing.' Lest any -^oubt should arise .is to the boundaries of the l^issage, it is very broadly defii\ed as having its entrance between Desolation" and Lab- rador, including Da\-is' ami Hudson's Straits, and extending to any seas lying northward, westward or north-westward, either in America or Asia, between the entrance and the South Sea. Various customs ' This is, doubtless, an allusion to the fact that Queen Eli/a- hi'th h.id granted to Adrian (lilbcit and others, Lt.'tters i'atent, dated Westminster, J-'ebruary 6th, 1583-4, iii<:orporating them as *']1u' l''rllo\v.,hii) for the Discovcrie of the Nonh-West Passage", with various exclusive riglUs and i)rivilet,es similar to those granted by the Charter of \(i\2. This docui.ujnt is printed and discussed in Admiral Markhauvs l''i>yiii;cs a/n/ Works of John Davii (London, Hakluyt Soeiety, 18S0). -' That is, the southern part of (Ireenland (see p. 122). INTRODUCTION. xli rcg^Lilations follow, tos^'cthcr with provisions for the uclmission of sons and apprentices of niembers and of new members, it beinj^ provided that for the hrst seven years all admission-tines paid l)y the former should L;0 for the use of the original Adventurers who sc;t forth Hudson, in consideration of the expenses to which they had bc;eii i)ut. New members were to j)ay a fine of one hundred marks. The Kini;-, in order to show his appro\'al of their effort to extend the commerce of his kingdom and to add to his royal dig-nity, grantcxl to the original Adventurers all cus- toms and duties, which would otherwise have accrued to him, on all goods brought Irom or through the Passage between December the 15th. 161 8, and December 15th, 1619, that being tlu: seventh year :\hc.r the Company's formation, by which time it was thought th(! trade through tne Pas- sage would be considerable. Similarly, the King granted to Ca{)iain Ihitton and his crews the cus- toms and duties p.iyable on goods jxissing through the l\issage between December 15th, 16 16, and l)eceml)er 15th, 161 7, that being the fifth year after the formation of the Company ; one half thereof to go to Cai)tain lUitton, ami tlu.; oyage, the Company wa, i-m- ^'1 » m i ««im i » i xlii VOVACES OF yOXE AND JAMKS. )!>' I I I I I povvLTcxl to examine on oath any person employed on any voyai^e, and, in the event of any such person decHninij^ to ij^ive satisfactory information, to commit him to any prison in the City of London, there to remain until he consented to give the desired infor- mation. And, inasmuch as [)revious voyages liad been marred by reason of mutiny and disorder on the part of the crew, the Company's captains and com- manders were (by special recjuest of the Company itself) authorised to exercise martial K'nv, and to arrest and punish any who became mutinous. The dov;ument (which is a parchment about 28 inches by 24) ends with a brief summary of its own provisions. Perha[)s the most noticeable feature contained in this Charter is the evidence it affords of the de'/ree of confidence - amounting almost to absolute cer- tainty — with which the discovery of a North-\\'(.'st Passage by the ex[K'dition under Ca[)taiii lUitton was looked forward to at the time;, in consequence of th{! hoi)es raised by Hudson's discov(;ri(;s. Keen must have been the disappointment when, not only lUitton, but those that followed him, failed to realise these iiigh holies. At this point, it is ncces.sary to remind the reader that we have brought the narrative of tht; search for a I*assage up to the lime of the return to England of Ihitton's e.xped ion in the autumn of i6i;v Never was the cause; of iXrctic I)isco\ery more ardently prosecuted than at this j)eriod. As the return of Hudson's expedition in lOi 1 was at once followed by the dispatch, in 1612. of that under ■S|)(;a|J that 1 and si I'olh ol nml West lot ike INTRODUCTION. xliii Hutton, so now the return of the latter in 1613 was followed without the loss of a moment by thv. dis- patch, in 1 6 14, of yet another expedition havin_L( the same object in view. The sanc^uine hopes of the discovery of a passage raised by Hudson's voyajj;-e had not been realised by the results of iUitton's expedition. Indeed, they had been, if anything-, lessened by the Litter's failure ; but still, we know that Hutton himself believed that, if his own dis- coveries were properly followed up, the desiretl passa^i^e would yet be found. Accordinsj^ly, in the ye.ir following his return, yet anotlier expedition was set forth. It was tommandetl by Captain (iibbons, who was a near relative of lUitton, whom he had accompanied as a volunteer. Gibbons sailed in the Discoz'cry, which had been the consort in the previous year ot luitton's V(;ssc;l the Rcsohttion, and which was also Hudson's old vessel. Vi\x'c\\i\'^ [/lis Pi/i^riniai^r, 2nd ed., 1614, p. 746) makes the following reference to Ciibljons's voyage, which shows that he, at least, regarded \.\u\ results of Button's expedition as satisfactory, even Uiough. they had not by any means come up to the; expectations of himsi-lf and oth«:rs (see p. xx). Speaking of Hutton ^i.^*v % xlviil VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. J i'l ' 1 ! , f 1 1 ] I I'i'l tl ! ! This second voyage in i6i6 was of far greater interest and importance than their first voyage in the previous year. Although, after its termination, Baffin was led to declare positively that, in the direc- tion in which he had searched, there was " no passage, nor hope of a passage" (an opinion in which, as later discoveries have shown, he was not correct), still the voyage was well conducted and remarkably suc- cessful, the whole of Bcdfin's Bay being discovered and described with commendable accuracy. At the same time, it is not necessary here to notice further th(^ result of the voyage. Foxe's account of it, aliridged from Purchas his Pilgrimcs, occupies pp. 223-239. Those desiring fuller information must consult Mr. C. R. Markham's Voyages of IVilliani Baffin, /<5/i'-/(5^i' (London, Hakluyt Society, 1881). The years 161 7 and 1618 seem to have been a resting-time fur those who were most closely asso- ciated with the search for the North-West Passage, and no voyage of exploration is recorded in those years. Very early in the following year, however, through the efforts of Sir John Wolstenholme (who had been knighted three years earlier, no doubt in recognition of his splendid services in the cause of Arctic research), another expedition was equipped and set forth in search of the Passage, under the command of Captain Hawkridge. It long remained unknown in what year, and under whose auspices, this voyage was made ; but the researches of Run- dall ( / \)yao;cs North- Westwards, p. t 50) showed that it took place in the; ) ear 1619 ; that Sir fohn cicsi of and oav catioi '■xpn thi-()ii| uiih le ( Slim il >-*«• cc y*i^/ I -Pi ■?*^ . INTRODUCTIOX. xli: l^' W'olstcnholnic was the prime mover; and thai he siicceetletl in interesting' a numbc:r of his friends in the \-entnre. W'hetlier or not the equipment of this \-oyao-e was anolhe'" and a final eftort made by the Comj)any of Discoverers of the North- West I\issai;'e (n\ which Sir folin W'olslenholme was a leadini;' nieniber). we are nowhere told ; but, at any rate, we are safe in concludinp^ that, even if the Com- pany did not mcne, in the mattei" in its corporate ca|)acity, at least tlie fric.-nds who co-opcrrated individually with Sir [ohn W'^olstenholme were mainl)- thosci who had been incorporates! in that Company. However this may have been, Rundall shows {/of. r//.)that, on January 20th, 1619, Sir John \\'olst(;nholme applie'.I to the Kast India Companv lor assistance; in seiidin;^' out another expedition in search of a North-West Passage, statin^' that he desired "to raise; meanes to furnishe toilhe two pin- naces, w"'' will cost //. 2000". He based his hopes of success on the old ''rounds, namel\-, "the oreat tvd(i of floode" which iiudson's sur\i\"ors, l^utton. and I'laffm. had all re])orted to exist in " iUitton's lia}'". It is recorded that, in response to this aj)])li- cation,and notwithstandinf;^ the opinion that had been expressed by Daffin in 1615 against further search ihrouL^'h Hudson's Strait, the; I^ast India Conipan\-. with its custom.iry c;nte'r|)rise, ^"ranted ,{^200 towards the expe^nses e)f the; voyage, or onc--te;nlh of the te)tal sum required. Of Captain William llawkridge, who commanded the expeditie)!!, vvvy little is iKne)wn it will be re- i \ ;i /^' Ir 1 VOVACKS OK FOXK AND TAMKS. i I i;'' Mi membcrcd that lie had accompanied Ikitton in 1612-13 — it is said as a volunteer (see j). 167).' In s|)ite ofhiso^ood n;])Utation as a seaman, and the; (;x- pc^rience lie may Ik; sLi|)|)os(;d to have iL^ained under TUitlon, his \()ya.i4'c |:)rovcd almost as ij^rrai a failure as that of l^utton's other companion, Gibbons (see p. 201), and produced absolutely no results of value. ^ Tt sfcms prohaljli' lh:il I Ia\vkridu;e was a man of sonu- pro- perty: for. ainoiip; the volumes of "Transactions from \C)Oi)-]C)2c,'' (fo. 95), prescr\ed at the 'I'rinity Mouse, I have discovered a record of the fad that in after years lie was unfortunate enough to lose hy capture a ship and cargo (i)Oth his own), valued at X-)OOOf and that he was held captive in Algiers for ransom. The docu- ment runs as follows : "Being re(iueste(l to C'ertcfie o'' knowledge of Cajit. AAHlliam Hockerage, now in Algicr, a Captive, where he \ndergoeth the vnhapi)ie condicHn of a Miserable .Slave, being taken w"' 12 saile of Turke Men |of] W'arre : touchinge his qualetye. hee hath had the comand of severall Shipps, l)oth in the .Scruice of the Ivast Indye Companie, as also in otlier voyages: his ransome |is] sett at ^250, w''' hee is never able to [laye w"'oul some charitable course be taken for him. And, beside this his ransome of ^"250, he hath lost in his Shipp : the Shipj) wholie his owne : ^2,000 in the value of his shii)p and goods, w' '' great losse of his, together w"' his most miserable and lamentable condicOn, is motiue to moove all xpian hartes to comiserat his case and minister to his libertye; and this much of om- knowledge. ^Vitnes o' handcs this 24lh of September 1631 Kobt. Salmon, T. liest, Sanni: Doves, Mr., (X-rlificates for put)lic begging (as they may be called), similar to the above, were not uncommonl}- given at ihe (Lite in (|uestion l)y the Cor[)oration of Trinity House, and other bodies. '|"he result of this appeal is not known. S< t < c ■" ••' <^ 1 1 INTROI)U(TK)\. li Of his proceedings, we have no account wliatcN-er, except the l)y-no-m(^ans satisfactory narrative L^ivm by l'"oxe (see pp. 248-259). which, he says, "hath come to nn' hands l)\ nianuscri])t or relation". 'Idiis nar- rative shows that I Ia\vkrid_L;'e was either wanting;' in ability or very unfortunate. AlthouL;li he- arrived at the entrance of Hudson's Strait on |une 2C)th, it was not until about [ulv 22nd that he was able to enter, ha\-ing In'st been impounde(l in Lumley's Inlet, to th(; north, and then drixcn much too far to the south. 1 laxing entei-cd, he | )i-oce( -ded to the wt:stern extremity of the .Sti"ait, in anil near which he re- mained until August I 6th, cruising aimlessK' about, lirst in one dirt;ction and then in another, in a man- ner which the \'ery \'ague narratixc does not enable us to follow, and along coasts which cannot be iden- tified. I le does not seem to ha\'e co\cred any ground which P)ylot and liaffm had not carefully d(;scribed in 1615, and \\v. certainK' made no li-esh discoveries. lie passt;d l-vesolution Island, on his homeward voyage, on September 7th. W'e should ha\-e. lost very little had J"'oxe failed to preser\e for us the account of this al.)orti\'e \'oyag(!.' This ignominious ending to ajiother we'll-e(iuipped expedition seems, at last, to have damped the ardour of thos(; who had for years lax'ishly expeiuletl both their money and their time in promoting expeditions in s(;arch of a North-WCsi Passaire. From the time w ' There seems also to he some inexpliialtle ronfusion in the latter part of the narrative, as is tully explained dm |)p. -256 57. C 2 ■1 " ! IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // .// :/ 1.0 !ffi M 2.2 I.I I: Bi£ 1 2.0 1.25 1.4 1.6 <^ % /^ ^% /. ..^. v/// '/ om Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. )4S80 (716) 873-4503 m iV iV %^ \\ ^\^\ >V "^0 ■^'' >.1^ 'i^"'.. ^ <^ (/a ^t h ;/< lii VOVACKS OF FOXK AND JAMES. ( 'i i I ■' ; i i ■' 'i' t •|: n /I I I"' of the departure of Captain John Knioht in April 1606, to th(; return of Captain 1 lawkridj^c; in Sep- tember 161 9, a period of thirteen ) ears/ there; had ^ r am s| /caking here of English voyages alone. Another year may 1)0 added, if the voyage of r!ai)tain Jl'Iis Nfunk is includi;d. He was sent out by C'hristian 1\', King of henniark, with two ships, having a combined crew of 64 persons, and he sailed from Copenhagen on May 9th, 1619. On June ,^oth, he sighted Cape Farewell, and, on July 15th (after Iia\ing entereil l-'robisher's Bay in error), he entered Ihidson's Strait, upon which he bestowed the now-forgotten name of l''retum Christian. In the Strait, he met with very great trouble on account of the ice, and he did not reach its we:-.tern extremity, Digges Island, until August tiie 20th. From this point, he seems to have sailed across Hudson's I5ay straight to Port Churchill, where he laid u]) for the winter about September 9th, naming the place (which had not previously been named) Munk's Winter Harbour. VtMxow {A ir/ii Voyagt's i>ef<>re iSiS, p. 2J51) and others have identified his wintering-place with Chi'Sterfield Inlet, much O'riher north, but there is overwhelming evidence that it was Port C'hurchill. The early part of the winter was spent in fair comfort, the ciews indulging largely in shooting ; but the latter part of the winter and the spring brought the utniost privation, due appartaitly in the main to a too liberal use of spirits, and to a want of sulticient physical exercise. I'rom the beginning of l''ebruary onwartls, di'aths became of almost daily occurrence. On May .:Sili, only seven survived, and they were unablt,- to bury their dead companions. liy the i.Sth of Jum-, all had died except Munk and two others. These gradually recovered, and, on the iSlhof July, the three survivors set sail homewards in the smaller of the two vessels. They passed Resolution Island on August iXth, and eventually reached the coast of Norway in safely on Septembir j ist. Munk accomplished nothing in the way t)f geographical discovery, but he is one of the pioneers of the search for a North-West Passage, and his narrative is, perhap.s, the nu)sl tragic ever written, lie ai)i)ears to have known nothing of the voyage made by Ca|)tain ilawkridge in the same year, and does not once allude to it. Nor does it seem that, up to the date of publishing his book, i,uke l''o.\e had ever heard of Munk's INTKOnrcTION, HI nc\'cr been ;i time (il wr. c;\ce|)l tlie two years 1617 and 161 S) when there had not been a well-etiuipped English expedition out searchinL;- for the l*assai;e or just returned from the search, or when some h'esh expedition was not belni^ fitted out to start al tlic earliest possible moment. And, althouL;h consider- ably more than two centuries had yet to elapse before the object of all this searching was to be attained and a Passage was to be at last discovered, there need be no hesitation in pronouncing this the Golden Ai''e of Arctic Research ; for, never before nor since (except during the search for Lranklin), was a Passage so ardently and so persistently sought. One: can hardly wonder that, as all thi' .'•■•M-chin^ had f tiled to re\'eal a l^lssage, the ariloui , the searchers should have; been dampetl, and that there; should ha\(^ followed a [period of twelve )ears during which not .1 single attempt was made to discover a I'assage, not- withstanding the fiel that all the j)re\ious voy.iges h.id failed It) prove the iiou-cxis/i'iicc of the Passage, as C()m[)letel)' as the\' hael f likid to pro\'e its twish'm'C. This brings us to the \e:ar io;^i, in which l)oth Foxe and James set forth. As Foxes work was the voyage, as lie docs not allude lo il in any way whatever. Indeeil, ii|) lo the present time, no a(le(]uate accounl of Munk's expedi- tion has ever appeared in i-ni^lish. A reprint of his own narra- tive appeared in Copenhagen in i>SS-^, with an adniiraliK' introduc- tion hy Mr. r. I.auridsen. lam glad to he able to announci' that steps are now heing taken to i)ring oiu an luiglish translation of .Munk's narratives, under the edilor:,hip of Mr. 1",. Delmar Morgan and myself. ^y L,«Jt 1 i '■!! ! l\ I. ; i • I ■ i 11 i 1 1 w 1$ 1 . }il ill' I y «t H 1 1 [Jm M I \i:i>' ?'/ • : i :ii I ■ I ' I M: jlll 1 1' III I li J iiv VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JANIES. most importcint of the two, as affcctliii^ any future discoveries, it will be well to take its author first. Of theorisj^in and personal history of Captain Luke Foxe, very little indeed is known. It is almost correct to say of him, as Mr. C. R. Alarkham says of Baffin {Voyages of Baffin, p. i), that "his previous history is an absolute blank"; and the same remark a|)plies to many other early navigators. They were probably men, born of no [)articular family, who had risen to [)ositIons of responsibility by sheer hard work and their own competence as seamen. Mr. R. \V. Corlass states that his father, Richard Foxe, of Kingston-upon-Hull, "was ori^nnally a sailor, and afterwards an assistant at the Trinity Mouse, Hull." He brought up his son, who was born in the parish of St. Mary on the 20th of October, 1586, to the same profession.^ Through the kindness of R. Hill Dawe, Esq., Town Clerk of Kingston-upon-Hull, the Burgess Roll of that Borough has been most obligingly searched, for the [)urposes of this work, by ]\Ir. T. Tindall Wildridge, who has brought to light the following interesting references to members of the r\jxe family. The extracts have been trans- lated : 4 Edward VI (1550J A'/i-/rr?;vi^ /v.r, porter, admitted and sworn a burgess of this town by fine of 40.V. • Sketches oj Hull Authors^ by thu lale Reginald W. Corlass, edited by C. F. Curlass and Wm. Andrews, p. 30 (Kull, 8vo, 1879). p^ IiNTRUUUCTION. Iv I IMiilip and Mary (1554). /.(rw/rf/cr /''^'.iv, mariner, was admitted and sworn a bnrL;css of this town 24th day of Se[)tcmb';r in the year aforesaid, by fine of 40.s-. ; to be [)aid into the hanils of the Chamberlain io.s"., and tlie remainder to be paid in the manner and form followiivjj, vidcl': at the fe;ist of St. Martin in winter next, io.v., and 20s. at the feast of Penteccjst now next ensuinq;. If resident, and otherwise not, etc. By his pied^;e, Brian Bowmen 13 Elizabeth (1571). Richard /v^.r, mariner, lyth day of July in the year aforesaid, is admitted and sworn a burgess of this town by apprenticeship with Robert Ratcliffe, etc. If resident, and not otherwise, etc. II Elizabeth (1591). Jolui Foxc, the same clay [4th I-'ebru- ary], is admitted and sworn a bun^ess of this town b)' apprenticeship with Robert Hall, baker, defunct. If resident, etc. 5 James [ (1607). Luke Fo.\\\ scjii of Richard I^'oxc [ffoxe], sailor [naut'], 22nd October in the year aforesaid, ad- mitted and sworn a burgess of this town by patrimony of his said father. If, etc. S James I (1610). Thomas Foxc, by apprenticeship with Thomas Ramsdalc, sadlcr. Here we have Thomas Foxe, admitted in 1610, who (as likely as not) was a brother of Captain Luke I'Oxe, who wc: fnul was himselfaclmitlctl a hurij^ess by patrimony on October 2211(1, iC;)/. Then we meet with a certain John l''o\t\ admitted in 1591, of whom we know nothing- ; and befon- iiim stands Richard Eoxe, father of our subject, and also described as a mariner, who was atlmitted in 1571 ; while, before him stands another mariner, a certain Lawrence Foxe, admitted in 1554, who w.is very Hkeiy Luke ! '» \A ill ) i.' M ri !■ ^: 1 I'i gee mmma ■^ Ivi ' V: P il' •■ t ? V 1 ! 'l ;- ! 'i'iii : I ' '1 !': i I '\ I (' VOVAGES OF l-OXE AND JAMES. Foxe's grandfather. It is tolerably safe to surmise that the family had been long settled in Hull. Mr. Tindall Wildridge has also been good enough to favour me privately with a few extracts from the registers of St. Mary's Church, Hull, from which it appears that Thomas I'^oxe, four years after his admission (namely on May 19th, 16 14), married Alice Hudspith ; while the year before his admission (namely on February 12th, 1590), John Voxc married Alice Reanard, and was buried on September 20th, [613, when he is described as a " baker". Further than this, nothing relating to Captain Luke l*\)xe's pre\'ious history sccmtis obtainable, except what Ik; himself tells us. " I had | he says, in his account of his " Prejiarations" (p. 262)] beene sea-bred from my boyes-time, and had beene in the Mediterranian, Sj)aine, F'rance, Holland, Norway, Denmarke, and the l)alticke Sea." It is clear that, in his earlier years, he had been employed in the coasting-trade, and had been on many voyages in small trading ships sailing from Hull to Whitby, Newcastle, Yarmouth, and London, or other east- coast ports ; for, in his " Preface to the Reader", he replies to certain nameless detractors, who declared him to be unfit to undertake the command of the expedition, urging, as he says (p. 11), " that I am but a North-country coaster, and hath but been brought up in small Vessels." 1 here can be no doubt that he was diligent in the duties of his calling ; for, in 1606, when only 20 years of age, we find him a[)ply- ing (though unsuccessfully) to a well-known explorer '"J ! ' ^ INTRODUCTION, IVll for a post Hs mate, " i)rcsLiming [as he saysj upon some parts I had, as the use of the globes and other Mathematicke Instruments", and ujwn his general experience as a seaman. It is clear, moreover, that he had risen to some sort of official position. ])robably in connection with Trinity House, before Sju i-^-.u-iu he set sail on his famous voyage in 1631. when in his forty-fifth year; for he says (j). 11) that, by certain other of his perhaps-envious detractors, "it was also cast into my dish that I was an officer of the Admiralty". Against this absurd objection, h'oxe \igorously defends himself That FoNc; was married, we know ; for a passing reference to his wife occurs on fo. 62 of his MS. Journal (alluded to hereafter) ; but who his wife was, S-«^ and what descendants (if any) he left, seems (|uite unknown. The foregoing seems to be litc;ra]ly everything known of Foxe previous to the time of our meeting with his name in connection with Arctic exploration ; and, e\'en for information as to his early intercjsts in this direction, wc; have to rcdy solely upon his own narrative. That Foxe's interest in Arctic research was due, in the first instance, to the ardour and enthusiasm of youth, there can be no ([uestion ; for, in the passage in his account of his " rre])ar,itions" (|), 26 1 ), in which he candidly st.ites that lu; "was neither importuned nor intreated to this undertaking |/.f.. his \oyage| by amlonel, evtlu^r noble or Licntle". he continues: ')■ the truth is that 1 had beene itching after it ever '1 'h\ ' I ' i HI III! i " Si HI' t 'v, i k ^ IJU.ilWJJi . II|...IJ1J» Iviii VOYAGES OF FOXt: AND JAMES. I l:i since 1606, vvh(.;n I should have gone Mate to John Knight." Movvcv(;r, he confesses that he came, in after years, to recognise the fact that, in 1 ju6, when he was hut twenty, "my ambition soaretl a pitch higher than my abilitie, [and 1 1 . . . thought myself to bee fit for the best imployment, and desired to be pluckt before I was ripe." This fact, we may infer, Knight recognised at the time ; for, as I'Oxe says, " he durst not depend upon me in that place [/.f., as matej for the voyage, so as 1 did not i)roceed with him." After this disappointment, " I was [he tells us] still kept in Marine im[)loyments along the Coast, antl crossing the Sea, whereby I gained I'^xperience ; and also at the Rcturnes home of all Shi[)s from thence, I encjuired of the Masters, Mates and others that were that way imi)l()yed, whereby I gathered by Rejjort and l)isc(jui.;eand Manuscri[)ts, how farre they had proceeded, what they had done, and what [there stillj was to doe."' In order to thoroughly familiarise himself with the more abstruse and scientific side of the navigator's occupation, he tells us he cultivated the acquaintance of a certain Mr. John 'rapi)e, who, he inforivis us, had a wide acquaintance among navigators. Tappe introduced him to Mr. Thomas Sterne, globe-maker, of whom he says, " I have found [him| to have engrossed all ? ! ic ^ It is clear, from certain passing remarks made by Foxe in th course of his narrative, that he had come into personal contact 0/. iii.Jo with I'lickelt (p. 164), iiylot and Baffin (original cd., p. 228), and 1/ Sir Thomas IJiitton (/. <•., p. 249), among other of the early Arctic navigators. ''m FNTI^ODUCTION. II X those; tonm;r voyages hy relation, irii'.iuiscripts, and maps ; fron-; whom I ^athcreil much, and must needs say he is a very well desc:rving Practitioner". This John Tapp (concerning; whom no informa- tion, so far as 1 have been able to discover, is given in any biographical dictionary) seems to have been a bookseller. His name is variously spelled Tap, Tape, lapp, and 'I'appe. He was admitted, along with eleven others, a member of the Stationers' Company on June; 3rd. 1600, " by translation hither from the Companye of the l)ra[)ers", each [)aying a fee of 3^. 4^/. The first work he brought out was entitled The Maryiicrs Jhwk, coiitainiui^ uiany Godly c Prayers, //yi/iiies, Soiios, c/c, and it was published on October 2nd. 1600. In publishing. Tapp seems to have chielly confmed his attention to works on navigation and arithmetic. He was also an author and editor of such works. His first shop seems to have been "on Towerdiill, neere the Hulwarke Gate". Here, in 1602, he brought out the first edition of his Seaniaiis Ka/endar, a small (juarto volume which ran through various editions, the fifth appearing in 1615. It must have been a standard work and wc;ll thought of at the; tiim; ; for an edition, with additions by Henry IMiilh'ps and others, ap- l)eared as late as 1696, or nearly oiu; hundred years after its first apjjearance. This, however, was not Tapp's earliest work, for in 1596 he brought out a revised edition of The Arte of Navii^ation, by Martin Cortes, which had been originally [)ublished at Seville in 1556, but of which a translation by Richard Eden ll it' w 'v m;' ^. -l.l«JL'lS!a Ix VOYAGES Ul- I-OXK ANlJ JAMES. i ll had appeared in London in 1561. Tapp published this through his friend Hui^h Astley, who was one of those admitted with Tapp, and to whose sho|) at " St. MaL^Mius Corner" he seems afterwards to have succeeded. It was situated "beneath St. Magnus Church", which, accordini;' to Strype's edition of Stows Survey of London and Wcstniinstci' (Book ii. p. 174), stood on the east side of l^ridge Ward. Here he brought out the later editions of his Sca- jnan's Kalciidar, as well as at least two later editions of his .Irtc of Naz'i'oa/ion (1609 and 1615). In 16 1 3, he published his Arithmetic, or Pat/iway to the Knoiv/edoe of the (ironnd of .-h't, of which a second edition, brought u|) to date by one Peter Ray, appeared in 165S. I have been unable to ascertain the dates of his l)irth and death. Of Foxe's othe'r early friend, Thomas Sterne, I have been able to ascertain absolutely nothing, thouLi'h no doubt he was a well-known man and a competent adviser in his day. It seems not unlikely that the abstracts of earlier Arctic voyages which b'oxe ])ubllshed were those " engrossed" by Sterne, but he nowhere tells us that they were so (see P--^i8)- But Foxe's chief friend and ally in his schemes of Arctic exploration seems to have been "that famous mathematician, Mr. Henry Briggs", whom he says he had known even l)efore he became acquainted with Messrs. Tapp and Sterne, and to whom he was chiefly intlebted for the final accomplishment of his desires. This Henry Briggs was also a Yorkshire- INTKOHUCTION. 1X1 niiin. lie w.is Imrn at W'arlcy Wood, in the parish of HaHfax, in Fctbruary 1561. and bccaiiK; first Savihan I'rofcssor of Astronomy at Oxford in 1596, which office; h(; held for t\v('nty-thri;(; years. I Ic promoted laro;ely the lis(; of loL^arithms, first (-xplained hy Lord Napier in i6i.|. and made a journe)' to luhnburnh in 16 16 on |jurpose to confer with that famous discoverer.' Between 1602 and 1633, he pubhshed various important works on mathematics, arithmetic, navigation, and kindred subjects ; but the work with which we are chietly concerned in the present connection was his Ttratisc on I he A'oiih- Wcst Passage to the South Sea, through the Con- linent of I'irginia, and t^y Fret inn Hudson, which was signed by his initials only, and ai)peared as an apjiendix to th(; second edition of lulward W atcr- house's Deelaration of the State of the Colony and Affaires in I'iroinia, issu(-d in 1622 (London, 4to). This discourse by Briggs was reprinted by I^urchas {his Pi/j^'rinies, vol. iii, p. 852) in 1625, together with a map of North America (ap])arently supplied by Briggs) ; but, ten jcars later, Luk(; b'ox de- clared Br!'^-gs' arguments "to be but the; imagina- tion of nu;n" {see p. 239). It must. indt;(;d, be con- ^ Mr. C. R. Markham, in spcakini; of tlu' introduction of Logarithms by Henry Briggs (/(W/v/^// (y7//(' A'oya/ Unihut Si'n'iir Institution, 1891), says, "No greater service has over been done by one man to navigation, and I.uke I'ox, who was among the iirsl explorers who reaped the l)eiient of it, miglit well name one of the [groups of] Islands he discovered in Hudson's Jiay — Mr. Briggs his Mathematicks." II ' :l III P' I i m, ii 1 :!) li- ra 'i\ t I' f 1 l! •' Ixii VOYACIES OF I'OXK AND JAMES. fc'sscd that tills tract contains sonic very erroneous notions; for its author ari^ues that because "the sea wherein Master Hudson did winter (wliich was first (h'scovered ])y him, and is therefore now calleil I'^rchmi //ndson) dotli stretch S(j farre to- wards the west that it h"eth as farre westward as the Cape of Florida", and because it receives rivers from the mountains to the westward as also does Viriji'inia, that therefore the two places " cannot be in probability so farre distant ... as 200 Lea- gues" ; and also because the place where Sir Thos. Button wintered was as far to the westward as the Cape of California, that therefore the main western coast of America, or some; of its inlets, could not be far to the westward of Virginia, and could probably be reachcid by following up the rivers running {mm the westward, especially as the Indians of Virginia, as well as those of Canada and Florida, all agreed in their reports of a large sea to the westward, with large ships upon it ; all of which speculations, as we now know, are very erroneous. Nevertheless, it is c(;rtain that the fact that Foxe ultimately sailed upon his voyage of discovery is due, largely at least, to the int(M'est Briggs took in the venture.' Foxe tells us that Briggs encouraged ' A contemporary estimate of Foxe's ability as a practical seaman, and reference to liriggs' connection with the enterprise, is to he found in a letter dated "Christ (.'ollege [Cambridge], January 30th, 1630-31" {J/arh'iaii MSS., No. 390, fo. 534 ; printed in the Court and Times of Charles the First ^ vol. ii, p. 94), in which the Kev. Joseph Mead, writing to Sir Martin Stuteville, Isi th( \o>i \\i INTRODUCTION. Ixiii , ■ I. al him in his ambition to searcli for the Passage, and also introduced him to Sir John r)rf)oke. "whom both to doe thtnr Kin_u^ service, and the PubHck good, perswad(;s with divers of their friends to come into the Adv('ntur(^" As t<» the personal history of this gentleman, and his connection with Arctic research, I have been unable to obtain any definite information. He was probably that "John Brooke of Heckington, co. Lincoln, Knt.", who was created liiron Cobham on January 3rd. 1644-5, when the King rc^stored to him all th(; privi- leges and dignities that had formerly belonged to his grandfather, Georgct (Brooke) Lord Cobham (G. E. C.'s Complete Peerage, vol. ii, p. 324) ; but no further inforniation concerning him seems obtainable. His name does not appear, so far as I can find, in Metcalfe's Book of Knights. It was after him that l''oxe, on July 29th, 1631, named Brooke Cobham Lsland (now known as Marble Island), "thinking then [as he says] of the niany furthtTances this voyage received from that Honourable Knight," informs him lliat " TIk" voya^^c intended for the North-West discouery is chielly furtliered by Mr. Bridges, and the man to he therein imployed is one Fox, a master of a ship of Hull, and, though never yet in those parts (so my authorjity] thinks), yet is held to be a very skilful seaman." It is sad to have to add that, at the date of this letter, liriggs had been dead for four days. In the next letter Mead wrote to his correspondent, which bears date "Christ Church, February 6th ( 1630-31 j" {^IJarhian A/SS., No. 390, fo. 535; i7>/it., p. 97) he says: "Mr. H. Hrigges, of Oxford, the great mathematician, is lately dead, at seventy-four yeares of aue." K 1 > 1' ' n Wi-i i^ mjjm msssmm^, Ixiv vova(;f:s of foxk .\\i» james. : r ^'■hich "riirtlKTances" he then i)roceeds to ermmemte with considorablr, detail (sec \). 324).' These three, tht'ii - I*\).\c!, Henry Brigij^s. and Sir John l)n)()liCC 1). sXlV. / Ixvi VOYAGES OF I'OXE AND lAMES. (' "First, whether there be any h'kelyhood or p'babilitye to compass the designe, yea or noe ? " To that I answer that my opinion is nowe as it ev"^ hath bin sithencc my retornc thence, and as I then deliv''ed it with the perticuler reasons of it to my most ro)all master of most famouse memoric that then was, Kinge James ; that, beinge undertaken in a fittinge waye and a dewe season, I made, and doe make, as full accoumpt of the sensiblencs of it as I doe of any knowne chancll that is best knowne to us in these Norther partes, and to be p'formcd w' as little dainger (and was soe approved by his Ma''* to be), whoe inforst as manj-e and as important questions for his owne satisfactions as if all the best ex- pericnst mariners of the Christian World had conventcd them selves together to havedrawne the intcrgatorics. The same reasons have 1 deliv'' to many most Honorable and knowinge persons and to o"" best Mathamaticians, as I\Ir. Briggs, Mr. Evells[?], and others, w'thall the best masters and mariners of o' kingdome, as alst)e to others, both Hollanders and I"'rcnch ; and, in my discourse with anyone of them all, they never went unsatisfied from me of the probabilitie of it; and for further accompt herein att presentt I can give non; but, if my Journall or any other my notes or papers (w'th ought else in me) may give his Ma'''= any further or fuller satisfaction, when I waight on his High- ncs (w'ch I hope will be much sooner than is fitt for them to advance ; for to sett out to t}-ml)-e, is to faule [fall] to soone into that danger that to late a repentance cannot heal[je them out on), I will do my best, out of my ould experience, to affurtherthe good of it, and p'vent the evells and inconveniences that pretending men of little experi- ence, or none at all, may suddenly bringe uppon it ; for J will bouldlye saye that whoe shalbe fitt to have the manedginge of this unparaleld busines ought first to be so religiouse as to hould his eiul the hapjoiest that dyes for the glory of God, the llono' of his Kinge, and the publicjue good of his couiitrjc, all w'ch in this designe have their scv'all and p'ticuler interest; and tlierefore he must INTRODUCTION. 1 XVll not looUe backc for fcarc of the daingcr of cither uii- knowne coastes, hidcou.sc storms, dark and long contincwed mistcs, to h'c amongc and all ways to see more landes and Hands of Ice than he can see of sea, and oft tymes rocks under him in sight, when he shall within thcire his ships Icnght finde twentye fathom water ; and, to incounter this under favo', must he be well armed that shall undergoe this busincs : for thrice sithcncc my beinge there hath it bin attempt'd, and, for ought I here, little (or, rather, I may bouldly say, noe) advauncem' given to the busincs' ; there- fore cannot be to much curiositie used to put it into a good and choise hand, w'ch I will hartih'C praj-e may be most happilj'c lighted on, for wee live not in the adge to fyndc that they arc the most p'fitt w'ch makes the [most] gloriosc shewc. " The second pointe required is, whether it may prove of such bcncfitt and advantadgc as is pretended ? "To that I must most humbly answer, that that received opinion of form' adgcs (as well as of these modernc t}-mes) both in manye other countrycs abroade, as in o' owne kingdom, and amongst o' own marchants att home, mainc- taincs and makes good that pointe ; therefore to that I can sayc noc more, but that I will as hartilj'c praye that God may give a blcssinge to the discoverye ; w'ch, in the first place, must be the iiliediate introduction, to bring on and p'fitt the rest ; of w*^'' bono"" to be that most happie man weare ni)- j-earcs sutable to such an undertaking, or my purse answerable to what in hart I would be most williuge to adventur ; I uoukl be loathe any man li\inge should undertake it scnjner than in)- sclfc, or athcnturc more towards it then I would ; but, beinge no otherwise usefuU in mj-ne owne power or abilitie then in ni)- wcl- wishing, and w hat cjther affurthrance may l)e in nice ; yet what 1 fornierl)'e suffred by my winteringc doth sufli- cicntl)'e satisf)c all reasonable and expcricnst men that to ' lUiUon refers, of course, to the e.\pcditi(jns of (libbons ( i d 1 4), iJylot and Baffin (1615), and Hawkridge (1611;). /2 ^1 1 i [ ■ 1 1 ik\ it:l( rwmmmmmmmmmmm ^mn 1: XVIU VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. runn the hazard or chardge of such a purpose can be to noe other end then the inevitable hazard of all ; and there- fore, either the passage wilbe found, or not to be hoped for, the first yearc, soe by that assurance the first chardge wilbc much the less, and the source certainc w'ch will effect it the sooner ; for nowe there will be noe faulinge into Hudson's liay, nor Buttons Baye, to mispcnd tymc, as both he and P did to noe purpose, and that only by Instructions out of England ; but as soone as he- comes to the west parte or Cape of Notingham Hand where he is to anchor, and, according to the sett of that tydc which he shall finde there, to direct his course; w'ch must be and is the only way to fynde that passadge, w'ch I doe as con- fidently beleave to be a passadge as I doe there is on either between Calls and Dover or between Holy Head and Ireland. This being all att p'sent that I can doc in answer of y' lo* letter or for his Ma^'" information in this busincs, intendinge to bringe upp my Journall and such other notes as I have leaft, when I come upp myselfe for his Ma'^ or yo"' lo^ further satisfaction (but to noe other hands) I most humblye take my leave, assuring j-o'' 1^ on my faith yo"" letter came noe sooner then when I write; and, if there be any error hapi)eiis by it, the fault is not myne, whoe am and all wayes shalbe, "yof lo" most respective, trcw, thankfull, " and humble servant, " I'rom my house att Cardiffe, this 1 6"' -ibruaryc iG29[-3o]." ■' That is, " lludsun and 1." -' Thai is, Foxe, or wliocvcr was lo command thr [)rojccted expedition. INTRODUCTION. Ixix It seems prob.ible th;it, in presenting th(Mr [xitition to the King, Foxe and his friends had also asked for a ''■rant of certain concessions or advantaws in the ev(!nt of their discoverinL,^ the l^assage ; for, in a second lengthy letter which Sir Thomas Hutt(jn wrote to Lord Dorchester and enclosed with the foregoing, he reminds the latter that there was in existence (see p. xxxviii) a former patent or charter, granted by King James in 1612, to those who sent forth Hudson and himself (Button); and he suggests that His Majc.'sty, before granting any further concessions, should confer with Sir John Wolstenholme and Sir Dudley Digges, who were the chief, under Prince; Heiirv, of those to whom the form(M' charter was granted. Ikitton then proceeds to give a most doleful account of his jiosition and pros[)ects, antl to beseech Lord Dor- chester to us(; his inlUuMice with the King and the Lord Treasurer to pay over to him that to which he was entitled. He states his case with great force and evident truth. He. had, h(; says, been thirty- seven years in the service of the. King, th(! King's fath(!r, and his pn^decessors, during which time; he had, as Lord Dorchester would be awart;, "never balkt nor avoided any imploymentt, w(;r(; it n(!ver so remote or dangiM'ouse, so |long as| it pretended to his Ma"" service; or the Conion Wealthe's," as was shown by his voyagc;s to the North-W(;st, the West Indies, and elsc^when; ; yet, h(! says, owing to the non-payment of moneys due; to him, he was in a worse position than he had been ten yc;ars previously, ; I- I \'-\ N ,' M i| I I ^fFm -SE^ ! fii !; " |i Ix: VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. and had been compelled to " morc^adge and forfeit" lands worth nearly ;^500 per annum, in order to satisfy his creditors, who were pressinLj;- him to pay his debts. Under these circumstances, and in order to avert ruin from himself, his wife, and seven children in his last days (which he protests he cannot avoid if not soon relieved) he prefers, he says, to lay himself at his lordship's feet, beseeching the ])ayment of a portion, at least, of what was due to him, rather than to trust to " the lardge p'mises of such as I fynd produces noe other effectte then smoak". The whole text of this long appeal is not given here, as it does not b(;ar very directly upon the subject in hand. It is |)ainful to think that a man of Sir Thomas Ikitton's services was allowed to suffer from such injustice ; but the circumstances were by no means unusual in the days of King Charles I ; and we shall hereafter sec; that Captain Fo.xe himself afterwards had to complain of exactly the same scandalous treatment. A contemporary reference to Foxe's intended voyage, and to the; opinion of Button respecting the proper way for th(; expedition to search for the Passage, is to be found in a letter, dated January 13th, 1630-31, and printed in the Court and Times of Charles the First, vol. ii, p. 90 (London, 8vo, 1848), in which Mr. John Pory informs Sir Thomas Puckering : " that certain merchants of London were about to set out a now voyage for the discovery of the North-West Passage, one of the adventurers wherein asking in his hearing Sir INTRODUCTION. Ixxi Thomas Button (who had formerly been employed in the like discovery) his opinion concerning the same, his answer was that, if they meant to do good therein, they must make choice of an honest and sufficient man to be employed therein, whom they must not tie up with any directions, but, rel}ing upon his art and judgment, leave him at liberty to practise the same according to occasion ; ' for', said he, ' the directions given to me at ni)- setting out to my voyage for the like discovery, destroyed quite the success thereof; f( r, having sailed four hundred leagues into the Strait, and the tides of the ICastcrn Ocean ceasing, and the tides of the Western Ocean coming in strong, which I ought to have followed, I was, by m}' directions, diverted into a bay, where, being frozen up, I was forced to winter, and so leave the further pursuit of that discovery.' " We may learn from Lord Dorchester's endorse- ment that Button's letter was received by his lord- ship at Newmarket on Feb. 27th. Then followed a long (and, to Foxe, undoubtedly, a most aers, ]\ H i . lil I 4 . 'i h kf r^^ ^ Sec p. 302, note 5 n wm •r ' ' I I i I \\ \ ::i:t Ixxii VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. Domestic, Charles /, vol. clxviii, no. 28), and runs as follows : Luke ffoxc. \V[hcthe]r the petitioners will imploy this sliippc att their own charjrc, which . . . [?] Y^ Reprisal : Iciive may be i;ivcn unto it, or otherwise she is to be sould for his Ma""' benefit, as at first was appointed. .... [?] The Charles. This ship is ordered to be sould, yf she be not employed by those to whom she is lent. Foxe himself says (p. 263) that the requests of his colleat^ues and himself were "graciously accepted and [granted". We find the sequel to the annoying delay which had taken place in granting Foxe's request, in a second petition which P^oxe submitted to his Majesty in Council at Whitehall on July 2nd, or less than a month after the prayer of his first petition had b(;en granted. In this second petition, Foxe stated that, although his Majesty had lent the Charles pinnace to the Adventurers for the North-West Passage, for a voyage which it had been intended to set forth that spring, it had been found impossible to get her ready in time ; and, as th(* Adventurers had (expended upon her the sum of ;^35, it was prayed that, until the time came to start in the following year, she might be used as a man-of-war or as a m(;rchant vessel with letters of marque. That Foxe found himself unable to complete his preparations in the year 1630 was very natural ; for he ought to have started (and afterwards did start) not later than the month of April, whereas we have INTRODUCTION. XXllI seen that, owing to the delay caused by otficial red- tape his request for a ship was not granted until the middle o{ June. Fox and his colleai^ues, however, W(T(; discreet enough not to point out to those he was petitioning that tht: muddle was of their making; and an Order in Council was thereupon made granting the petitioners all that they asked {Slate Papers, Domestic, Chas. /, vol. clxx, no. lo). The order runs as follows : — Ail order about Jiis Ma"'" Pinnace called tJic Charles. At White hall, the second of July 1C30. Present : Lo: Vise. Dorciicster. Mr. Treasurer. Mr. Secret: Coke. Lorde Keeper. Lo: Treasurer. Erie of Bridtru'af Whereas a petition was tliis day presented to the Hoardc by Captaine Luke Ffox, wherein hee doth humblie remonstrate that his Ma'"'' was j^ratiously pleased to lende his Pinnas called the Charles, w"' the ordinance, munition, and four- niturc necessarie, unto the Adventurers for the North-West Passatje, to be set foorth this sprint^ for the Uiscovcrie thercof.but by reason the tymeof the yeore was so farrc spent before the provisions could be made rcadie, the Adven- turers, out of their spcciall care to take a seasonable and fit t}me, that the)- may ^ive his INL'i"" a t^ood account of their diligence therein, are resolved to defcrre the voyage untill the next yeare ; having before the deferring thereof been at the charge of thirty-five pounds for bringing the said Pinnace from Chatham, w"' docking, graving, and preparing her for the voyage intended ; In rcgarde whereof hee doth humblie sue that, if their ll'pps shall not thinke fit to appoint the said Pinnace for his Ma' service, they wilbe pleased to grant permission to hiin and the afore- said Adventurers to empkjy the said Pinnace along the I s.- *-\ •fit ; \ \ ■ J. It ■ ', 1 m 11 % II fi '.I II ^ Ixxiv VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. coast, or otherwise, untill the season shall fit for the afore- said intended voyage; the rather for that it is regarded that she is slowof saile, and, being a cast ship ami appointed to be svilde, may want manie repaires, and other carpenter's worke not yet knowne unto them, to make her serviceable for a vo}-age of discoverie ; which wilbe founde by her employment, the Ship much betterde, and the charges, past and to come, defrayed. Their ll'pps, having taken this his humble suite into consideration, doc pray, require, and autorise the Lords and other Commissioners for the .Xdmiraltic to cause this and his Maj" said Pinnace with her tackle, ordinance, fourniture to be lent to the petitioner and the aforesaid Adventurers, to be set forth and em- ploj'cd either as a mere man of varre, or in marchandizing with le'' of Marqe,^ untill the season shalbe fit for the undertaking of the voyage for w'' his Ma"° was gratiously pleased to lend the same unto them. Ex F. Dickenson. This document is endorsed by Nichohis : "No- thing" donne upon this order." Six weeks later, however, it seems that something was done ; for we find the followinc^ entry in a book containing orders for issuint^ Letters of Marque, which is also pre- served in the Public Record Office {State Papers, Domestic, Charles /, vol. cxxx, p. 49) : diaries (I. m.). The like was graunted unto Captaine Luke ffbx and others to sett forth the Charles of London, of about 150 tonnes, whereof sd. Luke is Capt: Date 20° Aug. 1630. ^ " Letters of Marque" constituted a commission authorising a privateer to make war upon, or seize the property of, another nation. They were abolished among European nations at the Treaty of Paris in 1856. INTRODUCTION. XXV For that year, therefore, tlie expedition was abandoned. Foxe's own account of the matter (p. 263) is that, " the time of the yeare was so farre spent before wee could make our provision ready, as wee were forced to desist untill the yeare folio wincf." In the meantime, Foxe tells us (p. 263), "There came home that honorable knight, Sir Thomas Roe, from his ambassage to the King of Sweden." This illustrious man was born at Low Leyton, in Essex, in 1580; was educated at Magdalen College, Oxford ; and, having b(;en Esquire of th(; body to Queen Elizabeth, he was knighted by James I in 1604. He became a most successful diplomatist, and represented England at the Court of the Grand Vizier. He also concluded the peace between Gustavus Adolphus and Poland. On his return, he would have been chosen by the Protestant section of the country as Foreign Secretary, but the in- fluence of Archbishop Laud, and others, was too strong against him, and in 1632 he retired to his estate at Bulwick, in Northamptonshire, where he chiefly resided until his death, in 1644. carry- ing on a correspondence with friends in various parts of Europe. Letters of great interest, ad- dressed to Queen Elizabeth of Bohemia, to Lord Dorchester, and to many others, are preserved among the State Papers. Foxe named after him Sir TJiomas Roes We/cojuc Is /and, a small island in the north-west of Hudson's bay, but the name is now applied to a Strait. i : n ! 'i <■ 1! ^ m ! i 1 ^ »i 'i ' I • i i ■ } Ixxvi VOYACIES OK KOXF. AND JAMES. Sir Thomas Rot;, being made, acquainted with the desiij^n of the Adventurers, gave the matter his best supjHJrt. The Kin_L( then sent for Sir John WolstenhohiK,', vvlio had loncf been known as the staunch friend and supporter of all the Arctic voyages of his time. This Sir John Wolstenholme, Knight, is stated in Burke's Extinct and Dormant Baronetcies of Eng- land {\^ondon, 8v^o, 2nded., 1844, p. 578) to have been the second son of a certain Mr. John Wolstenholme, younger son of an ancic:nt Derbyshire family, who was born about the year 1520 ; came to London in the time of lulward VI ; and, obtaining an office in the Custom House, died at Stanmore, Middlesex, where he is buried. His son John, of whom we are speaking, was born in 1 562. He was knighted by Charles I on March 12th, 1616-17^ and, acquir- ing gr(;at wealth as " farmer of th(; Customs ", he purchased Nostell Priory. No man of his time was more energetic in promoting Arctic research, or more liberal in providing funds for the purpose of dispatching exploring expeditions. Foxe says that his own expedition cost Sir John at least ;^400, and that he had contributed more liberally than anyone else to the funds of no less than eight previous voyages, which Foxe estimates had cost him at least ;^700, making his contributions to the cause of Arctic discovery at least ^1,100, a considerable sum in those days. We find his name Metcalfe's jRook of Kvt'ghis, p. 169. INTRODUCTION. Ixxvii very prominently connected with Hutlson's fourth voyage in 1610. As a result, he was appointed one of the first Directors of the Comj)any of Discoverers of the North- West Passage in 161 2, and, conse- quently, he took a leading part in directing the four voyages in search of a North-West Passage sent out by that Company. In 16 19, as has been shown (p. 248), he was the leading pronKJter of Mawk- ridge's abortive voyage. In the minutes of the Court of Committees of the East India Company, [)reserved at the India Office, it is recorded that, at a Court held on May 4th, 1625, " M' Governor moved the Court on the behalf of S' John VVolstenholme, that they wokl bee i)lea.sed (in reijard that he and other the Adventurers for Discovery of the North- West Passage are now sending a small siiipp and a pin- nace for that Service') to write their Lc^ to their ffacto" at Bantam that, in case the said shipp and pinnace shold discover that passage, and so come to the Indies, that they VI! ■ (■■■ ■ I ' Another reference to what was, douljtless, the same intended expedition occurs in a letter from Sir John Coke to Sir Pkhvard Conway, dated London, March 20th, 1624-25, and now [)re.served at the Public Record Office {State Papers, D<>m., /as. I, vol. clxxxv, no. 82), in which it is mentioned that the Duke of Buckingham had adventured the pinnace Lion's Wlulp (which had been given to him by the King) for the discovery of the North-West Passage. Apparently, nothing came of the project, as there is, I believe, no record of an ex|)edition resulting. It is, however, interesting to note from the above that the (!oni[)any of Discoverers of the North-West Passage still, to some extent, retained a corporate existence as late as 1625. The account given by Rundall ( Voyages North- West, p. 186) of W^olstenholme's application is incorrect. ^^^1 "f^mmmmm mm «m \ , I ' I ■ 1 XXV 111 VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. Ill might be comauiided not only to relieve them and use them kindly, but also to suffer them to lade their shipps from thence for luigland, with pcpj)'. One of the Coiliit- tees disliked the mocon, being of opinion it were better the adventure were lost than that the said passage shold be discovered, for that it will greatly p'udice the Companies benefitt and trade to the East Indies. But, after some debate and discourse had of the said mocon and of S"" John's request, the Court uas content in favOr of him to write their LCfS, but with these reservations : First, that the said shipps shall not be suffered to lade an}' pepp'' from thence, in case the Compan)- ha\e an}-ship[)s thereof their owne, and ready at that time to returne for England, but that they shall bee first employed. Secondl}', if the Com- pany have not an)' Shipps there at their arrival in the Indies, that then they are content the said 2 small shipps shallbee fraighted with [Jcpp' for England, so as they be laden for the Companies accompt, for w'^'' they are willing to allowe them after the rate of 20//. the Tunnc for the freight of the Same." Oil March 13th, 162S-29, when a Mr. Christopher Ciardiiier, who had travelled in " Cataya", and claimed a special kn()wl(.;d^"e of the way to search for a North-West Passage thither, offered his ser- vices to th(; Company, lie was thanked for his offer, but was rc^ferred to Sir John Wolstenhoime and Sir William Russell, "who (having- a i^reat affecon to laid out this di,sco\er\-, and tipon which they have bestowed .some money.s) were very likely ... to hearken to his mocor.." I^'oxe named after him Ca[)c Wolstenholme's Ultimum X'ak- (now known as Cape llenriella Maria), "lor that | as he; .says] I do be- k;e\(' IS' John Wolstenhoime will not lay out any ■:U INTRODUCTION. 1> XXIX more monies in search of this Bay."^ He died in 1639, and was buried at Stanmore, beneath a curious marble monument, erected in a church which he had liimself buik. The following- facsimile of his autograph is taken from a document, dated 1619. and relating to the victualling of certain shijis of the Royal Navy. It is signed by him and three others, and is preserved in the British Museum {Add. iMSS., 15,750, fo. 13). ''^Amie. Sir John W'olstenholme, Knight, was succeeded by his son. Sir John, who had also been knighted by Charles I, namely, on May lstenlu)hne Sound (see i). 228). - Metcalfe's Book oj Kni^^hls^ [). lyj. i'i 'I till:") I I t*L t 1 :' >i wmmmmmm mmmm mmmm I Ixx X ll < VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. 'I demand, his whole estate was sold under a Statute of Bankruptcy, unjustly brought a^^ainst him for his loyalty to the Crown. Few, indeed, durinij^ the disastrous conflicts of the times in which he lived suffered so severely in prosperity. Me lost consider- ably more than a hundred thousand pounds, and his son Henry, and his brother-in-law. Sir Thomas Dallison, hijth fell fighting under the Royal Banner. To compensate, in some degree, for this devotion to his family, Charles II, at the Restoration, reap- pointed Sir John farmer of the Customs, and restored to him a patent of collector oatward in the Port of London, from which he had been sequestered during the Usurpation. He [the King] likewise made him a Baronet [in 1664-5]." -^'** J<*hii Wolstenholme the Younger died in 1670, and was buried near his father at Stanmore. The following facsimile of his autograi)h is taken from a letter of his in the British Museum {AddL MSS., 18,979, fo. 84), written from Nostell on December 22nd, 1644, '^^^^^ addresiied to " The right hon^'*" fferdinando Lord ffairfax, Lord Generall of the North" in which he indignantly complains of the incivilities inllicted upon himself and his household as Papists, and of the theft of his catde and horsco, by the riotous and brutal soldiery under the command of Lord Fairfax, for which iniliLniities he asks redress. INTRODUCTION. 1 XXXI There were at least six later Baronets of this family, the last being a Sir Francis Wolstenholme, at whose death, in 1780, the title became extinct. To Sir John Wolstenholme (the elder) and Sir Thomas Roe, then, the King committed Foxe's enterprise, with the command to " expediate it forward". With them were associated the Master and Wardens of the Trinity House, and (we may presume) Sir John Brooke, while Mr. John Wol- stenholme ("young Sir John Wolstenholme, that now is", as Toxe says) was Treasurer. One may gather from a remark of Foxe's ([). 297, no/c) that there were many other Adventurers, " noble and gentle", but none of their names have been pre- served. We may picture I-^oxe, then, as being busily employed during the autumn of 1630, and early spring of 1631, in command of his ship on various coasting trips ; in putting her seaworthiness to the test ; in fitting her out with all necessary additions ; and in continued thought, stud\-, and research into all matters concerning his long-pondered project, now about to be jiut in execution. In the meantime, howrNcr, r^)xe's best fri(.:nd, Mr. Ilem-y B)riggs, had died at Merton College, on January 26th, 1630-1. hOxe, with (juaint humour, sub.seqiKMitly named aftt'r liim a group of islands in Hudson's Bay, Brio<>s //is A/af/iciua/ich's {■<,('.(' p. 329), a name which is no longrr rdained. This was a well-deserved acknowledgment of the many favours l^^oxe had received from his benefactor. By ihe .4'' I 1 t I i ' i \ i ! Kt 'm I ' I . ■ ! '1:;' ill'! f RP mm^ I ! i I ■ 1 'i\ XXXI 1 VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. death of Mr. Briggs, as Foxe sadly remarks, "one half of the adventure fell away." ^ Probably the last stejj taken by Foxe's supporters before he sailed was an api)Hcation to the East India Company. We find it recorded in the minutes that, on March 30th, 1631, before a Court of Committees : " S' Jolin Wolstcnholmc m;idc a mocon this clay to the Court that, whereas his Ma^"-' intends to send out a Pynnace f>rthe Discovery of the North-VVcst Passage, lice therefore desired that, if that design .shalbc effected (of which there is good hope), and that the said shipp shall come to Bantam and he found able to returnc for lingland, Tliat the Coiu- pany would be pleased, by their Le'"' to their ffacto''^ to require them to lade home the said shipp w'^ pepper ; or, otherwise, if the shipp shtilbe defective and not fitt to returnc, then to give their men passage into England in the Companies shipps. It was answered that the Com- pany cannot admitt of the lading of the said shipp w'"' pepp' otherwise then for their own accompt ; for, if they ' Since the foregoing pages were printed off, I have discovered ihc following passage in a document containing a number of mis- cellaneous noli's and memoranda relating to Virginia, the Northern I lantalions, the Whale-fishery, etc., 1609-1656, preserved at the riihlic Record Office {Colonial Fapcrs, vol. i, no. 2^^, fo. 17) : — "1629. South Sea. — Luke l'"oxe. Mariner, petitioned his Matv for a small supply of moiu-y towards the discovery of a Passage by the North-\Vest to the South Sea, Mr. Hudson first, and after him Sir Thomas Button, having tliscovered a great way, and given great hope of o|)eiiing y^ rest." Written, as this a|)parently was, nearly thirty years after the e\ent, one may well suspect some error in the statement that Foxe petitioned the King for money, as it is not corroborated by any of the official papers hereinbefore printed. 4\ INTRODUCTION. XXXIU should, it would be a kind of allowing of private Trade, w"^'' they may not p'mitt. But the)- are content to i^ive a reasonable fraij^ht for such pepper as the said ship shall bring; or, otherwise, if S"" John shall give the Company Gs. p. dollar here, he shall have the pepper to dispose [ofj at his pleasure. And, upon these tcrmes, the Court p'mised to write to their ffacto'■^ S' John referred himself either to accept of fraight or to give them 6s. p. D' as the Court shall dcterni}'nc. Ikit, there being not a full Court, it was deferred until their next meeting, when it is again to be p'pounded, and resolved as the)' should think fitt." On April 6th, it is recorded that : — *' S'' John Wolstenholme in C'ourt [again] made request for the Compam'es Le" to their ffacto"^"* that, in case the ship bound for the Xorth-Wcst Passage shall discover the same and come to Bantam, the ffacto" may lade upon her 200 bags of pepper, for w'^^ he wilbe content they shall allow him sixpence p. pound fraight ; or, otherwise, that he may treate with the ffactors to lade the said quantity of pepper out of their owne meanes, and charge him (the said S' John) w''' Jklls of Exchange for the same to repay here in England. This request being taken into consideracon and divers p'positions made for accomodacon thereof, and being certified both from S' John and S' Thomas Roe, [the)' being] p'sent in Court, that the intencon of this mocon was only to defray some extraordinary e.vpense incident to the vo)'age, if the said passage shalbe dis- covered (whereof S"^ Thomas gave great hopes, having lately taken paynes and discovered more i)'b,)bilities then were formerly knovvne) ; thereupon they were content to write their Le''^ as was desired, hut to this effect : That, if the Comp"'^ have an overplus of Stocke and want ship[)s to bring it home, then the ("factors are to lade the two hundred baggs requested, and S' John to referre himselfe to the Companie to pay fraight p' Tonne (allowing 1500"'^ w' to H Tonne, according to the rate that the Compaiu'es shipps \ , 1 ! t ,' ,' ' os/). il I I t.iti h lit i ■ i xc VOYAGES OF FOXK AND TAMES. " Not one word passed between him and me ; nor have we drank one to the other since he told me he cared not for me. // SpantJi Drink iccliy Then, on July 7th, with a very short-lived touch of contrition, he adds (fo. '^^'j') : " I would be loth to write anything to do him wrong, not knowing whether I may live to come home to answer for, and satisfy, the same ; but I do protest before God that I will not wrong him in one syllable, [and] that I do hold him the most arrogant BuUkasc [? bull-calf] that ever went or came as Master this way, and the most faint-hcartedest man. His very men, to the Cook, take notice thereof and laugh. Three or four things, he is good for : To make us believe he doth take a great deal of pains in Calculation. . . . Eating and sleeping is the other, l^ut he doth not take half .so much to command as at first . , . And again doth he discourse of Sir John Worstenholme towards me, . . . [and Mr. Salmon of the Trinity house, till I feel] sorrow that I (being the man allowed choice of Mr. Briggs, and allowed by his Majesty as Captain and Pilot for the voyage, by the approbation of the Trinitj' house — having been ex- amined there by the means of S'^ John Worstenholme), I .should not have had the selecting of the Master and Mait, nay and all the whole company, to the intent my Command might have been the greater, and obedience the more. Nor needed there any Master, but only two Maits, the one for the one watch, the other for the other, which should have been mine ; whereas now they hold themselves to- gether, as was to be doubted before ; for, say they : We are shipped by the Master of the [Trinity] House, by the direction of Sir John Worstenholme. . . . [After stating that he had delivered to Wolstenholme an account of what was necessary for the voyage, which was by him disregarded, so that he had to take the unsuitable outfit provided for him by the officials of the Trinity House Foxe continues as follows : — ] For . . , the Master and others are but second- INTRO nrCT ION. XCl arics to mc ; nor are the\' any way en^a^cd further than in point of Labour ; but I am engaged in Honor (which is the most precious of all to man in things of this life), having the eyes of Court and Commonwealth fixed upon me in expec- tation. . . . Hoping these may come to the hands of my honourable Friend (who can remember, I hope, I told him of them to be needful for a Discovery Voj'age — especially this), I will write them down as in a catalogue : " Imprimis. " One shallop, to send to and again to Land, or otherwise. " One three-man Fishing Boat, with cable, which might have been hauled over Ice, and have sail, as occasion had served, at all times [see p. 295]. " Item. 20 Bonne poyes[.'']. „ 10 Iron Bune frockes [?]. „ 12 Ship owcrs [? oars ; see also p. 306]. „ I Small murdcrad [.'] for the Shallop's head. „ I Seen net to catch Fish. „ Cloakes laid in for the ship's company's need, especially if we had wintered. „ 2 Stoowefs [.' stoves] for our wintering, besides others." On June 14th, we meet with the folio wincr con- temptuous passage : " At night we argued about the course to be held more northerly, as it was still thought that the same should be N.W. by N., but the ambitious Master at his going forth directed N.W., which I bore withal, there being more danger to the Voyage in crossing a proud fellow, than could insue in that direction." On July 1 2th (fo. 40), after a quarrel with the Master, Foxe says : — " He told me I was desperate and cared not, but he had his life to lose. I told him so had I and must be careful H • ■ ! m I 1 ■ H \ ■■\ I: ! i 1 XCll VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. li thereof, for the voyage's good. Upon these tcrmes, Urin broke forth, and said he would take upon him to be careful also of his life. I told him until now I did not know he had brought it with him and did wish he had left it at home, rather than it should hinder the voyage; for it was his bodily labour I did expect to have, and that it was not his part to be so saucy." The following entry in Foxe's Journal on Oct. 7th (fo. //) shows still further the kind of relations that existed between him and the Master : " Yesterday the Master would needs take off the IMain lionnctt, and bid me be hanged because I said she would eas[il]y bear it, if he thought she went not too fast home- wards. The last evening he came to me to have the main- sail [taken] in, and go all night in forecourse. I told him the wind was much lessened, and God defend I should consent. . . . lie could not prevail, and therefore I knew his mean- ing; he would have been in bed, and so he went to bed. This day, I have not seen him. They say he is sick, as it doth fall out when he cannot have his will. Howsoever, [as] he stirs not abroad, I may now put out all sail, without controul, which T caused [to be done]." After this thrust, we are prepared for the following- entry in the; MS. Journal under Sept, 4th : " The Master came not to praj^ers nor dinner this da}-. The one is a greater miracle than the other." Aoain, we read in the Journal (fo. 60). under the date Auofust 2^rd : " This morning the Master awoke after 7 hours sleep. He is always in hand with me to anchor at night, having dangerous presages of what may hai)i)en ; but it is for nothing but [i.e., except] to sleep ; for he sleeps at £y per month ; but God help me ; [for] if I sleep, \ am like to get nothing ; and therefore I am glad to case myse.'f [by sleep- INTRODUCTION. XCHl int;] in my watch, to be sure to look to his better. The other day, I saw the cook giving beer about in sinall cans, wliich was contrary to order, and I did examine my boy to kncnv whether he did or not The Master, hearing me, went betwixt decks to tell the company how I had ex- amined the boy strickly, and what I had said. This he did to bring me into contempt and dislike with my compan)-. Thereupon the lioatswain [who, from other evidence, clearl)' sided with the Master] called my Boy a long-tongued rascal. . . . God enable me to perform my desire to his glory and mine, and [to my] Friends' and Country's Comfort. I [)ray him daily for my health ; for all labours, 1 ble.^s him, as yet are pleasures. ... If the drone would consider that now is the time, he would shake off his sluggishness. . . . For my part, I am well pleased and much bound to my Maker that [lie] hath brought me here into these remote i)arts, where I and my Church have served him in some places where he was never served before. All Glory be to his Holy Name." When the Master laments the want of a pinnace, Foxe reminds him (p. 306) it is his own fault ; for he, in his estimate, had provided for one. He had better, he adds, have s[)ent less in victuallinL,^ the cabin, and have bought a three-man cobble ov tish- ing" boat, which might have been carried over the ice at pleasure, or sent ashore at any time to try the tide, the boat they took being so heavy that it was almost unserviceable. On the 13th of July, things a[)pear to have reachetl a desperate pitch, and Foxe writes in his Journal : " God, for thy mercy sake, send what thou seest we stand in need of; for, if it thus lujld, it will break my lieart. I have no comfort of one or t)thcr ; nor doth any man bear a part of [the] care with me. We lie fast here ; he [_the ■I I ' '1 Si* 't . !l ii ■IW i XCIV VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. Master] eats and drinks, and is well pleased to sleep_ That this noble voyage should be lost for want of fitting; associates ! If these be captain's best seamen because, as he said, "they be ICast Indians both", he and they are nought for this voyage, or any other ; but the same too late I do remember Mr. Ikiggs, who in his letter gave me warning not to carry an East Indiaman, a man of war, or one out of the King's Ship ; but [that] I could not do withal. I write truth, compelled by grief; for these fellows think to spin out time, and have wages due, come home and take it, never meaning to come here again, as they have vowed. . . . Now arc they well pleased while I grieve ; for they are never pleased without every night at least the ship be tied to Ice." Again he protests that he will adventure every- thing for the sake of discovery ; that he owes it to the King and the nobility and gentry who sent him forth; that he will not take their "money, and eat up their provisions like a slave to cousin them, and so go home ; but while Life lasts [he says] I will have the voyage proceeded ; nor do I care for their grumbling." Many pa.s.sages, similar to the above, appear in Foxe's M.S. Journal. That scarctily a word of com- plaint against the Captain appears in the Master's MS. Journal (which is also alluded to hereafter) is easily e.Kplained ; for he probably dared not enter comi)laints against his Captain. We are thus de- [)rived of the Master's defence ; but there is no room for doubt that it would have been a very lame one. Apart from the Master and the Master's Mate, Foxe has [)ractically no complaints to make against his men. More than once in his MS, Journal, he t]:l INTRODUCTION. XCV declares that he ahvays found the subordinate mem- bers of his crew ready and wilHng to assist him in prosecuting his voyage {see pp. 2cS6, 291, and 342). This makes it aj^pear more probable that his com- plaints against his officers were justifiable. In one place, it is true, he speaks of Andrew Hume, one of the quarter-masters, as siding with the Master and being saucy to him, but this entry is exceptional. Several times, however, he speaks of the men's proneness to intemperance, but he does not seem to have had much cause to complain on this account. In one ])lace in his MS. (fo. 39), he says that "of 20 men and 3 boyes. there is but one that takes no tobacco: nay, the pipe |isj never from their nose". F.oxe himself was a man of strict fruo-alitv and most temperate habits. He evidently had no toleration for those who indulo'ed in tobacco — indeed, in one passage (see p. 361) he speaks of it as "a thing good for nothing". The ship was victualled for eighteen months, and, according to Foxe's own published account (p. 264), there was absolutely no cause for complaint in refer- ence to his outfit. His ship-stores were perfect; his surgeon was bountifully supplied with drugs and instruments ; and his carpenter, gunner, and boat- swain had everything they could possibK- recjuire. There are, however, several passages in b'oxe's MS. Journal, which are omitted from his printed narra- tive, and which give good grounds for doubt as to whether things were really so satisfactory as he says they were. '% !.;:■. ill il ^■w"^»"«n«w OTiampi l.L * B»l|i i » . « iJj. ' ■ * ; fr XCVl VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. Finally, says he, " Thii\-»i iNTkODUCTION. XCIX hindrance from ice, he reached, on the 27th, an island off Cape Fullerton. This Island he named Sir Thomas Roe's Welcome, thou"-h that name has ever since been applied to the Strait in which it lies. Instead of searching to the northward up this Strait, he turned southwards (probably because so instructed) and sailed down the western shore of the Bay (then called Button's : now Hudson's), which coast Sir Thomas Button had discovered and sailed along (though in a northerly direction) in 1612-13. Foxe says he did this in order "to search [for] the Passage diligently all the Bay about until I come to Hudson's [i.e., James's] Bay." On the 29th, he reached a " white island" which he named Brooke Cobham (see p. Ixiii), but which is now known as Marble Island. On the 31st, sailing down the coast, he went in among a group of small islands which he quaintly named " Briggs his Mathematicks", in honour of his friend Henry Briggs, the Mathematician (see pp. Ix and 329). On August 2nd, he passed Ikitton's "Checks" (see p. 331). On the 5th, he was in Churchill Bay, which he speaks of as " Hubart's Hope", and where (for some reason which is not obvious ; see pp. cvi and t,^, i ) both James and he had great hopes of finding a passage westward. All this time Foxe had been enjoying very fine warm weather. He had kept as near as possible to the mainland, in order not to [)ass by any opening which might prove a passage. Nevertheless, he failed to observe Chesterfield and Rankin Inlets. It is clear from V H m ,1 1^1: 11 1 w^ V. f ' I i' I I C VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. remarks he now and then inserts that he recognised he was "out of the road for finding a passage" (as he says), and his very careful search in the face of this conviction was creditable to him. Rounding Cape Churchill, and sailing on still southward, Foxe, on the 8th, re^ached Port Nelson, which he entered on the following day, in order to overhaul his ship, to set up a pinnace he had brought from England in pieces, to search for a new main-yard, and for other reasons (see p. 340). Here he remained till the 20th, finding extensive relics of Button's wintering, twenty years before, including an in- scribed cross (see p. 348). Just as he was leaving, he also found half of an inscribed board (see p. 349), which he brought away, being under sail. In his book, Foxe does not give the fragment of inscrip- tion on this board ; but it is given in his MS. Journal. It is headed with the Royal Arms and Royal monogram " I.R.", together with the Prince of Wales's Feathers and his monogram "H.P.", and it runs as follows : — In . the . right . and . to [the honour of GodJ and . our . dread . souera[igne, by the Grace of] God . King . of . Great . Bre[tagne, France and Ireland,] defendor . of . the . tru[e faith of Christ,] this. coast . of . Ni:w . \V[alks was discovered and possession] therof . taken . and . i[t was so named by Thomas] Button . Gentleman . of [Cardiff, when sailing to] the . northwest . under . 