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6/"0€^<6^/ y^^^^U^^y^<

A POFTJI.AR

X ..X. A. *'^

1 \.

4-^

H vj..

f"^.

The T^,;^

jy olfanefica to uxeAumiSoi on of the
3tate .into" the uMm,

;,, iM histories of Slsl<iyou, ButU, Pium*f, Su-fra and KsvavM C':ijr.t,«, Cai,^.■.'l•l and conltilwtor
Histoty <>' the State o* Nstvada," «iid to histoi^es >{' t^e Wjr.f^J •>? Ssn Jo«quiri,
Sss.-jtJinfito, Yuba nr^d SuUef, Cililcroi* ; WaDu W«!!a, Ca!unsbv». Gorfiisld
.vvd Whitman, Washington Ter'ilOfv aiid Um»t<l|«, Jackwn,

Josop'nina, Cws. CiJi'y and Douglas, Omgon- .

"'^Yk/;.-/ ^'•^^-^■<-'f^^jf

A POPULAR

HISTORY-OF*OR

KKO.M

The Discovery of America to the Admission of the
•-. , . State into the Union.

BY
HARRY L. \YELL«,

Compiler of histories of Siskiyou, Butte, Plumas, Sierra and Nevada Counties, California, and contributor

to the "History of the State of Nevada," and to histories of the counties of San Joaquin,

Sacramento, Yuba and Sutter, California; Walla Walla, Columbia, Garfield

and Whitn, an, Washington Territory; and Umatilla, Jackson,

Josephine, Coos, Curry and Douglas, Oregon.

PORTLAND, OREGON:

DAVID STKEL, SlICCK^SSOR TO IIIME.S THE PRINTER
169-171 Second Street.

Ccpyiight, 1888,
By W. T. HUME.

^.SVr^:^

PREKATORY.

Having l)eeii frf<iuently impressed with the (lisci'e(lit<-il)le ig-
norance of the history of this state displayed, not only by the ris-
ing generation of Oregon, but by those whose task it is to instruct
them in oni' public scliools and higher institutions of learning, as
well as by the great mass of our citizens whose residence in the state
dates back but a decade of years, the writer resolved to prepare a
volume which would present the early annals of Oregon in a con-
cise and entertaining form, unencun.bered with amass of foot-notes
and Inferences, at the same time preserving tliat accuracy of fact
and minuteness of detail that would render it suitable for the use of
the student. The writer has ap[)roache(l his task with a mind en-
tirely free from the prejudices, animosities and denominational zeal
which have rendered Oregon's historical writers totally incapable of
preparing a just and impartial chronicle. The frailty of human na-
ture renders it impossibU; for one who has been in the heat of bat-
tle, or who has a deep pei'sonal interest in the combatants or the
issue of the conflict, to give an al)solutely impartial and trustworthy
account of the struggle. Histories ha\'e been written from partisan
standpoints, eitlier political or religious, rendering theui merely ex
parte arguments. Guided chiefly l)y the effect desired to be [)i'o-
duced upon certain questions at issue, their authors have taken but
little pains to render their works complete oi- correct as to events
not directly connected with their theme, while their mental bias
affects the whole; hence, in no respect, are they reliable. This
volume is the result of much study of foi-nier histories, [H'inted and
written documents, official records, flies of pioneer i)apers in Cali-
fornia, Oregon, Nevada and Washington, and the oral testimony of
hundreds of the participants in the events nari'ated.

H. L. W.
PourriANP, OijKtiox, A[)ril 5, ISSO.

9J\l

Pace I'Mim- ;^ tor 7f/.sy>a«o?«, road i/i8i>amo/«.
Pate 'V line 20. for oomiueHitador, read conua,slador.
Page 51'. line 33, for thoufjM, read thou(/h.

i»o«o i«ii line ()■ for iS26, read fSsy.

Piiffc "03 lino 8, for two, read three.

Page 230 line SO, for WUlamctte, read lF«tom«^.

Page 2(14 line 20. for PiMicalljj, Kiid publicly.

Page 34i», line 20, after the/j, insert not.
Page 3o8, line 14, for Bosh, read Itosc,.
Page 307, line 34, for Tager, read Far/e/-.
Page 475, line 17, for iSsj, read fS6j.

GENERAL INDEX,

Abandonment of Kort Walla Walla, W.>.

Ahholl, Captain (i. H., HI), 141.

Aliernethy, George, ttral ProvlHlonal Governor,
if-', 2KI, ffil) to :iVi, 277, 28.'i, -JXIi, ,«)ll, m\, M:. :12I.
.tlK, 3.tl-Wllllani, 477.

Arlive, V. S War Steamer, 420, W,K

Achilles, Captain .1. H . 4r>8 to liW.

Adair, .John, It!.'),. 111.

Adams— President .John tinlncy and the Ore-
gon Ciuestlon, 2(1.'!, 2!l.'i— Point (Cape Froii-
doso), SI, 122.

.\dmtralty Inlet, 12!.

Admission of Oregon to the Union, f!.i2.

Adventure, nu\lt hy Ciipt. Gray In 17il2, 121, 12.'.

.Vgrlcultural Methods In Pioneer Davs, 177, 'J2S,
250.

Agullar— Martin dc. Voyage of, 18— Itlo de los,
4it, (17, Hll, 82, So, 1 18. See inlumbtii.

.\litannni River, 4(18.

Alarcon, Kernando de, Kxplores the Colorado,

.\laska or AUaska— Discovery and Occupation
hy Russia, .Vi to (i2, 77, iW— IJapt. Cook's Visit,
87 to 8!)-()ther lOn^Ush Voyages, 9li, I2S-
Spanish Vi)yage, 102— Ru.sslan Title, l.i.t—
!• ur Traders and .Natives, I4S to l.iO— Islands,
!!■!, i).->.

.\lava, Gon. Jose Manuel d', Spanish Com-
mandant at Noolka, 128, 1211.

Alhany, Propo.sed for Capital, ;1I7.

Alh<(tn).i.i, American Vessel, ll.'i, 14li.

.VIcorn, Capt. Miles K., 308. 101, 4(«, !:«.

Alden— Capt. B. It., .'I'SO, 3,i:i to .'fw— Camp, .%i7.

Aleutian Islands, (il) to 02. 88, 102.

Algear, Pioneer ol 1810, 2;)2.

Allen, James, 2Sii.

Alpowa River, 141, 210, iW, 471, I7.i.

.\lta California, «4.

Alvord, Major U. S. A., 3:«, .'IW, .ifil.

Ambrose, Indian Agent, 4.(4.

American— Board of Commissioners for Foreign
Missions, 208 to 221, 201, 273, 30.')- Fur Com-
pany, 1!«) to 201)— Ulver, 103, .■i2«— .Settlers and
the Hudson's Hay Company, 230 to 2:17, 241—
Society for the Settlement of Oregon, 223 to
'22."). See Krploriilions,

Anderson— J. Patton. !M:l-Levi, 3"i0, :!.5.'), 478.

Angell, Martin, Death of, llr2.

Anian, Fabulous straits of, 22 to 28, :).'t to 37, 40,

44, >W to r>7. Hee NorUiwenl Pansaye.
A pplegate— Charles, 27.'!— Creek, Siege of, 40-2—

KUsha L.,2«l,. '151 -Emigrant Route, •2i)S,30-2—

Jesse, 273, 282, 28(1, 287, S»8, .'««, .'1.50, ;t.55— I.lnd-

say, 273, 208.
Applesecds and Trees brought out in 1817, ,'iOl.
AranzazH, Spanish Vessel, 117.
Archipelago. See Aleutian, tirnur/hlon. King

Oeorge TIT, Lazarus, San Juan. '
Arctic Ocean (North Sea), 10, 33 to 35, 40, 70, 77, 80,

88, 89, 131. See also Xorth Sen.
Argonaut, F.ngllsh Vessel, 105 to 100.
Armstrong-Maj). A. N., 40«, 413, 427-Plensant,

Death of, ,')5(i.
Army. See ReffiUam.
Arteaga, Ignacio, Voyage of, 1)1.
Arthur, Daniel, Robert and William, 275.
Ashhurton Treaty, 204, '270, 203.
ARliley,Gen. W. H„ Fort, Lake, 101, liH.

Asslnlbolne River, (!fl.

Astor, Jolin Jacob, 140, lOi to 107, 100.

.\storia— Founded and Sold to PIngllsh Traders,
1.53, 1511, 100, lai Surrendered to the United
States, 100 to KiS- Abandoned by Hudson's
Hay C'ompany, 175, 'Ji<— Postofiice Estab-
lished, 310— Custom House l-'.stahllshed, XtSi.

.\sunclan Inlet, 81. See C\itiiml>iu.

Atiial)asca Iiake and River, 131.

.Vtklnson, Rev. (!eo. H., 170.

Atreilda, Spanish Vessel, 115

Augur, Capt. C. ('., 408, 111, 113, 114.

Avatscha Ba.v, 57, 8:1.

Avery, , I, C, 288. j

.\yala, Juan de. Voyage of, 70.

Babcock— A. D., 350, .'1521 .;-Dr. J. I/., '2:i2. 213, 244

2.51 , •2.>i to 2>5, '277, 281 , 082.
Batlln's Hay, .'13, 77.

Halley-H.,.'{77— Capt. Joseph, .'t!HI, 432-Dr. Wm.

J., 220, ZW, -243, "244, '277, 281, 285, ;«M, 470—7,. 377,

Baker— Andrew J., 275— Hay, 1'20— Col. K. 1). 2(12.

—John O., 275— Mount, 12;t.
Balboa Discovers the Paclllc, 10.
Barclay— Captain, 07— Sound, 07.
Harkwell, .M.C., 354,

Barnes-Captain, 431, 44.5-l,ieut. D. P., 31 1.
Barnum, Gen. K. M , 3.51 , .'1(«.
Barrows, Dr. Wm., 271.
Bates House Massacre, 350.

Battles— -Vpplegate Creek, December, I8')5, 402—
Applegate and William Creeks, 185), '154—
Hnttle Creek, .\ngust 24, 18i53, ;V)(i— Big Bend,
ia52, 3.30— Big Butte Creek, I)eceml)er 24, 18.55,
401— Big Meadows, May 27, 18,50,443 to 440—
Bloody Springs, Octol)er .'to, 18.5^), .'«Hi— Burnt
River, July 12, ia50. 401— Canoes off Rogue
River, .\prll, 18.5(), 44i— Cascades, March 20,
18.50, 448 to 4.54— Chetco and Pistol River In-
dians, 440, 44'2, 445-Coiiullle River, 1851, ;W0-
Coqullle River, 18.5(), 411— Deer Creek, Dec.
•2, 18.5.5, 401— EiRlit- Dollar Mount.-vln, March,
1850, 435— Galice tJreek, Oct. 17, 185.5, .3a5—
Grande Ronde, July l(t, 18.50.4.50 to 4(il-Grave
Creek Hills, Oct. 30, 1A55, .'SOU— Hungry Hill,
Oct. ;», 1855, ,300— Illinois River, March, 1850,
441— John Day River, 1&5(), 317— Makanoote-
nal Rancheria, Marcii, ia5t(, 411— Meadows,
April, 18-50. 437— MedicalTiake, Sept. 1, 1*58,
473-Mili Creek, Sept. 10. 1850, 405— .Murphy's
Creek, Jan. '2, 18.50, 403-1'lne Creek, April 17,
1858, 471— Port Gamble, Nov. 20, 1850, 408— Red
River Settlement, 1810, 171— Nesqually. Apr.
1850, 4.5(i— Rogue River, Nov., 18.5.5, 400— Rogue
River, March 27, 18.50, 441— Rogue River, May
28, 29, :«), and June 0, 18-50, 44-5— .Sand Hollows,
March 1, 1848, 3l4-.satas Creek, April 17, 185«,
420— Slmcoe Creek, Oct. 0, 18.55, .'i.S8— Steptoe's
Defeat, April 17, l.'i5S, 17i— Table Rock, 18,51,
3'W-Table Rock, l.s.5;i, 355— Touchet River,
1848, 31()— Two Bnttes. Nov. and 10, 1*55, 408
-Walla Walla, Doc. 7, 18V), 414 to I'iJ— White
River, Nov. 18.i5, 42*1— Williams Creek. Dec.
28, 18.55, 40'2- Yakima River, Nov. 8, 1&55, 407
Battle Rock, at Port Orford, 339, 440.
Bay— See Avatscha, Baffin's, Baker'.i, BelUngham,
Bodega, Deception. Drake's, Hudion's. Hum-
boldt, Neah, San Francisco, Shoahvater, 7Vi'n-
tdaii.

iriSTOHY OF (>I{E(iON.

Ileaiiluvrnols, Flrnl Name ol' Moiifaiia, 71).

IVf/rir— Amorleaii Vessel, lUU— Money, :(:{().

licers, AlaiiNoii, -.'Itl, i')l, 'SA, iTjU, •-■77, &2.

Ilflirliitf— Isle, oil-Sea, .")7— Htnilts, r>7, ss, wi—
Vitus, Vi)ya«es of, .'17 to 'iH.

Hell, (leorne \V'.,:;2S.

Hollainy, CJeorue W„ 2111.

Belle— Lake, IJ— steamer, l.")I.

lU'lllUKhaiii Bay, 12'l, Ijn.

Hellln's Wonderful Chart, 711.

Kelt, Surgeon .\. M., i;tl.

Bennett— Captain Charles, aci, -(OS, 4i:i '.o liii-
Fort, 4J0-iJaptaln George W., 31 1.

Benser, Captain. Brings Cattle to Oregon, ^Ull.

Ilentincic Arm, North, l.'U

Benton, Senator Thnmas H.— Works for ( jregon
In Congress, 21."), '-'Ki, 322 to .l'.'?- Letter to Ore-
gon I'loneers, :!lit,

BenyowskI, Count .Maurice de. Voyage of, (il.

Barkely. .S'oe Harvlau.

Berry Vines and Bushes Brought out In 1SI7. Wl.

Bcvln, Lieut J. K., 314.

Blddle, ('apt. J., IB-^) to 167.

Itlg Bend of Rogue River, 441, 413.

Big .Meodows, Battle of, 4IW. 442, 413.

Bill for Creation of Oregon Terrltr"'v and State,
21.'), 2Ul.:i24 to .127, :rj2.

Billl(|uc, Pierre. 2(i.

Blssell, Lieut. U. H. Army, 4."i2.

Bltterroot Mountains, 130, 142. 421.

Black— Survivor of Umpqua Massacre, 1!W— Cap-
tain of Riicroon, lti3— Gowns,. «'■« Cnl/zolic Min-
slona.

Blackfoot Indians, :W2.

Blain, Wll.son,3-28, 3«.

lllalne, James G.. Statement of the Oregon
(.question, 201 to 207.

Blair, Pioneer of IS3I), 232.

Blakely, Captain, 115.

Blanchet, A. .M A. and V. N., Catholic Misslon-
arlco, 74, 217 to 220, 2tl, 213, 214, 30.5, 307.