1[ . • . . , raised] this . memoriall . with . h[ . ... . ] Britainis . to . gether . with [ ] and . our . most . hopefull [Prince Henry of] Wales . heir . aparent . to [the Throne ofj ^ INTRODUCTION. CI " Brittaine . the . Cireat . and [at the expense of the] " honorable . comoanie . incor[porated for discovering a north] "west . passage^ . and . mygrations . a [ . . . ] " I . thus . erected . on . the . S[eventh (?) day] "of . July . and . in . the . year [of our Lord] "1613." I have endeavoured to supply [between brackets] that portion of the inscription which may be pre- sumed to have occupied the missing half of the board. On the other side of the board was this inscription : — " [2 To this P]orte, I came the 27th of August , 1612^ "[by foul] weather, where I wintered the " [before] written time, and then, l)y reason o[f] "[wants] and sickness amongst my Company, [I] " [was] forst to leave my owen Ship, [and with the] " [Pinnas to] procecute my discovery [for the North] " [West] the day and yeare afores[aid.] "/•(T me Thomas Button, "dentleman." From Port Nelson, Foxe sailed eastward, thus com- mencing the exploration of the then-totally-unknown southern shore of the Bay, between Button's eastern- most point at Port Nelson and Hudson's western- f'ii I i i li ^ \ \ ii ^ This proves that, although the Company's Charter was not granted until three months after Button sailed, all preliminaries had been settled before his departure. '^ "There is a fly Paper in the MS. where this hath been made compleat, and from which fly this is also made perfect." (Note by the copyist in the copy of I'oxe's Journal in the British Museum.) •' Prickett (p. 166) says the 13th; Hawkridge (p. i6y) says the 15th. \' \ !-! ! ■ ' ! ) ■ w ^ i ► Cll VOVAGES OF FOXE AND JAISIKS. most at Cape Henrietta Maria. It is evident, how- ever, from his Journal, that he merely did this in accordance with his instructions ; for he clearly recognised the uselessness of searching further for a passage in this direction. On August 27th, he declared definitely that all hope of finding the passage he sought was at an end. On the 29th, he encoun- tered Captain Janies, from whom he was eager to hear what he had accomplished. Having gone on board James's ship imd heard his story, Foxe made a number of contemptuous and ill-mannered re- marks about his host (see p. 360). They parted on the 31st, and Foxe continued his voyage east- ward. On September 2nd, he reached Cape Hen- rietta Maria, which he named VVolstenholme's Ulti- mum Vale. Here Foxe's work in this part of the Bay ended, he having joined his own discoveries with those of Hudson ; and he had no course open but to sail northward, in order to explore the then- imexplored channel which was known to lie to the north of Nottingham's Island, but which the ice had prevented him from exploring on his outward voyage. He had, as he says (p. 365), a good deal of time left, and no instructions to search elsewhere. The ship was accordingly turned northwards. On the 7th he sighted the southern part of the Southampton Islands. Thence he proceeded north-easterly (though some confusion in his narrative makes it difficult to follow his exact course), and reached Mill Island, on which he landed, on the 15th. He then stood over for the North Main, which he encountered near a cape, ' INTRODUCTION. CUi which he named (and which is still known as) the King's Cape. From this point, he continued along the coast, still northward, up the channel now known as Foxe's Channel and along the western side of what is now called Fox Land. Here, again, he accomplished an interesting piece of original explora- tion ; for, although Bylot and Bnffin had begun the exploration of this region in 1615, they had not proceeded nearly so far as Foxe did. At this point, we first hear of sickness among Foxe's crew. On the 7th, he says : " Now the Master and three men more are clowne. God better it !" On the 1 8th, we hear of others being ill. Proceeding up this const, Foxe reached his most northerly point, in lat. 66" 47' N., on the 22nd, and named it "Foxe's Farthest". Here he turned southward, on account of the sickness of his men. In running back, he named various bays and headlands ; but, owing to some confusion in his printed narrative (which, on many points, contradicts his MS. Journal), it is difficult now to identify them, especially as the coast he thus explored has never since been visited. On getting back into Hudson's Strait, he notes the disappearance of the ice which had so delayed him on his entrance in the previous July. On the 28th (being now fairly on his homeward voyage) he became more liberal with his provisions, and " ap- pointed 4 beefe dayes in the week". On the ist of October, Foxe exclaims : " The Lord, for his mercy sake, look upon us, for we are all in weak case." On the 8th, he says : " Our sick men are as yet ■1;i M 1 ! i i^ III t'l \ m i m I 1 ' 1"^ CIV VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. able to do nothing." His troubles were, however, nearly ended, for on the 15th he passed Cape Chidleigh and emerged on to the open ocean, and on the 31st he found himself safe in the Downs. The words with which he closes his narrative are these : — " I came into the Downes with all my men re- covered and sound, not having lost one man nor boy, nor any manner of tackling, having been forth neere six months. All glory be to God !" The fact that he could say this bears powerful testimony to the skill with which he had conducted the expedition. It was more than most other Arctic explorers of his day were able to say. For thus returning in the same year in which he sailed, Foxe had to put up with a good deal of ridicule and abuse from those who were either par- tisans of Captain James or losers by his failure to discover a passage. It was probably on this account that he added to his book a sort of appendix, en- titled, "The benefit ensuing by my coming home this year," in order to defend himself^ We may find still clearer evidence of the same thing in the tone of a letter from Sir Thomas Roe to the Merchant Venturers of Bristol who had sent out Captain James. This letter, which is endorsed "Sir Tho. Roe his letter concerninge the returne of Mr. Fox from the N.W. discouery", is preserved in ^ Seep. 415. Button, it will be remembered (p. Ixviii), had strongly urged the desirability of not wintering in the Bay. i F— w» r ^i| INTRODUCTION. CV the scries at Bristol, mentioned hereafter, and runs as follows : " To the Right W", and my worthic friends, the Mayor and burgesses of the Citty of Bristoll. " My worthie friends, " I haue received from you an ho^''' testimonie of your loue, soe farrc aboue any merritt in mec that it makes my obhgation the greatci ; which I vakie and estccme as highHc as those did, whoe for eminent seruices were made citizens of Roome in the greatest glorie. That I acknowledge it soe late, you will not impute to any neglect; because, uppon the returne of Fox f;om the North-West discouerie, I desired to giue you soiTie true in- formation of the Voiadgc, and particulerlie of Capt. James. But P'ox hath absented himselfe, whether for shame, or (as hee pretends) to make his cause p'fcct, I cannot judge. I haue onelie twice spoken with hi. i, and hi.e hath not giuen upp his accompte, w'-"'' he shall doe before his Ma''^ ; but we haue examined the Maister and his mate in the Trinitie House,^ and find that they haue erred from their instructions, not haucinge made their first search to the North-west passage beyond Cape Comfort, but runne downe from Mansfield's Hand into the Bay, w*^'' they haue exactlie discouered and found that land of S"" Thomas Button in Hudson's discouerie southward all shut upp.- This errour proceeded from to much trust to t ; \ < : ■i} ill- 1 No record of this examination is preserved among the exist- ing "Transactions" of the Trinity House, which I have been kindly permitted to examine. - It was unjust to blame Foxe for this, when (as we have seen) he was unable to do otherwise. Probably Sir Thomas Roe recognised this fact when he received fuller information. More- over, Captain James had done exactly the same thing, and was therefore equally blamable, if blamable at all. ; 4 \i -■ j-^i ilil I'lXi'^Ji f / 1 1, ; ■ CVl VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. the speculations of Mr. J?rii];ges,^ and hath donne us noe otlier t^ood but to know there is noe passage, nor tide, nor rising of water to the south. As they report, Captaine James fell uppon the same southwardlic search, hauing bcene much troubled and beaten with Ice. They meete and left him about fiftie-and-seaven degrees, about Port Nelson, resolued to winter there, and desirous that they would stay with him ; but (as they say), that being in August, they hoped they had time to amend their errour, and to search for the N.W. passage, being the freest time from Ice ; but they committed a worse in my iudgement ; for, finding the high floude and current about Nottinghams Hand, they sa-' they followed it North-cast, and that it led them to that coast to 6y degrees ; and then, winter approaching, and (as the)- pretend) the land and tide both tending castcrlie, they resolued that those waters, thoiwdi they confess fower faddome high, came from Fretum Uavies ; and soe they returned, and now would say there is noe passage' ; and they can say noe lesse for themselues. But I never knew men seekc a North-west passage on a North- east shore'* ; nor doe I belciue that there is any channell from h'retum Davics, nor that soc much water as doth dilate itselfc into soc great a bay can make the tide rise fower faddome in any place that is not a streight, comming in as Hudson's Straight, where in noe place it riseth more. Soe that all o"" hopes nowe rest uppon Cajitainc James, vvhoc will attempt it next yeere, and resolued to loose his 'ife or returne with more honour; and, though hce cannot findc it (if it be not there), yett hec shall and hath gained ' Tiohaljly it was Hriggs wlio iuid hoped lo find a passage in " Hul)l)ard's Hope" (soc p. 331). ^ Ap[)arendy this was the opinion of ihe Master and mate. Foxe argued to tlie contrary (see p. 442). •' He nu'ans that Foxe should have examined the 7('ts/fni side of Koxe Cluumel, not the eastern, in which lie was correct ; hut Foxe would have done tliis (see pp. 388 and 411) had not the sickness among his crew compelled him to turn back. =3mm wmf^i INTRODUCTION, evil u»«1 infinite rcputacon to hauc taken this resolution, and not to come home like a sluggard and say a Hint rorcs or ivas ill his icury} And in this honour I thinke m\-sclfc nowe to haue interest, being by your fauour made a mem- ber of your Cittie ; soe that as I will preserue for }-ou His Ma^* gratious graunt of priuiledge, wherein j'ou hauc now noc concurrent nor emulator.- Soe I wilbc ever readie to doc )'(Hi all seruice, as hce that is " Yo"" most affectioned brother and servant, "Thomas Rok. "London, the 28th of November 163 1." In reviewing the whole of the circumstances con- nected with Foxe's Voyage, we are compelled to admit that (in spite of the fact that he did not attain the main object he had in view, namely, the dis- covery of a North-West Passage) he acted in almost every case with good judgment and discretion. Mr. Clements Markham rightly says of l'"o.\e that " he conducted the voyage with judgment and energy, and achieved an excelknit piece of g('()graj)hical work"''. Vo\(i himself, in his preface, admits that ' Here, again (as we now know), Sir 'I'homas, hy imputalion, very unjustly blames Vaw. for not liaving wintered. -' Sir TlifMiias doubtless meant that, having had the hvi'dom of the City confiTrcd upon liim (as mentioned elsi'whciv), lit' felt an especial interest in the success of JauKs's cN[)C(lition, and he would use his influence with liie King that (in the event of James fuKling the passage) the [)iivilege thereupon ensuing i)y Ko\al drant, should not he lost to the citi/ens, who (now that f'oxe had returneil) had no competition to fear, 'i'he whole tone of the letter is very inifair to l-'oxe, who is hiameil for having followed what we now know to have been the wiser course. ■' The Voya}:;i's 0/ U'iiiiam Juxjjiii, 161 2- 162 j^ p. Iv, I ; i \ 'It'i \ i" Si w — — ^^33>S?S* T7 t,i ■ ! . I! I ; ' ! I Itii 'I CVlll VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. he had not the good fortune to discover the Passap^e, but praises God that he had "brought home the newes thereof," by which he meant that he had opened the way for its discovery. In this he was to a certain extent riirht, thoufjh his "newes" was not sufficiently promising to induce anyone to send out any other expedition until nearly a century later, when the search was resumed by the Hudson's Bay Company. In the course of his voyage, Captain Foxe named not a few islands, capes, and other geographical features in Hudson's Bay and Strait. A list of these appears on the following page, those few names which have survived to the present clay being printed in italics. The fanciful nature of many of these names o^oes far to account for the disuse of the greater number. The original journal or log kept by Foxe, as well as that kept by his Master, are both, I believe, pre- served in the collection of MSS. belonging to the late Sir Thomas Phillipps, now at Thirlstane House, Cheltenham, but I have been unable to definitely ascertain this. Fortunately, however, there are MS. copies of these journals in the British Museum ; and very interesting they both are, differing from the published accounts in many minor details, and supply- ing additional information in not a few places. These manuscripts afford very little information as to their own history. They are written on foolscap folio l^aper bearing the water-mark 1813, and they are both bound into a single volume {Add. AJSS., no. ry mmmmmmmmmm INTRODUCTION. CIX A List of Islands, Capes, etc., named by Captain Luke Foxc. Xniiie. Latihiiie, N. I.ongiiudeyW: Date 0/ Xaiiiiiig. /'-r^-,-. Sir Thos. Roc's Welcome 64^15'? 87' 55' July 27, 1631 321 Island. 15rookc Coljliam Island . 62" 40' 91' 00' n 29 11 324 Dunne Foxc Island bz' 30' ? 92' 35' n 30 11 328 Briggcs his Mathcmaticks 62 ' 00' ? 94' 00' 11 31 )) 329 (•ape Kamsdcn's Hull 57" 5'? 92" 45' Aug. 17 » 347 New Yorkshire 55" 57' 83" 92' 11 29 )) 357 Wolstenholme's Ultimum \'ale. He Slcipc 55' 10' 82 ' 45' Sept 3 )) 367 57" 50' So' 30' )i 4 n 369 Cape Linscy 63-20'? 8.' 55' 11 9 )) 373 Point I'ercj^rine 63" 40' ? Si^ 20' ^^ 12 M 376 Hurin's Throuj^hlct 64" 3' If 57' >i 15 11 38' A7;/i^ Charles' Proinojifory 64" 25' If 50' 1) 18 >) 383 {Ki/iifs Cafif). Cape Maria{()uecii's Cape) 64" 45' 78' 20' <» 18 11 1>^1> Trinity Islands 64" 30' 78' 10' )i 18 !) ?>^2> Isle Cooke 64" 30' 78' 12' n iS 11 2.^3 I.flrd West All's Tort I and . 66' 37' ? — ?» 20 11 388 Cape l^oreliester 65-35'? )> ^0 t1 393 Ju>x /lis Tartliest 66' 47' 76" 55' »> T> )1 393 I'ointe Hartc . __ p — 22 )t 394 Point Carlcton ? • — • >? o-> n 394 Prince's Cradle (Soundj . 64° 20' " — )> 23 11 395 Prince's Nurse (Island) . 64" '9' — )i 23 )t 395 Cape Dorset 64'^ 16'? 76" 25' 1) 24 )) 396 Cape Cooke 64° 14'? — 11 24 )> 396 Isle Nicholas . 64° 12' 76' 30' )> 24 )> 397 Sackville IslantI 63' 00' ? — )> 25 11 399 Crowe Island . 63 00'? ~" >) 25 )» 399 19,302), which was " Purch'' of Messrs. Boone, 8th Jan. 1853 (Arley Castle Sale, I.ot 1071/,)", as stated on the fly-leaf.' The two journals are 'j'/ cc^^'a ^ Arley Castle, which is in Staffordsliirc, six miles from Kidder- minster and four from IJewdley, was the seat of the ]''arls of Mountnorris (Viscounts Valentia), and was built by (lecjrge (Annesley), second and last F.arl, who died in 1.S44. The sale commenced on December 6th, 1852, and lasted t)ver the twelve succeeding days. It comi)rised a ([uantity of anticjue furnitine, the Valentia Library of 4,000 volumes (including a copy of the North-West Fom\ with map), a valual)lc botanical library, I I! i'!^ ■h i w\ :'r' m iW!W^^ mmmm mn ( 1 1 ' i CX \OVAGES OF FOXK AND JAMES. copied in the same handwriting, but whose it is there is nothing to show. Evidently the copyist Oriental MSS., and the collection of ICgyptian and Etruscan antiquities formed by the Earl of Mountnorris during many years of travel with Belzoni and Salt. The lots, of which the journals in question (both originals and copies) formed part, are thus described in the catalogue : — "Lot 1070. North-Wcst I'assagc. A curious collection of Voyages : the Lord Conwaic's Relation concerning the Passages in the late Northernc Expedition ; Description of the Hrasclians ; Yourin's [Foxe's] Journal, 1631, signed Cuth. I'udscy ; and several others, in i vol." "Lot 1071. Instructions to Admiral Hosier, and Manuscript Papers time of Cieorge I and II, folio ; Voyage to the Sooloo Islands, 1762-3, 4to. ; Capt. Luke Foxe's Journal, 1631, folio." I have taken considerable pains to ascertain the history of these two lots. I'he first (1070) was actiuired by Mr. Henry Stevens, who, in his Kecolle-tions of Mr. James Lenox of New York (London, 1886, pp. 167-172), has given an interesting account of the hurried journey by night to Arley Castle, which led to his becoming the purciiaser of this and various other lots. Among these was an important MS. by Hakluyt, which ultimately went to the collection f)f the late Sir Thomas I'hillipps, and has smce been published {^Collections of the A f nine Historical Society, 2nd Series, 1877). The two MSS. described as Yourin's Journal remained in Mr. Stevens's possession until May 1854, when Ih.ey were sold by auction, together with his entire library of books and MSS., by Messrs. I'uttick and Simpson, then of 191, Piccadilly, the sale lasting from the 24th to the 29th of the month. It included all the three MSS. which made u|) lot 1070 at the Arley CasUe sale. The Foxe MS. (which had been incorrectly assigned to Vourin or Urin, and which really consisted of two distinct journals) formed Lot 408, and is thu.s described in Mr. Stevens's catalogue : — " 408. r'ox {Captain Luke)^Joinnal of his voyage toivard the North-West, calf extra, gilt edges, hy liedford, folio." "Original and possibly autograph Manus<-riin from Lord \'alen- tia's Library, 34 loaves, very closely and neatly written ; most impor- ■ 1 ^ ^\t INTRODUCTION. CXI had little knowledge of sea-terms, as he makes many obvious errors of transcription. That of the m ^ m mi tant, and very interesting. Capt. Luke Foxc was an early English Navigator, who attempted to explore the North-West Passaj^e, upon which expedition he started, according to this MS., on 28 April 1631, the entries concluding the 26th October in the same year. The result of his exploration appeared on his return in his volume entitled the North- West Fox, which is based upon the information su|)plied by this Journal, but differs in many particulars." " Voun'iPs Joiirnnl and Dunc'x Sea Journal (relating to the same voyage as the ])receding), calf extra, gilt edges, by Bedford, folio." "Original Manuscript, consisting of a Log book and Journal, together about 50 pages, closely written. This Manuscript has been in the collection of the celebrated antiquary, William Herbert, whose writing is at both beginning and end." "\* The two preceding articles will be sold in one lot." These two interesting M.SS. were purchased by the late Sir Thomas Phillipps, in whose collection (as already stated) I believe they scill are. Doubtless they are what Mr. Stevens describes them to be — namely, the original autograph sea-journals of Captain Luke Fo.xe and his Master. I regret exceedingly that I have been unable to obtain access to them. I have been obliged to make use, for the purposes of this work, of tlie copies of them now in the British Museum. It has aheady been stated (p. Ixxxix) that the name of Foxe's Master is unknown. 'I'he state- ment in the Arlcy (Jastle catalogue, that "\'ourin's" Journal was signed "Culhbert I'udsey" (thougli ridiculous on the face of it), might at first be taken to indicate the Master's name; but this is due to an error of tiie cataloguer, who should have written that the " Description of the Brazelians" (which also formed part of Lot 1070) was signed by I'udsey, as shown by Mr. Stevens's catalogue, wherein this MS. formed Lot 813, and is descrii)ed as "Culhbert V\X{\svy\ Journa/ 0/ a Rfsidciiain lUazil, folio, 1636." The other MS. which formed part of Lot 1070 at the Arley Castle sale (namely. Lord Conway's account of "The late Northerne Expedition") might, from the connection, be supposed to relate to some voyage in search of a North-^^'est Passage ; but Mr. Stevens's catalogue, wherein it formed L(jt 724, sliows that i ,1 ^1 If 1 1 CXll VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. Master, which is placed first, and occupies forty- two folios, is entitled, " The Journal | of | the it merely relates to some military expedition to the North of luigland during the Civil War. Although both sale-catalogues assign the Foxe Journals to Yourin (Stevens's in part only), this appears to be an error. The MS. seems to consist of the Journals of Captain Foxe and (judging from the MS. copy in the British Museum) of his Master, whereas Yourin or Urin was the Master's mate. Probably it was assigned to Yourin, under the impression that he was the Master, for his name occurs many times in Foxe's narrative, while the Master's does not once appear. Indeed, the only clue we have to it is the reference in the Stevens catalogue to " Dune's Sea Journal", of which we have no description, and of which there does not appear to be a copy in the volume in the British Museum containing copies of the other journals. William Herbert, bibliographer (who is mentioned in the Stevens catalogue as having probably owned the Journals before Lord Mountnorris), was born at Hitchin in 17 t8. He was, by trade, a seller of books, maps, and charts. He accjuired a valuable collection of old books and MSS., which was dispersed after his death in 1795. The second lot in question (107 1), sold at the Arley Castle sale in 1852, was purchased by Messrs. Boone, and i)assed into the ])ossession of the British Museum (as stated above). I have made extensive use of it as editor of this work. Although de- scribed in the catalogue as though it was an autograph document, it appears to be merely a modern copy of the Journals of Foxe and the Master, spoken of above. Indeed, a manuscript addition to a copy of the catalogue, which I have seen, so describes them, and the pai)er on which they are written is watermarked " 1813". Probably the history of these copies is contained in a passage in Sir \y. E. Farry's /o//ma/ 0/ n Second Voyage for the Discovery of a North-West Passage (I-ondon, 410, 1824-25), wherein, speaking of " Yourin's Journal", he says (vol. i, p. 20): — "This journal, which is no less remarkable for its persjjicuity and accuracy than for the neatness with which it is penned, is in the possession of Lord Mountnorris. By his lordshi[)'s permission, a copy of this journal was obtained by Captain Sabine, to whom I am indebted for it." We may assume that the copy thus obtained by Sabine, c a v. «'^i.p.->1l INTRODUCTION. CXIU Master | of the Ship Charles, | Capt" Luke Fox | who was sent in quest of a North-West Passage in the Year I 1631," and it is headed, "A true dis- course of our Voyage, bound for the North-West Passage and so by Japan ; with the Latitude of divers Places and the distance [and bearings ; together] with the blowing of the Wind, [the Tides, and] the Currents. Written by me [? Dune]." The words within brackets are " altogether destroyed or obliterated" in the original, as we are told in a note by the transcriber, and have been supplied in the copy in red ink. A good many other words have also been obliterated in the first few leaves of the it 1 if ' f i V VvJ and shown by him to T'arry, was that now in the British Museum, as the date watermarked in the paper is about that at which Sabine is likely to have wanted a co[)y, though why it should have been returned to Lord Mountnorris (as it must have been, seeing it was sold at his sale) is not clear. Tarry speaks of the Journal as though it were solely Vourin's, and he also evidently regarded him as having been the Master ; but Parry must have had l)efore him Foxe's MS. Journal also, as he could not have obtained from "Vourin's" Journal alone all the information necessary to enable him to compile his map of Foxe's Discoveries alluded to on i)age 376. To sum up : It ap[)ears that, about the beginning of this century, the Earl of Mountnorris accjuired (probably from the collection of William Herbert) the original MS. Journals of Captain Luke Foxe and the Master; that, in or soon after I1S73, the Earl had a copy made of them for the use of Captain Sabine ; that, at the sale of the Earl's collections in 1852, both originals and copies were sold; that tiie originals were bought by Mr. Henry Si .vens, and the co])ies for tiie British Museum (where (hey sail are), that Mr. Stevens, in 1854, resold the originals to the late Sir Thomas I'hillipps ; and that they are probably still among his MSS. now at Cheltenham. li m m u I i ii t (ii CXIV VOYAGES OK FOXE ANi:) JAMES. original. The Journal ends abruptly on Sept. 2 I St. Foxe's own Journal, which follows the above, and occupies 114 folios, is entitled, "The Journal | of I Luke Fox, | Captain of the Ship Charles, \ who was sent in quest of a North- West Passage | in the Year | 1631," and it is headed, "Towards the North-West, April 1631." These two narratives have been very carefully compared with the published work as here reprinted, and, where they differ from or supplement the in- formation given in the latter, the fact of their doing so has been pointed out in a foot-note. In these foot-notes, the Master's statements are indicated by the addition of the words ''Masters MS'\ and Foxe's by the words "■ Foxc MSr An examination of the foot-notes so distinguished will show the interest belonging to the MSS., which may be said to give the secret history of the voyage, as written on the spot, and to contain many facts and ex- pressions which were suppressed in the more-care- fully-considered printed narrative. The remarks on the ill-feeling between Foxe and his first officer form the chief case in point (see pp. Ixxxvii-xciv).^ ^ In l-'oxe's own MS., there is, I believe, not a single observa- tion for longitude. In the Master's, however, observations, both of latitude and longitude, are entered daily, except when the ship was in harbour or enclosed among ice. The latter are at times rather confusing, as he carries his meridian distances from several different points. Thus, on May 22nd, he gives the position as "Lat. pr. judgement 59" 58', and Longitude, to the west of the , INTROnUf'TION. cxv Of Foxe's life and occupation durinc^ the period between his return to England, in October 163 1, and his death, in July 1635, we know but little ; but it is certain that he was allowed to pass these closing years of his life in neglect and discontent. As regards the expense of Foxe's expedition, we find an interesting document among the State Papers (^Domestic, vol. ccvi, no. 24) preserved at the Public Record Office. It is an account of sums (amount- ing altogether to ^1,320 MS. 2>^.) paid by Trinity House in 1631 in connection with the outfitting of the ship Charles for the discovery of the North- West Passage, and runs as follows : — " Cash debitor upon the Accompt of the shipp Charles, nowe imployed, furnished, and sett forth for the discovery of the Nor.-west passage. Anno 1631. £ s. d. " Imprimis. — ffor monies paide by the M"^^ of the Trinitic house to divers men for severall materialls, as their particuler bills of receipt may appeare \ \^^ I 35 H 08 ifi l-n m '^ hi 'A ;Vf '^^ Main Island of Orkney, 51', according to piano, but, according unto parallel, 1° 4^'." Thenceforward he gives two daily observa- tions for longitude (the one generally about double the other) until July i8th, when he drops the latter and greater. He was then, apparently, near Gary's Swan's Nest, in about longitude 83° west from (Ireenwich, which he sets down as " Lo. 38' 17'^ Lo. 77" 14' W." After that he gives only one daily reckoning (apparently from Orkney) until he reaches Port Nelson, after which he reckons his distance eastward from there. Clearly the Master (whatever his other faults) was very diligent in keeping a reckoning, and did not deserve Foxe's sneering reference to his " pains in calculation" (see p. xc). i 2 li; ^, CXVl VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES S . i' I ■ [', > i Ir ill V " More for moneys paid the Marriners (vizh two moneth's wages each man) p. way - of impressc ..... J " More for bills perfected, being assigned' and directed to Mr. John Wolsten- holme for payement, the particulcrs amounting to ... . " More for a bill presented by Mr. Bland and the Pully-maker, but as yet not perfected nor signed, both amounting to 195 or thereabouts 51 II 04 938 05 03 195 00 00 "Summa total ... 1320 11 03 " P. J. Best Gierke to ye Corporation." The earliest extant official reference to Foxe's ex- pedition after its return is contained in some notes by Mr. Edward Nicholas, Secretary to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, of business to be considered by their lordships on November 12th and 26th, 1 63 1. The entries in question (^State Papers, Domestic, Charles I, vol. cciii, nos. 32 and 82) run as follows : — " Concerning Admiralty Affairs. " 1 2th Nov. 1 63 1. — The Charles pinnace, is returned from ye North-West Passage. Y' L^'''^ may be pleased to resolve whether she shall be taken again into ye King's service. "26th Nov. 1631. — [A similar entry exactly]." Although the result of their deliberations does not seem to have been recorded, there can be no doubt (as the Charles was subsequently granted to ? I w INTRODUCTION. CXVII Sir John Wolstenholme) it was decided not again to use her in the King's service.^ We hear no more of the Charles until the 24th of March, 1632, when we learn from a royal grant still preserved in the Public Record Office {Signs Manual, C/ias. /, vol. xiii, no. 88) that the ship, with all her ordnance, tackling, and anchors, had been given unreservedly to Sir John Wolstenholme, in return for his ouday upon the voyage. The document runs as follows : — \_Endorscd 2\th MarcJi 1631-32.] "Charles R. "Charles, by the grace of God, etc., To o' Comissioncrs and officers of and for o' Admiraltie and Navie, and to all and singular the officers of o' Ordonance and to other o"^ officers, ministers, and loving subiects whatsoever to whome it doth or may apperteine, and everie one of them greet- ing. Whereas we arc informed by the humble peticon of o' trustie and well-beloued seruant S' John Wolstenholme, Knight, that, in obedience to o"^ coinand, he undertookc to sett forth a voyage for the discouerie of the Northwest passage in May last, wherein we were graciously pleased to aduenture and lend o''ship called the Charles, w''' ordon- ance, w'^ is since returned \v^''out discouerie, and hath humblie besought us that we would be graciouslie pleased to grant unto him the said ship, w'*> the tackle and furniture thereunto belonging. And, whereas we are also informed by you the Com""* of o"^ Admiraltie, to whom we referred the consideration of the same, that the said ship was ^ In October following, however, we learn (/. r., vol. ccxxiv, no. 5) that another vessel, on which the King bestowed the same name, had been built at Woolwich by I'elcr I'ett (see p. xvii); and many later entries relating to this ship are to be found among the State Papers. w \\ 1 1 !;i i: ▼ CXVlll VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. ii certified long since to be old and decayed, and unfitt for o' service. Wc, being graciously pleased to condescend to this his humble suite, as well in consideracion of his obedi- ence to o"^ CoiTiand as aforesaid, as for div's other good causes and consideracions as hereunto mooving, have given and granted, and by this p'ents doe give and grant, unto the said S' John Wolstenholme, o"" said ship called the Charles, together w'"" the said seven small pieces of iron Ordonance and the old tackle and anchors thereunto belonging. To have, receive, and take the said ship, w''' the said seven small pieces of Iron Ordinance and the old tackle and Anchors thereunto belonging, to him the said S*^ John Wolstenholme and his assignes, to his and their owne proper use and behoofe, and of o"" free and Princelie guift, without anie accompt or other matter whatsoever to be therefore rendered, paid, yealdcd, or done. Wherefore wc doe hereby give full power and authoritie to all and eucrie of you o"^ Comers, officers, ministers, and subiects aforesaid whatsoever to whome it shall or may apperteine to deliver or cause to be delivered to the said S"^ John Wolstenholme, or to such person or p'sons as shalbe by him thereunto appointed and authorised, the said ship called the Charles, together w'^ the said seven small pieces of yron Ordonance, and the said old Tackle and Anchors thereunto belonging, as aforesaid. And these p'nts or th'inrollm't [the inrollment] thereof shalbe to all and everie of you o'' Com'ers, officers, ministers, and loving subiects whatsoever to whom it doth or may apperteine, sufficient warrant and discharge in this behalfe. Given, etc. " This conteyneth yo"" Ma'*" grant unto S' John \\ stenholmc, knt., of yo"" Ma"* Ship called the Charlc.^, (w'^'i yo' Ma'>' was pleased to adventure and lend for the discouerie of the Northwest passage), together w'^ seven small yron Ordonance and the old tackle and Anchors thereunto belonging. And is in consideracion that the said S"^ John Wolstenholme, in obedience to yo' Mat" Comands, w W^\ INTRODUCTION. CXIX I- undertook to sett forth the saidc voyage. Yo' Mat* pleasure signified by Mr. Secretary "Windp:bank." We hear nothing of Foxe himself until April 28th, 1632, six months after his return, when he seems still to have been in charge of the Charles, and we find him petitioning the Lords of the Admiralty for a second time for satisfaction for his long attend- ance in keeping the pinnace Charles, their lordships having (he says), on his former petition, desired Sir John Wolstenholme to give him satisfaction, because his Majesty had bestowed the pinnace on him ; but Sir John Wolstenholme had told him that he had expended a great deal of money on the North- West search, and that until his Majesty paid him he could not pay him (Foxe), who therefore again prayed the Lords of the Admiralty for relief.^ This petition, which occupies three-quarters of a page, is still at the Public Record Office {State Papers, Domestic, Chas. I, vol. ccxv, no. 97), and runs as follows : — " To the right honn^'^'^ the Lords Commissioners for the Admiraltie. " The humble petition of Cap. Luke Foxe. " Humblie sheweth, "Whereas yo"" pet"^ late humblie pet'ioned unto this Board for sattisfaction for his long attendance in keeping y" ^ There seems room for doubt as to whether this money was ally payable by the Admiralty. A[)[)arently Wolstenholme should .ive paid it ; for, when the King gave the Charles to the Ad- enturers, it was expressly stipulated that they should employ her it their own expense (see p. Ixxii). I m^mmmmmm ■iniHesmnNHHBiPa" ? U M t ■ -I m cxx VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. Charles pinnace, from ye date of his Ma''" Privic Sealc (accord int^ to his Ma''" allowance and yo"" peto'"'' qualitic), untill such tyme yo"" Lqp^ were pleased to give hime a dis- charge, yo' LoP'* pleased thereuppon, as apearcth by yo" Loi'* referrcncc, to desire S"" John Wolstcnholme to take the said pcticon into consideracon and to give the pe'co'' iust satisfaction for his attendance in keeping y" said pynnace w*^'^ his Ma''= of his bounty bestowed on hime, \y^^ yo'' pctico'^ hath accordinglic demanded at the tendringe of the said peticon unto the said S"" John Wolstcnholme, whoe answered yo'' pe'co"" thatt he was a great dcale more mony out for the Northwest Voyadge. And thatt untill his Ma''*" was pleased to pay hime all his said monies he would nor could nott [xiy the pe'co'', although his Ma''= hath freelie given hiinc the said pinnace. " Humblie bcescecheth, "Yo"' LoP* to take the p'miscs into Yo"" hono^'''* con- sideracons and be hono-'*^''" pleased to give p'sent order for yo'' pet'" spedic rcliefe (the said S"" John Wolstcnholme havcingc 2 yearcs since p'mised yo"" pcf reall sattisfacon), yo' [)ct' havcingc noe other p'sent hoapes or meanes to subsist by. And, w'''out the same, he shal be liable to the pcrrill of arcst and undocinge, being brought into debt by this longc attendance of himselfe and 2 scruantes. " And, as in dutie bound, he shall dailie pray, etc." This petition is endorsed by Mr. Edward Nicholas, Secretary to the Admiralty : " R[eceivedJ 28" April 1632 : Pet' of Mr. ffox. I am to speake with S' John Wolstenholme about this." In this [)etition, it seems that Foxe did not claim any s[)ecilic amount, and it does not appear that he received anythino- ; for, on May 2nd, we fnul hini sending in a " particular accomp*" of moneys due to M I w r;. 'r INTRODUCTION. CXXl I him and two servants for keeping- the Charles from the time of the King's grant of her to that date, together with wages for the boatswain and gunner, amounting altogether to ^i6o 145'. 6d. This docu- ment, which occupies three-quarters of a page, and may also be found at the Public Record Office {State Papers, Domestic, Charles /, vol. ccxvi, no. 7), runs as follows : '■ A p'ticular Accompt of such monies w"^"^ arc due unto mee for my charges, for my sclfe and twoe scruants for victualls and wages for keepinge the Charles Pinnace Regis from the date of his Ma'''^'* Priuie Scale to this p'scnt, (besides whatt more will acrue from this said p'scnt unto the day of my discharge), Viz' £ s. d. " Ffor victuall for my sclfe and two scruants at 'id. a peccc p' diem according to his Ma'" allowance, from the date of his - 77 14 00 Ma''" said Priuie Scale to this day is y^j daics, makinge 27 mo. ii daics, is *' Ffor wages for 27 months ii daics accord-' ingctohisMa'** allowance as fol': Vi/.'thc Bottswainc at 23.V. 4 1 There are three copies in the library of the British Museum. One of these (303. d. 19) is imperfect, vanting the map. .A-n- other (C. 32. e. 8) is similarly imperfect, but a facsimile hand- drawn map has been supplied. The third co[)3', however — that in the Grenville Library (CI. 7167) — is perfect, having the map and also the frontispiece of the Globe, both in prime condition. The collation of the work seems to be as follows : Fly-sheet, with the signature " A" on recto, and the Globe (woodcut) on the verso ; Title-page, with back blank ; Address to the King [2 pp.] ; Preface [6 pp.] ; the Folding Map (engraved) ; Accounts of Earlier Vo)'- ages, pp. 1-171 ; Errata, [i p.]; "My Preparations to the Voyage," pp. 169-172 (pp. 169-172 being repeated) ; Foxe's own Voyage, pp. 173-244; "To whom this may Concern," pp. 244- 249; "The Benefit ensuing by my Comming home this year," pp. 250-251 ; Discourse on the certainty of there being a passage, pp. 252-[2 7o] ; Address to the Masters of Trinity House, [pp. 270-272]; License, [p. 272]; Errata, [p. 272], There are not a few errors in the pagination. Pages 169-172 are often missing, as are also some few pages at the end. Sabin (vol. vi, p. 561), says: "After page 168, are two leaves paged 170, 172, 170, and blank, which are said to be cancelled leaves. There are several other errors in the pagination. After page 79, the ne.xt is page 100, and the hiatus is not supplied ; the other errors are corrected by duplication ; signature Bb is incorrectly paged 225-232, instead of 205-212." - It was evidently printed from the identical block used in Davis's Seaman^ s Secret (Lond,, 4to, 1607). The block of the re[)roduction given herein was prepared for Capt. Markham's Voyages and Works of John Davis (Hakluyt Society, 1880, p. 288), which contains a reprint of the Seaman's Secret. I !l m<\ \i 1 >n vi t ; ii ill .: /•'• h 1 1 CXXVlll VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. measures 19 inches by 14 inches, and has in the bottom left-hand corner a design of a fox running off with a goose, is still more rare. Mr. C. H. Coote speaks of it {^Dictionary of National Bio- graphy, vol. "xx, p. 132) as "a large folded map of the Arctic regions, now rarely found in the book, but which is one of the most interesting and impor- tant documents in the history of Arctic exploration". Foxe's own remarks upon his " Polar Map, or Card", as he calls it, will be found on p. 12. Although he modestly apologises for it as being " but rough-hewn, like ship-wright's timber", it is undoubtedly a very valuable map, and is herewith reproduced in fac- simile by photo-lithography.^ It is from Foxe's work that we gain almost our only insight into its author's personal character. From what has been said of the book, it might be inferred that his early education had been very limited. This was the inevitable result of his having been, as he tells us, "sea-bred from his boye's-time." Foxe was, in all probability, at least as well-informed and well-educated as the average of his class in his own time. He erred in not having sought the aid of someone more skilled than himself in the art of ^ Mr. C. R. Markham, in discussing the misconceptions as to the extent and position of Baffin's Bay which arose through the suppression by Purchas of Baffin's map of his discoveries in 1616 (see p. 223), says (The Voyages of William Baffin, 161 2-1622), that on Foxe's chart " Baffin's Bay is shown correctly, and it seems probable that this part of I'^ox's ma]) may have been copied from tlie lost map of Baffin." This is more than likely, as we know that Foxe knew Baffin personally (see p. 370). ■■■■M INTKODUCTKJX. CXXIX literature, whilst engaged in compiling his book. On this point, he says (p. 444) that the short- comings of his book must be excused ; for, " being- no Scholler and having had no helpe, which I did know was very needful, but [ I] was not able to buy it, and I was told it would not be had for nought, especially by [} froui\ the Scholler that was acquainted with the language of the Sea Whereupon, not knowing otherwise how to proceed, I was enforced, with such Tackling, (3(jrdage, and Raftage as I had, to Rigge and Tackle this ship myselfe." Yet in spite of this obvious lack of education, P^oxe stands revealed to us in the pages of his own narra- tive as a man of very coisiderable })ersonal ability, and endowed with treniendous energy ;:.nd perse\'er- ance. These points in his character are obvious upon almost every page, while not less obvious is the fact that he was a most able and experienc;;d seaman. It is evident, moreover, that Foxe was thoroughly imbued with the strong religious feeling, and the ferx'ent belief in the l)i\-ine leading which characterises the Yorkshire man and the time. Yet he is not without a touch ot self-complacent superi- ority for that same reason, where he says : " I'or my part, I am well pleased and much bound to my Maker that hath brought me h(;r(; into these remote parts, where I anil m\' Cliurch haxc served him in some places where he was ncxcr ser\ed i)efore. All glory to his holy name." That Foxe was an excellent all-round observer, his Journal also shows. He k |l ( ! 1^ ;: ['f'' i'l ■1 ; , 1 , ''' \ 1 , 1 il '1 \& 'It t cxxx VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. 1 mentions no fewer than twenty-three species of plants, shrubs, and trees ; twenty-one of mammals ; twenty of birds ; and several of fish. He also took note of the burial-places and weapons of the natives, though of the natives themselves he saw nothinyf. The less agreeable feature in Foxe's character which his book reveals to us is his excessive self- conceit, and his blindness to the merits of others. This personal peculiarity is unpleasantly apparent in his references to Captain James. It may, how- ever, be noted in his favour that he never descends in his narrative to real vulgarity or coarse abuse ; and '"t must also be allowed in his favour that his conceit was the self-reliant and largely-unconscious conceit which may be seen in many, perhaps most, self-made men of limited education, who have accom- plished some great work mainly by their own efforts and in spite of their early disadvantages. Sir John Barrow sums up Foxe's character as well and briefly as he dismisses his book when he says {/oc. ciL, \). 236) : " He was a keen shrewd Yorkshireman, and evidently a man of considerable talent, but conceited beyond measure." Captain Luke Foxe died at Whitby, where he had probably gone to reside, on or about July 15th, 1635, and was buried there on the 20th. Accordini^ to Lionel Charlton { llie History of Whitby and Whitby Abl)cy, 4to, 1779, p. 315). he "is the first sea- captain of whose death particular mention is made" in the Whitby Registers. The approximate date of his death has not before been ascertained, Charlton INTRODUCTION. CXXXl ll I I merely statiniv that it took place in the month of July. I am enabled to j^ive the above dates throu^L(h the kindness of the Rev. Canon Austen, ]\I.A., Rector of Whitby, who has examined the registers for me. The general circumstances which led up to the voyage of Captain James were identical with those which led up to Foxe's expedition. The discoveries of the earlier explorers of Hudson's Bay occupy exactly the same position with regard to the ex- pedition of Ca[)tain James as they do to that of Captain Foxe. It is totally unnecessary, therefore, to repeat anything that has been already said upon this subject. James's personal history is, like Foxe's, involved in much obscurity. It is clear from his book that he differed widely from Foxe in his characteristics, and we know that, unlike Foxe, he came of good family and was well educated. The reference to " my fellow countrymen" on p. 460 all but proves his Welsh origin ; but the place of his birth is doubtful, and the date of it can only be inferred from the legend round the portrait on his map, which goes to show that he was born in 1593. It is practically certain that he came of one of the many branches of a family of James which held property at many places in and around Bristol and in South Wales. Probably he was a near rela- tive (most likely a nephew) of his contemporary, Alderman Thomas of Bristol, who died in or about /C' 2 ^kil ^x-iaIo. \ iir 'i! »i I 1 \ it : ! ¥;■ < m 1: :^! : CXXXll VOYAGES OF FOXK AND JAMES. 1619, and lies buried beneath a handsome monu- ment in the Church of St. Mark. Other members of the family attained hiL,di positions in the civic and commercial life of IJristol. Mr. Iv(jr James of Cardiff, who has searched records and made enquiries with extreme diligence in every likely (juarter, has, I believe, utterly failed to discover any more definite information concerning him. It is probable that he never married. 'I'hat he received a good education is clear from Boyle's statement printed on p. clxxxviii, and might have been inferred from his book. Seyer {^Memoirs of Bristol, vol. ii, p. 2S6) says "Adams, his contemporary, in his Calendar [a MS. I have failed to trace] calls him a man of great learning and experience in navigation, and well seen in the Mathematical Science." On July 1 6th, 1628, he was In command of the Dragon, of Brist(jl, a vessel of 200 tons belonging to himself and others, to which letters of marque were issued {Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, vol. cxv, p. 113). Where else he obtained his " ex[)erience in navigation" is unknown, but he would scarcely have been selected for his command had he not possessed such. Nicholls [Bristol J)iograp/iies, No. 2, p. 57) speaks of him as "a rich barrister-at- law of the Inner Temple", a descriptit)n of him which is to some extent supported by the words of Nash (p. 451) and Boyle (p. clxxxviii). . The circumstances which led immediately to the voyage of Captain James were apparently very simple. So far as one can now gather, James's INTRODUCTION. CXXXlll voyage was due; solely to a wholesome; feeline^ of rivalry between the merchants of Bristol and those of London. Foxe had, as we know, long cherished a design to undertake a voyage in search of the North-West Passage. He had, by his p(;rsistence, int(;rested many influential persons in his scheme, and had at last gained all he wanted in the way of support and recognition. The merchants of the ancient city of ]^)ristol, always to the front in enter- prises of the kind, hearing of what he was doing, formed the highly creditable resolve to fit out a ship at their own expense to undertake a similar voyage in search of the passage. To Foxe, therefore, belongs the credit of having been the prime mover, directly or indirectly, in both voyages. It is true that Janies, in his " Preparations", says that his friends had long pressed him to undertake such a voyage, and that he at last consented, knowing the King's desire for the discovery of a passage (see p. 455); but it is difficult to explain the coincidence of the two expeditions sailing in the same year, without supposing that the Bristol merchants dis- patched theirs when they did out of active rivalry with the London "Adventurers"; indeed, Foxe, in his " Preparations", distinctly says that they did.^ However this may have been, the Bristol mer- 1 It has been stated by several writers that Caiitain James had had previous experience in Arctic navigation. Thus, Mr. Ivor James, in a letter to the Atliemcum (Nov. 30th, 1889), says: "The voyage of 1631-32 was not his first in search of the North- West Passage." Mr. J. F. Nicholls {Bristol Biographies, No. 2, i I % CXXXIV VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. cl' mts offered to furnish Captain James with a hi[). In his narrative, James does not say clearly thai his voyaj^-e was promoted by the Compan)' of Merchant \'(MULirers of HrisLol. In the letter he left at Charlton Island, hcnvev-'r, he distinctly says (see p. 594) that his vuyai^e was promoted by th(^ Company, or by a number of its members. More- over, a full copy of the lengthy correspondence; th;tt took place diirinq- the preparations for the voyage is [)reservc:d among the archiv(js of that body in the Merchants' llall at Bristol, I am indebted for coj:)ies of these letters to Mr. George H. Pope, Treasurer of the Comj^any. I liave printed them in full, and h;ive left them very largctly to tell their own tale.^ p. 64) and Mr. Ivor James (The Source cf the Afin'e>if Mariner, pp. 31 and G4) both ex])rcss their Ijclicf thai he had accompanied Sir Tliomas llutton in icui-ij; while, in J^risfol Ptai and Present (of wliich Mr. Nicholls was part author), there occurs the positive statement (vol. iii, p. 301) that he did so. Mr. NiclroUs, at least, rested his belief partly on a parai.;raph in which James himself says : " A j^reat shi[), as by former expcrienc f had found, was unfit to be forced through the ice"' (see p. 456). 'l'h(;se words certainly !j,ive some support to llu' suppositi(jn tliat James had [ireviously sailed in icy seas ; but 1 believe that by "expe- rience" he meant not personal experience, but rather conclusions that he had ct)me to as a result of studying the proceedings of earlier Arctic explorers. There is no other passage in James's narrative, or m the letters from the iJiIslol merchants (|uoted here'afler, whici; affords the slightest groi.'ui for the hriief that he liad hern |)reviously engaged i,i the search for the Passage, and it is morally certain he had not been. ' Sonu K)\ them were printed b)- Si'ver, in his Memi.irs of Hristol (vol. ii, pi>. J77-2S6), l)ut inaccurately, and with coiibiderablo INTRODUCTION. CXXXV The Company of Merchant Venturers of P)ristol still exists, thouc^h it no lonc^'c^r dischari^-es its orii^inal functions. No history of it se(Mns ev(;r to have been published; and, as it was one of the earli(.-st and most import. ml of the. incorpoi-ated societies of Merchant Adxenturers, the fo!lo\\in<>; skolch orated as " The Master, W'ai'dens, and Comn">onaU)- of Mercliant \^enturc;rs of die City of I)r'stor'. Tlie fust Master of the new C(M*p(M'atioM was lulwan' Pryn, ;uu1 the first Wardens were Thomas liickes and Konert I'nller. Fr(!sh charters were; 'Minted by I'di/abelh, bv A omissions wliiili ;iic \\vrr sii|)[>lii'(i. Mr, I'opc !i;ivin;^ also most call hilly (ontit d t!u' prools n ili the original dot iiiiii.'nts. I hcliew till.' Ifiuvs an' hen- piintcd in p;oiH.'r s,-. lucncc. hut the dales of soiiK. of ilnin ari ind cpiays. These were built by the Socicjt)', Luuler l(;ases of th(; ri\'(;r fn^m the city, principally with l)orrowe(l money, and at an outlay which seems to ha\'e been long un- remunerative. About two hundred years ago, the Merchant X'enturers became by purchase Lords of the Manor of Clifton. Much of this manor was subse(|uently .sold. 'Idle wastes, which are known as " The Downs", were given by the .Society to the citizens. In 1090 and i 70S, lulward Colston, a prominent member ol" the guild, consiiiuled the .Society trustee of the wirious lands with which he eiulowetl an .ilmshouse and a free boarding-school or hospital. The almshouse remains undei" tlie Society's control ; but. In 1S75, a scheme was b*amed tor the inaiiagc;- menl of the s< hool by the ( h.uMty Connnissioners. A few ye.u-s, however, proved tiiai the Commls- I '. i li Mil Eh hi! lit m pi I .r I Ml I CXXXVIII VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. sioners had miscalculated the value of the; property, and then the Merchant Venturc:rs came to th{; rescue of the scheme. Recoj^nisinL;' that technical education is the most pressing nc^ed of the day, the ancient Society of Merchant Venturers, after careful in(,i!irlcs, hoth in this country and abroad, planned and erected, in 1885, u])on the site of the old Bristol (irammar School, in Unity and Denmark vStreets the ran^e of buildinLTS which now contains the: Merchant Venturers' School. I'he Socii^ty has borne, out of its own private funds, the whole expense of foundin^r this school, and continues to defrav, from the same source, the cost of its nuiintenance. The CoViton Trust has been thus relieved of a burden which was beyond its strenj^th ; and its whole income is now a[)plic;ibl(' for the bc:nefit of the school which Colston himself established. The Merchant Venturers' School has (exceeded the highest expectations that were formed of its success. During the first year of its existc;nce, nearly 1,000 students — men, women, and boys — received instruction within its walls ; and, durino; the present year, the number has risen to nearly 1,700. The Bristol nuM'chants, having agreed uj)on their expedition, desi/cd for it the approval and support of the King. I'Or diis purpose, the)- sent Captain James to London with a letter to Sir Thomas \i(n ,' ' No ropy of this k-tti r, .Tpimnnlly, has l)ccn preserved. INTRODUCTION. CWaIX of whom wc have heard before, as he was one of those who had charge; of h\)\e's expecHtion. James himself describes Sir Thomas Roe as the most learned and eminent EnLrlish traveller of that dav (see p. 455). The rc:sulL of this action on the pari of the mcM-chants may be seen in the foUowiiiL^" lelUr from Sir Thomas Roe t(j the Mayor of Bristol, which is (Midorsed, "Sir I'homas Roe his letter to Mr. Mayor, to incite the marchants of Ikistoll to goe forward in the enterprize," and of which a copy is preserved among the Company's records at Bristol, in the interesting series already alluded to (see pp. civ and cxxxiv). It runs : ' To ihc ri^ijht Woor" and ni)' very good brother, M"^ John TomliiLson, Mayor of the Citty of Bristoll. " Sir, " His Ma''*= haucint^c gratiously pleased to take to his care the discoucric of the North-West passage to China, and giucn one of his shipps to that use, and comaiuuled mcc to attend the dispatch of tiiat inisines, and to giuc those dircccons and ii struccons w^'' were requisite, I hauc ncnve newely begunn to putt in executicjii his Royal! order, and to prepare the shipp fitt for such a vcn-adge ; when very opportunely and to my greate incouragenient there came to tnce Captainc James of yo"" Citt)', propound- ingc from you that x-ou were rcsoKed to make an ad\-en- turc that way, and had fitteil a shi[)[) to that desigiie, provided that you might haue graunted equal! priviledges w''' tliose whoe were untlertakers under his l\Ia'-'- ; hut lice, licingc tliere arrived in a t\-ine of liis Ma'"" absence, tliouglie hee liath [)ressed liis busines as wc!! as lie coult!, I !iaue not presumed to giuc him any determinate .uiswere, not dnringc to conclude my Maisters grace w'''out In"s !eaue anil Communicacon. Ikit his Ma'"' is soe just a I'rince, and iti t I i^ii 1. '4U -1 iii cxl VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. si' Pit I' Hit so gratious to encourajrc and reward all vcrtuous accons, that I am p'swadcd hcc will make noc difference bctwecne his subjects, but [will] indifferently i)rocee(.l to animate \'ou as well as any other, and that he wilbee i;lad that you shall s^oe forward, and that the accon l)ee strenc;'thncd by yo' endea\()''. j-'or in)' owne I'jart, I haue noe other thoughts nor ends but such as are directed to ser\e the publique ; and, therefore, as I doubt not the motion wilbee acceptable to his Ma'"'-, whose desires are that the worke bee done, soe I doe promise to the undertakers of yo"" Citty that I will moue him as effectuall}- for them as for o'selucs, not wisheinge that any such publique utillitie should bee monopolised by any one Citty or Societie of men. As \et I knowe not of any Patient or i)riviledge graunted to an}- ; but as I haue scene a di'aught in paper, to encourage those that shall nowe adventure, w''' I doubt not shalbee extended eciuall}' to you, but in \vhat manner I cannot prescribe. This 1 sui)[)ose )'ou shall obta)'ne at the least : that, yf yo" shipp haue the foitune to make the passage fir>t, \ou .^hall haue that [)riviledge w"^^ is due unto you ; antl,)f wee nrike it, )'et that \-ou shall haue such Libertic of yo' trade as )-o' ad- venture and industrie tloth merritt ; for, whether tn's IMa'''^ will shutt upp the trade to Companyes, or what his resolu- con is, I am not able to expla}-ne. When his Ma'"^ shalbee retorncd (w'-'' wee exi)ect w'''in twelue daies^ 1 will make you a clccre answere, and doe promise you that, Ijefore any Pattent bee taken out, )-ou shall haue that satisfaccon w'-'^ ma\' content }'ou. In the meanc t)-nK\ you ma\- bee pleased to proceed cheerefully, and to make ready against the Season, in full Confidence of his >' i' Justice and ecjual distribuc'on of his fa\-ours ; and to b. ired thai I wilbee a Careful Sollicito' for }-ou that \ . nay iece\ue that measure w"^ soe generous undertakinge doth merritt. I haue acquainted this day my Lord Preasouro'' w''' j-o"" pro[)osieon ; whoc, thcjughe hce will not oblige himselfe untill his Ma'"^ bee informed, hath d('claretl his opiiu'oii that it is just tliat you haue ecjuall share w''' any uhoe INTRODUCTION. :xli bcarc cquall adventure, and that hce will doc you any favour, as beiny,e behouldinge to you for )-o' loue to chcjuse him Steward of yo' Citty ; soc that I am Confident you shall haue due content. It wilbee alsoe convenient, yf you like it, that wee may hould some Correspondence in o'' seiiall instruccons {'or the manner of the search of the passage, and to communicate o' Cards, and the workes and errors of otlier men, that wee may helpe one another, and make the more expedicon, and the more exquisite discouerie. This, S"", I pray }-ou present unto those of yo'' Citty whose names I knowc not, and that, yf 1 may here a resolucon from them, I wilbee glad to doe them seruice. For yo' pcrticuler, I receyvcd from you a kind letter, w*^'' I haue not opportunitie to answere by reason of my infirmitie ; but against the next season of V^enison I will provide you of Venison in such measure as I am able. So, desiringe you to remember ni)- loue to )-o'' wife, my sister^ I will ever rest " Yi/ very kjveinge frynd and brother to serve you, '•Tlio: RoK. "St. Martin's Lane, J5th of January i63o[-3iJ.'' ■} ; i The Mayor havini.;" communicated the above to the Company, a re[)]y, eiidor.iecl "The Companies letter to Sir Thomas Koe for y'' nbieyninm' of Coiulicoiis to enci)urad_L;'e then in the enterpri/e with Capt. James for discouery of the N.W. |)assa;4c;", was sent to Sir Thomas !\oc. It runs as follows : — ' from this luid odicr jjassages in Sir 'riiumas Roc's Icllcis to Mr. joim Tomlinson, Ahiyor of Bristol in 1^)30-31. il appears that the two men were brothers in-law; luii I liavi' not been jIiIc to corroborate this. li 1 1 II cxlii VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. 1 f:, I ' hh \i IP " To the h()'''= S"" Thomas Roc, knight — these. In London." " Ilob'-^ S^ " M"" Mayor of this Citty hath comunicatcd to us a letter, w"^^ hce hitcly rcceyved from you by the Convey- ance of Captaine James, whereby doth appeare yo"^ wonted noble disposicf)n and i^ood affeccon to such enterprises as tend to the service of his jMa'''= and the weale publicciue : In pcrticuler, you are pleased to approue the dessigne of some marchants here, w"-'' intend to ym[)loy the said Cap- taine for discoucric of the North-west passage. And, for that purpose, they haue intreated him to make a Jorncy unto London to understand what conditions may bee obtayncd (ov their incouragcmcnt therein. Nowc wee per- ceyve that his Ma'"^ hath byn gratiously pleased to recoiTiend the mannaginge of that busines to yo"' Care, wherein wee arc much comforted and soe satisfied w'*^ the noble ex- pressions of yo"" favour in yo'' said letter, as that wee depend and rely on yo"" wisedom and goodnessc to procure such fairc condicons for us as others enio)-, and as o"" allacritie in undertakingc the voyadge and i)roporcon of ()■■ Charge merritt, whereb)' you shall much oblige all the adventurers here, and [j'ticulerly us whoe arc " Yf/ humble Servants,^ [Ih-ist(jl.] [? Feb. 2, 1630-31.] H iff Cc'iptain James had sent Sir Thomas Roc's letter to the merchants enclosed in a letter from himself,- vvhich elicited from them the followini^'- answer, en- dorsed, "The Companies letter to Captayne James ' Ncillicr sigiiaUnvs uur diitc arc given in the copy ul' lliis Idler. " or ihis litter, no (()[))• has been preserved. It was dated January 2(>lli (see/^'i/). .1. i INTRODUCTION. CX xliii conccrningc their desire of his care in prosecutiiiLi^e the design e" : — " To o'' worthic and most respected I'^ynd, Capt. Thomas James, at the three Ciipps in l^redstreet' tliese, in London. " Captainc James, "Wee haue receyved }-o'^ of tlie 26th uh'"" [Januar}-]. w''' the inelosed from S"^ Thomas Ivoe, the coi)i)ie [wjhereof wee nowesend you herewith,- as alsoc of }'(/' [Pw/r] answere thereto,^ whereby you may perceyve wli.it doth passe 'twixt us. He d(jth presuppose that wee haue ah-eady fitted a sliipj), but )'ou knowe the contrary, and that wee haue done noe more then to procure adventurers for 800//. or thereabouts, and that the frai^htinge of a shi[)p is deferred till wee knowe from you the I'riviledL^es wee shall obtex'ue (yf the bencfitt of the cb'scouery bee ai)propriated). Ikit wee rather desire tliat it nn'c^lit c(Mitinue free from [?yc;r]all his Ma'*^ subjects p'miscuousl)-. It wilbee sufficient houo"" and advancement unto us to bee Instrumen'^ of soe greate good. But, yf his Ma''*" and the State in their wisedomc shall thinke fitt to approi)riate it, then wee must rely on S' Thomas Roe his faire offeis and promise, and yo' provi- dent Circumspection in o'' behalfe. It wilbee very difficult for us to procure a fitt ship suddenly ; [uv the White Angcll'* will not bee had, and the VVill'm and John is nott arrived, nor expected this moneth. Therefore, wee advise you to bee very Cautious howc you engage us and yo'' sclfe to bee ready this springe, unlesse his Ma'^ pleasure in the ' The '''I'hrce C^ips", in llicatl Street, was ;v wcli known inn in the seventeenth '-cntin}-. It is nuntioiied hy llalton. - Troni this, it appears llial James was ignorant of the contents of the letter he forwardetl, and had asked loi- a copy. ■* Printed above (p cxli). ' The White -l^/xc/, a vessel of 140 tons, was (jwnetl by (liles Elbridge (one of Janios's adventtuvrs) and others, betters of marque had been issued for her on July jlh, 162C1 (vide S/ah' Papers, Domestic Series, vol. cxv, p. 1 13J, CXllV VOYAGES OK FOXK AND JAMKS, r . If! '■ ■ I busincs be dcliucd w^Hn fewc daics, and that you are assured to gelt a fitt ship in London yf wee faile here. This wee write not out of any disaffecton to the busines (for wee all continue vcrj' constant and well p'swaded therein) ; but it is onely to preuent an}- disrcputacon or disparrageni' w*^*' ma)- befall both )•(/ selfe and us )-f wee should promise and not p'fornie, or doe it unseasonabl)'. Thus, leauingc the Successe of the Interprize to the blessinge of God, and coincndingc o"" louinge salutacons to yo'selfc, wisheinge you all true happincs, and desiringe to bee advised of yo'' proceedings, wee rest " Your affectionate Frynds, "John 1^arki:r. John Tavi,i;r. Richard Lonck. (}ii,i:s ICli'.ridck." "Ih-istol, Feb. 3, i63o[-3i]." " Sir, — I thankc you for yo'' kind letter directed to my selfe. Lett mee request you to recommend my humble respects to Mr. Cary^ and his noble Consort, who are pleased to accept and esteem the toics 1 sent them much more then they meritt. It is their humanitie and noblenessc soe to doe. " Yours, "John Barker." Thus far, matters seem to hav^e proceeded to the satisfaction of the merchants, for we next find them addressing Lord Weston, Lord High Treasurer, in a letter which Captain James must ha\e delivered personally. It is endorsed, "The Comjjanys letter to the Lord Treasourer in the behalfe of Capt. James, and to crav(; his Lo'''"' favoin- for equal! priviledge with others that shall attempt the enter- prize", and runs as follows : — i ' Probably Mr. 'rhomas Cary ol ihc l>eUchanibcr (see p. 569). INTKUDUCTIOX. cxl \' " To the right IIo'''^, o*" very good Lord, Richard Lo: Weston,^ Lo: I lighc Tre"^ of luigland. "Right IIo''^ "The marchaiits of tliis Citty, beiiigc ambitious to serve his Ma'"^ and their Couiitrie, as alsoe to iiilarge trafficiiue for their future }'mploynient, are wiUinge to sett forth a shipp this springe of the \eere for the discouery of the Xorth-W'cst passage into the South Sea, under the Com- mand and Conduct of this bearer, Captaine Thomas James, a well-deservinge gent', very expert in the Arte of Naviga- tion, vaHant, and a good commander. Hce is nowe sent by them unto London, to inquire wliat Patent is graunted to those Gent^ w'^'' haue undertaken the same designe there, that wee ma\' obte\-ne ec[uall priviledges w'*' tlicm from his Ro\'all Ma"*, accordinge to the proijoreon of o"" adventure; haueingc also direccon to attend yo"^ Lo. when hee hatli (h'scerned howc the busines doth depend, and luunbly to craue }'o' ho''"'' favour in o' behalfe, that wee may cnioy such priviledges and Immuties ()'f the passage bee dis- couered) as are graunted to any others: Whereby )'o' Lo'' shall increase the obligations of this C'itt)' to )'o'' bono'', especially the Companj' of Marchants, xc/ humble .servants. Thus, being confident of your honorable inclination to this our suite, we most humbly take leave, and do rest j-our Honours in all dutiful obser\ance. "John Tomlin.son, Mayor, IIUMi RIK HooKK. John H.\rki:r. Richard Loxck. John Tahj-.r. Gn.Ks IClhrhjc.k." No reply to this hitter has liccii preserved. I I ' This was tlir man who was rrrali'd l^arl ol Portland in 1633, and after whom I'oxe named a cape and Jamrs an island (see pp. 388 and 493). He seems to have been connected with Bristol, and Mr. l'()[)e informs me that a [uirtrait of him hangs in the C^ouneil House there. .%. v.aS# IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) .vl% '/ :^< f/. 1.0 If iii IIM I.I 11.25 2.2 2.0 1.3 \A. IIIIII.6 Photographic Sciences Corporation ,\ iV *^^ \\ V ■V ;\ 33 WIST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) S72-4S03 # [ i! , * : i '" r 14 i>i cxlvi VOVAf'.KS OK KOXK AND TAMES. We have already seen that there was associated with Sir Thomas Roe, in making the arrangements for ^^)xe's voyage, that energetic promoter of Arctic research, Sir John Wolstenholme ; and this latter gentleman seems also to have h(ilped forward the arrangements for Captain James's voyage. He had, it seems, addressed a letter to the I'^arl of Danby, asking his lordshij) to arrange, if j)ossible, tor Cap- tain James to have a personal interview with the King.^ The I^arl of Danhy's rtiply to this request is endorsed. " Thi; Karle of Danby his letter to Sir John W'orstenham, knighte. concerning his Ma" pleasure to sj)eake with the Capteyne, whereby hee shall receyve grace and encouradgment for the undertakinge of the voyadge." "To the ivijfht Wo''" S' John Worstcnham, knight. " S', " Accorcliiige to yo"^ dcsin?, I bauc moved his Ma'''^ con- ccrniiigc Captaiiic James and the Townc of l^n'stoll, whoc is <^ratiously pleased to speake w'"' the man, anil will then exprcsse himselfe both thankefull to the Towne of bristoll for this present cntcrprize of discoueringe the North-West passage, as likewise for their good indeavo' p'formed in this last warr whh .Spayne, more actiuel}' and w^^ better .Succcsse then any other I'ort in those parts : wlierc alsoe Captain James shall recej've grace and incouragc- ment from his Ma"' owne mouth for his worthic under- takinge of the voiadgc intended. Ami Sunday next,- about ' No eoj))' has been prcscived of NVolstciilioiuic's letter to the I'.arl of Danby (sec p. 50^)), who was, at the time, a member of the Privy ("ouneil. - i'ebruary the 4th, 1630-31, was a I'Viday, so the followi Sunday was the fith of the nioiuh. ng i \ INTRODUCTION. cxlvil nyne of the Clockc in the moniiii^rc, I tliiiikc the fittest tyme ; )'f )-ou and hee ciiin hcc in the presence or Privie Chamber, I will not faile to meete either of noli there to accumpHshe the effect hereof, (iod willin^^e. " Yo"" vcr)' lovin<^e l'>}'nd, " DanI'.VK. '•St. James, Feb. 4, i63o[-3i]." \Vc may prcsunH; that Captain James had an audience of the Kin" the Company's records it liristol, we frnd a copy of the followiiij^" [jetition : — • " To the Kini^e's most Ivxellent Ma'K "The liuiu' ; peticon of Thomas James, in the behalfe of yo' M'ch'ti . Adventurers, ("ili/.ens of tiie Cilty of l^ristoll. "Whereas yC IMa*' most faitlifull subjects, the ("iti/ens of yo' Citty of Bristoll, understantlint^e that jo' Ma'''' liath pleased not onel)' to desire the tliscover)- of the Xortli- west passaj^c into the South Sea, but to t^race and protect all those that shall inilcaxo'' to seeke it ; whereby in- couraj^ed, j'o'' said subjects, the ni 'chants of Ih-istoll, hauc determine*,! to sett out one ^ood shipp, well furnished and provided for such a service, w"'' shalbe read)- in the bei^iinn"ni;e of May ne.vt. Anil, in full assurance of yo'' Ma'^ ^rations disposicon, and equall distribucon of yo' favors to all yo"^ subjects that shall eijuallie pursue the waies of hoi.o' am! the bcnifitl of your Ma'^ kitiLf- domes, they !iaue presumed most humbl\- to petiion yo' Ma''* that you \vill3ee pleased to ^raunt unto tliem, t!\e adventurers of the Citty of Bristol!, such e(juall sliarcs and priviled^es, both of Trade and IJbertie, as you shall noucIi- safe to yraunt to otliers, tlie adventurers of tlie Ciliy of London, proporconably to tlieir Charge and adventures. And they fas in ilutie !)ound) will ever pra>' for }-o' Ma''" longe and liappie Raigne." / 2 \ .'. m 1 ' I : ! I I. cxl civm \()\M.\:s (»i' I'oxr: and iami.s. Tht: Compuny in Bristol having received an account of the presenting- of this petition, wrote as follows to Captain James : — " Captainc Jaincs, " Wcc hauc rccc)vccl yc/ last letters of the first and second ])rcscnt,' w'"' the C'oppic of the peticon w"^ }-ou exhibited to his Ma''*-' on o' bchalfc inclosed. Wee ap- prove well the niethotl thereof, and doe rejoxcc that it was so jTratioiisly accepted and intcrte\-ned by the Kin^c.- 'Ihe speedic procurin<;e of tlie King's Siu^nature, wee con- sent w''' }()U to bee necessarj' (if it bee his Ma''"* pleasure to Confine the trade when the passage is discouercd) ; and, untill wee may hauc a severall distinct Patent for o' selves, wee conceavc it were expedient some Articles of agree- ment were interchangably made and sealed 'twixt us, providingc that, when the passage is found b}' either, the priviledge of trade, w'*' all other dependencies thereon, ma\' be equall, accordinge to the pro[)ori()n of o' adventure. We praj- you forgett not to conferr and consult effectual!)' w"'' S' Thomas Button, and any other juditious men w"^^ }()U cann learne haue b)'n formerly xinplojed in this discover)', comparinge their mapps and cardes w'*' yo""* and collectinge all their observaeons for )-o'^ better in- formacon and satisfaccon. Alsoe, we thitike it necessar)- f)'f \'ou api)rove thereof) that )ou enterte\iie''twoe or three men, bef(jre )•()'' retorne from London, of those w*^*" were hist )'mpl())ed in this Interpri/.e, )f an)- may bee procured on reasonable termes, w"^'' you deemc industrious and ' No copies of these letters are to he found among the others at Uristol. - I'ri'suinahly the ropy of the Petition and tlic account of its rt.Mi'[)tion by the King were sent in a later letter than either of the two here acknowledged ; for Janus, writing on I'ebruary ist or 2nd, could hardly tell of the presentation of the Petition, which ap|)ears not to have taken place till the 6th. ^ Kvidenlly i'>/,i;^(i,i,^-ou, that you may appoint a solliciter to attend the passint^e w''' Mr. Atturney, and to pay the Charges. In all other things wherein I may bee usefull to you, to )x/ Citt}-, or to yo'' p'sons, I shall thinkc it an bono'' to bee jniploycd, and to approue my sclfe " Yo' very affectionate l<"rynd to serve you, "Thomas Roe. " S" Martin's Lane, " loth Feb. i63o[-3i]." This letter was sent to the merchants of Bristol by the hand of Ca[)tain James, who evidently re- turned home about the time he intended. In re[)ly, the merchants wrote a letter, the copy of which is endorsed, "The Comp. letter to Sir Thomas Roe, giveinji^e an Accounte of their desires and doeini^s ' Doubtless that printed on p. cxxxix. i ■ ' ! ' ! f i m I flii " M H !i I i 'f ^ 1 I ^ clii VUVAt.KS OK I'OXK AND JAMKS. in the affaires of the pretended voyadge." It runs : — " To the Ho^^'" S' Thoin.is Koc, kniyht, at his house in St. Martin's in the Field. " Ho''"^ S^ "Wee have rcceyvcd yo"^ letter by Captaine James, whereby you are pleased to cxpresse the continuance of yo"" undeserved loue and favour unto this Citty in generall, and in p'ticuler unto the Company of M'chants ; whereof wee are all very ambitious, and will striuc to make o' selves worthie of it. And, that posteritie may take notice of yo"" noble goodnessc to us in this enterprize, and yo"" affeccon to all vertuous and laudable actions, wee haue caused both yo"" letters to bee transcribed in the Register of the Company of Marchants, to perpetuate the remem- brance of yo"" Curtesie. Wee desire not to take out a I'attent till the discouery bee made, bcinge till then fully satisfied w"' iiis Ma'"" signature to o"" peticon. And, yf God shall please soe to Crowne o"^ indeavc/'' as to make us the instruments thereof, wee should acconipt the service done thereby to God, our Kingc, and Count.'io a reward and recompcnce all sufficient and abundant. And, if others seeke not to appropriate it, wee shalbee willinge to leaue it open to all the Kings subjects indefinitely. Wee haue provided a shipp for Ca])taine James, of fower- score tons burthen, w"^'' is nowc in the docke under the Carpenter's hands. And, in honour of the Queene, whose Chamber this Citty is reputed, as auncicntl}' it hath byn (jf her highnesse predecessors, Queenes of luigland, wee haue destined the shipp's name to bee the Mary, in expression of o' humble thankefuUnesse for the gratious favours w^*' we haue already receyved from her Ma"* novve lyvcinge. The shipp (god willinge) shalbee well manned, furnished w''' all necessary provisions, and ready to sett saile by the end of Aprill. Thus, S', haueinge giucn you an accompt of o"" desires and tloeings in theis affaires, and rendringe you most humble thanks for the bono' you haue done us w^ INTRODUCTION. cliii in genrall, and Captainc Japics in p'ticuler, by yo' re- ccimendacon of us to the Kinge, o' Sovcraignc, from vvhomc wee hauc rcccyved a message transcendcntly gratious, wisheing unto you the increase of all happines and honour, wee humbly kisse yc hands, and doe remainc, " Yo'" in all due respect and observance,^ " Bristol!, Feb. 26, A" i63o[-3i]." On his return home, Captain James also reported to the merchants the services which the Karl of Uanby had rendered to their cause, as related on p. cxlvi. The merchants thereupon wrote to his lordship a letter, the copy of which is endorsed : — " The Company theire letter to the P^arle of Danby in thanckfullness of his favour shewed them in procureinge Capteyne James speedie successe to his IMa'"^ and recomending the service of this Citty unto him." It reads thus : — " To the right Ho'''«= o'' very good Lord, Henry l^^arle of Danb}e. "Right hob'% " Wee understand by the report of Cajitaine James since his retorne home, as alsoe by the viewe of the letter w*^h yo' Lo'' was pleased to write to .S"^ John W'orsten- holme,- yo"" ho*''= free and undeserved favo' extended unto us in the p'son of the said C'aptaine, by procuringe him soc speedie and happie Successe to the Kinge, ()•■ .Sofiaigne, and for soc rccomcndinge to his Ma"^ the weake and unworthie services of this Citty and the marchants here, as to obtayne that gratious Message from his Ma'"''' ownc mouth, W^'' the said Captaine hath faithfully delivered ' The signatures to this letter have not been preserved. - See p. e.\lvi. ' f n I / '■Hi !l'^ 'I' H i\ ^ i cliv VOYAGES OF KOXE AND JAMES. unto US, as alsoe the p'ticulcr grace done unto himsclfe, whereby wee are soe much comforted and incouraged as that wee conceave it a very good [ ^] to the successe of the present cnterprizc, And w'''all wee acknow- ledge o"" selves infinitely obliged to yo' honour for yo"" noble and free favour unto us, whereof wee arc not a little ambitious, and wee will strive to be capeable of the con- tinuance and increase of it. Wee hauc already provided a meete shipp for Captaine James, of Fourscore tons burthen. And, in honour of the Oueene, whose Chamber this Citty is reputed (as aunciently it hath byn of her hignes predecessors, Queenes of England), we hauc destined the shipp's name to bee the Mary, in expression of o' humble thankefuinesse for the great favours w'^^ wee haue already reccyved from her Ma''^ The ship, God willinge, shalbce well manned, furnished w'** all necessary provisions, and ready to sett saile by the end of Aprill. Thus, right hfjbie^ ^yth a second acknowledgm' of dutie and thankefui- nesse from this Citty in general 1 to yo' Lo"* for yo' noble goodnesse unto us, wee most humbl}- take leave, and doe remayne " Yo"" Hono" most humble devoted in all dutie and service,- " Bristoll, ♦ " Feb. 26th, a-^ i63o[-3i]." The Adventurers' money being at once forth- coming and placed in the hands of a treasurer, Captain James set about choosing a suitable ship. It was his opinion that the enterprise could be best carried out with a single ship, and not by two sailing together, because of the difficulty of kee[)ing them together in icy seas (see p. 456) ; but in this ' A blank is here left in the copy at Bristol. - No signatures are given in the copy of this letter. iM INTRODUCTION. cIv opinion most later explorers have differed from him. He also held that a small ship was better for the purpose than a lari^e one, and he accordingly chose "a well-conditioned, strong ship of the burthen of seventy tons" (see p. 456). He also held that the enterprise could not be effected in less than eighteen months ; so the ship was provisioned for that time. He calculated, too, that the most suit- able crew for his ship was one of twenty-two men, which was also the strength of Captain Foxe's crew. James says (p. 457) this was "a small number to performe such a businesse, yet double sufficient to sayle the ship." In choosing his crew, he refused all " voluntary loyterers", and would have none but "un- married, approved, able, and healthy seamen". He soon had sufficient applicants, all strangers to one another and to himself, but well recommended " by worthy merchants for their ability and fidelity". For some incomprehensible, and certainly insufficient, reasons (which he says he thinks it unnecessary to state), he " utterly refused" all applicants who had had any previous experience of Arctic navigation, although the merchants had, as we have seen (p. cxlviii), expressly advised him to the contrary. In having no such men among his crew, James re- sembled Foxe, though the latter, more wisely, had sought, but failed, to obtain any. From what James does say on this point, it looks very much as though he feared that, if he had any such men among his crew, they would show to the others his own utter inexperience in Arctic navigation — not a very worthy motive, surely ! , (' I, .! fil ■I f liilJ M !f -*} iS 11 clvi \uv.\c;i;s ok foxk and jamks. James nowhere gives a list of the names of his crew, but he incidentally refers to a good many of his men in the course of his narrative ; and a list of them (so far as it is now possible to compile one) is here appended : — Ckkw of TiiK Siiii' "Maria", 1631-32. Captain I -icutenant Master Master's Chief Male Master's Second Mate Cheirurgeon Boatswain Cunner Gunner's Mate Carpenter Cooper Cockswain Baker Brewer Butcher Seaman ? . Seaman ? . Seaman Seaman Seaman Boy Boy During the time he spe Thomas James. \\'illiam Clements. Arthur Price. John Warden. ' John Whittered.-' Nathaniel Bilson. John I'ahner. Richard Edwards.'' John Barton.^ William Cole.'' ? ? ? ? ? George Ugganes. David Hammon. ? ? p ? ? It in making his prepara- tions, he says (p. 458) he endeavoured ,to perfect 1 Died May 6th, 1632. 2 Chief mate after A\'arden's death. •* Lost his leg Aug. 20th, 1631 ; died Nov. 22nd, 1631. ■• Drowned Oct. 17th, 1631. ^ Died May i8th, 1632. w INTKODlC'l ION. :lvii his studies in Arctic exj^loratlon, and "sr)UL,dit after Journals, I'lots, Discourses, or whatever els'j might help mv understandin'>".' With nautical instru- ments he took care to provide himself most liberally ; and he gives, in the form of an appendix (p. 604), a list of those he took with him, most of which seem to have been made specially for him, with the utmost care, l)y the best and most skilled workmen of his day. Of his numerous instruments, Captain James, in the course of his voyage, made good and frequent use. In this, of course, he was greatly helped by his extensive mathematical knowledge, of which even his rival. Captain r\)xe, speaks highly. In short, from everything that James says in his " Preparations", we may gather that the merchants of Bristol placed unbounded confidence in him, and equipped him for his expedition with no niggardly hand. F^verything that he thought he stood in need of seems to have been liberally provided. James says that his preparations were complete by the ist of April 1631. H(i then, he says (p. 459), made a journey to London (apparently for a second time) to know his Majesty's further pleasure; ; and soon after he received, through Sir Thomas Roe, the King's Instructions. Thereupon, returning to Bristol, he got his ship out of dock, and awaited a fair wind to commence his vova<>e. The following' li I if I II \i 1 It is dear from what he says in the closing passage of his narrative (see p. 592) that he had formerly made, like l-oxe, a!i exhaustive study of his subject, and a careful search for any charts or narratives which could throw any light upon it. 9P9l .< 'ii 'I I 'I I 'r \\l I. ^ J I w^ y >' :lxi^ VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. I . expected. In April, efforts were begun in order to raise the ship, and in the end this was accompHshed. On the 6th of May, died John Warden, the chief mate, and, on the i8th, WilHam Cole, the carpenter. The month of June was chiefly occupied in refitting the ship. On the 25th, one of the crew was clumsy enough to set on fire the forest in which they had wintered, and James himself, as well as a good many of their effects, was nearly burned. The mos- quitoes, too, troubled them very much. On the 2nci of July, they set sail from Charlton Island ; and, after experiencing great difficulties with the ice, they at last reached Cape Henrietta Maria on the 22nd. At this point, however, James's difficulties seem only to have been commencing ; for, being pre- vented by the ice from sailing due north, he was detained till August 7th, and then he coasted along to the westward, being almost always completely surrounded by ice. Having almost completed the circuit of the bay by the route he and Foxe had both sailed over (though in the opposite direction) in the previous year, he reached Cary's Swan's Nest on the 22nd, intending from there to search to the north-westward of Nottingham Isle, which both he and Foxe had failed to do the previous year. To accomi)lish this, he sailed northward in a violent storm, up the channel which (unknown, of course, to James) Foxe had explored the previous autumn. Up this Strait, James, in his turn, sailed as high, he says, as lat. 65° 30' N. at least. He then became fast among the ice (apparently on the western side b A.^-. HI INTRODUCTION. clxv of the channd), and, after consultation with his officers, resolved to turn south and make for home. It is noticeable that James claims to have attained a point only about i° 17' south of that which Foxe had undoubtedly reached the year before ; but, un- like Foxe, he named no localities, and did not lay down an inch of coast-line. Resolution Island was passed on the 3rd of September, and Bristol was reached on October 2 2nd.^ Very shordy after his return, the Captain must have proceeded to London to deliver his account to the King and others ; for, among the documents at Bristol (see p. cxxxix), we find one endorsed. "The Coppie of the letters sent to the Lo : Treasurer & to the Earle of Danby uppon the arryval of Capt. James from the Northwest Passadge. The ^ A contemporary reference to the return of Captain James is to be found in The Court and Times of Clhiri:s /(vol. ii, p. 189), wherein is printed a letter in which Mr. Pory, writing from l I t !■! li .' ' 1 cl XVI VOYAGES OF FOXK AND JAMES. I ■ y H H 'i n i II i i • \ H <' 1 !:: like sent to Mr. Tho: Carye of the Bedchamber." It runs : — " Right hoi^^ "This bearer, Captainc James, being emploied about eighteene moneths past by the companie of marchants in this Cittie for discouerie of the Northwest passage into the South sea, with the approbation of our Soveraigne lord the Kingc, j'o"" lot', and some other noble personages, and haueing escaped manifold dangers and extremities in the Voiadge through gods mercie : Hee doth now addresse him selfe to giuc his Ma''" the first account of his industrie and cn- deavo"", according to that royall commaund giuen before his departure, wherein wee mosthumblie crave the continuance of your loP* favour that his faithful! and indefatigable seruice, togeathcr with or purpose and designe in the Voiadge. tending principallie to the honour of his Ma''', and common benifitt of o' natiuc countrie, may, by your wise- dom and power, bee soe presented to t!ie King that it bee gratiouslie accepted ; which, being obtained, the fruition thereof wilbee esteemed an abundant Compensation of his labour and our charge, and will more oblige him and us to pray for the encrease of yor IoP" honour and happines, and to devote our selues " Yo"" LoP* most humble servants, "humfrve hooke, ricii: longe, John Barker, Tho: Colston, Andrew Charlton. [Bristol,] " November the second, 1632." Another document is endorsed, "The Coppy of the letter sent to vS"" Tho: Roe upon Capt. James returne," and runs as follows : — " Ho'''« S', " As (jur first intendment and designe for discouerie of ' IXTRODLXTION. cl XVll the Northwest passajre, by yc/ powerful 1 and prudent rc- commcndacon thereof to the Kinge, o'' Souaignc, was gratiouslic interpreted by his Ma''*, as undertaken for his honour and the common benihtt of our native countric, soe wee humbhc j)ray that the first account of Captaine James his proceedings in the Voiadge ma\' now by your like favour and wisedome bee soe presented to his Ma''^ as that his resolution and Industrie, as alsoe our endeavo"" and charge, may bee crowned by his Ma*'* benigne acceptacon thereof. This Citty in gefiall, the companie of marchants especiallie, and some members of both in particular, doc most humblie and thankefullie acknowledge jo"" man)- un- deserued favours, desiring to bee esteemed worthic the continuall fruition of them and to bee soe happie as to giue some reall testimonie that wee arc as wee professe. " Yo"^ most humble and obliged servants,' [Bristol, ?Nov. 2"^', 1632.] Finally, in the same series, we fnul the copy of a letter to the Bristol merchants, written from London on November 19th, and endorsed, "Captain James his letter to the Comp., havinj^ delivered their lctt«^r to the Lords, and given his ]VIa'''= an account of his perigrinacon in the voyadge." " To the Wor" M' Humfrie Hooke, Alderman in the Cittic of Bristoll. " S', "Scone after my arriuall at london, I deliued yo"" gen'all l"'" to those ho'^'* p'sonages to whom they were directed, except to the Earle of Danby, who was not in towne. They were receiued, and my sclfe (by your un- deserued commendaifons) honorablie entertained ; and, as ' No signatures have been prcscrveU. i\\ »!■ •K i f: !' I 1 1 \M\ 1 T i i \ \ clxviii VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. by experience I haue found, they respect the worsest of yo' servants, the more amplie to make to appeare how- much they favOr you in gen'all, and any of the noble- minded of the Citty in particuler. In convenient time, they presented mee to his Ma"^,\vhoe accepted of y^ plot I presented him of my peregrinacons, and w'*^ a gratious patience heard mee read the briefc of my endeavo" ; w'*" w'^'' the conference, by way of questions and answeres, continued aboue twoe houres time. His Ma'''= seemed to bee well contented w''' my faithfuU p'sc- verance in the accon, and commaunded mee a second time to attend him and giue him a further relation, and to bring w'** mee Captaine Fox and Captaine Bruton, w'^'* went forth this yeere,^ the better comparatiuelie to iudge of o' proceedings. My weeke seruice, by yo" encouragem' and bountiful! accomodacoiis in my setting forth, appeared in all humilitie, so that his Ma''= welcomed mee home, and was pleased to say it satisfied his expectacon. Hee hath commaunded mee to attend here in london, and make an abstract of my Journall, and p'fect my observa- tions, and bring it to him ; W^'' I am about, and brieflie intend to efifecte, and know his further order. As I am but one of many, and albeit a parte to that w'^'^ was necessarie to perform the accon, I was not forgetfull to make kiiowne to him the charge you were at, and the spetiall kindnes w*^** for my encouragem' you haue shevven to mee : as, likewise, to manie lords at whose tables I haue beene entertained. All w'^'' doth the more bind mee ever to remaine Yor faithfuU servant, "Thomas James. " London, " Nov. 19, 1632." That Captain James was received by the King in a most ijracious manner is clear from this letter. It ' This should, of course be /<«/ year. T IH mm INTRODUCTION. clxix would be most interesting- to know what took place at the second audience with the King, when James was ordered to bring also " Captaine Fox, and Captaine Bruton, which went forth this year". Who the latter individual may have been I am quite unable to suggest, unless the name of Foxes master was Bruton, instead of Dune (see p. cxii). In reviewing generally the circumstances con- nected with James's voyage, the most striking feature will be found to be the extraordinary and incessant perils (chiefly arising from difficulties with the ice) which he encountered. If James has not exaggerated the dangers and the difficulties, his is certainly the most remarkable and perilous voyage ever underteiken from which any considerable num- ber of those engaged have escaped to tell the tale. Nor is this feature noticeable only in any special portion of the voyage, or in any particular part of the region explored : it is observable all through the narrative. James had scarcely entered Hudson's Strait before he found himself, according to his own account, in frightful danger, and likely at any moment to lose his ship. Again, he had no sooner entered the Bay than we hear of almost hourly hair's-breadth escapes from the ever-present ice. Scarcely had he got free before he ran upon some rocks ; and scarcely had he escaped this danger before an accident happened with the capstan, causing a number of his men to be injured, one of them fatally. On getting down into the Bay in which he afterwards wintered, and which has been ll! lil'i ■ r i;l 1 til ill p. i ^' : )l I I .1 clxx VOVAGKS OK FOXE AND JAMES. called after him. his narrative becomes little more than an account of how he escaped from incessant danijers, arising from the shoals which, we are told, surrounded him in every direction, and on which he struck more than once. Time after time, we read how the ship survived some danger which had for hours threatened to instantly destroy her, and how the crew then fell to prayers and thanked God matters were no worse. To quote instances would be to quote a very large portion of the narrative. The wintering must undoubtedly have been a time of great hardship ; but it is difficult to understand how it can have been really necessary to adopt the extraordinary expedient of sinking the ship in order to preserve her. On the return voyage, matters were much the same. For weeks together, the ship was almost immovably beset by the ice on the southern coast of Hudson's Bay. On at last es- caping, he says : " We then went to prayer and gave God hearty thanks, that had delivered us out of it. For we were hourly, for the space of six weeks, as it were, in the jaws of Death." It would be difficult to sum-up the foregoing remarks better than in the words of Sir John Barrow, who humorously says {Chronological His- tory of Voyages in the Arctic Regions, p. 250) : " Captain James's history of his voyage may be called a book of 'lamentation and weeping, and great mourning'. It is one continued strain of difficulties and dangers and complainings, from the first making of the ice off Cape F^arewell, till his m INTRODUCTION. :h ClXXl return to the same point." On the same subject. Ellis, in his Voyage to Hudson s Bay (London, 8vo, 1748, p. 64), says: "In the long account which Captain James has given us of his wintering, there is such a detail of miseries and hardships as might have been sufficient to have deterred any from venturing again into this Bay." Mr. Ivor James has expressed the same idea in his Source of ""the Ancient Mariner', wherein he says : " The most superficial examination of the narrative would excite interest. Once taken up, the book is not to be laid aside, ... I know of nothing like it in the whole range of the early literature of the sea. . . . The narrative is one long thrilling description of a fear- ful struggle with the forces of Nature on unknown shores ; of frightful storms in blinding mists and snows, in raging seas, among mountains and islands of ice, resistlessly driving and crushing ship and all against oth( r mountains and islands of ice. . . . The story throughout is one of terrors piled on terrors, until they weary with their endless monotony. . . . The account of James's voyage is, in many respects, I will venture to say, one of the most remarkable productions in the English language." It would, I think, be difficult for anyone to re- view all the circumstances of the case without comin.] ; " Tiie Preparations to the Voyage," [ip. 1-4 ; The Narrative of the Outward Voyage, p[). 5-53 ; The Narrative of the Wintering, |)p. 54-89 ; The Narrative of the Homeward Voyage, \)\). 90-111 ; Copy of the Letter left at Charlton Island, pp. I I 2-1 20; List of Nautical Instruments used upon the Voyage I ^u H :? fi TNTRODUCTION. CIXXIX The map (which is very often absent from other- wise perfect copies) is of far less historical interest than that which accomi)anies F^oxe's book, because, instead of depicting (like Foxe's) nearly the whole of the Arctic regions, as known at that day, it shows little more than the Bays of Hudson, Baffin, and James, and Hudson's Strait. It is en- titled, " The Piatt of Sayling for the Discovery of a Passage into the South Sea, 163 1-1632." In the left-hand upper corner is, " The trve portraict of Cap. Thomas lames. /luatis sua^ 40." He wears the pointed beard, long hair, and large embroidered collar of his time. Beneath the quarter-length figure are the words, " Some has a time." This reads much like a family motto ; but I cannot [2 |jp. 1 ; 'I'lie Manner of taking tin.' \'ariation of the Com[)ass [4 [)p. and Ijlank leaf | ; "An A[jpendi\ touching l.ongilude," signed " H. Gelhbrand" j6 pp.]; An Address to the Divinity Students at Cambridge, signed " X. Z." in most copies [ 10 pp. | ; Folding map, with portrait of autiior in corner (variously placed). 'There are in the Hritisti Museum three copies of James's work, which differ somewhat from one anotlier in various details. (^ne copy (C. 32. d. 9), though not in very good condition, is quite perfect, with the exception of the Advertisement. It is remarkable (and, so far as 1 know, uni(iue) as having the signa- ture "W. Watts", instead of tiie usual "X. /,."' The (Irenville copy (G. 7166) is in superl) conditi(jn and [jcrfect, even to the Advertisement. It contains a few MS. notes signed "J. H. 1? Barrow], 1791." 'The copy in the King's Library (<^ 362, c. 3), though erroneously marked perfect, wants both the map and the Advertisement, while the Letter from Nash precedes the Address to the King, instead of following it, as usual. There is also a separate copy oi'the map (Maps 70095-3), which is perfect, with the exception of the portrait, which lias been cut out. ft 2 •(1 I ; ', ,s 'I In .1 ii k %i IS' n6' i :lxxx voYAr.p:s OF foxe and james. discover that it was ever borne either by James or any other family. The fact of the portrait appear- ing upon the map has, as one writer observes, " occasioned the destruction [or, rather, mutilation] of many copies of the book by the Grangerites' } The portrait was re-cnj^raved, on a considerably enlarged scale, for the Supplement to Richardson's Collection of Portraits illustrating Crranger (vol. ii, No. 13. London, 410., 1S22).- The plate is now in the possession of Mr. W. V. Daniell, of 53, Mortimer Street, Cavendish Square, and from it has been printed the portrait of James which ap- pears as the frontispiece of the second volume of this work. The facsimile of James's autograph, which appears below the portrait, has been copied from a document in the Record Office. On the opposite, or right-hand, upper corner of James's map, James's Bay is reproduced on an enlarged 1 The " Grangerites" were the followers of the Rev. James Granger, author of The Biographical History oj England (London, 2 vols., 4to., 1769), whose collection of engraved por- traits illustrating his great work, amounting to 14,000, was sold in 1778. Several supplements to his work have been published. He was born in Dorsetshire in 1723, and died at Basingstoke in 1810. - Seyer says {Memoirs of Bristol, vol. ii, p. 283) he found this n Jte in a copy of James's work lent him by C. J. Harford, Esq. : "Three guineas, Harding assured me, have been given for it {i.e., the portrait]. He re-engraved it [? for Richardson], and that cannot now be had. I have in vain searched for a portrait of this certainly great seaman in the Council-House and Merchants' Hall [at Bristol]." ii v., -»*..<»— INTRODUCTION. clxxxi scale, Charlton and the neighbouring islands being named/ James's narrative, iinh'ke Foxe's, has been fre- qnep^^ly reprinted in ,i more or less incomplete form. This certainly cannot be ascribed to its having possessed any great geographical value, for it has but little such — far less, in fiict, than Foxe's. But it had what Foxe's book lacked : it had consider- able general interest as a narrative of adventure by sea in a then-almost-unknown portion of the world. It had also been well and clearly written, which feature Foxe's book conspicuously lacked. The "Second Edition, revised and corrected", appeared in 1 740 as a demy octavo volume of [10]- 1 42 pp. and a map.' This edition, however, is immeasurably inferior to the original. The punc- ^ Mr. Coote has kindly drawn my attention to the fact that there is in the British Museum {Add. ATS. 5415. G. i) a curious old MS. map which is identical in all particulars with that of Capt. James. It may be the original from which the engraver worked, or a copy of later date ; but the appearance of the paper proves Us age. "^ The title-page bears the following imprint : " London : Printed in 1633, and now Reprinted for 0[live] Payne, at Horace's Head, in Pope's Head Alley, Corn/til/^ over-against the Royal Exchange, 'i^mccxh. Price bound Two Shillings and Six Pence." An "advertisement concerning this Edition", signed by the pub- lisher, says : " The universal good Character this Voyage has among the Judicious for its Integrity and Simplicity, and the great scarcity of it (having been sold for 15^. and a Guinea in several Auctions), are sufficient Motives for the Reprinting of it ; likewise, we hope it will prove useful and agreeable to the Publick." ; r u il; |i W\ ClXXXll V()VA^;KS 01- lOXE AND JAMES. ■Il) tuation and orthograj)hy were brought up to date throughout ; but the matter does not seem to have been in any other respect tampered with, except by the omission of James's two poetic effusions/ the interesting letter left at Charlton Island, and the irrelevant "Advise" at the end. The map was re- engraved entirely, but without any alteration what- ever, except in the spelling of certain names and the omission of the portrait of James. That there should have been no alteration in the nvc'p, especially in that part of it depicting James's Bay, was un- pardonable ; for. in 1 740, the configuration of that bay was tolerably well known, the vessels belong- ing to the Hudson's Bay Company having made many voyages to the Company's posts or " factories" around its shore.^ The map is often missing from this edition.^ The next and last separate edition of James's book appeared in 1807, ^s a tiny pott octavo volume of 60 pp., entitled 7/ie Voyages and Distresses of Captain T. James and Mr. H. Ellis for the Dis- covery of a North- West Passage to the South Seas. There is an engraved frontispiece representing the ' See pp. 505 and 564. '^ Moreover, only eight years later (in 1748), there was pub- lished a map of Hudson's Bay, which (except as regards minor details) shows the Bay almost as correctly as maps of the present day, namely, that in Ellis's Voyage to Hudson's Bay (London, 8vo., 1748). '* There is one perfect copy in the British Museum (G. 15982), which seems to have served as the copy for some later reprint, as several passages arc marked for omission. tl INTRODUCTKJN. ClXXXUl y incident vvliich occurred on Charlton Island on June 25th, 1632. when Captain James, who had climbed a tree, barely escaped with his life from a forest-fire which he had ordered one of his men to light. James's narrative, which occupies the first thirty- two pages, has been greatly abridged. There is nothing to show by whom this condensation was effected, but it seems to have been clone judiciously. The work was printed by T. Maiden for Ann Lemoine and J. Roe. Beside the above editions in separate form, Cap- tain James's work has been frequently reprinted, more or less abridged, in various collections of voyages and travels. The following is a chrono- logical list of the chief of these reprints :— 1705. Ill Harris's Xavigantiuin atque Itinerantiuui BibliotJieca, etc., vol. i, pp. 593-608 (London, 2 vols., fc). The map and most of the preliminary matter and appen- dices are omitted ; the narrative is in part an almost ver- batim, and in parts an abridged, reprint. 1704. In A. and J. Churchill's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. ii, pp. 479-544 (London, 6 vols,, fo., 1704- 1732). A very perfect reprint ; nothing omitted except the map, the Address to the King, and the letter from Nash ; even the " Advise" is inserted ; the orthography is to some extent brought up to date. 1 741. In the fir-st of the three parts of Daniel Coxe's Collection of Voyages and Travels (London, dy. 8vo.). Identical with the second separate edition of 1740 (see p. clxxxi), and published, like it, by Olive Payne, who clearly sought to dispose of his " remainder stock" of this and two other works he had previously published by binding up in one volume with a general title-page. Coxe, although his name appears on the title-page, seems only to I'r: ilil 1 1 1 1 Pi I ' lri< 1 f' l'} 1 ^ 1 1 11 I' . if Clxxxviii VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. The Hon. Robert Boyle, ^ in the latter part of his JVezu Experiments and Observations touching Cold (London. 8vo., 1665), makes many references to Captain James and extracts from his worlc, while the following passage occurs in the author's pre- face : — " Captain James, [is] a person from whose journal I have borrowed more observations then from those [? thai\ of any othci seaman This gentleman was much commended to me, both by some friends of mine who were well acquainted with him, and by the esteem that com- petent Judges appear to have made of him. For, having been not only imnloyed by the Inquisitive Merchants ot Bristol to discover a Northwest Passage into the South Sea, but designed for so difficult a work by so judicious a Prince as the late King ; and, having at his return pub- lished his Voyages by his Majesties command ; as by these circumstances (though not by these only) this Gentleman's Relations may well be represented to us as likely to deserve our consideration and credit : so, by his breeding in the University, and [by] his acquaint- ance with the Mathematicks, he was enabled to make far better use then an ordinary sea-man would have done of the opportunity he had to observe the Phaenomena of Cold, by being forced to winter in a place where he ^ The Hon. Robert Boyle, an eminent chemist, theologian, and natural philosopher, was the seventh son and fourteenth child of the Earl of Cork, and was born at Lismore Castle, Ireland, in 1627. He was highly educated, both at home and abroad, and early showed a great aptitude for scientific studies. He was one of the founders of the Royal Society, was the author of many learned works, and was regarded as the leading philoso- pher of his own day. During the latter part of his life, he resided in London, where he died in December 1691. i INTRODUCTION. clxxxix endured little (if at all less) extremity of cold then that of Nova Zemblar^ Southey, who was (like Captain James himself) a native of Bristol, noticed the poetic efforts contained in James's narrative ; for in his Omniana (vol. ii, p. 1x8; London i2mo., 1812) he quotes the lines appearing on p. 505 with the remark that "The circumstances under which they were written would alone render them curious, even to those who cannot pardon the mannerism of that age. But it is hoped there are many readers who are capable of understanding the strain of fine and manly feeling which is breatheo in them." He then refers to the lines occurring on p. 564 as " the other and far finer poem". Such a tribute of praise from Southey is of much interest. These lines are, moreover, con- sidered by Mr. Ivor James {Source of ''The Ancient Mariner\ p. 79) to be " remarkable as containing one of the best of the conceits which distinguish the poetic literature of the early seventeenth century." Without doubt, however, the most interesting connection between Captain James's work and more recent English literature lies in the fact that James's narrative seems to have been a source — to some extent, at least^ — of Coleridge's Ancient Mariner. This fact was, I believe, first pointed out by the late Mr. J. F. Nicholls, Librarian to the ^ As the editor of t'Hisfoire des Naiifragcs rtniaiks (vol. i, p 153) : — " L'usage que le savant Hoyle en a fait dans ses ouvrages a donnd un grand relief au Journal de James." ■I 1, : i ■J: I \ ■;■ \, ■t\ \ ,. III CXC VOYAdES OF FOXE AND JAMES. City of Bristol, who, in his account of Captain James {^Bristol Biographies, No. 2, p. 76), says : "It is very Hkcly indeed that S. T. Coleridge, who was a regular and daily frequenter of our old City Library, derived his marrow-chilling scenes, depicted in that unique and immortal poem, The Ancient Mariner, from Captain James's Strange and Dangerous l^oya^^c." The credit, however, of having more fully inves- tigat(*d and drawn attention to the matter belongs undoubtedly to Mr. Ivor James, of the University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire, at Cardiff, who, in an interesting and scholarly pamph- let, entitled 77/i' Soitrce of ''The Ancient Mariner' (Cardiff, 88 pp., i6mo., 1890), discusses the question very minutely. After a careful perusal of Mr. James's arguments, I have come to the conclusion that (although he has endeavoured t(^ pro\e too much in attempting to show that Captain James's Strange and Dangerous Voyage was tiiI'; source of the poem) he has amply made out a good case, and has proved that the voyage in cjuestion undoubtedly formed an important source of that rugged and gruesome poem, The Rime of the Ancient Mariner. That Coleridge should have borrowed the design and moral of his poem from an earlier source was in no way remarkable, for Shakespeare and many (if not most) other writers of higher standing than he have done the same. Nor was there anything at all remarkable in the fact that Captain James's narrative should have i INTRODUCTION. CXCl tru afforded to the poet many of the main ideas of his now celebrated poem ; for the very striking, and indeed unique, character of that narrative has been already alluded to {ante, p. clxxi). Moreover, James's work contains many things likely to interest a resident in Bristol, which Coleridge was for some years previous to the publication of the Lyrical Ballads (in which The Ancient Marinei' first appeared), having spent the grt^ater part of his time, from the autumn of 1794 to the close of 1798, in or near that ancient seaport.^ After stating that the poem was first published in I 798, but without the marginal gloss that was after- wards added, Mr. James goes on to show that, although the poem was substantially Coleridge's, \\^)rdsworth was responsible for some of the pass- ages, and probably suggested some of the incidents, including that of the shooting of the albatross, which he had borrowed from Captain Shelvocke's Voyage round the World by Way of the Great South Sea (London, 8vo., 1726. p. 72). Mr. J;nn(;s also alludes * Mr. James devotes a long note to proving tliat C'oleridge had, ill all probability, seen a (-erlain copy of (."aptain James's work which is preserved in the Old Bristol Library. It was, however, afterwards [)ointed out {.If/wihci/ni, March 8th, iSyo) that the copy in ipiestion was not in the Library in ("okritlge's time, so that he could not have seen it. That he should have done so is in no way material to the argument ; for he might easily have seen another copy, or he might have read the ri'|jrints in the collections of (.'hurchill or Harris. .\l any rate, we may assume with conlidenre that (,'oleridge knew James's work, for we know that Southey (who was iiis inseparable companion) knew of it and quoted from it. i ' 1 It: m\ wmms wnmmm. wm ji » CXCll VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. to the statements of Wordsworth, De Quincey, and others as to the sources whence Coleridge obtained the main idea of his poem, and he then states his own contention, which he summarises as follows (p. i8): "In the captain's journal, I am strongly inclined to believe, Coleridge did find what ulti- mately proved to be the leading incidents of the ' Ancient Mariner' of the poem. The story, in truth, must have haunted him Between the poem and the narrative there are a great many coincidences which cannot be explained, except on the assumption that the poet's source is the cap- tain's journal of his voyage to the North- West." Mr. Ivor James endeavours to prove this conten- tion by adducing similar passages or ideas taken from both works. This he does under various headings, the first of which relates to mentions of ice, snow, and cold. 7'his is not the place to enter upon a purely literary discussion of the matter, but I propose hereafter to enter upon such a discussion elsewhere. It will suffice, therefore, to say that Mr. Ivor James brings forward so many small points of resemblance between the poem and the narrative that it is difficult to explain them except on the assumption that the former is, to some extent at least, derived from the latter. A few such points of resemblance niight be regarded as mere coincidences, but the number of them in this case is too great to permit of this supposition, though the evidence afforded by individual instances is very small. Thus, the very name of the poem — INTKUDLCTIUX, CXCllI The Rinir of the Ancient JMariuer is of interest ; for, in 1798, when Coleridi^e wrott;, James (who had sailed one hundred and seventy years earlier) might have been well described as "an Ancient Mariner". The use by Coleridge of the word Rime a sixteenth- century form of the word — instead of the more modern Rhyme, is not without significance, for Cap- tain James describes some of his own verses as "ragged and teared Rimes" (see p. 505). On th(! whole, as 1 have already said. I think it has been clearly shown that James's Stranoe an i Dangerous I'oyage was at least one of the sources — perhaps the chief source, but certainly only one among several — of Coleridge's Rime of the Ancient Mariner. Of Captain James's short but useful career, be- tween his return from the North-West in October 1632, and his death early in 1635, we have a toler- ably clear outline in the State Papers of the period, and The Earl of St rafj'orde's Letters and Dispatches (2 vols., fo., London, 1739), wherein his name fre- quently appears. His deserts seem to have been much more fully recognised by the authorities than were those of Button, Foxe, and some othc^rs who h.id previously distinguished themselves in the search for a North-West Passage ; and, during the period above- named, we hear of him as the trusted commander of one of the King's shii)s in the Irish Seas. It is not quite clear why James should ha\e beiii thus favoured; for, although whilst upon the voyage he had certainly shown much perseverance, he had ■ f; i t in CXCIV VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. !■ '.' ^' I by no means distini^uished himself as an explorer, and his results had fallen far short of what they should have been. Nevertheless, it is quite obvious that his proceedings met with the almost universal approval of his contemporaries. The King, the Court, the Bristol merchants, and the general public all seem to have been satisfied. Probably sym- pathy with him in the extreme hardships he had undoubtedly undergone had a good deal to do with the matter (his admirers being unable to see, as we can now, that his innumerable misfortunes had been largely due to his own bad management), especially as he was in himself an estimable gentleman, and, under ordinary circumstances, was, without doubt, a skilful sea-captain. Still, the honours James re- ceiv'id must have proved very galling to Foxe, who met with nothing but neglect, although he had, under similar circumstances, accomplished much more than James, and whose skill and good judg- ment had enabled him to avoid those innumerable perils which seem to have gained for James so much misi)laced sympathy. On April 6th 1633, about six months after James's return from the North-West, and within a month of the publication of his book, we find him appointed by warrant of the Lords of the Admiralty to the command t)f the Ninth Wliclp of the Lion {State Papers, Domestic, vol. ccxxviii, fo. 36), in the place of a certain Captain Cooper, who had quarrelled with some of his chief officers. The Ninth Whelp was a pinnace then undergoing extensive repairs at I'll ' Pi INTRODUCTION. CXCV Bristol, and was intended for the 'jfuard of the Irish coast and the Bristol Channel.^ Ten days later, James writes to their Lordships rei)orting his arrival at Bristol from London on the 13th, and stating that, having received an order for money, he had arranged for the immediate preparation of the ship for sea, which he thought would occupy six weeks" [idid., vol. ccxxxvii, no. 2). At the same time, he wrote to Edward Nicholas, the Secretary to the Lords of the Admiralty (see p. 397), to niuch the same effect, and asking for instructions as to what he was to do with reference to the differences existing among his crew, as already mentioned. "I tinde [he says] much dissention and mallice amongst the companie. I would knowe the lordes pleasure, whether I maye not dismiss such as have bene faccious and opposit to the Mayster, Mr. Brooke," etc., etc. (/. r., no. 3). Brooke also wrote to Nicholas at the same time, reporting the captain's arrival and other matters (/. r., no. 4). On April 22nd, James wrote to Nicholas respecting some stores he wanted (/. c, no. 22), and on the 28th he reports to him that so 1 l'"roni January 5th, 1629-30, to July 31st, 163 1, she liad been cnffaged in the same service under the comniand of Sir Thomas Button {State PdJ^ers, Domestic^ \()1. ccciii, no. 10). - This and all the other letters [)reserved aiiionu,' the State Pai)ers are wholly in James's handwriting, and are sealed (like his will) with a seal hearing ; (Juarlerly, ist and 4th, an I'lephant's head erased; 2nd and 3rd, three millrinds (?) or castles (?), two and one. Crest : out of a coronet, a hand (?) holding a spear (?) or sceptre (?). I can find no such coat in Uurke's .■Irmoury or I'apworth's Dic- tioiiaiy. 2 w n ;!i lis >i:i 'U1 i j, '{'.. r r :!' H ; t fi i CXCVl VOYACKS OF FOXE AND JAMES. much dilifrence had been used that he expected the ship to be ready for sea by May i8th. He begs Nicholas to send down the gunner's stores, and the instructions from the Lords of the Admiralty ; and (as though to hasten him) he adds that pirates were about, and that ships entering Bristol reporte.d hav- ing been chased by them (/. r., no. 57). On May 13th (the stores and instructions not having arrived), James wrote a still more urgent letter to Nicholas, begging him to hasten their dispatch. He adds that he expected to have his ship in the Roads by the 15th, and that the merchants were beseeching him to get to sea for their protection against the pirates then infesting the Bristol Channel(//^?V.,vol.ccx.\xviii, no. 66). Three days later, Robert Kitchen, the agent of the Admiralty in Bristcil, wrote to the Admiralty from on board the Ninth Whelp, report- ing that the ship had been got into the King's Road on the 15th ; that the gunner's stores were expected on the 1 8th ; and that, immediately after their arrival, the ship would put to sea. Kitchen also reported that an agent of Captain Cooper had arrived from London with a warrant, and had arrested several of the officers, who were charged by Cooper with irregularities whilst under his command ; but that James had taken the part of his officers, whom he found to be good and com[)etent men ; and that, having been before the Mayor of Bristol, James had obtained their release, saying that their arrest had been malicious and would prevent his departure (/. r., n(j. 81). At the same time, James reported these ^^ m ixTKonrcTiox. CXC\I1 facts to Nicholas, adclino- that he intended to sail on the 2 1 St (/. r., no. 82). On the same day, too, the Mayor also wrote reporting his action in the matter to Nicholas (/. r., no. 90). James set sail as intended on May 21st, as he reports in a letter to Nicholas penned on that day, in which he again repeats his statement that pirates were in the vicinity (/^/V/., vol. ccxxxix, no. 18), Nor was this statement baseless, for, on July 2nd, Admiral Sir Richard Plumleigh, under whom James was serving, reported to Nicholas that he had sent the Ninth Whelp to search the Severn, and that she had lighted upon a pirate in Milford Haven, commanded by an " arch-rogue" named Gosman, who, having previously seized a Plymouth bark in Youghal Harbour, was trading with some knaves on shore for powder and muskets, but that his market was spoiled, and four of the principals delivered to justice, while the rest lied inland {ibid., vol. ccxlii. no. 13). On the 4th, Captain Charles Keane of the Antelope (the consort of the Ninth Jihelp) also informed Nicholas that Captain James had "latelie crushed a small piratt in the egge" (/. e.y no. 27). This fact, Nicholas duly re- ported to the Lords of the Admiralty on the 6th (/. c, no. 36). A month later, on August 3rd, their Lordships instructed him to continue still upon the Irish coast, and to apply himself to guarding the same and the mouth of the Severn {ibid., vol. ccxliv, no. 14). On the 15th, James was back in Bristol with his ship, replacing his mainmast, which had been sprung. He then made application for four \ i 11 r» "^ 11 /■ I ,'i it i; t lii . I »l| :h in- ' I'- ll] 1 ill CXCVIII vr)VAr.Fs OF foxk and tames. i.'|! more, brass ^uns, of which he stood in need (/. c, no. 65). Atter this he was prol^ably en^ai^'ed for some time at sea, for we do not hear of him a^ain imtil October 4lh, when lie was off th.e Isle of Man, inter- viewing^ the Ciovernor. Captain Christian, to obtain information concerning pirates, by order of the Lord Deputy of Ireland, the Earl of Strafford (see p. 352). Captain Christian seems to have had more sympathy with the pirates than with James ; but, after some trouble, James got him to write a report to the Lord Deputy of what had occurred i^Lctters and Dispatches, vol. i. p. 118). This report, James enclosed in a dispatch of his own to the Lord Deputy, dated October 16th, in which he related the events of his visit to the Isle of Man (/. c, vol. i, p. 126). The Lord Deputy enclosed both of these letters in a dis- patch of his own, dated October 23rd, to the Lords of the Admiralty, in which he reports James's arrival at Dublin from the north, which part of the Channctl was free from pirates. The Lord Deputy adds that, as three valuable laden merchant ships had for some time lain in Dublin Harbour, not daring to sail for fear of pirates to the southward, he had appointed Captain James to convoy them as far as Scilly, and then to fall off towards Kinsale. That Captain James's services had given great satisfaction to the Lord Deputy may be inferred from a passage in the same letter, in which his lordship says : 'T must give the Captain the testimony of [being] a very diligent attendant upon his charge ; of [being] a very civil man in his conversation, and [an] able man in his pro- .ii I IS ipw^ INTRODUCTION. CXCIX fesslon and so [I] recommend him to your Lordshij)'s favour ; for, in truth, he deserves to be esteemed and remembred as occasion serves" (/. c, vol. i, p. i ^V^)- If Captain James had given satisfaction, however, it is clear that he had himself much cause for dissatis- faction, to judge from a letter written by the Lord Deputy to Secretary Coke on the same day as the foregoing, in which appears the following passage : — " Now comes in Captain James, [who] tells me again he hath not eat one sweet piece of beef since he went last to sea ; that his men are almost poisoned with it, their lips broke forth, distempered in their health by it, and all ready to run away from him, which is the greatest shame and dishonour in the world." Referring to those who were responsible for this disgraceful state of things rhe Lord Deputy says: " And, considering this villainy was done at land, hang them if there be law for it ; or, at least, so pillory and slit their ears that others shall take little pleasure to serve the King so hereafter" (/. c, vol. i, p. 135). The perfect satisfaction which James's conduct had given to the Lord Deputy may be further seen from a letter which the latter wrote from Dublin to Secretary Coke on November 8th, in which he says : — " If it may please my Lords of the Achniralty, [let them appoint, for next year's service in the Irish Channel], no other Admiral or Captain than Sir Richard Plumleigh and Captain James, who have acquit themselves passing well in this year's service, which I desire may be represented to my Lords the Commissioners of the Admiralty" '■\ . !. 1 » ^ mmmmmmm W I cc VOVAC.KS OV KOXF, AND JAAIKS. !^' • I.. yi it *»:. (/. r., vol. 1, p. 152). Writino" on the same day to th(! Lords of the Admiralty, the Lord Deputy r(!j)orts James as beino- then at Kinsale, hut adds that, by the 14th of December, he would return for repairs to Bristol, there to remain until the following March, by the i 5th of which nionth he wished him to be back at Kinsale (/. c, vol. i, p. 154). Ac- cordingly, on December 2nd, orders were issued from the Admiralty that the Niidh IV help was to return to Bristol by the end of the month, that her crew was t(j be discharged, and that she was to be got re, dy for service again by the ist of JVLuxh following (1633-34), when she was to have a com- j)lement of sixty men [State Papers, I.\v;:cstie, vol. ccxxviii, fo. 98^7;). These orders were doubtless carried out, for, on December 31st, we fmd James writing to their Lordships desiring to know whether or not he was to come up and attend them in person or wo [ibid., vol. ccliv, no. 19, and vol. cclvi'i, no. 15). No reply is recorded, but there can be p(^ doubt that James did come up to London at this time ; for, on January i6th, 1633-34, Sir Richard Flumleigh, writing to the Lord Deputy in Dublin, says: " Captain Jamc:s and myself give our daily attend- ance on the Lords [of the y\dmiralty], and are warned to be ready by the 1st of March to go on .shipboard, but I fear we shall (except your Lordship assiit us) fall short of that reckoning" [/.ctters and J)ispatc/ies, \()1. i, p. 180). (^n January 1 ilh (i)ro- bably because James was in London), his pi'tition of four months earlier for four additional <>uns was , i p^?9^1 il ixTRonrcTiox, CCI considered by the Lords {Sfafc Papers. Domestic, vol. cclviii, no 51), but no dec "sion is recorded. Three days later, however, the matter was aL;ain considered, probal)ly loecause in a lonc^ letter written on the loth (/. r.. no. 43) James had aprjiin asked urgently for the four guns, together with many smaller pieces of ordnance, pistols, and pikes, those of the latter in use on his shij) having their heads eatcMi up with rust and their handles rotten. This time the curt reply was, "There are none to spare;" ! (/. c., no. 65). Meanwhile, the jViiit/i ]VIielp was refitting at Bristol, and Kitchen reports that she would not be ready for .sea again before the loth or 15th of March. Cap- tain Cooper also renewed his att(;mpt to arrest some of the officers of the shij) ; but, y^^w the matter being officially investigated, they were discharged {ibid., vol. cclviii, no. 60 ; vol. cclix, nos. 9, 24, and 25 ; and vol. cclx, no. 34). On January 2Sth, one; L(;wis Gwillim wrote to Captain James informing him that two pirates were frecjuenting Lundy for the purjiose of robbing the vc:ssels i)assing between liristol and Ireland, amlljegging him to get to sea again as soon as possible {ibid., vol. cclix, no. 52). It was [jrobably this letter which w.is considered by th(! Lords of the Admiralty on l'"el)ruary Sth {ibid., vol. cclx, no. 34) ; but nothing' could be done then, lor the ship was still not expected to be read)- lor sea until the following month (/. c, no. 73). and the warrant re- appointing James to the conimaiul ol her was not issued until February i()lh {ibid., \'ol. ((xwiii. fo. Il6l).) On the; 24th of l''ebruary. James writes to if ■fi I' ^iii^ 1 :;f !. mnnmrnmB ■gF'BBfS mmmr mmm H? ceil VOYAGES OF FOX'K AND JAMES. MIf Nicholas reporting his arrival in Bristol, where he found his shi[) likely to be ready by the 8th or 9th of March, and he asked for his instructions from the Lords. He adds that the Bristol merchants were in great fear of the pirates then infesting the Channel (idi(/., vol. cclx, no. 10 1). On the 15th of March (foul weather having prevented an earlier start), James wrote to the Lords of the Admiralty reporting that, with the first fair wind, he should put to sea ; and, after seeing that the Channel was clear of pirates and touching at Milford, he would make for the Irish coast, where, after informing the Lord Deputy of his arrival, he should range about Cape Clear [ibid., vol. cclxii, no. 79). On the same day he also wrote to Nicholas to the same effect (/. r., no. 81), and Kitchen reported the same facts (/. c, no. 89). During the following month, in a kindly letter to Nicholas,^ he strongly recommended the master of the Ninth IV/iclp, William Brooke, who was one of those arrested, but of whom James held a high opinion (/. r., cclxvi, no. yy). After this, for some totally unexplained reason, we hear almost nothing of James during the rest of the year 1634. There are no letters from him to the Lords of the Admiralty or to Nicholas, and there is only a passing mention of him in The Earl of Strajjordcs Letters and Dispatehes. One cannot even trace the movements of his ship. ' This letter is undated, but it may lie safely assigned to April or May 1634, as it contains a reference to the recent death of Sir Thomas Button. "P • . J" •• ■■• WH-nJ" mtmmmm WfFV] INTRODUCTION. CCUl There is little doubt that she was still employed in the service to which she was appointed ; f(3r the Lord Deputy, writiiiL^ to Secretary Coke on Aui^aist i8th, speaks of sending back some unserviceable powder by Captain James {Leficrs and Dispatches, vol. i, [). 280 . Further, the Lord Deputy, writing to the same correspondent on June 24th {I.e., p. 269), says that the merchants had been " much comforted, firiding these rovers \_i.e., the pirates] in a manner quite driven off this coast by the guard of His Ahijesty's ships, who have indeed so well attended their charge as I hear not of any complaint at all this summer." T'ither fames performed his duties so satisfactorily that there was nothing to report con- cerning him, or else he became ill and had to resign his command. The latter seems a not unlikely supposition in the light of a letter which he wrote from Bristol to Nicholas, on January 29th, 1634-35, in which \\v. says : " It has pleas(;d (iod to visitt me with sickenesse, that for this year I am vtterly dis- abled for any Im[)loyment ; yet my Hart is sound and strong, and full of desire to doe his Ahit'" service, which I will Ik; forward to t(Mider as soone as I can recouer my strength and former sufficitMuy." James then proceetls vt:r)' strongly to recommend to Nicholas his master's mate, William Purser bv name, who had se.r\'ed under him two \'ears, aiul who, although he had lost one hand, James considercxl one of tht; \v.\'\ best mariners and nax'igalors, both practical and theoretical, he hatl ever known {Slate J\xpers, Poniestie, vol. cclwxii, no. 104). This )r> '. I) II \ i i m ■ if .' i i 1 ) 1 ll i: 1 li CCIV VOVACKS OF KOXl". AND lAMKS. frequent recommendation of his officers for promo- tion shows James in a very favourable lij^ht. Hut if James's heart was still sound, his illness was to prove his last. After writinij^ to Nicholas he probably o-rew rapidly worse, and a month later he made his will as follows : — /// ///(• f/i////c of God, Amen. The cit;ht ami twentieth da)' f)f ffobruary Anno Dni one thousand six hundred thirtie foure [1634-35], Annoij. Regis Caroli rex dccimo. I, Thomas James, of the Citty of liristoll, Gent., being sick in body but of soi.nd aiid i)'fect memory, doe make my last Will and Testament in forme following : viz., firsl and i)rincii)ally, I coiTicnd my Soule into the handes of Almighty (jod m}- Maker, hoi^cing to be saved onlie by the death of Jesus Christ my Savio', and my body to the earth from whence it came, to be laj'cd in Christian buriall. Item : .\s touchinge \\\y worldly estate, which God of his great mercy hath lent me (haveing already disi)osed of m)- lands by decdc), I doe forgive to mine elder brother, John James, Kscjuier, all such debts and somes of money w''' hce oweth mcc, w'"' is twoe hundred and fyftie jioundcs and upwards. All the rest of my goods, cattels, chattels, debts, Jewells, mone)', ami other estate whatsoever (my debts paj'cd and funeralle discharged) I give and bequeathe to my loveingc sister Katherinc Lacic, widdowe, whomc I make and appoint to be full and sole ICxccutrix of this my last Will and Testament. \\\ witness whereof, I have put tf) mj-ne hand and Scale the day and \-eare above written. Thomas Jamks.' .Signed, sealed, and acknowledged the da)' and )-eare al:)o\e written in the p'sence of Richard rownall,Will"' Yeamaiis, George Howcher, Rich.-ird Henry, ffra. Yeamans. ' 'i his will (of which llic signauirc only is in James's luuid- m INTRODIX'TIOX. CCV In the instructions dated March ^V'tl 1635, from the Lords of the Admiralty to Sir Richard IMum- leigh, as Achniral of the Fleet aj)pointed for the i^uard of the Irish coast, we find a reference to the appointment of Sir P)everley Newcomen as Ca[)tain of the Ninth Whelp "during her present employ- ment", and in place of Captain ]c\mii^[Siafc Papers, Domestic, vol. cclxiv, fo. '^^a)} This may mean that the ap[)ointment was only temporary, and that James was still expected to recover ; but, if he was alive on March 3rd, he must have died soon after, for his will was proved on May 4th, 1635. It may very well be that his health had been undermined by the hardships endured upon his voyage, but of this we have no proof. It is strange that Fo\(! and James should have died within a few weeks of one another, !)ut such was the case. James's place of burial is unknown ; but it was probably in St. Mark's Church, otherwise known as the Mayor's Chapel, at Bristol.'^ On the monument of Alderman Thomas James, in the south end of ,.iti t'C't :' i1 writing) is sealed with the same seal as his letters preserved in the Public Record Ottice (see p. cxcv, note). ^ There are, among the State l'a|.)crs, many later referencLs to the Nintli Whelp, as being either vunler repairs at liristol or serving in the Irish Channel during the years i6;,5 and 1656, with Newcomen as Captain and Hrooke as Master. - It is not now [jossible to substantiate this [)robal)ilil\, as the rector, the Rev. J. H. bright, has been good enough to inform me that the registers were unfortunately destroyed at the lime of the Bristol Kiots in 1S32, when the tiien Council House, wherein they were kept, was burned. 7^' fWRBnasMnnn mamm^mmmmiaaa I) m ] j m < ii !^ i CCVl VOVACIKS OF KOXK AND [AMKS. the aisle of the said church, is the following Inscrip- tion : — "This monument was erected for Thomas James, mer- chant, twice Mayor of this City, and Parh'ament-man for the same in the Rcitrns of Queen Elizabeth and Kintr James First, lie died in the year 1 613. Here also lieth the body of Thomas James, Esq., of Bristol, Harrister-at- Law and son of the said Thomas James. He died in the year 1665. Here also lieth the body of Alexander James, of Tydcnham, in the County of Gloucester, son of the said Thomas James, Jr., Esq. He died in the year 1713-" As Nicholls has shown {/yris/o/ JViOi^rapliics, no. 2, p. 59). this inscription (which is of the eig'hteenth century, and rei)laces an earlier one now effaced) is full of errors. Thus, Kino- James would not have been described as " the hrst" twelve years before his death and nineteen years before the second of that name was born ; while Alderman James died in January 1618-19, not 161 3. Further, if the Thomas James who is described as a barrister is identical (as seems probable) with Captain Thomas James, he died in 1635, not 1665. The corrosion of the stone would account for the error in both these dates. Moreover, Captain Thomas Janu:s was, almost certainly, not a son of y\lderman Thomas Jame.s, as stated. Aoain, as Alderman James had a son Alexander (as we learn from his will at Somerset House), the Alexander mentioned above was probably a son of the Alderman, not of the Captain. 'I'lu; absence from the will of the latter of any mention of wife or children, and the fact that T mmmmmmmm^ ipurr^l INTRODUCTION. CCVII the property was left to a sister, entitles us to assume that he died unmarried. As to whether or not Captain I'homas James was a barrister and a member of the Inner Temple, I have made considerable research. Nash,' writing from the Inner Temi)le, addresses him (see p. 45 i)as "my worthy friend and fellow Templar"; Boyle speaks of "his breeding in the University" (see p. clxxxviii), which probably mcians much the same thing ; while, on the monument at Bristol, we find a Thomas James (probably the Captain) also spoken of as a barrister. I have, by the kind permission of the Treasurer of the Inner Temple, searched the ancient Register of Admissions to that body, and therein I fmd the following entry in 1612 : — Jatncs. Thomas James dc (Iwenic y combe in com. Monmouth (icncrosus admissus est in sucia- tatem istius coitivac in consid. sexaginla sex iii' vi'' viii'i soHdonTi octo denarioriTi prcmanilnis sohit xxviij die Aprilis annoq. JacoI)i rex decimo. CHAKI.KS JA.MKS. plegi John Jamks, jun. As the evidence seems prelt)' clear that Captain Thomas James had entered at the Inner Temple, and as the records of that b()d\' contain no mention of another Thomas James, we may, I think, fairly assume that the above record relates to the Captain, il'i ■I •i « ; t ' According to \\vz MciiilHrs (u/inif/cd /o tlw Inner Temple, 154^- j66o, p. 180, Nash (see p. 452, note) was "an eminent hngiiist and jurist", who was born at Worcester, was admitted in 1607, was called to the Bar in 1616, died in August 1 64V(iji;c to Iliidsoiis Ba\\ i-oiulun, 1748, 8vo, p. xx) that "Capt. Luke I'ox has been pretty much censured ; but, notwithstandhig this, he was certaiiil\' a very good seaman, though a very bad writer." '^r^m It: ■■■ ! '■ lli ii ! i ' ; I Bl",t ccx VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. The voyage undertaken in that year was, moreover, essentially a tradiu(!^ voyage, and was made without any serious thought of searching further for a pas- sage. It was commanded by a Captain Zachariah Gillam, and its sole object was the establishment of a trade in furs with the Indians. The idea of it originated \vith two French-Canadian fur-traders, Pierre Esprit Radisson and Medart Chouart (better known as Sieurdes Groseilliers), to whose joint exer- tions the formation of the Hudson's Bay Company may be ascribed. Radisson, though born in France, had early emi- grated to Canada, where he grew rich as the result of many inland fur-trading journeys. Des Groseil- liers was also French, having been born at Ferte- sous-Jouarre about the year 1626. About 1642, he went to Canada and became associated with the fur trade. In 1653, he married, as second wife, a widowed sister of Radisson, and the two men thus became associated in their trading expeditions.^ About the year 1658, these two men heard, from the natives with whom they were trading, of the existence to the northward of Hudson's Bay, and of the trade in furs which miofht be done with the 1 'I'lie narratives of some of their expeditions were edited by Mr. (1. 1). Scull, and published i)y the Prince Society of Boston in I .S.S5, under the title, Voyages of Peter Esprit Radisson ; being ail Account of his Travels and Experiences among the North American Indians from 16^2 to 16S4, traiiscril'cd from original Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library and the British Museum, 7vith Historical Illustrations and an Introduction (Boston, viii-385 pp., 4to). I r?^i I ; INTRODUCTION. CCXl Indians living- on its shores. On their third recorded journey, which terminated In June 1660, they made careful Inquiries with a view to a journey overland to the southern shores of the Bay. During the rest ot that year they stayed at home perfecting their plans. They decided not to disclose the Information they had obtained, as they knew nothing except by hearsay, and wished first to investigate for themselves the possibility of reaching the Bay overland. How- ever, the wife of one of them having revealed their secret, others sou2:ht to take advantaq-e of It. There- upon they approached the Governor for his licence to undertake an expedition. This being refused, ap- [)arently through jealousy, they started without leave in August 1661. On their return to Canada, about the year 1663,' they were received with disfavour by the Governor, who fined them heavilv for havlnii' proceeded upon their expedition without his licence. This treatment so incensed them, that Des Grosell- llers decided to go and demand justice in France, which he did. Failing to obtain restitution there, he returned. Subsequently, the two proceeded to Port Royal,- Nova Scotia, where somt; h^ngllsh merchants promised them a shlj) for a sea-voyage thence to ' Seep. },2\, ni>fc. 0\dm\\on says (/ir/'/is/f I^////'//r /'// ^l/j/criid, 1708, vol. i, [). 385) that tliey actually reached the Bay; l)ut, if tliey did so, tlieir own narrative does not state the fact. More- over, their own account ot" their proceedings l)y no means agrees with diose given by Mons. de l!ac(iueville de la I'otherie in his Ilistoirc dc /\liiii-n'iai:;es an Nord (8 vols., Ainsterdani, 1724). - Now known as Annapolis. p ^ \ % I: ;l %, r III ; ^ n m i'i. ccxu VOYAGKS OF FO.KK AND JAMKS. Hudson's Bay in the following" year (1665). This expedition duly started, but got no further than the entrance to Hudson's Straits, when the ignorant fears of the captain led to the return of the ship. In the following year, a[)parently, the same merchants promised them two ships for another expedition, but this apparently fell through. Meanwhile the two fur traders had met some Commissioners from the Court of Charles H, who had been in Boston on the King's service, and who persuaded the traders to accompany them to London. The party duly sailed for England on August I St, 1666, but their ship fell into the hands of some Dutch marauders. In the end, how- ever, they landed in England about October, and were introduced to the presence of the King, who ordered them to be entertained, and gave them hopes of a ship for an expedition in the following year. In 1667, accordingly, a ship was prepared, but the visit of the Dutch fleet to the Thames in that year prevented the departure of the expedition. In 1668, however, largely through the patronage of Prince Rupert, two ships, the Eagle (Capt. Stan- narcl) and the Nonsuch (Capt. Z. Gillam), actually started ; but, before they had proceeded far, a stonv separated them, and the Eagle, with Radissnp board, returned home. The NonsucJi, ,>.;\ with Des Groseilllers on board, continued .k- voy- age, passed through the Strait, entered the B, y, sailed southward, and eventually wintered in the mouth of the Rupert river, near where Hudson had wintered nearly sixty years before. Here Des ■i^S^I INTRUDUCTION. CCXIII III Groseillicrs (established frie^ndly reflations with the; nativ(;s, and huih I'V^rt Charles, the first tradin_o--post established on the shores of Hudson's Bay. On the return of Captain (iillani to Kno^land in 1669, throutrh the active interest of Prince Rupert, the still-existing Hudson's liay Company was formed, and was incorporated by Royal Charter, dated May 2nd, 1670, as "The Company of Adventurers of Emyland trading- into Hudson's Bay". Prince Rupert was nominated Governor, and a number of noble- men, kniohts, and f^entlemen formed the members. The comprehensive and much-discussed Charter conferred upon the Company the sole and exclusive rio'ht to trade within the entrance to Hudson's Strait, toii^ether with territorial rights and absolute jurisdiction over an enormous (and then for the most part unknown) area around Hudson's Bay and Straits, which was thenceforth to be known as Rupert's Land. Althouo^h one of the expressed objects of the in- corporation of the Company was that the search for a North- West Passacje miofht be continued, it must be admitted that, at first, at any rate, little or no effort was made to carry on the search. For thirty years after its formation, the Company was too closely occupied, either in raking in its enormous profits, or in contests with the PVench, to make any serious attempt at further search. After the Peace of Utrecht, however, in 1713, all the Company's posts which had been taken by the French having been restored, and peace having been established, the time \fi i'i ! I I » ^i III It n f i II CCXIV VOYAGES OK FOXK AND lAMF.S. for further search schmik^cI to have cnmn ; and, in 1719, an expedition was at last dc;s|)atchc:d with the express object of continuing- the search for a passage. The idea of the expedition was dui; to Captain James Knio'ht.a veryold man lon^- in theCompany's service, and a ionner governor of the fact(jry on Nelson river. He is said to have continued to importune the Company until he got what he wanted. He was ultimately appointed to the supreme command of the expedition, which consisted of two vessels, the frigate Albany (Captain George Berley or Harlow) and the sloop Discovery (Captain David \^iughan), and which left London on June 5th, 17 19. it appears probable tliat Knight's eagerness to proceed uj)on the expedition was mainly due to a hope h(; had of discov(;ring certain mines of gold and copper of which he had heard, hut he wisely ga\'e out that he hoped to discover- a North-\\\;st Passages ; and in his Instructions' he was charLred to fmd t)ut the ' Prititcd ill llir Rcf^iirt jrom the CoDUiiitlcc of the ffr.tsc of Coin- Dions (iffii/iift'd I /// iJ4Q\ id c //(/!/ i/r info the State and Co/nfitioit of the Ci>i/ //tries at/Joi//i//ei' ti' ////itsi>//\'; /uiy, a//t/ of the Ti-ade ear/-ies/>e/-o//.\, which was again onunanded li\ Kclsev, returned on mp* INTKOnUCTIOX. ccxv mythical Straits of Anian. As he was also instructed to procec^l " to th(t northward and westward of 64 in Hudson's Bay", it seems probable he expected to discover the entrance; to the Straits of Anian, in tlie channel known as Sir Thomas Roe's Welcome (see p. 321). His hopes, however, ended disastroush', for neither of the vessels ever returned, and (;very member of the expedition perished ; nor was it until nearly fifty years later that it Ixxamc; kncnvn what had become of the ships. In 1767, a trading sloop from Fort Prince of Wales, on Churchill River, dis- covered the remains of the expedition on l^)rook Cobham, or Marble, Island. The account ^ivcn by Hearne,' who gathered it from the b's(iuimaux on the sj)ot, is extrc;mel\' tragic. The expedition seems to hav(! arrived on the island late; in the; autumn of 1719; b\' the summer of 1720. the number of the men had been much reduced, and the surx'ivors were; stricken with scurvy; by the; summer of 1721, the-re- we;re onlv five; survivors, anel these; w(;re afterwarels reduced te) twe), whe), afte>r watching anxie)usl\- for relie'f, die;el also, ami lU'arne; saws he* himse;lf saw their remains. 'I'he' two ships, he; tells us, were found sunk in the liarboui'. As neither of Knight's ships returned in the; ye;ar '%i SL'|)lcinl)L'r 21k1. It srems iiiohahK' lluil llicsc vessels (df llic vejyaifc'S of which \vc have no inroinialion) wvw onga^cel lallu r in geiH'i'al ihscovcry and in c\trn(hn^ trade, than in a serious search for a ncM'th-weslcriy [)assafj;e. ^ // Journey ffoin Fort Priiur of W'aU's in Jiiuhon's /hy /of/ic Northern (Aw/// ( I-oiulon, i7<)5. 410), pi). xwiii x.wii. ■ tr 1! ipp lli . ; ' r CCXVI VOVACKS OF FOXK ANM) lAMKS. in which thc^y sailed, ni.my persons were inch'ned to believe that they had found a passage ; but, when th(; following; year (1720) had also passed, and they had not been heard of, the Company became alarmed and set al)Out preparing' an expedition to !,;o in search of Knioht and his companions. A sloop, named the; Whalebone, and commanded by a Captain John Scroq'gs, was selectc^d and despatched in the summer of 1721 ; but she arrived at Churchill so late in the autumn that she was obliged to wintc;r there, and she did not l(;ave that port to com- mence the search until June 22nd, 1722. Scro^i^'s (who does not appear to ha\'e been a man at all suitable for the command) sailed northwards at least as far as W'hale Point, in Sir Thomas Roe's Wel- come (which he named Whale-bone Point, after his ship), and returned on July 25th, without any tidings of the missinij^ expedition, though he must have j)assed close; to Marble Island. P^ifteen years later, on July 7th, 1737, two vessels, the sloop Churchill (Captain James Nap[)(;r) and the sloop Musquash (Captain Robert Crow), were sent from Churchill to the northward ; but th(; ol)j(;ct seems to have been rather to make qeneral explorations, to search for mines, antl to o[)('n tradii\L>' relations with the Inchans. than to search further for a North-West Passa<.>'e ; and the; expedition proved fruitless, for the C/iurchill relumed on August Sth, Napper having dic^d. while; the Musquash also returned b(;fore tin; {i\\(\ of tin; same month.' ' Report of the Coin 111 it tec of the House of Citiniitous on lludsons Bay, i74<> tmm r*^i IXTRODrCTIOX. ccxvu The resumption of the search after this date was due to a L^'entleman named Arthur I)()bl)S, who, from a careful stud}- of tlie subject, had Ijeconu; convinced that all the available evidence pointed to the existence; of a passage. In the end, by his persistence, he pre\ailed uj)on the Lords of the Admiralty to devote to the continuation of the search one of Mis Maj(;st\'s ships. The Furnace was sele.ct(;d for this service, and was placed und(T the C(^minand of Captain Christopher ]\Tiddleton, an old servant of the Hudson's JJay Company, while the Discovery, a small vessel, of which Captain William Moor was master, was also placed und(;r his command. Middleton lc;ft I'lnoland late in 1741 and proceeded direct to Churchill, whc^re he wintered, and lost a number of his men throuL;h scurx'y. There he remained until July ist, 1742, when he sailed to tlic; northward, |)ast ]\Iarl)le Island, and up Roe's Welcome, which he explored to a more; northerly latitude than had lieen pr(;viously attained. On July 13th, he reached and named Wao-er River. Aft(;r exploring- this, in the h()])(; of finding- a |)assan(', he proceeded furtluM" up the; western shore; of Rock's Welcome;, anel e'xcnuially re'ache'el lU-ach Point, and was aL;ain elisapj)oinl('(l in Imelin^" a |)as.saoe thn^ui^h Re-pulse l)a\-. Tlun, haxiiiL;- sce-n anel nanu'd thi; l'"re)zen Strait, to llic north of Southampton Island, he de;cide'el to iTtnrn, anel he; was bae:k at \\'ooK\ Ich by Octobe'r 1 Sih. Midellelon hael, u|)on the; whe)]e\ satisfactorily dischar^e'd the; elutie-s e'litruste'el to him, anel had miide a sue;cessf"ul vo) aj^x; ; but this was not the I 1 '^ : If. ♦ ; 't-, II mmm ^•r wm \h .'■ • 1, I III III CCXVlll VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. view taken of his efforts after his return. Arthur Dobbs l^ecanie convinced that his account of his proceedings was not trustworthy ; that he, as an old servant of the Hudson's I^ay Company, had subordi- nated pubHc interests to th(i interests of his old employers ; and that he had in reality discovered a passat'e but was concealino- the fact. A lono" and exceedingly acrimonious pamphlet-war between the two men then ensued. INIiddleton's defence was, as we now see, satisfactory ; but public opinion then was not satisfied ; and the indefatigable Arthur Dobbs at once set about organising another expedi- tion. Failing to obtain further support from the Lords of the Admiralty or the Hudson's Bay Company, he cmdeavoured to raise the necessary funds by public subscription, which he succeeded in doing, as public interest had become very strongly centred upon the question, and Parliament had, in the; year 1745, passed an Act (18 Geo. H, c. 17), offering a reward of /, 20,000 to any of His Majesty's subj(;cts who should discover a North-W'est Passage through Hudson's Straits. h'or the [)urposes of the new (expedition, a small vesstil named the Dodds, after the promcjter, was chosen, and the command of her was entrusted to Ca[)tain P'rancis Moor, w. ile her consort, the Cah- foj'iiic, was commanded by Captain Francis .Smith. 