Blanco — Cape, 411, 82, 1 111— Rio, see Fnisi'r Jilvcr.

Blankenshlp, MaJ. George, 4aH to 41)3.

Bledsoe, Captain, 4-33, 44.).

Block Flouses— .\t Cascades, 400, 448, 4.'il, *">2-On
Pugot Sound, 420— At Vancouver, 4."))— .\t
Walla Walla, 4(«i.

Hlmsoni, English War Vessel, 167.

Blue Mountains, l-'jll, 2S!i, 4.')ll to 462.

Boat. See i'cxsi'l.

Bodega— Bay, S3. 127— I'ort, l'23— y (|uadra (cua-
dra), .Juan Francisco de la, Spanish Ex-
plorer and Commissioner, 711,82,111, 1II7, 112,
117, 12.3, 124, 128.

lioggus, Henry, Road Party of 1816, 2iis.

Boise-Fort, 2(1.), 2811, 2«,S, 32:{, .361, 361— .ludge
Reuben P., .'Wl, 3.51, liVi'ti-RI ver, .301.

Bohin, A. .r., Indian Agent, killed by Yakima
Indians, 38(> to 3110, 474.

Bonneville, Capt. B. L. K., Trapping Expedi-
tions of, 21(2 to 201.

Boon. .John I)., :!()0, 3.il.

Hoot County. See Mullnomali,

"Bostons," irni, 1117,3711.

Bradford— Daniel and Putnam, US— Island, 410
to 4.-)2.

Bramley, .T. S., 3.')1.

Brattaln, .1. H. and Paul, mt, .l")!.

Brazil Colonized by Portugal, 2ii.

Breck, Lieut. ,1 M., 4.")1.

Bridger, .lames. Fur Trader, 201, 206.

Bristow, W. W., ;«), 3*>.

British Columbia Islands, 03, 0).

Brlttain, Daniel P., ,370.

Brooke, Bumford and Noble, 3/0, 410, 1711.

/Irolher Jonathan, wreck of the, 17.5.

Broughton— Archipelago, 124— Lieut. W. R., 118,
lai.

Brouillet, J. B. A., Catholic Missionary, 30,S, 310,
311.

Brown, Lieut. James, 311 -Jetf, i7!)-J., 2i.3, 478—
Orus, 27.).

Bruce, MaJ. James, 3116, 308, .!!«» to 40.3, 433 to 438,
412, 445.

Bryant, Judge William C, 328.

Bucarell, Port, 82.

Buccaneers of the Spanlsli Colonies, 27, 32, .52 to
.54

Buclnman— Col. 1. S. A., Ill) to 116— President

James, 206, 3111, .3.52.
Buck, \V. \V., .m.
Buckley, Capt. W. S.. 451.
Bueiia Ventura River, 200.
Buenos .Vyros Subdued by Spain, III.
Bultlnch Harbor, See Ordu'H Ilarboi:
Buoy, Captain, .300, 4:B.
Burch— BenJ. F., 2tlS, 31.3, a50, ;V52'.^, 177-Ciiailes,

28;i— s. %a.
Burnett, Judge Peter H.. 2:17, 273, 2S2, -Kll, 321 , 32S.
Burns, Ilugh, 2.57, 277, •J<2.
Burnt River, 461.
Burrard Inlet, 124.
Burrows, Lieut. ,1. M., 417 to 42(i.
Bush, Asahel, a!5, ;i51, 301. 131.
Bushey, Captain, 102, 131.
Bustamante. Voyoge of, 11.5.
Bute Inlet, 121.
Butler, Senotor, Opposes Oregon BUI, 32.5 to 327.

Caamano— Inlet, 114, 11-5— Lieut. Jacinto, voyage
of, 117.

Cabrlllo, Juan Rodriguez, Voyage of, 2.5, 20.

Calhoun, John C , and the Oregon Uuestlon,
201.

Caledonia, New, 141.

California, Lower— Discovered and Coloni/.ed,
10. 24, 16, 51— Missions Founded, 61.

California, Gulf of, 21, 42, 51.

( nlifornia, Steamship, Si".

Calllornia, Upper— Discovered, 2.5— Explored by
Drake, 30— Reported Rich in Gold, 31, 51—
Supposed to be an Island, 50— Explored l)y
Spanish Navigators. 2.5, 46 to 48. 78 to 82—
Colonization of, 51, 61— Missions founded, 61
-Visited by tUipt. Cook, 81 to 86; by Van-
couver, 118— Visited by .Vnierlcan Trappers,
182 to 101, 201, 202; by Hudson's Bay Com-
pany Traimers, 110— Cattle Procured from,
210 to 2!2— Emigrant Trains to, 248 to 251, 27.5,
•2X1, '288, '208, 301, SJO-Conquered from Mexico,
•JOD-Oold Discovered, 32tl—..\dmitted to the
fnl..n.;«2.

Camp— .\ Trapper and Pioneer Settler, '2:10. See
Allien, Monlgomerji, Stewart, Walla Watia
and Furt.

Camijalgn- .Vgalnst the Cayuses, 312 to 318—
Kearney against Rogue Rivers, .tW— Col.
Casey on (/oqullle River, 3;i0— On Rogue
River in '5:1, .3.51) to ;i50— MaJ. Haller to Boise,
3(tl-M8|. Hallor to Yakima, 388, 42,5— Grave
Creek, 31)6— Rogue River In fall of 1*5.5, 300,
4011- Raines and Nesmith to Yakima, 405 to
100, 42.5— Col. Kelley to Walla Walla, 400 to
I2'2— .slaughter to Yakima, 42-5— Maloney and
Hayes to Yakima, 425— Col. Cornelius to
Snake River and Yakima, 4'27, 428— Volun-
teers to Big Meadows of Rogue River, 43H
to l.'W- Rogue River In Spring of 18,56, 4:13 to
146 -Col. Wright to Yakima, 4.55— Col. Hhaw
to Grande Ronde and Walla Walla, +57 to
467— Col. Steptoe to Walla Walla, 4ft3 to 467
—Col. Wright to Walla Walla in Nov., 18.56,
467— Col. Steptoe to Spokane, 470 to 473— Col.
Wright to Spokane, 473 to 475.

Campbell— A. J , 'Wl, .155- Hamilton, 2:12, 251, :i3l,
3.50-J. G., 282.

Canadian Boundaries, 0.5.

Canal. See Hnro, Rosario, Hood.

(Janyon Mountains, 290,30:3,

Cape. See Adams, Blanco, CUusell, DUiappoinl-
meni, Falcon, Flattery, Fortunas, Frondnso,
Qooil Hope, Orrgory, Hancock, Hoin, Icy,
Loohmit, Mendocino, Martinez, North, Orford,
Perilx, Prince of Wales, San Lucas, San
H ique, San Sebiistlfin, Shoalwater, Tillamook.

Capital— of Oregon, 251, '2.57, '28:3. 328, 336, 342, .345 to
310-of Washington, :343.

Capitana, Spanish Vessel, 48.

Captain John, Nez Perce Chief, 459 to 46:1.

Carmlchael, Trapper and Pioneer Settler, 2.30.

Carpenter, Dr. W. M., 313.

Carson, David, 280.

Carter, W. D , :i'15.

Carver, Capt. Jonathan, .lourr . j o , 72 to 71.

UKXKRAr, IXDKX.

VII

:U8-

;l:!l,

» 'hsi'IkIbh— oC tlin Coliiiiihiii, |!17, III I, IH to 111—
IiidluiiH, 2'.1l, 'J.VS, 147 lu IVI— .MdiiiiIuIiih, l'.1l,
l:!7.
('uKf, Wllltttiii M.,l!!<S.
CiiKey, Col. I'. H A., Itltl, 42f^ \M.
< 'ution, K. <;. mid .lames, ".n.i, 2«i), is'2,
Ciithay of Murt'o I'olo, l«, 2S, M.
( 'iithoil(^ .Missions In Oreiton, L'l'i, 'JI7 to '.".'I, "iVi,

Ml, .-Id.'., .-tlW, :il(l, .'II I, .<W'.', 4711.
( 'utile 111 I ireKoii, -iX, -ZM, -m.
CiiiiseH 111 liiaiiiii W'nrs, .110, :mi-) io .■t7.'), TOl to :W(i,

mt, •mi
Cuvallo, .Iiiun, Knr Truiler, iw, 101, l(k'>.
Cave— .laiiieK. ;M')— Ulley, 27.").
( 'uveiullsh, 'I'liiis., Kiiitllsli Kreebooler, .1'.'. 'W, .">2.
Cuyiise— IniliunH, UO, 21.1, L'l.'i, •ilii, .to.", to 3\H, :WI,
400 10 IIH, lii), 4'iH, tmt, 470-.\las»acreof Whit-
man, .'«6 to:ilL'-War with. .112 to ;II8, 4H0.
Cedars, Isle of. 21.

( 'ensuH— of 1S12, 470-or im.'i, 2S«-of IHIO, HIM.
Chadwlek, Stephen K., ■W), :iVi.
chamberlain, Aaron and Adolph, 2S:i, 2Wi, .lOO,

.•IIM. 1711.
Champ<ie({— niKlrlet, CHI— Settlement, 22S, 212,

i'v't, 2.'H, 2.'i-'i, 2S0, :ur>.
( 'hapman. Col. \V. W., 27.'), an, :iw, 4.s:l, l.il, m.
Charges agalnsl (ien. Wool and Col. Wright, I

42?), 4(18.
Charles \', of Spain, 17, 21.
('harlevo, M.,2l:l.
CImse. H. .M., .{70.
Vhalhnm, Kngllsh Vessel, IIH 'o I2S.
Chemeketii. Nfe Sitlem.
Chenoweth, Cascades Chief, Hanged, t.')2.
Chetco Indians, 440, )42. Il'i.
Child, First White, Horn In (iregon, l.Vi.
t'lilll Con(|iipred, 10.
Cblmlkain. See Tnhimlkain.
Chinese, KIrst on I'aolflc Coast, liMi.
Chinn, Ma^l. M. A., 40(1. 107, 411, 4l:(.
Chinook-Indians. 122, l:W, Uli, litl— Town of 312.
Chlpewyaii, Fort, IMl.
Cibola, Mythical City of, 2.").
CIpango of .Marco Polo, IK, 2;!, .11.
Clackamas Iilstrict, 2SI.
Clark--(Jeii I'.s. A., l7.f-Uansoni,27."), 2Stl.
Clarke— See Lewis and Clarke-County Created,
.Wl-Fork of the Columbia, 71. l.frt-Kcv.
Henry, 2:i2-,I<)hii. Fur Trader, liil. Hit.
I 'lassctt. Cape See h'ltiltern.
Clatsop— nistrlct, 2S()— Fort, l.!S- Indians, I'W-

Spit, :M0.
Clayou()Uot Harbor, llii, 121.
Clearwater River, liiO, 211, 421.
ciei)denln,.T. s., 3l.).

Clerke, Capt. Charles, Voyage of, HI loSll.
Coast— Indians, 1:18 to 4«, 4).'i— Keservatlon, 110.
cockstock, Molalla Chief, 270.
Cod Fishing Myth, 2t)t.
Coeur d' Aleno— Indians, 421, 470— .Mission, :S0l>,

424, 474.
Coe, h. W., H« to 1.52.
Coffin, Capt. S., 4,54.
(•olnelt, Capt., Voyage of, IiB to IftS.
(;olorado Ulver, 21, 25, ,50, 101, 104.
Columbia— Bar, 1.52-t;ity. ;m— County, 311—
River, .50, 07, 71 to7:l, SO, 82, 8.5, 00, 100, 1 10 to 122,
120, 127, 137, 14.5, 18.3, 128, 448 to 1-51— River Fish-
ing and Trading Co., 204— Territory. Nee
Wdxhinatoii.
Columbia lieiliviva, Capt. Gray's Vessel, 101 to 1'22,
Columbian, First Newspaper in Washington

Territory. 313.
( 'olvUle-Fort, :«'2, 384, .380, 124, 470 -Indians, .-102,

424, 4,5«-Mlne8, im to aS((— Mission, .300.
Comcomley, Chinook Chief, lfl3.
Commissioners of Indian War Claims, 470.
Conasset. Mythical Town of, 42.
Concepcioii, Spanish .Vessel. 114.
Contllct •'■■•ween Catholic and rroteslaiit Mi.^-

slons, 217 to 221, •2.17, 258, 281, 30.5 to 311.
C'ongress— Makes approplat ion for fiverland E.\-
pedltlon In 18()3, 134— Dlsous.se8 the Oregon
(iuestlon, 179, 180, 224, '292 to 297— Kxpels
Kritlsh Subjects from the Territories East of
the Rocky Mountains In 181.5, 190— Neglects
to F/ncourage ScttlemeDtH of Oregon, 24.5, '24(1,
•2(11, 319- Passes the Oregon BUI, .■}24 to •Mil—

.\dmlls (Iregon to the I'lilon, •'ir>2. ,SVv hIm,
Oclei/iile, Hi'iuilor and Hein-fmiildliie.

Conser, .liicob. .'1:13.

Constitution, i^lgnatures of the Framers, ;i.52^j.

Constitutional— Conventions, '251 to '257. 2H0, .'442,
:H4. !l5(k-Klectlons, '25(1, '287, :!M, .'14(1, :I49, :l.5l.

Controversy between (iovernor Stevens and
(Ien. Wool, :t8», .'HIO. 121 to 4'2.5, 4llt to 408.

ConvenHon— at Montlcello for (irguiilzatlon of
WaHhlngton Territory, 313— At Sprlngtleld,
111., and Cincinnati, (ihio, for Settlement of
( Iregon, 2(>'2. Sie alio Omnliluliondl.

('ook--Aiiios, 210, 477— Capt. .las.. Voyiiuo of, 02.
82, 81 to 91— .lames, 2't'2.

Cooks Inlet, 88, 08, 128.

Coombs, Nathan, '240, 250.

Coos County, .'H4.

Coppermine Ulver, 70.

('i)(|iillle River, 441.

C ■ lus, Col. Tliomas R.. 407, l(J<,413 to 4:!'2,4I7.

Con. .. r, Mn.i. N. A., 411, 113 to i:f2.

Corn v . ', New, r27.

Corona. ..J, Franclsi-o Vasijups de, K.xpcditloii

of, T).

Coripreal— Oasper, Hlscovcrs Labrador, •.:2—
StraHs, 22.
ortez- ilersiant'odu, Coni|Uprs Me.xleo, 10- l''..\-
plores the Pn-IHc Coast, 21 -Sea of, 21.

CorvallH, Town of, :!.33, :I4.5 to :t40.

Corvan, 'roreblo domes de, N'oyage of, 47.

I'orwin. Thomas, .Speech In the C S. Senate,
1^5.

Couch, Capt. .lohn H., 285, :1'28, 470.