'I'he two ships left (iravesi-nd on ^.ay 20th, 1 74^. ( )n lh(; I ith of August, the\- matle the land on the wt:st side of Roe's Welcome in 64" N. ; but, sailing to the southward, ihey made for York P'actory, near wm INTRODUCTION. CCXIX whciR* th(;y \vintt:recl. On _cret*;ing free, in the follow- in;^ year (1747), they proceeded to the entrance of the inlet known as Wager River, which they ex- plored carefully, thereby fully establishing the truth of Middleton's statement that no passage was to be found there. After this, nothing was accomplished, and the expedition returned home, leaving mattcn's much as they were before. The expedition under Captains Moor and .Smith, in the years 1746-7, may be regarded as the last of the many fruitless attenijjts to discover a North-West Passage through Hudson's I3ay. There were still to be found not a few persons sanguine enough to maintain that the non-existence of a pas.sage running westward from Roe's Welcome still remained to be proved ; but public opinion seems to have b(;en satisfied, and interest in the question largely died out, as it had done after the return of the e.xpeditions of b'oxe and Jam(;s, rather more than a hundred years earlier. For more; than a century after 1747, many expeditions continued to sec-.k a passage among the numerous channels and waterways further to the north ; but these have no connection with the pre- sent subject. Nor is it necessar\' here; to rt-fer to the various overland expeditions, commancU'd b)' Ilearne, Mackenzie, I'ranklin, Hack, Richaixlson, Rae, .Simp- son, anil others, which, during the same |)eriod, left the shores of liudson's \\:\\, and prot-eeded in a north-westerly direction, either with a \ie\v to co-operate with, or succour, expeditions that hail gone by sea, or to complete the discoxci")" of thci \ i ccxx VOVACIES OF I'OXK AND JAMES. northern coast-Hnc of North America. To all of these latter, the Hudson's Bay Company (dropping- the jealous attitude it had maintained whilst there still remained the possil)ility of a North-West Pas- sage via Hudson's Bay being discovered, and their monopoly thus threatened) gave their warmest support. By the yc;ar 1747, thj entire coast-linf- of the Bay may be said to have been made known — not, it is true, with the absolute precision now considered necessary, but still with a sufficiently near approach to accuracy for practical purposes then. Indeed, this position may be said to ha\'e been reached more than half a century earlier ; for, from the time of the incorporation of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1670, trading vessels belonging to the Company began to visit the l^ay annually and with unvarying regularity. If we compare James's chart of 1633 with Thornton's beautifully-drawn chart of 1685 (see p. 166), we shall see the extraordinarily-rapid progress which the vessels of the Company had made in the exploration of almost every part of the Bay between the year 1668 (when exploration, after James's tinie, recommenced) and the year 1685, when Thornton's chart was drawn. We have a clear portrayal of the state of knowledge of the g(M)graphy of the Bay in the year 1751, in the interesting document d(;scribing the Bay, which was drawn up by Captain \\\ Coats as a result of his many voyages to the Bay between the years 1727 and I 75 I, and which was edited by Mr. John I ) 1 W^l l\TkOI)UCTR)\. CCXXl Barrow and jirintcd by the Hakluyt Society in 1852. From the year 1670 to the present time, there has never been a year during which at least one vessel belonoing' to the Hudson's Bay Company has not entered the Bay, while in most years two, and in some years three, vessels have been so employed. Between 1670 and 17 13, the Bay was also entered by v;u"ious T'rench tradini^f-vessels and war-ships. During the present century, vessels belonging to the British navy have on various occasions convoyed the Company's ships; and, in 184S, and on other (occasions, troops intended to maintain order at the Red River Settlement were landed at York I'^actor)'. Voyages into the Bay have also of late been made almost annually by American whalers, who have often wintered at Marble Island. The latest explor- ing expeditions of consequence have been those of Lieutenant A. R. Gcjrdon, who was sent out by the Canadian Government in H.M.S. Alert to make accurate scientific and general observations in the years 1884, 1885, and 1886, when much interest was felt in Canada in a proj)osal to establish a trading- route to and froni Manitoba and the North-West Territories via York b^actory, a i)roject which the future will probably, to some extent, see realised. It appears probable that a stc:am-vessel first entered Hudson's Bay on the occasion of these expeditions. H \ !■ i '1, i \ \ l> iiril Ill 'I.. 1 ! i 111 CCXXll I'OST.SCKII'T TO liNTROnUCTION. roSTSCRU'T. Whilst this work has been passing through the press, a few facts have come to my knowledge too late for insertion in their proper place, and these may be conveniently referred to here. Voyaj^es of the Zeni {pp. 19-28). I find that the more recent authorities are inclined to doubt the historic value of these narratives. IVeyi/ioitt/is Voyage, 1602 (pp. So-86). It should have been stated in the long foot-note on p. 80, that the whole of the circumstances which immediately led up to \Ve)'mouth's voyage, as well as those attendant upon his return, are shown in great detail in the first volume of the Court Minute Books of the luist India Company, now preserved at the India Office, which volume has been printed verbatim in Mr. Henry Stevens's Daivn of Ih'itish Trade to the East Indies (London, cr. Svo, 1886). In this in- teresting volume, there does not appear to be any reference to the man whose name seems t(j have been variously spelled Cobreth, Colbert, Coleburne, and Coolbrand (see p. 1 15, note), and who accompanied Weymouth as second in c'>mmand. A copy of the agreement for the voyage between him and the East India Company is, however, to be found in the first volume of letters, or "Original Correspondence", of the Company, which is also preserved at the India iiM I'USTSCRII'T TO INTRODUCTION. CCWlll Office. This volume has been printed verbatim in Messrs. IJirdwood & Foster's Register of Letters, etc., of the Governor and Company of Jl/erchants of London trading into the East Indies, i6oo-i6ig (London, dy. 8vo, 1893). y\'^^ agreement with Cobreth is printed (jn i)p. 190-191 of this work ; that with Weymouth himself appears on pp. 21-25. -i Button's Voyage, 161 2-1 j (pp. 162-200). Mr. C. H. Coote has kindly drawn my attention to the fact that there is in the British Museum (Titus, B. 8. 318) an interesting document in the handwriting of Edward Wright (see p. xxxviii) which goes to show that Wright was one of the advisers of Henry Prince of Whales in making the preparations for Button's voyage. The document, which is a state- ment of services rendered to the Prince, is undated ; but a reference contained in it to Wright's Errors in Navigation, which was published in 161 i, shows that it was drawn up subsequent to that year. It commences as follows : — " Busines done for his Higlutcs by Edward Wright. "A Module of an InstrumcMit to make a Plat smaller or greater in any proportion, newely devised. " A Module of a large gencrall Astrolabe of more mani- fou.ld and casyer use then others before invented. " A Sea-Chart for the North-West Passage. "A Paradoxall Sea-Chart (as they eall it) of all parts of the worlde fr(.)m 30 Degrees of Latitude Northwardes." The rest of the document is filled with a similar enumeration of charts drawn and instrumentsde vised, liil I Vi - J h { ' 1^ PI CCXXIV vh)VA(;k.s uI' 1().\k and JAMl:^. together with other services to the Prince of a more personal nature, such as " reading Mathematicks vnto him since Christmas Twelvemonth", and ar- ranging and cataloguing the Royal Library. There can be very little doubt that the two northern sea- charts above described were drawn for the Prince by Edward Wright in connection with the preparations for Button's voyage. This affords grounds for the surmise that Button's " Instructions" (see pp. xxvii and 636) were drawn up, largely, at least, by Wright. Mr. William l^'oster, of the India Office, has kindly informed me of a reference to certain pieces of cloth brought h(3me by Ikitton, which is con- tained in a frao;ment of a hitherto unknown volume of minutes of the P^ast India Company he has just discovered among the Records of the Company. Among the Minutes of a " Court of Committees", or Directors, held on December i8th, 1613 (three months after Button's return), occurs the following: — " The Company being enformcd that there is some cloth come home y' was sent forth in [the voyage for discovering] the Xorth-West passage and [is] supposed to be seruice- abie for the Comp='- scruicc, they therefore desired M'' Dep'''= and IVP Stone to p'use them and see howe many of them will serue for there vse." Probably this cloth was taken out by Button's expedition for the piu'poses of sale or barter when the vessels arrived, as was hoped, in Japan. We know (see \). Ixxxiv) that pieces of cloth were chosen with the same object and sent out by Luke Eoxe's expedition in 163 1. I'OSTSCRII'T TO INTROUUCTIOX. CCXXV Gibbous Voyage, i6i^ (pp. 201-202). With refer- ence to the statement on p. 201 {iiotc\ that Gibbons' voyage was promoted by the Company of Discover- ers of the North- West Passage, Mr. W^illiani Foster has communicated to me an extract from tlie frag- ment of the hitherto unknown Minute Book of the East India Company he has recently discovered (see p. ccxxiv), which shows that the East India Company also contributed to the cost of the expedi- tion. Amonof the minutes of a General Court of the Company, held on December 22nd, 161 3, Mr. Foster finds the following entry : — " 300'' aducntured "out of the Joind " Stock to the Nor- " west discoueryc." " S"' Dudley Digc![es put this Courtc " in remcmbraunce of an order formcr- " He made for aduenturingc 300'' p' " annu vnto the Norwest di.scou''y for " 3 yeares together ; but, being nowe " entred into a new course by a Joynd Stocke, hec desired " to vnderstand their resolucons, seeinge that himselfc and " diu's others that had aduentured there lOo"' a i)cccc in- " tended to p'secutc the same againe, w"' hope of better " successe, by Godes assistaunce. And this Courte. rightlic "weighinge the hopeful! euent that is expected, resokid by " erecon of handes to have 300" Aduentured out of the " Joynd Stocke : But, whereas lib'tie was giuen vnto those " of the East India Comp: to bee admitted into the said "Comp^: [of Discoverers of the North-West Tasjage] for a " fine of 10'' before a c'teinc tyme were expired ; and a " mocon being nowe made alsoe in tlie behalf of sucli as " are of this Company and shalije desirous of that frecdoine "that they might be accepted for the like sume of 10'', it " was yealdcd \-nto by S"" Dudley Digges and others in the " name of the said Company [of Discoverers of the North- " West Passage] and leave [was] given for any of the l^ast m 1!; i 1: I li m 111 CCXXVl VOYAGES OF FOXE AND JAMES. " India Company to come in betwixt this [time] and the " 25th of March next for their scu\all fines of 10", or else to " bee cxckided." Hawkridgc s l\')yage, ? i6n) (pp. 248-259). As stated in the long- foot-note on pp. 248-249, Foxe's account of this voyage (which is the only known reference to it) gives no indication of the y(jar in which it was undertaken or as to the names of those who promoted it. Owing, however, to certain state- ments made by Rundall in 1849 [Voyaj^es towards the North-West, pp. 150-151) all later writers have assigned the voyage to the year 16 19, and have credited Sir John Wolstenholme with having been the chief promoter of it. It appears, however, on a careful examination of the original records of the East India Company, upon which Rundall based his statements, that these statements are totally unreliable, and that there is no evidence whatever contained in the records to support either of the assumptions indicated above. In the first place, it is noticeable that in the record of Sir John Wolsten- holme's application to the Company for a grant in aid of an intended voyage north-westward, upon which Rundall relies, no reference to Hawkridge appears at all, the intended expedition being that of a certain Captain Bullock, of which nothing is known — a fact which Rundall suppresses. Further- more, even if it could be shown that the record in question does relate to Hawkridge's voyage, the date given for it by Rundall (1619) is certainly ^ \ mm m^] rUNTSCKUT TO INl K(Jl)LCTlON. CCXXVU wrong. Sir John Wolstcnholmc's appliaition w.is nindc [Court Minute J) oaks, vol. iv, p. i 14) on "J.'iniKiry 20th, 1 6 1 7", which would, of course, l)c 1617-1S, not "1618-19", as given by Rundall. Moreover, the Court Minute Books and the volumes of " Original Corresj)ond(mce" afford ample evidence that Hawkridge's expedition did not sail either in 1 6 I S or I 6 1 9 ; for we find clear proof that Hawkridge was in command of vessels belonging to the Company in the East Indies and elsewhere, from the early part of the former year till the close of the latter. In the face of these facts, one can only surmise that Hawkridge's voyage took place (if it took place at all) in the preceding year (1617), which would be the vear following the return of Bylot and Piaffin from their second north-west voyage. It may Ix,', however, that the intended expedition of Captain Bullock in 16 18 actually took place, and that Foxe has wrongly assigned it to Hawkridge. Foxe's information about this voyage is so unsatisfactory that one is prepared to accept any such surmise. The point will be considered more fully in my intended work on the voyage of Jens Munk (see p. !iii, note), which took place in 16 19. With reference to the Certificate printed on p. 1 {note), Mr. G. W. Waddington, of Cirosmont, points out that it "was probably intended to obtain the Bishop of London's Iirief for Collections to be made in churches in his diocese, or for private collection by authority of Quarter Sessions. A Privy Council Brief [he says] ran throughout the Kingdom." 'it K I n^\ . y ' iiil i i: f 1; • if'- ' f h CCXWlll \()\A(,i;^ oi- loxi-; AM) |A.\ii;s. Li(/i'c' J'o.Vl's loyao-c, i6ji (pp. 261-445). ^^•^ further investip'ution, I find that Foxc's reference; in his Preface; (p. i 1 ) to "little Mr. Jeffery [Hud.'-:'jn J, that pretty courtier", and " Mr. I'A-ans, his Maiesties great ])orter", arc p(;rfectly intelligible. William Evans, the King^, [sorter, was a Monmouth man, and 7 ft. 6 in. in height. There is a notice of hini in Fuller's Worthies. Upon one occasion, at a court masque, he drew out of his |)ocket jeffery Hudson, the Queen's dwarf. This individual was born in 1619 at Oakham, in Rutlandshire, where his fith(.'r was a butcher. lie led a very checjuered life dying in 1682. Scott has intr'jduc(;d hini into /Vrvv'// of tJic J\-ak. Until rc^cently, there might be seen over the entrance; to l>ull-head Court, Newgate Street, a curious old sculj)tured stone sign of "the; King's Porter and Dwarf", which commemorated the two individuals above-men- tioned. P'uller notices of them and of the siijn may be found in Larwood .md Mott(;n's History of Sii^nboards, in Nornian's Lordon Sigus and Insiriptious, and in the Dictionary of National Biography. Since the statemer.t u\\ j). K'ii, to the; effect that the name of bOxe's \vife was unknown, w;is [irinted off, the matter has been set at rest b\ tlie discovery, by Mr. (i. \V. W'addington, of ^Irosmont, near Whitby, of the rt;cords Itoth of die granting of the marriage licence and ol the marriage itself fn Mr. \\'. Paver's "Abstract of Abarriage Licences granted by tile I'^cclesiastical Court of N'ork from \' I 11/ I'OSTSCRIIT T(i INTRODUCTION. CCXXIX 1567 to 1714, now in the; l^ritish Musc^uni (Add. MS. 29,667), appcjirs the following" entry': — "1613. Luke l''ox and Ann Barnctt of W'hithv, at Whitby." Mr. Waddint>"ton h;is ;d.so b(;en ijood enoiiLih to search for me the; Whith)- Parish Ivet^isters, wherein, among the marriage; c;ntries, he has discovered the followim ( )• • — " 161 3. Luke l-'oxc and .Anne liarnard, ATa\' 13." Mr. W'adchngton states that the spelh'ng l^)arnard, not Bariu;tt, is undoubtedK" correct. Ih; adds that the Barnard family were g(;ntry. and owned the Abbot lb)US(; propert\" in ("loathland (s(;(; \'oimL;'s I/'si'ory of lJ7n'//')\ p. 361), wliich the\' held till about 1720. It is traditional diat Sir lohn Hai'nard, Lord IMaN'or of London in I7^^7, was of this lamib'. Mr. W'addington adds that no mention ot chiUlren of Luke and Anne Foxe occur in the Whitby Registers up to 1637 ; nor does an entry of the hitter's burial apjiear up to 1 649, whea a lapse of ten years occurs. Mr. Waddington suggests that the fact of Foxe's Journals ])assing into thi hands of Lord \'alentia may possildy be accouiUc:(l lor as follows : Sup- posing' the journals to ha\e remain(;d in llu; posses- sion of b(,>xe's widow and others for a number of years, and then to ha\c come into tin liaiuls of llu; \\ ^ IVintcd in the Vnrkshifi An/iuclo^iiai/ and 7)>po}:[raf>/iutil /('N'-/ui/, vol. xii, i». 279. :( t I ccxxx \0\A ,11 ■ 1'^ >" y ,5 i ^, i ■' ■ » (' ' ^\ !• i mm im llli ^/S»kJitUe One £nrtfa»y^,am U A, ■? I I ri NORTH-WEST FOX. ■! 1 \ A %\,^.^^'^J^;c'^^i I ;?**"p«' wl ''"^-i / i 1 -t - 4 ' ^ ^■"" ■ My A H E RllI C A ■'"^y G™^ i sf^J-" p. Tll-f ^^-^:: VTJ -zM^. I I ! If- i ; i ^r,^nit^ H fi ill NORTH-WEST FOX; OR, Fox from the North-west pajjage, BKCilNNING With King Arthvr, MalGx\,Octhvr, the two Ziixis of //cliifi{/^ FJIotilufi(/, and Oorgia ; Following with hricfc Ahllracts of the Voyages of Cabot ^ Frob'ljltir, Daris, /(^'(/i/iiio/////, Kithjihl, lliulfaii, Diilliui^ (j'li- hms, Dijloi, IhiJ/iN, Udirkridiic : Togetlier witli the Courses, Dirtaiice, Latitiules, LoiiiritLiclcs, Vari itioiis, J^L'pths of Seas, Sets of Ivdcs, Currents, Haees, aiui over-Falls; with other Oblervations, Accidents and remarkable things, as our Milcrics and fufferings. M'. I AMES Hall's three Voyages to G?^oy/ilcui(l^\\\\\\ a 1 (il)i)fjii(ij}liu(ill (/(Icri/j/ioN (>l llif Cn///i/r'/cs, the S(ih'(hj^i'\s lives and 1'reaelieries, how otir Men have t)eene llavne bv them there; with the Conniiodities of all thole parts, whereby the Marchant may have Trade, and the Mariner Implovment. D('n)t)nl'/nilc({ 'in a Polar Can/, ic/icrchi arr all l/ir Miiiiit'<;^ Seas, and Hands, herein mentioned. With the Author his o\vn(^V()\ao(\])(^inoth(^ XVI with the opinions and Collections of the moll faniousMa- theniaticians, and Colniotrraphers ; with a Frobabil'.tie to jivove the lame bv Marine Kemonitrations, eonipa- rcd by the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea, experimented with places of our ownc Coalt. By dipt able LvKE Foxii 6/'Ringlh)ne vpoii Hull, Capt. and I'yiot lor the Voyage, in his Majeftics Pinnaee the Ch ARi. ts. th. Printed by his Majefties Command. LONDON, I'rinted by 13, Alsoi' and Tho. Kavvckt, dwelling in Qritljlreet. "035. I ' IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) k fe {/ i< Ux ■ 1W 1.0 I.I ■ 5 ''^■^ mwm 2.5 2.2 120 1.8 1.25 u \h ^ t^n ► *# v^^ A 'W .y /a y /A 'W HiotogTdphic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MS80 (716) 873-4503 '% ^ i\ 3 V \\ '9> V ^ ^. ^. • 'J' it it hath j)lc'asc(l You to c\aiiiin»; iht; I'julcavours of those foniicrlv iini)lov(;cl to- wards the search of the Nortfi- -iocst Passage, ami that it hath bin Your Highnc;sse pleasurt: to examine me, Your nu;anest sub- ject, concernim)' th(; hope of a further I )iscovene ; (how it formerly had fayled, and what Ixitter hc.'lpes couKl now be produced), ap])ointin_o' me | to the cornmaiulof I N'our I li^nhnesse I'imiace, the Ciiarlks, with Your Royall Instructions for my better pro- ceeding : which unto nu; was the (greatest I lonour that ever Subject received (and at my Returne continuinj^ \'our Royall and (iracious favour, com- manding me unto Your Royall Presence to deliver my Accompts) hath since imboldened me to ex- amine with my sc^lfe thus farre, that hereby (as duty obligeth) 1 might bring some better satisfaction to your Royall demand; which was, ]\'lutlu'r (here were a I\issaj^e or no, and zvere J capable thereof at > lu \ IVx \ m n if'. ■3:i P f H \- i< ' TV{ TIIK KPISTLK DKDICATORV. liQf' I' my bciiiQ- mere the same ? But, since, that, medita- tion and contemplation hath given me more insight thereinto than Speculation at that instant could ; I''or it was not possible for mc; to frame any Conclu- sion untill I had circuted the Bavfsl of I Imison and Jhitton, whereby I might fmd from whence a new Tyde (which I found there;) should come; and he(!r(! SIR, I prostrate my Accompt in particular, which then I pr(;sented in generall. I begin with King Akthvr his Conquests, and so proceed to all those l)iscoveri(;s (that 1 can fmd Anlifjuity hath preserved) towards the North-ioest, untill this Your owne time ; to show how those Maync^s, Hands, and Continents tht;y have dis- covered, doth, like dew from i leaven, descend U})on Your Royall Throne; so as, most Dread Soveraigne. the true Right thereto is Yours, which I pray may be augmcMited unto th(; furthest bounds of the East and W. Ocean. I doe not onely bring to show, but put your Majesty in mind of what you know: knowing that your Majesty, being called by more weighty affaires of State, may passe by (unremembrt;d) such small 'I'rilles as this; yet, observing Your Highnesse willingnesse to promote; Navigation and those dis- covering Knter[jris(;s, hath made me thus presume. I have endeavourcid [to show] the probability of a Passage, praying unto Almighty CiOD, to set it as a faire levvell in your Royall Crovvne, and bring [it| to passe in those happie dayc^s which wee doe enjoy under your Gracious and godly Gouernment; Rather than some Forraignt; Prince or State should advance and findc; the same;. 'I'hese shall bee the prayers, with I others for] Your long life; and prosperous Raigne, Of Your Juimblest Subiect ami Seii'ani, LVKK Fo.KE. rm \ f: The Preface to the Reader. Uf '"n l^XTLF, Rr.ADF.l^, cx])cct not liccrc ain- llorishiiij^ l'hr;iscs()rl'".l()(|ucnl tcarnics ; for this Child of mine, bc^^ot in the North-west's cold Clime (where they breed tio Schollers), is not able to di- ^fest the sweet inilke of Rethorick, that's food for them. 'Jhe Parent, not beinj^able to main- taine it ati\- loiiL^er, it beiiiL,^ now past the Cradle, hopes the Tuiilike will willin^d)- bestow luhication of the Infant for his better breedin^Lif ; for which the I-'ather pra}'cth, and tiie rather because the Midwife perswades him tliat the Child lookcs like himself There were some desired to ha\e iiad him come abrf)ad like the Lapwini,^, before the shell was from over his head'; bnt the iNurse, more carefull of the tenderl)--bornc Infant, procrastinated the time, siipposiiiL; that, after birth, it would streni^then apace in this temporate Clime, ant! in time be the better able to lourne}- ; but in Conclusion its turned to Discovcric, not of a l'assat,^e, but of the way to find one, to come to the He lapoii, Chitin, and the Orientall huiia; of which, hearini; that ili\ers ituiuired after (for who would not share in such 'Ireasiu'es as there's to be had) as \\hat hath 1m)X done ? others, how farre liath hee beene ? hath he beene as farre as an\- mrui ? if there be a Passage, how chance hee hath not found it? if not, why doe the>' search after it ? and, in fine, hath hee made a Voyai;e or no? The meanini;' of this last [(pier)'] I know not, nor I Ihinkc they neither ; but for tliat the s\ • Sec the bilrodiKtion for an cxplaiialion of this phrase— (J. ;ii '■ i:M H 11 8 NORTH-WKST FOX. most desire to know what I have done, and how farre I have bin, I answer, as the Old women tells talcs, Furtlicr and fiirtJicr than T can tell ; and for the rest, I refcrrc them to mine owne lournall. For I hope it ma\' satisfie those that are indifferent, and that stand well affected to those Discovering^ enterprises, for whose cause, and the .; fl ! "-i III' 1 ' ] 12 NORTTT-WEST FOX. I have also placed a Polar Majj or Card,' that this Dis- covcric may be the better vnderstood, and for that I did desire to ^ive satisfaction b\- Demonstration of all [thint^s] treated of in the Booke ; for, otherwise, another i)roiection could n{>t have contained it Ijiit at vnreasonable divcrsit}' ; and, because I cannot describe all the Names in Frctiim lliidso)!^ of Capes, Hands, and Ba\es at lcnL;th in Letters, in respect of the sinalnesse of the Decrees of Longitude, I have inserted them in a table b)' the letters of the .Alphabet, as thou shalt find, befjinniiiL^ with A,b, c, d ; and [I have] tracted mjowne \\\\y and disco\ery foorth and home in small prickes. I acknowledge it- to be but rouj;h-hewen, like Ship- wrij^dit's timber, but what it wants in smoothnesse or forme, let th}- i,U)od Report licke it into. I trust I shall not need to vse the fashion of Authors, to make an}- doubt of carjoinijf JSfoiiius or rajlin;^ Zoiliis';' seeint;" I have intended th)- Good, without any Reservation to ni)' selfe. l^ut I feare nice I have held thee too lone; in this place, like him who pur- poscth to take a lont;- lourney [and] stumbles vpon hi.s ow ne threshold ; but lia\e I'atience, for I had rather be in fault then want. 1 have here prostrated my duty to my King, antl mj- service to my Countrc)-. Cravinij thy favourable acceptance, I rest, Tliiiu\ in all i^'clwilliui:;, LiKi". Foxi;. J-^roiJi Kin>^ston ///w/ Hull, lliis first (if I;imi;ir\-, ' An olil fdiin of "churl"; orij^inally the cue! on whiih tlic points of tlic mariner's compass were marked, (("f. I'r. cntc. - C - It is not very clear \\lietlier l'"o\e lure ret'eis to his look or to liis niap. l)Ut the apolo,L;\ ajipiies eipially to either. — C ' 'llie idea which l'"o\e intended to express in tiiis | assaj^e is by no means < lear. .Monuis, in niylholo};y, was tlie j^oil of 1 ufloonery and jests. He is credited with a earpinj^ and satirical disposition. Zoihis was a >^rammarian wlio attacked Homer and other writers so violently that his name became prcnerbial lor a railing and malignant ( ritic. — C. J! I It \ f CERTAINE TESTIMO- King nics conccrnini>: Kin<>" ^Arthur and his Conquests of the North rc^nons'; ta- ken by Mr. hacklutc out of the Histories of the KiiiL^s of Ih-ittaitw ; written by Galfridns Monainutetisis ; newly IVintcd at Ifcdlcbcr;^, '5^7- N the yeare of ClIRIsT, 517, KIul^j Aitliiii\\\\ the second yeare of his rai;4ne, having subdued all partes of Iii'/diid, saylcd with his Fleet into Isc/aiid, and brought it and the [)e()ple thereof into subjection. The rumour being spred throughout all the other Lands, that no Countrey was able to withstand him, Dohiauuis, King of Gotland, and Guufacius, the King of Orkney, came \olun- tary unto him, and yeelded their obedience, [)romising to pay him Tribute. The winter being spent, hee returned ' It cannot l)c niainliiinfd that llie opening pages of I'Oxc's book, as far as the first voyage of Sir Martin Fmbisher, are of nuich, if of any, value. 'I'liey would not have been ie|)iinte(l, had it not In-en felt that, in reproducing the work, it would be a ])ity not to repioiluce it entire, especially as the uniin|)orlant passages are not of great length. They consist merely of extracts from some of the early chroniclers, \ a iff ■ 1 li i ?(^ I I 14 NORTll-WKST loX. 1 1 I' '' i' . ■ V, '< ■ i' i I into Britaiiic ; [and] established his Kini^domc in perfect peace. lie continued there for the space of tweluc yeares. {Lib. rj. Cap. lO.) After that. Kin^j Art/iiw, sending his Messengers into divers Kingdomcs, hee summoned such as were to come to his Court, aswell out of /•'ntmc, as out of the adjacent Hands of the Sea, and a h'ttle after, from these adjacent Hands came Giii/Inuinariiis King of Iir/otid, Malvatius King of Tscland, Doliianus King of Gotland, Giiniiotins King of Orkney, Lot the King of A^orzuaj', and Anxvilius YJwv^'.A Dciunarkc. {Lib. c^. Cap. 12.) A testimony of the Rii^ht and Appcndanccs of the Crozviic of the Kiiii^doine of lirittaine, taken out of Mr. Lambert.' {FoL x^J. pag. 2.) ARtiivr, which was sometime the most renowned King of the Britaiiies, was a might)', vaHant and fam(His Warriour. This Kingdome was too httlc for him, and his minde was not contented with it ; hce tlierefcjrc vah'antly and :irc exceedingly confusinj,"^ and unsatisfactory. In many cases, it is impossible to tell whether the words used are those of I-'oxe himself, of someone who compiled the extracts for him, of the original chron- icler, or of some n.is igator whose statements the narrator is i|uoting. It is impossible, too, to do more than guess at the identification of the lands mentioned ; and the confusion is increased by the fact that the same lands appear more than once under different names. For this reason, but little attemjH has been maile to identify them. The voyages m cjuestion ha\e, for the most Jjart, ln^en critically discussed in the series of the I lakluyt Society by competent writers, who have made use of the original narratives from which Foxe's abs.racts are taken. ' Lambert of .'\schaffenburg, one of the best of the early (lerman chroniclers, was born about 1020. His most important work is the C/tro/iieon, sii'c llistoria Reruin in Cicnnunia Licslnriiiii, an acciuatc and impartial record of events down to the year 1077, prefaced by a universal history, compiled from licde and others. The manuscript of this was discovered by Melancthon in the Augustine Monastery at Wittenlierg, and was first printed in 1525. He died about the year 1080. — C. VOYAOr.S OF KINC, AKTIIUK. 15 subdued all Soiittia, now called Nonvny, and all the lies beyoiul Nonony ; to wit, fscland, and G roc)ilc Miscn'ii Mtoitli. It was edited by Joseph iSosworth, under the title of King AlfraVs Anglo-Saxon version of the Com- pcndious History of t lie W'orld hy Orosius (London, 1859). — C. •^ Whale-fishing hath beene of long continuance,— K. ocTiiERS vovA(;i:. 17 wind, for as much as the Coast bowed downe thence directly towards the Southward ; at leastwise, the Sea opened into the Land, that he could not tell how farre ; so that he sailed along' the coast directly South, so farre as he could travel in five daycs ; and at the 5 dayes end, hee descryed a mii;hty River which opened very farre into the land, at the entr)' of which river he stayed his course, and in conclusion, turned backc againe. h^or he durst not enter, for feare of tlic Inhabitants of the Land, perceiving that on the other side of the River, it was thoroughly inhabited ; which was the first peopled Land he had found from the place of his dwelling ; whereas continually hee had a desert Wilder- nesse upon his Starboard-side, except in some places he saw a few Fishers, Fowlers, and Hunters, which were all Finncs ; and on the Larboard [he had] the mainc ocean. Thus much for Ocihcr, whome it appeares was the second that doubled the North Cape that we have [any account of j extant. King Arthur being the first. i ! '« * !il ' 1 1 i 1 i; V m '! 1 |:!i r '.fi A/t/toiigh I know here is sonietJiing that tai'll not bcc bc- ieevcd,yet I luill proceed, seeing that the more ami further I doe goe on, I Jinde some reason to have better confidence of the former, and thus much, &c. Therefore asfollowetit, out of the Comments of :\v\vji,nnu^ Fitz Icmius.' i5yS. A Certaine Writer saj-th hee hath [)Ut tlowne the dis- ^ *■ tance betweetie the mouth of liibe and Bacrjcnd in the South part of Iseiand, to be 400 leagues ; from whence, if you will accompt the difference of Longitude to the Meridian of llambrougn, Iseiand must ha'e none of the ' He was an "honest and learned ycnui^ man", a|)))()inted by (iutl- biandiis 'I'horlarius, l>i?)lui|) of Hokn, in Kclaml. to prepare a treatise 01 (onnnenl.iry on the i:ountry, " lakinj^ Ins proofs, not out oC tlie \aine faljles of the people, but from his owne experient e and many other mens also of sufl'icient iredit.'' He sa)s, anion^ other things, that "the dibtanee is not so infinite as has been imayined ; that they are 11 * t' 1.. i! t |i ( t 1 ) ^1 ,* % I i u 1 8 NORTH-WEST FOX. LonL,n'tudcs accompted of, as 5.7.6.20.30.2.S.32 5. accordinir to several Authors ; for I am able to j)rove by 3 several Voyat^cs of Hamburgers, that it is but 7 daj'es saylc from Isclaud to HauibroiigJi ; besides, all the Hands which for the abundance of Sheepe are called luirricr} as likewise the Desert Shoarcs of Xori^'a)\ are distant frotn us but two daycs saylins^, wee liavc 4 da\cs saylin<; into habitable Greenland, and almost in the same quantit}' of time, wee l)ast over to the Province of Norway called Stad^ b'''i^i^ betweene the Townes of C"^/7V//v;.s7*rc or 'J^rond()n,;u\([ /uirgon,'- as we find b\' antient Records of those Nations. /se/andlvdth bin called b}' three names one after another ; for one Nuddoens, a Xorregi'an borne, who is thoutjjht to bee the first Discoverer thereof, as he was sax-lint; towards Farra Hands, throULjh a violent Tempest, did b\- chance arrive at the East shore of Iseland, where beholdintjj the ]\Iountaine-tops covered with Snow, [he] called this Hand Snow/and. After this, one Gardarus, being moved with Xiiddoais reports, went to seeke, antl when hee had found, hee called it Garders He. After these two, one Plok went into this Land, and named it after the Ice hee found there, Iceland. This land hath some )-ears no Ice at all, as in 1 592, but the Sea is open for most j'eares from Aprill to lannary, ami in May all is driven to the West, and this Land hee inhabited about the yearc of our Lortl, S74. hut seven days sailinj;' from Hamlnu}^, two from tlu- I'aroe Isles, four into (iveenland, and four to Norway.' He 'lesciihes j;ra|)lii( ally tlie superstitious honor with which the volcano was regarded as the place of tortu (■ of the lost ; and j^ives information respecting' the inhabi- tants, \\i\j were, he informs us, comerlcd to Christianity by Adalbert, Metropolitainc of Hamburg, in the yeere of Christ, 1070. (See Hdkluyt, vol. i, p. 550.) C. ' The Faroe Islands. C. - Drontheim and Herj^en. C. VOYAGES OF THE DKOTIIERS ZENO. 19 In the ycare 1591, there was a ship of Genjm/ij/ \ay laden with Copper 14 daycs in the harbour of Vopnaford ; in Nove}nbe>\ she set sayle and departed ; this was some ship of the Balticke Sea, or Hanibroiigli^ which durst not goe through the Narrow seas for [? fear of] Spaine. The Commentor Anigriuus sayth, in the j-eare of Christ 874, Isclaiui (being indeed discovered before that time, as is aboue mentioned) was, the first of all, inhabited by certaine Non'egiaits. Their Chicftaine, was one Ingiilphus, from whose name the East Cape of Iscland is called Ingidfe Hoffdie. These planters arc reckoned vp by name in our Records, saith he, more then to the number of 400 [al-] together, with those of their blood and kindred, and great families besides ; neither oncly is their number described, but it is plainely set downe what Coasts, what Shoares, and what inland places each of them did occupic and inhabite, and what names the inhabitants did giue vnto Straights, Bayes, Harbours, Necklands, Crcckes, Capes, Rockcs, Crags, Mountaines, Hills, Valleyes, Hammockes, Springs, Mouds, Rivers ; and, to be short, what names the)' gaue vnto their Granges and houses : wherecjf many at this day arc [still] received and \scd. Therefore the Non'iXges, with their company, pcoplctl all the habitable places of Iscland. \ \\' i f: V, m ■ ■ * * * i ■ I T/ie voyai^es of t/ic Brethren Mr. Nicolo ..dian printer, and was born at Forli early in the lf)th century. A translation of his account of the discoveries of the brothers Zeno appears in tfdktuyt {\o\. iii, jj, 121), whence, no doubt, Foxe obtained the following information. -C. II, IC VOYAGES OF THE BROTHERS ZENO. 21 vpon the same, viidcrstandini^^ the shipwracke, came pre- sently, and hcarinj^ by the Latine toiij^ue that he was of Italy, lie received him into protection with great joy. This l^rincc, having the last yearc given the overthrow to the King of Nonvay in some of liis Signion'es, was come to Fries/and also to take the same from the said King, whereof he was Lord, and to that purpose, vnderstanding that Mr. Nicola had great judgment in Sea and Martial! affaires, he gaue him commission to goc aboord his ships, commanding the Captaine to honour him in all things, and to vse his counsell. Mis Nauie consisted of 30 sailc, whereof two rowed with Oares. With these small Barkes, and one ship, they sailed to the Westward and won Ledovo and Hose, and divers other small Islands, and turned into a Bay called Slide tv; in the llauen of the Towne called Sainstoll, they tooke certaine small Barkes laden with fish. Mere they foimd Zichiiini, who came thither by land, conquering all the Country. They sailed to the W., by another Cape or Gulfe, and conquered all the Hands they found, to the Signorie of Zichmni. These Seas, for as much as they sailed, were in manner nothing" but shoales and Rockes, so as it was thought amongst them that the flcetc had perished, if it had not been for the skill and knowledge of Mr. Nicolo and his men, who had beene brought vp in the practise of Nauigation all their Hues. At the counsell of Mr. yi ;///w;//c, they goe on Land, when they heard of the good succcsse of Zichmni in his warrcs, and that all the Hand by Embassadors was yielded vnto him. At their meeting, the Prince gauc Mr. Nicolo the honour of Knighthood, & graced hiin as the preseruer of his fleete, and rewarded his men. In Triumphant manner, they goe ' I'rcsuinabh' uotwith' II! 28 NOklFI-WKST FOX. I'\ that cast forth smoakc. ZicJunni sent fortli an hundred Souldicrs to search vhat people inliabited it. the whiles he takes in u'0(k1 and water, catches Ljreat store of fish and Sea fowle, with such aboundancc of Iv^t^es, that his men, halfe famished, were filled therewith. This was in lime, y^ a)re so temperate and jjleasant as impossible toe.\])resse. They finde no ])eople ; the)' name the haven Jrinc. The Soul- diers, returniiii^ backe, had bin throuL,fh the Hand, finds the fire naturall that the hill's bottome i)roduced, and that there was a Sprini;" which issued water like pitch, and run into the Sea ; and that there dwelt a multitude of people (jf small stature, hiding themselves in caves in the ground. Zichiiuii\ taking liking to the soyle, stayes there with such as were willing ; the rest, he sent away in the ships, wherein, iniwilling, I was Captaine. Authonie sayles 20 daycs East without sight of any land ; altering his course S.K., in 5 dayes he discovered Neouic ; he knowing the Country, had sailed i)ast an Hand as he found. He victualled here, the Hand being subject to ZicJumii. And in 3 dayes he sailes to Fries/and. What followed after this Letter he knew not, but by coniecture, that Zich: built a City, and discovered on both sides of Iliigyoiiehxnd, and that he see it particularly described in the Sea carde, but the narration is lost. The beginning of his letter is thus : }\\ Concerning these things that >'ou desire to know of me, as of the Manners and Customes, of the l^castes, and Countryes adioyning. I have made thereof a particular Booko, which, by God's hclpe, I will bring with me ; wherein I have described the Countr)-, the monstrous Fishes, the Lawes and Customes of Friesland, Isclmid, East/and, \.\\Q Kingdome o^ Nonvny, Estotiland, Dorgio , and the end of the life of Mr. Nicolo, with his discoverie, and the state of Em^roiieland. I have also written the Life VOYAGES OF TIIK liROTIIKKS ZENO. 29 and Acts of ZicJnuni, a Prince as worthy of Immortall mcmor}- as an\' that ever h'ved, for his ^reat \ i|j;ilanc)' and singular humanity : Wherein [also] I have described the dis- covery of I\)i!^youi'latui on botli sides, autl tlie ('itt\' he builded; and, further, I hf)pe to be with \ou \erv shortly, to satisfic you by word of mouth. All these Letters icere u'ntteii hy Mr. Anthonic, to Mr. Carlo Ids brother. FOr the more credit and confirmation of the former History of Mr. Nicholo wwil ^\\. Atithouie {\\\\\c\\ '['■a- some few rcsi)ects ma\- be called into (|uestion), I have hereunto annexed the judLjment of that i'\'iinous COsmo- i^rapher Abraham Orteliiis} or rather the jiel'lini; or sub- mitting of his judi^ment thereunto, who in his 'J'heatr/tiu Orbis, I''ol. 6, next after the Map])e of Mar del X/ir, borroweth proofe and authority out of this Relation, to shew that the X.IC. part of Anieriea, called listotilaiid, is, in the Originall, alwaics affirmetl to be an Hand: [and] was, about the yecre 1390, discovered by tlu; foresaid VeuetiaHS, abo\e 100 y cares before Coluiitbus set sajle ' Aliraham Ortell (more commonly known as Ortcliiis), a very emi- nent early Dutch j.;eoj^n'apher, was Ijorn the 4th of April 1 527, at Antwerp. He received an excellent education in (ireek, Latin, and mathematii s, from his father, a well-to-do merchant, .md he made e.\tcnsi\e tra\els in ("lermany, Italy, and fireat I5ritain, forminjf a \aluable collection ( •■' ' ii i 30 NORTH-WEST FOX. for these W'esterne Re^iones, and that the Xorthenie Seas were even then sailed by our Europiau Pilates. This writer,^ acknowledging the originall copies of the Zoiys Letters were by him carefully torne in peeccs in his youth, which losse he now grieued at, I doubt in this, he was enforced in many things to patch vp, as his mcmoric would serve, so as theie may be some likelyhood of vntruths. Howsoever, I doe beleeue the first Copies were true, though this is subiect to mistakings. To continue antiquity may be to some purpose, seeing there may be some vsc thereof by the painfull Seamen ; otherwise it may something satisfie the never-satisfied Curious, who encjuire after the beginning of things ; and herein yiv.IIack/iiii's paines doth deserve great commenda- tions : who recordeth, in his Iiiii^/ish Voynjiic's, that Madoc, Sonne of Oi^'coi Gnyiictli, I'rince of North J/Vr/t'^s", left the Land in contention between his lirethren, and prepared certaine ships with Men and Munition, and sought adven- tures by Sea, sailing West, leaving the coast of In/and ■:io farre North, that he came to a LantI vnknown, where he saw many strange things. This must necids be some part of this Countrc)-, of which tlie Spaniards affirme themsehcs to be the first founders since Dnnnos time, wherevpon it is manifest, that this Country was by Urittanics discovered long before Columbus. Of Aladocs returne, there be many fables, but he did return, ant! declared of the fruitfuU Countrycs he had seen without Lihabitants, and, on the contrary, what barren and wild ground his lircthren and Nei)hewcsdid kill and murder one another for : I le preparetl a Na\ie of ships, g< »t with him such men and women, as were desirous to live in cpiiet, and, taking leave of his friends, tooke his journey thither againc. ' This refers, not to Ortcliiis, but to the vounger Nicolo Zeno. — C. MADOC S VOVAC.K, 31 Therefore it is to be supposed that he and his people in- habited part of this country ; for it appcarcth b}- Francis Lope:: de Gotnara^ tliat, in Acuzauiill and other phices, the people honored the Crosse, whereby it may be leathered that Christians had been there before the coming of the Spaniards. This Madoc, arrivin<^ againe in that West Countrcy, vnto the which he came 1 170, left most of his people there, and returned backe for more of his owne Nation, acquaintance[s], and friends to inhabit that fairc and large countre}-, w cut thither againe, with 10 sailc, as I find noted by Guytcn Oiocn. I am of opinion, that the Land whereunto he came was some part of the West Indies. As concerning Sebastian Calwt,- 1 cannot find, that he was ' Francisco Lopez dc ("lomara was a Spanish historian. He was liorn at .Se\ille in 1510, and was, for sonic time, Professor of Klietoric at Alcala. 'I'icknor {History of SpaiiisJi Literature, vol. ii, p. 36 ; ed. iiS88) describes liini a; "the oldest of the regular historians of the Old World''. He wrote ^. History of tlic Indies (Saragossa, 1552), and a Clironiete of Xew Spain (1554), with other works of minor conse- (|ucnce ; Init his information is by no means trustworthy. He was ne\er in the countries the history of which he wrote. - Sebastian Cabot was the second son of John Cabot, a \'ene- tian pilot who settled in IJristol about 1472. He was probal)ly born, or removed, there at a very early age. Hakluyt, F'^orster, and m.'iny other writers, have supposed him the fust discoverer of Newfoundland ; but it is to be feared that nearly, if not (piitc, all the discoveries usually assigned to Sebastian Cabot are really those of his father, .nul a contemiiorary manuscript says he was never in that land at all. His fame as a rartogra|)her atlractetl the attention of Henry Nlll, and he afterwards entered the service of King Ferdinand as map-drawer. His famous JA^//<7//rv/r/(' was pro- bal)Iy printed at .Xnlwcr]). It embodies his own and liis father's ilis- coveries in Xonli .America, as well as those of the Portuguese and Spaniards down to his day. It served as the moilel for llie /'iieatntnt ()rt>is Terraniiii of Ortelius (see note to ji. 29). After the tiealh of Henry VIII, Cabot returned to England, and received a jjcnsion. He was one of the first to notice the variation of the compass, and he was nominated governor for life of the "Company of Marchants .Vdvenlurers of Fngland for the l)isco\ery of l.a'uls, Territories, ir ' ti % . 1 1 1 ■ 1 } i i' 32 NORTII-WKST FOX. any further Northward then tlie 58 Degree, and so returned along the Land of America to the S. ; but, for more eer- tainty, heare his owne Relation to (laleacius Ihttrigarius, the Popes Legate in Spaiiic. Vnderstandiiig, saith he, by reason of the SpJicarc that, if I should sailc by the way of North-west, I should b\' a shorter tract come to India, I caused the King to be advertised of my device, who imme- diate!}' caused two Carai'c/s^ to be furnished, with all things needful, w hich was, as necre as I can remember, in the )carc 1496. In the beginning of Summer, 1 begun to sailc North-West, not thinking to find any other Land then that of Cataia, and from thence to come in to India. But, after certain da\cs, I found the Land run to the North, which was to me a great displeasure ; neverthelesse, sailing along the coast, to see if I could finde any Gulfe that turned, I found the Land still to con.tinuc continent U) the 56 Degree viuler the Pole ; and, seeing that there the Coast turned toward the luist, clispairing to find the pass- age, I turned backe againe, and sailed downe by tiie Coast (^f that Land toward the l^tjuinoctiall. litis iiiiich from himsclfe. V>\\\. heare Ikjw Baptistic Ramiisins, his country man, how he flattereth him thus. It's many yeares since it was written vnto me hy Sebastian Cal>o(a,o\w Countr}'man, a Venetian, a man of great experience and very rare in the art of naviga- tion, and the knowledge of Cosmographie, who sailed along and beyond this coast of new l'"rancc, at the charges of I lenry ' ' Isles, Doiiiinioiis, and SL'i^iiiorics unknown", roinnumly (ailed ihc Muscovy Company, wliicli was incorpoiali'd on the 26111 of I'chniary '555" ' ''- tli'te of Cabot's cU-alh is unierlain, but it was probably in or soon after 1557. With the exception of the engraved niaj) of 1544, no literary relics of Cabot remain. Tlie rib of a whale in the entiance of St. .Mary KedclylTe CIiukIi, suppoM'd to ha\i' been placed there as a tfo|)hy of the discovery of Newfoimdland, aiul a street near the church named Cathay, are all that liristol now has to show of this distinguished inhabitant. -C. ' Old-fashioned, lateen rigged, rorlugucsc dispatch-boats.— C. 'I ! 1 CABOT S VOVACKS. 33 ;ist um, iiiii- oiii; llio ruaiy )ly in I)) i>t' llu' lart'il near the 7, King of England, and he advertised mc that, having sailed a long time West by North, beyond those Islands into the Latit. of 67 Deg. and \ vnder the North Pole; and, on the II day of June, finding still the open Sea, without any impediment, he thought veril)- by that way to have passed on still to Cataia, which is in the East, and would have done it, if the Mutinie of the shipmasters and Marri- ners had not hindered, and made him returnc home from that place. Out of Robert Fabian's CJironidc} THcrc is also mention made of JoJin Cabota, Sebastian's Father; by his meanes, in the 13 yeare of Hemy the Seaventh, at the same Kings charge, one ship was victuailed from Bnsto7V, wherein divers Marchants of London adven- tured smal stockcs, to search for an Hand he said was very Rich and replenished with great Commodoties : In his company went from Bn'stoiv 3 or 4 small Barkes, laden with coarse Cloth, Caps, Laces, Points, and other trifles; they departed the beginning of May, but were not heard of in that Maiors time.^ ' Robert Fabyan, an alderman of London, presents us with the rare instance of a citizen and nurcliant, in the fifteenth century, devotinj,'- himself to the pleasures of iearninj^. The place and time of his l)irth arc uncertain, but his family were people of substantial respectability in Essex. Having busied himself with the affairs of the city of London for some time, b'.", in 1 503, resigned his alderman's gown, not wishing to take the mayoralty, and retired to his mansion at Tlicydon Garnon, Essex. Mc was conversant with French and Latin, and wrote poetry. The first printed edition of his C/iront\ti\ which he calls 'J7ic Concordance of Histories, aiipcared in 151C), edited by I'ynson ; three otlier editions shortly apjjeared ; and in 181 [ a revised edition, with biographical preface by llcmy I'^llis, was pub- lished. — C. " The Lord Mayor's \ear of otficc. C. C ; ;' >'. ; ' \ ^ % H' 'I ■: li! li ■ ' i' 1 ■ . !'■ . I t il ! i'i ! i k !l! n I) 34 NORTH-WEST FOX. Ouf of tJie same Chronicle. Wllliain Purchase^ being Maior,^ three Saluagcs were taken in New-found-land and brought to the King. Tiiey were cloathed in Beast's skinnes, and catc raw flesh, and spake such speech, that no man could vnderstand them, and in their demeanor [were] much like to bruitc Beasts ; of which, two yeares after, I saw two apparrelled after the manner of Englishmen in Westminster Parish. I could not discerne them from English, vntill I had learned what they were. An extract taken out of the Mappe of Sebastian Cabota, cut by Clement Adams.^ IN the yeare of Grace \i\gy,John Cabot, i\ Venetian, and Sebastian, his Sonne, with an English Fleete, set [sail] from Bristoiv [and] discovered that Hand, which before that time no man had attempted, on the 24 day of June, This L'ln J hecalled Prim i Vista : that is to say, first scene. That Hand lying out before the Land, he called the He of St. John, because he discovered it vpon that day of St. John Baptist, The inhabitants of this He vse to weare Beasts skinnes. In their Warres, they vse Bowes, Arrowes, Pikes, Darts, Wooden-clubs, and slings. The soile is 13arren in .some places and yecldeth little fruit, but [the country] is ' William I'urchas, mercer, was Lord Mayor of London in 1497-8 (see Fabyan's Chronictc, ed. iSi i, p. 686). Ikit Foxe has here followed Stow, who j^ives, in his Annals, an account of the exhibition of savages. Fabyan contains no mention of Cabot at ail ; and, in the Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, p. 229 (London, 1831), the idea of his bringing aborigines to F2ngland is dismissed, — C. * The map was not in Foxc's own possession, as a hasty reader might sujjpose. With a view to economy of space, Foxe omitted the end of the heading : "An extract taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabot, cut by Clement Adams, conicntinti /i/s (tiscoucry of the West Indies,, which is to l>e scene in Iter Afiijesties Priuie ijattery at I Westminster and in many other ancient in.rchants houses" (Hakluyt). — C. -8 In of CAIIOTS VOVAHES. 35 full of white Heares and Stac^trcs, farrc greater then ours. It yicldcth plenty of Fish, and these very great, as Sm/rs and SajiiJiioHs. There are Soalcs of a yard in length, but especially there is great plenty of that kind of T'ish which the Salvages call Bacciilnos} There arc also bred Howkes and l^agles. Another Testimony of the Voyaj^e of Sebastian Cabot taken out of the third Decade of I'ctcr Martj'r of Anglcria.- Tlle North seas have bin searched by one Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian borne. He furnished 2 Ships at his ownc charge, (and first) with 300 men directed his course towards the N. Pole, that even in the Monetb of July, he found monstrous heapcs of Ice swimming on the Sea, and in a manner continuall day-light. Thus, seeing these heapes of Ice before him, he was enforced to turn his sailes and follow the W., coasting the shore. He was thereby brought so farre into the South, by reason of the land stretching Southward, that it was there almost equal! in latitude with Fretuni Herculeuni:^ ' A name still sometimes j^iven to tlic rodfish found on the roasts of New foundland. - C. - I'ietro Marlire d'An^hiera (commonly called I'eler Mait\r Anj^lerius in ICnj^iisli) was horn in February 1457, at y\rona in Italy. He came of noble family, and was educated in Rome, where he made the a< (.juaintance of many literary men. In [487, he accomi)anied the Count of Tendilla, then Spanish Ambassador, to tlu! Court of l''('rdinand and lsal)elia, where he was well ic'ci'i\(d. There he remained until his death in 1 526, recei\ inj^' many hij^h honours and |)referments. His chief literary works arc his Opus J-'.pistoltUiiiii CAlcala, 1530), a series cf letters : lie t\\/)i/s (hr;h historic value. Notices of him are to be found in I'rescott's History of the Rctt:;n of Feriiinaiiti (iiui Isidh-lliu I'rescott's History of the Couqucst of Mexico, and Hernay's I'ctriis Miir/yr Aiii^/i-riits (Strassbur^, 1891). C. •' .An old name for the Strait of ( iibraltar. -C. C 2 * ! '1. j! : i w « ' I V. :: 1! i '1r ,1 3 11 'I' <.'' V 36 NORTH-WKST FOX. As he travelled by the coasts of this great Land which h.e named Baccniaos} he saith hee found the like course of waters toward the West, but the same running more soft and gently than the swift waters which the Spaniards found in their Navigation South-ward. Wherefore it is not onely more like to be true, but ought also of neccssitj- to be concluded, that betweene both the Lands hitherto vn- knowne tliere should be certaine great open places, whereby the waters continually passe from the h-ast to the West. Which waters I suppo.sc to be driven about the Globe of the h'arth by the incessant Motion and impulsion of the Heavens, and not to be swallowed and cast vp againe by the breathing of Dcmcgorgoii'^ as some have imagined ; because they sec the Sea by increase and decrease to ebbe and flow. Sebastian Cahota himselfe calls those Lands Baccniaos, because that in those Seas thereabout he found so great multitude of certaine bigge Fish, much like vnto Tanis, which the Inhabitants call Baccniaos, and that they sometime sta}'ed his ship. He found the people also of these Regions covered with Beasts' skins. He saith also he saw great plenty of Copper. And this is all of Note out of this Author. Francis Lopez de Gomara, f?/// of his (jcncrall Historic of the West Indies. HE which brought most certaine ncwes of the Countrey of Baccniaos, saith Gomara, was Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian, which rigged 2 ships at the Cost of Henry the 7, King of England, having great desire to Traffique for the Spices, as the Portngales did. He carried with him 300 men, and tookc the way towards Iseland, from be)-ond the Cape i^{ Labrador, vntill he found himselfe in 58 Deg. and ' A name given to Newfoundland and the adjarent islands fiom ihc codfish taken there (sec p. 35). — C. - Dinnogorgon, in mythology, was a malignant demon, who was supposed to inhaliit the bowels of the Kartli. C. : I frobishek's first voyage. 37 better. He made relation that, in the Moneth o{ July, it was so cold and the Ice so great, that he durst not passe any- further. The dayes were very long, in manner without night. He returned and rcfrc!-hed at Bcuculaos, and after [-wards he] sailed along the Coast Southward vnto 38 Degrees, and from thence he shaped his Course to returne into England. i ' An abftract of the Courfcs, Diftanccs, Latitudes, Long"itudcs, Variations, Depths, and other Obfervations ; as alfo the feverall pro- ceedings, Difcoveries, Accidents, and remarkable things of the Captaines, Mafters, Pilots, and others formerly imployed for the fcarch of the Nort/rwt'Jl Paffagc to the Eajl India. 1 i : ii' id IS T/ic History of Sir Martyn Frobrisher's Voyage, 1567.1 As 1 5 ycarcs in noting and bringing up the Adventure, before hcc did attempt the same, which was brought to passe by the helpe of the right honourable Ambrose Dudley, luule of Warn'ick. The ' The date of Sir Martin Frobishci's first voyage is wronj^ly given by Foxe, who prints it 1567, instead of 1576. The following narrative by Foxe is abstracted from that given by Hakluyl. For criticisms upon, and further information about it, -i'iilc Admiral Collinson's T/irce I'oftrj^rs of Mnrtin /•n'/'/.v/zfr ( Fondon, Hakluyt Society, 18C7), and Randall's I'oyngcs {\^\i. 7-13). -C. ■\\ 38 NORTH-WEST FOX. I! II Expedition was prosecuted in two small Barques of 25 tonnes the piece, vi:: : The Gabriel, and the Mic/iaef, and one Pinnace of 10 Tonnes. He departed from Blackwall, lune 15 ; went by the North, The 15 of luly he had sight of a ragged land, he tooke to be Frcezeland'^ ; durst not approach the same for Ice and Fogge, and thereabouts he lost the sight of his small Pinnace by storme, which he thought the Sea had devoured, wherein were onely foure Men. The Michael, misliking the matter, slipt back for Eng- land, with report that the Captaine was lost at Sea. The worthy Captaine, notwithstanding he had sprung his Mainmast in the storme, proceeded on W. Northwards, and [on] the 2o[th], he had sight of a high land he named Queene ElizabetlCs Foreland, and, sailing more Northerly along the Coast, descried another Forland, with a Gut, Bay or passage Westward. He met great store of Ice along the Coast ; was crost with winds, that he could not thwart those streights. In few dayes, he discernes the Ice to be well consumed, either ingulfed therein by Indrafts, or else set so'^ Southwards by Currents. He enters the 21 [of July] ; sayles Westwards 50 leagues, with land on both sides ; imagines the one the maine Continent of y^j/rr, the other, on larboard, the firme land o{ America. He named the Straight Frobris/iers straight'-' After he had sailed 60 leagues up. * This was obviously not the Freezland of the Zeni, but the southern part of Greenland.— C. '■^ This is, of course, a misprint for to. — C. '^ It is nece? sary to bear in mind that, until long afterwards, Fro- bishcr's Strait (which is really identical with what is now known as Lumley's Inlet, on the west side of Davis' Strait) was supposed to run through Greenland. It is so shown on the maps of both Foxe and James, and on many other maps, even of a much later date. Frobisher doubtless had with him a copy of the Zeno map; and, having encoun- tered what he erroneously thought to be Freezland of that map (which must really have been Cape Farewell), would naturally think, when he V a FROHISIIERS FIRST VOYAGE. 39 he went on land ; found signcs where fire had been made, and Deere, [al]so mankinde, as he was faine to defend himselfe against them. The people [who] resort to him in their Canoes of Leather, had like to have stolne his Boate from him before he was aware. They came on Shipboard ; brought him Salmon, Flesh, and Fish. They appeared to be nimble of their joynts and strong. They fall to trade for Fish, Seale, coates of Sealo skinnes, and Heares skinnes, for bels, looking-glasses, and other toyes. They intercept his boate with 5 men ; ne'er till this day heard of. The Captainc by the ringing of a bell intices one of the Sa/- vages to him, as though he would give it him ; he lets the bell fall into the Sea as the Salvage should have tooke it ; he takes him by the hand and pulls him with his boate into the Ship. Whereupon, in despight, the Salvage bit his tongue in twainc ; yet he lived till he came into England, and then dyed of cold he had taken at Sea. With this prize, he returnes for England; arriveth in Hanvich the 2 of October. He commandcth his Company, at their landing in the foresaid Countrey, to bring away something with them of the first they could lay their hand upon, in token of possession in the right of Queene Elizabeth. Whereupon, some brought Stone, some flowers, some grasse ; one brought a peece of stone much like to Sca-coale^ in colour, but by weight seemed to be Mettal or Mynerall ; but as yet not esteemed of, but from the place from whence it came. Of this bright Stone, he gives a piece (as of something brought from that farrc Country) to one of his Adven- s.iiled on and encountered more land to the westward, that he had come to the cast side of (ireenland. Hence this imfortunate and lony-maintained geographical bkinder. — C. * An old name for coal (formerly spelled cole), which was so called because it was usually brought by sea.- C v. m iii ' Jfl ii \\ .,1 ii I ' 40 NORTII-WKST FOX. »» turcr's wives, who, throwing the same into the f)Te to burne, and after it was quenched with vincger, it glis- tered with a bright Marqucsset' of Gold ; whereupon, the matter being called into some question, it was trycd by ccrtaine Goldsmithes in London; who, upon essay made, gave out that it held Gold, and that very richl}- for the quantity ; and the said Goldsmithes promised great mat- ters if any quantity thereof could be had. Which hopes produced a second Voyage." This [first] Voyage they gave names to Sounds, Hands, Bayes, Capes, Streights, &c, as ElizabetJi Forland, Cape Lahradore^GabrieV s Hand, Priors Sound, T/iomis Willianis' Hand, BourcJiers Hand : FrobrisJiers Streights. He de- scribes the Country people to be like the Tartars, with long blacke hayre, broad Faces, flat Noses, tawnie coloured, [and] wearing Garments of Scales skinnes. He arrived in HarwicJi the 2 of October. II Navigation of Christopher Hall, Master, with Frobrisher, the first Voyage!^ SEcretary Woollje was sent from her Maiestic to gi\-c charge to the Company of the ship to obey their Cap- tainc, and be diligent in all things. He* observes at Gravesend, and found the Latitude 51 deg. 23 min. Variation 1 1 deg. I. June 24 he had sight of Faires Ik. The 25, he had ^ Ash's Diclioiiary gives Miirqiicsite or Maicasite as " a compound inflammable metallic body, fretjuently found in mines." — C. '■ In Rundall's Voyages {\^. 14) will be found a very different account "/ 'ie experiments tried upon this stone, taken from a MS. by Michael Lok {Cottonian MSS., vol. viii, No. 41). — C. ^ Hall sailed with Frobisher as master of the Gabrici on the first voyage, and of the Ayde on the second voyage. Hall's narrative here following is abstracted by Foxe from the account given in Hakluyt (1589 ed., pp. 615-622).— C. ■* Hall, not Woolley, is evidently here referred to. — C. FROIUSIIKR's riRST VOVACE. 41 sifjht of the Swi'fibonie in Sliotland ; the S. most Cape bearcs N.N.W., Fairely at the same time VV.S.VV. ; saih'iiLj from these bcarint^s with Stviuborue, he had depth Go, 50, 40 Fathams. Lat. 59. 46. Fairely bearing; W.X.W. 6 leagues off him, he had depth 59 and 46 fathom, and went into Troiiiins Sound in Shotlaud to stop a leake. 14 Leagues West South- wards from Fain He he had variation W. 11 deg. 9 min. Inly II. He had sight oi Fricsland, sharpe pinacled High-Land, and covered with snow, bearing W.N.W. The Captaine attempted to get on Land, but could not for great store of ice. And had no ground at 120 Fatham.^ Sailing from thence 20 leag. SAV., observing the Sunne in the Meridian 52 deg. ; iudges the variation \V. 2 points and a halfe. The 28 was foggie, but at the breaking vp thereof, he had sight of Land, supposed Labrador. Found great store of Ice about the Land, but he had no ground at 100 Fath. a Cables length off shore. And a great Current sets S. W. and N. F., i League | in the houre. The tide sets to the shore; and then, one great peece of Ice breaking, made a noyse as if the Cliffc had fallen into the Sea. August 10. The floud sets S.VV. along the Land, and it flowes so. II. Latitude here di 1. This day they enter the Streights, and set saile for Gab rid' s Hand, then distant 10 Leagues.- 13. They enter within a Sound in a Sandy Bay. The Land bearcs E.S.E. ; depth 8 Fatham. A S.E. Moone, full Sea ; they name this Sound Prior's Sound, distant from Gabriel's 10 leag. 16. Calme and faire. In 2 houres the Ice was froze about the Ship a quarter of an inch thicke. I- ( iMil iii^^ 11 ' L;it. 61.— F. • .\ mistake. — V. 'I w '71 W' I I' A ! 'if 42 NOR I H-WF.ST FOX. The tQ, the Captaine and he went on shore vpon an Hand, with 8 men ; and, from the top thereof, they had sight of 7 Boates which came rowing from the P2ast side to the Hand. Then they returned on shipboard and sent their Boatc with 5 men to see which way they tooke, and so with a white Cloth or waffe,' brought one of their lioates with their men in her along the shore, rowing after the Boatc vntill they see the ship, and then they rowed on shore, and he followed and gave every one of them a threed Point- and brought one of them aboard, where he did eate, and drinke, and then carried him ashore againe. Where- vpon the rest, being 19 I'ersons, came on boord, but he could not vnderstand their Language. They be like Tartars, with long blacke haire, broad faced, flat nosed, and tawny Coloured, wearing Scale skinnes, and so doc the women, nothing differing ; but the women in the Face hath blue stroakes downe the Cheekes and about the eyes. Their Boates are made of Scale skinnes, with a wooden kcele within them, much like vnto a Spanish shalop, save onely they be flat-bottomed and sharpe ended. 20. They went on Land vpon the East side of the Hand with 4 men more in the Boate, where they see their houses. The people came to them calling (and rowing). One of them came into their Boatc ; they carried him on board & gave him a Bell & a knife. The Captaine commanded 5 men to set him on shore in an Hand, & not amongst their Company, but they, not regarding, went to them, who sur- prised their Boat and themselves, never as yet heard of. 21. The next day, they shot off a Falken-gun,^ and * This word does not occur in Hakluyt. I cannot explain its origin. — C. - Presumably a needle (thread-point). In Hakluyt the word is thrcdden-point. — C. ^ A small cannon (now obsolete), having a length of about 7 feet, a diameter of bore of 3 inches, and throwing a ball of nearly 3 lbs, I'KOUISIIKK'S SKtONl) VOVACK. 43 sounded a trumpet to hearc from their men, but were not answered. This morning the Si'.ow was one I'oote thicke vpon the hatches. 22. They went to the place where their men were hxst, and had sight of 14 Boates, and some came ncarc them, but they could heare nothing of their men. 26. Returnes homeward. At 8 a clocke in the night was thwart of Gahriers He, and had Cape Lnbradorc, as he supposed, W. 10 Leagues off Septeuiber i. Had sight o{ Friesland,^ leag. off I^^om this day to the 6, they run along Iseland. 25. Sight of Orkney. October i. Anchor at Yarmouth. 1 Sir Martin Frobrisher /lis 2 l^oyage, 1 577.^ DEparted from Blackivall the 26 of May, with 3 ships ; to wit, the Aide of the Queenes [Service], burthen 180 Tonnes; the MicJiaell ; and the Gabricll, accom- panied with 140 Gentlemen, Soldiers, and Saylers, victualed for halfe a yeare. He went by the North. The 7 of June, arrived at Orkney, in the lies of Scot/and. 8. He departs from thence ; sailes betwixt \V. and N.W. vntill the 4 of /u/y, 26 dayes saile ; from thence they meete with much Drift-wood, as they suppose from Nnv-fouud-land , and [were] driven over with the Current which, they say, sets from the \V. to the East. The 4 of July, they had sight of Fries/and, 10 or 12 leagues off, and great store of Ice, 30 or 40 fatham aboue water, they supposed [fast] on ground, though they could weight, with a point-blank range of 130 paces, and a random one of 1 500.— C. ' The narrative of this voyage, and the account of the Esquimaux are both taken from //cf /•///)'/ (1589 ed., pp. 622-630).— C. (tl ■ I It If' 44 N0RTH-W1:;ST I'OX. i'! •'IJ ■i scarce sound the bottomc for depth. The Gencrall attcmpteth to jijoe on Land but cannot. They coast it 4 daycs ; sees no signe of habitation ; Yet, by liirds which in r'ogs had lost the land & came to the Ships, they suppose the Country to be more habitable within, then outward shoarc maketh shew or signification. The 8, they depart from thence. !0. He comes to the making of the Land, named the ycarc before by him, the Oueene.s Fovlaud, being, as they judge it, an Hand lying neere the supposed continent of America. Another Hand lying upon the Asian side, called Hall's Hand ; betwixt which two Hands goeth in Fro- brisJicrs straights, or the unknowne passage into the Sea of Siir. He doth suppo.se that the Ice of this Coast is carried b)- some contrary E. or VV. tyde or current upon the Coast of Frcczla)id ; causing that Country to be farrc more intemperate than other countries farrc more North. At their first entrance, they found the Straight mured with Ice. The Captaine, with his Pinnace, past twice through, before he durst hazzard in the great Ships. They goe on land. The people .seemed to be joyfull thereof; they embrace, and the Captaine laid hands on them ; but they escape through nimblenes.se, and defends themselves with their bowes and Arrowcs. He tooke one ; all the rest escaped. They put their- Ships into the Straights all full of Ice ; they made 14 bourds in one watch, to refraine the Ice. The lightnesse of the night did them much comfort and hclpe for sight, and this hazard they made for safegard of their Captaine and Master, who were on land. 17. Being the day following, the Capt. came on board with report of great riches hid in the bowels of that Con- tinent. Within 3 or 4 dayes after they had been in the Streights, the W. and N.W. wituls tlispcrst the Ice. The 19, they .m . ' ■( II fromisiikr's skconp \()VA(;k. 45 ill enter without impediment. The 20 thc\' found .1 u Mr's. Mate. — F. ''■ The Narwhal {Monotioii iiKi/ioccros), or " .Sra Unicorn", nne of ihc strangest foinis amoiij^ the t'etacea, is a nali\c of llir Airtic ,Sras. ranging' up to \ery high latitudes. It lias, lio\\e\cr, on sexcral oc- casions, occurred on the Ihilish coasts, lis most icMiaikahk' feature is its twisted tusk, or horn, which is of dense white ivory, and is generally from six to eight feet in length, l)ut occasionally more. In the Middle Ages, it was supjjosed to he the hoin of the rnicoin of fable, and many most exlraordinai y pro|)erlies were su|)])ose(l to belong to it. Among other things, it was thought to he an antidolc to all poison. This is, no doulit, what is indie aled l)y the mention of S])iders. — C. T am 46 XORTII-WF.ST FOX. 1'^' ! i rcmoovcd to the foresidc of the Bay. They fled by Sea. Our men incom passe them both by land and Sea. Thej- defend thcmselvs with bowes & Anowes, and fiercly assault our men. We wounded 3 with our Arrowes, who perceiving themselves hurt desperately, Icpt from the Rockes into the sea and drowned thems^elves. The rest escaped by flying into the Mountains. Onel)' 2 women stayed ; the one for Age ; the other having had a Child, was brought on Shipboard, being shot through the haj-re of her head, but her child was shot through the arme, which the Chirurgion endeavouring to cure, she pluckt off the appiyed salues, and, like a Dog, with licking, healed vp the Child's arme. The man Salvage formerly taken and she [being] brought together every man with silence desired to behold the manner of their meeting, the which was more worth the beholding then can well be expressed. At their first sight, they beheld each the other very wist[ful]ly a good space, without speech or word vttered, with great change of Colour and Countenance, as though it seemed the griefe of their Captivitie had taken away the vsc of their tongues. The Woman at first, very soddainly, as though she dis- dained or regarded not the man, turned away and began to sing, as though she minded another matter ; but, being againe brought together, the Man broke vp the silence first, and, with a sternc and stayed countenance, began to tell a long solemne tale to the woman, whcrevnto she gave good hearing, and interrupted him nothing till he had finished. And afterwards being growne into more familiar acquaintance by speech, they were turned together, so that I thinke the one would hardly have lived without teh comforts of the other ; and, for so much as we could pcr- ceiue, albeit they lived continually together, yet they did never v.se as man and wife, though the woman spared not to doc all necessary things that appcrtaine to a good hus- FROinsUKRS SKCON'I) vova(;h. 47 wife, indcfifcrently for them both ; as in making cleane their Cabine, and in every other thing appertaining to his case. For, when he was sicke, she would make him cleane, and kill and flea the dogs for their eating, and dressc his meatc. Onely I thinke it worth the noting, the conti- ncncie of them both, for the man would never shift him- selfc, except he had first caused the woman to depart out of his Cabine; and they both were most shamefast, least any of their privie parts should be discovered, cither of themselves or of any other. This Bay was named Yorke Sounde : The point Bloudy Point. Our men returned to their Tents (seeing there was no hope to bring them to Civility) & made spoile of the ; wherein they found an old shirt, a doublet, a Girdle, and shooes of the men lost the last yeare. This done, they returnc againe to their Ship. And the third day they depart from this supposed America. The fourth, they came to the Generall in a faire harbour on the East side, which they named the Countesse of WanvicJcs Sound. In this place, they fully intend to lade with the supposed gold Mincrall, to counteruaile the charge of thei; first and this second Voyage. The Inhabitants come to them againe, and make shew that 3 of the 5 men are alive, making signcs for pennc and inke, and that within three or foure dayes they would rcturne, and bring those that were living. Sir Martin Frobrisher, his Letter to the linglish Captaincs,^ taken the last yeare in Mcta Incognita. IN ihe Name of (I O 1), in whom wee all holecvo, who I liiist lialh preserved your bodies and Soules amonysl those Inlidels, 1 com- mend me unto you ; I will be glad to seeke, by all meanes you can ' En)>,dish captives. This is clearly a literal misprint. C. ■ li!: 1 ■ li ! i ■1 ! imm 48 NORTH-WEST FOX. 9 devise, for )Our deliverance, either with force or with any Com- modities within my ships, which I will spare for your sakcs, or any thing else I can doe for you. I have on lioard of theirs a man, a woman, and child, which I am contented to deli\cr for you ; but the man of theirs which I carried away the last ycarc is dead \\\ E/ig/niid. Moreover, you may declare unto them that, if they deliver you not, I will not leave a man alive in their Countrey. And thus, if one of you can come to speake with me, they shall have cither the man, woman, or child, in pawne for you ; and thus unto Clod, whom I trust you doc serve. In hast I leave you to him. We will daily pray for you. This Tuesday morning the 7 of August. Yours to the utmost of my poore [endeavours], M.VRTIN FROIJRI.SHER. [I'.S.] — I have sent you, by these bearers, I'cn, Inke, and Paper to write back againe, if personally you can [not] come to satisfie me of' their estate. 1'' Here their Captive [Esquimaux], being on shore, set up 5 small stickes in a Circle, one by another, with a small bone placed in the middcst. They conceited thereby he would give his Countrimen to understand that, for 5 men betrayed the last yeare, he was taken prisoner, which hee signified by the bone in the middest. For, afterwards, wee showed him the Picture of his Countryman which the last yeare was brought into England, whose counterfeit was drawne with his l^oate and furniture, both as he was in his owne, and also [in] Englis/i, apparcll. Hee was upon the sodaine much amazed thereat, and, beholding ad- visedl)' the same with silence a good while, as though he would straine curtesie, whether should begin the speech (for hee thought him, no doubt, a living creature), at length began to question with him, as with his Com- panion, and finding him dumbe and mute, seemed to suspect him as one disdainfull, and would with a little hclpe have growne into choUer at the matter, untill at last by feeling and handling, he found him but a deceived Picture, and than with great noyse and crycs ceased not FR(H;ism:k s si'.roxD vt)\.v,\:. 49 to wonder, ihiiikiiiij- that we could make men !i\'c or d\-c at our pleasure. 