Couiicil-at Fort Walla Walla. 31'2—.\t Hlg Hend
of Rogue River, .'Ml— At Table Rock, 'W to
.'1.59- At Fort Boise, 3«l— At Walla Walla,
The Malles. Colvllle and Flathead Valley,
:WI to :«3— At Wa'.lii Wallo, 4(H 407 -At dak
Flat, 112— of the Indies, :il'!i!. See tilno Treat//.

Cow Creek Indians, :mi, 401.

Cowlitz— Ml.sslon, '((Hi- Settlement, '2:^4, 'i'r?.

Co.\— .\nderson, :«)4— .Icsse, .•1.50, :152U— .Joseph,
:«l, .'V)2'i;— Thomas and Wllllani, ■sni.

Coyle, Reuben s., .').50, ;!.51.

(Jozlne, .Samuel, '27.5.

Craig— l).W.,;l.51— Col. William, .\merican Trap-
per, 232, '277, ::0S, 4.'iK, 40.5.

Crawford-Mavld, 283, :!1 l-Medorem, 2ls, '277, .30:t,
:«I4.

Crelghton. I'apl., 111.

crescent City, I'al., 440.

Crooks— .John T., .'t-TO. :t->5, 170- Ramsey, Fur
Trader, 1.57 to 101, '202.

Cuadni. Nie Jioflrf/ri !/ Qwiilra.

Culia Coiuiucred. 10.

Culver, Samuel H., Indian .Vgent, .3.58.

Curry, (iov. George I,., :««, 3'l to ;140, ;i54, .'{.57, :t(!l,
:iii:!, .'1.8.8 to ;!!HI, :!ol, 405, 100, III, 41'2, 423, 4:10 to 4:!2,
477.

Curtis, Mout., 4(iO.

Custom House Established at Astoria, 'B!.

Cutmouth .lolin, Cayuse Indian, 31S.

Daeddlim, English Vessel, 1'21, 120.
Dalles. .S>'»; Tlie Ditllen.

Darlo, B., .ill.

Dart, Dr. Anson, Superintendent ol Indian
Altatrs, :!:i8.

Davidson, Lieut.. U. S. A., 448. 4Bti.

Davis— Capt. H. W , 45l-.Iefrerson C, opposes
the Oregon Bill, :^24 to :f27- (apt, John, Voy-
age of, .52— Gov. John W.,:HI, ;14.5— Straits, ,52.

Dawson, V. W., '27,5, ■280.

Day— John, the Hunter, 1-57 to IflO— Lieut, ;!88.

Dayton, Town of, :M1.

Deadv, Judge Matthew P., 311, ,3-50, :1.51, Xi2%, :i.58,
;il!t.

Debt, Indiivn War, 475 to 477.

'leceptlon— ,liay. Ser OiUnuhia /iircr— Passage,
I'if.

Deer Lodge River. l.'Ki.

Defiance, Fort, 110.

DeLacy, Capt., 469 to 46:!.

De L'Isle, a French Geographer, 08.

Delegate to Congress— J. Quinn Thornton, -321—
Joseph L. Meek, 322— Samuel R. Tburstou,
.%1,3, :W-Jo8eph Lane, :t.'!7, 344, ;14((, a50.

VIII

HISTOUV OF OKKGOX.

Ilemer*, Father Modeste, i!17, 22U, aw, 3fti.

Dent, Capf., U.S. A., 47;).

De.sCluites— Indians, .'iM, ;W2, rM. 160— River, ;1U.

1 )e8ertlon of IT. H. Troops, ;«(), .■!31,

DeStnet, Katlier Peter J., 2:12, 281, .mi,

DeSoto Discovers the Mississippi, 2(1.

Uesl'aii, Pioneer American Settler, 2:{U.

Destruction— Island, 80, «8, 120— Klver, '.W.

Dlinnilck, A. K., aOl

Disappointment. See Hancock.

DlscovervofOold— In California, 329— In Oregon,

:i;iO— Near ColvlUe, :«4.
Discovery— Port, 12:!— English Vessel, 84 to 90, 118

to 128.
Division of Oregon, 312 to in'), 349.
Dlxon-Channel, 117— Capt., Voyage of, 9.5.
Doll!/, First Vessel built on the Columbia, lo".
Dolores. See Destruction,
Dominican Missions, IH.
Donation r,aw Proposed, 240, 2fil.
Donner Parly, the Ill-fated, 298,
Donplerri, D., 243.
Dorion. Pierre, lo7, 1.59, 104.
Doty, N. U., 28.3, 314.
Dougherty, William M., 232, 251, 2S2.
Dougla.s— County, 337— ,Iames, Chief Factor

Hudson's nay Co., 311— Stephen A., 322.
Drake—Kay, 3i)l—Sir Francis, Voyage of, 28 to

.32, 73.
Drewyor Uivor. Sfa Puliiiiac.
Drunimond, .sir William, 21.3.
Dryer, Thomas .1., Founder of the Oipiinniim,

.335, 3")0. 355, .303, 391, 12.'.
DuHoy, .lohn B., 480.
Duncan, L. .1. ('.,350, .351.
Dunglness, N'ew, 123.
Dunlap, ,1., .333.

Dunn, ,Ino., .\uthor of Hook on Oregon, 235,21.5.
Dupratz, I.apagc, French F,.\plorer, (W.

Kast India Company, 91, !Hi.

Katon, Charles and Nathan, 275.

Kbhert, George W., 2.32.

I'Ibbotts, S(iulro, 257. 'In.

F'-ilgcunib, Mount, 82,87, 115.

Education, 177,209,2.50. .Vec MimtiitnK.

Edwards, P. I, , 20S, 217, 237— Diary of, iiO.

Eells, Rev. Cushlng, 21 1, 20.5, 277.

F'.ighl-Dollar Mountain. Battle of, 4.35.

KlecUon-lNI3, 2.50-lSll, 281—181.5, 28.5-1810, :tt)0—
l.S47,:)03— 1818, 301 1819.333-18)0, 335—1851, 337
— 18.5!, 314-18,51, 311-1855,31(1— April,. lune and
October, 18.56, .348, 319— ,luno and November,
1857, 319 lo 351—18.58, 351.

Kli.sa, Ijieut. Francisco, Voyage of, 114 to 117.

Kikins, l.uther, .350, 355.

Kills, Ne/. Perce Chief, 258.

Kmlgraiit Routes, 2IS, 274, 277, 283, 289, 298, 302.

Emigration to Calll'ornla and i ii-egon, 180, 222 to
221. iS'ce Iinmii/nition.

lOmmons, I, lout., V. S. N., 211.

Engent, Lieut. .lohn, 313.

Eiigllsh-Capt. Levi N., 2SS. 314 to 317-Misrcpre-
sentallon of Oregon, 23-5.

Encenada. Sfr Amincidn, CWwiano, Ileceta,

Enos, an Indian, |.3S, 411, 41(1.

Entradado Perez, 117.

Epidemic among tlie ('ayuses, ,30,8.

Ermatingor, Francis, 210, '!<),

Eniuette, a Trapper, 21ii.

I'iugerie City, 317 to 319.

Eustua, Lieut. , lohn, 4(il.

Evans'- Creek, llattle of, .350— Ferry, 371, 30;),

Everett, Edward, Minister to England, '291.

Ewlng, F. Y.,217.

Execution. ISce Jlniuiini/.

Executive Committee of Provisional Govern-
ment, 254 to 257, '281.

E.xpedltlon. Sec Alnrcnit, Jionneiitle, a)n>nado,
Kinmonx, Frnnvr, Fremont, French Friilorcm,
Hnniiii, Heiirnc, Hunt, Lcicin and Clarke,
Mackenzie, AfcLeoit, Mlcliaiu, Ot/den, Pike,
iSmilli, i'erendri/es, fVilkct, Wiieth, Younu.
."fee aim ./ottrae.u and \'i>!/riyc.

Explorations- by England, 21, '28 to .'t.3, 37 to 41,
.52 to .Vi, T2 to 77, 83 to 'M, 93 to 11'2, 118 to
129, 131 to lai, 141, 150, 162 to 168, 1011 lo 171, 11)9

-France, 24, fl« to 72, 18, 115-Holland, 24, ,^3-
Portugal, 22, ;« to 36, 98— Russia, .56 to 62. 93—
Spain, 18, Si to 27, 33 to 36, 37 to 41, 45 to .51, 77
to *}, 91, 101 to 112, 113 to 115, 117 to 118, I'JIt tfl
125, 127 to 1211-rnlted States, 100 to 108, 115 to
117, 1'2() to 122, 143 to 14,5, 145 to 168, 189 to 2IKi,
214, 277.

Falrweather, Mount, 87, 93.

Falcon. See Tillamook,

Falls. Sec Miasiniri, Willametle,

Faralione Islands, 43.

P'arrar, Capt. William H., 31-5, ;W0, :»2,>^ 413.

Fanhion, Steamer, 451, 153.

Favonta, .Spanish Vessel, 91.

Felice Adventure, English Vessel, 98 to 101, 10.5.

Fellows, Lieut, and tiapt. A. M., 419.

Ferrelo, Bartoloine, Voyage of, 2.5 to '28.

Fldalgo— Island, 11.5— Lieut. Salvador, Voyage
of, 118.

Fields-Calvin M., Death of, .370— Pioneer of 1817
Krings Sheep to Oregon in 1817, .301.

Flfty-fourforty or tight, 2'i5, 262, '289, 291, 291.

Filipiano, Spanish Ves.sel. See San Carlos,

Finances in Pioneer Days, 288, 821.

Financial History of the Indian Wars, 475 to
477.

Fitzgerald, MaJ. in U. S. A., :m, .'176, 309.

Fitzhugli, Solomon, .'150, 354.

Fitzpatrlck, Thomas, Fur Trader, 202, 218.
i Five Crows, Cayuse Chief, '259, 308 to 31,5.

F'lags of Schooner Shark, 3(K).
I Flathead Indians, 70, '208, 2H1, .182, 179— Mission,
1 232, 306.

Flattery. Cape, 79, .S6, 121.

Flavel, Capt. George, 310.
I Flemmlng, .lohn, 288.

Fletcher— Chaplain, Romances of, 30— Francis,
'2.W, 219, 277. ■

Flood of 18-53, 311.

Florida, lioundarles and Purchase of, (fc5, i«8.

Flowers brouglit In 1817, .101.

Foiry, .M. 0.,'28(l,

Foiite, .Vdmlnil, Voyage of, 42, 8'2.

Foot, .Senator, Siiecch against Oregon Rill, .326.

Ford, Ephraim,.Iuhii, Marcus, Nathaniel, Nine-
vuh and .Minrod, 275, 282, 281, 28.5, 286, .'101, 3.31.

Forest -Lieut., V. S. N., 469— .lohn M., 289.

Fort. .SV'c Aihle,!/, Anforia, H.'nnett, lioise, Chipe-
irt/an, ('Idlsup, Colvltlc, Defiance. Oeorge, Gib-
raltar, Hall, llaiis, Henrietta, Henr.u, .Tones,
Lamerick, Lane, Leland, Pill, Sleilacoom,
Ta.i/lor, Cmiii/iia, Vancouver, Walla \V<illa
( ]Vallnla), ]Va.ihini/ton, ]\'llliams.

Fortiinas, ('al)o de, '26.

Foster, Philip, 277, 2'11, 2S.5.

Fountain of Youth, 18.

Fowler, Capt. W. W., 1.51 to 360.

Fox, Victim of Rogue River Massacre, -376.

Franciscan .Missions, 01.

Eraser- River ("I'acoutcliee-Tassee), 121, 131, 132,
111— Simon, .louriiey of, 1.32, 144.

F'reebooters, '27, 32, .52, .5.1.

Fremont, Lieut. .lohn (\, Expedition of, 191,
277, 1.18.

French -Camp, '201-Prairle, 228, 2:11, 219, .306.

Frondoso. .See Adams.

Frost, Rev. , I, H„ 212.

Fruit, Pioneer trees, 177, 301.

Fuca. Juan de. Straits and Voyage, 37, 79, ,S0, 86,
97,99, 10.S, 114, 117, 118, 122.

Fur C'ompanles. .Vee American, Hudson's liau,
h'lnp (Jeori/c's Soitiid, Misaourl, Xnrlhu'e.il,
Pacific, Rockfi Mountain, Russian Arnerican.

Fur Trade by Land and Sea, 51 to 5(1, (10, 89, m to
10.5. 131, 141, 147, 169 to 178, 186 to 206.

Galnes-A., 3(M-Oov. .John P., .'I'll, 33.5, ,'l't8, .•M2,

316,362.
Gale, .loseph, 2.56, 277, '286 479.
(iailano, DIonesio. N'oyage of, 118, 123.
(Jallce Creek, Siege of, 3(15.
Gallatin, American Coinmlssioner to England,

181, I8.'l.
(lama, Vasco do. Voyage of, '22.
Ganaevoorl, Capt., V, S. N., 126.

GKNKRAL INDEX.

GniTlson-Llout. A. K., :iU. ITI-t— Capt, .1. M., 27.'),

28li,:!14,47H.
Gary, Hov. George, 'Ml
Gaston, Lieut. William, 471, 474.
(Jay, GeorKe, tJfi, ao, 250, 2">:t, 277, 47!i.
Gearry, r^pokane I'hief, 474.
Geer, .1. ('. and Kalph, ;i01.
Gelger, Dr. William, 2:^2, 2<W, 277, 2K2.
Oelston, Capt. H., .•!21.
General WaiTcn, Wreek of 111 e, Hit!).
George— Capt. Abel, 4:t4, 43(1— Fort, Ift! to KiS, 17r).

Nee ^.?;ortrt— Point, ir)4—Hogue Ulver Chi ',

;)74, -.Wt, 4:!5, 44!, 44.5.
Georgla-Giilf of, lOS, 114, 12!-New, 12i}.
Gerlrudls, Spanish Vessel, KKI.
Gervals— B., 82«-,Ios('i)h, 22(i, 214, •i")2, 2.V!, 28(i, 4S(),
Ghent, Treaty of, Kil.
Gibraltar, Fort, 171.
Gibson, Llent., f. H. A., .•!!I7.
(Jllbert, I. X., 2S4, .Sl.l.
GllUam-Col. Cornelius, 2s;!,.!l:i to H17-Mltchell,

->M, .111.
Gllmore, Mat, 27,5, 2S2.

Goff-navld, 2S4, 2(t8— Clipt. .\r. I'., 4W to 40:!, 4(1.5.
(loin (Goln«), William, Killed by Indians, S74.
(told— Beach, Lis to 44(l-lilutr K.xcltement, 7!l

—In Calll'omla, .tl, :tai-In Montana, 7(»-ln

Oregon, ICU), :!:r7— In Washington, 2X1.
(ioodnll, Capt. J. P., :t.5l.
Good Hope, Cape of, '22.
Goodhue. Samuel, 2!1S.
Goodwin. Lieut., 4.5it to 4IW.
(Jordon, Captain, :««•, 4;«.