'J'hc\' also make sic^ncs thc^y ha\e a Kini:^ carried on men's shoulders, a man farre surpassing auy of ours in l)i_L,mes and stature. It ma}- lie thout^^ht the\- arc \sed to trafri(|ue with some other Xation ; \et, for all this faire dealing, thc}' la\' lurking to betra)' our men, witli dixcrs signcs and raw llesh, w hich wc got, and it served for mealc for the man and woman, whose stomackes as yet could not digest tlic Shipi)es \ictuals. One amongst them counter- feited himsclfe lame, who, being shot at with a C"alli\ei' to affright hiin, he [iresentl}- t(K)ke to his legges and runne away. Ikit, in all this time, thej- cannot hearc of their men. Their weapons are Bowes, Arrowcs, sh'ngs, and darts. The)- ha\e 2 sorts of Boats ; the one is for one man and close dcckt, shaped like a \\'ea\er's shuttle ; the other ojicn, and will carr\' 14 men, more or less, and planckt with Scale skinncs. It is thought that their habitation in Winter is farre within thc land, and that they abide here in Summer onely to live upon l"'ish. The 24 of August, after the}- had satisfied their minds and k'ulen their Shippes, the}' dejiart ; falls with the Land's end of liiigiand, and i)Uts into M i/ford h^wcn in the Admirail.- ' All old kind of iiaiul-gun or ar(|ucl)us, which was ( hicfly used at sea. — C. -' llakluyt says they put into Milford Haven, "from whence our yenerail voile to thc Court for order to what porle or haven lo ( oiuluil the ship." In those days, tin; chief commander of a fleet was "calleil the generak and hi^ sliip was the admiral ; and the second in conunand was the lieutcnant-^t-ncrai, sailinj.; in the \ice-admiral. The cajjlain conducted warlike operations, and die master was responsiljle for ilie navigation ami safety of the ship, anil for the merchandise ; but fie- L|uenlly the two offices were united" (Mr, (.". R. Maikham in '/'//(■ l'(>}'ai;cs of ]\'t7/iivii Iiti(liii, p. wxv). — C. r;:^l f it ■ . ;i ■ 5 1 • I!i1 !. ti : Ik' 111 If i? fi i i \ , 1 111 I' 50 NORTH-WEST FOX. The 2 barkcs were separated at Sea by stormc ; the one arrived at Bnstoiv : the other came about ScotlaJid, and arrived safely at Yarmouth. In this voyage, they lost two men. Oueene Elizabeth named the land Mcta i)ico!^nita. Tilings Ranarkeahle {concerning the Esquimaux observed] in this Second Voyage. THey arc men of large Corporaturc, good proportion, and of colour not much unlike tlie Sunnc- burnt Country-man. They weare their haire something long, cut disorderly before ; their women weare their haire long, knit up with two loopes ; some of them Races' their cheekes, chins, and faces, whereupon they l)-e a colour like darkc Azure. The)' eate all their meate Raw, as flesh, fish, fowle, or but lightly perboyled ; with water and bloud, the)' will eate Ice, as we doe Suger. I'or necessity, they will eate grassc like bruit beasts, without table or stoole; and, when their hands arc imbrued in blood, they licko them clcanc with their tongues. Thc}' yoke their Dogs for use, as wee doe Oxen ; and, when they grow old, they fatten them to eate; and, if they dye, they doc the like. They apparell ;hcmselvcs in skins of Heasts & h'owle, sowed together with the sinewes thereof, to defend them from cold. They make their apparell with hoods and tailes, which tailcs they bestow as favours to ratific any friendship showen them. The men's garments arc not so long as the women's. They weare their hose close to their legs, from the wast to the knee, without any opening before, as well the one kind as the other. Upon their legs they weare hose of * To race — tn cut or scratch : an oljsolrte w nrd. — C T'ROmSHERS SKCOXn VOVAf.r.. 51 leather, with the fur-siclc inward, 3 pairc at once, especial!)' the women. In these hose, they put their necessaries they carr\- about them ; they put also a bone into their hose from the footc to the knee, whereon their hose bcinc;^ drawnc are held up in place of garters. They dressc theyr skins very soft and supple with haire on. In winter, they wcarc the skin-side inwards ; in Somnier, outward ; other apparel 1 they have none. Their bea.sts, fishes, and ftnvles arc all their mcate, drinkc, apparell, houses, bedding, and all their Riches. Their liouses are tents, covered with skins, pitched with c[uarters foure square meeting at toi)s, sewed together with sinewes ; their entrance is alwa\'es o'er against the Sunne. They have other sorts of houses, which they' found not to be inhabited, raised with stones and Whale-bones, and covered with skins, the entering not unlike unto an oxen's mouth, which they frecjuent during their hunting time, and so leaves them untill they come thither againc. They have 2 sorts of l^oates ; the one only for one man, the other for 16 men. The\' kill all their fish and flesh with darts, and it may be thought the}' re])aire to some other place to live in winter, farther from the Sea sitle. The)' will cate theyr flesh and fish, smell it never so filthil)-. What knowledge the)' haue of God, or w hat Idoll they adore, is unknowne. Thc\- make signcs of people that wcarc bright plates of (iold in their foreheads. The Countr)' is high and mountainous, [with a] great quantit)- of snow- lying thereon ; there is little plaine ground and no grasse, but that which is like unto mossc, growing upon soft ground, such as we get turffe upon. There is no wood at all. There is great quantit)' of Deere, their skinnes like unto Asses ; their heads or homes doc farrc exceetl an)-, Ijoth in length and breadth, of those Countr)'es. Their feetc are great as ' Tlio explorers arc e\ itlentk meant.- C V 2 Mil 5 ' '1 ( * I ii , 1^ si^''vmBmmmm Si!!l ( I , ''■ *, if I i ! "I lilt mIV 52 NORTH-WEST FOX. Oxen, wliicli, measured, were 7 or S inehes in lircadth. Their are also Hares, U'olvcs, fishing-Ecarcs, and sundry sorts of Sea fowle. T/^e 3 Vojagr of S/r Martin I^'robrisher [1578].^ (77^/s l\)j'(rgc the Qiiccnc gave liivi a C/iaine of Go/d.) Articles to l>c ol'scrvcd in /lis FIcctc. 1. T w/r/////.s-, to banish SwearinL^', Dice, .and Card-playini;-, and *• filtliy Comniunicalion, and to serve (ion twice a day with the ordinary service \scd in the Church of England, and to cleare the glasse- according to the old order of Ent^tand. 2. The Admirall' shall carry the lij^ht ; and, after his lii^ht lie once put out, no man to goe on head of him, but every man to fill his sailes to follow as neare as they may, without indangcrini;- one another. 3. That no man shall, by day or night, depart further from the Admirall than the distance of one English mile, and [the vessels shall keep] as neare as they may, without indangering one another. 4. If it chance to grow thickc, and the wind contrary, either by day or night, that the Admirall be forced to cast about, before her casting about, she shall give warning by shooting off a ])iece [of ordnance], and to her shall answer the Vice-admirali, and the Reare- admirall, each of them with a I'eece, if it be by night or in a fogge, and that the \'ice-admirall shall answer first, and the Rcare-admirall last. ' The account given by Foxe of this voyage is condensed from the somewhat discordant narratives of it given by Thomas Ellis .and Captain liest, as printed in Halcliiyt (15S9 ed., pp. 630-635). Like the two previous voy.igcs, it w.is a total failure, so f;ir as its main object was concerned. This main object was the colonis.ition of the land known as Mela Incognita, 120 persons being selected ;is colonists, and three ships being intended for their use whilst there. The e\- l)edition which consisted of no less than_/?/Ar// vessels, was the largest which has ever yet set forth upon an Arctic searching expedition. — C. '■^ This relates to the old custom of regul.iling the length of the service or the sermon by tlie time ocxupied by the sand in clearing the hour-glass. Hour-glasses were formerly to be seen in most, if not .all churches, and they still remain in some country places. — C. ' That is, the ship of the "(iener.il" or Commander of tlie expedi- tion. .See note to p. 49. — C. I'ROI'.ISIIF.RS TliHU) VOVAfiK. 53 5. 'riiat no man in the tlii;ht,' discryint^ any sailc nr sailes, give, \))on any occasion, any Chase before he ha\e spoken with tlic Ad mi nil I. ('>. Thai, e\ei'y ni;-;ht, all the I'"lcete < ome \|) and speaki' uilh the Admirall at 7 of the cjocke, or betwixt that and ei^ht ; and, if the weatiier will not sei\e them all to speake with the Admirall, then some shall come to the X'ice-admirall, and receiiie the order of their couise from Mr. Hull, chiefe pylol of the tlii^ht, as he shall direct them. 7. If, to any man in the lliylit, there ha|)peneth any misch.nice, tliiy shall presently shootc off 3 pccces by day, and by ni^^ht 1 jiecccs and i^how 2 lit^hts. H. If any man in the nij^lil come vp and hayle his fellow, knowinj^ him not, he shall give him his watch word, lU-forc the world 7C'its i'liul : the other shall answer him, if he be one of our tlight, ylftcr (n>\\^ the Mooih\ the IJarke Dciniis, ami the dthricll ; and 4 ui)on ni\- Lievtenant Ccncrall in X\\c Ji/tief/t, viz- : The Hopci<.'cll, tlic Armciiall, ih.e llcdrc, and I lie Sal(VH(Vi(h-r ; & the other 4 vpon the \'ice-adniirall, tiie Anne J-'nunis, tlie Tlionhfs of Ipsioit/i, the Enianiicll, and tlie Michacll. 15. If tlieie liap|K;n any chsordered jjerson in tlie tlij^ht, that he be taken and kejit in safe custody viiiill he may conveniently be bron-lu aboard the Admirall, there lo receive such inuiishnient as his or their offence shall deserse. He dcp;u-tcd from Jlarwich the 31 of JA?)', 1578, with 15 Shippes, having given that Instructions for ordering of his flecte, as well for civill government as direction.- He goes by the West. The 6 of //iiu\hc had sight of Cd/^c Clccrc, sayling towards the N.W. parts from firiaiid. A great Current from S.W. carried them 1 point to tlic N.E. of theiv course, which current seemed t(^ him to con- tinue its course towards A'omuiy. The 20 of /ii/n\ the Generall discries land, and being Fnzehvid, names it West England. He goes on shore, and findes a good harbour for Shippes. The people fletl. Tliey Judge it part o{ Mcta iiicogitita, or Groiiclaud ; their boats and apparell are all alike with those V){ Mcta iiicogtiita. They found in their Tents a box of small Naylcs, red her- rings, and divers carved things, so as they iudge them to be civill people and Artificers, or else to have trade with those that are. 23. The)^ depart from thence and names a certain cliffe, for some resemblance, Charing crosse. They meete with much yce, many Whales and foggcs. The Salamander, a ship of his Flight, strucke upon a ' I'robably l-'da'ry^ in Cornwall. —C. - 120 I'crsons appointed to inhabitc Mcta incognita: 3 .Ships was appointed to be left for y^ use of the Inhabitants. — F. Hi' FROBISHERS THIRD VOYAGE, 55 Whale with full stem, bcin^ under courses and Bonnets' ; he makes an u-^lie noyse, and two dayes after they found a dead Whale, supposes it the same. July the 2, they hatl sii^ht of the Oueenes Forhmd ; they beare in all tlay ; had much Ice. At ni<^ht they \.ere cntred the Streight, all overcome with Ice ; not froze there, but driven by the windes violence. The writer conceives the Alaiy g'laa'n/c to be a conjecture, and that no salt Sea can be froze o're with Ice, and in these places where it doth ebbc and flow above lo Fathamcs. And the Ice he met at Sea, looo Miles from land, all which conc^caled ui)on fresh water ; he concludes they were froze in bajes and rivers, and not in the Sea. This Ice doth shut tOLjether with winde, and (Ji)en at the shiftini( or change thereof, as in other places, so as it is passable. The liarke Dennis struck \p(jn a Rocke ; the shi[) sunke, the men were saved b)* their boates ; therein were much of the house drowned, which the men appointed to winter in Mcta incognita should have lived in. .Amidst the Ice, a storme takes them at S.E. ; some takes in sailes and hulls that had roome ; others make fast to the Ice ; others fend off Ice with poales, oares, junkes, oken boards, and the like ; so as all were put to it. Yet, for all this, their ship-sides and waeles- were sore torne and bruised. The next daw the winde changed W.N.W. ; the Ice dispersed. They go to Sea and meetes 4 more of their Company, who had all kept the Sea during the S.1'2. storme. They resolue to keepe the Sea vntill th'? Sunne dissolue, or the wind dispierse, the Ice out of the Straight. ' The mainsail, foresail, and mizzen were spoken of as courses. Bonnets were small supplementary sails, about one-third the size of the courses, lo which they were affixed. -C. - The wales, or j^un-wales, are the stout planks or strakes of timber running rt)und the upper part of a ship's sides. — C. I Hi Ij 1 ■ it im m ^'^m m t*m * SS9R9i SO NORTll-WT.ST l().\. /. They cast about inward at,Minc, had siL;ht [of land). Of what Land it sh(juld he, there was difference «>f opinions. Throui;"h the thicke mists, antl by snow newly fallen, the habit of the Land was altered. Thinkini; they had bin to the N.lv of Frobrishcrs Straights; then connnini; from Land b\- a Current commint;" from thence alone; the Coast, they were carried to S.W'., off the Oueen'.s I'or/aiid, more miles then tliey thought possible. Here they make a i)ecce of Lantl for Mount Warwickc, )-ct wonders how the}- shoukl be so farre shot within the Straight without their knowledge. I low be it, the)- con- fessed the}' found a swifter course of flood then hitherto they liad observetl. And here their Ships were whirled about in a moment, l\-ing a Hull, as though the\' had beene in a \\'hirlei)oole, the waters making w> lesse no)'se, to be heard a farre off, then the waterfall of London l^ridge.' Here they could have no observation. The Generall sends to the Shippcs to know their chiefcst opinions. Christop/icr Hall, chiefc I'ylatc, saide he had never scene that coast before, nor could not make it for any part of Frobrishcrs Streights, although the land did lye and trent alike. July the lo, the weather ccjn tinned thicke and darke, and the fleete disperced. They were doubtfull whether to set to Sea, or to follow a doubtfull course in a Sea, Ba\', or Straight the)- knew not, or stand along an imknow no coast where they could not discerne dangers for darke mists and thick weather. Whereupon, some betooke themselves to Sea, as think- ing that the safest Course. Others followed the Generall within that doubtfull and imkncjwne Strcights above Go leagues, having alwaies a faire Continent u[)on the Star- 1 This alludes to the fact that the water, in running through the narrow arches of old London Jiridgc, made a gieat noise, and de- scended some distance. Davis, on the 29th of July, 1587, encountered the same current, and called it the " I'urious Oxerfail". Many later navigators have also mentioned it. — C FR()i;isiii:u s TiiiKi) \()\'A(ii;. 57 I) ):ii'cl a 1 I a c );Uiini m :j dI' an ()j).mi Sea IjctDa; ihciu ; so as if it liad iiwt bcjiic for the i^atherini;' of his llcctc a;4ainc, as alsi) their huh'n;^" of Oie, he Ijoth would and could liavc L^one into the JA?/v del S/ir; for the furthe'r the\- sailed, the lesse Ice, and 50 Ie.i;_;ues within this StreiLjht was noiu; at all.^ This StraiL,d-it hath also a '^rcat Indraft ; for, ])\-the fore- said current, the Hotin^;' wracke of the h.u-ke Ihiii/is, lost at the Qucenes i'orUuid, was brou;_;ht thither alon;^ the Coast, and b}- the Indraft drawne in there, it bein:^- many miles distant. The}' doc also affirme out of some of their best mar- riners'obserwation that, in this Straii^dit, the noial-t\"de doth runne 9 houres and ebbe 3, which nia\- well come to passe b\' force of tlie ciu'rent commiuL;' from tlie 1'",. and buUin;^" upon that coast, ma\' enforce the tyde into all indrafts and rivers, with lont^er HowinL^s, untill the force of the ebbe, re- cei\'in^' his strenL;th from the West Sea, tloe resist it, the Sea will not acordiuL;" to the •iii;^: — Xatitrain cxpc/ias fiirca : //(/'/ iisqiii rccunitr .Also, they observed vpon this Coast that, l}'in<^ a Hull, 25 Icaj^ucs off Land, the wind blouin;^" trade,'' tlie)- were broutrht to within two lea''"ues thereof, contrar\- to expec- tati(jn.^ This part of the Countr\', the\- hold to be more populous and fruitfull then www discovered before, and better stored ' This doth argue that this StrfiLjht dotli goc through iirocmidiul into l-'rctiiiii Ihn'is.- V . [As has already 1)llmi explained (p. 3.S), it does nothing of tlic kind. (/.] - This proxerb, taken from Ilorac, may he freely ti.m-ilated ; " Natural forces cannot be changed." — C. •' Tlie "trade wind"' blows N.E. — C. ^ 1 he 15 leag. w,is to the K. from Land ; and this hulling must be neeie some indraft. If so, 1 am |)er-,\saded the S. ])art of I iror/i/idid is all Hands. — F. ill .1'" li|, t, ■!!i 1 H: - 1 n 'M I s tL 58 NORTIT-WEST FOX. 1.'! with grassc, fowle, and wild l^casts. And liccrc thc\' sec greater Boatcs then before, and of the contents of 20 persons. And thc\- thinke that, being 6o leag. vp the fore- said Straight, they saw Land on Larboard.^ To returne backe againe the same way out of this Strcight, along the supposed backesidc of the Continent of America : at the Oucenes Forhvid, he es])ies a Gut to goe through in l^'robrishcrs Slraighls ; sends the Gabricll through, who mectes againe i i the Streight, so the Queencs Forland \)Ko\Q.(S. an Hand. They anchor in the Streight, at a Land they named Hattoiis Hcad-liVid, where the\- met 7 of their ships, and staies for the 'est. The 26, they had a cruel 1 slormc (jf windc and snow, which tlispercetl their Meete, and were most cruell}' \veather-beaten. The 2 f)f .///i,'7/.v/, all the Fleete arrivetl exce[)t 4, anil har- bours neere Mount Oxford. The 6da\-, they got \p as high as Leicester Point. Then they hokl a Consultation for in- habiting, but doth not. One ship the)- had lost then, as they thought, but she came hcMue without doing anj-thing. Tlic rest searches fcM' i\r)-nes, and fintles one ; ca!s it AV.s/V Blessing - after his owne name that found it ; but, in bring- ing their ship thereto, .she grounded vpon a Rockc & ]!•! ' riu'ic can !)'■ no doubt, from the description j;i\en, that llie strait u|) which Frobisher had thus saileil for sixty leagues in 157S was Hudson's Strait, and that he therefore preccdetl Hudson's "discovery'' of it by over tliirly years. If he liad sailed along the northern shore of tlie strait for the distance name 1 he probably arrived some- where near the Upper Savayc Isles, and it is possible that on his way there his men may have seen the opposite or southern shore of the strait. It is not to be {greatly wondered at that I'robisher did not follow 11]) t!"is discover)', importimt though it must have sec;v.cd to him, for it is very clear that his voyage was undertaken much more with a view of extentling connnerce than geogi. pliical ilisiovery pure and simple. It is clear, too, that he had, as he says, to tliink of the safely of the rest of his scattereil fleet. ('. - Captain Hest was in commanil of the Anne l-'riincis, one of {•"roliisher's ships. He wrote one of the existing aceoiinls of the e.x- peditum. C. FROmSIIER's THIRD VOYAGK. 59 halfc drj'cd, so as tlicy were forced to vnderprop her with their mayne-yard, and thereby escaped the x.:antjer which they miijlit otherwise lia\e fallen into. Now, tlic Fleete bein^" all laden and read}-, the\- furnish VI) a little house with Ik'lls, Babies, lectures of men and women, Glasses, W'hissles, Pipes, with an oven with baked bread, & left it to the Natives. And, vpon the last of Aiti^usl, the whole h'leele was ready to depart, but a cruel 1 storme tooke them : some at Sea, some at anchor in Sounds. The Jhissc was faine to seek a new way to Sea thiough a Sounil ; she rid in \i)on the backside of luuirc sound, and got to Sea to the N. of Frobris/ivrs Sfra7\i/its ; but the Generall came home in the Gixhricll, and could not y,et aboartl his owne ship the Aide. The Ihtssi\ comminL,^ home, foimd an llaiul in 57'" ami a lialfe'; sailed a Vnv^ I't] 3 dayes, and saith it is a fruitfull Champion countr\-, and wootld}-.- The Ihtssc fell on the South v>{ Frcc:Aia)id, the 8 (jf Sep- tember. The}- steered from thence S.h',. and by S. untill the 12, when they (.liscr\-ed land 5 leagues off The S.W. part bore S.K. b>' Iv ; the Northcrmost, N.N.IC. or N.lv; the Master accounted the S.IC. point of /''/'(Vv;./c?//<^/ w as then from him N.W'. bs' N. 50 leag.; he accounts this Ihuul to be 25 leagues long, S.IC. and N.W. ; the S. side is in 57^. The)' had sight (jf it 2S houres, they oi^ened 2 harbours therein. The Master did acccnmt himselfe 50 leagues S.l*'. by S. from Inw-^'laiid, when he first disc()\-ered this land. There d)ed about 40 persons ui)on this vo\age. ' 'lliis inland ha-, no cxiMlLiu r. lli allc'^cd diMCdvrry k-il to imu li confusion, as it was maikc-d in tlic position indicated on several early maps. 'I'liere was no vessel nametl llie A'/r.v.sv in l''n)l)isher's Heel hut the Fjiumihl of l)iiilj.;e\vater was a " hiiss", that is to say, a small, stronj^ly-tjiiill, two-masted, Dulcli tishing-hoat, j^eneraliy of from lifly to sixty t(.ns l)mden. C. - If lliis llaiul were found aj^aine, there is ^real store of I'ish about il.— !•■. .i \\ il ' I , c I ■ 11 ;, ■\\ I ( 60 NORTIl-WKST FOX. // is to lye observed in tJicsc Voyages} that these are but Histories, and that tlie)' did not know wlietlier they saw Asia i\x\^ Auieriea or no, as I am sure they did not, nor [do 1 1 know in what land they were; }'et for certaine they were at Meta Ii/eogiiila, (otherwise Croiielaiid. I tliinke the\' meant to ha\e kept this L;dklen Countr}' to themselves ; for the courses, distance, latitude, longitude, variation, anil other marine observations herein is none, onl)- one, Latitude of 63. S min. [for] the entrance of Frobisliers Straights, and Freezelaiid the\- ha\c placed in 61 deg., while this new Hand the ////.v.sy' [discovered] is in 57^' and a halfe, X(M'thcrne Latitude. There is Bcares, Hares, k'oxes, aiul innumerable of Sea- h'owle, whereof liis men kild in one day 15 hundred. He found of (iiiniie beanes- in their tents, of colour Red. 'I"he Inhabitants are good markemen w ith their tlarts ; for the most [)arl, the)- will strike a Ducke in the e}'e, but altogether in the head. 'I he first Voyage of Ca/^tai)ie lohn Ha\is 0/' Sandrigc /// l])evonshire, 1585, to the Xorth-Westr Hl^e tlci^arted from nar\t\iiioiitlt the 7 da)- of lime, w ith 2 l^arciues, <-•/:.. the Sn/zshii/e^of ^o tonnes, 23 persons I including four musicians); and the .'\/o(i//shi//e n[' 33 tonnes. ' 'I'lio fi)ll()\\in;4 is iiol a poition of llie original naiiati\c, l)iU a fdinmcnl hy Vnw. C. - 'this may hv. " ( iuinca-pcpijcr ", or copsiiinii {ritte Ash's />/'<■- tio/iory). L'. ■' F()\c has ahri(l;^i'(l this narratixe from tlial j^ivun hy Ilaktuyt (1589 cil., |)p. 776-780^ wliiili was "wriiti'ii hy John Janes, Marchant, scriiant to the Worshipful Mi-. William .Sanderson". 'Ihc fullest and hi'st information conceinin.^ this and the two later .\i( tic xoya^es of Capt.iin Jojm Davis may he found in C'a|)tain .A. 11. Markliam's \'oy,iCi's mid Worlds of Jolui Poris, the .^■(r^7>(^A';• (London, llakluyt Soiii'l), iX7S', and in Mr. ( K nunt--. K. Maikliam's I .ifc of Jt>lni Ihi7'is i^The W'oiid's (iieat lOxplorers .Series, l.outlon, 18S1/1. (.". lit, 11.1 of US l\t DAVIS S FIRST VOVAOF.. (n 1/ persons. lie put '\w\.o I'almoulli the 8, ;iiul remained there iintill the 13 ; he went b}- the West.' June 14. lie puts into .S"///rj', and liad contrar)- w indes untill the 2S. In liis eourse N. Westward, he see man)' W'lialcs and I'orposes. Tlie)- l)- proceeded N.X.W. for the tlisco\erie. The 6, he descried land in 66. 40 niin., xoyde of Ice. He anchors in a bay neare a faire ]\Iount, the ("liffes theref»f as orient as Gold. He names it Mount /xir/f/g//-; the road, 'J'(>///rs-voiii\ ; the Sound cncompassins;' the road, Juxr/rr's Sound ; the N. I'^or-land, Dyvrs Cape ; the S. ]*'or-land or cheekes of the .Sound, Cape Wixlsi)ii:;Jiaui. He espies 4 white Bcares, and kills one first and two afterw ards. The next day they k-ill a Ik-are ; the fi)re-paw was 14 inches over. This Coast was Mountainous, without wood or any thin^r growing thereon. 'I'he aire was \ery temperate. The 8, he sets saile from Mount Raleigh^ and coasts along S.S.W. The 9, his men complained their allowance was too small. It was augmented to 5 men 4 lb. of bread a day, 12 tjuarts of beere, 6 Ncn'-land fishes, and on the llesh ' No (loiiht some s|H'( ics of the ^cnus Rihrx. I\. prostatiiin is :i natixc of Nowfoumllaml ; and A', lyntrrdfi/iiu licarin^ a black heiry rcscniljlin^ a K'-M'^'i '^ f<'inul on tin- sliores of Iluclson's 15ay. (". ■^ " Mount Rak'if^li of I)a\is, . . . wliicli is the easternmost on this side of Davis' Strait, is of pyramidal form and exceedingly high; our observation makes it in lat. 66' 37' N., and long. 61" 14' W. Cape Walsingham Ix-ing in lat. 66° 37' N., and long. 60 50' W. (\ar. 67'' \V.), is the easternmost land ; and conset|iuntly tlie breadth of J)avis' Strait, at its narrowest part, is about one iumdred and sixty miles." (Ross's l'o)/age to />(ij/ifi\s- /un\ London, iniy, pp. 215 2i6.)-C, I J-'* \ s 1 i lit \ i Mi! Hi Mi 64 XOKTH-WKST FOX. t. S! d;i\', one L;ill of I'casc more, but liullcr ;iiul ("Ik'csc \\ as restrained from them. The I I, lie comes to tlie Soiitli-most Cape of this Land ; lie nanu-d it tlie Cd/'C of Gcd's n/ciij ; tlie weather foL^c^ie. lie coasts the X. side ; and, at the fo^i^es \ p-l)reakin|_;', he was entered into a faire passage, in some i)Iaces 20 lea;.;". l)road ; tolerable weather; \oyde of Ice; tlie .Sea of tlie nature, coloui", and qualit}' of the maine Ocean. lleare he hath i;reat hope of a ijassaL;e ; sailcs 60 leai^. X.X.W. ; disco\ers certaine Hands in the midst, but ]iassat4e on both sitles. lie divides both the Ships; the one sailcs on the X. side, the other on the .S., where tlie\- stayed 5 daies with .S.]^. w inde, foij;L;e, and foule weather. 14. The}' t;"oc on T.and ; fnid siL;nes of peoi)le, and tame do^i^s with coUers al)out their neckes, a bone in their l^i/.cls, and are vsed to trade sletldes, which they found, like ours; one made of I'urrc, spruce, and oken l)oards ; the other of Whalebone. The}- had Iuuil;- \pon the top of these sleds, the heads of 3 lieasts the)' had killed. The;}' found other Iriiles nothing" worth, but onel\' to show that tin; jjcople had latel\' been tluM-e, but they fuid this place all Hands, with i.;reat Sounds passing;- betwi.xt them. And here they foiuid whales comtniuL;' from the Westerne .Sea, and to the Mast-ward the\' had not scene one. .As they were rowing;- into a .Sound l\inL;- S.W'., soddenlx- there came a \iolent t'ounter-checke of a tide from .S.W. airainst the flood which the\' cune with ; Init, soundin;.'', the\- could ha\(' no i^rnund lu ere at 300 fathoms. It flowc'd uppe and dowiie 6 or / fathoms, and the)- could not ])ereei\e iVoni whence it was mainta\-ned. J J care had Ih'iih' taken at tlwir otlraiuc into this Sticij^ht, they niight easily have resoli'ed t/ieii/selves} ' 'lliis is, of coursi', .i (oinmciU ])y I'uvi'.- C ;! i:'- DAVIS'S SECOND \-OYAGE. 65 The 21, they coast the S. shore ; they see many Sounds. The 23, they enter into a faire Sound at the S. entrance of this Streight in 25 fathoms, greene Ose. The 26, they depart from the sight of the N. land of this entrance, directing their course homewards. The 10, he had sight of Desolation. 13. Hee departs from sight thereof. The 27, he had sight of Enghuid; and the 30, he came into DartiiioiitJi. The Observation} He set forth from England, lunc 28 ; his furthest was 66d. 40 N. latitude ; he saylcs then N.W. into a passage 60 Icag. upon the America side, as was then supposed, and found no hinderance. Yet he returnes homewards the 21 o{ August. Hee was the first wee know of, that ever was on the West-side of Groenland, or sayled so farre West in that paralcll.- He discovered upon Groen/and-^k\c, from Desolation to 64° 1 5 min., and, on the West-side, from (id. 40 to the South- side of his new Entrance, and returned home safely. Captaine lohn T)^\\':r,, his second Voyage. 1587.^ May 7. T T E departed from Dart mouth with. 4 ships, viz. 1 1 The Mermayd, 100 Tonnes, the Sunshine, 60 tonnes, the J\[ooncshine, 35 tonnes, the NortJi-starrc, 10 tonnes. ' Tliis is oln ioiisly ;i sumniary by Foxc of the main results of the voyage. He appends similar critical smnmaries to most of the later \oyages of which he inserts alistracts. — C. -' Me certainly was not the tirst, as I'robisher had been there before him. The origin of this cironcous idea of l'"o\e's has alread)' been e\i)lained (see note to p. 38). - C. •' Foxe is again careless enough to give llie date wrongly. He has it 1587 : it should be 1586. Foxe has taken this abstract from the origih.d narrative in Hakluyt (1589 ed., ])|). 781-789), as in the case of the iM'cceding voyage.— C. E w m ni 1 ;■ } k\ ii f 1 iJ 66 NOKTII-WEST FUX. >• li '\:':\ I ! /line the IS, discovers land in 66 dcg. and in longitude from the Meridian of London 47 ; mightily pestered with Ice and snow. From land the Ice lay in some places 10, 20, 50 leagues ; hcc was constrained to bearc backc into 57 deg. to acquit the Ice. The 29, he meets land in 64° and in longitude from London Meridian 58° 30' ; for divers reasons, he beares into this known harbor, and to set up his Tinnacc. He findes many goodly harbors, with high land little troubled with snow, and sea altogether voyd of Ice. He sends his boats to search before the ships for shoale-water to anchor in. The Countrey people come to them with cries and shouts ; but, after they espied some of the Company whom they knew before, they came to their boates and hung vpon them with great joy. The Captaine, with divers others, gocth on Land. The people come to him with dauncing and leaping, and made signes they knew all those that had beenc there the year before. At this present, there were 18 of them, to whom he gauc to every one a knife. They offered him skinnes, but he shewed them that he bestowed them in curtesic, and so dismist them with signes that they should rcturne in 4 hourcs. The people repaire to him the next day and brought with them the skinnes of Scales, Stagges, white Hares, Sealc-fish, Salmon-pealc, small Codde, dry Caplin, with other fish, and Birds. He sent to .search their habitation, with command that no hurt should be offered. They find Tents framed vpon wood, covered with Sealc-sklnncs ; they find therein dry Caplin, bags of Traine oylc, and Seale-skins in tan-tubb.s. He mans his Boate, attended with 50 Canoes, intending to view the Country. The people very carefully helpc him up and downe the stccpc Rockcs. In leaping, our men outstript them ; in wrastling, they cast our best wrastler that had both skill and strength. Davis's second voyage. 67 In a ccrtaine Hand, they found a grave, whcrin men lay buried, covered over with Scale-skins, and a Crosse laid over thcm.i Thc)' be peojjle of good stature, broad-faced ; every time they come, they make new truce b\' pointing to the Sunne, and crying Elcoiit'^ striking vpon their brcst. He takes them to be Idolaters and witches. 'I'hey are .simple in all their conversation, but vcr)' theevish in .stealing of Iron, of which they make great account. They in the end began to shew their Nature in cutting of Cables, their Boate from their stcrne ; and their Cloathes where they laid to aire. They also stole their Oares, a Calliver,'' a Boare-speare, a sword, whcrcvpon they* brake the Peace by shooting off a Musket and a Faulcon,' at which noise they all de- parted with great feare. They returned againe within 10 houres, to intreat peace, which was immediately granted, they brought Seale-skinnes and Salmon-peale, but seeing Iron they could not forbeare to steale. They eate their meate raw, drinke salt water, and eate grasse and yce with delight. Their weapons are for the most darts ; but some ha\e Bowes and Arrowes, and Slinges, with their Nettcs made of whale fynne, which they doe artificially catch fish with. They have warre with some other Nation or Inland people, for many of them are wounded. He" had amongst them Copper Ore, blacke Copper, and red Copper. Thinking to search the habitation of this Countr)- in his I'innace, 1 Mr. C. K. M.-irkham ol)scrvcs : " It is possible that tliis may have been a relic of the Norsemen." -C. - Accordinj^ to l^oth Davis and Iiiiffin, the word Eicon t^ Ilyoiit^ ot Yliaout may be translated : " I n\ean no harm." — C. ^ See p. 49. — C. ■* Clearly this refers to Davis's men, not to the sa\ages. — C. •'' A small kind of cannon, now disused. I'Scc p. 42.) — C. " Presumably this should lie tlicy. C. E -2. m \% . '■ i • V ■ ■■ P • ll 68 NORTH-WEST FOX. I?';; I It iW he cntrcd a large River and went on Land to discover, but the high Alountaines hindrcd his prospect. He gathers Muscles for his supper and tookc harbour for that night vnder the Rockcs : where he see a mighty whirlewind taking vp the water in great abundance for the si)ace of 3 houres without any intermission. To conclude, he found this not to be firme Land : but mighty Rivers and Sounds, and Throughlets betweene vast and desert Hands : with passage betweene Sea and Sea'; he rcturnes to his .ship. In his absence, the people had stolne an Anchor, and with slings had thrown stones into the ship, of a half a pound weight; he seemed to the Inhabitants to take no notice of the injurie done him ; hee tills- them on land ; gives them bracelets and other toyes, and intices 7 or 8 on board ; some of them goes into the maine top. After Sunset, they begin againe to assault them with stones in slings into the Alooiicshine, and with one stone strucke the Boatswaine, that he overthrew him. The 1 1, they came to make a new truce ; the Ringleader of the mischief was one. The truce made, they take one prisoner, who pointed to his fellowes to bring the things that were stolne, and he should be enlarged unto them. The wind within an houre came fairc ; they brought the fellow away. One of his consorts came and followed, talking to him ; at length they tooke leave, making great lamentation. The prisoner spake 4 or 5 words to the other, clapping his hands vpon his face ; the other doing the like, they depart. This prisoner in few dayes grew a pleasant Companion, trimmed vp his darts and fishing .tooles, made Okum, and would lay his hand vpon a Roape to haile ; liis meate was first dry Cai)lin they had taken ' Meaning tlic E. Sea, and I'rciuiii Davis. — F. - hi Hakluyt, the word is tolled. Narcs yi\cs to toll: to draw on, to entice, or to pull. C. 1 DAVISS SECOND VOVACJE. 69 there in their Tents ; when it was done he eate poorc Jo Jin} Inly. The 14 of this Moneth, one man dyed ; the rest were in good Health. The 17, in the Latit. of 63. 8 min., he fell with a huge Hand of Ice in one entire Masse, so big as they could not draw the limits, with Bay and Capes, and like hugcCliffes [so] as he tookc it to be Land at first. And in this place he had stickle and strong Currents. No other but ivJiat the Ice made, being forced through the ivater by the witides, and draiuhig so much tuatcr as they bee cythcr on ground or neere. Also, as his motion doth trouble and alter the water's true course, zohich causeth the Tides to cdy, being 7icere it ; as Hands in the Sea, standing in the Flood or Ebbes tvay, ivill doe the like. He coasts to S. off this Ice vntill the 30 of July, and saith, it was such a Barrc to his proceedings, as all his hopes were banished. The 24, all his Ropes were frozen by a grosse fogge ; his men begin to grow sickc and feeble, and told him he ought in Conscience to regard the safetie of his ovvne life and preservation of others: and not, through his over-bold- nesse, to leave their Widdowes and Fatherlcsse children to give him bitter curses ; (leave these excuses and conic home Davis, come home:) besides, the great Ship was too great and unwieldy to discover withall ; besides her charge was 100 pound a moneth. So, with divers other excuses, he sends her homewards, and, with the MoonesJiinc, made shift to steere E.S.K. from the Ice to scckc the next Land. The first of August, he sees land 66. ^;}) Longitude, from London 70 deg. Here he graucs the Moonclight (that had beenc forth but 3 moneths) in a very goode roadc. He findes this land to be all Hands, with Sea on E. on W. on N., but a Musketo stung him grievously ; the people here ^ Hake or stock fish (sometimes cod) salted and dried : cheap, coarse food. Shakespeare mentions it in The Tempest, Act ii, .Scene 2. -C. y\-\ i : f fill ^i ,1^ '.) i I 1 ]f'-: ■ 1 1 ! v ' 1 i ' 1 '-■ 1 1 1 i ( i ■ i 1 -; ! i 70 NOKTII-WKST lOX. scikls him a Scale driviiii^ with the tide, which they liad boyd up with bladders. The people trade with him for skins, as the others did, and arc in all things alike, but in pronunciation of language more plaine, and not hollow in the throatc. Their Salvage kept him close, and made signes to them to get him a Companion. Here he left the Mei-niaid at Anchor the 12 day and sailes W. above 50 leagues ; sees land in dd. 19 ; this land is 70 leagues from the other. He anchors by an Hand of Ice from clock 9 to 3 in the morning. The 15, he departs this land to the South ; sailes untill the 18, and then he sees land N.W. ; a faire Promontory in 65, and no land to southward. Hcere he had great hope of a Passage : He saylcs still southwards and sees Land S.W. and by S. The 17, by observation, he was in 64. 20 m. He had sailed by Chart and precise account 1 5 leagues S. by W., yet, upon observation, he found it S.W., so as he saith it was by a Westcrne Current. August 19, it fell snow and foule weather; they lie at hull all Night within 5 leagues of land. The 20, the weather breakes up. They bcarc in with land and got into a harbour, close for all weathers ; they goe on land and can discerne it to be all Hands ; they come away in the afternoone with a X.E. winde, faire weather ; shapes their course to the South, whereby they may discover the passage. They coast the land untill the 28, finding it still to ron tinue to the S. from Gy to 57°. He sees marvail' of Sea fowle, as Guls and others; he tries for fish one glasse, kills an lOO Codde, although he was but hadly provided ; he, doubting the weather, steps into harbor in 56 d.; sailes 10 leag. up a River 2 leagues broad; very faire Woods on both sides ; stayes here untill the first of Sept. ; had 2 great stormes; he went 6 miles on land. The woods PAViss SECONi) vnvAr.F. 71 were Furrc, Tync-applc,' Elder, Kwc, Withe, and l^irch; he sees a black Rcarc, and here were store of land and river fowlc, as Goose, Ducks, Black-birdcs, layes. Thrush, and of Partridi^e and Feasant ; he kils pjreat store with Bowe and arrowcs. At the harbour's mouth were .threat store f)f Cod-fish. The first of Scptcmhcr, he set sailc, and with faire weather, coasts alon^ to the Southward. The 3 da\', bcinj^ calme, lets fall a Cadger- to prove for fish. In which place there was such abundance as the hooke was no sooner over-board but it was taken. It was the largest and best-fed fish that ever he .see, and some of his men, which were Fishermen, said they never saw a bigger SkulP of fish in their lives. The 4, he anchors in a good roade among Hands; the Country low-land, pleasant, and full of woods. To the N. of this place, 8 leag., finding a mighty great Sea between 2 lands to the W. (the S. land to his judgement is nothing but lies), he greatly desired to have gone into this Sea, but winde or something was against him ; he anchored in 4 fadome, fine sand. In this place is fish and fowle mighty store; he had left on land .some fish to drie; he sent 5 men on land for them. The Countrcy people lay lurking in the wood, and on a sudden assaulted them. They slew 2, and greatly wounded other 2 ; one escaped b}- swimming, with an arrow shot through his arme. * This is a misprint. In Hakliiyt, it reads "fine, pine, apple", etc. — C. ^ The kedge, or kedj^cr, is a small anchor used to keep a ship steady and clear of her bower-anchor wliile she rides in harbour, especially at the turn of the tide. .Smyth {Sailors' Word-Popk, p. 152) says It may be a corruption ot cadi^cr (a carrier or somethmjf carried, from the old word l-\\oik, in wliirh the cd^rcs of tlio |)lanks arc laid toj^ctkcr flush with one another, — C, DAVISS TlllRU VC)VA(;i'.. 75 The 14 of Iiiiic, they descry land \\v^\ and moun- tainous, but did imagine themselves to be 16 or 17 leagues off. The 16, they anchored in harbour. The people came according to their oldc order with crying Elioiit, and shewed them Scale skinnes. The 17, they make way to set up their Pinnace they brought from London. The 18, hec passed about the Hand. Hec found blacke Fumice-stoncs, and salt kerned upon the Rockes, white and glistering. This day he tookc one of the people ; a strong fellow. The 20, the Salvages came to the Hand where the Pinnace was set up and made ready to be lancht, and tore the two upper stroaks away from he for love of the Iron (I doubt in revenge of their prisoners, and for harme done the last yeare); but, being thus much made unservice- able, it was agreed the ElirjabetJi should have her to fish. Now, as they were ready to depart, ncwes was brought the Captaine that the ships that they were to venter their lives in (I thinke for the discovery) had at one time 300 stroakes,^ yet they agree to commit themselves to God's mercy in her, rather than returnc with disgrace. So they stand North-wards along the Land which they call the land of their Merchants, because the people come and trafique with them ; but here thc\' were in doubt of their Ship. (I take it the Eli::abctli and SunncsJiiitc are gone a fishing home.) Ilimsclfc went N.ward into 67.40, where they had great store of Whales and fowlc, which they call Cortcnous?- Two Canoes came to them at Sea ; they cry Jiliout, and gives Birds for bracelets ; one had a dart with i( •J 1 ) 7 . I II m ' 'Phis means tliat the ship liad spiuii}^ a leak, and nocdcil llirce liundri'd strokes of the puinp to clear her. — C. - (^uery cormorants, Capt. Markhain rej^ards the word as a niis- pruil. — ^ , I0P T 7G NORTII-^VI•:ST FOX. i I a peccc of Vnicorne hornc ; the Salvaj^c made stay thereof vntill he saw a knife, and then he truckt.^ They went along with them 3 houres. The 25, came 30 Canoes 10 leagues off Land, and brought Salmon-pceles, Birds, and Caplyn ; they give them Pinnes, Needles, Bracelets, Nailes, Knives, l^clls, looking-Glasscs, and other trifles. For a Knife, a Naile or a Bracelet, they wiL sell their coates or any thing they have. They brought not above 20 skinnes, but made signs that if they would goc ashore they should have more. Chiclicsa- negc skinnes' I thinke. IiDic the 30, he was in yi Acg. 12 min. at midnight; the Compasse set the variation 28 deg. West-ward; he Coasted this Land, which he called London Coast,-' from the 21 to the 30, the Sea all open to the West and North-ward, the Land on Starboard K. from him ; the wind shifted to the North. Then he loft that shore, and named the N.most part he did discover //c-i/'t' Sandcrso7i ; and, shaping his Course West, runne 40 leag. and better, without sight of any Land. Inly the 2, he mcctes with a might}- banke of Ice, West from him. Me would faine have quit it by the North- wards, but the wind would not ; which, if he had, he would have runne W. vntill he had scene Land, and have beene resolved. The 6, being faire weather, he puts the Barkc amongst the Ice, but could not prevaile ; the 7, 8, 9, 10, he coasts the Ice ; the 11, v ^^ fogge and calme. The 13, he determining to goe againe to the shore, and ' This is an old word sij^nifying hurtcr or exchange. (Sec Captain Markliani's I'oytigcx of Pai>is\ \). 45.) — C. - I am unable to Icain what kind of skins these are. The name oerurs in llakhiyt. — C. ■' 'i'his was the West side oi liroyn/and.— V, w DAVIS'S THIRD VOYAGE. 77 harbor for 5 or 6 daycs, hoping in that time the cxtrcamc hcatc of the Sunne and beating of the Sea would have made way with the Ice; but, when he was nigh Land, he durst not anchor, for depth of water. The Salvages came oft and truct for skinnes. Darts^ they had for old and new knives, and they would gladly have had him to the Land, but he beares away. The 15, he finds himselfe driven 6 points west beyond his Course. He layes the fault either in the Ship or Current. The 16, he falls with the banke of Ice againe. The 17, he had sight of Mount RalcigJi; at 12 at Night, he was thwart of his old hole againe. He sailes 60 leagues N.W. vp the streights. The 23, he anchors in the bottome of the Gulfe ; and calls the lies, Cnuibeyland Ilcs.- Whilst he was at anchor, a Whale passed vp by him ; here the Compasse set at 30 d. variation. This day also he departs shaping his course S.E. and scekcth to recover the Sea. The 25, he w.is becalmed in the bottome of the Gulfe ; the aire extreame hot. Bnttou the Master goes a Land to course Dogges. They find many graves and Trane s[)ilt ; the Salvage dogges was so fat they could scarce goe. The 26, was a prettv storme at S.E.; 27, 28, 29, faire weather. He had coasted the South-side shore {)iCiiinbcr- londs sound, and was got cleare out intij 62 deg. betwixt which and 63 deg. he espies an oi)ening, and names it Lnuilcys Inlet," antl tell-, of great falls and Gulfes of water.' The 31, he sec a lle;id-land he n;inu'S \\\a-:K.re very clecrc. His roapes were froze, and it froze so ex- treamely that it was a maine barrc to his proceedings and destruction to his men. 19. He stood to Eastward with wind N.E., and the same night his men conspired to bearc up the helme, and keep him in Cabbin. They shew the reason for so doing in writing ; by good chance, he understands thereof and prevents them. The Rcdsons [i^iTCii hy Ike mcif\. That, although it were granted that we niiglit w inter betweene 60 and 70 degrees of latitude with safety of lives and vessels, yet it will be May next before we can disniure them to lanch out into the Sea ; and, therefore, if the Merchants should have purpose to proceed on the discovery of the N.W. parts of America the next yeare, you may be in the foresaid latitude from Eui^^lami by the first of Mny^ and so be furnished better with men and victuals, to passe and proceed in the foresaid action. Seeing, then, that you caiuiot assure us of a safe harbour to the Northward, wee purpose to bearc up the helme I'or Eiigl(Uid ; )ct w ilh this limitation : that, if in your -wisedome you shall thinke good to make any discovery (it seemeth there were some w ith him understood more then himselfe'), either in 60 or 57 degrees, with this Northwest winde, wee will yecld our lives with your selfe to encounter any danger. Thus much wee thought nccdfull to signifie, as a matter buildcd upon reason, and not proceeding upon feare or cowardice. Then, being in latitude 68 and 55 min.,- there was no meanes to perswade them, but they would bearc up the helme, whereupon he came out of his Cabbin to enquire T i mk ^ \. i 1! 1 This, of course, is a comment by Foxe. — C. ^ This cannot bee.— F. F 2 mmmmm ■nrr— — -— ■ 84 NORTH-WEST FOX. who was the cause ; they answered, one and all, hoysing up saylcs, and directing the course South by West. 22. Hee sent for the chiefcst of the Mutinecrcs and punished them severely.^ This day, hee came by an Hand of Ice ; both ships launcht their boates to fetch some to make fresh-water ; this Hand crackt two or three times, as though it had becnc thunder-clappes, and it brake in sunder to the great danger of his boates, the one being halfe laden with Ice. 25. It blew hard, the course West by South, with fogge, and [he] was in latitude 61 degrees and 40 minutes, and findes an Inlet in this latitude. 27. The South-south-East wind blew very hard, with fog and raine ; his course West. 30. The wind came in a shower to West, Northwest, and blew hard ; and, because the yeare was farre spent, and many men sickc in both Ships, he thought good to returne, with great hope o( tnis Inlet to be a passage of more probability then Davis his Straights, because he found it not pcstred with Ice, and a straight of 40 leagues broa'J He saith, he sayled 100 leagues West by South, into the Inlet." He saith also, he found the variation to be 35 degrees Westward, and the needle to decline, or rather incline. ri Observe. 83 Degrees and a Halfe: the 5 o{ Jiilie'^\\.Q. was cleere off the Inlet. The 6, South-east wind and fogge ; the 7, 8, and 9'^ hee passed by many great Hands of Ice, & dis- covered an Hand upon the coast of America, latitude 55 * This doth not appeare [reasonable] that he could punish, and yet suffer them to carry the ship backe. — F. 2 No such matter. — F. However, see note on p. 80. The inlet can only have been that now known as Hudson's Strait. — C. ^ This should be August. — C. H i WAYMOUTIIS VOVAOE. f^5 degrees, 30 minutes.' 14. He stood off and on this coast from the 5 untill the 14, had some foulc weather, and made some Hands ; he stands into an Inlet in 56 de;^n-ces, and had good hope of a passage for divers probable reasons. 1 finde nothing more of note, but that, upon the Coast ot America, betwixt 55 degrees 30 and 50 minutes, he ob- served two variations, tlie one of 17 deg. [5 min., the other 18 degr. 12 min. The coast was vo\'d of Ice, unlesse some great Hands drive from the North, and that the ship had like to have perished for want of spare decks'- ; he saw one whirlewind upon this Coast take up the Sea into the Ayre extreamely ; he entred 30 leagues within one Inlet, latitude 56 degrees, where, if the wind had come North- erly, South, or East, but one day, he had perished. Aui^ust 4. He had sight of the Hand of Silly. The next day, hee came into Dartmouth. The generall Observation. He set forth the 2 of May, and returned homewards the 30 of Inly. His greatest latitude wee can be certaine of was 63 deg. 53 min., and, passing the Grand Meridian, betwixt Orkney and Desolation, hcc had no variation ; his greatest [? longitude] was 35 degrees Westward. Hcc neither discovered nor named any thing more then Davis, nor had any sight of Grocnland, nor was not so farre North ; nor can I conceive hcc hath add^d any thing more to this designe ; yet these two, Davis and he, did (I conceive) light Hudson into his Straights^; nor did he try in so long ' Here was Davis. — F. 2 The spar-deck is llie entire upper deck of a double-banked vessel, but is also at times a temporary deck.--C. •' In this opinion Foxe is unquestionably correct. Mis remark, however, would have been still truer had he said that Froljisher, Davis, and Waymouth all three "lighted Hudson into his Straights". — C. I m \\\ ■■■■■[■■■■■I / i'^ 86 NORTH-WEST FOX. timo, bciiiL^ ^o and aij^ainc, upon tlic Cciast of AvicHca for Davis his fishinf^, havitiL^ si.jh al:)untlancc of the larc^cst aiiil best fctl Cod-fisli tliat lie saw. I lis ships were never .separated, which shewed that they were not greatly distrest. ' "m \ Master lames Mall of Kingston 7ipon Mull, Pilot Major of three Ships, set forth by the King of Denmark for the discovery of Greenland. 1605. His first Voyage Abstracted} FRom Denmark e, he set forth the 2 of May, and saith hee found the Compasse x-arie Eastward at the Naes of Nor:c///e, N.E., the Coinpassc was varied to the Eastward of true Nc-rth, 63 dc'^. 10 minutes, and he thinl'ccth that the Islaml /h/sse, discovered by the Dassc of liridgexvater in Frobrislier s last Voyage, is not truly placed in the Marine Charfsr At his falling with Groeiiland, hoc named a headland Cape C/iristiaii/is, after the King of Denviar/cc 'n latitude 59 dcg. 50 minutes, and he found it due, for that none other before him hath named it.-* S.W. by W. live Ic.igues froin thence, lu'c had 12 deg. 15 min. variation Wcst»vards. ' Tlu! :ik('ounl of tliis \oyiige is alislrartccl l)y l'"{).\c from Pttrt/iits /it's /'//i^/////i:s, ])■<>]■[ iii, lil). nil, pp. 8i.;-iS.:i, includinj,' his topoyrapliical (lescri|.ni()n of ('iircnl;iir.l, wliirli follows. Hiill was. like F.iiki; I'oxe, a native; of Hull. 'J"he object of the \oy;iyc \va.: to discover the lost colony of ( irecnland.-C. - Sec ]). 39, where it is explained that this island 'i.id no real existence. C. •' It can be no other l.iut Cape Juiru't'tl. -V IIALT.'S FIRST VOVAC.E. s; Standing from tlicncc to Scuwards, he .sa}'lcd three hoiircs in blacke water as thicke as piitldle. He found Cape Christianns and Desolation to h"e W. b)- N. 50 lea!:;'ucs dislaiKc, and a Current S.S.W. set hhn violently into the Ice ; he also findes the Current upon the side o{ America lo set to the North ; but, contrar)-, on the Grocnland coast, to the Scnith. He findes a harbour upon the Coast of '^jroeu/and, and sailes 6 leai,aics up a great Inlet, or river, before he could find 16 fathomcs to anchor in ; tlic land on both sides was steepe and mountainous. He goes on land and findes houses, or rather Tents, co/ered with Seale-skinnes ; the people came to him cr)-- ing Il/ioHf, holding up their hands. Their boates were ctnered all over with Scale skinnes. ^Vbout their Tents, was great abimdance of the ilcsh of Scales (to drie), with Ca[)lin, and Pilchards iiuuuTicrable, of which, with other fishes, their rivers arc full. Their dogs were ver)' fat ; they found in their Tents J^'oxe and Seal<. skins, ver)- well drest, also certainc coatcs of .Scale and h'owle skins, with the feather-side inwards. They also found a certain vessell boyling upon a iampc, the vessell made after the maner of a little pan, the bottonie of stone, the sides of Whale's Ciils ; therein was Scales flesh, bo3ding in Scale oyle ; and, in another, a dogge's licad bo)-lcd. By those Tents la)' two great boates, with which he supi)Osed they transported themselves from one place to anotlier, this not being the place of their contiiniall habits, '['he boats were open, with> />///x, made <'!' iiiiideer- skins, which they taUi: niih thcni Ironi place to pl'ce. 'I'Ju: lirst nieetinj^ between West luuopeanr. and Sauioyeds was durinj^ i'.ur- i F '' 'IB (I ^CT ^ '-'y^' i -'^p" h 90 NORTH-WEST FOX. unto another. They are people of a reasonable stature, browne of colour, very like the people of the East and W. India ; they arc active and warlike, vsing" their darts and slinf^s ver}- nimbly. The}' eatc their meate raw, or little parboild, with blood, oyle or water. They apparell them- .sclves in skinnes of such beasts as they kill, but especially with Scales and fowles, which the}- can dresse very soft and smooth, in Summer turning the haire and feather side out- wards, in Winter inwards; their weapons are slings, bowes, [and] darts headed with bone or yron. He supposeth them to be Idolatrous, worshipping the Sun. He met, all the coast along, much drift wood, but from whence it came he knew not. He coasted this Coast along from 66 deg. to 69 deg. and found many good sounds and harbours, ?;nd returning towards his Shippe, which he found in a harbour by espying certaine Worlockes^ which the Captaine had caused to be set as Jieacons, for to give him knowledge of their being. In this his absence from the /Xdmirall,- the Saluages had done them much violence ; the Captaine had taken three of them, whom he kindl}- intreated, others of uiem he slew. [////)' 10.] This evening he takes in his provision of fresh water. He sets on land one young man to be left in the Countrey to his cruell fortune ; and this was done by rough's voy.ij^i:'. in X'^^U {\'oyai:;c of the I'l^ir, xo], \, p. 2?.^). Piirclms {//IS' J'i/i^) lines, part iii, lilj. HI, p. 555; ^mvc^ a lengthy account of their habits, mode of life, ccc. I'rofess ir Nordcnskiokl (Voytii^c of t lie Vcg. 176) mentions hcin^ prcscntril to their chief. (". ' In I'liichas llie expression used is "Ttv^r^r/'CAvy.vAv^'.v". l'rolxd)ly rairns or Iieacons are meant. -C. '^ .Sec p. 4Q. Foxe has omitted to mention tliat Hall had left his ship on Juno 16th, in order to explore up the coast in his pinnace. -C, HALT. S FIRST VOYAGE. 91 cxprcssc command of the State-holder of Dciunarkc before his coming forth ; they also in the Pinnace set anothcron land, both being malefactors, giving of them small necessaries. {It may be those peoph'. lived a loui^ time after, and may bee yet living, if the Salvages have not devoured them.) I Ic .sets sailcs and comes to Sea, where he found much drift Ice with a high .Sea, which he thought to be a current setting through Fretnm Davis to the Southward, as b\' experience he proved ; for, by observation on this da)- at noone, he was in Latitude 62 rlrg. 40 m., whereas, the da)' before, he was in Latitude 6G deg. 10 min., having made b)' account a S. by W. way, about 10 leagues ; this current he did find to sot along the Coast of Groenland, South b)' East. 15. This da)' he was in i.atitude 57 degrees. The 16 day, close weather, he incetes with a mighty skull' of Whales, amongst drift Ice, and meetes also a great current setting West North-west over for Ameriea. litis is the current found by Frobrisher, comniing from the liast, and butting upon the East-side of Groen/and, and doth strike along the Land to Cape Christianiis, otherivise called Cape Fareivell. August I. Hec met with a skull' of Herrings, so that he knew himsclfe not farre from Orkney ; he was in Latitude 58 deg. 40 m., and, sounding, had 42 fathoir.cs, ver)' sandy ground, with some blacke dents'- ; when, shortl)' after, ;uitl the same da)' in the evening, he sounded againe, and had but 20 fathomcs, dented ground, he was neere the shore before he saw it, for it was thicke weather. 10. \\q came to FJsenare Rode in Deuntarke. X A I See p. 71. — C. ■'' Ogilvie j^ivc's dent - indcntoil: impressed v.illi little IkiUows. 'I'lie word appears in I'urchas. — C ■U III NORTH-WEST FOX. I'l- ■i!ln' Tiie second Voyage of Master lames Hall/;7v;/ Dcnmarke to the further discovery r?/ Grocnland, ivith five Shippcs, {observed 1606).^ May 27. T T Ec set fortli from CopemanJiaven, and went 1 1 betwixt Orkney and Shot/and the 7 of Inne, which daj' one of the Groenlanders d)-cd ; it seemed it was one of them he had brought from thence the jeare before. 14. He accounteth himselfe to be 19 dcg. 45 min. from the Meridian of the Naes of Norway. He steereth away W., the wind S.E. and thick weather. He imagineth himselfe in 58 deg. 10 min. hitit., at which time, by reason of a Northerly Current, contrary to his expectation, he had made a West way Southerly, 22 leagues, and then, as he supposeth, the Compassc varied West-.v'ard one point. ftdy I. He sees land, being tS leag. off, \\-ith a great banke of Ice lying off the S.W. end thereof; he supposeth it to bee Busse Hand, and that it Ij'eth more to the West- ward then it is placed in the Marine charts.- Steering away W. by N., he was in a great Current, setting S.S.W., the which he did suppose did set betwixt Jseland i\\u\ Jhisse He, over \\\X.\y .liiicrifa ; from hence, he steeres away W.N.W. 6. He found himselfe to be in 58 deg. 50 min., whereb3', contrary to his exi)cctation, he did plainly see the South- erne current to be the cause. This Evening, he found the Compassc to be varied 12 deg. 5 min. West-ward. This Nitdit, their Pitmace and Vicc-adp"" .1! come foule of one ano ther. ' Tills \ oyagc liad tlie same object and tlie same promoter as the last. The iKnrati\e of it is taken from PiirJuix /lis Pi/^riiiics, pt. iii, lii). ini, pp. 821-S26.— C. - tUissc lie aj^ain discovered. — F. Hut see pp. 59 and 86.— C. •' \ caveat for Commanders in Fleets. !■ . HALLS SECOND VOYAGE, 93 8. He was in 59 dcg. 30 min. and findes still the Current and variation to carry him to the South-ward of West. 10. He sees the Coast of America in Latit. 60 dec;. 16 min., about 9 lcat;"ucs off, and findes the needle varied 23 deg. \V. The hill-tops were covered with snow ; the shore to the N. full of Ice. He had a Current set West into the shore, and indangers him, had not a gale fresh at S. West brought him off 18. Vntill this day, he passed many Mountaines of Ice. At Noonc, was in 63 deg. 45 min. Latit. 19. lieing amongst much Ice, and plying to get cleare, [he] saith he seeth the Land of Ainerica in 64 Latit. It lay S. and N., very high and ragged, covered with Snow. He findes still a strong Current to the West. From the Latit. 51, his Compasse was placed :[ of a point to Edst- ward of N., and [he] was carried almost 4 points to West- wards beyond his judgment. He found this Current to set W.N.W.^ The Compasse varied 23 degrees. From the 20 vntill the 25, he passeth and traverseth over from the West side for Groyncland, and had sight of Quecne Aiuies Cape, 10 leagues off 27. He seeth the Capes he named the last yearc, as Cape Anne, Cape Sop/iy, the Foords aLso, as RuuieWs foord, Chn's/iaiins foord, and puts into CotiingluiuCs foord, where, he saith, the Silver was. The Salvages c(jme on board and barter with them for Iron, with Scale skinnes and Whale fynne. He searcht vp the Foord and findes it to be but a liay, with many greene and pleasant Hands. The people, to the number of 25, followes them with their Boates ; some of his men on Land travailes v'p the Moun- taines, and sees raine Deere. August 6. There fell some small difference amongst them about choosing of an anchoring place, the water being ' /)'rit.).-'C. - Longitude wrought in Coc/cini^s Sountl Latit. (■)5 cleg. 30 min. — V. G \ I ii IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 1.25 I: 1^ 25 ||JJ= 12.0 111= U IIIIII.6 ^>. v; -^ ^.^1^ F.>' p^ d? /.i / # Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716 I 872-4S03 u. 98 NORTII-Wr.ST FOX. rules trucly observed and Ephcmcridcs exact, for that no instrument can be exact cnoULih to find out the true Ilourc, iMinute, and second, the lossc of one Minute bcin^ the losse of J deg. in Longitude. \_Jnl)i\ 22. Master Hall was slaine with a Dart, throwne into his body by one of the Grocnhtuicrs, before whose death, and since the ninth day, Httle was done worthy note; but the supposed Myne [was] sought for; and in that search many brave Rivers and Harbours were found, witli the footing of some great Deere or h'lke, as bigge as an Oxe. It may be sup[)osed that the cause of this Blow was for the lossc of the Ih'other, or other the T'riends of the Homicide, which might be some of those five the Danes carried away the last yeare (and but one before); for that in all trading, both before and after his Death, they did never offer an)' violence vnto any of the Com- pany, but before, would oftentimes be pointing anil a)-m- ing, as it were at him, calling him Captaine one to anothcf. They search further for the MjMie, and find man)- jjlaces where the Dnncs had digged, with stone of Orient couler, but, when it was refined, it proxctl drosse, having no mettall at all therein, but was liice to Miiscovia sluddc. They also found a pleasant Vallie. They find not the M)'ne, as also the peojjle forbcare to trade with them as before. The)' made way againc out of this River to come to their Admirall, in which way & in man)' llaiuls they fintl where many of their winter houses had bin, & some of their Tents were but latel)' carried awa\', in which place they also found of their long Boates m ;ule of Wood, and bound together wi th skmnes o f Whale-fyn, and covered with Scale skinnes, being 2)1 foote long, and 5 broad, having in them lo thoughts or Scates. This day the)' depart Riniic/i's Foord, in 6y degrees Latitude, and 24 degrees 16 minutes variation, it being one of the fairest Rivers he see in that Country ; it lyeth in imummmm mm 7^ HALLS FOURTH VOVACK. 99 c to Lit of in )\.ISCS •I'ictl );itcs s of )OtC iitCS. [rccs one Ih in ICast, and Vl. by South, and that Night hcc came to the Ad mi rail, then in the King's Foord. 26. They consult about commint;- home, for the Captain was slaine, and the people refuse to trade with them as they were wont, I thinke for feare ; for the same Voyat^e, one Idiucs Pitllic was also slaine by a Salvai^e, for offorinc; to take one of their people out of his l?oate by violence. Tlicy depart //omi'Tctrn/s, A fds/i'r A\u\rc\v Barker, 0/ Hull, /;/ ///<■ Adminill, William 1 luntris, Master in the PiiiiKuc. Aiii^itst iS H IC is in 5S dei;'. 50 min. ; he findcs the variation to be 13 de;^. 32 min., con- ti..;)' to observation of other men in this place, and because this '/•!.. ihe first Sea- Voyage of this )dung .Arts-man, I will trace his (;\vne words. The 18, the Sunnes declination, saith he, was 9 d. 5S min. for the Meridian of I.otidoii ; but, being almost 4 houres of time to the West-wards, IJicre is \ to be abated from the rest, for his tlcclination was y ilcg. 55 min., his altitude 24 deg. 40 nn'n. in Latituile 59 deg., his distance fn^m the .South b\' the Couipassc Si dcg. Latitude 57 deg., variation 1 1 deg. 10 m. September 6. Nothing of note but one storme vntill this day. The latitude was 61 deg. iS min., the variation 6 deg. I'^ast ; the dcepe 6S I''athomes. 8. lie came to the lie of Orkney, where, anchoring, the people came and gave them Henncs, geese, and sheepe, for old cloathes or shoes. II. He came to Kingstone U[)on II id/. The 0/>sen'(ttion he made r>/"GroenlatHl. That it is an exceeding high land, and Mountaines which arc very high within the land. They are of stone, some of one colour, .some of another, all glistering, but G 2 1 ' \ t % ;\ \ ^ i! I ' 'i ! ill ll !> 1; 100 NC)kTlI-Wi:ST FuX. nothini^ worth. If there he any Mcttall, it lyeth low in the earth, and cannot well be come by. There arc some rockcs purer then Alablaster. The Northside of the Moun- taines are continually covered with snow; there arc few trees but in one place, 40 miles within the land. In a river called J>(i//'s- v'wcv, upon the Southsidc of a Mountaine, there is a little Grove of Wood, about 6 or 7 foot high, like a Coppice in Em^/and, it being of Willow, luniper, and such like. The)' found much Angelica} and he thinkes the Cf)untrey people do eat thereof, for he saw many of those rootes in their boatcs. There are store of Foxes in the Maine and Hands, of sundry colours ; they are as white as .snow, and long furred ; there is divers deere, but they be farre up within the land; for the Inhabitants doc hunt them .sore that come towards the See, where themselves live ; he see 7 at one time ; his men had divers Darts & horns of Deere; he see the foot of one beast bigger than the foot of an 0.\e, their Dogs and Foxe Pizzels have a bone within them. The people all the Sommer time use nothing but fishing, drying their fish and Scale's flesh upon the rocks for their winter's provision. I'Lvery one, both man and woman, have a boat covered with Scale's skinncs, close sowed, that no water can enter them. Some of them arc 20 foot long, and not above 2 foot broad, shaped like a Weaver's shuttle, so light that a man may carry many of them at once. Thej' use but one oarc, with a washc at both ends; it is incre- ' .•///(,'i7/(Vj is a Kfuis of ])lants belonging'- to the order Uinhcllifcric Most of its species are foiiiKl in the temperate or colder regions of ilu; N'orlliern Heniis|)liere. .Several species arc natives of North America. yln/iiiiii^vit\(i ojjhiiuilis^ the garden angelica, is a native of Northern l'An()i)e. Its roots and stalks, when young, are eaten raw, and are I)rittl cand sweet, like celery. It was formerly much grown in gardens, among other herljs, and was believed to be a sovereign remedy against the plague and all poisons. The leaves were held to be good against sorcery and enchantment : hence its name. — C. m$ T^mmmmm w^ lift-nv. lof the Iciicii. ihc'in \(\ arc idc-ns, [iiunly good HALLS FOURTH \\)\M,V.. lor diblc to sec how swiftly they rowc, no ship bcini^ able to saylc so fast; they sit in the midst of their boates, and holds their oarc in the middle. In these boates, they catch their fish, as Scales, Salmon, Morses, and others; the)' strike some with Darts, and angle others; their coard is made of Whale-bone, [&] their hooke of a bone, w ilh which lines and hooks wee have catched ver)' much fish. I could not learne of their rites ami Ceremonies, but generally they worship the Sun. They remove from place to place as their fishing doth serve. They live in tents in the Summer, ami in winter in houses somewhat within the ground. When they approach )-ou, tlicy will hold up their hand to the Sunnc, crying liliout, which, we answer- ing in like fashion, they dare boldly come to us. They make a Cave with stones, wherein they bury their dead, according to the bignesse of the Corpcs, defending thein strongly frcjm the prey of Foxes, or Ravenous beasts; they make another neare the former, wherein they bury his bowc, arrowcs, and darts, and other his provision, and he is buried in his apparcll ; the coldnesse of the clime keepes the body from putrifaction. They catc their mcatc rawc. yet they use fire; the)' drink Salt-water by the Ship side. Some of our men conceived them to be Man-eaters, but he thinks not, because the)- might ha\e killeil 3 of our men at one time filling water in an ikuul far froin our Ship and without an)' wea[)on, at which time a great compan)- of them came to them, and, searching their boate for Iron, they gave them all the)' had, with their chest ke)-cs, whereupon they depart without doing them aii)' harmc; but let others take heed. I 1>1 \\ \ ^^ fmm I t V , 102 NOkTIl-WliST FOX. Si/irr tJtat I linvc entrcd thus fam into Grocnlaml by the zvay of Copt. Davis and Mnst. lames Hall, hcarc the report r^/"])cthiTiar I'lcf-kins/ a Minister, sent into Iscland from Hamburgh, 1563. GRornhtnd wan first so named in the ycare of CllRlST, 900. And althoufjh I purposed, saith he, to passe over Groenland with silence, }'et, seeinjr I touched upon the land, and observed some few thint^s, I thou^dit it not im- pertinent to make mention of them. There was, in a Monastery in Iselnnd, called Ileli^afiel, a certaine blind Monkc who lived miserably there. He was borne in Groenla)id, of a darke complexion, and broad face. The Govcrnour commanded him to be brouj^ht unto him, that he mij^dit know some part of the State of Grocnhind ; he said there was a Monastery of St. Thomas in Groenland, ' Dctlimar I'lcfkiiis or Ditliniar lilcfkon was i)rol)aI)ly a Dane. I'lirclias tells us {/lis Pi/i^riiiics, pi. iii, lib. ni,]). 643) that, in 1563, lie was staying -it Hamburg, .awaiting his library from Rostock, wlien two Hamburg m(;r( liant-slii|)s, bound on an cspcdition to Iceland, requested Doctor I'auhis of Ktgcn, who was then .Superintendent of the church of I laniburg, to jirovide them with a minister. " This office [I'lefkins says] was bestowed upon me, which I undertook the more willingly, because 1 had a longing desire to know str.inge things .and divers countries." The ships sailed from Hamburg on the loth of April, and reached Iceland on the 15th of June. There they re- mained until March following, when they proceeded to Greenland and exjjlored the country, returning to Iceland in June. i'iefkins then proceeded to explore the country, and jjarticularly Mount Hecla, which he had sufficient opportunity to do, for the Ilamburgher, desjiairing of his return from the interior, set sail for home without him. He remained in Iceland three years, and then took i)assage in a I'ortugucse ship and arrived safely at Lisbon. Whilst in Iceland, he became well a((piainlcd wiih Arngrim Jonas (svca/i/r, p. 17). His Description of belaud, to wlii( h he added Histories of Iceland and (ireenland, was publisheil in Latin at Leyden in 1607. 'I'here are one or two later editions. Foxe has abstracted the following from the translation gi\cn by I'urchas {/or. c/A), — C. I'LEFKINS ON IIRKKXLAND. 103 into the which his parents thrust him wlieii lie was but yountj, and aftcr[wards] he was taken out by the Bishop of Grociilixnd, when lie was 30 yceres of age, to saj-le with him into Nori.va)\ to the Archbishop o{ Nidrosia (or Druutoti)^ to whom the Hand Bishops are subject. On his returne, hee was left in a Monastery by the Bishop, whose country Grocnlatui was. This was done as he said, in 1546. He said that Hand was called (ivocnlaud, aiitiphrastically-\ for that it seldome or never waxeth grcene, and that there is so great cold there throughout the whole j-cere (except Iiinc, Inly, and Aui^nst) that being clothed and covered with h'urres, they could scarce be warmc, and that they had at home certaine round pieces of wood, which being moved with their feet, kept their feet warme. He saith that it aboundeth, as Island doth, with fishes, and that they had Bcares and white Foxes, nay. Pigmies, and Vnicorncs, and that the D(xy did not appcare untill the Sun had run thr(jugh J'/so's. This Monkc told us marvellous strange things ; that there was in the Monastery of S. Tlioiiuxs (where he lived) a h'ountaine which sent forth burning and flaming water, that this water was conveyed through Pipes of stone, to the severall Cels of the Monks, and that it made them warmc as stoves do with us, and all kintl of meats might be boj'led in this I'ountain and fiery water, & wo otherwise than if it had bin on a fire indeed ; he advertised, more- over, that the wals of the Monaster)' were made with Pumice stones out of a certaine mountain not farre from the Monaster)': like to Ilccla in hcland, for if )'ou powre this water ujjon the Pumice stone, there will fol- low a slymic matter, which instecd of lyme the)' use for morter. • Diontheiin.-C. ^ Anliplinisis is a lij^utc of spccrli l)y wliiili uoicls arc used ironic- ally to convey tl\c oppobite of what ihcy mean.— C. i ; i 'I H'i I' 104 NORTH-WKST VOX. ;v! After the Governor's conference with him, I came privately to demaiul certaine particuhirs touching tlic Pig- mies and other things. He had a little skill in the Latinc tt)ngue; he understood mc speaking Latine, but answered me by an Interpreter. He said the l^igmies represent the most perfect shape of man ; that they were hayric to the outermost joynts of the finger; and that the males have beards down to the knees, but, although they have the shape of man, yet they have little sense or understanding, or distinct speech, but make shew of a kind of hissing, after the manner of Geese ; that his Abbot kept two of them in his Monasterie, male and female, but they lived not long, and that they were unreasonable creatures, and live in pcr- petuall darkenesse; that some say, they have Warre with the Cranes; but that, he knew not. He affirmed that the same manner of footl was in Grocn- land as in Iscland ; to wit, of Fish, but not of Cattell, because they have no Cattell; and that the Countrcy is not populous. Forthwith from Iscland begins the Jliper- borion Sea, which beates upon Gmrnlaud^ and the Countrcy (if the Pigmies, which at this day is called Nova Zaiibla, and there the frozen Sea hath a Hay, which is called the White Sea, or Marcalbuni; and there arc certaine passages whereby they saile into the Scythian Sea, if they can for Ice. And the Govcrnour had a ship (;f the King o{ Dcn- niarki's furnished with all necessaries, but when he heard (b)' the Monke) of the short cut into the Kiiigd(jme of China, by the Tartanan Sea, which had often been attempted by others, held it but in. vaine. The last of March, 1564, he commanded that ship to saylc to those places, and me also together with them, enjoyning me diligently to marke well the scituation of the places and whatsoever we met with worthy of sight or report. We were in the ship 3 score and 4 men, as v/ell Danes as /sc/ant/rrs, and the 20 day of Aprill, we arrived IH rLi:FKINS ON GkKKNLAM). 105 ip to hem, 311 of ht or well rived in acertainc Proinoutoric of Groeulaud ; and when we fountl no harbour to the which we may safe!)' commit our selves, letting downe the lead, we found the depth of the Sea, and it was such as we could not anchor there, and the abundance of Ice was so great that it was not possible to saile near the rocks. 24 of us armed, with great labor and danger, went on shore in our Skiffe, among whom I was, to try whether I could find a harbour or no, and what kind of men Grocnland had. In the mcane time, the ship floateil in the Sea and Ice in a great Calmc; halfe our Company abode on the shore (to kcepe the Skiffe); another part (and I with them) ranne abroad to discover; they that were left on shore to keepc the Skiffe, going hither and thither, found a little man dead, w'.th a long beard, with a little boat, and a crooked hookc of the bone of a fish, and a leather Cord; foure fish-bladders were bound unto the boat (as is supposed) that it should not be drowned, whereof 3 were sunke and fallen flat; this boat (because it was very unlike ours) the Governour sent to the King of Daimarke. Wee wandred in the meane season in a land unknowne unto us, which was covered with snow and Ice ; we found neither footing of men or any inhabitants, nor fit place, but the Sea was closed and fensed on every side with craggy Rocks ; yet we met with a great white Beare, which neither feared us, nor could be driven away with our cries, but came full upon us, as to his certaine prey, and when he came neare unto us, being twice shot through with a gun, he stood bolt upright, with his fore-fectc like as a man standeth, untill he was shot through the 3 time, and so fell downe dead. His skinne was sent to the King of Denmark. Wee agreed amongst ourselves before we went on shore, if wc found a fit harbour or else had need of their helpe, that we should pluckc up our Standcr, which we carried out with us for that purpose ; and that, if they ! ; i It ;H ii I I i 1 06 NORTH-WEST FOX. would call us backc, .slu)uld signific the same with ihcir Onluancc. A tempest arising in the mcanc while, the Master of the Ship [^ivcs us a siia grytlc). — C. t i| \ io8 NOkTH-WKST FOX. I' 22 d. J, hi^li; and to the North off \V. 30 d. by the Instruments, and 26 d. by the skale. II. At noone, he li;ul Latit. 