Government. See Prorincitil uiul Tiriiloriiil.
Governors of Oregon, 25(1, 2S1, 2S.5, 2sn, :!27, .Cit,

.■)ll,.l51-Wasliington, :!l:!.
(irnnde Konde— Hlvcr and Valley, 1511, 'JI7— liat-

tie, 1.5ii.
Grant, Captain, H. I!. Co. Agent, 21S, 271.
Grave Creek, :i!i I -.Massacre, l«l, :i.5!i.
(Sraves, ,1. H., :!.(■!.
Gray— Ilarljor, 12(i-Capt. Robert, liHi to lOs, llii,

122~W. H., Mls.slonary, 212, 211, •..51,2;5:i, 251,

25(1, 2(i5, 2(i7, 277. 2H2.
Great— Falls of the Missouri, (ill, l:l(i--Salt I.aUe,

(17, llll^Hlave Lake, 7li, LSI.
(ireen River, liH, 2l:i
Greenwood, the Trapper, 'HH.
(iregg, Lieut., V. s. .\., 172.
(Jregory, ('n|)e, I 111.
(Jrler, Ma|. William N ,171.
(Jrlllln— Lieut, liurrell li., :i.5t-Rev. .ino. s,. il2,

;t;n.
Grlmm,.I. W.,.'it!.
(Jrover, Lafayette, ;i.5(), :!.51, :i.55, ■■m, I7ti.

Haines, VIelim of Rogue Ulver Massacre, .'(7.5.

Hakluyt, the Geograplur, 2il, 41.

Hall -Fort, 211.5, 2l:!, 214, 271, 2!«. 2i«t, .T2.S— .lohn H.

and Sylvester, .HI— Capt. Lawrence, :!(l(), .ll:)

(0 317.
Haller, .Maj. G. ()., :t(l2 to 3(14, 3S7, :W2, 3il8, 4()8, 125,

lis.
Hamilton- I'ldward, 31.5- A Victim of Rogue

.liver Massacre, 374.
Hancock, Cape (Disappointment, San lioque),

sl,im. 11(1, 122, l:i7.
Hnnd, Lieut. 4111.
Hn.iglng of Indians— by Clarke In IS13, Kil— In

Uogue Ulver X'alley In lSi5:t, 3.51— Ily MaJ.

Ilaller In 1S^54, 3(>l— At Cascades In IH.55, 452—

Hv Col. Wright in 1S.58, 474— Whitman Mur-
derers, 318.
Hauna, .lames, Kxpedltlon of, 113.
Haunon, Lieut., 4111.
Hanover, New, 127.
Harding, Ilenl. F., 344 to 347.
Harding and Rose, killed by Indians, 3.5).
Harrngus, 11., 27(1,282.
Haro— Canni de Lopez de, 114— Lieut. Gon/.alo.

Voyage of, 102 to l(l7-Rlo de, 43.
Harris— Captain, 3WI— Massacre, 37.5— .Mosos, 21W.
Hastings, L. W., 24H,2;52.
Haswell, Robert, Diary of, I Hi, 121.
Hatch, Peter H., 277, 2S2.
Hathaway, Kellx, 277, 2«.l, 479.

Hawaiian (Sandwich) Islands, 8(i, 80, 101, 127,

148.
Hawchurst (Hoxhurst), Weberly, 230."
Hays- Fort, 4:{.5,4.i(l-Capt. Gllmore, 372, 105, 107.

42.5, 420.
Hay II Con<|uered, 10.
Headrick, brings Sheep In 1847, 301.
Hearne, Samuel, Journey of, 7(1.
Heath, Luolen, 351.
Heceta— Capt. Bruno, Voyage of, 70 to 82— Inlet.

81, 119.
Hedges, A, F., 284, .301.
Hellgate River, l.SO, 42.3.
Hembree— Capi . A. J., 275, 282, 285, .300, 3(«, .1.33. 408,

428— Andrew, .lames and .L .1., 275.
Hendershott, Sidney B.. .3.50, .3.55.
Hendrlck, Abljah, 27.5. 28(1.
Henncss, Capt. B. L.,4.58 to 40.3.
Henrietta, Fort, 411, 413, 410.
Henry, Fort, 145, 1.57, 101.
Hensley, Thomas .1., 27(1.
Herren, William .!., 2so.
Her8en,.Iohn, 314.
Hill— Almoran,27(l-I)avid, 254, 25(i, l:s2, 28(1, 303,

.333— Thomas. AVc Tom Hill.
Hlllsboro, 34.5.

Hlnes, Rev. fJustavus, 232. 242, 2ti, 2i5l, 2.55, 277.
Hlnmiin, .Manson, 284.
Holbrook, Amory, 3.34.
Holden, Horace, 28.5.
Holderness, S. M., 270. .3J8.
Holman— I). S , 27(i-.Josepli I)., 284, 3.W.
Holme-s— H. X. V., .Til- Will lam L.. 275, 282
Hood— Mount, 12(i-Canal, 123.
Hoover, Jaciob, 284.
Hope, American Vessel, 121.
Horn, Cape, T).!.
Hoult, Enoch, .3.50, :V51.
Howard, .lolin, 257.
Howlson, Commandci' of IT. s. Schooner S'IkiiI:,

.300
Howllsli-Wampoo, Cayuse Chief, 410.
Hoxhurst. 'See /raiechiii:sl.
Hubbard, 'I homas .1., 220, 233, 253, 254, 277, 180.
Hudson -Bay, 22, 3.5, ">3, (1.5, 70— Hay Co., 22, .5:1,

51, 7(1, 83, 01, 131, 144. Uifl to 178, 18(1 to 20(1, 227,

234, 211, 255, 200, 208, ,Ti4, ,370, 380, 4()»-(Japl.

Henry, Voyage of, .53— Capt. Thomas, 10.5.
Hull, Charles W., death of. 402.
Humboldt— Bay, 48— River, 2(K).
Humbug War, .371.
Humphrey', L. A., 3:t3.
Hungry Hill, Battle of, 3IMi to .'t08.
Hunt, Wilson Price, .lourney of, 151, 1.57, 104.
Hunter, Lieut , Kil, 102.
Husted, A., 27(1, 30.3.

Icy Cape, S8.
Idc, William B , 28.8.
Illinois River, 441.

Immigrating to Oregon, Reasons for, 241, 2(10 to
2(12, 273.
I Immigration— 18:10 and 184(1, 2.32, 177— 1811, 215 to
247,477-1842, 2,i.S, 217 to 251, 477-1813, 237, iiN,
; 200 to 270, 3IMI, 477- 1844, 2.38, 283, 477-184.5, 288,

! 477— 1810, 21)7— 1847, ,301,30.3, 478-1848, 470-1852,

: 310.

I Immigrants and the Hudson's Hay Co., 2iO, 2:11
I to 211

1 Imperial Kaf/le, Austrian Vessel, 07.
' Ineas, Subjugation of the, 20.
I Indian— Agents and Huperlntendents, :!.3r), 3.18,
; .344, :t.57, :i.58, .302, .380 to :}S7, 4011, 414, 431, 430, 442,

4.50,402,4114, 407— Ocean, 22-Reservatlons, :l,57,
:t80 to :W,3, 4:14, 438, 44ft— Treaties, 258, :W1, .3.38,
.358, 3<0 to .385, 400, 412, 447, 407.
Indian Wars— Causes of, 2">8, 270— Cayuse, :10.5 to
318-Columbla River, mto to 1858, 370 to :103,
40.5 to 4;«, 417 to 477- Humbug, 371-Puget
Hound, :«I7, 420, 108— Uogue River, 18.51, m~

1852, ,3;w,:i;io— 18.51, :t.>3 to m), 425~ia5i, 301,475

— 185.5-ri(l, :t(1.5 to .370, 104 to 103, 4;t3 to 440, 475-
Debt, :i(l(), 475 to 477— Veterans. Nee Volun-
teera.
Indians. .Ste f Vwcnrfp, Oiyuse, Chinook, Clalnop,
Oxuit, Oneiir W Alene, fbic Creek, Diilles, Dea
ChiUei, Flalhead, John Day, Klamath, Kliek-

HTSTOKY OK OKKOOX.

Hal, Mandan, AIuiluv, MnlitlUi, Xi'Z J'ercc,
.\ootka. Northern, Palnunp, Hslnl fiiver, Paget
Noiind, Rogue River, Snake, Spokane, Tilla-
mook, Tugii, I'matilla, I'liipiiiiri, Walfa ]\'all(i,
M'a.ico, Vakima.

ludieH, Kast, '22, aii, LT.

Indignation Meeting In rorlland in 1S.'>I, .{(tt.

Ingalls, Capt. (Oen.) Hufus, 47(i.

Ineraham, Capt., 121.

Jnlet. iSee Admlrallu, HurrartI, liiile, Onok's, II<-
ceta, Knight's, Portland, Hirer.', Smith'x.

Ipheuenia Nxtbiuna, Kngllsh Vessel, IIS to 10.5.

Irving, Washington, \vorks on Oregon, 152, I.V!,
l.j», 'Mo.

Isaac 'Ihdd, Kngllsh Vessel, 11)2.

Islands, British Columbia and Alaska, '.>;!, tl").
See Aleutian, Hehring'.i, flriidford'-i, C\^ii<irs,
Destruction, Farallonc, Fiilttlgo, Jlawiiiitin,
King (reorge, Ounalaska, Philippine, Prince
of Wales, Quadra, Queen Charlotte, Saud-
ivich, San liernardino, San ,/iian, Sauries,
Schumagim, Teiada, Vanrourer, Vashon,
Whidby.

Jackson— county, ;i.!7— David, 1!0, 2()1.

.lacksonville. .W, 34.5, .Kt, .tTli. :flM.

.lall, Flr.st In Oregon, 2+1.

Japan current, '>ll

Jeannvtte, American iSchooncr, ;i2S.

.lefferson. President Thomas, I.W, IW, l.Vi.

JetTreys, Thomas, aw.

Jefftlcs, Meut., 11!).

.Tennie dark, Htoamer, -l.')!.

.Jenny, Kngllsh Hrip, 120.

.lennings, It., .ll'l.

.lesuit Missions, n4.

Jewells Ferry .Vltuckert by Indians, .!;i.

Joe Lewis, Indian (Jonsplrator, .KIT to :!11.

Joe, Hogue lUver Chief, :ir)7 to Mw.

.lohn. Rogue Kivcr Cliief, ^n, .«•.">, ll«. III to HH.

John DHy— Indians, .■W2. MKl-IUver, l:«i, liii, 2H!i,
4m-Baltle of. :!17.

Joint Occupation, liiS, I.S.5 to 2 Ki. 2!M, •£):,.

Johnson— Daniel, David and James, 2K1— over-
Ion, 27H,iS2-\Vllilani. 2:ii, 2l:i, 277.

Johnstone's .Straits, 121.

Jones -Hen, I.W— Capt., 1'. s. \ 11(1 to ll.!-Fort,
•'Ml, .IVi— Victim of Hogue liivor .Massacre,
M74— John, 27t!, -iiW.

Joseph, Nez Perce CI;*ol',:r)S, :!,S2.

.Tournaiisni, Sec Sewspapers.

Journey. iS'cc Carver, fraser, Jleanic, Lii lion-
tan. Lane, Lcdyard, Meek, Overland, Pilrher,
Pike, Whitman: see also KroedHion and I'n/i-
age.

Judali, Capt. H. M , ■KiS, :«ii).

Judges of the Provisional Government and Su-
preme Court, •2:t.'l. 218, 2.")7, 'JSl, ^K.-), :t2l, .■!2S, :l.t.-|,
■ll't, 311, 3."!l.

Judson. Uev. I,. U., 2.'!2, 211, 2.")7, '277.

Juinp-olt-Joc Kivcr, \W.

Kaih-Kalh-Koosh HIver. Sie Clearu-ater.

Kama-l-akun, Yakima < lii.'f, :wii, :Wlto.!li:l, r.li,
42), 42i), 4')(1. 4.")S, Hi.-..

Kanilah Mission, 211.

Kamlchatku, '>H, mi.

Kaut/,, Meut. A. V..:ri7, :iii(l.

Kayser. See Keizer

Kearney, Oen. Phil,;iW

Keene, Uranville, Murder of, :>7a.

Keeney, Capt. Jonathan, 3'.Ki, 1 1 !.

Keith— Capl. b. W'., •2:12— .Vgenl of Northwest
Co., 107.

Kel/.er, T. D., W2, 270, 2S0, 282.

Kelley, Hall J., '221, 22-), '.'■20.

Kelly, Col. James K , ;l.Ml,:i."il,:i.')l, 111, in to ir.

Kelsay, Col. John, .'W), :!.V>, 4-21, 1.10 to i:W.

Kendrick, Capt. John, X'oyago of, IIHI lo II H, I l"i,
110.

Kllbourn,3.tl.

Killen, 1) , 477.

Klm-so-etnlin River. iSV'c Tukannon.

King (leorge III— Archipelago, 8'2— English ves-
sel, ll.'i—" Men and lloslons," 1110, 11)7— Sound.
Ike A'ootA-ei— Sound Co., I).'), 105.

King, \V. M.,'«t

Kings, River of, 42, 47, 50, 07, m, S7, 1 10, 1 17.

KInnev, Robert C, Il'W, ^lO, .'iiio.

Klamath— Indians, .■«)'2— River, :t37.

Klickitat— Indians, 4tt5, 448 to 4.>1, 4.">'*— Valley

421).
Knighton, H. M., 28.5, ".2S.
Knight's Inlet, I'il.
Knox, ',. n.,31.!.
Kone, Rev, W. W., 28'2.
Koos-k<ios-kee River. .See Clearu-ater.

lialironte, Lewis, aii), 47!)

I.abra ' r Coast and Straits, 22, ;!4.

Iiidcraul, lladier, or /ania l.iideriHit, 211.

I.u'ly Washington, .Vnierican Vessel, 100 to 120.

Lai lyette. Town of, 3:13.

I.af'amboise, Michell, Hudson's May Company

.\genl, 201, 479.
LaHontan, liaron. Journey of, 00.
Lake. See Ashley, Belle, Great .Salt, O.-eat Slare,

Afedical, Mono, Tule, Vclasco, Winnipeg,

Woods.

Lamerlck— Fort, 4.i8, 442, 44."i-f}en. John K., .•till,

avi to .too, ••«)S, 4.31, 435, ^Hi^, 412. 415.
I<ancaster, Judge (,'olumbla, 2IK, .'|:|3
Lander, Judge Kdward, 313.

Lane-Fort, .iliO, 370, .171, •HIO, 434, ri.5— Gen. Jos.,
.•f27, .•!2S, :!.31, 3:14, :l:t8, 31:1, 314, :H0, :{.5ii, :r.l, :!5I to
:m, 17.5.
t.apage River. ,SVe .John Pay.
Lal'erouse, Voyage of, 01.
Lapwal .Mlssion.211, 215. •25'*, :i Hi, 121.
Larl.son, John, •2:^2.
I.atshaw, .Mai. \V. L., Ill to |:1S, 115.
Lawson, (i. W., 2:12, 210.
Lawyer. Nez Perce Chief, 211, :!Si. 173
Layton, Capt. and .Ma.|. Davis, 421, 151. Ml.
Lazarus Archipelago, f2.
LeBreton, George \V'., 2i:t, '252 to 251, -2.57, '277. 2S I,

170.
Ledyard, John, Journey of, 1)1.
Loe-Harton,281, 280— Daniel, 20.-t lo22l-.Mi^. H.
A. G., '270. •280, :)I2 to 317— .lason, 208 U> 221, 2:«l,
242, 213, 251, •2.V!, '277, 280.
Legislature-- 1st!, -251—1811, ■2S2-I.1I.5. 285 to '288-
1810, :ll)0— IS17. 3 II— 1818. :101-I81!I. 3)3—18.51), :«5
-18.52, 312-18.5.3, 341—1851, :)I5-K5.5, 317— 18V),
:)40 1^57, :l.51— 1858, .151, :ri'2.
I.cland, Fort, 4:10. 4:!S.
L', nl Leoti. or Ihe Prairie Flower, 2:12.
Lenox, I), or K.. 270, 280.
Leslie, Rev. David. 217, 213, '251, '277.
Lewis— (,'ounty, 2so -Hainan ('., .'1.50, :!52'i,— Joe.
See .foe //eic;.i— Capt. .Meriwether, l:tl to li:l—
Reuben, 210, '257, 277— River. See Snake-
capt. William B., :tii>-n. R.. 178.
Lewis and Clarke's F.xpedltlon, 1:11 lo li:i.
Lexington, on Clatsop Plains, :t:il.
Linn -City, 311-Seiuitor Lewis F., 210, 21.5. •240.
Linnvilie, II.,:iOI.

Llmpy, Rogue River Cliicl,:l7l.:)li5, |:i5, III, 115.
LIttleJohn, P. B., il2.
Little Meadows 1:10.
Lock, Michael, Narrative of. :t7,
Logan, David, .'1.511, .1,51.
Lolo Trail, I.'IO, 141.
Long Dr. John K., 270, 281, 28:1, i;.s5.
Looking Olass-Nez Perce Clilef,:l8J-\'alley, lol.
Lookout Cape. See Tillamook.
Looney, .lesse, '270, :100.
Loretto, Mission of, 01.
Luring, Col., .'tit.
Los Angeles, Port, ill.
Lot Whitcomh, Steamer, :i:lO, 311.
Louisiana, Province 01,0.5. 71, l:lO, 1:12, 1:14. 141.
l,ove|oy, .\. Lawrence, 218, 20:1, 201), 2+2, 2.S.5, 280,

•.m, :10I, :«1, :t.50, .3r>4.
Lower California, 10, 51, 01.
Lownsdale, I). II.. :1IM).
Lneler, Ktlnne, 11)0, 220, -."M, '243, '2.5:1, 48ii.
Luelling, Henderson, Traveling Nursery of, :)01.

LuptoD, MaJ. Jas. A., Death of, :I7:
Lydia, Aniericun Vessel, 1:18.

(iENERAL INDKX.

Mackenzie, Alexander, Journey of, and Uiver,

131.
Madrid, Treaty of, VM.
Magellan-Vovagp of, 111— Straits, l!i, S\, 2M.
Magistrates. Ifee Judf/es.
Magone, .Joseph, ;il2.

Magruder, Kd. and Theoplillus, 2'tl, :I2-I, .'I'll.
.Vlulesplna, Voyage of, ll.'i.
.Vlaldonp.do, Capt. Lorenzo Ferrer de, N'oviige

of, ;« to ;«!.

Maley, \V., :»'t.

Maloney, ('apt. M., .'W7, 407, WH, l>.\ IL'ii.

Mandan Indians, lil, IVt.

.Maqutna, Nootka Chier.ilS, llii.

Marco Polo's Travels, IS

Marlon— County, :i.'W— (Jf the Mexican War, :tT.

Marple, P. H., m, :iV,.

.Marshal. See Unil--U Stalex Mamhiil.

Marshall, Jas. W., Discoverer of liold In Cali-
fornia, 2M, 3:il.

Martin, Col. William J , '.Til, .'t(M, 314, •t.'i.s, 3!iil, :!!H»,

Martinez— Cape. Sec Flatlpry—F.iiUsnn, Vciyiige
of, 78, lO-i to 107.

Mary, Hteamer, SXi, 44H to 4.>'i.

Mary Dacret, American brig, 204.

Mari/land, American brig, 244.

Mary's Hlver. See Humboldt.

.Marysville. fiee CorvalCh.

Mason, Oov. Charles H., 343, :184, ;W«, 40-), ii'i.

Massacre -Cove, lit)— ofSmllh's Trappers In IH27,
1!W, im to KW— of Pilcher's Trappers, '201— of
Dr. Bailey's Party In l«3.i, ^-iO-of Indians at
Oregon City, 2H0— of Immigrants by Modocs,
.'ttit-ot Kogue River Indians In IS.'Vi, .'V).'!— of
Hose and Harding in 18-")3, .'loJ— at Grave
Creek In ia>3, 330— Bates House In lS.-)3, .TiO-
of Ward Family by Hnake Indians, 3ill— of
Phillips In 1S.-14, .S«!l-of Fields, Cunnlgbam
and Werner In iHTyi, :i70— of Hill, Plillpot,
Dyer and McCue, in ISV), .'!7l~-ol Indians by
r.uptonandHaysIn 18-V>, 372-of Uogne Itivcr
Valley Settlers in Wr,, 374 to 37«-or .Mattlco
and Holan by Y ak I mas, .'W-'i, :i.so, 3!KI— of In-
dians in Looking Glass Valley, 40l— of Kogue
River Indians In IH.>>, 401— ol Peu-peu-mox-
mox, 417 to 4l»-at Seattle, 420 -at (4(>ld
Beach, 430— at Cascades, .'I'W to 44H. Nn iilxo
Whitman.

Matlock, W. T., 32S, :«!.

Matthleu, F. X., 248, 2.57, 277, '.S'i, '280.

Mattlce, Murder of, :t8.).

MatEger, William, :»>. 3>1.

Maurelle, Voyage of, 70 to 82, 01.

Mauzey, William. 27(1,

Maxon, MaJ. H. J. O., 313 to 317,

Mc.Vuliff, Lieut. .lames A., 410.

McBean-.Iohn, 414, U.5-Wllilam, 311.

McBrlde— James, 3'2S— John R., Itto, 3.V).

.McCarty, William, 244, •2,")7, '277.

McCarver, Gen. M. M., 237, 270, 282, '287, .'ilHt.

McClane, John B., '270.

McCloud (.McLeod) River, 200.

McClure, Joiin, 2?7, '2*1.

McCormick, 'Wl, .'tol.

McDanlel, Elisha P., '284.

McDermIt, Capt. Chas,, 330.

McDonald, Angus, 3110.

McDougal, Duncan, 1.51, 1,511, 1(10, 1(13.

.McFOlroy, T. F., 343.

McFadden, Judge O. B., 31'!, 341.

McGruder. See Mngrutler.

McKay— Alexander, 1.51, 1.5!!, 218, 313-Charlos,
277, 313, 31.5- John, '248- Thomas, 1.51, 10.5, 1!KI,
2.58, •2((.'l, 277, "■-. '"" , lo 317-William ('.,

1,51, '2(«,;- .11.

McKean, S. r ., :13.3.

.McKenzle, Donald, 131, 1(11, \M.

McKlnlay, Arclilbuld, •Z58, 2S().

McLaren, Lieut. R. N., 1.54.

McLean, Judge John XVi.

McLellan, Robert, 137 to 101.

McLeod, Kxpedltion of, 108, 21'J.

Mctoughlln— Dr. John. 10.5 to 100, 200, '212. 228, 'Jtl,
•J3(l, 244, 210, '2.52, 2,50 -Joe, 100, 210-Mounl. ISvc
Shantii.

m, I.5S to urn.

McRoy, (;., 2.5.3, '2.57.

McTavlsh, J. Q.. I(p'2, 1(13.

Meadows Campaign, .'(90, 4,'!0 to 488, 442.

Meares, Capt .John, Voyages of, 05 to 112, 1*25.

.Medical Lake, 47.'!.

Meek-Joseph L.. 232, 240. 2.51, 257, '277, 281, 285, :iOrt,
3a3, .■!'22, 327, 33:1, :»5-Stephen IL, 248, 280.

Meigs, C. R., .'1.50, •■m.

Memorial-to Congress In Wil, 2'i't— of 1810,21.5—
Ofl8l3,2.50-Cln('innatl in 1843, '202- of '.tregon
Legislature In I8.5'2, .'I4;i— of Montlcello Con-
vention, :t4.'t— of Cayuses to Americins, 317—
to Congress In 1848, .')22— about Gen. Wool,
i-£i.

Mendocino, Cape, 2(1, 70. 118.

Medoza— .\ntonlc de. 2.5— Pedro. 19.

Merchfnitman, American Schooner, 3.10.

Mctcalf, Robert, Indian .\gent, ;).57.

.Methodist M Issions, 208 to '221, •2;tl , 2:12, 2.50, 258, 280.

Mexicana, Spanish Vessel, 117, r2'3.

Mexico- Coniiuered by Cortez, 10— War with,
205.

MIchaux, .\ndre, Kxpedltion of, l.'{4.

Militia. Sen Volunleim.

.Mlller-Capt. Rluford, i:>8 to 4(.'i-Capt. John F.,
351 to.SliO— Jo.seph, 1.5V— Richard, .'W), .1.55.

.Mills, Pioneer Grist and Saw, 177, 2'i3,

Milton, Town of, .'t'i3.

Mllwaukle, Town of, :U'!, 3;i.5, 310.

MInto, Jol)n,2vi, 281,

Missions, Caliiolic. Sec .Anif i lean liotiril, Call -
fnrnta, Coeiir it' Alenc, Dominican, flathead,
Fraiieincun, h'leiirh J^rniiic, .Tcnuit, Kamiuli,
iMpivai, Lorelio, Melhodixl, Snake Hiver, S/io-
kane, J lie Dallcx, l/inritillii, Vancouver, Wrii-
latpu, ydAci'nw— Contllctliig interest' and
Controversy, 218 to 221, '23?, StU, '281, .ilk' to 311.

.Mlssl»8lp|)l River, 08, 72.

Missouri— Fur Company, 1 15, 101 — River. Oil, Oi,
00,71,72, 135, 11'.'.

Modoc Indians, .'Ml, 300, 301.

.Molalln Indians, 270.

Moiu'y used in Oregon, 2)0, 288, 3!0.

.Mono Lake, 1!I3.

Monroe— Doctrine, 180— President, Message of
I8'2;t, 180— Judge Victor, 313.

Montana Kxplored by the Verendryes, lio, 70—
by Lewis and Clarke, 130, 1 12.

Monterey Harbor, 47, 31.

Montezuma Conquered, 10.

Montgomery- Camp, 4.57 Cu|)t. I', .s. N., :U2—
Port, 122.

Montlcello Convention, 313.

Moore— M., '284— Robert, 'J.'U, •2:i't, 213, '251, '277-
Lieut. W. A., 300.

Moores, Isaac R., 330, 3.54.

.Morera's .lourne.v troin Oregon to Mexico in

1.578, 80.
Morrlson-J. L., '240, 277, •280-R, W., -281.
Moslier, Capt. L. F., 3.5s.
.Moss, S. W., '241, 277, 285.
.Mount. See JIakcr, Kilgecuuih, Fairweatlivv,

Hooil, Mcl.ouiihlin, Olympus, Hainier, Shasta,

Siskiyou, SI. Helens, St. Klias, San Jacinto.
Mountains, see Blue, Bitter Hoot, Canyon, Cas-

caite. Roeku.
MucklcHhoot Prairie, 4'20.
Mulkey, .1. L., :«)!, 3W.
Multnomah— county, 303— Origin of Name. I.'IO—

River. See Willamette.
Munger, Rev. .Vsahel, '2;i'2.
.Munkurs, F. M.,314.
Munson.Capt. Lynuin B., IP 117 to 120.
Murderers' liarbor, 101.
Musselshell River, 70.
.Myths of Oregon History, lire Anian, Qtrrer,

Cibola, Ii\>nte, Fuc.a, Maldonado, Quivira,

Wliitman.

Natdiess— Pass, 3(*'2, 107, 125, 4.'i()— River, 1.50.
National Jnielligpnecr, Gen Wool's letter in, 380,

423.
Neah Bay, 111, 118, 121, 125.
Net', .\lexander,.\tley (Olday), Calvlii, George,

Peter and Robert, 281.
Negro Slavery. See Slavery.
Nelson, George and J. C, 'JKU

XI r

IIISTOKY OF OKK(J0N.

N'esinlUi, Oen. James W., -T:!.
;;i i,;Kt, 3H, .'W, -un, h; to ii.-i

JS-J. 3i-

.11, 11! I.

as7, .'J 1 1,

Xesciuaily .Mission and Settlement, •-'Ji, iltl.

\e\\ — Albion, a», .'il, Tli, s.->, Sti— Caledonia, Ill-
Cornwall. I'iT— Dnnginess, 12:{-<ieors;ia, lii,
Hanover, 127— Mearket. Her Tumnalfr—
Spain l!l, i").

Newli.v, \V. T., l-W..

Newnomb, Daniel, .'(.'jfl, :!."vi.

Newell, Dr. Kobert, ai, 2lii, 25:t, i'v4, 277, SG, 2sti,
;!0i), .tni.

Newspapers, First in Oregon, :!0i). Setr Colum-
bian, Oregiiniaii, Spcctalar, Star, Slati-.tmaii,
Times.

Ne/. Perce (Chopunnlsh) Indians, l.iii. 111. liil,
■M2, 211, 213 to 21M, 220, 2.">s, :ui!i, :!I2, :W2. lii, 421,
j:)7. 4.">H, 4B2, 4(>.'>, 4(>(>, 171, 17:!.

.N'iehols— H. »., ■■ir*>, T.")— Henlaniln. .John and
Frank, 2S4.

Nicholson, I'ioneer of ISKi, 212.

.Noble, .lolin F.,'!<>2.

Noland, ('apt., HI.

Noinen<-latiire of Hie I'ai'ilic Coast, 7S to S2, Sil
loHS, !i!l, 12:! to 127. i:«i, lil!i, 2Ji.

Nookanils, Newetee Chief, IV!.

Nootka- -Controversy, lis to lili— Convention, ill
— Fnglisli Vessel, !lii- Indians. .S7. !'>:!— Sound.
7X, .S7, ii:!. !« to nil, Ul:| to Ills, Us, 122. 121. 127
fo 12!l.

North— Cape, H«— Sea. See Arctic.

Northern Indians Invade I'ufiet Sound. :H17,
42ti, 4(kS.

.NortlK-rn (Iregon. Sec M'ashini/lon.