5.S; at i;iL;ht, the .Sun .set 14 d. W. from N.; at nicjrninL;, it riseth 50 d. to the E. of North. 13. lie had sight of land hkc Hands in Latit. 57 d. 25 min., and had some quantity of Ice driving to the South. On Friday, he makes fast to the Ice, but the wind cahn- ing, he rowcs betwixt Ice and Ice, tcnvards the land, but in a fog he makes fast againe to the Ice; when it cleered, he loosed againe and Rowes in, and is exceedingly pestered with Ice, suffering a mighty storme (with thick and foggie weather) which .so bruised his Shippe betwixt the Hands of Ice that he was in danger to be crushed to pieces, though [he] imployed all his industry to the uttermost of his power. 19. He again discovers the Hand of .h/icrua, bearing N. and by VV. about 15 Icag. off, the variation 25 d. W., Latit. 56 d. 48 m. This coast sheweth like broken Hands, and the Tyde of flood commeth from the North. 24. He had a violent storme Northerly, and such asuffe^ of the Sea came in that his roapes broke that were fast on shoare; his Rudder was driven from his sterne by the force of the mighty Hands of Ice, so that he was forct to hale close into the bottome of a cove, to save his C loathes, fur- niture and victuals; but, before he had done, the Ship was halfe full of water, and he tooke little rest for that night (which may very well be bcleevcd). 25. The ship on ground, he goeth about to set the water out of her, and to stop .so many of her Icakes as he could come by, and some went to building the shallop. He caused his boate to be lanched over the Ice, and sent his mate ' Nares mentions the use of llie word ,v<;//t,'// in a somewhat similar connection. — C. K NIC. I ITS VOYAGE. 109 Eiiward Gorill, with 3 more, to scckc for a better place where to brini:; his ship on i^rouiul, if it were possil)le to mend her ai^ainc. They returned without any certainty, by reason of the abundance of Ice, which choaked every place, jr/ they found Wood groivini^ on the shoarc. Ifcrc Jftis/t'r lohn Knitj^ht ended i>.' peoples suddaine assault, or if the Master and his company had travailed so farre as they could not come home againe that night, if they should shoote a musket, they might hearc them ; but they came not at all. 27. They consulted that 7 of them should goe over with the boat to try if they could see or learne any newes of their Master or of their men, sui)posing that they were either surprised by the Sei/vdj^cs of the Country or else devoured by the wild beasts ; so they tooke with them 7 muskets, swords and Targets,^ and such provision as they had in the ship, and went downe to the Sea side, but they could not get over for Ice ; at length they returned, with much adoc to come to shoare, and went to the ship to save such things as they could get out of her. 28. r'aire weather; they make clearc the ship, and hclpc to save and mend all things; she lay upon the Rocks, therefore they make her as light as the)' could, for beating and bruising of her Hull. That night it rained very sore, and about clock i, in the boat-swain and Steward's watch (it being almost out), the Steward goes on board the ship to pumpe, leaving the boate-swaine at watch some mus- kets' shot from their Tent. Now, while he was pumping, there came over the Rockes a great sort of the Countrey people, to the place where the boate-swaine was at watch, who, when they saw him, they shot arrowes at him, running to him as fast as they could, whereupon he discharged his musket at them, and so fled backe to the Tent as fast as he could, thinking they had beset it, the)- were so many. The Steward, hearing the Musket goe off, came forth of • A target, or t;u>;c, was a kind of buckler, or shiclcl, worn on the arm. — C. miitimitiamittm mm knight's voyage. Ill the Ship, & when he was comming, saw the Sir/7'aocs ap- proaching their Shallop, and crycd out to them in tlic Tent to save the boate and the Shallop, who made what hast they could ; but, when they came at their boat and see so many of the Sa/^'. in the Shallop, they were then afraid of being betraied. At this time it rained sore, j-et calling their wits together, they sent 2 of their men back to the tent, the rest made towards the Scr/z'^j^t's, and shot at them some 3 or 4 muskets, who, when they perceived it, they stood in the shallop and held up their hands to them, calling one to another; they, thinking it were better to dye in their owne defence in pursuing the S(r/-iU7^i's then they them, for it was in the night, and they were still in sight ; thus, recovering their Shallop, they sent inore men to keepc the Tent. The Sak'a^vs were but 8 men, and a dog, yet the rest followed, but they were got into other boates, before they overtooke them. The ice was so thick that they stucke fast in them ; they came so neere them as they could, and shot a doozen shot at them, before they ctnild get cleare ; the shot caused them to cry out one to another ver)' sore, for their boates were full of men; as far as they could iudge, they are little people, tawny coloured, tiiick haired, little or no beard, flat nosed, and are man-eaters. J/o/c' 29. They carrj- all their pro\ ision aboard their Ship for feare of the SaZ-iUi^iffs' second assault, the ship l}-ing betwcenc two R(k .-.s, and all without so full of Ice that they c(nild not iiasse any way to sea, no not with a boate. This da}-, 2 of our men watcht, that we might have warning if an}' of them came againc with their boates ; the Car[)enter made what hast he could with the shallop, and did onely tinch,' but neither calkt nor pitcht her, )et they brought her to the ship. )n the ' In Purchas, the word is Av/r//. Prcsuinably the weird is a form of (■////t Society, 1877), wherein (p. 278) is printed a narrative of the voyage slightly different from that given by Purchas, taken from a MS. pre- served in the India Office. — C. ' Bylot's deposition says the i8th. — C. - The following account is an abstract of that given in Purchas his Pilgriiiies, pt. iii, lib. Ill, |)p. 596-597. For further information concerning Hudson, the reader cannot do better than consult Dr. Asher's admirable work, Henry Hudson, the i\'m>igator (Hakluyt Society, i860), wherein will be found practically everything known of Hudson and his voyages until llie recent discovery, at the Trinity House, of sonte \ery interesting records relating to his last voyage. Tiiese records (which consist mainly of extracts from the lo^ and depositions of the survivors taken before the Corporation of Trinity House, togetlKU' with the opinions of the Corporation upon them), 1 have pleasure in being now able to print for the first time (see Appen- dix). They have been already described in the Introduction, and their l)earing upon the narrative given above is shown in greater detail in niany footnotes hereafter. Hylot's de|)osition states thai Hudson's ship was victualled for eight months, but i'rickett (see p. 131) says six. — C. ■' By this is no doubt meant lladleigh Ray, a creek running between Carney Island and the north (or Essex) shore of the Thames. It was, no doubt, io called from the ancient port and fishing-station of Leigh, which overlooks liie creek. — C. ' A ship with a very narrow stern, having a small square part above. The shajje is of old date, but continued in use, especially .liming llic D.'.ncN, for the aibaiUage ol the (juarter guns. — C Hudson's vovagk, 1610-11, 1 1 Coolbraiid was c\cry way held to be a better man than himselfc, beini; put in by the Adventurers as his assistant, who, envyinf^ the same {lie Juivins^ the command in his owtie hands), devised this course to send himselfc the same way, though in a farre worse place, as hereafter folhnvcth} May 5. He came to the Isles of Orkney, and here he set the N. end of the Needle, and the North end of the h'ly all one. 6. He was in latitude 59 d. 23 m., and there he perceived that the N. end of Scot/and, Orkney, and Shot/and {for hee visited them all), as he saith, arc not s(j Northerly as is com- monly set downe in the Charts. at. 62. 24 m., but he staid not there. II. He fell [in] with the E. part of Iseland, then plyed up along the S. part of the nd and came to the West- ' No definite information sccnis to he forlliconiinj; as to wlio tliis man was, or as to the reason for Hiulson's action regarding; him. Even his precise name seems iloiihtful ; for, while Hudson calls liim Master Colcburnc, I'rickett calls him Master Colbert, and Fo\e here speaks of him as Master Coolbrand. It may, however, he noted that a ceitain William Cobrcth was master of the niscovcry (the \ciy vessel lluflson sailed in) when she sailed imder Captain \\'e\'moiith in 1602 (see j). So) ; and knowinj^', as we do, how cxceedinj^iy \ariahl(' was the spelling of surnames in those days, it is very likeh' tiiat this was the same indixidual. If so, it seems not at all an unrcasonahle conclusion tliat the "adventiuHMs"' had wished th;it he should accom- pany Hudson (who, we know, was setting out on this voyage, largely at least, to follow up Weymouth's discovery), hut that Hudson, for some reason, ohjccted, and took this means to rid himself of a companion of whom he was jealous. The estimate of Coolhrantl's ahility ahove expressed is, it shoukl he noted, that of Foxe. Its correctness has been hotly rejjudiated by Dr. .\sher {I/rii>y lliulson, jip. \liii and cxcvi) ; but, if my surmise; as to the identity of this man with Wey- mouth's Captain William Cobreth be correc I, the discrepancy is to some extent explained. Unfortunately, the Trinity House depositions contain no reference to this man. Kundall gives a facsimile of his autograph (, Voyuiics towards tlic AOr/li ll'iwl, p. 2 ^.S). C. li 2 >' fticJ'"^ n i • .l ,i ijl '1 5 ' •1 ! ll ■I i, I V lit 'i« f fi II Tl6 NORTH-WEST FO>f. most/ and the 15 he still plycd up untill the last of Afay, and f^ot some fowies of divers sorts. /n?ic I. He put to Sea out of a harbour in the Westmost part of Tscland, (and according as hec writeth) plyed to the Westward in Latit. (j6 d. 34 m. 2. lie was In Latit. 65 d. 57 m. Small wind Easterly. 4. He saw Grocnland •^Q.x{Q.c\\y over the Ice. This night, Sun set at N. and ri.sc N.N.E. The 5 he plyed in 65 d., still incombered with Ice, which hang upon the coast of Groetilaud. 9. lie was off FrobrisJier's straits, and plide Southward untill the 15, and then he was in Latit. 59 d. 27 m. and had sight of Desolation, and finds the crrour of the former lying downc of the land.- Running to the Northward, as he saith, untill this day [20th] in 60 d. 42 m., he saw much Ice, many riplings and overfallings, and a strong streame set- ting West Northwest. 23. In sight of much Ice. Wind variable, and in latitude 62 degrees, 19 minutes. 25. About midnight, he saw the land North, but [it] was suddenly lost^ ; yet he runne still Westward in 62 deg. 19 min., and he plyed upon the South side seeking the shore ; he was troubled with much Ice in latitude 62 deg. 16 min. Inly 8. Hce plyed off the shore againe until this daj'. The F\}/cs elevation 60 d. o m. Me saw the land from * A misjjrint for Jl'estmnny, meaning the Vcstmannaeyjar (West- men's or Irislimcn's) Islands, a little south of Iceland.— C. ^ Davis his error, hut not hcleeved. — F. Sec />o.it, p. 122. — C. •'' The course from the 25th to the 30th of June is descrihed in the depositions, wherein it is stated that they entered Hudson's .Strait on the 26th, and on the 27th sailed westward, ajiparently alon^ llie north shore. On the 30th, they anchored to the ice and found a set of tide to tlie westward. From this date to nearly the end of July, the course is described both in I'urchas and in the depositions, with some slight discrepancies. -C. HUDSON'S VOYAGE, 161O-II. ri; N.W. by W. A N, unto the S.W. by VV., covered with snow, a Champion land, and cals it Desire provoked. II. He plycd still to Westward and, fearing a stornie, he anchored by 3 ragged Hands, in uncertain deepcs, betweene 8 and 9 fathomes. He findes the harbour unsuffi- cient, by reason of sunken rockcs, one of the which w as the next morning 2 fathomes above water (which he had gone over); hee calls them the hies of God's mercy. It floweth here better than 4 fathomes ; the flood came from North, flowing 8 a Clock the Change day. The latitude in this place is 62 d. 9 min. 16. Pl)ing to Southward untill this day, he was in 58 deg. 50 min. There he was Imbayed with land, and had much Ice. 19. Vntil this day he plyed Westward, and found his latitude 61 deg. 24 min. where he see a Bay in the South- land, which he named Hold luit/i hope. 21. Hence he plies to the Northward, had \ariable winds, and findes the Sea more growne then he had any time since he left Evi^land. 23. The Poles height was 61 deg. 33 min. 25. He saw the Southland, and named it Magna Britania. 26. He was in latitude 62 deg. 44 min. 28. He plied Southward off the Westward, and was in 63 deg. 10 min. 31. Plying Southerly, he found himsclfc in 62 d. 24 min. August I. He had sight of the North shoarc, from the N.E. by E. to the W. by S., the N. [part] 12 leagues off, the W. part 20 leagues. He had no ground at 180 fathomes, and he thought hee see land bearing K.N.E. on the Sun's side, but could not make it perfectly. Here he found the latitude 62 deg. 50 min. 2. This day, he had sight of a Faire headland, 6 leagues off, which he called Salisburies foreland; he ran from <'i > ■ r ■ ;$ - ! ■•- ; ■ > * I. I j ' ■ if.' it I ' 'f- r V I fl i i' ( I wmmtm n- ti f. I, Ii8 XORTH-WF.ST FOX. thence W.S.W. 14 leasrues, in the midst of which, he came into a frreat \vhirh'n<:j Sea, whether caused by the mectin?^ of 2 strcames or overfals he know not ; thence, saylini:^ W. by S. 7 leagues farther, he was in the mouth of a strai^^ht, and had no t^round at icxd fathomes, the strait^ht not being above 2 leagues broad in the passage in this Westerne part, which from the Eastern part of Fretilin Davis is distant 250 leagues. 3. This day he put thorough this passage (which was nar- row) after his men that did observe had been on land. The flood-tide did come from N., flowing by the shore 5 fathoms.' He names the Cape on the Star-board, C. Digges- being 1 On this chite, Hudson's own detailed narrative ceases, though the paragraph following (which cither Foxe or his printer misplaced, as may be seen by comparing his original narrati\e with that in Purchas) continues the account in a vague fashion, and without dates. Un- fortunately, the narrative given in the depositions ceases on the same date. However, it recommences on the 12th and continues very briefly until the 22nd, thus giving us the only account we have, in any- thing like detail, of Hudseatiis qui intellii^it, especially the first periode, wc'> is but a bad beginning to stumble at the threshold. .Some of his goode trends say he had better have geven five hundred ])0und then published sucli a pamphlet. But he is wonderfully possessed w'h the opinion and hopes of that jjassage" (see State Papers, Domestic Series, Jas. 1, \ol. Ixviii, No. 78 ; also foe. eit., vol. i, p. 139). The entiie pamphlet was reprinted by John Petherham in his /ii/i/i(>^rctphie M i lil''- lii'^ c i - : ■ >'r i '".K J ! '4' i 1 1 i t JKI ' i *'- 'i I20 NORTH-WEST FOX. J After he had sailed West by South lo leac[ucs, the land fell to the Southwards, and the lies to the West left him.^ He observed, and found himselfe in 6i d. 20 m. and a Sea from the Westwards. Here is all I finde extant of his owne writing, although he lived untill /u/y- following, before he was exposed. A large discourse of the said Voyage, and the success thereof, ivrittcn by Abacuk Pricket, zvJio lived to come home? May. They came to the lies of Orkney, and from thence to Farre} One day, being calmc, they fell to fishing, and kild the Bodleian Library, a second in the llritish Musuem [there are now two], and a third in Mr. T?ri<,dit's hlirary, sold in 1846." If Digi^es was the author and had, as Chamberlainc thoii<^ht, cause to be ashamed of the fact, the rarity of the two editions may be accounted for by the supjjosition that he called in all the copies he could. Mr. Petherham, who has compared the two editions, testifies that, althouj,di the differ- ences between them arc very sli^dit, they are distinct impressions. The second edition was registered by John Barnes, on June 27th, 1612 (Arber's Transcript of tJic Registers of the Stationers' Company, vol. ii, ]). 488), but I cap find no record of the first edition, which Pether- ham states was published under the title oi Fata niilii totiim mea sunt ngitanda per orbe>n. '!"he w ord luist on the title-page should clearly be West, as the contents show. Although the references to Hudson's expedition in the |)amphlct are very slight, there seems to be no doubt that its issue was, largely, at least, a result of that expedition, and two extracts from it, t|uoted hereafter, ha\e undoubted reference to Hud- son's voyage. Good biographical notices of Digges may be found in the IMctionary of National BiograpJiy ?i\\<\'\\\\\\& Introduction to Mark- ham's Voyages of William Baffin, pp. x-x\i. — C. ^ It is not clear which isles are meant. It seems not improbable that by this Hudson may have meant Mansel Island, A\hich he could have seen from the point he had now reached, and which is clearly marked on his chart, though we are not told that he visited it. — C. 2 He may have done so, but he was "exposed" in the month aifune following, not July. — C. ^ But little dependence can be placed on this narrative, and as a guide to discoveries made it is of little value. Prickett scarcely ■* The Faroe Isles. — C. PRICKETT ON HUDSON'S VOYAGE. 1610-II. 121 good store of Cod and Ling. From thence, they raise the lies of Westviony,^ in one of which the King of Detunarkc hath a fortresse, by which they passed to raise the Snoiv- hill-foote} a mountaine so called, on the N.VV. part of the land ; and in that course, they sec the famous Mount Hecla, which cast out much fire, a signc of foulc weather to come. They leave Ishwd on Sterne, and met a mainc of n gives a date, distance, or latitude, and his account of the mutiny must be read with doubt, from his connection with the mLitineers, and his being permitted to remain with tiieni in tlie ship. Surprise has often been expressed that no punishment should have been inflicted upon the mutineers for their atrocious crime, and there certainly docs not seem to be any \cry satisfactory record of their having suffered any. TUit, in the four editions of Hessel derritz's Dcscriptio ac tk'Iincatio Gcographica Dctcctioiiis Frcft\ jniblished at Amsterdam in 1612-13 (fortranslations see Dr. Asher's Henry Hudson^ pp. 181-194 ; also Mullcr's reprint — Amsterdam, 4to, 1878), it is stated that the mutineers returned home by the way they had gone, arri\ing in England in .September 161 1 (a date I'rickett omits to give), and were at once thrown into ])rison, the intention being to keep them there until their fellows should have been found and brought home. Moreover, it is to be remarked that Hudson's journal terminates on the 3rd August i6ro, but Hudson was not sent adrift in the boat until about the 21st June 161 1. Vet no inquiry seems to have been made for the master's journal during this long period, although Prickett admits that he took charge of the master's cabin and that Greene gave him the key of the master's chest. We can only suppose that both Robert Bylot and Abacuk J'rickett were able to substantiate their innocence, as they were both afterwards engaged to proceed on the same voyage under Captain (afterwards Sir) Thomas Button, and as Bylot sailed as captain both in 1615 and in 1616. We gather in- cidentally from I'urrhas {Ids Pi/i^n'iiiui^^e, 4th ed., 1626, p. 818) that Prickett had been "a servant of Sir Dudley Diggcs", and that the mutineers had saved him alive in the hope that he might, tinough his master's influence, ])rocure foi them a pardon for their misdeeds. Prickett's narrative is very little condensed or altered by Foxe from its original form as it appears in Piircfias /it's Ptli^niiws (pt. iii, lib. in, pp. 597-608).— C. i See J). 116.— C. - Sn;x;fell-Jokull, a mountain on the west coast of Iceland, in Westland, district of Sneefieldness, 4,500 feet high. John Barrow, who ascended it in 1834, gives a good description of it (/? Visit to Iceland^ London, 1835). — C. ill llr il ■ I li ■ 122 NoKTH-Wl.ST Hi\. i \ mi 3/ {> Ice lying upon the North part thereor, which, when they see, they stootl backe for a Ilarbour in Island, called Z)A laryc gcniiri of plants, cdiitainiiij^ tlu' l)oi kbaiul Sonuls, and extcndinj,' over the greater part of the world. The particni.ir species Hudson met with was |)idl)ai)ly Riiiiicx {_(K\yria) (/li^vnits whicli extends far into the .Arctic rej^ions, and a|)pears as an alpine on all the j^reat mountain ranges of l'luro])e and Asia. It is conmion on the .Scotch mountain^. Like nian\' allied s|)ecies (sonu' ion;^ under cultivation), it is an excellent pot-heil) and anti-scorhutic.C. - Coililcuriii is a genus of cruciferous |)lants, having noal'llnity to the grasses, and ( hietly inhabiting nortluMU countiits. C. ([[jhiiiiilis^ the conunon s(Ui\)' grass, is l)y tar tlie best known species, and was unquestionably that which Hudson nut with. Ii is mainly a littoral plant, growing commonly on coasts ail round the .Aictic circle, and is not imconunou on the llritish shores, es|)ecially on those of Sidtland. Its U'a\es possess valuable anli-scoil)uti( pinpi ilics, w im h the i.irly navigators frei|uently made use of as a remed)' for scuixy. - C. •' It ap])ears from the original that stoiu; huts are meant. I'mbably the natixes hung up their fowls in this manner to preserve them from foxes and other predacious animal-. C. ! : ' \ '■ 't' \3 128 NORTH-WEST FOX. the sight thereof, because it fell awtay to the East, and after he had sailed 25 or 30 leag. he came to shallow water, broken ground, and Rockes, which he passed to the S., and in a storme of winde, the water still shoalding, he came to anchor in 15 fathomes. After this he wayed and stood S.E., for so the Land laid, and came to have land on both sides ; then he anchored and sent the Boate on land. The Land on the W. was a very narrow point, and to the S. there was a large Sea. He stood to the South betweenc these two Lands^ in this place, not above two leagues, and in the sight of the East-shore. In the end he lost sight thereof, and came into the bottome of a bay, into 6 or 7 fathom water ; then he stands vp againe to the N. by the West- shore, vntill he came to an Hand in 53 dcg., where he tooke in water and ballast.'' From thence, he passed to the N., but some 2 or 3 daycs after, there fell some rea.soning concerning their comming into this Bay and going out ; the Master takes occasion to rcviue old matters and displaces his Mate, Robert Ivct, and also his Boate-swaine, for words spoken in the great Bay of Ice. He places Robert Bylot^ his Mate, and William Wilson, Boate-swaine,-^ and then stands vp to the N. vntill he raised land, and then downe to the S. ; then vp againe to the N. and then downe to the S., and on ' Dr. Ashcr surmises {Henry Hudson, \^. 108) lliat lliulsoii \v;is now between the East Main and Charlton Island ; hut in this he is unquestionably mistaken. There ran, I think, be no doubt that he was between Cape Smith and Smith Island, in 60" 50' N., for tlie narrative distinctly states that the passage between the two lands was "not two leagues broad", 'liieri; is no other point on the eastern side of the iiay answering so well to the descrijjtion. — C. '■' This must have been Agoomska Island in James's Hay. — C. ' A fuller account of these changes, which took place on Septem- ber loth, will be found in Woodhouse's "note" (seep. 160). — C. FRICKKTT ON HUDSON S VOVACK, 161O-II. 1 29 Michaelmas day he came in and went out froni ccrtaine Hands which he sets downc for Michabnas l^ay.^ From thence, he stood to the N. and came into shoie water ; the weather thickc and foule. He anchored in 6 or 7 fadomes, and lay there 8 dayes, before [the end of] which time he could not have one houre to j^et vp his anchor ; the winde then ccasins^, the Master would have vp the anchor, against the mind of all that knew what belonged therevnto ; but, when he had his anchor on peakc, the Ship tooke one sea and threw them all from Capstone, and diuers were hurt. lie left his anchor and saved most of his Cable, for the Carpenter had laid his axe ready to cut the Cable if occasion should so fall out. From hence he stands to S.VV., through a clearc Sea of divers soundings, and came to a Sea of two colours, one blacke, the other white, and 16 or 17 fadomc water, betwccne which he went 5 or 6 leag. The night coming on, he goes in his maine and fore-saile and came into 5 or 6 fathomes. He saw no land, for it was darke, so that he stood to the East, and had deeper water, and then stood to the S. and S.W. and came to the Wcstermost bay of all,'- (/« this bay zvintrcd Captaine lames of Bristow),'' In this ba\', necrcst to the N. shore, he anchored and sent on Lantl his boatc; he found the land flat, and his men saw the footing of a man & a duckc in the snowy Rockes, and found good store of wood. Heere he saw a ledge of Rockes, l>'ing S. and N., to the South-ward of him, and flowed over at full sea, and a strong tide set in there. He wcycd anchor at ' So nnined l)ccause entered on (old) Michaelmas Day (Oct. 1 itli . It was probably Hannah Bay, as Dr. /Xslior su^uesls, but it is impos- sible to be certain. It is not named on Hudson's Ciiart. — C. ^ The westmost of Hudson's Baycs. — V. The meaning of this expression is given on page 131.— C. ■* This is an addition by Fo\e. Captain James wintered in this bay in 1631-32, or twenty years after Hudson. — C. I i ! I i ^ 1 • K m I ■I ,1. li i 130 NORTH-WEST FOX. midnight and thought to stand forth as he came in, but it fortuned that hee runne upon these Rockes and sate there for 12 houres, but by God's mercy he got ofif againc unhurt, though not unafrightcd. He then stood up to the East, and raised 3 hils lying North and South. He went to the furthermost, and left it to the North. He came into a Bay and anchored, and sent the Carpenter and this writer^ to looke for a place to winter, it being the last of October, the nights long and cold, the earth all covered with Snow, them.selves wearied, having spent 3 moneths in a labyrinth in this Bay. They went downe to the East, to the bottome thcrc[of], but returned not with that they went for. November. The next day, he went to the South and S. West, where he found a place unto which hee brought his ship, and hailed her on ground,- and on the 10 day she was froze in; now hee lookes to the lengthning of his pro- vision. :i ' I'rickctt, not Foxc, is here meant. — C. - Fiirchas, in /it's riloriiiiaqv (4th cd., 1626, p. SiS), says it was the 3rd, not the 1st, of November when they laid up. — C. ^ I'rickett's narrative is so obscure that one cannot gain from it any precise idea of the route sailed over during the two months or more immediately ])receding the laying up for the winter on November 1st. It is, however, quite clear that during the whole of this time they had been cruising aimlessly about among the bays and islands in what is now known as James' ]5ay. Prickett (who was not a sailor) was probably quite unable to give any precise idea of its geographical configuration. The only geographical point which he makes tolerably clear is that Hudson wintered at the extreme southernmost arm of Rupert's Hay (which is nameless on the latest Admiralty Charts;, at the south-east corner of James' Hay, in hit. 51° 10' N. In this opinion. Dr. Asher seems to share, although the footnote in which he says so seems to be wrongly numbered, and to have been inserted on p. 108 instead of on p. 110, of his admirable work, Henry Hudson. The chart of Hudson's discoveries which Gerritz published in 1612, was no doubt founded on Hudson's own "card", which we know the mutineers brought home with them (see p. 149). It was probably altered somewhat from its original form, in accord- PRICKETT ON HUDSON'S VOYAGP:, 161O-II. I3I He was victualled for 6 moncths with good provision, and might have had inore from home if he would ; now ance with additional information supplied by either Hylot or Prickctt, or both ; but it cannot be said to be a very accurate representation of the configuration of Hudson's Hay. It (and, of course, all the charts which were drawn from it for many years after) show James' i5ay as if it was divided into two very deep, narrow bays (known respectively as Hudson's East and Hudson's West Hay) by alonj;, narrow promon- tory of land. This may be seen on tiie maps of both Foxe and James, and on some others of later date. It is not easy to say what ied to this misconception. It is probable enouj^h that Hudson, durinj^ the period above mentioned, had sij^hted and sailed alonj; the entire western coast of James' Hay, but there is nothinj; to prove that he rounded, or even reached, its north-western extremity, Cape Henrietta Maria, as it was afterwards named by Capt. James in 1631. It is true that Hessel Clerritz states, in the first edition of his work, that Hudson sailed up the western shore of the Hay as hig^h as lat. 60°, and in a later edition as high as 62" or 63" N. (for translations, see Ashcr's Henry Hudson, pp. 182, 188, and 192) ; but there is every reason to suppose these statements erroneous, derritz's statements upon this point were probably founded upon the fact that on his chart of Hud- son's discoveries the land on the west side of Hudson's Hay is shown to extend as far north as 60° exactly (see a facsimile of it in Asher's Henry Hudson) ; but the narrative of Hudson's voyage, \aguc thougli it is, shows it to be impossible that either he on the voyage out or the survivors on their return voyage can have reached so far north in this direction. It may be that the latter imagined themselves to have done so, or that they purposely drew the chart incorrectly in this respect in order to make it appear that they had made more extensive discoveries than they really had. On the whole, it seems most probable tliat the most nortiicrly land on the western side of the Bay shown on (ierritz's chart may be identified with what is now known as Cape Henrietta Maria, though that cape lies, not in 60' N., but in 55" N. This identification is rendered more probable by (ierritz's statement {loe. eit.) that, at the most noitherly jxjint Hudson reached on the western side of James's Hay (though it was certainly not in any of the latitudes mentioned by Cierritz), he met with a " wide sea, agitated by mighty tides from the north-west", which was no doubt Hudson's Hay of modern maps. If this surmise be correct (and it was evidently shared by Luke Fo,\ — see p. 225, orig. ed.), it will be seen that Hudson's expedition explored the whole coast-line of what is now known as James' Hay. Although the narrative nowhere clearly tells us that they did so, it contains nothing to show that they did not. i , .< . A I ^^2 NORTH-WEST FOX. hee must pinch, for that he knew of no supply untill he came the next yeere to Cape Digs^ where the Fowle breed, for there was all his hopes; wherefore hee propounded reward to him that killed cither beast, fish, or fowle. His Gunner- dyed about the middle of this moneth; he blamcth the Master's uncharitable dealing with this man, but note what followed. The Master kept in his house at London a young man named Henry Greene, borne in Kent,o{ worthy Parents; but, by his life and conversation, he had lost the love of all his friends, and spent all that he had ; but, by the means of one Master Venson, his mother parted with 4I. to buy him cloathes, which money he was not trusted with the dispos- ing of himselfc. This Henry Greene was not knowne to the Adventurers, nor had any wages, but came onely on board at Graves-end, and at Harivicli, would have gone into the field with one Wilkinson'' of our Company. At The islands shown on the chart certainly bear some resemblance to those which actually exist in James' Bay ; but there is nothing to explain why it was that the explorers supposed the bay they were exploring to be divided into tivo hays by a long narrow tongue of land, as stated above. On some later maps — for instance, on those of Foxc and James -this non-existent tongue of land is shown to be even longer than on Hudson's chart itself — C. ' See ante, pp. 118 and 126.--C. - I'rickett gives this man's name as John Williams. The deposi- tions also give his name, but in them it is stated that he " dyed in 9 Octob."— C. ^ I'resumably this means that he would \\\.\\^ fought \\\\\\ Wilkinson. If so, his c|uarrelsome disposition is well shown, for the distance between (Iravescnd and Harwich is not more than a day's sail. Forster, how- ever ( / 'ayoi^cs and Dixcoi'erics in the North, p. lll)^ seems to think the passage means that he would have deserted with Wilkinson. It is not very clear who Wilkinson was. The depositions show that there was no one of this name among Hudson's crew. The name may be a misprint for either Wilson or Williams. In Prickett's narrative, he is spoken of as "one Wilkinson", the words " of our company" having apparently been added by Foxe, though he could not have meant his own company, as he had with him no men who had been on Arctic voyages before. — C. 7 PRICKETT ON HUDSON'S VOVACK, I61011. 1 33 Island he fell out with the Chirur*,non in DiitcJi, and he be.it him on shore in English, which set all the Company in a rage, so that they had much adoc to get the Chirurgion on board againe. This Author told the Master of it, but he bade him let the matter alone ; for (said he) the Chirurgion hath a tongue that would wrong the best friend he had ; but Robert Iiict, the Master's Mate, woukl needs put his fingers in the Embers, and told the Carjjenter a long tale (when he was drunke) that the Master had brought in Greene to cracke his credit that should dis- please him, which, when the Master heard of (being forty leagues from Island), he would have gone backe to Island to have sent /net his Mate home in a Fisherman, but, being otherwise perswaded, all was well, and Greene stood upright and was very inward with the Master, and was a serviceable man every way for manhood; but for Religion he would say he was white Paper, whereon he might write what he would. Now the Gunner was dead, and then (as order is in such cases) if the Company stand in neede of any thing belonged to the man that is deceassed, then is it brought to the maine Mast, and there sold to them that will give the most for it. This Gunner had a gray cloth Gowne, which Greene praj'cd the Master to befriend him so much as to let him have it, paying for it as [much as] another would give. The Master said he should, and therefore answered some who sought for it that Greene should have it and none else. Now, out of time and season, the Master called the Carpenter to goc in hand with a house on shore, which at the beginning hee would not hcarc of, when it might have been done. The Carpenter told him that the Snow and Frost was such as hee neither could nor would goc in hand with such worke, which when he [i.e., Hudson] heard, he feretted him out of his cabine and struck him, calling him by many foule words and threatened to hang him. ;'. i 134 NORTH-WEST FOX. The Carpenter tolde him that he knew what belonged to his place better then he did, and that he was no house Car- penter ; yet the house was made with much labour [but] to no end. The next day after the Master and the Carpen- ter fell out, the Carpenter tooke his Peece^ and Hcrny Greene with him, for it was ordered that none should goe out alone, but one with a Peece, another with a Pike. This did move the Master so much more against Grcetie, that Robert Bylot, his mate, must have the Gowne, and had it delivered unto him ; which Henry Greene seeing, he charged the M^ with his promise, br.t the M'. did so raile on Greene, & with so many words of disgrace, telling him that all his friends durst not trust him with 20 shillings, & therefore why should he, and as for wages he was to have none, nor should if he did not please him, yet the M"". had promised him as good wages as any man in the ship, and to have him [made] one of the Princes Guard at his home coming ; but )-ou shall see how the Uivell so wrought out of this that Greene did the Master what mischicfc he could, in seeking to discredit him, and to thrust him and other honest men out of the ship. To speake of all the troubles, and of this cold Winter, would be too tedious.- Now he sheweth how mercifully God dealt with them in this time, for in the space of three moneths he had such store of one kinde of Fowle, which were Partridge,^ as white as Milke, of which he killed at least one hundred ^ An old name for ixi^un : hence our modern " fowlmg-piece". — C. ■■^ The depositions throw no light on the events of the winter- ing.— C. ^ These were the Willow Ptarmigan {Lagopiis lai^opus), an abundant species in the forest region south of Hudson's Bay. It serves as an important article of food during winter to the servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, at the Company's posts in the region this bird inhabits. As many as 10,000 are said to have been killed at some of the posts in one year. — C, PRICKKTT ON HUDSON'S VOVAOE, 161O-II. 1 35 dozen, of sundry sorts, for all was fish that came to the net. At the Spring, this fowle left them, and in their places came other of divers sorts, as Swanncs, Goose, Ducke, and Tealc, but hard to come by. He thought that they would have bred there in those broken grounds, bul they doe not, but came from the S. and flew to the N., further then he was this Voyage ; yet, if they had bccne taken short with N. or N.E. winds, they stay there against the winds' returne, and then take their flight to the N. ward, and in short time none of them are to be scene there. Then he searched the woody hills and vallies for all things that had any show of substance (for food), how vile soever ; the mosse of the ground, and the frog in his engendring time was not spared ; but amongst divers sorts of buds, it pleased God that Thomas Woodlwiise brought one of a tree^ that was full of Turpentine substance ; of this, the Surgion made a decoction to drinkc, and applyed the buds hot to them that were troubled with ache in any part, from whence they received present ease. Now, about that time the Ice began to breake out of the bayes, there came a Salvage to their Ship, as it were to see and to be scene, and was the first that they had seen in all that time. He intreats him well, and used him kindly, promising to himselfe great matters by this mcanes, and therefore called for all the Knives and hatchets which every man had to his private vse, and to this Salvage he gave a knife, a looking-glasse, and buttons, who re- ceived them thankefuUy, and made signes that after he 1 Probably the buds were those of some conifer, perhaps, as Forster suggests ( Voyages and Discovery in the North, p. ZZ'^^^ of die Tamarac {Larix ainerieana), or of the Spruce {Adies nigra and A. alda),hoi\\ of which trees extend much further north. In his Pilgrim- age (4th ed., 1626, p. 818), Purchas gives fuller information about the benefits derived from this tree, but he is certainly in error in saying that \\. blossomed \v\. December. — C. V- I ' \ ' 13^ NORTH-WEST FOX. MM had slept he would come af^aine ; which he did, and brouf:jht with him a sled, which he drew after him, and upon it two Deere .skins and two Beaver skinncs. He had a scrip under his arme, out of which he drew those things the Master had given him, and layes the knife upon the Beaver skinnes, and the glasses and buttons upon the other, and so gave them to the Master, who received them ; and the Salveii^^e tooke those things which the Master had given him, and put them into his scrip againe, then the Master showed him a hatchet, for which he would have given him one of his Deere skins, but the Master would have both, and so he had, although not will- ingly. After many signes of people to the N. and to the S., and that after so many sleepes he would come again, he went his way, but came no more. Now, the Ice being broke out of the Sounds [so] that a boate might passe, the M"". appointed \Villi(xm Wilson^ Henry Greene, Michael Peirce, John Thomas, A)i(ireiv Matter,^ Bennet Mathezvcs, and Arnold Lodlol- to go on fishing. These men, the first day they went, caught 500 fish as bigge as good Herrings, and some Trouts. Here was good hope to have their want supplycd, but those were the most that ever they got in one day ; for many daj-es they got not a quarter so many. In this time of their fishing, Henry Greene and Williani Wilson, \\\\\\ some others, plotted to take the net & Shallop,-' which the Carpenter '^\ 1) ^ In the depositions, and also in Woodhouse's "note" (see p. 161), this man's name is given as Adrian Motter. — C. - This man's name appears as Ladlcy in the depositions. In Woodhouse's " no\.c'\Piirc/i(is la's Pi/grinws, pt. iii, p. 609), he is spoken of as "Ladlie Arnold".— C. ^ It is impossible to say exactly what is meant by "shallop" in this case, as (according to Smylhe) the name has been applied to various kinds of fishing and other boats. The word often occurs in accounts of early voyages, and is derived from the French c/ialoupc—C, I'RICKETT ON HUDSON'S VOVACli:, 161O-II. ^17 T; had new set up, and so to shift for themselves' ; but, the Shallop bein^ ready, the Master would goe in it hiinselfc to the S. and S.W. to sec if he could mcetc with people, for to that end it was set up ; antl that way he could see the woods set on fire by them. The Master takes the net and shallop, and so much victuals as would serve for nine dayes, and went to the Southward ; the)' that remained on board were appointed to take in water, wood, and ballast, and to make the ship ready aj^ainst his returne ; but he could set no time, for hee was perswaded that if he met with the Salvages, hee should have refreshing of fresh meat, and that good store ; but, in conclusion, he returned worse then he went, and though the Inhabitants set the woods on fire before him, yet they would not come to him. Being now returned, he makes ready for his home coming, and first he delivers all the bread in the fore roome, w'^^ came to a pound a pcece for every man's share, and delivered unto every man a bill of returne, willing them to have that to shew, if it pleased C}od the)- came home, and he wept when he gave it unto them. lUit, to help themselves to some relicfe, the boat went to fish from r^riday morning until Sunday noone, and brought but So small fish for 1 8 hungry/ bellies- ; whereupon he waighcd and came away from his wintering place into the Sea, where, his bread being gone, that store of checse[s] which he had must stop the gap, being but five ; the Company grudgi.^ for they made account of nine ; but those five were equally divided by the Master, some counselling him to the contrary, for there were some who, having it, would ' Prickett's deposition corroborates this statement. — C. - It seems as if this number should be twenty-two ; for \vc know that Hudson's company numljercd twent\-three, and only one had died up to this time. The number of Hudson's crew is stated hereafter on the authority of Woodhouse, and is confirmed by the depositions, wherein a list of the men is given. — C. rl M 138 NORTH-WEST FOX. make haste to be rid thereof, because they could not gouerne it. I know (saith the writer) when Henry Greene gave halfe his bread which he had for 14 dayes, to one to keepe, and prayed him not to let him have any untill the next Munday, but before Wednesday at night, he never left untill he had it againe, having eaten up his first week's bread before. So Wilson, the boatswaine, had eat in one day his 14 dayes bread, and hath laid in bed 2 or 3 dayes for his labour. The cause why the Master delivered all the cheesc[s] was because they were not all of one good- nesse, and therefore they should see that they had no wrong done them, but that every man had the best and worst together, which was 3 pound and one halfe for 7 dayes.' The wind serving, he wayed and stands to the N.VV.,and on Munday night, the 18 oi June, he fell into the Ice, and the next day, with W. wind, he lay fast within sight of land untill Sunday following. Now, being here, the Master told Nicholas Sinunes- that there would be a breaking up of Chests, and a search for bread, and willed him if he had any to bring it to him, which he did, and delivered the Master 30 Cakes in a bag. This deed of the M*". (if it be true) hath made me marvel! what should be the reason why hee did not stop the breach in the beginning, but let it grow to that height as it overthrew himselfe and many other honest men ; but there arc many devices in the heart of man, but the counsell of the Lord should stand. ' No wonder they were short of provisions ; for they had been out fourteen months aheady ; and we know, on Hylot's authority, tliat they had been victualled for only eight, while I'rickett says for six only. Tliat Hudson liad not dealt quite fairly with his crew respcctiny^ tiie provisions, seems likely enouj^h ; for all the survivors, in their depo- sitions, affirm that he had not. They accuse him of having wasted the provisions, and witli having fed his favourites at the expense of the otliers. C. - The depositions show that Nicholas Syms was a lioy.- C. PRICKETT ON HUDSON'S VOYAGE, 1610-II. 1 39 Being thus in the Ice, on Saturday, the one and twentieth of lune} at night, Wilson, the Boatswaine, and Henry Greene came to this writer lying lame in his Cabbin,^ and told him that they and the rest of their associates would shift the Company, and turne the Master and all the sicke men into the Shallop, and let them shift for themselves ; for there was not 14 dayes victuall left for all the Compan}-, at that poore allowance they were at ; and that there they lay, the Master not caring to go one way or other ; and that they had not eaten anything this three dayes, and therefore were resolute either to mend or end, and what they had begun, they would go through therewith, or die. When he heard this, he told them he marvelled to hearc so much from them, considering that they were married men and had wives and children, and that for their sakes the)- should commit so foule a thing in the sight of God and m; n as that would be ; for why should they banish them- sel OS from their native countrey ? Henry Greene bad him hold his peace, for he knew the worst of it ; which was to be hanged when he came at home, and therefore of the two he would rather be hanged at home then starved abroad ; and for the good-will they bore him, they would have him to stay in the ship. He gave them thankcs, and told them that hee came into the shin, not to forsake her, nor yet to hurt himselfe and others by any such deed. Henry Greene told him then that hee must take his fortune in the Shalloi) ; if there bee no remedy, cjuoth he, the will of God be done. Away goes Greene in a rage, swearing to cut his throat that went about to disturbe them, and left Wilson by him,-' ' There is an error here. The 1 8th of June, 161 1, was a I'licsday (not a Monday, as stated) while the 2rst was a I'rUay^ not a Saturday. — C. ■'' This means PrickeU, not Koxe. Foxe's narrative hero follows Prickett's, as it appears in I'urchas, almost word for word. C. •' This still refers to Prickett.—C. i m il 1 140 NORTH-WEST FOX. with whom he had some conference, but to no good, for hee was perswaded to goe on with the action whilst it was hot, lest their party should faile them and the mischicfc they intended to others should fall upon their owne shoulders. Greene comes againe and demaunded what he said. Wiison answered and said, He is in his old song, still patient. Then he spake to Greene to stay 3 dayes, in which time hee would so deale with the M^ as all should bee well. But, being denied, he dealt with him but for 2 dayes nay, for 12 houres. There is no way then, say they, but, out of hand: then he told them that, if they would stay whilc^ Munday, he would joine with them to share all the victuals in the ship, and would justifie it when he came at home ; but this would not serve, wherefore he told them it was some worse matter they had in hand then they made shew of, and that it was blood and revenge he sought, or else he would not undertake such a deed at such a time of night. Greene with that tookc his Bible, which lay before him, and sware that he would doe no harmc, and what he did, it was for the good of the Voyage, and for nothing else, and that all the rest should do the like. The like did ]\'ilson swcarc. Greene went his wa)', and present!)' comes J^ w/iosc iin'tttts Itc hopar. — C. - Thomas Woodhousc, or Wydowse, who is described as a "student in the Mathcmatickcs", when he was deserted, left in his desk an interesting note, wliich was pubhshcd Ijy I'lirchas {his Piignnics, pt. iii, p. 609). It adds several inlercstinj^ items of information to those j^iven by I'rickctt. Foxc reprints the " note" almost verbatim (sce/iii;(ioe, 4th ed., 1626, p. 818), as also does Rylot in his deposition. It a|)pears from I'urchas {Ins /'ilgn'iiics, vol, iii, lib. ill, l)p. 567 and 574) that he had also sailed with his father on his first and second voyages, and ])rol)ab!y also on his third. — C. •' This must be a inis])rint {ox John King, though Henry occurs in I'urchas. — C. ' The original has it : "they cut her head fast from the stcrnc of our Ship", which means that they cut her tow-rope or painter (see Smyth's Sailors' Word-Book, p. 375.)— C. mmmmmmtsamssBsss!^^ ^^^ I'klCKKTT OX ttUDSOX'S VOVACi:, F6lO-It. ■47 Cakes, a peck of mcalc, [and] of Hcarc to the ([uantity of a Butt. Now, when it was said that tlie Shalloi) was a;^ain come within sit^ht, the)' let fall the maine saile, and out to[) sailes, and fly as from an enemy. Then he pi'a}-ed them to remember tlieinselvcs, but ]\'!lsoii nor the rest would heare of no such matter. Commin^ ni^^h the K. shore, the)' cast about to the W. and came to an Iland,^ where they anckrcd in i6 fathoms, and tries on shoare with the net for fish, but could not drive for rockes. Micluxcll Pcirce killed two fowle, and heare they found good store of weed called cockle <(rassc,- [some] of which they leathered (as in their \vinterint; place) and came on board. They lay there that niy;ht and the most of the next day, in w'' time they sec not the Shallop, nor ever after. Now came Hen. Greene and told him [/.£•., I'rickett] that it was the companies' will that he should go up into the Mrs. cabbine, and take charge thereof Me told him that it was more fit for Koh. Jnet ; [but] he said he | /.<•., Juet] should not come in it, nor meddle with the Mr's Card nor Journals ; so up he [Prickett] came, and IIcu. Greene gave [him] the key of the Mr's chest and told him that he had laydc the Mr's best things together, which he would use himselfe when time did serve. The bread was also delivered this writer, by tale. The winde ser\ing, the\- stand N.E., and this was Bylofs course, contrary to Juet, who would have gone N.West. They had the \\. shoare in sight, and in the night had a stiffc gale of wind and stood bef(n-e it until thes' met with Ice, and stoode amongst the same until the)- were fast. It was so thickc ahead, and the winde brought it so fast on a it ' As Dr. Aslicr remarks, I'rickcU's j^cographicul statcmcnls arc so vaj^i'.c thai it is absolutely impossible even to guess what island is lieie referred to. — C. - Scurvy grass (see p. 1 27).— C. Iv 2 14^ NORTll-WKST FOX. Sterne, that they could not stirre backcwards, and so laid there 14 dayes in worse plight then ever before they had beene, where was great store [of ice], yet it lay not so broad upon the water as this ; for this floating Ice continued miles and halfe miles in compasse, having a dcepe Sea and a tyde of flood setting S.E. and N.W., but Bilot was confident to goe through to the N.E., as he did. At length, being clcarc of the Ice, he continued his course in sight of the East shore until he had raised 4 Hands/ which lay North and South, but past them 6 or 7 leag. where the wind tooke them short.- They stood backe to them againe, and came to anckor betweene 2 of the West- most.^ They found nothing on land but cockle grasse. He saith he found that, before they came to this place, that he was kept in the Ship (against Henry Greene's minde) because he did not favour their proceeding better than he did ; for he drave him to take upon him to search for such things as himsclfe had stolne, and accused him of a matter no lesse then treason amongst themselves, for that he had deceived the company of 30 bread cakes. Now they began to talk that liiiglami was no safe place for them, and Henry Greene swore that the ship should not come in any place, but kecpc the Sea still, until he had the 1 Prof. Asher conjectures that these were not far from Portland Pro- montory or Cape Dufferin, 58' 50' N., 79° W.— C. - We may presume that they readied this point about the ijlh of July, on which date the extract from the k)g preser\ed at Trinity House commences. The narrative, which is very brief, continues until the i6th of August, when they were clear of Hudson's Strait. The entries relate chiefly to the winds, tides, dates, soundings, courses, and other matters connected witli the na\igati()n, in which respects I'rickett's narrative is ahnost wholly wanting. The events recorded in the log, however, do not contain anything of importance not referred to by Prickett, and it is remarkable that the log contains no reference to the massacre of four of the mutineers by the Esquimaux, which Prickett hereafter narrates at such length. — C. ^ This sluHiltl Ije iiin-Ihcniiiiost. C. IK^" i'RrcKi:TT o\ HUDSON'S \ov.\r,i:, i^m-n. 149 Kinjr'.s hand and scale to show for his safety. They had many devises, but Henry Greene was their Captainc, and so they called him. From those Hands he stood to the N., having the Easterne land in sight, and raised those Hands the Master had called Roinnefs Hands,' between which Hands and the shallow ground to the E. of ihem the Mr. stood downe into the first great bay- (this was entered going outward in the Master's time). They kept the East side still in sight and, comming thwart of low land, strooke once upon a Rock that lay under water, but without any harmc that they saw. They continue their course and raise Land on head which stretched to the North ; there they said plaincly that Robert Bilot by his Northcrne course had left the Capes to the South, and that in time they must secke that way for rcliefe, having but small store left. But Bilot would still follow the land to the North, sa)-ing that hee hoped in good time to finde what would relieve us that way, as soone as to the South. This Writer saith that hce told them that this Land was the Maine of Wostenholiiie Cape, and that the shallow Rockey ground was the same that the Master ran down by when he went into the great Bay. Robert Ivet, and all, said it was not possible, unlcsse the Master had brought the Ship over land, and willed them to looke into the Master's Card, how well their course and it did agree.'"' They stood to the East, and left the • r 1 i ^ No doubt tlic islands off Cape Smith, to tlic north of Mosquito r>ay. They arc not nanicil on Hudson's Chart or referred to in the narrative. Hudson doul)tless named them after Rebecca Lady Romney, who was one of his adventurers- or sliould one say adventunvv.ffj ?— C. - This expression has already l:)een explained fsoe jip. 12S and 13O.-C. ■' It is not much to be wondered at that Prickett.a landsman, should have been unable to j^ive a clear account of the course as they sailed homewards, when the most com])ctcnt of the seamen left on board were in the state of complete bewilderment here depicted. In their I :o \UKTII-\Vi;ST FOX. Maine land t(j the North by many small Hands into a narrow p[ut bctwccnc two Lands and anchored. They went on the West side, and found a i^rcat ITornc/ and cockle gras.se on the East side ; this Grasse was L^reat reliefc them, for without it they could not have recovered t..j Capes, for want of Victuall. When they weis^hed Anchor, they doubled the Cape to the North, which is high land, even to the Capes, which is North and South some 25 or 30 leat^ues ; then they stand to the North. They sa\v of those Fowlcs which breed at the Capes, and killed some ; at which time with great joy they -aised the Capes and, bearing for them, came to the Hands that lay in the mouth of the Streight.s- ; but, bearing in, they ran upon a Rock, and stood fast for 8 or 9 houres. It was ebbc when they grounded, but the next flood float them off againe.-' It was fairc weather ; the ebbe c anxiety to icacli the capes on which the fowl bred, we see tliem in a state of feverish fear that they had |)asscd them and ,^ot too far to the northward. -C. 1 Found a j,neat liornc, which they tooke to l)ee Sea \'nicornc. — F. The orii^inal speaks of "///<' >^reat home"', as though it were some reniarkal)le liorn whicli they brou^lit home. Foxe is responsible for the statement that tlicy took it to l)e the horn of a sea-unicorn. Pro- bably, howe\er, it was an unusually larj^e tusk of that animal, better known as the Narwhal \Moiwdon iiio/wccros ; see p. 45). — C. - The Di},''ges Island group (see pp. 118 and 126). — C. ^ This grounding and release, here lightly passed o\er, is worth noting. In the Trinity House documents, we ri. id : "[Ji-'ly] -^^• They run aground on a rock in the little strcight mouth [that is the narrow strait lietwecn Digges Island and the mainland, and not the wider one between Digges Island and Mansel Island] at 9 a. [? afternoon]. Fleet again at 4 in the morning." In the Pilgrimage (4th cd., 1626, p. 818), it is stated that, "the ship came aground at Digges Island, and so continued divers houres, till a great floud (which they, by this accident, tooke first notice of) came from the westward and set them on ilote."' Purchas himself regarded this as "a very probaljle argument of an open passage into the South .Sea". In the " (irounds for a Coniecture" (Appendix), it is spoken of as "the Great Billow". Further, in Sir Dudle)- Digges's Treatise on the PRK KKTT OX HUDSON'S VOYAGK, 161O-II. I^I from the East, and the flood from the West. Bcin;^ afloate, they stood to the Eastward and anchored. \Jnly 27.] This day he sent the Boat on land to kill Fowlc. They in the Ship had warnini^ to stand as nccre as they couU! ; but, the winde being contrary, they could not fetch the place where the Fowlc breed, but they found great store of Gulls upon the Cliffes, but hard to come by; but with their pccces they killed 30, and towards night returned on shipboa;d. Then they brought their Ship nearer the Mouth of the Streights, and anchored in 18 Fathom upon a Riffc or Shelfc ; but, when they hadwaycd and stood to the place where the Fowle breed, they were faine to stand to and againc in the Strcight's mouth under Sayle, because they could not findc ground to Anchor in, the water was so deepe. \July 28.] The Boat went to Digges Cape, and made directl}- for the place w^ re the Fowle breed, where they nil 26. is ndt a. age at Olid tlic s as ca"'. the ihc North-West Passage (see p. 119), we find reference (p. 3) to "our streightes found in ([61° N.]), a Latitude free front fcare of danijcr, cuttinL,r through the body of America, 200 or 300 Leagues, unto an open sea tliat showed a great and hollow billow, and brought a flood that rose 5 faddome." On p. 26 is a further reference to the same " flood", which clearly shows that the writer thought the north-west passage had been discovered by Hudson. He says : "And for any- thing \\ee yet can hear, no one \'oyage to the Contrary, we See not but wee may Conclude that the Flood our People met Came from the Southerne sea ; and, untill we heare more Authcnticall reasons then of feare, grounded on false Cardcs, [we may] belccuc that our industry, by God's grace, may this next voyage [Button's] manifest the Prophesie of Baptista Ramusius touching the North-West Passage."' Taking all the evidence together, there can V e no doubt that the survivors made much capital out of their observations of the strong flood at Digges Island. Moreover, there can be very little doubt that it was their report that led Button, on his return home, to try the tydc in this locality (see p. 197) ; and, although he says (p. 19S) he found them mistaken in the set of this tide, he observed another, setting more northerly, on which, as hereafter pointed out, he himself built very great hopes, — C, ' H l! :U It': i 152 NORTII-WKST I'OX. see 7 Boats came about the Easterne point towards them ; but, when the Salvages saw their J^oat, they draw their lesser Boats into their bigger, and when they had done, they came rowing to their Boat, and made signs to the west. Our men made ready for all essayes. The Saluages came to them, and they grew familiar one with another, so as ours tooke one of theirs into their Boate, and they tookc one of ouis into theirs. Then they carried our Man to a Cove where their Tents stood to the Westward of the place where the Fowle breed. So they carried our Man into their Tents, where he remained untill our men returned theirs. In our Boat went their man to the place where the Fowle breed ; and wee being desirous to know how the Salvages killed their Fowle, hec shewed them the manner how, which was thus : They tooke a long- Pole with a snare at the end, which they put about the Fowlcs neck,^ and so pluck them downe. When our men knew that we had a better waj', and so- shewed the Salvages the use of our Peeces, which at one shot would kill 7 or 8. To bee short, they returned to the Cove to receive our man, and to deliver theirs. When the}- came, they made great joy, with dancing, leaping, and striking of their breasts ; they offered divers things to our Men ; but they onely tookc some Morse teeth, which they gave them for a knife and two glasse Buttons ; so, receiving our Man, tl.'cy came aboard, rcjoycing at this chance, as if the}- had met with the most simple people of the World. And Henry Greene, more then the rest, was so confident that by no meaiics we should take care to stand upon our guarde. God blinded him so that, where he thought to receive great matters from this people, he received more than hce looked for, and that suddenly, by being made an ^ This method of catching sea-fowl is still, or was recently, practised on the clilTs of St. Kilda's Isle.-C. - To make sense, the words " and so'' should Ije read as tliey. — C. I'RICKKTT ON HUDSON'S VOYAGE, 161O-II. I 3.-> example for all men that L.ake no conscience of doing evill ; and that wee take heed how wee trust the Salvage people, how simple soever they secme to be. [/u/j' 29.] They made haste to be on shore, and because the Sliip rid farre off, they weighed and stood as iiccrc the place where the Fowle breed as they could; and because he, this Writer [?>., Prickett], was lame, he was to goe in the Boat to carry such things as he had in the Cabbine, of every thing some what. And so, with more hast then good speed (and not without swearing), away he went; as Henry Greene, Williani Wilson, John Thomas, MieJiael Pierce, Andreiv Alotter, and himselfe. When they came neere the shore, the people were on the hills dancing and leaping. To the Cove we came, where they had drawn u[) their lioats. Wee brought our Boat to the East side of the Cove, close to the Rocks; on land tney goe, and make fast the Boat to a great stone on the shore. Tiie peo];)]e came and every one had something in his hand to barter; but Henry Greene swore that they should have nothing untill he had Venison, for that they had so promised him by signes the last day. Now, when wee came, the\' made signes to their Dogs, whereof there were many, like Mongrels, as bigge as Hounds, and pointed to the Mountaines antl to the Sunne, clapping t'lcir hands. Then Henry Greene, Joint Thonins, and Williani Wilscu, stood hard by the Boat's head; Michael Pierce, and Attdrezo M otter were got ujjon the Recks a gathering of Sorrell.^ Not one of them had aii)- Weapon about him, not so much as a stick, sa\c Henry Greene onely, who had a piece of a Pike in liis hand; nor saw he any thing they had to shoot him with. Henry Greene and Wilson had Looking glasses, lewes-trumps,- I'i I I 1 1 1 1 1 '' ,1 1 See p. T27.— C. - Jews' harps (see Latlinni's/r)//;/,v(v/,v /h\/ioH(i!y).—Q, \ y' li T54 NORTH-WEST FOX. and Bells, which they were shewing, the Salvages standing round about them. One of them came into the Boat's head to shew him a Bottle. This Writer made signes unto him to get him on shore, but he made as though he had not understood him ; whereupon he stood up and pointed him on shore. In the meanetime, another stole behind to the Sterne of the Boat; and when he saw him on shore that was on the Boat's head, hee sate downe againe, but suddenly hee sawe the leggs and feete of a man by him ; wherefore hee cast up his head and sawe the Salvage, with his knife in his hand,^ who stroke at his Brest over his head; hee casting up his arme to save his brest, the Savage wounded his arme, and stroke him into the body under his right Pap; the Salvage stroke a second blow, which he met with his left hand, and then stroke him into the right thigh, and had like to have cut off his little finger of his left hand. Now this Writer had got hold of the strino" of the knife, and had wound it about his left hand ; he, striving with both his hands to make an end of that he had begun, found the Salvage but weake in the gripe (God enabling him), getting hold of the sleeve of his left arme he see his left side lay open to him ; which when he saw, he put his sleeve of his left arme into his left hand, holding the string of the knife fast in the same hand, and having got his right hand at libertj-, hee sought for somewhat wherewith to strike him, not remembering his dagger at his side, but looking downe he saw it ; and therewith strooke the Srdvage into the body and throat. Whilst he was thus assaulted in the Boat, their men were set upon on the shore. JoJui Thomas and Williaiii Wilson had their bowells cut; and Michael Pierce and \\\ \\\ ^ Purchiis, in hix Pili^riinage (4th cd., 1626, p. Ki8\ iind also in ///V /V/(,'"A*/V;/« (part iii, p. 610), gives particulars of lliis knife, wliicli, he says, was such as tliey use in Java. Tliis he regarded as furtlicr e\i- clencc of the cxislenee of a passage, — C, ookc in fit's h, he or cvi- I'RICKKTT ON HUDSON'S V0YAC;K, 161O-II. Henry Greene, being mortally wounded, came tumbling into the Boat together. When Andrczo ]\fofer saw this medley, hcc came running downe th.c Rock and leaped into the Sea, and so swam to the I^oat, and hung at her Sterne untill Michael Pierce took him in, who manfully made good the Boat's head against the Salvages that pressed sore upon them. Now Michael Pierce had got an Hatchet, with which hec stroke one, that hee lay sprawling in the Sea. Henry Greene cried coragio, and laid about him with Trunchion, This Writer crycth to cleere the Boat's head, and Andrew Matter cryeth to bee taken in. The Salvages betake them to their Bowes and Arrowcs, which they sent so amongst them that Henry Greene was slain outright, and Michael Pierce received many wounds, and so did the rest. Michael Pierce cleareth the Boat and put it from the shore, and helpcth Andreiv Matter in; but in the clearing of the Boat, Pricket received a cruel wound on his back with an Arrow. ]\Iichacl Pierce and Matter rowed away the Boat, which when the Salvages sawc, they came to their Boats, which they feared thc\- would have lanchcd to have followed them, but the\- did not. Their Ship was in the middle of the Channell, and yet could not see them all this time. Now when they had rowed a good wa\- from the shore, Pierce fainted, and could rowe no more. Then was Matter driven to stand in the Boat's head and wa\e to the Ship, which at first sawe them not; and, when thc\- did, they could not tell what to make of them, but in they stood for them, and so tooke them U]). Greene was ihrownc into the Sea; the rest was taken into the Ship, the SaKage being yet alive, but without sence. That da}- dyed JP'ilson, cursing and swearing in most fearefull maimer. Michael Pierce lived two dayes and then d)'ed. Thus have }-ou hail the tragicall end of Greene and his 3 Mates, being the lustiest men in all the Shi[). I * A\ mm 15^^ NOkTir-wr.sT vox. The poore number that was left was to ply the Ship to and aijjainc in the mouth of the Straits, for there was no anchorint;^; and besides, they were V) goc in the Boat to kill h^owlc to bring them home, which they did with great danger; for if the windc blew, there was an high Sea; and the Eddie of the tide would carry the Ship so neere the Rocks, as it feared^ the Master, for so now they call Bylot. After which great labour, and [when] on the South Cape they had killed 300 Fowle, they stood to the East; but the wind came East, and put them back againe to the Capes where they killed lOO Fowles. At length a West winde drives them homewards, for the most part along the North side of the Streight, untill he fell into broken ground about the Quecne's Forland and there anchored ; and from thence he came to [the Isles of] God's mercies, and from thence to those Hands that lye in the mouth of the Straits, but not seeing the land untill they were ready to runne their liowsprit against the Rocks in a fogge; but it cleered a little, and then they might see themselves inclosed amongst Rockie Hands, and could finde no ground to anchor in. They lie a trj-e- all night, and the next da)- the fogge continues. Thc\' seeke for ground to anchor in, but found none under 100 Fathoms. The next day, he weighed againe and stood to the East, and now they are brought to the allowance of halfc a Fowle a day, yet they had some meal left, and nothing else; and now were glad t(^ burne of the feathers (for saving of the skins which, before, they [had] fleaed T the Fowle) because they will not piril, nor the garbidge also was not throwne away. ' Fn'i^litcucd : an old oxprcssinn (sec Navos's Glosxciry^. - V . ''■ Tluil is, ihcy lay-to (see Smyth's Sai/ors' Word- />(>(>/:, p. 701). — C. ^, . m» i i. » »CTI1— WW giPHWa but he the)' >-et were ins •aiise )\vnc TRICKETT ON HUDSON'S \"OYA('.K, 1610-II. 15/ He saith that, after they were clcare of those Ilands^ which lie out with two points, one on the South East and the other on the North, making a liay to the sight, as if there were ncj way through, hee continued his course l'2ast South East and South East, thinking to raise Desokition, from thence to shape his course for Iir/oiid, though h'ct perswaded to goe for Nciv-fou)id-laiid, hcjping there to have rehefe amongst our Countrymen. But, in Latitude 57 degrees, the winde came South West, and so it was thought fit to seek for food where some grew: %nr:.. Ireland, and so the course was directed. In which time they were fain to frie their Fowles bones in Candle tallow, putting vinegar thereto, which '\as stirred amongst them, and every man had (jne pound of Candles allowed for one weeke as a great dainty. And when Rob. Jitct said that by his reckning they were within 60 or 70 leagues of Ireland, they had 200 leagues thither. Their course was much longer (through evill steeridge), for their men were so weake as they were fain to sit at the Hclme. Then Robert /net dyed, and the rest despaired antl said they were past Ireland. Their last Fowle was in Ste[)e- tub, and the men cared not what end [of the sl-,;p| went first. The Master was glad to doe their labour and his owne, tackling going t(j wrack, and none regarding lu helpe the same. In this extremity, it pleased God to give them sight of Land, not farre from the place where the Master said they should fall [in with it], which was the lia)- cjf Galloioay^' to the West of the Durses.'' So they stood along to the South \V. and espied a saile, which was a Hoat -C. ' .So far as one can make out, the Islands thus allucktl to must Iia\c been llioso now called liutton's Islanils.- C. - Cialway ISay.— C. ^ Dursey Island, on the coast of the County Cork, and the adjacent rocky islets. They are, however, a lonj; way from ( lalway liay. Ko.\e, not rrickell, seems lespunhible for ihc error. (, . 1 : ! ■ i k 1 i ■ t 1 \ 1 ' ., 1 11 '1 I5B NORTH-WEST FOX. ill of Foye^ at anchor fishing. This l^arkc brought them into l^care ITavcn.- Here thc)' sta\-ed some few dayes and deah with the Irish for ReHcfc, but found none, for in that place there was neither bread, drink, nor money, or Countrymen, which were then on fisliing, they found as cold in kindnesse, that they would doe nothing without present money. In the end John Waymonth, one of the Barke [that] brought them in, furnished them with money upon pawne of their best Anchor and Cable, wherewith they bought Bread, Bearc, and ]k>efc. Now, as the}' were beholding to IVnyniont/i, so were they beholding to Captaine T(xylor for making their Contracts, and for their men's wages, who would not goc with thein home, except Wayuwuth would passe his word. Where- upon Taylor swore he would pressc them ; and if they would not goc he would hang them. In conclusi(3n, they agreed for 3 pound 10 shillings a man, to bring the Ship to PliniontJt or Phahiioitth, and to give the Pilot 5 pound ; and, if they were put into Brisiozu, they were to have 4/. \os. a Man, and the Bilot 61. ; and, omitting further circumstance, they came to Plimoittli, from thence to the Downes, from thence tc^ Gravcscndi^ and so to London ; where the Master had this Writer to Sir Thomas Smith's} ' Foiucy : the ancient, but now decayed, Cornish sea j^ort. I'urchas, in Jtis Pilgn'niai^c (4th ed., 1626, p. 819), says it was the 6th of Septem- ber when they fell in with llie boat, Ijut tliis date is omitted froni the fuller narrati\e in the J'i/j^riiiicw. - Ih'tir Harcn : the land-locked natural harbour in liantry IV y, formed by the chamiel between Bear Island and the mainland of the County Cork. — C. •' I'rickett docs not mention the date on which he and his fellow mutineers reached Clravesend, on their return voyage in the Discovery, but Hessel Gcrritz says that it was in the month of September (sec p. 121).— C. ' This means that ISyUu took I'rickett with him to Sir Thomas Smith's, as is more clearly staled in the original in Purchas.— C. aam Y\ ^ Hudson's vovagk, i6io-it. 159 T/w Printer on the beJialfe of Priclcct.^ FOr as much as this may happily be suspected by some, not so fricndl)' to Pricket^ who returned with that company who so cruelly had exposed Ilicdson ; and there- fore may secmc to lay heavy imputation, and rippe up further occasion then they will belceve : he saith also he- added the report of T/ioiiias ]Vood/ionsc, one of the exposed Company, who ascribed the occasions of discord to ///(■/. I take not on mec [says Purchas] to sentence, no not to examine. I present the evidence just as I had it. Let the Bench censure with both cares, that wh.ich they may see with both eyes, and there note, to which I [have] first pre- fixed his letter to Master Samuel Mac/iani. Master Mixcivdva, I /learti/y commend mc unto yon. I can ivrite iinto you no newes, tJiongh I have scene ninch, but such as every Fisherman haunting the Coast can report better than my selfe}^ We kept our Whitsunday on the N.K. end of Ise/and, and I thinkc I never fared better in Ihigland then we feasted here. They of the country are \'er}' poore, and live miserably ; yet we found there store of dainty fresh Fish and dainty Fowle. I my selfe, in one afternoonc, killed so many as feasted all our Compan\', beinf^ 23 persons, at one time onely with Tartridyes, besides Curlew, ' 'I'liis hc;uliny, wliich is nol in the orij^inal, is ;in addition by Fo\c. The |)arayraph following is a coninieni by I'mxhas on I'riikett's narrative whicli Foxe has reproduced in sli;^hlly aheied form. — C. ^ This means that I'lirchas says he added the report.- -C. •' This letter ajipears to have been written by Woodhoiise, but it may have been written by either Hudson himself or Prickctt. Purchas has omitted the signature, and his remarks about it are \ery eon- fused. — C. I* ^^1 ' ■ T i6o NORTH-WEST FOX. Plover, Mallard, Tcalc, and Gccsc. I have secne two hot Bathes in Iscland, and have becne in one of them. We are resolved to try the utmost, and lye onely expcctinij a faire windc, and to refresh our selves to avoide the Ice, which now is come off the West Coast, of which we have scene whole Hands; but God be thanked have not bene in danger of any. Thus I desire all your prayers for us. Iscland, this 30 of J/nj', 1610. 