?forthire.it America. First Vessel built on North-
west Coast, 101 to 12.">.

Northwest -Company, i:!l. 111. l"i(i, 1(12, loo, looto
171— Passage, 21 lois. :l:i to .")0, -c' to .'i7. 71. 70,
Si, SO, S7, 111, !>:!, '.I'l, ll"i, 1 17, 127, 1:11.

Notre Dame, sisters ol', 2S|.

Novus Muiulus (.\inerioa). 22.

Nuevo Hispanola (.Me.xieoi, I'.i.

Nunez Uaona, Porto. Sec .Vr«/i Jluii.

Nursery, 'I'rHveiing of, 1S|7, :!01.

Dak Flat Council, 112, 111.

Oak Point, 140.

Oatnian. 11. It., :r70.

OBryant, H. |).,:il:l.

Ocean. See Arctic ami I\icific.

ot11<'ers of Oregon Provisional liovernnienl
1S4:I, 2.")!, 2i7— ISI4,2S1, 2'i2— Isl"), ■js.'i-isio, :liii,
1S47. ;!IW-1S4S, :U)I, .,2S— Territorial (Jovern-
inent, ISIH, :i2S, .tt.!— IS-'iO. :!:i.-.-l.s.-.l, .il?- LvVl.
:1H— ISM, ;il.">— Slate (JoverninenI, isw, :i)l —
of Washington, First, .li:).

Ogden— Peter skeen, ;iNi,. {12— Itiver. .SVp Ilum-
boldl.

Okanogan Fort and Itlver, l.">7.

Okotsk, Gult of, .'17.

(Md .John, Ho^ue Pivert hief, :j.'il.

Olds, M. or \V., .Wl, .tV..

Olley, Ke\'. .\. P.,2!2.

Olney— .ludge Cyrus, .'!ll,:!."m, :rr>— Nallian, 310,
.302, 4IKI to 41.">.

Olyiiipla, 34:!.

Olympus, .Mount, 7S, 12il.

o'Aleara, James, :l'il.

O Neal, Capt. Hugh, Kt!, |:!:ilo 1.3").

O'Nell, James A., 22.1, 2M lo 2)0.

Ontario, American War Vessel, 10."), 107.

Orchard, Port, 121.

Ord, Capt. K. O. C 122, tlO to 41!.

Oregon— Admission of, .tM, :!.")2-.\nierlean Soci-
ety for the Settlement of, '221- Hills in Con-
gress, 21.'), :!24 to 327, .■iV2— Citv. 21:!, 2:!S, 211.
2411, 2')4, 277, ISO, 2S:l, :!l!l, 317- Discovery of, 20
—E.xchange Company, .3:4:1— First Settlement
of, 14,"), 22!l, 23«)-Iustltute, 2")1 -Origin of

Name, 72 to
1711 to I.Si" '
Klver, 117

: to 70- IJuestlon, 1:1:!, 144, 101 to lOS,
1711 to I.So, 2;il, 272,, 2!HI to 2!I7- ititles, :!12-

r:l. Sec Columbia Spectator. :!0 1-
Hteamer, 42:!-" Style " of Journalism. :i:>0,
422, 42S- -Territory Organized, :!i!i to :UI.

Oreuonian, Tli(,:W>, .t47,:!(5.3, 3ill, 11.3, 4l!l, 121 to 121,
i:«).

orford— Cape, lUl Port, :i;l!l, ;fiMl, 4:l», 440, 443, (111.

Otondo, .Xdmiral Don Isdrode, ,jl.

ounalaska Island, SH, 102.

Overland Journeys. 131, i:W to 14.3, l.'>7 lo 100, 101,

I!r2 to lill, 2IHI. 201 to 1.04, 2IIS, 210 to 214, 217, 22"i,

:140 lo-.."yi. 200 to277, 2SS to Jill, 2il!l, :KII lo -Ml,

.322 to •321, 340, 311.
Owens, Ca|)t. F-llas .\.,:l;")l to ;!(10 -('apt. James

W., 31:!— John, 2si, 21ls— I lioinas, 270.
owhi, Yakima Chief, 474.

Pacilio— City. :'vl2— Fur Co., iriO lo HI.")- Ocean, l!l,

•2:!, 01, s.")— .Spain's Monopoly ot the, 27— Tele-
graph Co., :147.
Packwood, William H., .liO, :r>-).
Palmer. (Jen. Joel 1.., 2S0, :!1.3, :!44, .3")8, .3H0 to 3.h:\.

+11, 442, 407
Palouse -Indians, 101, :!S0 410, 420,400,470,474—

Klver, l:f7, 4-2s.
I'ambrun, P C., -2(0, 212, 21:i, 247.
Parker— S., .ttl-Dr. Samuel, 210 to 212, 21!t, 271 —

William (J., 270, 2IK
Parmentler Hiver, 4:1.

Parrlsh. Kev. Joslah 1... 2:12, 213, 2.")!, 2">l, 277.
Pataha River, 141.
•Pathfinder. •277.
Patit Klver, ill.
Patton. K.,:iol.
Payne, J. K.,311.
I'eace Klver, 1:!1.
/liW/ar, .\mcrican Itrig, loi.
I'eebles, J. C, :i'iO, :!.">">.
Peers, Henrv, .100. ;liM.
Pend d' Oreille Kiver, l:iO, :! 0. :IS4.
I'oe-peo-inox-mox, Walla Walla Chief, l-'W, 2jii,

.■!S1, Kril, 411 to 410.
P'-rez- Juan, Voyage ol, 7s, 70— Fntrada de, 117.
Perils, Cape of, 20.

Perkins, Kev. H. K. W., 217, 277, 27!l.
Perry. W. T.,'277. 2S2.
Peru (Conquered, 10.
Petroiiaulovski, SO.
Petiygrove, F. W., 277.
Philip 11 and III of S|iain, |.~). lit.
Philippine Islands, '27.
Phillips, Kdward. .Murder ol, :10!I.
PichlingueR. Sec hreebontcrii.
Pickett, Charles K., 270, 2*0.
I'ierce— President Franklin, :i4:!— Meiil. Thos

r2!i.
I'ierre Jerome, Indian Chief, :lS."i.
Pike, .lournev of liieut., 1 i:l.
Pilclier, Maj., .lourney of, 200, 213.
Pillow, Lieut. C. H., 41(1.
Pistol Kiver Indians, llii, ll."i.
Pitt, Fort, 100.

I'izarro, Francisco, Con<iuests ol, 10.
Pl<\moiidon, ,s., :io4,
Platte Kiver, 00.
Point- .\dams, l'22— of Kocks, battle of, 2211-

Reyes 47— Santa Cruz, r2:i.
Poland, (apt. .lohn, 4:l.s, 4:10.
Polk. County— '2'2S— President .lames IC, '2S!1, •2,l|,

2!il to 2!M), :!10, :!22, :!2I, ,'1'27, :!2s.
Pomeroy, Waller. 2111.
Pompeys I'l liar, 142.
Population of Oregon in is:!."), •2^2()-lS4o, 212, 2'!0—

lsr2, 24!l— !s4:l, '27.-)— lSt4, 2S.3-1HI."), 2SS— isiil, 'llX.
Port. .SVc Boiletja y Qutulra, Bucarcli, Imh Av-

gcles, Moiilj/omeri/, Nunez Gaona, Orcliaril,

Orforri. Pusaexxion, Townxenil,
Portet\ W. W.,311.
Portlus, William, :!ill.
Portland- City, xa, :i;i"),3.l7, :!l."i, :!I7 to :ll!i, :!i«, i:i\,

4,")4— Inlet, IIB.
Part lock, Capt., Voyage of, !i.">.
rort.«mou</i, I'.. s. Man-of-war, .'!22.
Portuguese Colon ii's, 10.
Possession— Port, •2")— Sound, 1'2:!.
Postofflces, First, :110.
Polosl .Mines, 10.
Powell— J. H.. Killed by Indians, :17«—Capl. I..J„

4.">:!, 4.")4, 4.")0 to 4t):i
Prattler, Theodore and William, 'iX\.
I'ratt, Judge o. C., .■l'2s.
Prevost, J. H., I'nili'il States CominisHloner,

10" to 107.
I'rigg, Frederick, 270, 28"). '

Prim, Judge I'. P., :i."ili, I'll.

mmma

(iKNKi:AI, INDKX.

\ 1 1 1

Princena Rt'<d<ind Priitwin Hoijiil, Spanish aiul
KiigUsh vessel, 1(12 to lis.

Princess, SpftnlBh vessel . !M.

Prince of Wales— Cape, S.s—Kiigllsh vessel, Ido—
Island, H2.

I'rinee William's Soiinii, H8, !M>, Iii2.

I'rintinK I'ress, First In Oregon, 21').

Prllchott, Klnl/.lntf, .'KS.

rroelamatlon— (iov. Curry, IH.').), :W!1— (iov. Lane,
1H4!1, :i28— Oov. Mason, IS.>), ;i8it— Col. Steptoe,
Kill— Gov. Stevens, .{11.

Protestant Missions, 207 to 221, 2.V, ■.m to :il2.

I'rovlslonal Government, 211 to 2')7, 27!) to ^iill,
.11 S to ;i2H.

PuKh.Capt. W. r.,:!l:!, •'ill.

I'uget Sound, 111, 123— AKricultural Co.. 2:U— In-
dian War, 4a% 42(i, lliS-Settlement, 28.').

Quadra (Cuadra) Island, 12"). .Sec hotlegu.
tJueeu Charlotte -Kngllsh vessel,!).')— Islands, 7H,

IK), 117— .Sound, 121.
Quimper, Lieut. Manuel, Voyase i.l'. 111.
Uulvlra, Mythical City of, •£>, r*^.

Haboln, Louis, :wn.

Kaceoim, Kngllsh War vessel, Hl^i.

Ualnes, Ma|. <i. .1., :i i2, :!S(i to .iH.!, 1 1") to 112, li'i,
121).

Itainier, Mount, 121.

Uamsely, Lieut. M , 2.'<i, M\.

Hansom of Prisoners from Cayuses, .IPJ.

Kector, William II., .MM, :«1.

Redtleld, attacked by Indians, :I77.

Ked River of the Norlli. i>7, 72, 7:t, Ill-Colony,
2:14. 2i).'t— ImmlKrants, 217.

Keed-Ar. H., .Wi, ;!.")l— .lacob, 2(>s, 27(l-.l<)lin, Mas-
.sacreof, 1(12. 1(U.— T. .\.,.'i7.').

Kees, Wlllard II., 2H;t, 2S4. :«).!.

Regulars, XU, XiH, H21 to :t.">K. .'««, :i7(), :!.S(i to :;sK, Kn
to4(W, 112, 121 to 12:1, HO to III, 110 lo |.->.!, IV>,
Id.! to 17.").

Hellefof Immigrants of W)2, .'111.

Hemick, W. C, 277, 282.

Keniond, Narclsse, 410, 412, 42 I.

Representative to Congress, .'t.")l .

Republic, Steamer. IJ;!.

Reservation, Indian— Ne/ Peree, .">y.'— Rogue
River, .tlN— Sllet/,, |:il— Table lloi'k, :l() l-
I'matllla, :!H0— Warm Springs, :K2— Wallii
Walla, .'WO-Yaklma, .180.

Resolution, Capt. Cook's vessel, .SI to!Kl.

Revilla-Olgedo, Viceroy of .Mexico, 107, II.'), 127.

Reyes, Itio de los. See Kmq's Riyir.

Reynolds, (apt., I", s. \.. I.ts. 440, 11.!.

Ulee— Capt. 10. A.. :1.'>1, |i«. i:tl— L. A., 2si, :!:i|-
Settlement, KHi.

Richards, R<'V. G. P., 2 12.

lilchard.son, .lohn, 27ii, 2Sii.

Rlggs, .lames H. and Kufus .V., 2Ss.

RIneiirson, Capt. .lacob S., :l|:!, .■!7(), :17!I, :iOli.

Rio. Sei' Aguiliir, JU'ih^i, Ilaro, Hepos,

HIver. iSVc Aiiuilar, Ahliinum, Alpoua, Anifii-
cnii, Ansinlhiiine, limivt VisUi, liuriil, Vltirki's
Fork, Polovoilo, Volumliia, (\>}iiiirmi)ii\ Co-
iiuitlf. Deer Lml/ie, Dis Chutes, Dniiner, TJes-
tmrtion, Frasrr, Grien, Huro, Jlcll Giitf,
J ' umlmldt , Illinois, ,Iumii-off-Jiii', Muckemif,
M'lrn's, McClouil or Mcf.eoU, Mis.iissip)}!, .l/i,«-
inuri, Mii'<s<'tsliell, Kini/s, of Ihr West, 0<i<len's,
Oregon, I^louse, I'urmfntier. I'enre, Pcnd <l'
Oreille, Platte, tied. Rogue, Sun Rof/iie, Saii-
liiim,S<isknteli(tn'an,Smike, Spokone, The(i<i)io,
Touvhet, rrmjiQUd, Wallii W'llla, White, Wil-
liiinetle. Wind, Yakiiuii, Villinvstone.

Rivers Inlet, 121.

Robbins-Natlianlel, :]:<», .■ni-( >. I'., :!7I.

Robertson, Capt., t:l4.

Robie, .\. 11., Indian .\gent, I")!!. 102.

Robin's Nest, 2:«.

Robinson, ,1., .104.

Rocky Mountains, (i(),(l!l, 70, 71, l:ll-l''ur Co., Mil

to2!K).

Rogers— A. !•',, ;ii;t— tlornellus, 211— Lewis, :iO|.
Rogue River, .•)0, lim,. 1:17, IIW, i:li(, 118 to 410— In-
dians, WMi, :»7, :«0, ;»l to .itiO, .'Ui7 to :177, .•ltt4 to

-Wushing-

lO.i. 4:«l<i no— .Massacre in IS.)."), 22(i-l.S.")'), Uri
lo.i7()-\'alley, 3)7.

Ronqulllo, Straits of, 12.

Rosario— Canal del. See Quifof Geomia— Straits,
Hi.

Roseburg, 347.

Rose and Harding killed, Ml.

Ross, (4en. .lohn K., 312, 314, :).3!l, 3.")ll to 3,10, 37S, 301).

Rush, Richard, .American Commissioner, 181.

Russell-Capt.n.,4(il-()sborn,277,281,28."),287,;«)l.

Russian— America. See ^/nvta— .Vmerlcan Trad-
ing Co , 03— i;ialm to .Maska, lS;i-K.\i)lora-
tloiis, .')!) to ()2, 03.

Ryan, William, .304.

Ryswick, T"?aty of, (i.').

Sacred Heart Mission, .)().).

Satlarans, Dr. 11., 31.!.

Saliaplln River. See Snake.

Salem, 20.1, 2.")0, 2.')l. 31.") to 3")!.

Salmon Fishing, 201.

Saltees, Coeur d' Alene Chief, 471.

Salt Lake, Great, 07, 101.

Sam, Rogue River Chief, .•V')7 to :)()'•, 1)1.

San Hernardlno Island, 2").

Sun CV(W».«, Spanish vessel. (>."), 70, 102 to 101,111.

Sand Hollows, Rattle of, 31 1.

San Diego, 47, ")1.

Sand Island, 340.

Sandwich Islands. See Jfairuiitin.

San Francisco Ray and City, .10, 17, 18, 01, S3, 201,

.3311, .3;)3.
San .Tiiclnto, Mount, s'>.
San .Tuaii .\rchlpelago. 111.
San Lorenzo. See Noolkti.
San Luciis, Cape, 21.
San liiientln, 17.

Si,in Roi|Ue, Cape, .^l .S'rc J/iimvck.
Han Sebastian, Cap''. 18.
Santa Cruz— Lowe^r California, III. 21

Ion. See Xeir Punginess.
Santa Rosalia, Mount.' iVec Olympus.
S mill Salurnlnii, .Spanish vessel. 111.
Snntiiigo, Spanish ves.sel, 78, 70.
Saskatchewan River, 07, 70, 71, 131.
Satas Creek, 42!l.
Satton, ('., 2S0.
Sauvles Island, 130, 2ir,.
Savage, M. L.,3C1.
Schlellclin, Clinton. 371.
Sciiumagim Islands, ss.
Scott— .lohn, 284. 20.S— ( apt. L<'Vl, 281, 2ilS, :)03, 3.")0,

;).");")— River, -m.
Scottsburg. 3.37, 377.
Scurvy, Ravages of the, 21, 20. 17, 48, 10, .").S, 78, 01,

07.
Sea. See Ilehring, Onies, IV'irlU, South, Vermilion.
Sea Otter. lOngllsh vessel, 0(1.
Seal lie, 120,427.
Secretary of Oregon, 282, 2S."),

— Washington, .343.
Selkirk Settlement, 170.
Semmes, Lletil , I'. S. N., 400.
Semple, Speech of Gen., 2(>2.
Senators, I iilted stales, 3.')1.
Sentinel, ,Iacksonvllle, 372, 13.').
Serra, Father .lunlpero, 01.

.Sett liTS and the Hudson's Day ( ■i>.,227 to 230, 234

237 to 2.!!l. 211,217.
shadden, Thos. ,1.. 210 to 2'jl.
Shannon— Davis, 3")!), .).").")- W., .■!.3.!.
Shark, \'. S. Si'liooncr, wrecked, .300.
.Shasta— Hutle City. .SVc I'rcte- Mount
Shalt uck,.ludgc !•:. D. , .•!.")0, .I.-).").
Shaw— A. '.'. R., 2s|-Col. II. F.,284, 421, 4

— Dr., 410- .losluia, 281— Thomas C,
—Washington, 2S|— Cai)t

ShefHeld, Capt., 111.

shelton, Isaac, Killed by Indians

shepard, ( 'y rus, 208. 210, 217.

Sheridan, Lieut., Philip H., 107, l.")l to 4"v).

sherlll', Capt., Kngllsh Conimlsslonor, 1(17

Shields, ,Iames, .Wl, iVh't.

Shilling Mountains. See Rocky,

ship. See I'essi I.

Shlvdy, .1. M., First lostmusler, .!l!l, 321.

Shoalwater— Hay. 120— Cape, 110,

i2S, 3.!.'), 311,31.'), 3")!

, 200.

.")7 to 4(17
281, 313
William, 281, 31 1.

X I V

msTOKY OK OUKGON.

Sv(< Pitcijic

■>'~. ••ilO, .■!1-.',
■. See Ex-

Short, R. v., .'ai, :W.

ShortesB, Robert, 2.12, 2J't, 2iV!, '^A, 'iTJlS, 277.
ShoHhone Indians, 140.
Show-ah-wiiy, Yakima (^hlef, .'iW.
Shrum, NIcliolas, .TjO, 3Vj.

HIgnature.s of Delegiiles to ronstltutional Con-
vention, Xtl.
81mcoe Vallpy, .W-'.
Simmons— tJporgf, 27li. 2S(i— Michael T., 2S4, 2-(."),

■m.

Simpson, Sir (Jeorge, 2.'7, 247, 2li:!.

Sinclair, .lames, H. H. Co. Agent, cm, 4IH, V*y

Siskiyou Mountain, l!Hi.

Sisters of Notre Dame. 2H1.

.Skinner, Alonzo A., Indian Agent, 2K.'>, ^f-'.s, :i.)S,
;U4.

Slnngliler, I.leut. \V. A . .1X7, 42.-..

slavery— In America, 111— In Oregon, :i'2li, M.'l, .'Jl K

Slocum, I, lout. Wni. A., 2.i(l.

.smallpox among the lilackfeet, oiix.

Smith-Rev. A. 1!.. 214 to 21li, 2')7, 2.V, 2;7-Ca|>t.
A. ,1.. :t.->S, :il(i), :«W, :!71, .■!)!!, 4(12. 434, a\ III. 44:i
to 4 Hi, 47()— Ucluzon, :!">» to ;!-V)-(i. ]{.. .W.!—
Isaac W., 27(i. 2S(>— .ledcdiah s., Trapping
Kxpeditlon of. 1!I2 to 210— Noyes, '.W, ^S.")-
Robert. 270, 2iH— Shlney, 2.I2. 240, 277. 2)S0-
Slmeon. 2.S0— Thomas, \V):i-\ Pioneer of lHt2,
2:)2. 2j:i.

Smith's Inlet. 121.

Snake, River, 13li— Indians, 1 10, .101 to .iOI, l.'^S—
Massacre, .101— Mission, 2.'L'.

Silkier, Dr. K., :!i:i.

Snook, .I..S., 2H4,:tiil. .IM.

Sonofd, .Spanish vessel, 70 lo Si.

Hound, tivc Utrchni, Xoalku, /'on.vevv/oji, Prince
William, I'liqit, Queen Cluirlalte, ,S7. George's.

.South Pass, 101,

South Sea, l!i, 2-1, :il, :!7. .V), 01, .S4, 01.
f^'p'oi— f!oinpany. 04.

Southern Kmlgrant Koute. 2!IS, :;02

Spalding, Rev. Henry H., 212, 20->,

Spanish— Armada, .12— CoiKiuests, I'

ploratinna.
Spokane— Fort, 101, lOi— Indiims, 101, 121, 4.")0, 4.')8

474— .Mission, 214.
Sportsman, William, 2!is.
Spotted Eagle, Nez Perce Chlel', 4.'>.s.
St. Charles City, :!XV
St. Clare, VV., .'loi.
.St. Elias, Mfiunt, ■")S, .S7, 01.
.St. Kraneis /avler. Chapel of, :!00.
St. George's Sound. Nee Xnnthi.
St. Helens -.Mount, I20-To\vn of, •'!!:!.
St. Ignatius Mission, .'KK).
St. .lohn's Church, Oregon City. .100.
St. r.ouls. Founded, f»i— Fort, ISO.
St. Mary's Mission, 'iOO.

St. J'riul and St. /V<?r, Russian vessels, .J7 to ■")0.
St. Pauls Ml.ssion. 2:i4, HOO.
staats, Stephen, '2->o.
SlarUweuther, \Vm. .\., :!."iO, "..yi .
Stat*— Capital. Nee Ciiiiilal— House, 2."il,

347— Kfforts to Create. .'142 to .•i.")2.
Stutesman. :i.V>, 3;i«, 'Mi, 310, 317, 3H.'),.i01, 431,
Steamer, P'Irst built In Oregon, .330.
Steele, Judge Elijah, :««,
Stellacoom, Fort, 387, 4'2.'), 420.
Hteptoe, Col. E. ,1., 4.")0, 4.")2, IM. 103 to lo;

473.
Stevens, Gov. Isaac!., ,343, 3H0 to .is;l, 1(10 to 41'2,

423 to 427, 4r>() to 4.'>S, 41m to 187.
Stewart— Lieut. A. »., 4.-).3— Capt. V. S. A.,3:W-P.

G., '270, '281, 287— Camp, 3,lt, .Th. Nee Drum-

mond.
Stlck-us. Cayuse Chief, 274, 286, 3o7.
Stock Whitley, Des Chutes Chief, l2o, 400,
Stony Mountains. See Rnekii,
Straight, Hiram A., '270, 284, im, 3iK).
Straits. See Aninn, Behrinf/'s, Cnrlerenl, Ilarii,

John stone'. s, Juan tie h'uen, Lrihnitlnr, Maijel-

lan, lionqnillo, timario.
stratton, U. K., 3'il.

Strong, ('apt. and .ludge Wllliani, :i.s,"), W).
Stuart, David and Robert, I.")l, l.)7. 101, 104.
Sublette, Milton and Wllliani, 103, '201.
Supremo Court. See .hirigex.
.SnriV, Spanl.sh vessel. 117, 123.

■28:!.

470 *o

Suttei-Capt. .lohn A., 21 1, .181- Fort, .320, ;WI, 401),
Swallow Hall. See War Kagle.
Swartwout, ('apt. r. S. N.,4'27, 408.
Switzer, Lieut., C. S. A..408.
Syracuse, Town of, 3:1.3.

Table Rock, :t;)8, :i,M to 300, 374.

Taeoutchee Tasse River. See Fraser

Ta-ma-has, murderer of Dr. Whitman, 318.

Tam-su-ky, Cayuse Chief, 300 to 318.

Taylor, B., 314-Fort, 473-.rames, 328, ;i.tl— Capt.

( ). H. P., 471, 474— President Zachary, .Til.
Tchlrlkof, Alexel, .')7.
Tejada (Texada) Island, 114, 1'23.
Telohn Pass, '201.
Telegraph Lines Kullt. 347.
Tenas 'I vee. Rogue River Chief, :iO.'i.
Territorial Period, :«2 to :Vil.
Terrv. Chester N., .'Wl, %-tlV,.
The Dalles, lO.-) to 41:1, 421, 4'27. 430, 4:t7— Indians.

237, -iiO, .382— Mission, 217. 'I'-ii, .307), .307.
Thegayo River, 07. See Cnlumlilii.
Tliompson— David, a Fur Trader, l.Ki— Capt.

Cliaries, :M0— Capt. Piiillp F,, 314 to 317.
Thorn, Capt. .lonathan, I.'ii, i.'):t.
Tiiornlon, .1. (^ulnn, 207, 320 to;!28.
Thorp, Major, 282.
Thurston— County, .'il7— Samuel R., 'i:!!, 2:m, .302,

304, :i'i7, :!31. :i37.
Tlbbetts, Calvin, 2:!fl, 277.
Tillamook, Cape, 100, 101— Counly, :U4— Indians,

:i02.
Times, Newspaper, :!:i7.
Timothy, Ne/, Perce chief, 471 to 17:1.
Tipsu Tyee, Rogue River Chief. :i«l, .3(i0.
Tolmie, W. F., :!00.
Tom Hill, '238,3(10.

Tonnuin, Voyage and Destruction of, l.'iO to l.'>0.
Touchet-Rattle of, 310, 4lli— River, 111, 310,370,

413, 410.
•i'ownseiid, Port. 12:!, 34:!.
Trappers. See Fnr Onmpanies.
Traveller, V . S. Steamer, 400.
Traveling Nursery of 1817,301.
Treasurer of Oregon, 2")7, 2Sl, 282, '28i'>, .328. :r>l.
Treatles-Ashburton, '204, '270— with England,

l:i2. 104, Ili8, I.V"), 201, 270, 2-2!), 203,200— otGlienI,

101— of .Joint occupation of Oregon, 198, lH.i,

•2112, 203— of .Madrid, 1'28— of Nootka, 111- of

Ryswick, 111-with Spain In 1818, 'Jt'. See

Indiana.
Trevllt, Vlo.,:l.8(i.
Trinidad Hay, 48, 70.
Tshimikain Mission, 214, :I06.
Tualatin— District, 281— Plains, 210. :102.
I'ufts. .Attacked by Indians, :!74.
Tukannon River, 1:17, :W0.
Tuie Lake, :«0,
Turn water, .'143.
Turner John, 2'20,2.'1(), 277.
Turpin, William, 301.
•I'Vault, W. G., •28.->, 288, :)0!l, :l:!o.
Tygh Valley, 4011.
Tyler, President .lohn, '272, 20.3.

Ulloa, Francisco de. Voyage of, 21.

rniatilla— Agency. :M1— Indians. :1S1, 410, 4-20, IfiO,
4i«)— .Mission. 108. 110- Reservation, '181, 410,
411-River, i:!0, ir>0, .'CT, 411.

rm-howlisli, Cayuse (.'hief, 307, 30O, .'170.

rmp(|ua--Fort,'20l-Indlans, 104 to 100, 401 — Mas-
sacre, nil to 100— River, 40 to .">!, 101, ;l;47— Val-
ley, .3:^7.

t'nlversity of Oregon, :14.').

ITnited States- Attorney, :i;l-"i, :141, :il.'>— Marshal,
327, 3.-)5,344.

Utilla. See Umatilla.

Vuidez, Cayetano, Voyage of, 118, 12:1.

Vanconver-(;'atliolicChiirch,:iOO— District, '288—
Fort, 1'20, 177., 17(i, -200, 212, 217, '228, 230, 421, 122,
lir.-lBland,78, 108, 121, I21, I.*3-To\vn, 4(H-
Voyage of, 11'2. 118 to 128,

Vannoy's Ferry, 308, 4.3.5.

Van .Scliouten, Voyage of, .'53.

«KNKI!AL INDK.X.

Vaslion Island, 12:!.

Velaspo I/ake, I.!.

Verondryps. Kxplorationsof, ll!i to 71.

Vi'i-Milhon Hen, "i-l.

Vessel, First Hiilll-«n raclHc (,'oast, 21, !W, 100.
IJI. 157— on Columbia Klver. iri7.

Viscalno, Sebastian, Voyage of, 1").

Volunteers. 2X1), .■J12. :!M, .'W, atl, .•i7(l, ■i7N, :!,S8 to 477.

Voy«i?e. Srv Afiuilur, Arteaga, Aynln, Jtaffl'^-
Harclati, Behriiu/. Bi'iiynintky, Jtlilille, Hn-
(lesin y Quadm, IIUMlitiimnte, Catimano, <V(-
brillo, Onetiilixh, Oilnelt, Ourtrrftil , C'urmii,
Jhltis, DiTiiii, Drake, Elimi, Ferirlo Fniitf,
Film, Giiliaiiii, flamit, Oriiy, J faro, I/eiiln
Jfiiilsim, Kindrirk, J,'i I'croiiw, Lrmairi', Miil-
itnniido, Mnrlinez, Maurille, Mmies, I'frfz,
/'tirllork, Qiiimjtrj-, Tchirik itf, Vllnii, Vnlih-z,
\'<i)icoiii<'i\ \'(in Sriiiiiiti'ii, i'i.sidiiii). .SVi- AV-
imlitioii iinil .lininirfi.

Voya^eurs, 171.