1.1 i .'I note found ill the Dcskc cy^'Thomas Woodhouse,^ Sltidciit in the Mathcniaticks, and one of those exposed zvith ]Mr. Hudson in the SJialhip. TIIIC 10 of Sei)tember, 1610, after dinner, our Master called all the company together, to hcare and bcare witnesse of the abuse of some of the company, it ha\ing beene the request of Robert /net, that the Master should redrcsse some abuses and slaunders, as he called them, against this Inet. Which thing, after the Master had examined and heard with equitie what hee could say for himselfe, there were proved so many great abuses and mutinous matters against the Master and action by Ivet, that there was danger to have suffered them longer ; and it was fit time to punish and cut off further occasions of the like motives.- It was first proved to his face b}' Bennet MatJieiv, our Trumpeter, upon our first sight of Island : and hee confest that hee suppos'd that in the action would bee man- slaughter, and prove bloody to some. Secondly, at our comming from Island, in the hearing of the companj^e, he did threaten to turne the Shii)['s] head 1 l\ir(:li;is spells the name Wydoiosc. l'"()\e here re])riiUs this note in full and almost vcrluitiin. — C. - A misprint for mutinies. — C. -IP^WI*^** "-=. \ HUDSON'S VOVACE. 1610-II. 161 home from the action, which at that time was wisely pace- fied by the Master, in hope of amendment. Thirdly, it was deposed by Phillip Staffe, our Carpenter, and Arnold Lodlo, to his face upon the holy Bible, that he persvvaded them to keepe Muskets charged and Swords ready in their Cabbines, for they should be charged with shot ere the voyage were over. Fourthly, wc being pestered in the Ice, he had used many words tending to mutinie, discouragement, and slaunder of the action, which easily tooke effect in those that were timorous. And, had not the Master in time prevented, it might easily have overthrowne the voiage ; and now lately, being imbayed in a deepe Bay which the Master had desire to see, for some reasons to himselfe knowne, his words tended altogether to put the company into a fright^ of extremity, by wintering in cold, jesting at our Master's hope to see Bancuiii' by Candlemas. For those and divers other base slaundcrs against the Master, he was deposed, and Robert Bylot, who had shewed himselfe honestly respecting the good of the voyage, was placed Master's Mate in his stead. Also, Francis Clements, the Boatswainc, at that time was put from his office, and Williaui Wilson, a man thought more fit, preferred to his place; this man had basely carried himselfe to our Master and to the action. Also, Adrian Matter was appointed Boatswainc's mate, and a promise from the Master, that from this day Incts wages should remainc to Bylot, and the Bo'sons overplus of wages should be equally devided between Wilson and lohn King, to the owner's good liking, and one of the quarter Masters, who had \cry well carried themselves to the furtherance of the busincssc. ^ Purchas has it fray of extremity, which is an obsolete form of fright or alarm.— C. '■' Bantam in the original. — C. L .1 n •; i6: NORTH-WKST KOX. Also, the Master promised that, if the offenders yet behaved themselves honestly, he would be a meanes for their good and that hee would forget injuries, with other admonitions. Here the Reader may observe a plaine expression of Hudson's good carriage, made concerning the voyage and pithily demonstrated, which makes mee ready to call Pricket to further question, who in all his long declara- tion of this voyage, hath not given Hudson any commenda- tions, no not in his good parts : and yet hath taken paines enough otherwayes to make an ample expression, and to call the roague Greene^ Henry Greene. Well, Pricket, I am in great doubt of thy fidelity to Master Hudson} The Voyage of Sir Thomas Button luith two ships, the Resolution, Adviirall, the Discovery, Vice-ad nti rail ; manned and victualled for i8 Moneths. \6\2? Concerning this voyage, there cannot bee much ex- pected from me, seeing that I have met with none of the lournalls thereof. It appeareth that they have ' This paragraph (from the tone of whicli it is not easy to dissent) is a shrewd comment by Foxe on Prickett's narrative. It takes the place of a paragraph in the original {Purchas his Pilgriincs, part iii, p. 609), which Dr. Asher {Henry Hudson, p. 138) attributes to Woodhouse, but which is clearly a comment by Purchas him- self on the documents he prints relating to Hudson's voyage. In this paragraph, Purchas tells how he had been informed that, on the homeward voyage of the mutineers, their ship ran aground at Digges Island, and that a great flood from the west floated them off (see p. 150), which he regarded as evidence of a passage into the South Sea.— C. - I desire here to repeat that all the preceding voyages, as well as those of Bylot and Baffin which follow, have already been edited and fully discussed by other and more competent writers, and that I have, therefore, annotated them as briefly as possible. They would hardly have been worth reprinting had they not formed part of Foxe's mutton's voyagk, 1612-13. 163 bcenc concealed, for what reasons I know not ; but it is fitting that such things should be made extant as may otherwise-valuable work. We come now. however, as ahcady stated (see Introduction), to the most important and interesting portion of Foxe's book. 'I'lie following account of Button's voyage is orii^inal — that is to say, it is not abstracted from the works of earlier w riters, as all Foxe's preceding narratives have been. The following is, in fact, the only account we have of Buttons by-no-means-unimportant voyage, with the exception of the very brief notice of it given by Furchas. In his Pilofinini^c (4th cd., 1626, p. 819), he says that he had met with no account of the \oyage, but that he had gathered a few particulars (which he gives) and had seen a chart of Button's discoveries pro- bably that alluded to as " Hubart's IMatt", in Piircluis his Pi/i^riiiics, part iii, p. 848 (cf. North-Wcst Foxi\ orig. ed., p. 161). In his Pit- i!;ri»ics (part iii, p. 848), I'urchas also says that he had personal!)' solicited from Button the loan of his journals, but without success. The narrative F'oxe gives of Button's voyage was obtained by him from several different authorities, and is consequently very scrappy, though of fair length and fulness. In the first place, we have a very brief narrative of the events of the voyage up to the time of wintering, communicated to Foxe by Abakuck I'rickett, probably by word of mouth, as we know that P'oxe knew him. Next we have the report of Captain Hawkridge, which is much longer. It com- mences with the entry of the expedition into Hudson's .Strait and continues to the time of laying up for the winter. His contriliution is not of great importance, and it would be very brief were it not for the fact that he includes some lengthy replies to cjueries which Button drew up to employ the minds of his men during the winter. Next follows a long and detailed narrative supplied to Foxe by his patron Sir Thomas Roe, who abstracted it (Foxe says) from Button's own journal. It only commences, however, on July 15th, 16 13, when Button had left his wintering-place and had returned to Hopes Checked. It continues until the expedition reached Diggcs Island, late in August, when it ceases. Prirkett then supplies a very brief account of the return voyage. These several narratives afford a tolerably complete account of Button's voyage, but they hardly cor- roborate one another upon a single point, and, as a rule, they do not overlap one another in point of time. The narrative of Button's voyage commences on the first page of "signature o" of Foxe's work, and from here to the commencement of his own voyage in "signature v" (about sixty pages) has evidently been very carelessly "read" by the printer's reader. Consecjuently, Button's voyage is disfigured bv a large number of stupid misprints. All those which L 2 I ' s I % 1 J 11 I» . iiittir 8 164 NORTH-WEST FOX. any way redound to the good of the Common-wealth ; and therefore I can but communicate what I have received from Abacuck Pricket} who was in the same Voyage, and [from] others by Relation, and from Sir Thomas Roe in the last part of a lournall of this voyage. He departed about the beginning of May,' and went by arc pointed out in the Errafd, have been carefully corrected in the narrative following, as well as some others which were obvious ; Ijut many obscure passages probably still owe their want of clearness to printer's errors. The Discflvoy^ which was ]5utton's consort, was, of course, the same vessel in which Weymouth and Hudson had sailed before. Button's own ship, the Resolution, was probably a much larger vessel, and is several times spoken of as such, but we have no definite information about her. It is very likely that she had belonged to the Royal Navy, as a record c|uoted in the Introduction shows that one of the King's shipwrights was employed in her selection. It is a curious coincidence that Captain Cook, on his famous voyage to Hering's Strait in 1776-79, sailed in his old vessel the Resolution, while his consort was named the Discovery. The origin and personal history of Sir Thomas liutton, the instructions under which he sailed, and many of the chief events and main results of his interesting voyage, have been already discussed at some length in the Introduction. In- asmuch, howe\er, as this important voyage has never yet receixed adequate treatment, I have annotated it with considerable fulness and care. — C. ^ This is, of course, the man, whose doubtfully-veracious account of Hudson's voyage immediately precedes this. Whether or not he was really guilty of unfaithfulness to his captain, as Foxe believes (see p. 162), he had clearly Ijeen able to free his action from blame sufficiently to be chosen to accompany Button. We also know (see .Markham's Voyai:;es of William IhtJ/i/i,]). 1 11) that Robert '' Billet, who had brought the JJ iscoTc ry \\on\& after th( niu' previous year, was also with Button's expedition. .lc, too, we may gather that Bylot also sailed withGibl n hi live voyage in 1614. — C. '■' This date is not correct. The real date of his deparluv is more nearly gix'en in the M.S. Auto/iioi^rapliy of Phinetis Pt , in the British Museum (see Introduction), on folio 66 of which occurs this passage : " The 14 day of aprill [1612], being Easter tuesday, I came to Gravesend to meet Captaine Button, who was then going awa)' upon his voyage, iK; we jjarted together on board his Shipp, from whence 1 returned to Chatham.'' — C. button's voyage, i6i2-i,s. 165 f i the West, and entered the passage on the south of Resolu- tion,^ and sometime was fast amongst the Ice ; but at length he came to Dii^gs his Hand, where hee staled 8 dayes, and in that time set up a Pinnace he had brought from home with him in pieces. And they set from thence to the Westward, where hee discovered the Land he called Carys Swansnest.' From thence he proceeded to the Southward of the West, falling with land in Latitude about 60 d. 40, which he named Hopes-check;^ I thinke because that ' It seems probable that he named this island Resolution after his own ship of that name. At all events, there seems no record of its having been so named by any previous navigator. — C. - A cape at the south-east end of Coats Island, 62° 10' N.; 83" \V. It is still called by this strange name, the origin of which is not clear. I'ossibly the nest of a wild swan was there (lisco\ered by one of his crew named Gary ; or the place may have been named after the Earl of Monmouth of that day (whose family name was Carey), though he docs not seem to have been one of the Company of Adventurers for discovering the North-West Passage ; or it may have been named after Mr. Allwin Carey, who may have formed one of lUitton's com- panions or been apjjointcd by the above-named Company to super- intend the fitting out of the ship for the voyage. This gentleman was probably a trusted servant of the North-West Company ; for we read (.Markham's Voyat^cs of Williaiii JhiJ/'ui^ p. [ii) that, at the sailing of Bylot and Baffin, who were sent out by that Company in 161 5, there "came abourd Mr. John Wostenholme, esquire, one of the cheefe aduenturcrs, and with him Mr. Allwin Carye (husband for the voyage)." In the present day a "ship's husband" is an agent appointed by all her owners to make payments, receive moneys, etc., on account of her voyages. It was after him that Baffin, on July Slh, 1616, named a group of islands which he discovered in Baffm's Bay. Or lUitton n4ay have named the place after Sir Henry Carie, " Master of our Jewell House", who was one of those incorporated under the Charter of the Company for Discovering the North-west Passage This man may have been the father of " that Honourable C.entleman, Master Thomas Carie, one of the Bed Chamber to the King", after whom, on July 2nd, 1632, Capt. James named an island in James's Bay. — C. ' This name has not Ijcen retained. It was merely applied to that point at which Button first encountered the west coast of Hudson's Bay in about the latitude named. It was the first time that the western shore ot the Bay had been discovered, and there can be little doubt, .1 llll '4 i1 \ ^ i' 1 1 - iV '! A i 1 66 NOKTII-WKST FOX. there his expectation was crossed ; and, thereabout, enduring a grievous storme, [he] was put to the Southward and constrained to looke for harbour the 13 of August, to repaire some losses. After which time, came on the new Winter, with much stormie weather, [so] as he was con- strained to winter there, in a small Rile^ or Creeke on the North side of a River in Lat. 57d.io, which River he named Port Nelson^ after the name of his [Sailing] Master (whom from all the evidence we ha\e, that Button had previously believed he would have been able to sail straight on into the great Western Ocean, and that his hopes were very severely checked when he encountered the land in question. On many old maps, "the Checks" (by which name Hubart and others hereafter speak of Hopes Chec'ied) are shown as three he.'>dlands or small islands near the shore (it is not clear which) ; but, as there is nothing in th^ narrative to explain the cause of this, conjecture is in vain. — C. * This is probably a misprint for rill, meaning a small brook or streamlet. I cannot find that the word was ever spelled rih\ as above. — C. '^ Port Nelson, still so called, is formed by the estuary of the Nelson River, down which the waters of the .Saskatchewan, the Red River, and other important streams, find their way into Hudson's Hay. At the mouth of Hayes River, a small Ijranch of the Nelson, stands York Fort, the most important of the Hudson's Bay Company's posts on the Bay. We find a clue to the c.rc^r/ spot at which Button wintered in a large, interesting, and beautifully-drawn chart of Hudson's Bay and Straits " Made by John Thornton at the Sign of the IMatt in the Minories ; Anno 1685," and now preserved at the British Museum (Add. MSS. 5414, 20). On this chart, the wintering-place of Button and the halting-place of Foxe in I'oit Nelson are shown precisely. Foxe apparently laid up his ship in Heart Creek of the Admiralty Chart of the " Harbours and Anchorages in Hudson's Bay" (No. 21 12), which is called " Foxe's Hole" on Thornton's chart, while Button wintered in a creek which seems to be identical with Root Creek of the Admiralty Chart, but which is described as " S'' Tho. Button's wintering-place" on Thornton's. Both creeks are on the northern side of the estuary, and the latter is a few leagues to the north-eastward of the former. Root Creek seems to lie in 57° exactly, or lo'to the south of the position above assigned to it. Hubart (see p. 173) gives the latitude aa 56° 58 , > lich is almost exactly correct. Forster ( rcy'r/«/-« ami Dis(overies in thf. JXort/i, p. 345) writes as if soniething^ were known button's vovac.e, 1612-13. 167 he buried there), putting his small Ship in the foremost and Baracadoe them both (with Piles of Firre and earth) from stormc of Snow, Ice, Raine, Floods, or what else might fall. He wintered in his Ship and kept 3 fires all the Winter, but lost many men,^ and yet was supplied with great store of white Partridges- and other Fowle, of which I have heard it credibly reported that this company killed 1800 dozen in the Winter season.^ The report of Captaine Hawkridge.* HE entered in the South Channell, seeing the South shore within Fretuvi Hudson, neere Hopes advance twice or thrice, and once trying the tide about [the] Savage Iles^ where it came from the South East & flowed 3 fathoms. as to the o'-igin and history of Nelson, and says he was mate in the Resoliitlonj but whence he derives his information, I cannot dis- cover. — C. ' Hawkridge also mentions this mortality. Moreover, l^nchas 3^ S'>i^<^ {/lis Pili^rimai:;c, 4th ed., 1626, p. 819) says lie had lieard that Button ' had " much misery of sickness in his wintering". This mortahty must have begun after the commencement of the New Year ; for Edward (Ilanville, writing apparently on December 22nd, speaks of their having been preserved from all dangers \\hatsoe\er. I'urchas adds that lUitton '• was .breed to cjuit the great ship" (the Resolution), but none of those whose narratives Koxe prints allude in any way to this circumstance. C. '■' See p. 134. — C. •' Here ends the information supplied by I'rickelt. The following narrative by Captain Hawkridge is much more detailed. —C. * He was one of Ikilton's two volunteer companions, according to Barrow { I 't>y■ :)me Demands in writing, which he caused (it seemed) the most under- standing men of his Company to answer. Of which, such answers as came to my hands I doe hereby freely impart for thy better understanding. solely to the Bay at the bottom of which Hudson wintered, but which has been known as James' Bay since the year 1631, when CajHain James wintered in it. The names may be seen applied as above described on Foxe's own map and on some others of even later date : but on James's chart, and on most others of subsequent date, we find the names "James's Bay" and " Hudson's Bay" used as tiiey now are, though, for more than a century later, we often find llie western side of the latter still called " Button's Bay". F.ven now, that name is retained on the latest charts for the small bay to the westward of the entrance to Port Churchill. — C. ' Prickett says the 13th (see p. 166). — C. ^ Not above a mile broad. — V. This is probably a comment by Foxe, and is ajjparently not quite correct. Port Nelson (see p. iGf')) is at least six miles wide at its entrance, and cannot have been much narrower at the spot where lUitton wintered.— C. ^ He was not Sir Thomas at this period, not having been knighted until August 30th, 1616 (see Metcalfe's Bool' of A'/t/t^/its, p. 213).— C. t ill '\ Hi M\ I ^ '|v , i I I/O NORTH-WEST FOX. [Button's Query.] Laus Deo, 1612, December the 22. [ What is] the course and distance from place to place, from Cape Cleare^ to this River in Nezv Wales ?'• [Capt. Hawkridge's Reply.] Imprimis : from Cape Cleere to Cape \ r^ , . . , r 428 Leagues. Desolation .strait course by common r . . Compasse North W. by W. ^. ^ ' The Latitude of ^gd. 40 ;//. From Desolation to the He of Reso- lution, course is N.W. by W., the Lati tude 61 d., the distance From Resolution to Sir Dudley Diggs ^ his He, Lat. 62 d. 40 m. N.W. the dis- ( J^" Leagues ( Variation 30 d tance is ; From Sir Dudley DiggsVii?, He, to the\ . 1 ,70 1 I Variati Leaijues. ariation 26 d.^. Cheeks, the course is W. l Northerly, the distance is J From the Checks to New Wales, Lat. \ 57, the course is S. by W.,^ the distance ' [is] 3 193 Leagues. Variation 22 d. 90 Leagues. Variation 22 d. ' On the south-west coast of Ireland, off the coast of the County Cork. — C. '^ U|)on the wh' of the western shore of "his liay" (Hudson's IJay), lUuton bestowed the name of New Wales, which ho unquestion- ably did in honour of olti Wales, his native land. This name it retained until a very recent period, the northern part bein^ known as New North Wales and the southern as New South Wales. The latter name appears on some maps of Hritish North America published as late as the bej^inning of this century ; but it was probably disused soon after, as the Australian colony which now bears that name assumed it in 1788.— C. 3 He should have said S. by E. (see note on p. 173). C, 11 liUTTON'S VOYAGE, 1612-I3. 171 The courses are all by the common Compasse. Your Worships and ever, or mine owne never, till death. Williayn Haivkridge. [JOSIAS Huhart's RkI'LIES.] My answere to the first demaund' under your favour : I think it not amisse to search this River, if God give strength to our Men, before our departure from it, to have the knowledge how farre it doth extend ; and that we maj' meet with some Inhabitants, which may further our expectations, but I cannot thinke of any profit to be made by it. My answer to the 2 Demaund^ is to search to the North- ward about this Westerne land, untill, if it be possible, that * From these replies by Josias Hubart, we may infer thai two queries or "demands", to somewhat the following effect, had been made by Captain Button before that given above: — (i) "What is the best thing to do whilst we are imprisoned for the winter?" and (2) " What is the best thing to do when we get free in the spring ? " Perhaps tnese two queries were only put to Hubart : at any rate, he was the only one whose replies to them have been preserved. His reply to the "second demand" was in every way a shrewd reply, and c|uito the best hf could have given. Foxe, in one of his quaint side-notes, exclaims: "Well guest, Hubart!" while Harrow remarks {Arctic Voyages before /S/S, p. 199) that : " The answer given by one James Hubert [sic], the j)iiot of the Resolution, to the question : ' How the discovery might be best prosecuted when they should be able to go to sea?' shows the sound notions entertained by this ma" 'especting the true mode of searching for the passage." It appears from I'urchas {his Pilgriiiies, vol. iii, lil). nil, p. 827) that Hubart, who was, like Foxe, a Hull man, had sailed with Hall on his seconil and third (Ireenland voyages in 1606 and 1607 (see p. 95), and ilso that he afterwards sailed with Hylot and Haftin on their second north-west voyage in 16 16, and that, in all probability, he was also with them on their first voyage in the previous year. We are not told what position Hubart held when sailing under Hutton. Forster {Voyages and Discoveries in the North, p. 345) says he was " mate", though on what grounds I know not.— C, A it i ■, 1 w ' \ , i 1 . _ SiVi H ♦! "M 172 NORTH-WEST FOX. we may findc the Flood comming from the Westward, and to bend our courses against that flood, following the ebbe, searching that way for the passage.^ For this flood which we have had from the Eastward, I cannot be pcrswaded but that they are the vcynes of some head-land to the Northwards of the Checks, and by the Inlets of Rivers which let the floods tides into them ; which Hedlands being found, I do assure myselfe that the tide will be found to come from the Westward. Herein I have shewed my opinion so farre [as] my ludgc- ment will afford, untill further reasons induceth me to the contrary. Per nie losias Hubart. From the Durscs- in Ireland, being in v 460 Leagues. 52 Lat. to Cape Farewell in Groeiiland, I Variation at Lat. 58. 5G, the course is W.X.W. W-tcrly> i Cape Farezvell, and the distance is ^ w deg. The Southermost part of the Hand of Resolution is in Lat. 60 d. 34 ;;/. From Cape Fareivell to the Hand oi \ r^ , ■ , • ,T7 , , XT ' 208 L Kesolutton, the course is vV. and by IS. and the distance is Sir Dudley Diggs his Hand is in Lat. >. 62 D, 40 M. and is in distance from the ( He of Resolution upon a W. and by N. J ^ eagues. j Variation 29 d Northerly The Checkes lye in 61 D. 17 M. Lat* n from Sir Dudley Diggs his Hand, thereto / vhe course is W. and by S. and the dis- ( tance is ^ 180 Leagues. Variation 3 points. 1 90 Leagues. Variation 3 d. 1 Well guest Hubart!— F. ''■ Durscy Island, off the coast of Cork (see p. 157). — C. ^ A great mistake. — F. '' This is probably wrong, for both Prickett (p. 165) and Glanville ^ button's voyage, 1612-13. 173 Our luintering being in the Lat. of 16 fl'. 58 in> From the Chcckes to our wintering \ 87 Leagues place, the course is S. and by W. ^ |- Variation 2 d. Westerly,'- and the distance is ) different. The 27 of November, I made an observation of the Moone and the planet Mars, and for that I stand in doubt, for the houre to be exactly founde out by any Diall, Clock, or other Instrument, to hang a plummet to find when the foremost Guard was right under the Pole starrc, at which instant I found c? and C to be one degree and 41 minutes asunder, by which working I suppose or deeme it to bee as foUoweth: this our wiutring place ill degrees and 15 [minutes] of longitude from our Meridian of the Citic of London^^ Per nic losias Hubart. In the name of God, A men. .( [EUWAKU GLANVILLE's REI'LV.'] Of the courses from the Misson Head'' in Ireland, being bound towards the Northwest passage, Captain Thomas (P- '75) yi^'-' the latitude of "the Checks" or "Hopes Checked" as 60° 40'. If Hubart is right, the spot hes a little to the north of Cape Esquimaux. — C. ' The exact spot has already been indicated (see p. 166). — C. - He should have said .S. by luixt. }ia\vkridj;e fell into the same error (sec p. 170). - C. •'' Hubart's calculation was very nuich out. The wintering- place was about Long. 92° 40' W. This error probably accounts for the fact that both Hubart and Hawkridge describe Port Nelson as lying south by west (instead soutli l)y east) from the Checks. C. ' We are not told what position this man held. Probably he was a superior otil'icer of some kind. C. '' Mizen Head is another of the prominent headlands on the ragged coast of Cork.- C. I 1 ■- 1 ( \ \ mm f'li i, l»>J f I f 174 NORTH-WEST FOX. Button, Gentleman, being our Generall, in the good ship called the Resolution: John Ingram, Captaine and Master of the Pinace called the Dtscoverte, 161 2. Imprimis: from the Misson head in Ireland to Cape Discord in Groanland, the course is N.W. by N. Northerly, and the distance is From the Misson-head to Cape Dis- cord in Groynland, the course is N.W. by W. Northerly by the compasse, the Lat. 59 d. 20 m. and the distance is From the Misson-head to Cape Deso- lation the course lyeth VV.N.W., & the distance is From the foreside of Cape Discord to Cape Farivell, the course lyeth S.W. Southerly by compasse, distance From Cape Farivell to the Westerne part of this Head Land, by Cape Deso- lation, the course is W.N.VV. halfe Northerly, 100 Leagues distant, and from this Headland to Desolation is 10 Leagues distant : in all, from Farivell to Desolation, the distance is N.N.E. by compasse ; betweene Cape Farivell, and the foresaid Head Land, there set a very great current to the Westward. \ " 360 Leagues.^ I 380 Leagues.2 490 Leagues. 58 Leagues. )■ 100 Leagues.^ Variation 23 de- grees, as hee judged. I * Latitude 60 d. 30 m. — F. * The information here given seems to be repeated, apparently through a printer's error. — C. * There is some confusion here, probably due to Foxe's printer. — C. button's voyage, 1612-13. 175 From Cape Desolation to the He of \ Resolution, the course lyeth W.N.W. ( Westerly, altitude 62 d. 30 m., and the ( distance ^ 120 Leagues. Variation 29. From Resolution to Salisbury He, W. ^ by N., Altitude 6z d. 15, and from the / ^o Leagues. Hand to WostenJiolmc's Cape, the course i lyeth VV.S.W. Southerly, J And from this Cape to Diggs his ) Hand [the distance is] j From Resolution to Wostcnholme's Cape, the course lyeth W. by N. . Westerly, and the distance is ^ From Resolution to Diggs his Hands, the course is W. by N. Northerly, and the distance Altitude, 61 d. ) 12 Leagues. 3 Leagues. 153 Leagues. The Variation of this No. 34. 156 Leagues. From Sir Dudley Diggs his Hands to n Nottingham's Hand, [the course is] N. l by the compasse, and the distance is J From Sir Dudley Diggs Hand to » Swann's Hand,^ [the course is] W. by S. [ From Diggs his Hand to Hopes Check t, the course is W.S.W. a little Westerly, - and the distance is ) The Altitude is 60 d. 40 m. l'>om Hopes CJicckt to the Broken ^ Land,^ where our Admirall received a / great storme: the course lyeth S.W. 49 ( Leagues ; Altitude 59. ' 7 or 8 Leagues. 40 Leagues. 200 Leagues. 49 Leagues. * This apparently means Gary's Swan's Nest. * Clearly lliis was near the Checks (see p. 166). — C. 0/ 9rAc !^ iirj . I 176 NOkTH-WKST FOX. From this broken Land to the head Northerland} the course lyeth W., & the I 8 Leagues, distance is ) The Headland is the cntring into this Bay called Neiv Wales.- From this Head-land unto the Roade ^ of the harbour, the course lyeth South 42 Leagues, and from Hopes chcckt to this Roade, the course lyeth N.E. and by N.3 Hitherto the Lord of his mercy hath blessed, preserved, and kept us from all dangers whatsoever,'* which wee be- seech him to bless us of his mercy, and to send us well forth againc, A men. Per Die Edward Glanvile.^ 86 Leagues, ' Evidently by this name Cape CluuThill is meant. — C. - This name has, I beheve, never since Ijcen applied to the Bay. The /ti/nf wivs so named by ikitton. — C. ' Apparently he meant .S.E. by S. — C. ■• As the questions to which these answers were given are dated December 22nd, it appears from the above statement that, at any rate up to that date, the hardships which are said to ha\e caused the death of many of Button's men (see p. 167) had not commenced. — C. ■' Here the information Foxe obtained from Captain Hawkridge comes to an end. What follows was supplied in manuscript by Sir Thomas Roe, who had abstracted it (as Foxe sa)'s) from Button's own journal, which is now lost. It does not connnence until July 1 5th, 1613, when Button was back at Hopes Checked. After getting free from the ice in his wintering-place in Port Nelson, he had wisely taken Hubart's advice and sailed to the northward with the idea of exploring along the shore. How Sir Thomas Roe came to obtain access to Button's journal is not clear, as he was not one of the adventurers who sent out Button. However, he was one of the leading^ promoters of Foxc's voyage in 1631 (see Introduction), and probably his high position and great influence enabled him to obtain access to the journal (which had been withheld from others) and to make extracts therefrom for Foxe s use. C. i I button's voyage, 1612-13. 177 What I received from Sir Thomas Roe was an abstract copy taken out of Sir TJiovms Buttoiis ownc lournall, bc[ginn]ini^ at his return to this Hopes CJuxkt, and not before. As from the beginning of his Voyage, or liis wiiitring, I have nothing but by report, and thus he proceeded from thence. July 15 [161 3]. This day, being there,^ he plyed up with contrary winds and fogg, having diversity of depth ; alto- gether standing Eastwards off, sometimes to 30 Faddome and more, and standing in to 7 or 6, thus traversing and anckoring until the 23 day, finding the Tyde to come from N.E. by N., which is an especiall argument that tlie land doth lye so, and not [observing] any thing else of n()te. 23. Having thus plyed up to the N. E. -wards uniill this day, and standing into the shore, hee anckored for to try the tyde, thinking to send his Boate on Land, to see what Land it should be. It bare on him from the N.E. by N. to the N.W. by N., and the depth 42 Fadome not above 4?, League from the Land. This was the highest land hee had scene since hee came from Sir Dudley Diggs his Hand the last )'eare. This Land he named Hopes Advance.'^ ^ That is, at Hopes Checked. — C. ^ It is, at this point, difillcult to follow the narrative witli precision. It appears not unlikely that the land Button thus named was Cape Esquimaux. However, on Foxe's map, and also on Hritjgs's map in Piirchas (part iii, p. 852), Hopes Advance is shown to tlio north of IJrook Cobham (now Marble) Island, whicli seems to identify it wiili I'.aker F"orcland, or perhaps with Cape Fulicrton. '{"lie former locality of these two is to some extent indicated by I'oxe's statement (p. 258, original edition) tliat he stood northward "into the latitude of 64° 10' which is to tlic north of that high land called Hopes Advanc'd'". In any case, the name (which does not appear on modern charts) must not be confused with Cape Hopes Advance on the south shore of Hudson's .Strait. Rundall has clearly misread the above paragraph, for he says {Voyages to the North-West, ]). 89) : "The 23rd of July, Hopes Ad\ance, loltich loas seen and named on the fornter part of the Voyage, was aga/n fallen in with.'' Hutton had certainly not visited this spot before. Rundall was thinking of Hopes Checked, which M is.)' .( ;. ,)' t 178 NORTH-WEST FOX. P 24. This morning proved thick ; easte winde ; and it fell to lighten and thunder, so as hee held it not fit to adventure the Boat from the Ship. 25. He stood off from midnight until this day 10 leagues N.E. by N. to anchor ; but he saith the winde was X.E. by N. The ground was more even in standing off and on then before. He stood off 4 leagues more into 87 Fathom. This evening, at the Sunnes setting, he took him with two several instruments, and found him to goe downe 33 d. to the W. of North by one, and by the other 30 d. They tooke the middest betwixt both [these obser- vations]. 26. After midnight, he stood in againe N.N.W. 5 leagues. The wind came to the S.W. The weather faire and cleare, and the best he had [had] since he came from his wintering place. About 9 this morning, he sees land ; it bore on him from the N.E. by North to the N.W. by North, about 8 or 9 leagues off At noone, hee steered to the Easterne point, Iv get hold thereof, and had a good observation in 62 d. 42 m., and his depth 74 fathoms.^ ( JV/io ivill protract this Voyage, to tryxvhether this ut v\\.xd^ proved a Bay or no, must 11 3i m \ \ \'> \£f- Button had named in the previous year (see p. 165), and which was also in this part of the Bay. Rundall also {loc. cit.) confuses with Hopes Adi'anccd a certain other locality which (although not men- tioned in Foxc's account of Button's voyage) is referred to as Hubbart's Hope in Piirchas his Pilgriiiies, part ill, lib. Illl, p. 848 (by Purchas himself: not by Briggs, as Rundall evidently thinks), for he says, arrived " in 60", [they found] a strong race of a tyde running some- times Eastwarde, sometymes Westwarde, whereupon Josias Hub- barde, in his platt [which is, unfortunately, lost], called y' place Hubbart's Hope" (cf. North-West Foxe, original edition, p. 161). Hubart's Hope was undoubtedly Port Churchill, which is about in Lat. 60° N., whereas Hopes Advance of Button was several degrees further north. — C. 1 Here, again, the narrative leaves some uncertainty as to the exact point reached ; but it seems as if Button had now reached the eastern point of Marble Island. — C. kutton's vovac.e, 1612-13. 179 bejj^in Jicn\ and proceed to Gary's Swan's Nest.') From this noone until! midnight he stood N.E. by N., 18 leagues, with much windc and growne Sea. From midnight, being in 15 fathoms, the weather hazy, the winde S.W., he stood off N.E. by North 12 leagues, till noone. Seeing the weather like to be bad, and at 3 in the morning he found his depth not answerable to his expectation, for he had but 25 fathom, and at ,\ past 3, 21 fathom. Hee stood S-K. till four that morning, and had 30 fathom. 27. About 6 this morning, hee gave order to take in his Skiffe ; the weather clearing, he saw land N. and by E. about 5 leagues off, and [it] was as the other land- that hee last sawe, something higher ; and, having edged in with the land from this morning 6 until! noone, the land was N.E. and by E. from him. From noone, until! 6 in the evening, lie steered E. one point without the land, 4 leagues ; at 6 he anchored, 32 fathom. It was then slake watcr^; for at S came a strong set from N. by E.; at 11 the windc [came] I , :h was is with men- \bbarfs lurchas says, some- Hub- place 161). |)OUt in ' ^egrces exact -d the ' This is obviously a comment by Foxc, who evidently means that, if a north-west passage through Hudson's Bay existed at all, it must be through the great bay between Ho|ics .Advance and Gary's Swan's Nest, which Ikitton was now about to cx])lorc for the first time. This bay was known for some time after as Buttflii's Nc Ultra. Luke Foxe, not satisfied (as we shall see here- after) that it was really a bay, explored it more carefully in 1631, since which time it has been known as Sir Thomas Roe's Wel- come, the name he gave to it. The name Ut Ultra (as beyond), which Foxe uses in several places, seems meaningless. l'rol)ably he meant Ne Ultra (no further), for he was evidently an uneducated man ; or it maybe a printer's error. At all events, on Briggs' map in I'urchas (1625, see p. 177), and on some others, even of nearly a cen- tury later date, Button's furthest point at the north of Sir Thomas Roe's Welcome is marked as Ne Ultra. — C. - Possibly he was now off Baker Foreland ; or perhaps it was Cape Fullerton. — C. ^ Slack-ivatcr: the interval between the flux and the reflux of the tide.— C. M 2 %\ ,-«.t'=i,«S!*»pSitev.; ^i m f I 3i: l<; J i8o NORTH-WEST FOX. S.S.W. and blew much ; hcc weighed and stood away N.E. with his I-'ore and Mision^ Saylcs. 28. At midnight he put out all sa}'les and stood N.l'". awa}-, 4 leagues, untill morning 4, having depth then y^ fathom; he edged in N. and N. by K. upon that t)de hee found the night before, and runne from this morning 4 untill noone, 6 leagues N. somewhat Easterl)-. This noone, with bould windc S., he loost up- for the shore to get an oppor- tunity, if possibl}', to send his Boat on land to have found which have bcene the Hood, and which the ebbe ; but w hen he came within 2 leagues of shore, hee founti the Bay all broken ground, and the Sea full of breaches a gcjod way off the shore, and some within one mile under his Lee. The weather grow ing suddenly very thick, he came to an anchor at one a clock in the afternoone and sent the Boat on Land ; but they had not becne from him halfe a Glasse, but it grew so thick that lie caused Muskets to bee shot to call the Boat back againe. /\t the end of 5 Glasses they returned, saying that, havit^g rode halfe an hourc at anchor, they could discernc no t\de : no more could he in the Ship. In this place, it is a Bay, full of small lies ncere the shore under the high land ; and, as he rode, [it] bore on him N.N.E. ICasterly, and S.W.'' At clock 4, the winde began 10 blow very much; hee wayed and stands E.N.IC, with a S.S.W, winde, until 6 that night. The winde cncrcasing to a gi-eat storme, he takes in his mainc and top saylcs and stands away E.N.E. with a foresaylc.* At 8 a clock, he had 6^ fathom, and so, standing ' No doubt ,1 nus))nrt for inizzen.— C. - 'I'his oljsoiote t".\))ression, wliicli iiUMns that lu' .sv7 sii// or h'<:(i;/it'(/ ancho>\ occurs several tiims in '1 lie Acts, !^ by his reckoning since, to be as far Northerly full)' as 65 d., it troubled him something, anil especially to see the L.astcnie Land to wend a\\a>- Southerl)-. Well, the win! connnin;.; ab>iut to X.N.E., hee came out ot this hee called a !>ay, antl -aith hee was enforced therein by ' To 1,1 \ 10 liull !■> 10 ^nlk^.• s.iil ami liril'i witlimi'. oar of luiklcr, !.!Pnerallv (luiin,i; a slonn. Foxe al\\a\> spclN it \\illi a ■ i|)ital II. C. * Thii iiK'ani thai lu' iiul liis sliip's head loiiml. Smytlic {Siiilors ll\>ril-lii'i>k, p. 304; L-\plaiii^ iIk; meaning of tlic ti.Tin to tlitlcn in sails wilh thf object of Uiniing the ship's head. — C. ^ .S(-c p. 71. --C. * (14 ik't;. 30 ni.- I''. < ! '■«!.i«»*S*jSSs. 182 NORTH-WEST FOX. r-' If hi extremity of a S.W. wind, and yet hce saith that by his not far standing from the West side, this Ba}' cannot be above 16 or 17 Leagues over, from Land to Land, and in his running, hee found the depth of it to be not above 4 ov 5 and 30 Leagues. But, as a wise Gentleman,^ and one well understood in the Rules of Navigation, who having exactly surveyed these journall writs in the ^Lu-gent, [say.s] : I cannot find that it is proved a Bay, nor is it one by any thing herein written, and, for other things knowne, is none.- About 5 in the afternoone, the wind cncreascd to a great storme. He tooke in his Sayles and went away with a fore and sprit sayle, having 46 Fadomc, and betweene 7 and 8 hee came after to 62 Fadome, and in a cleere [interval] hec saw the Land K. and by S., 3 Leagues off. From the time that he set sa}-le this afternoone untill 8 at night, he runne 7 Leagues S.S.W., the wind at N.N.E. At Clock 10, hee stood S.IC, hoping to have found the Land to wind awa\-, and, running but Jj of an houre, he came to smooth water upon a suddainc, and had but 26 Fadome. And the ' Foxe yivcs us no clue as to this "wise gentleman's" identity, but probably it was either Mr. Henry Hriggs or Sir Thomas Roc.--C. - tV u//fand not above 3 Leagues from him; from 8 untill Xoone, hee steered S. 5 Leagues; then the storme began to lessen, and he put out more Sayle. And this Easterne Land hee saw to beare S.S.E. Easterly from him, antl [it] lyeth, as nccre as he could ludge, S. and Westerly. From Noone, untill Midnight, hcc stood awaj' S.S.Iv 15 Leagues; and from Midnight untill this noone S.S.l^., 6 Leagues, and 4 Leagues S.S.W. 31. This day at Noone it was clcerc, and by his observa- tion this was in 62 d. 57 m. Latitude, the wind comming to the ICast S.E. and Y.. by S.; he stands to the X. wards, desirous to keepe that Land still in sight, or at least to get the shoalding thereof. At Clock 2 the wind cncrcascd, to the taking in of both toj) Saj'les; about 6 it turned about ' Probably Cape Kendall. Apparently he named this Cape Philips, for that name apjieais about in this position on Ihiggs's map in i'urchas (see p. 177). As ihitton and Munk were the only persons who had visited this part of the Hay at the time Hriggs's map was printed, and as the latli-r does not speak of having named it, while his voyaj^e was apparently iinknoun to Piirchas, it is a fair conclusion that Billion j^ave the name, .ilthoiii^h Fo\c does not mention the fact, and it is not known wl'.oni it was nanicc fter. — C. 2 Prcsinnaldy this means that, with every y/fu// of lightniiii;;, he saw the land. -C. I'i! \ wi. /)! iv^ il \l 184 NORTH-WEST FOX. to E.N.E. and to N.E. by E.; he tacks about to the South-wards, having run N. wards 4 Leagues, N. by E. ; about S it blew to both Bonnets^ off; and hce stood with two courses,^ making way untill Midnight S. and by E. 2 Leagues, and other 2 Leagues, untill 4, S. and by E. Augiisl 1. This morning he lay to Iftt//, the weather ex- treame [ — ]'- and hazie, and so thick that he could not see a pistal-shot from him ; in this time, hce drives 2 Leagues S.S.E., and this is to be noted, that he had 3 stormes in 4 daycs, and for 17 or iS dayes last past he had not had past 6 houres clcerc at any time, nor bcene 20 hourcs with- out a stiffe blownc cold and English storme. After 3 this afternoonc, it fell flat calme. Hce sets both his Sayles, and stood to the N. untill Evening 6, the wind about N.E.-'^ At 6, seeing the wind would not permit him to seize'* in that N. shoare, he stood to the Southward, the weather thick- aiid exceeding uncomfortable. His way was i League N.N., W.S.W. i)y \V. 2 Leagues, and one League S.S.E. 2. Erom Midnight, a League S.S.Ii., the weather thick and foggie, the Wind Easterl}'. Erom this day noonc untill Midnight, E. byS. 4 Leagues, and 2 Leagues N. and by E., the wind hanging still to the Northwards, and h.izic weather, his depth betweene 70 a.-d 75 Eadome. Me coveted still to hold sight of the N. shoare, but it pleased n(jt Clod it should be so. 'J'hcrclore, with patience, ' Sec p. 55.— C. - A word seems to have Ijeeii onitted here : piobnbly either /to/ or cold. — C. ' lie was now probably off the ciitrance to Fisher Strait, between Soutliamptoii Island and Coats Island, but he does not seem to Irwe observed it.-— C. ' Tliis probably means that he was unable to reach the shore, but the word is certamly now obsolete in this sense. Webster, however, gi\es "to fall or rush upon suddenly, to lay hold uf, to gripe or grasp suddenly, to re.u h and grasp." He t|Uotes .Spenser -" For by no ineaUM the' hi^h hank could he seiiie.'' — C. IH ) the ' E. ; stood . and . and >rc. but Dwcvcr, ■ Ki-asp l)y no button's voyage, 1612-13. 18: he stood away as neere as he could ; but, by his standing Northwards, his water still shoalded, so as he guest the Land still winded to the Eastward. 3. From Midnight untill Xoonc, 7 Leagues N.E., from thence 4 Leagues K. by S. till Midnight. 4. From Midnight untill 5 this morning, N. and by E. 3 Leagues; from thrnce he stood E.S.E. ; foggic weather with some clee-.cs.^ From noone until 10 at night, 6 Leagues E.Ts.E. ; his depth shoalding from 65 to 40 fathom; the weather thick and batl ; hee stood 2 leagues West by North. [5.]'- At 2 this morning, hcc stands 2 leagues X.lv, and untill noone 7 leagues S.S.W., and past 4 this morning he sees land'' about 2 leagues off, bearing from K. to S. He writcth that the sight of it grieved him much, so that now he made himselfe assured of that which he did but doubt before; which was, that they joyne to the h'asterne part of the l^ay from whence he came : but I doe otherwise bele'~ 'e.*^ ^ No doubt (/cur intcrvuls arc meant. — C. - From the 5th of August to tlie 1 71)1, all dates have been omitted, ajjparently through a printer's error. I have restored them as well as the information gi\-en allows, but this cannot be done willi any certainty. — C. •' And seene from the 31 [of July] untill this day. - I'". ■' The reader must again note that the opinion hi re e\|)ressed is Foxc's, Tlie huKi which Bultou had now encountered was, with very little doul)t, the south-eastern pait of Coats Island, tiiough it was not then known by lliat name, as Ikuton believed it to be a part of SouthamjHon Islanil. He evidently belie\ed he had (as Koxe says in his side-note) been skirting an imbroken coast since he first turned southward, about a week liefore. Ikitton had now ex|)lored from liis winteiing-])lace at I'ort Nelson tip tlu' entire western coa-^t of IIucImoh's Hay; he had ascended what is now known as Sir Thomas Roe"s Welcome to about 65" N. ; he iiad turned back soutii-east, and had explored down the western side of .Southampton Island almost to Cary's Swan's Nest, a locality he had nametl when sailing into tlu; ba)' the year before ; yet he had seen no signs of a na\igable passage leading in the desired direction. .\s .1 matter of I'ai i, he had ^|;- ^T.i \ ii : ry i: '. 1 86 NORTH-WEST FOX. [This 5th], all the aftcrnoonc, he stood along the shore, edging into 7 fathom, and crossed a Race,^ which set N.E. and S.W. and continued about halfc a Glassc. At 4 a clock, the X.W. point of the land did bearc from him N.W. by N., about a mile off; then, steering within lessc then one mile of this Cape-land, for so it was, and a fairc one of a low one as ever hcc saw, you shall have 9 and 10 fathom, and shall open a very safe Hay, the Easterne land whereof will beare from you E. by N., 4 leagues off. In this Hay, he handed all his saylcs,'- thinking to have ridde and watered; but, his anchor being downe and his Boat almost out, one (;f his Master's Mates said he descried land from the Top-Mast-head, .S. and b\- E., the newes whereof made him wonder, for that they all knew this was the land they had scene the last yeerc,^ which they took missed Frozen Strait, wliicli leads from Sir Thomas Roe's Welcome, to the north of Soutliampton Island, into Fo.i's Channel (then un- discoNOred), and also I'isher Strait, which also leatls, on the south of Southampton Island, into Fox's Channel ; but, had he detected these, he would not have been very much nearer discovering what he sought. Thus it was that the sight of this land "grieved him much". It showed him thai the bright hopes offered by Hudson's discovery were groundless, and that it was useless to search further for the passage — at least, through Hudson's Hay ; for hat Hay he had now for the first time proved to be a bay, or, rather, a \ast land-locked sea. It is true that there still remained to be e,\|)iored the southern shore of the Hay, l)etween his wintering-place at Vorl Nelson, on the west, and Cape Henrietta Maria on the east (which we may regard as the limit of Hudson's discoveries westward ; see p. 131) ; but there was little or no prospect of a navigable passage leading from that part of the Hay westward through the 1 ' mkI of the .American Continent. This undiscovered ])ortion of outhcrn shore of the Hay is left blank on Hriggs's map in Punnt. '■/s Pi/s^rinics (sec p. 177), published in 1625, and was only explored m the year 1631 bv Captains Foxe and lames. C. ' This, donbiicss, was ot'f Cape Southampton, where the .•\dniiralty Cliart says the " Tides [are] supposed to meet".— C. '- Apparently this means that he took in all his sails. — C. •'' UndoubtiMlly Cary's Swan's Nest (sec p. 165). He was now in the suKill Hay between it and Cape Southampton. — C. ; 5: . j» HU M . jtmrmr^m mmmmm button's vovack, 1612-13. 18; to be an Hand. He sent up Captainc /;/i,'vv?/;// wlio assured him it was land; wliereupon he hoysed up liis anchor and set sayle, and stood S. and by E. and S. and came into 30 fathom: so, missing this land,'- hee anchored (night at hand) in 30 fathom. [6.] At 2 this morning, he weighed to better his decpc and to goe necrc the land he thousrht he had seen ; in 2 Glasses, hee lessed his deepe 3 fathom; so, steering S.S.IC. he came to 46 and 56 fathom in twt; Glasses. .About 5 in the morning, the wiml came about to the X. by E.; he staiuls VI. close U[)on a wind, and came to 125 at noone, without s'vAm of land: whercb\- hee was assured that it was the imagined last yceres Hand.'' [7?] From yesterda\- noone untill this ncjone, 14 leagues S.IC. by E. and 6 leagues E.X.E.; the weather somewhat clearc, but not fit to make observation; after noone the (jalc hards on'; he strooke his lofty sayles; the Sea some- what growne ; the daycleerest and fairest of 16 or i"da}-es before. From noone this da\- until midnight, E.N.lv ' to the Southwards, which he tooke to be a token that the winter did approach; tlie weather was very faire and cleere. [13?] From midniglit until 7 this morning, his way W. .S Leagues N.W. and by W. ; the wind as before ; the weather faire and cleere, and most likely to prove so to continue of any he had so scene since he came frcjm his wintering. From 7 this morning untill 2 in the afternoone, hee stood to the Iv-ward.and made wa\- 4 Leagues X.E. and b)' K. From 2, the wind wearing, he stood to the h',.-ward, and made way untill midnight 7 Leagues N.W. [14.] From midnight until morning, hee held the same course, 4 Leagues N.W. northerly; it grew calme, and he was within 5 Leagues of a faire Head-land; hee came to Anchor in 65 Fadome; the Land bare from the N.N.W. to the W.SAV. Both lands- he deemed to bee distant lO Leagues. It being calme, with windward Tyde, hee wayed anchor, hoping to get to the Northward of this faire Head- land, and that the height of that Land would bring him into deeper water. After he was loos'd, he was sagged^ ' He appears to have l)cen on the west side of Mansel Island in this latitude. — C. - The " faire headland", of the height of which he speaks, was undoubtedly Cape i'embroke, at the north end of Coats Island. The other land of which he s|)eaks was probably Leyson I'oint, on the south of Bell Island ; or it may have been the north end of Mansell Island, which he had just left. The course pursued since lea\iny Mansel Island seems to have been very irregular, and cannot readily l)e followed.— C. ■■' This means that he was drawn or that lie drifted in to leeward. On shore, the \erb /o sai;- means to bend, sink, be drawn or jjressed downwards in the middle. — C, 1 j ! i s^ rMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // .yd?. €J>.. y. Ua 1.0 I.I 1.25 If IM IIM f fi- 12.2 - Ii£ lllllio 1= U. nil 1.6 o 'V i? / Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) 873-4503 # ^^ Jv v> "^h V o'^ ^* ^ ■^x. <> 17 #? ': And the other Bay from this point to the Cape it selfe licth L. northerl}', and S. westerly. At noone he observed in 62 d. 42 m. i'\t 4 [of] the afternoonc he .set sayle, with small winde. At 5 he stood with the Cape. The weather being cleere and faire, hec sent to the Cape to try the Tyde, being thwart of the Cape; the point is low with an underland, and some 2 Cables length from shore ' He appears now to liavc been l)C'l\\ ecu Manscl Island and Coals Island. -C. - Some error, probably of tiic printer, here obscm-es the sense, althou^^h I have made one correction, and the word harrcd should ])robably !)e Ihirrcn. Koxe appears to mean that the shore had been wooded for fifteen leagues to the north of Mutton's wintering-place in Tort Nelson, but that everywhere else he had l)een it had been liare of trees. 'F'his, at any rate, agrees with known facts. Dr. Robert Hell's Map s/ion'iiii^ the dciicral i\'ortlnrii Limits of the I'n'iid- pal Forest Trees of Cdiituio (Report of tlu' (icological Survey of Canada, 1879-80) shows that several trees (namely, the Balsam I'oplar, the Larch, and the Spruces) have their northern limit on the western shore of Hudson's May at Port Churchill, which is not far from the spot above indicated.— C. ' It is by no means clear wliat two bays are meant.— C. button's voyage, 1612-13. 193 I Coats Iscnsf, shouUl been |;uc in been Dr. '"rhtd- linad;i, |ir, the shore le spot is a low flat little Hand; the land you shall open to the Northward, lieth N.W. Westerly; the boat coming on board, he edged off and anchored within one mile of the land, having opened the land to the westward of the Cape ; he anchored [in] 1 5 fathom, and rid there all night to try the tyde, for that his Boat had brought word that it was ebbe tyde and that it set to the Northward, which did agree with the tyde he found on the Eastland where hec watered^ ; but, from the time he now anchored, being betweene 10 and 1 1 at night and 3 the next morning [when] he set sayle, hee could not finde any certainty but what followed.- [15.] This morning was calmc, but the night before was full of strange Harbours,-' as they call them, which is a streame in ' ic ■'V'^mc'^^, like the flame that commeth forth [out of] the mo.;L of a hot oven; which, upon this Coast, how faire soever the weather bee, when you see them, yet it is an infallible signc of a stormc to follow within 24 houres after, as it proved by this and divers times before. At 3 this morning, without certenty of the Tyde, a small gale S., he wayed and advised with Captaine Gibhins, and Captaine Ingram, and with the rest, what course was best to bee taken. They resolved (this Land falling away N.W. and by W. westerly, and having 1 13 P'adomc within a Mile of the shore) to stand away N.N.W. alongst the shore, resolving not to leave this Land untill he were fully satisfied. Standing thus imtill 8 at night, being some 7 Leagues off the Cape, he saw an Hand of the westermost Land,"* that bore from him W.N.W., 7 or 8 Leagues off; hee had then 100 Fathomc, and stood X.N.W. as before. » On Manse! Island (see p. i8g).— C. 2 The last few words seem meaningless.— C. •' Undoubtedly Auroras are alluded to, but I lannol learn the derivation of the word. Perhaps it is a misprint foi Harbingers.—Q. * It is by no means clear what ishind this vas. C. N Ml \ I I 194 NOKTII-WKST FOX. At noone the weather was close and began to blow. Hec was then 15 Leagues N.N.W.* from the Cape (he doth not write whether true course or no, but in all the former from Hopes Advance unto this Cape, 1 have writ by him according to the true course) and had 95 Fadome, which made him assure himselfe that the land winded away more northerly, and thereupon at noone hee stood away N.E. and by N., hoping that course would have bettered his depth, but on the contrary, for in 2 glasses he shoalded to 60 Fathoms, then he hayled away E.S.E., assuring what experience had often shown him that, as the water shoalded, so the Land winded. At 3 in the aftcrnoone, the weather thick, the wind increasing, and hee in 60 l'\'ithomc, knowing there was no better depth to the N.- ward, hec stood E.S.E. till 8 at night, having 50 Fathomc. The weather bad, and night at hand, hee stood about and kept it up with short sayle all that night betweene S.VV. and by VV. and W.S.VV. [16.] From midnight till 7 this morning, as from 8 last night till midnight, thus standing brought him into 80 fathom. He cast about to the Eastward, with much winde at S.S.W. ; hazy and thick weather ; he heeled it up in courses and Bonnets till clock 2, they being [then] starke calmed, as it is a special note-^ every Blower ends with a Starke' calmc in those parts. Being then in 65 fathom, he anchored and rid untill 4 in the evening, when a small gale rising at S.S.W., he waighed and stood S.E., guiding himselfe by his depth, for the winde would not give him leave to better his hopes. 17. From midnight to 8 this morning, as the night * Sir Thomas Button doth allow 2 points variation. — F. ' Presumably this means "as it is especially to be noted". — C. " This word is still current in some connections, meaning com- pletely or absolutely, as " stark mad" or " stark naked', but few modern writers would use it as above, ihouyh Smythe mentions it.— C. ) 80 nnde ip in itarke ith a small liding him ni' rht conv I110 dcrn button's voyage, 1612-1 '95 before, & after that time, there is small worth the note to write upon traverse; and his greatest depth 140 fathom, untill the next day in the afternoone, and then he had sight of the same Cape he sent his Boat unto the 14 day before.* It bore from him N.N.W. by compasse about 7 leagues, so he steered S.S.W. untill midnight, having runne, since he set sayle at 3 in the afternoone, 10 leagues S.E. and by E. Concluding, he writeth that he came to 43 fathom, which shoalding was upon the North part of the Hand he watered upon'-; and that this Hand, and the said Cape where his Boat was at the 14 day, lyeth S.S.E h Easterly, and N.N.W. i* Northerly, about 10 leagues betwccne both.'' [18.] This morning [at] day light, he sec the land bear- ing from S.W. by S., at which time he had 65 fathom. 19. From 2 this morning untill noone, he made away E. & by N. 10 leagues. At 7, he saw land on head, at least 12 leagues off him; he judged it to bee the high land of the Maine within .Sir Dudley Diggs his Hand, and yet [for it] to beare off him as it did, it was strange unto him; but he saith that Captaine Gibbons' confidence was such as that hee must not let passe unspoken of; for, albeit that hee is so neere in blood, as that modestie will not allow of his speaking too much of his merit,* yet hee will boldly say ' This evidently means the 14th day of the month (Au^'ust), and thus helps in supplying the missing dates (sec p. 185). The cape was apparently Cape Pembroke. — C. ■^ Mansel Island (see p. i8g).— C. ^ Mansells He & Ca. Pembrok 10 Leagues distant. — F. See p. 191.— C. ^ He was Button's cousin. According to Barrow and Rundall (see aiitCy p. 167), he was, like Captain Hawkridge, a volunteer on the expedition, but the source of this piece of information is not obvious. In the year following Button's return, he made an altogether fruitless voyage to the north-west, particulars of which follow hereafter. The conclusion of the paragraph is evidently Foxe's wording, and is, as usual, very badly expressed. — C. N 2 11 196 NORTH-WEST FOX. thus much of his sufficiency, as hee assures himselfe he shall make it appeare at his retume, if God please to let him live so long, as that [in ability] he is not short of any man that ever yet he carried to Sea. All that he can say of him further is that, for his Countries good, and for the advancement of this businesse we have in hand, he could wish his body were answerable to his other abilities; which, if it were, not himselfe [only], but many, and his Country most, would bee the better for it,^ But that God that made us all of dust will not faile to raise up some good spirits, he hopes, for the further prosecution of this businesse ; as that, by their honest endeavours and religious Resolutions, they will effect that which as yet is not ripe for his Sickle ; but that God, which best knowes what the truth of his endeavours have bcene in this businesse, he hopes will not faile to give a blessing to some that shall follow; and, for his part, he desires to be blest no otherwise than as he hath sincerely laboured in it ; and, therefore, he must conclude and ever beleeve. according to the word, that Paul plants, Apollo waters, and God gives the increase. So that, untill his good will and pleasure is, all that we doe cannot, in this [or in] ought else, [)revailc. At noonc, the weather fairc and clearc, he had a good observation, by which Captainc Gibbons was well assured; but himselfe and some others discenting from him in the bearing of the land from them, were deceived in the set of the tyde, which, in his going out last yccre, mightily carried him to the Northward, as now as much to the Southward ; which then, nor till now, was not found by any of them all.- Hc steered open of the Land N.N.E., with tyde 5 leagues. • This very confused sentence appears to mean that Captain Gibbons had exceptionally good ability, but poor bodily health.— C. 2 Apparently this means that this tide had not been observed by any of those who had previously sailed over the spot. — C. WMMi IIP lUIKJHM.^ X BUTTON'S VOYAGE, 1612-13. 197 untill evening 4, and at 2 he had 307 fathom. At 6 in the evening, small winde, C. Wolstenliolme bore S.E., 7 leagues off; the Westerne point of the westcrne Hand, S.E. by S. I S., 5 leagues off. He kept it up that he might get about the VVestermost point of Nottingham's Hand (it lying 8 leagues from Diggs his Hand), there thinking to trie the tyde; and from thence he purposed to goe to the N. maine, betvveene Salisbury ^x\dk NottingJiam's He, to try [the tide in] the distance betweenc them, it being all he could doe for this yeere.^ [20.p About 8 this morning, the weather thick, and he not above 4 leagues from He Nottingluvn in 64 fathom, he anchored, and, as he remembreth to his comfort, being cbbc, hee found it a very strong one from S.S.K. to S.E. and by S.-^ At noone slack, it was a fresh gale at S.W. ; hee waighed to get abor' to the Westward of the Hand; about 2, it blew hard and was thick weather, with rainc and thunder, and [he was] within a mile of the shore. It fell starke calme upon a sudden ; then he was in a great ripling in 20 ' Button's instructions informed him lli.it, Ijctween .Salisbury Island and the North Main he was "like to meet a great ami hollow billow", by which, of course, was meant that reported by Hudson's survivors (seep. 150). Button, no doubt, now thought that the only thing left for him to do that year was to further observe this billow. — C. - From this point, to the end of the narrative, the dates are again missing. 1 have supplied them as well as I haxe been able to dofroni the narrative.- C. ■'• But was deceived. V . Button was fully persuaded that this was (as he afterwards says) "the true channel tyde" that is to say, a tide or current tlowing through an ojjcning into the main western ocean: hence the comforting influence it iiad upon his feelings. Button him- self, after his return home, and others, made much of the discovery of this reputed tide, and there can be no doubt that it was the main in- centive for the dispatch, in the following year (1614), of the fruitless expedition under Captain Ciibbons, as well as of lliat of Bylot and Baffin in 1615,10 be noticed hereafter. It was, of course, only the ordinary tide flowing into and out of the then-undiscovered strait now known as Foxe's Channel.— C. IN ii \ ! 198 NORTH-WEST FOX. l I r fathom water, the Sea all breaches round about him like a Race, which, descrying, he stood ofif with little winde along the Hand, and found his drift more in lesse then in one Glasse.^ Then hce could run ahead before [it] with both top sayles on trip, and a stifife gale; in 2 houres, hee came to anchor to be fully satisfied of the tyde. But, when the tyde came, it came with such force & strength out of the N.W. and by N. as hee had much adoe to ride at [anchor], and could not have ridde it had not he steered the ship all the tyde time.- The sight, hee writes, did comfort him for what was to be done hereafter ; for by the course of this tyde, and his owne knowledge of the land, being to the Westward of that place 200 leagues & 66 on the Sea, and might very well see one degree more on land to the North- ward ; hee then saw good reason for it. At 8 this night, the weather being a little cleere with ebbe, he wayed and plied to windward to get about the N.W. end of the Hand; and, being about the West point, the ebbe being done, he saw another point open upon him that bore N. ; the windc at N.W., in 33 fathoms, the weather thick and bad, he anchored, where, in lesse than one houre, the tyde of flood came most strong as before, from N.W. and by N., whereby he concluded, having brought the Northerne point N. from him, that it was the true Channcll tyde. For, had it bcene otherwise, it would have come as the land lay, which was N., but now, being open of the land, and finding it to come from the N.W. and by N., he saith in his judgment that course and N.N.W. must direct whomsoever shall seeke this passage hereafter. And, the rather to continue himselfe in this opinion, he now, too late, found that those that were this way first, & himselfe the last yecre, were all of them ' Half an hower. — V, The wording hereabouts, which is evidently Foxe's, is almost incomprehensible. — C. '' A strong tide. Not so. — F. OBH button's voyac;e, 1612-13. 199 deceived of the set of the tyde within Sir Dudley Diggs his Hand, for there they found it come more Westerly, which was caused by many broken Hands that lye to the Westward of it, which he never sawe untill his returne homewards. And, upon this tyde (if I can judge, saith he), we cannot be deceived, for this caveat he doth give to whomsoever shall succeed him in this discovery: — That, whensoever he loseth his strong tyde, or finds ground in 2CK) fathoms, let himselfe know he is out of his direct course for finding of this Voyage.^ So this his experience upon his unhappy counter-course taught him that, when- soever it is to be found, it must bee in deepe water and in a strong tyde ; and, in this courr.c that he took, he hopes it will not be imputed an errour of his for what he did in the directing of it; for it was to follow the letter of his instructions.'- For, albeit he was precisely tyed to stand with Hudson's Westerland in 58 d.,^ yet he never came much to Leeward of 61 d. till he was encountered with land 200 leagues Westward from Sir Dudley Diggs his Hand. Thus much in effect I received in a Manuscript frotn Sir Thomas Roe, /resides dii'crs others, toivards the further- ance of uiy Voyage.^ But further from Abacuh Pricket, who saith they caine J- ii :11 ' This is clearly a misprint for Passage. — C. ■^ Button meant that he hoped he should not be blamed for not having first sought for a passage in this direction ; for, in searching elsewhere, he was only carrying out his very precise written instruc- tions, which are printed herein. — C. ^ The question whether Hudson did, or did not, explore any part of the western shore of Hudson's Bay proper has been already discussed (p. 131, note), and the conclusion was that he went no further north in this direction than Cape Henrietta Maria, in lat. 55*, although his map would lead us to believe that he had reached lat. 6o°,--C, * See note, p. 163.— C. ' il 200 NORTH-WEST FOX. ; not through the mainc Channel) of Fretuni Htidson, nor thorow Liiinleys Inlet, but that he came through into the Mare Hypcrbonnn betwixt those Hands first discovered and named ChidUys Cape by Captaine Davis, and the North '^^.xX.oi America, called by the Spaniards, who never saw the same, Cape Labradore ; but it is meet by the N.E. point of America, where there was contention amongst them, some maintaining (against others) that them Hands were the [Island of] Resolution, which Josias Hiibbart withstood untill he stood himselfe into the danger of dis- pleasure ; but at length it proved a new streight, and very straight indeed to come through, which resolved all doubts^ ; but hereupon all their plots and lournalls [are silent'-]. This part which came into my hands I have writ, thinking there may be some that will protract the same. He met no Ice in his home comming untill he came into Fretuni Hudson, and but little there. [Their] iournals were taken from them, and therefore who doth desire any further satisfaction from this Voj-age must seeke it from Sir Tlionias Button, oncl)- Pricket saith that they were at home in i6 dayes.'' ' Apparently this means that lie left Hudson's Strait and emerged on to the open sea, not by the main channel to the south of Reso- lution Island, but by the channel between Cape Chidley and ilie islands which have since been known as JJutton's Isles. — C. - These words seem to be required here in order to make sense. — (,'. ^ The exact date of Button's return to England has not been recorded ; but the following passage, which occurs (folio 76) in the MS. Atttol>io!^rap/iy of Pliiueas Pcit (see Introduction), places it about the third week in September: — "The 27 day of this month [September 1613], my second son Henry departed this life at Chatham, and at y' very instant my noble worthy friend Sir Thomas Button (then Capt. Button) alighted at my house, newly being returned from the dangerous Voyage of the North-west Passage, where he had winte ed." — C. ■■■ GIBBONS'S VOYAGE, 1614. 201 Concerning the Voyage of Captaine Gibbons, with a Ship called the Discovery, vitled for 1 2 Monethes, in the yeare 1614.^ Little is to be writ to any purpose, for that hee was put by the mouth of Fretuvi Hudson &, with the Ice, driven into a Bay, called by his Company Gibbons his hole. ' This is another voyage of which we have no other record than that given here by Foxe (meagre as is the informa^'on he supphes), except a passing mention of it in PurcJias his Pilgrimage (and ed., 1614, p. 746, and 3rd ed., 1617, p. 926). The voyage, however, failed as ignominiously as any voyage could, and added absolutely nothing to the geographical knowledge of the northern seas and coasts. This was the more disappointing, bearing in mind the very high opinion expressed about its leader by his cousin Sir Thomas Button (see ante, p. 196), whom he had accompanied on his voyage in the previous year. Well may Foxe speak of Gibbons' vojage (in a side-note which has not been reproduced) as " a caveat for others". We have no information as to the course Clibbons intended to follow in his exploration ; but there can be little doubt that, had he not been unfortunate at the outset, he would have searched to the north of Nottingham and Salisbury Islands, up what is now known as Fox's Channel, in which direction Sir Thomas Button had just before strongly stated that, in his opinion, anyone should search who, after him, sought for a North-West Passage (see ante, p. 198). We are able to gather from outside evidence (see Markham's Voyages of Baffin, p. hi) that Gibbons had with him, in some capacity, on this voyage, Robert Bylot, who had brought home Hudson's ship after the mutiny in 161 1, and who had also sailed under Button in 161 2- 13. Although Foxe gives us no information as to the individuals at whose cost this ill-fated voyage was undertaken, we know, from I'urchas {loc. t//.), that it was promoted by "The Company of Merchants Discoverers of the North-West Passage". Moreover, it was made in the Discovery, which belonged to that Company, and which was now making the fourth of her six recorded trips to the Arctic Seas, Weymouth having previously had her in 1602, Hudson in 1610-11, Button in 1612-13, and now Gibbons in 1614. Foxe does not record the dates of her departure or return, but Purchas [Joe. cit.) says she sailed in the month of March. Forster ( Voyages and Discoveries in the North, p. 348) and Barrow {Arctic Voyages before iSiS, p 205), both identify " (ribbons Hole" with the Bay of Nain, on the coast of Labrador ; but it seems QJi >i .Ufl 1' \ 1 'i 302 NORTH-WEST FOX. in Latitude 58 & .\, upon the N.E. part of America, where hee laid 10 weekes fast amongst the Ice, in danger to have bcene spoyled, or never to have got away, so as the time being lost, he was inforccd to returne. The Voyage - landers doe their Deere, to draw their Sleedes,-* which are shod or lyned with bones of great fishes to keepc them from wearing ; their Dogs have coUers and furniture very fitting. Their apparell, Boates, and Tents, with other necessaries, are much like to those of Gronclandy but not so ncate and artificiall ; they seemc to bee more rude and uncivil!, ' In the original it is 14 or 15, but Purchas has it 40 or 50. The "finnes" of the whale (which arc often mentioned in the narratives of Haffin's voyaj^es) are the numerous horny plates of baleen 01 whale- bone which depend from the upper jaw. Fotherby gives a lucid account of the way whales were killed and their oil and baleen obtained from them in his day (see Markham's Voyages of Baffin, p. 72), and another appears in Purchas {liis Pilgrliiics, part iii, p. 470). — C. ^ The original has it, " They are most of them about the bigness of our mungrell mastivcs." — C. ■' Sled is the older and correct form of the word now commonly written sledge. The form sleede, which Foxe here uses (though, per- haps, only a misprint), still survives in Essex, where a plough-runner is often called a f>lough-<;lced. — C. mam ^y\ I5YL0T AND BAFFIN'S VOYAGE, 1615. 209 travclliiifj up and downc as their fishing is in season ; for, in most places where they were on Land, they see where people had bcene ; but, where their habitation or winter abode is, they know not, nor cannot conjecture. This Hand lyeth in 62 degrees 32 minutes, and in longitude West from London 72 degrees,^ or necre there about, being 60 Leagues from the entrance of the straights. The compasse doth vary 27 degrees 30 minutes, aud South East Moone 4 degrees East maketh full Sea. It floweth almost as much water as at Resolution ; the Tyde commcth from the Eastwards. [10.] This day, morning 6, he set saylc with North winde, which continued not, but was variable, till noonc, [when] it came to North West ; hee, having sayled along the shore some 7^ leagues North North W'est, the Ice lying so thick in the offing that he could not well get out of it, he per- ceived a good Harbor betweene two small Hands and the maine,- and went in, wherre he moord and stayd untill the twelfe day in the evening. In this place, a South East Moone make a full Sea ; Latitude 62 degrees 40 m. The tyde doth come from South East ; every point hath his set and eddy. In this place hee could perceive of no people.' [16.] Lj'ing still in the Ice, the weather close and hazy, as it had beene for 6 da}'cs, being neerc a great compan)- of Hands (the winde West North West), he stood in amongst them and at evening, moored to one of them in a small Cove, the better to defend her from the Ice. Here hee stood* all the 17 day ; the 18, being almost calme, he set • These oljscrvations are not quite roncct. .Sec Mrirkliam's ]'oyages of Uaffuu I). 1 19. — C. - Apparently it was Hig Island, not the mainland. C. •' The narrative from the nth to the 15th, which contains nothing of importance, is omitted by Fo\e. — C. ■• Ih the original it is staycd.^Q. ^ • 'I i ■I 2IO NORTH-WEST FOX. ; I sayle, the better to get forth. Merc was a great company of Hands, each whereof hath his sevcrall sets and eddyes, which drive the Ice to and againe with such violence that hee was in greater danger here then if he had beene further oflf. The Latitude of this He he lay at was 6^ d. 26 m., longitude neere 72 d. 15 m.^ from London, Variation 27 d. 46 m., \ past 9 the change day maketh full sea. This evening and morning he had a fair gale at South East, and he stood along by the land, it being all small broken Hands, to a point about 12 leagues distance from the He he set from, it being all broken land, so calls it Broken Point. [19.] This day, 12, he was about 4 miles from the fore- said point, fast amongst Ice ; and he saith he might well have called this Fairenes^- or Faire Point, for from this day to the 30, the weather was so faire, and almost altogether so calme, that in few places elsewhere fairer weather could not be ; and, untill the 27, hee was so fast inclosed amongst the Ice that one could not dip water by the Ship's sides. Vpon the 21 day, he see the Sunne and Moone both at one time, as indeed in faire weather is usuall in those parts. [22,] Being faire and calme, the Sea almost as steady as on shore, with his Instruments for Variation, hee went to worke to take the time of the Moones comming to the Meridian, and had a Quadrant of 6 foote Scuiidiamiter ready to take Sols Almicanter, having taken the Variation of his Needle as properly as he could, which was 28 . 5 houres 4 in. 52 s. \\, but in this he needcth not come so precise, and at London at 4 houres 54 ;;/. 30 s., which, subtracted from the former, leaveth 10 in. 22 s. ]^\. Now the Moones motion that 24 houres was 12 d. 38 ;;/., which, converted into time, is 50 in. 25 s. 20 t/i.\ then the pro- [porjtion standeth thus: if 50 ;//. 25 s. 20 th. give 360 d., what shall 10 in. 22 s. l\ give? The proportional will be 74 d. South, which is West of London, because the Moone came later by 10 ;//. 22 s.; and, by the working of Origanns his EpJicnicrides, the distance is 91 d. 35 ;//. West of VV^cst'-; but whether be the truer, hee leaves it to others to judge ; for, if those workings bee not carefully looked unto, there may be great errour committed, as in the observation, and in the Moones comming to the Meridian to the place for which the Ephemerides was calculated for, and it may be in the Ephemerides themselves ; in all which, the best and most judicious may erre. [He mentions another observation which he made on] the 26 of Aprill, outward bound at Sea, by the Moones ): ' See p. 97.— C. * Apparently this should read West of Wittenberg.^Q. O 2 W4 if I., ■', ! , W'\ 212 NORTH-WEST FOX. commi'ng in a right line with two fixed Starres ; the one was the Lions heart, a Starre of the first magnitude; the other in the Lions Rumps, of second magnitude, as followcth. The Circumference or outward edge of the Moone being in a right or straight h'ne with those two Starres before named, at the instante he tooke the Altitude of the South balance, 2 (/. 38 ;//., because he would have the time, but in this it is good to waite a fit time, as to have her in a right line with 2 Starres not farre distant, and those not to be much difference in longitude, because the Moone will soone alter the angle or position, and such a time would bee taken, when the moon is in the go of the Ecliptique above the Horizon, for then there is no parallel of Longitude, but oncly in Latitude. But who is painefull in these businesses shall soone see what is needfull, and what is not. His observations were as followeth. Lion's Heart, Lion's Rumpe, ' A' 4'/''/ A seen tion Declination . Lomritudc . Latitude jMuiicantcr . (Kig/it Asccntion I Declination . Lonoitude atitnde degr. min. sccon. 146. — 28. — 30. I3-— 57-— 30. 24.-29.-45. 00. — 26. — 30. 33.— 40.— GO. 163.- -23- -00. -GO. U 05.— 53-— 45- 14. — 20. — GO. the Moon's Faralax, - ' Paralax . . oo. — 47. — 46. Latitude . . 03. — 20. — GO. Almieanter . . 37. — 00. — GO. jMtitnde cftlie \placc\ 56. — 43. — 00. This note, hee saith, is set downe for any that can, and are disposed to, spend their time therein themselves, hav- ing spent some, and would have spent more if leasure had served ; but, finding it n(jt to his minde, he hath set immmmmm ,\% BYLOT AND BAFFIN'S VOYAGE, 1C15. 213 downc the particular vvorkc as he received it from Mr. Rtidstonc. 27. Lying here, enclosed now among the Ice, with faire and calme weather (as before is said), untill the 27 day, at evening, he set sayle, the winde South East, an casie gale. All the 28 and 29, he made way through the Ice ; but the 29, it was more open then [it had been] before in 10 dayes; at noone, Salisbury lie bare West from him. July [i]. This day was close foggic weather, with much raine; the winde S.S.E. ; at noone he was 3 leagues from the land, but had much Ice by the shore. He stood to the N. and the next morning hec was faire by another small Hand, or rather a company of Hands, which he afterwards called Mill Hand, by reason of grinding the Ice, as he had proofe. The Lat. is 64. Driving here to and fro untill clock 7, the Ice began to open and separate ; hec had not past along the He by the East side thereof, but the Ice came driving with the flood-tyde from S.E. with such swiftness that it overwent his Ship, having all sayles abroad with a reasonable gale of winde, and put him out of the streame into the eddy of the He. This Hand or lies, lying in the middle of the Channell, having many sounds running through them, with many points or Head-lands encountering the force of the Tyde, causeth such a rebound of the Ice and water, which ran one way and the Ship another, the Ship having met with Ice, with the first of the flood put him ncere the shore, that hee was in the partition betwecne the Ice, which the eddy caused to runnc one wa}', and the streame another, where shee endured great distresse. Thus hee continued untill towards high water, which [was] about one a Clock ; then, with no small trouble, hee got into the Channell and stood to the North West- ward. After hee had past some distance from this He, hee found the Sea more open then it was since he put into the straights, and sayled all a ■I'ii •f 214 NORTH-WEST FOX. ■; ■', m\ the next day with a South wind thorow an indifferent clearc Sea. At Clock 8 in the mornint,^ hce was come at^ainc into much Ice, and this Ice was thicker and bij^ger then any he lu'id before, where he began to be enclos'd, 26 Leagues distant from Mt'// He North West by West, true course. Being fast amongst the Ice, hee perceived a great Tyde to set to and fro, and had 120 Fathome ozie ground. [5. Standing northwards, in the forenoon he had ground] at 80 Fathomes; the wind comming to the North and setting him somewhat Southward, [he] had no Fathomes. Thus, seeing great abundance of Ice in this place, and the more he got to the North Westward the shoalder it was, the Ice being foule and durty, as not bred far from shores, hee determined to stand to the Eastward, to be better informed of the Tyde. /a/y 6. This morning, standing to the Eastward, hee brooke a planck and two timbers in his ship's bow, which after hee had mended, he proceeded to the East along the North shore, which Land stretcheth along from Resolution within the Streights, and is the West^ side thereof. 7. This day he saw the Land, it being but low, and the Sea shoald in respect of other places, having 10 or 12 Fathome about a League from shore, and some 30 or 35 Fathomes 5 or 6 Leagues from shore, having very good channell ground, some 18 or 20 Leagues off, as small stones and shells, but the farther of the more ozie.- Also here runneth a very great Tyde to the Northward, which this evening hee found to be the Tyde of ebbe. F'or, comming neere the shore about Clock 7, hce went on ^ Query Nortli. It is so in Purchas. — C. '"' These depths are not given in the original. They seem to have been added by I'oxe from his own experience, gained when he sailed over the spot in question in 1631. — C. MM UVLOT AND UAl'FIN'S VOYAGE, 1615. 215 Land with his Boatc and found it so; he stayed on Land about an houre and a halfc, in which time the water fell about 3 foote and a halfc, and a South South East Moonc maketh a full Sea. They saw no signe of people to have becne here this ycare, but other ycares before they could well see by divers places where their Tents had stood, and perhaps their time of fishing was not yet come, there being such great abundance of Ice as yet. 8. This day the wind was West. 9. This day was almost calme, and he reckoned to be nccre the shore. 10. This dayhee determined to stand to lie Nottingham^ to trye the Tyde there; the wind South West, so as hee turned it up untill night. The wind came to the North North West ; 1 50 Fathome deepe,' so as hee stood away to the Westward and left the search of Nottinglianis He, having a great swelling Sea out of the West, with the wind that had blowne, which put him in some hopes. 1 1. This morning hee saw Land West from him,- and had no ground at 130; standing along by the Land, which then lay North West, and by West, the next morning hee was thwart of a Bay^ ; then, standing over to a faire Cape or Headland hee saw in the afternoone, it was almost calme ; [and,] being about a League from Land, hee sent his Boatc to try the Tyde, and they stayed about 3 houres, going at 5, and returning at 8, and brought word that it was falling water, and that whilst they were on shore it had ebbe two foote : also they affirmed that the flood came from the N. in this place, which he perceived by the Ship, 1 Here, again, Foxe seems to have added the depth from his own experience. — C. ■^ This appears to have been Terror Point. — C. ^ It was, in reality, no bay, but the northern entrance to the channel separating Bell Island from Southampton Island. — C. ^ ■:% N ' : i H, m 216 NORTH-WEST FOX. r f m shcc setting a pace to the N., although it was no wind : also they might sec by the Rocks that the water was fain. This made him doubtfull' of a passage that way. [13.] Master B}'/oi named this Cape Co/n/ort, for the reasons before [stated]-; and not a league from Land, is 140 Fathome water; here a S.E. Moone makes a full Sea ; the Latitude is 65, and 86 d. 10 ;;/. W, from London:'' But this suddaine comfort was soone quailed, as hee saith ; for, the next day, having doubled the Cape, and proceeded not above 10 or 13 Leagues, but hee saw the Land trent from the Cape to the Westward, untill it bare from him N.E. and by E. and very thick[ly] pestered with Ice.* And the further he proceeded N.-ward, he found shoalder water, and more Ice, and small show of anyTyde. At 6, he had 130 Fathom, soft ozie, and at noone [he had] had 1 50 Fad. This was the furthest of this voyage, being in Latitude 65. 25., and Longitude from London 86. 10.; ' for, seeing the Land so farre to the E. of him, 9 or 10 Leagues off, and the Ice, hee was fully perswadcd this was but a Bay, and so turned the ship homeward without any further search.*" * This should be hopeful^ ;is in the original. — C. '■^ That is to say, because he was comforted by the hope of finding a passage. — C. ^ Cape Comfort is still so called. Baffin gives its position as 65" N., 85° 20' W. I'urchas, for some reason, alters this to 65° 26' N., 86" W. Foxe again alters the figures, apparently to make them accord with his own experience. According to I'arry ( Voyage of the Fury and Hecla^ 1821-23, p. 33) the exact position of Cape Comfort is lat. 64" 54' N., and long. 82" 57' W.— C. * He was now in the mouth of Frozen .Strait. — C. ® The latitude and longitude have been added by Foxe from his own experience. The latter should be about 84° W. — C. " J5affin's reasons for turning back at this point seem inadequate, and the omission by Purchas (whom, of course, Foxe follows) of a passage in Baffin's manuscript makes them appear still more so. Baffin says (see Markham's Voyages of Baffin^ p. 132): — "The land which we sawe beare north and north-east was about 9 or 10 leagues liYLOT AND I'.AFFIN'S VOVACiK, 1615. 217 14. The wind at S.E., that he could make but small way back againe. The next morning it was foule weather, and hee Anchored in a small Inlet neere Cape Comfort on the N. [side thereof]. When here, he found a S. and by M. Moonc to make a full Sea, but could not discerne from whence the flood came, for it was bad weather at Sea. 15. The afternoon, the wind came N.W., stiffc gale, and hazie. He waycd and stood along the shore. By the 16, at noon, he met with a great ([uantity of Ice, lying within the point of Land ; amongst this Ice, hee saw a great number of Sea Mors} not seeing any in all the streights but in this place, and those very fearfull, n(jt suffer- ing any Ship or Boate to come neere ihem. By clock 8, he was come to this S. shore point, which he called Sea-horse Pointcj- where he came to Anchor in open Sea, the better to try the Tyde, where he and all his company apparently found that in this place the Tyde came from S.E. and the Ebbe from N.W. He wayed after he had found this, and stood over with a stifife gale of wind, which continued all day, and at night it was very foulc weather and sowre stormes. By Clock 10, he was come to Anchor on the NAV. side of NottingJ tain's Hand, where 2 or 3 small lies lye off from the greater, which make very good sounds and harbour.'* About this He, he had store of Ice, but nothing as in other places. He staid here^ untill the ly from us ; and shurcly, without any question, this is the bottom of the bayc on the west side ; but howe far it runneth more eastward is yet uncertain." — C. 1 The Morse, or Walrus (see p. 189), is often called the sea-horse. — C. 2 It is still so called. — C. ' These islands are not shown on the latest Admiralty Chart, though clearly marked on IJafiin's Chart, as reproduced in Markham's Voyages of Iniffiii, p. 103. — C. * In the original it is not here, but about this island, which is obviously correct. — C. y i '^^^J 2l8 NOKTII-WEST FOX. i >■ 1% I m day, with much foule weather, many storms, often fogg and unccrtainc winds; many times he wayed Anchor to goc to that side of the Hand where the Ship rod,^ when Cap. Button was in her,- finding in other places of this He the Tyde of flood came from the S.E.-ward, and the time of high water upon the change of day to bee at lo and halfe an houre past, and not after, as they supposed before. In [the] 10 dayes he stayed about this lie, he fitted his Ship with ballast and other necessaries. 26. This day, being indifferent fairc weather, hce passed betwccne Salisbury and NottinghauCs lies, at the S. point thereof, where lie many small low lies, without the which had bcenc a fit place to have Anchored to have found out the true set of the Tyde^ : but the Mr., being desirous to have come to the same place where he had rod before,* stood along by this He to the W.ward and came to an Anchor in the Eddie of this broken grounds, where the Ship rod at no certainety of the Tyde. 27. This morning was foule weather, with much rainc and wind, that the Reagcr' Anchor would not hold at 80 1 This word, of course, should be rode. It occurs several times in the following paragraphs. — C. '•^ Hylot was with Thomas Ikitton. — F. ' These islands form Port de Bouchervillc, so named by Lieut. A. R.Gordon, R.N. , in 1884, after an observer.whom he stationed there for the winter. A description, plan, and view of the liarbour will be found in Lieut. Ciordon's Reports on the Caniutiaii Ilt/dsoii^s Buy Expeditions of JSS4, iSSj, (ind /SS6. It is also shown in detail on the Admiralty Chart No. 1221. — C. * That is, when he was with l>utton (see above). — C. ^ A'tv/i/t'/' (iiee p. 71) is meant. Fo\e follows here a misprint in Purchas's text. This and other circumstances tend to show that Foxe did not make these abstracts with his own hand. As a seaman, familiar with nautical terms, he would hardly have (opied from Purchas so obvious a misprint. It is a likely surmise that the abstracts are those he tells us in his " Prei)arations" were made by his friend, Mr. Thomas Sterne.— C. rrg» < iim n w ni ii iiii II IJYLOT AND IJAFFIN'S VOYAGE, 1615. 219 Fathomcs scope, but was driven into deeper water, and [he] enforced to set sailc, the wind at E. and came about to N.E., with fowle weather. He stood away towards Sea Horse Point ; he was perswaded that there might be a passage betweene that Land and the Land they called Swan Iland^ ; so this afternoone hee saw both Sea Horse Point and He Notingham ; the distance betwixt both is not above 15 or 16 Leagues; they lye one from another S.E. and N.VV. 28. In the morning he saw Sea Horse Point, and the Land to stretch away W.S.W., so far as he saw, and with Ice, wherefore he tackt about and stood away S.E. and by S.- 29. This day, 11, he came to anchor at Diggs his Hand, having very foule weather ; at this place where he rod, it lyeth open to the VV., having 2 of the greatest lies to breake off the force of the flood Tydc ; for, after the water was risen an houre and a halfe by the shore, then would the Ships ride truly on the tide of flood all the Tyde after ; no the time of high water on the change is at \ P^^t lo, or there- abouts. [30.] This day was faire weather ; he wayed vi stood close by Diggs his Hand, where presently he perswaded^ the Salvages to bee close [hid] upon the Rocks ; but, when they saw he had espied them, divers of them came running down to the water side, calling ti) him to come to anchor, which he would have done if hee could ; but in this place the water was so deep as it is hard to find a place to ride in ; which seeing, he lay to and againe with the ship, whilst some of his men with the Boat killed about 70 Eowles; for, in this place is the greatest store of those fmvles, which ■',1 * Cury's Swan's Ncsl (siu \). 165).— C. '^ lie soiij^lil no jJiib-'iayi.' :!icn.— -F. •* A nnbprinl iox pcncivcii. — C. 1^ i li! 'I . 2 20 NORTH-WEST FOX. we call Willicks.i t^^t in few places else is not to be seen ; for, if need were, he might have killed many thousand, al- most incredible to those that have not scene it. Here he had sufficient proofe of the tydc ; but, when his Boate returned, he set sayle homewards. [August 3.] This day he was forced to anchor 30 leagues within Resolution, upon the N. shore ; the next day he weighed, and the 5 day he passed by Resolution, but see it not. {^September 6.] He had a sight of Cape Cleere in Ireland. He cajTic into Pliinouth, all his men alive, but 3 sick, which presently recovered.-' ' See pp. 107 and 168. This is the place where Hudson in 1610, his survivors in 161 1, and IJutton in 1612, had killed so many of these birds. — C. '^ These last two paragraphs are, in Foxc's work, jilaced after the " Observation", jirobably through a printer's error. I have moved them to what seems their right place. After them, in Baffin's original MS., there is a passage which is worth reprinting here. Purchas (and of course, Foxc after him) omitted it, but Rundall {Voyat^cs Xort/i-H'est- 7L'nr(ly p. 130) and Markham (loj'/ti^'L's of Iniffiii, p. 137) both ])rint it. It is as follows : — "And now it may be that som expect I should give my opynion conscrninge the passadge. To those my answerc must be that doubilcs theare is a passadge. Hut within this slrayte which is called Hudson's Straytes, I am doubtfull, supposingc the contraryc. But, whether there be or no, I will not affirme. But this I will affn-me: that we haue not been in any tyde then that from Resolutyon Hand, and [that] the greatest indraft of that commeth from Dauis Straytes; and my judgment is [that], if [there is] any passadge within Resolution Hand, it is but som crecke or inlett ; but the main [passage] will be upp fretum Davis. But, if any be desirous to knowe my opynion in pertyculler, I will at any tyme be reily to showe the best reasons I caim, eythcr by word of mouth or otiicrwise." The general correctness of Bafrm's o])ini()n has since been con- clusively shown. It was in consequence of it that, on his voyage in the following year (1616), he searched up Davis Strait.— C. HI >jj-«i."r '! , ' ^smmmmm ••••t.'-i r.VLOT AND P.AFFIN's VOYACE. 1615. 22 I T//e Obsei-i'ationy He set forth the 18 of April, and he saw the land of Groynla>id the 6 of May ; he made Resolution the 27, where, on the N. side, he found a good Harbor, where it flowes on E.S.E. moone and neere 4 fatho. He found people at Salvage lies. He was much troubled [with ice], but especially at Mill Isle. He made Cape Comfort, and found a tyde, but knew not from whence it come. The land to the N. trents about him to X.E. by E. The water, the farther Northward, was but more shallow and dirty. He returns homewards the 10 of luK', his greatest deep at 180 fathoms. In his return, at Sca-Jiorsc Point, he and all his people saw that plainly the tyde came from S.E., as also at Isle Nottingham. He broke in a planck and timber of his ship amongst Ice. He might have killed thousands 1 This is a sort of summary by Koxc of the mnin results of the voyajje. The whole of the track sailed over is shown accurately on IJaffin's original chart, which, thouj^h suppressed by I'urchas (see p. 204), is preserved in the IJritish Museum, and is rejiroduced roughly by Mr. Rundall ( Voydi^cs to-uHints the Xortli- West, p. 97) and in c\nc\./' ,hy ly Byi w July, seeing that Hylot, not Hatifin, was the chief of the expedition: ^■l 1 |! Hi i IHI'I ^ i- if ; Mli '*' nil 1 wSfB ' m iX \ ; !•■ I 224 NORTFI-WEST FOX. grccs 20 minutes On the 14 May, the forenoonc, 6 of the people, being a fishing, came to him, to whom hee gave small pecces of Iron, and they, keeping him companj' with great love, suppose he had intended to come to anchor, but, when they see him stand off from shore, they followed a while and then went away discontented, as he thought. lice prosecuted his voyage, being loth to Anchor as yet, although the wind was contrary, but plyed to the N.-ward, untill he came into 70 d. 20 m. There he entred a faire sound neerc Capt. Da-oies his London Coast^; the people, espying [them] with great wonder and gazing, fled away in their Boates, and after this night hee saw them no more, yet they left their Dogs running to and fro upon the Hand, At this place hee stayed two dayes, taking in water and doing things necdfull; the Tydes not rising above eight or nine foote made him dislike of the passage ; it floweth I past 9 upon the change day; the Tyde commeth from the South. \May 22.] At N. Sun, hee set saile and plied to 'die Northward with flood Tyde. [26.] Hee found a dead Whale- about 26 Leagues from the shoarc; hee made fast and got some finnc out of her ; the next day he was enforced by storme to leave her; having stood from her not above 3 Leagues N.W., hee came to Ice ; [he] then tackt into the shoare againe, and a great storme ensued. but Iiaffin, as chronicler of the voyaj^^c, sceins to have iisuijjccl the lionour of the commander, and perhaps not without much rij^nt to do so. Even Foxe, who speaks of the voyage in the previous year as Bylofs, calls this " Masfcr Haffyn his Voyai^e^.—Q . ' .See p. 76. I'lobaljjy the sound was one of those to the north of Disco Island. — C. ■^ Baffin again refers to tliis whale in his letter to Sir John Wolsten holme (see p. 236). — C. |4l \i . BVLOT AND BAFFIN'S SECOND VOVAGK, l6\Cx 225 the ucs of cave hcc id a ih of [30.] This day he came faire by /Jo/>e SaunJerson} Captaine Davies his farthest, betweene 72 d. and 73 ; that evening, at N. Sunnc, hee came to Ice, which hee put into, pl)'inf^ all the next day to get through it. June I. He was cleere off the Ice, and not farre from shoare ; the wind North East, hee put in amongst divers Hands ; the people, seeing him, fled away, leaving their tents behind, and under a small Rock hidden two young Maids or women. The Ship riding not farre off, the Master with some others went on Land, they making signes to bee carried to the Hand, where their Tents were there adjoyn- ing. When they came there, they found two old women more, the one to estimation 80 yeares, the other younger. There was also one woman with a child at her back, who had hid her selfe amongst the Rocks untill the others had told her how kindly they had used them in giving them peeces of Iron and other trifles, in change whereof they gave them Scale skins ; other things they had none, save dead Scales and fat blubber, which the poore women were very diligent to carry to the Boate and put into their Casks, making shew that the men were over at the Maine and at another small Hand something more Eastward. Then they made signes to them that hee should shew them his shippe, and set them where the men were ; the foure youngest came into their Boat ; and when the)- were in the Shippe they much wondred; and they gave them of his meate, which they tasting would not cat ; two of them hee set to the Hand where they found the men to be; the other two he set to their Tents againe ; those that went to seekc the men could not find them, but came backe to the Ship againe, and were set over to the other side. This place they called Women's Iland.s-; it lyeth in 72 * Discovered and so named by Davis in 1587 (see p. 76). — C, - The islands surrounding the Danish settlement of Upcrnivik. — C. I I I -.I i . It mm 226 NORTH-WEST FOX. irf !!'■' i'/ degrees 45 minutes ; the Flood commeth from the S.-vvard at ncepe Tydes ; the water riscth not above 6 or 7 foote ; S.S.l*^. Moonc makes full Sea. The Inhabitants beingi very poore, living chiefly upon Scales flesh dried, which they eate raw. and cloath themselves with the skinnes, as also they doe cover their Tents and Boates therewith, which they can dresse very well ; the women differ from the men in apparell, and are marked in the face with divers black streakes or lines, the skinne having beene raised with some sharpe Instrument when they were young and black colour put therein, so grownc in that by no meanes it can be got forth. Concerning their Religion he saith little, onely they have a kind of worship or adoration to the Sunne, to which they will point, striking their hand upon their breasts and cry- ing Elyoutc-; their dead they bury on the sides of the hills where they live, making a pile of stones over them, yet not so thick but that he could see the dead body, the aire being so piercing that it keepeth them from stincking savour ; so likewise hee hath scene there do. 146), for this. The islands arc still so called. — C. - This name is still retained. — C. ^ Baffin had now dutifully named, after the five leading members of the Company which sent him out, prominent geographical features in the great Bay he had discovered, all the names he gave being still retained on our modern charts. Thus we have .Sir Dudley Diggs'Cape, Wolstcnholmc .Sound, Sir Thomas .Smith's Sound, Alderman Jones Sound, and Lancaster Sound, all of the gentlemen commemorated being at that time munificent patrons of Arctic research. Of Sir Dudley Digges (see untc, p. i iS, nofc), vSir Thomas Smith, and Alder- man (afterwards Sir Francis) Jones, brief notices may be found in the Introduction to Markham's I'oydi^^cs of U'l/I/niii Ihifjbi (pp. vi- xvi) ; of Sir James Lancaster, a notice appears in The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster to t/ie Juist Indies, edited by Mr. Clements R. Mark- ham (Hakluyt Society, 1877) ; and of Sir John Wolstenholme (the elder) I have spoken in my Introduction. — C. rrmrmmmmmm MVLOT AND HAFFIN'S SECOND V0YA(;F, i6i6. 23 1 the S. of it ; hoc kept close to this Ice viitill this tla\-,' .iml tlicii hee was in 71 dei;. 16 m. aiul i^Iainely perceiiied the hind to 70 dcg. 30 min. ; then, hauinij^ much Ice about iiiin, hcc stood to the E.-ward, sup[)osin<; to haue beene soouc cleerc, and to haue kept on that side the Ice vntill he had come into 70 de<;., and then to haue stood in againe. lUit it prooucd quite contrary to his expectation ; for liee was forced to runne abouc 60 leagues through Ice, and many times fast that hee could goe no wa)-, although so hee kept this course due E. ; and, when hee had gotten into the open Sea, hee kept so necre the Ice that many times hee had much to doe to get clccrc, yet could not get necre the land vntill hee came to 6'S<, when hee sec the shoare, but could not come to it by 7 or 8 leagues for the great aboun dance of Ice. This was on the 24 day of fu/y ; then hee spent 3 dayes to see if hee could anchor to trie the Tide, but the Ice led him into 65. 40. min. lat., where hee left the west shore, because that then hee was in the Indraft of Ciimbcr- land Inlet. He knew no certainties nor hope of passage could bee there. Now, seeing that hee had made an end of his discoucry, and the ycere being too farre spent to goe for the bottome of the Bay to search for drift Finncs,- hee determined to goe for the Coast of Groenlandto seek for refreshing for his men, Mr. Hubart'-^ and two more hauing kept their Cabbins 8 dayes, besides his Cooke, which d}'cd the day before, ami diuersof his company so weake that they could n(jt labour. 1 July 14th.— C. - In the origiiKil, it is drcst funics. Foxc (appiircntly lakinj^ tlic woifl for a misprint) has alurcd it to drifl., whitli sccnis to lia\e more meaning. I'rcsumably "drift finnes" are tlic finnes of wliales (see p. 208) which have been drifted ashore. - C. ^ In Purchas, it \'s, Master Herbert. No doubt this was the Josias Hubart who had sailed with Hall in 1606, and with Button in 1612-13 (see p. 171).— C. 232 NORTH-WEST FOX. So, the windc fauouring, hce came to anchor in 6$ deg. 45 min., [on July 2Sth,] in a place called Cochin Sound. [29.] The next day, vpon an Island, wee found great store of Scuniic-grasse, with Sorrill^ and Orpenr The Scuruie-grasse hec boyled in Becre, by mcanes whereof, with God's blessing, his men were in perfect health in 8 dayes and so continued vntill his Arivall in England. [Augusi I.] Heere hee rode 3 dayes before any of the people came to him ; this day came 6 in Canoes ; they brought Salmon-Peak and such like, which was good refreshing for his men ; the next day following, the same 6 came againe, but they saw them no more vntill the 6 day, when hee had weighed anchor and was almost clccre of the harbour; the same 6 and noe more came and brought of the like commoditie : for which they gaue them Glasses, Beadcs, Counters, and small pieces of iron ; which they doe esteeme as wee Christians doe Gold or Siluer. In this Sound \wdi?> such Skulls of Salmon'^ swimming too and fro that it was much to bee admired : it floweth aboue 18 foote water. It floweth on the change [day] till seauen a clock. It is a very good Harbour, and easie to be knowne, having three high round hills like Piramidics close adjoyning to the mouth thereof; and that in the midst is the lowest. All this coast along is full of good Har- bours, by reason of so manie Hands that lie from the Mayne. [Aug. 6.] By 3 this day hee was clecre of this place, hauing a N.N.W. winde, faire weather. So God sent him 1 See p. 127.— C. - This was, no doubt, some member of the genus Scdii/ii deriving its name from the yellow colour of its flowers. In England, the common Scdiiin tckphiuin is generally known as " orpin'', but the plant liaffm found was probably some other member of the genui; inhabiting the region in question. » Seep. 7'.— C. BAFFIN'S LETTER TO WOLSTENHOLME. -00 a speedy passcage, for, in 19 daycs after, hce saw the coast of England. The 30 he anchored in Doner Roade. Master Baff)'ne his Letter to the right Worship/nil Sir lohn Wolstenhohne, one of the chief e Adventnrers for the discovery of a passage to the North-west} Worthy Sir, there needs no filHng a lournall or short Discourse with Preamble, circumstance, or comple- ment ; and therefore I will onely tell [you] I am proud of my remembrance, when I expresse your worth to my conceit ; and glad of any good fortune when I can avoydc the imputation of ingratitude, by acknowledging your many favours ; and, seeing it is not unknownc to your Worship in what estate the businessc concerning the North West hath L ene heretofore, and how the onely hope was in searching Fretum Davis ; which, if your selfe had not beene the more forward, the Action had wel-nigh beenc left of; now it remaineth for your Worship to know what hath beene performed this yeare"-; wherefore I intreat you to admit of my custome and pardon me if I take the plaine highway in relating the particulars, without using an) re- fined Phrases or eloquent speeches. Therefore, briefly thus, and as it were in the P'ore-front, I ' This letter of Baffin s is reproduced alinost verbatim from tlic pages of Piirchas {liis J'i/gn'»ics, part iii, p. S43), tlie few alterations being merely verbal and no doubt unintentional. I have conected, without comment, a few obvious misprints. Though ])laced by Ijoth I'urchas and Foxe before the account of Haffm's second voyage north-westward, it was ol)viously written after it, and forms a sort of report on it. I have followeil Mr. Markham in removing it to its correct position (see p. 222). — C. ^ That is, j6i6.— C. 234 NORTH-WEST FOX. cntcnd to shew the whole proceeding of the Voyage in a word as, namely, there is no Passage nor hope of Passage in the North of Davis Straight ; wee having coasted all or neere all the Circumference thereof, and finde it to be no other then a great Bay, as the Voyage doth truly show.' Therefore I cannot but much admire the worke of the Almighty, when I consider how vaine the best and chiefcst hopes of men are in things uncertaine ; and (to speake of no other matter than the hopeful passage to the North West) how many of the best sort of men have set their whole endeavours to proove a passage that way ? not onely in their Conference, but also in writing and publishing to the worlde : Yea, what great summes of money have beene spent about the Action, as your Worship hath costly ex- perience of? Neither would the vainc-glorious Spaniard have scattered abroad so many false Mappes and Journals, if they had not beene confident of a passage this way ; that, if it had pleased GOD a passage had beene found, they might have eclipsed the worthy prayse of the Adventurers and true discoverers. And, for mine ownc part, I would hardly have belceved the contrary, untill my eyes became witnesses of that I desired not to have found, still taking occasion of hope on every likelihood, till such time as wee had coasted almost all the Circumference of this great Bay. Neither was Master Davis to bee blamed in his report and great hopes, if hee had anchored about Hope Saundeyson^ 1 This very positive statement by Haffin that there was no hope of finding a passage by way of Davis Strait is interesting, though erroneous. It will be remembered that, as a result of his voyage in the previous year, he had expressed a very strong o|)inion that no passage was to be found through Hudson's .Strait, and that, if one existed at all, it lay up Davis Strait. Now we tind him stating posi- tively 'hat there was no possibility' of finding a passage in that direction eitlier. Later discoveries have shown that liaffm was wrong, but his opinit)n sufficed to check the search for nearly twenty years after. — C. ■-"^^-itK Baffin's letter to wolstenholme. 235 to have taken notice of the Tydcs. For, to that place, which is 72 dcg. 12., the Sea is all open, and of an unsearch- able depth, and of a good colour ; onely the Tydes keepe a certaine course, nor rise but a small height, as eight or nine foote ; and the Flood commeth from the Southward ; and in all the liay beyond that place the Tyde is so small, and not much to bee regarded : yet, by reason of Snow melting on the Land, the Ebbe is stronger then the Flood, by meanes whereof, and the windes holding Northerly the fore part of the yeere, the great lies of Ice are set to the Southward, some mio Frctum Hudson, i\nd other into iVftc- found-laiid ; for, in all [places] where the Channell is open, arc great quantities of them driving up and downe ; and till this yeere [it was] not well knowne where they were bred. Now that the worst is knowne concerning this Passage, it is necessary and rccjuisite your Worship should under- stand what probability and hope of profit might here bee made hereafter, if the Voyage might bee attempted by fitting men. And, first, for the killing of Whales: certaine it is that in this Bay are great numbers of them, which the Biscayer calls the Grand Hay Whales, of the same kindc which are killed at Gyec)iclaiid^\ and, as it seemeth to mee, easic to bee strooke, because they are not used to bee chased or beaten. For wee being but one day in Whale- sound (so called for the number of Whales wee saw there, sleeping and lying aloft on the water, not fearing our Shipi)e or ought else) that, if wee had beenc fitted with men and things ncccssarie, it had beene no hard matter to ' Tlic species of wliale Ihiftln s;i\v \v:is, no doubt, the (iieeiilaiul Ri^lu Whale [/!a/iniii iiivsi/icfiis). It is clistinel from, ihoiiyli nearly allied to, the Atlantic: Rij^ht Whale {BaUciid biscnyciisis), which, until the end of the sixteenth century, was a very important source of wealth to the Ikisque whale-fishcrs inhabiting the ports in the Hay of Biscay, Init whi( h is now very rare.- -C 236 NORTH-WEST FOX. ''f have strookc more then would have made three Ships a saving Voyage ; and, that it is of that sort of Whale, there is no feare. I, being twice at Grceneland} took suffi- cient notice to know them againe ; besides a dead Whale wee found at Sea, having all her Finncs, or rather all the Roughs of her mouth, of which with [no] small labour wee got a hundred and fifty"'^ the same evening wee found her : and, if fowle weather the next day had not followed, no doubt wee had got all, or the most part of them ; but, the winde and Sea rising, shee broke from us, and wee were forced to leave her."' Neither are they onely to be looked for in Whale Sound, but also in Smith's Sound, Wolsten- holme's Sound, and others, &c. For the killing of Sea-mors I can give no certainty, but oncly this : that our Boatc being but once a shoare in all the North part of this Bay, which was in the entrance of Alderman JONE.s his Sound, at their returne our Men told us they saw many Mors along by the shoare on the Ice ; but, our Ship being under sayle, and the winde comming faire, they presently came on board without further search. Besides, the people inhabiting about 74 degrees tould us by divers signes that towards the North there were many of those Beasts having two long teeth ; and [they] shewed us divers pieces of the same. As for the [Sea] Vnicornc, it being a great Fish having a long home or bone growing forth of his forehead or nostrils (such as Sir Martin Frohisiier in his second Voyage found one), in divers places wee see of them: which, if the home be of any good value, no doubt but many of them may be killed. As concerning what the shoare will yceld, as Beares • lie evidently mciins Spitzbergcn. — C. - In llie original, it is one lumched and sixty. — C. ^ Uaffin has previously mentioned this whale (see p. 224). — C. BAFFIN S LETTER TO ^YOLSTENIIOLME. '■2>7 skins/ Mors-tceth, and such like, I can say little, because we came not on Land in any of those places where hope was of finding them. But here some may obiect why wee sought that Coast no better? To this I answere that, whilest we were there- abouts, the weather was so exceeding fowle wee could not ; for first we anchored in WolstenJiobnc's Sound, where presently we drove with two anchors on head; then we were forced to stand forth with low sayle ; the next day, in Whale Sound, we lost Anchor and Cable and could fetch the place no more ; then wee came to Anchor neere a small Hand, lying betweene Sir Thomas Smith'' s Sound and Whales Sound; but the winde came more outward, [so] that wee were forced to weigh againc. Xeverthelesse, if wee had beene -^ a good Harbor, having but our Ships Boat, we durst not send her farre from the Ship, having so few men (as 17 in all), and some of them very wcake: but the chiefe cause why wee spent so little time to seeke a Harbor was our great desire to performe the discovery; having the Sea open in all that part, and still likelihood of a passage. But, when we had coasted the land so farre to the S.-ward that hope of a passage was none, then the ycere was too far spent, and many of our men verj- wcake, and withall we having some belicfe that Ships the ncxc }'eare would be set forth about the killing of whales, which might doe better then wc. And, seeing I have briefly set downc what hopes there is of inaking a profitable Voyage, it is not unfit your Worship should know what let or hindrance maj- be to the same. The chiefcst cause is that some j'cares it ma)- hap[)en, hy reason of Ice lying between 72^ and ^6, that the Ships cannot come into those parts untill the middle of luly, so ' This, in the original, is bcach-Jinncs^ which presumably arc the same as the "drift tmnes" already spoken of (see p. 231)- — C. i I ' 238 NORTH-WF.ST FOX. that want of time to stay in the Country may be some let; yet they may well tarry untill the last of August; in which space much busincsse may be done, and great store of oyle made. Neverthclcsse, if store of Whales come in, as no feare to the contrary, what cannot be made in Oyle may bee brought home in Blubber, and the Finncs may arise to good profit. Another hindrance will be because the bottome of the Sound will not be so soone cleare as would bee wished ; by meanes whereof now and then, a Whale may be lost. The same case sometime hapncth in GrecHcland. Yet I am perswaded the Sounds before named will be cleare before the 20 of luly. Wee this yeere were in Whales Sound the 4 da)- [of July], amongst many Whales, and might have strooke them without let of Ice. Furthermore, there is little wood to bee expected, either for fire or other necessaries ; therefore Coales and other such things must be provided at home ; they will bee much the more ready there. Thus much I thought good to ccrtifie to your Worship, whom I hope will conceive that much time hath not beene spent in vaine on the like businesse, nor carelessly neg- lected^ ; and, although wee have not performed what wee desird (that is, to have found the passage), yet what wee have promised (as to bring certaine and a true description) truth will make manifest that I have not much erred. And I doe boldly say (without boasting) that more good discovery hath not in shorter time (to my remembrance) beene done since the action was attempted, considering how much Ice we have passed and the difficulty of Sayling so neere the Pole upon a traverse. And, abouc all, the \ariation of the compasse, who.se * This is nonsense. In the original the words are : " I trust you will conceive that much time hath not been spent in vain, or the I.jMsjness over carelessly ncglectec}".— C, PURCHAS ON THE SEARCH FOR A PASSAGE. 239 wondcrfull oppcration is such in this Bay, encrcasing and decreasing so suddainely and swift, being in some part, as in WolstenJiohnc's and Smith's Sounds, varied above 5 points, or 56 d., a thing almost incredible, and almost match- lesse in all the world besides; so that, without great care and good observations, true description would not have beenc had.^ In fine, whatsoever my labours are or shall ^e, I esteeme [them] too little to expresse my thankfull mind for your many favours, wherein I shall be ever studious to supply my other wants by my best endeavours, and ever rest at your worships command. Willi am Baffyn. ^ A brief c Discourse of the Prohahilitie of a Passage to the Westeriic or SoictJi Sea, with Testimonies ; [ami a brief Treatise and a Map\ by Mr. Henry Briggs.- I Thought good to adde somewhat to this Relation of Mr. Baffy)i, that learned vnlearncd Marriner and Mathematitian, who, wanting Art of words, so really ' Mr. Markham inserts an interesting note concerning Baffin's observations on variation. — C. '^ These dociunents are copied from PiuTlias {his Pili^rinics, part iii, pp. 848-852) with very slight ahcration. I have corrected a few obvious misprints. The whole is not by Henry Hriggs, as the reader might assiune after a hurried examination of either I'urchas or Foxe. It is a conunent by Piirclias himself o\-\ the results of the voyages of iUitton, liaffin, and others, backeil up by " testimonies" (which we now know to be worthless) from Tliomas Cowles and Michael Lok, and a brief treatise and a maj) by Henry Hriggs. 'i'his is shown by the title, wiiich, in I'urchas, reads ; "y/ /iricj'c Disioiirsd of the prohaliiliticof a Passak^c to the Wcstcnic or South Sea, illustiatcd with Testimonies : and a t>riefe Treatise and Mappc l>y Master Briggs.''' Fo.xe, by omitting Hriggs' treatise and map (bi-*^-'iuse, as he says, "later truths have proved them to be but the imagination of men";, without UKilcrially altering Purchus' heading, makes it more thai] ■■■ 111: M hi 'fii ii 240 NORTH-WEST FOX. jniploycd himsclfc in that jndustrious workc, whereof heere you see so euidcnt proofe. His Mappe and Table would much haue jllustrated this Voyage, if trouble, cost, and his owne dispaire of passage that way, had not made vs willing to content ourselues with what followed* of that learned (and in this Argument, three times thri'^e jndustrious) Mathematitian, Master Henry Briggs, famous for his read- ing in both Vniuersities, and this honourable Citie,- that I make no further Voyage of Discovery to find and follow the remote Passage and extent of his name. Mr. Baffyn told mee that the Tide from the N.W. about Diggs his Island was misreported, by mistaking the houre 8 for 11, and that hee would, if hee might get imployment, search the Passage from lapon by the coast of Asia, or {(jna data porta) which way hee could. But in the Indies hee died, in the late Ormuz businesse, slaine in fight with a shot as hee was trj'ing his Mathematicall conclusions. For the discouerie of Sr. Thomas Button, I haue sollicited for his notes, and receiued of him gentle entertainement and kind promises ; but, being then forced to stay in the City about necessarie and vrgent Affaires, he would at his returne seek & impart them. Since [then], I heare that weighty occasions haue deteined him out of England ; and I cannot deliuer that I could not rcceiue ; which, if I ever appear as if these oljservations were by Bri^-^gs. This omitted treatise Ijy ]5riggs seems to have been rciM-intcd verbatiiii Ijy I'lirchas from Watcrhouse's Dcdaratioii of the State of Virginia, ete. (1623), which has ahx-ady been alhided to (see Introduction). It will lie noticed that Foxe lias retained the first person singular in which I'urchas wrote, which he has not done in the case of any of the pre- ceding nprratives. Mr. Markham, who has reprinted this " Discourse" and the " testimonies" at the end of his Voyages of Baffin (p. 155), adds several interesting comments. — C. ' In Purchas the words are : "with that mappe following," alluding to the map by Briggs (see p. 177), which Foxe, of course, omits. — C. - London,-- F. For a notice of Briggs, see the Introduction. — C. W WA^ '*»fi^»3M»r»-*«iTfc- PURCIIAS ON Tin-: SEARCH FOR A PASSAGE. 241 doc, I purpose to giue them out of due place, rather then not at all. Once hec was very confident, in conference with me, of a Passa^^e that way, and said that he had therein satisfied his Maiestie, who from his discourse in priuate inferred the necessitie thereof And the maync Artjument was the course of the Tyde ; for, winterin<^ in Port Nelson, hee found the Tide risinriggs. And, if any thinke that the S/>a>iiard or Portiigall would soonc haue discoucred such a Passage, this will answere, that it was not for their profit to expo.se their East or Wa^t ///dies to F/iglish, D//tch, or others, whom the\- would not haue sharers in those remote Treasures by so neerc a Passage. First, Tho///as Coxvles aucrreth thus much^ : — I, TJ/o///as Coxvles o{ Bed//icster, in the Count)' of So///erset, Marriner, doe acknowledge that, Six ycarcs past, being at Lisbor//e in Port //gall, I did heare one Marti// Chacke, a Port/igall, reade a Booke of his ownc making, which hec ' Tliesc are the " testimonies" mentioned above. They are re- printed by Foxc w ith but slight verbal alterations, except at the end of Lok's discourse, where various unimportant particuhirs are omitted. — C. O 2 ■■ mma WKm 244 NORTH-WEST VOX. had set out 6 yccrcs before that time, in Print, in the Portugall tonfTue, declarin' speech ; and, in conference, tliis Pj'lot declared, in the Italian and Spanish tonj^ue, these words following : — First, hee said that hee had bcene in the West Iiniia of Spaine by the space of Forty yeeres, and saylcd too and fro, as Marriner and Pylot, to many places thereof in the seruice of the Spaniard. Also he said that hee was in the Spanish shi[)p which, in returning from the Islands of Philipinas and China, was robb'd neerc Cape Callifornia b\' Captainc CanendisJt, an English-vci'AW, whercb}* hee lost Go Thousand Duckets of his ownc goods. Also hee said that h' e was Pylot of 3 small Shipps which the Vizeroy o{ Mexico sent from thence, armed with a 100 Souldicrs, vnder a Captaine Spaniard, to discouer the Streights o{ Anian, along the Coast of the South Sea, and to fortcfic in that streight, to resist the Passage of the English Nation, which were about to passe through the streights into the South Sea, and that by reason of a Mutinie which happened amongst the Souldiers, for the Sodomie of their Captaine, that Voyage was ouerthrow ne, and the Ship turned backc from California to Xona Spaiiia without any effect of things done in that Voyage. And at their returne the Captaine was punished at Mexicoe. Also, hee saith that, after the said Voyage was so ill ended, the Vice-roy set him out againc in 1 592, with a small Caravell and a Pinnace, armed with Marriners onely, for discovery of the said Streight. And hee, following his course W. and NAV. in the South-sea, along the coast ol Nova Hispania and California and India, now called North America (all which voyage hee signified vnto me in a great 246 NORTH-WEST VOX. 1 1; Mappe and Cardc of my ownc, which I hiidc before him), vntill hcc came to the Latitude of 47 degrees, and that there, finding the hind to trent N. and N.E., with a broad Inlett bctwecne 47 and 48, hee being entred thereinto, sayhng therein more then twenty dayes, and found the land trenting still sometimes N.VV. and sometimes N.E. and also S.E.-ward, a farre broader Sea then at the said entrance ; and that hee i)assed by divers Hands in that entrance.' And that, at the entrance of this said Strcight, there is, on the North-west coast thereof, a great Head- land or Hand, with an exceeding high Pinnacle or spired RoCK^, like a piller, there-vpon. Also, he said that hee went on land in divers places ; and that hee saw some people on land clad in Beast-skin ns ; and that the land was very fruitful!, and rich of gold and silver and Pcarles and other things, like iVova HispiDiia. Also, hee said that hee, being entred thus farre into the said Streight, and being como into the North-Sea allrcady, and finding the Sea wide enough every where, and to bee about 30 or 40 leagues wyde in the Streight where hee entred, hee thought he had now well discharged his office & done the thing which he was sent to doe : and that he, not being armed to resist the force of the Saluage people that might hai)pen to assult him, therefore hee set sayle and returned towards Xoiia llispania, where he arri\cs at Aquapiilco, Anno 1592, hoping to be well rewarded of the Viceroy for his voyage so performed. Also, he said that he was greatly welcomed to Mexico by the Viceroy, and had promise of great reward ; but, staying there 2 yeares to his small content, the Viceroy told him he should be rewarded in Spaine of the King, and therefcjre willed him to repayre thither, which he did pcrforme. ' riiib uoul ill I'liiilias is "sayling''. — C. lFC Hpa^l« 5 ^fttag^^3al^w«.^^^^. PURCHAS ON THE SEARCH FOR A PASSAGE. 247 At his comming thither, he was gicatly welcomed at the King's Court, in words, but after long suite he could not get any reward there to his content. And therefore at length he stole away and came into //(zfy, to get home to live amongst his kindred in his owne country, he being now very old. Also, he said that he thought that the cause of his ill reward had of the Spaniards to be, for that they did understand very well that the Euglish Nation had now given over all their Voyages for the discovery of the N.W. passage, wherefore they feared not them any more to come that way into the S. Sea ; and therefore they needed not his service therein any more. Also, he said that, in regard of his ill reward had of the Spaniard, and understanding of the Noble mind of the Queenc of England, and of her warres maintained so valiantly against the Spaniard, hoping her Ma''^ would do him lustice for his goods lost by Capt. Cavendish, he would be content to goe into England, and serve her Ma'''=. in that Voyage to discover the N.W. passage into the S. Sea, and would put his life in her Maiesties hands to performe the same, if shee would furnish him with one ship of 40 tonnes and one Pinnace ; and that hee would performe the same [in thirty days] from the one end of the Straits to the other. And he willed me so to write into England. Whereupon, after this twice conference, I did write to the old Lord Treasurer Cecil, and to Sir Walter Kai^'leigli, and to Mw Ric/iard Hacklnit, that famous Cosmograi)her, praying that 100 pounds might be sent for the charge of .sending this Pylot into England. 1 received answer from some of my friends that the action was well liked of, if the money could be procured. After one fortnight, he went from mce into his owne countrey, where he dyed. Tliere arc divers other tilings ivritten in the Origi)iall, as It 248 NORTH-WEST FOX. I' ' ' ': i ■ ■'' |i ,■ ■ 11 'ill! ■ i« \\y-' \i >l! ej),v .J" enticing pcrsivasions to those nndcrtakiiigs, atid is to he rend as in Sir Humfrcy Gilbert mid others in Mr. Hackluit ; a)id a/so other %t^''' were his collections {after his death) inserted into the latter end of the 4"^ Booke of the 3 part of Purk-as his zvorks ; but, becansc these latter trnths have proved them to be but the imagination of men, I omit them as things needlesse to this ornament ; for, although I have beene carefull to be as compendious as I could, yet I f care me my readers zvill thinkc me to tedious} Concerning Capt. William IIa\vkrid|^c, of whom I find nothing ivritten by himself e, but what hath come lo my hands by manuscript or relation, as followeth here.'- H\\v. went IjL'iit b}' tbc West,'' and the 29 of fune [1619] lie found himselfe betwixt hind and hind, • This passage is clearly hy Foxc. The "original" that he speaks of is, of course, Purclias his J'ili^riines. — C. ^ This is another of those voyages of which we have no other account than that given hy Foxe, whose meagre narrative licre follows. It affords no certain information as to the year in which the voyage was made ; the name of the ship or ships employed ; or the person or persons at whose e.\|jense the expedition was made. Rundall, however, produces evidence which goes to prove {Voyages towards ilic Nortli-Wcsi,}^. i 50) that it was made in the year 1619; that Sir John Wolstenholme was tlie prime mover in the matter ; that there were, associated with him, some of liis friends ; and that the East India Com|)any made a grant of /::oo towards the expenses. It is a little difficult to see what can have licen the exact incentive lo the voyage, after ISaffm's very strongly-expressed opinion that there w;is no passage to Ije found tiirougli Hudson's Strait; l)Ut it seems from Kundall {loc. cit.) thai Sir Jolm Wolstenholme leased his hope of •■' That is, he went hy llie west coast of Engl.-md, and not up the east coast, like Hudson, Foxe, and some of the other north-west explorers. The word boit (which is certainly now disused in tliis sense) may, I think, he read as tiirceUd or iiuiiiicd towards the west. — C. ar j E a-iam rts?."" » --iicr-i IIAWKRIDGE'S VOYAGE, 1619. ?49 and thought he had bin in the threat channell or Ljuii/cycs Jnlct, where it pleased God, by the clearing up of the finding a passaj^e, mainly on the previonsly-oliservcd rise and fall of the tide in " notion's Hay'. It is iiuite probable that the voyage was undertaken in the D/scovcfy, and tiiat it was chietly promoted by the Company of Adventurers for Discovering the North-West Passage ; but the last voyage which we know with certainty to have been made under the aus|)ices of that body, or in the vessel named, was Haffin's in 1616. Of Hawkridge, we only know that he had accompanied Button in 1612-13 (see p. 167) ; and that, like Ikitton's other comjjanion, (jibbons (who failed so ignominiously in 1614), he accomplished nothing of importance on his voyage. The account of the expedition given by Foxe is so full of dales, distances, directions, soundings, and olher ])arliculars, that there can be no doubt that cither Hawkridge himself sup|)lied a full abstract of his log, or allowed Foxe to make such an abstract for himself. Ikit, when one comes to examine the narrative critically and in detail, one finds it unsatisfactory in the extreme. 1 confess that I am totally unable to follow on a (hart the course sailed over. The difficulty of following out the narrali\e is due, not so much to the absence of any determinations of latitude and longitude, as to the fact that not a few of the observations which are given appear from the context to be erroneous. On \arious occasions he narrates thai he sailed, from a certain |)oint, so many leagues in a certain direction, and that he arrived at a certain olher j)oinl which he slates to be, perhaps, as much as a degree to the north or to the south, as the case may be, of the point we might suppose him to have reached. His surmises as to the lands which he sighted from time to time are of the \aguesl description and often, ai)parcnlly, ouile wrong. The only thing the narrative does make clear is that, where\er he went, he cruised about in an apparently aimless way, first in one direction then in another, and that he fre(|uently crossed over his own track. Altogether, we are driven to the conclusio'i that he was a most incompetent na\ ij^alor, m spile of the cxjjerience he might be jjresumed to have gained whilst sailing with Sir Thomas Mutton. His entire voyage is t|uite \alueless as a piece of discovery (for liaffin, in 1615, and others before him, had discovered all the coasts he (an have visited) ; and his whole narra- tive scarcely contains a single ( onlribution to a jjrccise geogra|)l)i( al knowledge of the region visited or ;in observation of \alue to any later explorer. At the enil of the narrative, ihe ( onhision is made worse by the fact that the jjrinter's " copy" has e\identlygot mixed (see p. 256). -C. 250 NORTH-WEST FOX. ''I' Hi rii weather, to deliver him from a rocke he might have indangercd himsclfc upon to the E.-ward. 30. This day he plyed it out againe to the ^''^.-ward, finding that he was in the N. or wrong Channell,^ w^here he saw 3 Rocks ; he wondrcd he had escaped, for he had runne in amongst them. July I. This day was fayre and cleare weather, the wind at N.W. He stood out againe S.E. all the forenoone among.st yce, loosing for one and bearing up for another, the current setting to the W'.-ward. He tooke marks upon the land and by the logge the Ship run after- 5 leag. a watch, and for all that got nothing ; he observed by his Astrolob'' and was in 62 d 25 m., having had Fogs and Mists for 6 dayes before, so as he could not observe ; and this day he had 29 d. variation Westward ; the magneti- call Amplitude 83 d. ; true Amplitude 54. 2-3. These dayes were fayre cleare weather. The 4 was foggie. 5. This day the winde was E. 6. This day he pl}-ed to windward to weather Resolu- tion ; the wind at E.N.E. 7. This day was foggie; wind N.E. He lost sight of his Pinnace. The 27 of IiDic he made the Resolution, and the 8 of IhIj' he was come backe againe out of the N. channell betwixt Resolution and Cape lilizabeth.^ 9. This day he met againe with his Pinnace and thought to have borne up ; but, the foggc taking him, he plyed to f ' Meaning evidently Luniley's Inlet or Frobisher's Bay.— C. - It seems as if this word were a misprint for about or iibovc. — C. ■' The sea-iistrolabe was a j^radiiated brass-ring with a movable index, for taking the altitude of stars and planets. V derived its name from the armillary sphere of llipparcluis, at Alexandria. A brass annilla toloiiuii uas one of the instruments supplied to .Sir Martin Krobisher in 157(^1, jjriie ^"4 6.v. 8^/. C •• Ilee was the lirsi that entretl l.uiiilcys lulct so farre.— K. hawkridce's voyage, 1619. 251 the Eastward, to the intent he might get into the great channel!. ^ 10. This day, standing to the N. shore, with very foggie weather, he was taken with an indraft of a strong tide and drawne in amongst divers Hands about Cape Elizabeth, and was in more danger then he saw ; but, having a swelling Sea from the E., hec followed and so escaped all dangers. 11. 'Ihis day he had a strong ripling of a tide; his Latit. 61 d. 30 m., and the body of Resolution bore N.W. by N. from him. The 12, 13, and 14 dayes he made account that he had kept that latit. and rather to the N.ward, but he was horsf- \vith a current (he could not tell how) above i d. & 30 m., W^'' all men know is 30 leag., so that he was to the S.-ward o( Button's Hand. 16. This day, when he came to observe, thinking he had bin in the mouth of the strait, it proved otherwise, the wind coming contrary, as at VV. and b}' S. Some hojjcs were taken away that he should not insist imy further for that yeare, but that himselfe had framed a sound resolu- tion to continue and persevere, 22. From the 16 untill this day, he pl>-cd to the West and was faire by land, not 3 leag. of the sounding, he had no ground in latit. 61 50.=' 23. The wind N.N.E. and N.E. ; clcare weather. 24. This day he espied land on the S. shore, nere Cape Charles,"^ but to the E.-ward he esp>-ed a little Hand, where ' 'J'hat is, Hudson's .Strait. — C. - This is probably a misprint for cither J'orst (forced) or /loist. Either word would make fairly good sense.— C. •' Ajiparently this should read : " not 3 Icay. off. .Sounding, he had no ground, etc' He seems now to ha\e entered Hudson's Strait and to have been in (iabriel Strait.— C. ■* This cannot have been Charles Island of Ihulson. Imoui the latitude gi\en, it seems to ha\e been one of the Savage Islands. -C. H vv Ju !' i ) I 252 NORTH-WEST FOX, he stood into a Bay to water, and anchored in 25 fath.; fine fishincj tjround (but catcht none). He had land bore round from the N.N.VV. to the E. by N. ; the Hands Lat. 62 d. 19 m., variat. 3 d. 9 m.; and here he had a tyde which, mind- ing the setting and flowing, may cause some Argument of strong consequence to prove a passage that way. On this Ihind, he caught Ducks ; here he found it to flow 21 foote water, the tyde setting S.E. and the flood from N.W., and in this place a S.E. Moone makes a full Sea. He sent the Mrs. Mate and Carpenter, with others, in the boat to rowe about the Hand, and, when it bore S.E. of them, they had 74 fath., halfe a mile from land, & a strong .set tide from E. 27. This day he set sail from this Hand; the wind ES.E.; much ^vind all day. 30. This day, in the morning, he met with much ycc. 31. This day he run 35 leag. W. by N., but the last day at night he reckned himselfe to be at the westermost Cape on the N. sidc.^ August I. This day he run 25 leag. W. by N., but the last day he sawe land, and thought it had bin Sa/isluoy and Nottingltaiii's Hands, but it proved the N. Maync ; he sailed along W. by N. and W. by S., with a stiffe gale at IvN.E. ; he found this land to be thicke with ^•cc and vcrv low,- and run 30 leag. along by it. The first o{ Augiist he espycd this land and sailed along in 67, 89, 10, II, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, fath., rocky ground ; as he stood to the S.-ward, it was white sand ; his lat. was 6}) d. 30 m., variat. 27; he found an Hand sayling along the shore, the depth bctwecnc which and the Mayne was 70 fath. 1 That is, at King Charles's Cape, but it seems from wliat follows that the Cape was more likely Fair Ness. — C. '■' 1 know none such. — F. It is difficult to imagine what land it can have been. — C. HAWKRIDGE'S VOYAGE, 1619. ^53 2. This day he sailed alonc^ the N.W., with fayrc weather and easie wind. 3. This day he stood away S.VV. and anchored in 45 fath., clay ground. 4. This morning he weighed and stood N.W. 3 leag. and, being faire weather, the water shoalding to 30 fath., he anchored againe, still finding a pretty soaking current setting most an end N.W. and S.E. 5. This morning, clock 8, he anchored againe, having but new weighed because of the Fog. 6. This morning, clocke 4, he weighed and stood away W.N.W., with S.E. wind, true course 5 leag., and was in 6^ d. 50 m., having a swelling Sea out of the Westerboardi; the water waxed deepe from 30 to 50 fath., and the ground was hard channell ground. P'rom 12 to 4, he sailed N.W. by N. 6 leagues, but found no ground and supposed he saw the W. land bore N.N.W. from him. From 4 untill 8, he stood away N. and by E. , 5 leag. ; at 8 he sets, tacks aboard, and stood N.E. & by S. in a deep gut; this day he had 45 fath. at clocke 4, at 5 he had 8 fath., and at 8 he had 65, the land bearing N.N.W. and N.W. 7. This day, at the dawning, the land bore N.W. and he stood along in N.E. true course; he had sounding 25 and 30 ffith., and anchored at clocke 8, and weighed againe pre- sently ; the land bore K. and had sounding all day : the further N.-ward the deeper water. This writer saith he iudged it to be SalibiDy lie ; he sailed N.E. the foreno.jne some 7 leag. & in the afternoone N.N.E., for so the land did lye. Towards the bottomc of the liay, the latit. was ' I have subniiltcd this word to tlic- Rev. Professor .Skcat, who has kindly criticised it as foHows :—"A'A?;--/w/i/7/=: steer-board, the side on which the steersman sat (see the 15ayeu.\ Ta|)esliy). Larboard = leer- board, i.e., the emjjty side (on wliicli lie didn't sit. IVcster-board is new to me, and rare; but is made ii|) of 7iY'.sA7-, as seen in -iocstcr-ly, and boanij and therefore means the western side or c|uaner.""-C. ^54 XOKTir-WF.ST FOX. H 64 d. 30 m.,^ varfat. 23 d. 10 m.; the part of this land bore from him N.N.E. ; fine low plainc land. The 8, in the morning, he was perswadcd it was a hny, but that he will not say. He was this day calming and did thinke that there was no tide here, but, sending his boatc on shoare, found 20 foot ebbing and flowing, and sport enough for them all, for in 3 houres space he saw in conscience as good as 300 Deare, as fat as butter, but caught none, for his intent was totravell as good as 2 miles, hoping to ha\-c scene the Sea on the other side, but could not. 9. This da}-, clocke 8 to 12, he run 6 leag. W.N.W. From 12, he steered awaj' as the land would give him leave, \V..S.\V. and W., a fine shoalding coast and dainty sounding, shell}- ground, from 10 to 16 fathomes ; here he had a little current, set W.N.W. This, as he judged, is all broken land ; latit. 6T) deg. 40 min., variat. 23 d. 30 m. 10. The wind was at S.K. and by E. ; the farther to the westward, the shoalder water ; the}- judge themselves to be shot to- farre to the W.-ward as Sm Horse Poynt, because of the coast trenching^ to Southerly ; his boate rid with her GrapneH and found a pretty strcame. 11. This da}- he was in 63 d. 40 min. latit., the land bearing from him S.W. and trenching along to the S. Being in this lat., they thought themselves farre shot to the westwards, within Sea Morse poynt,"' and so returned backc ' If this is correct, he was now near Kiny Charles's Cape. — C. - Apparently this is a misprint for so. — C. ■' No doubt a misprint for /rr/iiiiiii;\ meaning; the direction in which a coast bends or inclines.- C. ' A j^rapnel is a small anchor, having a ring at one end and four palmed claws at the other. It is used for boats. — C. •'' There is some duplication here, the facts being stated twice over. It seems he was now near Sea Horse Point, but it is by no means clear how he got there. The " Bay" he speaks of seems to have been the southern end of Fox's Channel.— C. r i ^ h.vwkridge's voyage. 1619. 255 againe for the Bay, where they were in ahnost 65 dcg. to the N, wards ; but he altered his mind and stood for /^/V^'-j- his Hand, to try the tyde N.E. by X. I Northerly ; from thence, where he turned out of the bay of Sea Horse 24 leag. 12. This day the wind was E, and by S. ; thick weather. 13. From the last day to this day noone, he was becalmed in thicke weather. 14. From the last day noone till this, he made way 9 leag. E.S.E. and 2 leag. N.W. 15. He tryed the tyde, and found as strong a streame at this time as you have here in the Thames ; it set S.E. and N.W. He followed it to see whether it would carry him ; at clocke 8 at night he anchord, and wayed againe at 8 next morning, and to 12 he run 4 leag. N.W. by N. ; from 1 2 to night 10 leag., and he had sounding Co and 70 fath., but anchored in 30. [1 11.^] 16. This morning, 4, he wayed and stood to the N.-ward, but thought he was stopt by land and therefore bore up the helme for England, not for that he was out of hope of a passage, for that he will never say. 17. From the last day untill this, S.W. 8 leag. He tackt to the N.-ward ; this morning he was in sounding 70, 60, 59 fath. 18. From the last noone to this, he drove N.E. 6 lea^'-.- both these last dayes were thick weather. 19. To this day noone, 20 knots S.E. and 10 knots S.W. 20. To this day noone, 20 leag. S.E. ; the wind W., and foggy- 21. To this day noone, he run 20 leag. S.E. ; thicke weather, and he was in 62 d. 40 m. latit., and he saw land to the N. off him, and had sounding from 45, 40, 36 fath. ' See note on p. 257. — C. -56 NOKTH-WKST FOX. 23. This day he was in latit. 62 d. 00 m. In the morn- ing the land bore S. off him, and they judge it to be the N. shore or Capc.^ He had sounding 9 and 19 fath., and had run from last day 22 Icag. E. by N. and 6 Icag. S. ; he had sounding along the land 17 or 18 fath. ; fine beach land, and a stiffe gale at N.W. 24. From the last day to this, 23 Icag. S.E. & 9 leag. E. by S. and this morning he fell with land, which he tookc to be the King's FoHand'"\ it bore S.E. 9 leag. off, and latit. 61 d. 30 m. This day the Pinnace stole from them, as they thinke upon purpose. 25. From this day at noone, N.N.W. 8 leag. & N.E. by N. 9 leag. Sounding was 40 & 45 fath. [I.] 26, This day at noone, they saw the same breach that they parted from,'* & was by observation in latit. 62 dcg. 10 min., variat. 26 dcg. ; the wind was at S.E., and they thought themselves on the W. side o{ Mansfield He,* 2 leagues off, & had deepe 16 or 18 fath. .1 ; l|i I ! ^ He appears to have been in Hudson's Strait in this latitude, but the confusion is hopeless. It is impossible to understand how he can have supposed the land to the south of him to be the north shore I — C. - Hudson named one of the capes on the south side of Hudson's Strait the Kind's Foreland (see p. 125). Dr. Ashcr (//tv/;j ////^Avw, ]). 105) identifies it with Cape Wegj^s, but it seems to me to have been one of the capes further to the east.— C. ^ I know of this breach. — F. * If the narrative may be relied on, this was a preposterous delusion. 15ut it seems that some of the dates are entirely wrong, and that se\eral portions of the narrative have been altogether misplaced. We read that, on Auj.jUst i6th, Hawkridge was near Sir Dudley Diggs' Isle, and that he then turned his ship's head homeward. After this, we can follow him with fair ease, sailing- south-eastward on his homeward course, until the 25th, when he says he was in Lat. 61° 30' N., and apparently about Long. 69^ or 70^ W. Then, on the following day, he says he was in Lat. 62^ 10', and supposed himself on the west side of Maiisell Island. This would make his longitude about 81° W., which ¥■> n hawkkidge's voyage, 1619. 257 27. From last noone to this, he run 27 leag., true course N. & by E., & were in latit. of 60 d.^; the wind at E.S.E. [IV.] This night at clock 10 the fogge came ; the next morning it clcercd, but he had no ground at 100 fath. ; he tackt about to the S.-ward till next morning, & then to the N.-ward, but at noone could have no observation. is impossible. Yet subsequent statements undoubtedly relate to his movements in the neighbourhood of Mansell Island ; for, on the following day (the 27th), he had somehow got into Lat. 60°, which would hardly have been the case had he been passing through Hudson's Strait. Proceeding, we find that, from the 28th to the 31st, he seems again to be sailing in a general easterly direction, apparently through Hudson's Strait. Under the last-named day, however, com- mences a fresh paragraph which suddenly takes us back again to Digges Island, and on the following day (Sept. ist) we hear of Salis- bury and Nottingham Islands being sighted. To make matters worse, we find that from the 2nd of September to the loth (when the narrative ends), Hawkridge appears to be again continuing on his homeward voyage past Resolution Island and across Davis Strait. In fact, it is quite obvious that some inexplicable muddle has arisen. Apparently Hawkridge made a perfectly futile voyage, and Foxe further marred Hawkridge's reputation by publishing an inexplicably confused narra- tive of it. I have caused a white space to be left between those por- tions of the narrative which appear to have been misplaced, and have prefixed to tiiem Roman numbers [within square brackets], indicating the order in which it appears to me the various fragments make the best sense. I can only suggest that the later sheets of the MS. "copy" becarie disarranged and were so set up in type, the dates being afterwirds "cooked" to make them consecutive. That Foxe himself was conscious of the confusion is clear, for in one of his side-notes he makes the comment : " A confused accompt." The pages on which these transpositions occur are those to which Sabin (^Dictionary of Books Relating to America) refers as follows: "After page 168, are two leaves, paged 170, 172, 170, and blank, which are said to be cancelled leaves." In one copy in the British Museum they are paged 172, 170, 171 and blank. This fact may have some connection with the muddle. — C. 1 If so, he was now well on towards the centre of Hudson's Bay, but it is impossible to understand how he could have got into this latitude by sailing N. by E. from Mansell Island. — C. 258 NORTH-WEST FOX. h- Ha :'s\ i M (ill 28. This morning, 8, he tackt to the S., for he saw a firme land of Ice; from last clay to this, N.E. 12 leag. and 7 leag. S.E., because of the Ice ; at clock 10 he had 80 fath. 29. From last day to this, 10 leag. S.E. & 3 leagues N.E., and sounding had no ground. 30. From last day to this was fog ; they got but little to the E.-ward, and sounding had no ground, and latit. 62 d. 40 m. 31. From the last to this 10 lea. E. by S. & S.S.E. by E., the wind at N. ; at 8 in the evening, calme but cleare weather ; they were close about the N. shore in 80 fath. ; he had a rippling of a Tyde to the E.-ward ; the land was something low towards the water, but double height within land ; it lyeth W.N.W. and E.S.E. [II.] This day he past by an Hand they tooke to be the VV.-most end of the Straight, & sec Sir Dudley Diggs his Hand, being high land, & see the S. shore & a gut when it bearcth S.VV. seemeth to be 4 miles over. They also see Nottingham's & Salisburie's He, & a channel between them of 8 leag., & this strait is over about 1 5 leag. They stood away this day E. by N. September i. To this noonc from the last 21 leag. E. by S., latit. 63. Salisbury bore N.N.W., and the W. Cape on the N. shore bore N.E., variat. 28 d. The wind N F ^~«v N [V.] 2. To this noone 21 leag. E ''\ ^ 5 leagues ; this morning he was close al m :oa it seemeth high ragged land & full guts ne was becalmed & befogged, & stood S. -wards into th channell, having no, oazie ground. There is nothing else of note untill the 7 day, when Resolution bore N.W. from him. The 9 day he was open in Davis his Straite, in 59 d. 25 m., & had 'ariat. 26 deg. HAWKRIDGE'S VOYAGE, ifijQ. 259 10. This day, by stormc, his Pinnace threw over their boate, & he lost sii^ht of her. [ Tlic Observation^ This is all that is to be observed, that he entered Frctum Hudson the 22 of Jidy, & returned from his Search the 1 6 of August, having been no further to the N. then almost es'i, &" upon the S. side of Frctum Hudson, neare Cape Charles ; the Tide came from S.E., as it doth on the N. side; the rest is, he zvas set at his entring the mouth of the straite 30 leag. to S. of Cape Chidlcy. FINIS. Courteous Readers, the Printer, but especially the corrector, craves your patience for this long Errata following, which is also my request, although to my un- knowledge, and in my absence, they (not being acquainted with the mcthodc of our Sea tearmes) have committed all these mistakes in 6 sheets {beginning at N. & ending with S}), being sent to another Presse for expedition ; &, for others, I desire thy good construction, promising they shall be amended at the next edition. 1 This refers to the six sheets or " signatures" from N to s, which Foxe says were printed at another press. In most copies there is a marked difference in what printers know as " colour" between these sheets and those that precede and follow them. The errata in these sheets (pp. 149-233 in this reprint) are numberless. All those which Foxe himself indicated, as well as a great many he overlooked, have been corrected herein.— C.