Waifuer, .1. U., Xli to :t7li.

Wiiaons to I Hi.'%im, 2i:i. 2.T). 21(1. 2IS, 272, 274.

Walllalpu .Mission, 2l:i, 2')«, ms to -ilH, .'CT, 110.
.SVy- Wliilmnn.

Walr, J. \V., Jill.).

Walt-JudKe A. K., .i.".!— Lieut., 4">!» to 4111.

Walauiet Cattle Co., 211. Sec Wlllmnvtle

Waldo. Daniel. l>avid and William, rii, •Jn2.

M'alker-Courlney M., -liiS, 277. 2-t2 2,Sii-Uev. KI-
kanali, 211. 2lfc'>, 277— (.'apt .Jesse, :llil— .loseph.
Trapping K.xpedlllon ol, 202 -a Vlcllm ol
Indians, 3S7.

Walker's I'ass, 200 to 2112.

Wallaeo Prairie. 2-il.

"Wallen, (apt., 414.

Walla Wallu-llattle or. 111 to 122-Canip, 120.121,
427, 44S. 4.''><l, 4ti2 to 107— Counell at. .ihO to Xfi,
4K:i to 407— Fori, 202, 21 0, 212, 2110 to 20S. 2!i,s, :i07,
.•111,4011, 428. 470— Indlaii-s, l.SO, lliO, :«1, 400 to
4;i2, 4,-)S, 400,40(1. l74-.Mllltary I'ost, 470— Klver,
1.1H,2<KI, .'WO, 417.

Waller, Hev. A. V;. 220, 2:12. 2")«, 277.

Waning, Gabriel and .1. II., -m.

Wallula. Hev Wallii WiiIIk Foil.

Wapatoo I.sland See Saiiiii.i.

War Bet»'een Hudson'.s Hay Co. and Northwest
Co , 170. See Iniliiin Wars.

War Kagle, Cayuse ('l)lel', .tl")

Warrewer, Thomas, 2M4.

Waseo— County, H44— J^teanier, -ISS, 418 to 452.

Wa80O()uni Indians. See The ludlex.

Washington— County, .'i.i:l— Kort, 11(1— Territory,
:M2to:W4.

Waterman, .lohn OrvLs, 3).">.

Waters— David, i!14— Col. .lames, 278, 'il-i to. 117

Watklns, W. H , :«!, ifiS.

Watt, .Joseph, 284.

Watts, John W., .150, :V)5.

Wayralre. Frederick and .John, 2S8, .V>0, :l.V(,

Webster, Daniel, 204, 271, 272, 20.1, 21K1.

Well Springs, Hattle of, 311.

West, Ulver of the, tj7. See Columbia.

Western Star, ;»").

Weston, David, :il I.

Wheat made Legal Tender, 288.

Wheeler, I, lent. .James, 471.

Whldby Island, 121, :10<I.

WhIteomb-.J. I,., 240— Lot, .iT), .'{.111.

White— Dr. Klljali, 210, 217, 2.52, 2.53, 2.5S. 277, 2S7—

.James, . mi-.J oh n S., :i.")0, .Hl-S. S.,:!O.S-Klver,

425, 420.
Whlteaker, .John, .Til.
While Stallion Itlver. See Toiuhel ,
Whitman— I>r. .Marcus, 210 to 221, 2:il,2.rr,2;t8,217,

2til) to 275, 277, .121— andlmmigration of 181.1,

247,200 to 2r5, .'too— .Vlassncre, UtS, .•105 to .'118.

:!21 to. '12:t-- Mission. .SVc lfrti(V'»/y)«-l'urehases

Tlie iMlles Mission, *l.5 -|>. H., :t07.
Whitney, .Jones K., .'t7!i.
Whltted, Thomas, :V>0, :152'».
Whiltnn, .\nierloan vessel, .'121.
Wilbur, Captain, 4 10.
Wilcox. I)r. Italph, 2S0. .lO.'!, :i01.
Wiley..!. \V.,.'ii:i.
Wilkes, C<iinmodore Charles, 211.
Wllklns, Caleb, 210.
Wilkinson, Capt, W. A., :«(8, 411.
Willamette— Comity, .115— Falls, '227. '2:1:). 2:W, 240,

251, 28(1, 2<:i-l{l ver. l.'lr- Valley, 22il, •2:iO.
Williams— I'loneer of 18:17, 210, 2411— Fort, 2i).'i—

I.ieut., 4.5(1 to 4'i:!— Judge Oeorge n.,Mi, X*),

.'!.V>— J. V.., '281. %*\- Capt. M. M., 41.5, 4.10— Col.

Kohert 1... :15l to :ttiO, 3!)(i, .';n8. 4:B to 44(1.
Wilkln.son— Caiit.,:!!i8, 4(0— Oeorge, 2:12.
Wlllson, William II.. 257. '277, '280, .'W.
Wilson- A. V.., -2.57, '277, '282. .'til— A. F., .'Wl. :i85-

Cnpt. .\. v.. 411, 417 to 420, 4:10- John, 301.
Wind Hlver, 70.

Win Im snoot, Cuyuse Chief, 400.
Winnipeg, City. Fort, Lake and Klver, (ill, 170,

171.
Winslilp's Settlement on the Columbia, 14.5.
Wolf Meeting, 251.
Wood. I'loneer of 18:17, 2:10.
^Voods. Lake of the, (19. 70.
Woodworth, John. 2'20.
Wool. (Jen. John E., :!(«. :!IW, .300. .372, :i82, :189, 390,

411, 412, 421 to 421. 425, 4:1.5, 440, 1(17.
W right— (apt. Kenlamln. 232, .'130, 4.38, 4:}!>— Col.

George, 426, 447 to 4:50, 4(1:1 to 409, 473 to 475.
Wyeth, Nathaniel .1., Knterprlses of, 197, '202 to

2O0. 213. 220.

Vaklma- Indhms. :wi, :IS1 to :i!ll, 4II7. 108, 410, 429,
118 to 151, 45S, 4(10. 470, 474— .Mission, .508-
Klver, 407, l'28.

Yamhill— District, 280— Settlement, '2111.

Vantis, Judge, .'18.5.

Vellept. Walla Walla Chief, l;l!i.

Yellow Bird. See Pen-fien-mox-nior.

Yellowstone Klver, 70, I'lO, 14'2.

Yelni Prairie, 4'2(!.

■yerba Buena, 0.5, 201. See San Francisrn.

You-ma-lolam. See T'liintuia.

Voung-Kwlng, '201, •2'20, '2:10, 212, 214-Licut., U. S.
N., 4«S.

Yreko,;i:J7, ;«9.

CHAPTER I.

AMERICA IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTUKY.

Spain's Foothold in the New World— The Aye of Romance and Adve)b-
ture — The Method and Successive Stages of € on <j nest— Discovery of
the South Sea, or Pacific Ocean, by Balboa and Magellan — Conquest
of Mexico and Peru — First Attempt to Colonhe the Peninsula of
California — E forts of Portugal, England and France.

DURING the iifty years immediately following the discovery of
America, Spain gained a fii'm and lasting foothold in the
New World. Ferdinand and Isabella, those Christian rulers who
sat upon the united throne of Castile and Aragoii, and freed their
kingdom from the invading Moors, and redeemed it from the faith
of Islam, and under whose patronage Colinulius sailed upon that
voyage which revealed to an astonished world a new continent and
a vast unknown ocean, were succeeded in power by the mighty
Charles V. Under the reign of this enlightened monarch, the most
powerful, wise and enterprising ruler that ever sat u[)on the throne
of Spain, that nation approached the zenith of its power, wealth
and importance in the political affairs of Eiu'ope, This slu; reached
and passed during the reign of his son and successor, the haughty
Philip, whose power and magnificence was supported chiefly from
the endless stream of treasure which flowed into the ki»'gdom from
conquered provinces in the New World, or from th(^ commerce of
the East. There existed no rival to share with her the riches of the
long-sought Indies, save ambitious little Portugal, who had early
gained a footing there and established a considerable commerce by
the long and tedious route around the southern extremity of Afiica.

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

While other iiiitions confined themselves to oecasional voyages
of explor.'ition Jind spasmodic efforts jit [)lanting feeble colonies,
S[).'iin was pursuing a vigorous policy of coni[uest and colonization.
That was the halcyon age of I'omance and adventure, anil Spain led
the van. The whole nation seemed imbued with a spirit of con-
([uest. Imagination and romance peopled this vast unknown land
witii nati(ms of strange civilization and amazing wealth; made it
the re|)ository of gold, pearls and precious gems in such fabulous
tjuantity that the greatest riches of the known world seemed but
the veriest dross in compariscm; gave into its keeping the mystical
fountain of youth; endowed it with all the beauties and wonders of
earth, aii- and water the mind could conceive, and even located
within its confines the Terrestrial Paradise from whose ^ates the
angel of the Almighty had driven the great progenitors of mankind
with a flaming sword of tire. Beyond this was the great South
Sea, with its thousands of islands — a region romance had tilled
with nations of Amazons and enriched with gold and pearls; while
still further was the Indies with its known treasures of silk and
porcelain; the magnificent Cathay, that land of great cities and
hoarded wealth, of which Marco Polo had written; and the marvel-
lous Island of Cipang(t, whose treasures were ready to fall into the
lap of him who was bold enough to seek them.

Stimulated by avarice, love of adventure and a religious zeal
which often ap[)roached fanaticism, many of the nobles of Spain
eml)arked upon expi^ditions of ex[)loration and concpiest, accom-
panied by bands of e(|ually avaricious, adventuresome and fanatic
soldiers, whose reward for their services consisted chiefly of the
])lunder obtained in their bloody campaigns. Such expeditions
wei'e fostered and encouraged ])y the Spanish monarch, who saw in
them a means of extending his power and dominions, and filling his
treasury with the su[)posed wealth of the New World. Whoever
discovered and conc^uered a new country in the name of the king
was connnissioned governor, or viceroy, of the subdued region, and
granted all riches he might thus acipiire, save only that which was
to be the portion of the crown. In this way America was invaded
from Florida to Chili.

Briefly summarized, the successive steps by which Spain grasped

AMERICA IN THE SIXTEKNTII CKNTI'UY.

the richest portions of the New World were as follows: In 1495,
only thre<3 years after the nieniora1>le voyage of (\)lmiil>us, the
Island of Hayti was con([iiered and named " Nuevo Ilispanola,"
a name afterwanls transferred to Mexico. Mere work was hetjun
in the mines, the natives bein^ enslaved to perfoi-in the laltor.
These being found physically unable to endure the hardships
imposed upon them, negroes were im[)orted from (ruinea for that
purpose, thus laying the foundation of Afriean slavery, \vhich the
civilization of the nineteenth ccmtury has not yet been abh' fully to
abolish. In loll the Island of Cuba was invad<(l by HOO men, and
conquered in the name of the king of S2>ain. In l.")].'} \'aseo
Nunez de Balboa crossed the Isthnuis of Darlen and disci )\('red the
great South Sea, of Avhich the natives had scj contidently spoken
that it had already found a place on the maps of European geogra-
phers. Seven years lat(;r the great Magellan entercHl it through the
straits that bear his name, and christened it " Pacitic." In 1519
Cortes landed in Mexico, and with an army of 950 soldiers and a
ffreat cloud of Indian auxiliai'ies invaded the ancient kintcdom of
the Montezumas. In two years he completely subjugated the
country, his progress l^eing marked by the blood of the Aztecs
poured out like water in the defense. Ten years later the cruel
Pizarro, whose only object was coniiuest and plunder, entered Peru
with a thousand men, subdued the country and plundered the king-
dom of the Incas of its treasures of gold and silver. In 1585 Men-
doza entered Buenos Ayres at the head of 2,000 men and subjugated
the country as far as Potosi, whose famous mines of sib/er were
discovered nine years later. In 1537, Cortes, seeking funher con-
(piests to the westward of Mexico, landed at Santa Cruz, near the
lower extremity of the peninsula of California, but finding neither
wealth nor civilized nations, and l)eing una})le to subsist his force
in such a barren land, soon abandoned his effort at colonization and
returned to Mexico. In 1541, Chili was conquered l)y the restless
adventurers of Spain.

By the middle of the sixteenth century Spain had con(piered
and colonized every portion of America inhabited l)y wealthy and
semi-civilized nations, and was enjoying a revenue of almost fabu-
lous amount fr(>m her provinces in the New World. Portugal alone,
of all her rivals, had accomplished anything of a similar nature.

iriHTOKY OF WILLVMETTK VALLKY,

having pliinte*! a colony in Brazil. England and France had suc-
ceeded sinijdy in laying a foundation for a claim of dominion in
North America, ))Ut, unlike their enterprising rival, received as yet
no revenue from the New World. Sucli was the condition of affairs
when the first efforts were made to explore the coast of Oregon.

CHAP^J^ER II.

THK FABULOUS STRAITS OF AN FAN.

Cortereal Discovers the Straits of Lahra<l or- 1 nuM,ines he has passed
through Norus Murulus-Vasoo de Garna reaches India by dUUr^n
the Cape of (rood Ilope^^Nam.ing of the Straits of Anian by Cor-
tereal Mage an's Discover,, of a Southwest Passage Confirms the
BeUef tn a Northwest one- ^Keplorations of Cortes in the Pacific-
Voyage of K rancisco de mioa-Mendo,a Dispatches Marcon and
Coronado .. Search of CiI>ola and Qairira- Voyage of Juan
liodyne. CabrMo-^Ihs Death-Ferrelo Continues the Voyaae to
LMe J^ or W Spain Abandons the Search for the Straits of
Anmn and Turns her Attention to the Indies -Spanish Con,merce
Supreme m the Pacific-IIer Claim of Exclusive Domain-The
Buccamers, or Freebooters of the Spanish Main, Inva^le the Pacific-
liraUcal Voy,ye of Sir Francis Drake-IIe Searches for the Straits
. of Anmn— Dispute among Ilistorians as to the Extent of his Vov
age-Drake Lands his Pilot in Oregon- Drake^s Ba>, not the Bay of
San Francisco Drake Takes Possession of Neu, Albion- Romancis
ofChaplatn J^letcher-D rakers Success Excites the Euudation of
oher Adventurers-Frmcdulent Claims of Discovery of a Northwest
1 assage-Maldonado^s Pretended Voyage through the Straits of
Aman-Hts Memorial a Sham.

THE immediate cause which led t(. the discovery and consequent
occupation of Oregon was tlie long and eager search for the
mythical Northwest Passage, which continued for nearly three cen-
tunes, and was participated in by seven of the leading nations of the
wor d England, France, Holland, Spain, Pov^ngal, Russia and the
United States; and since it makes so consj .uous an object in the
foreground of Oregon's history, it is worthy an extended descrip-
tion. ^

'>'>

1IIST(H;Y ok WIM-AMKTTK vam.ky.

One of the most noted of the many exph)rers attracted to the
New Woi'hl l)y the great discovery of Colunihus, was (iraspar Cor-
tereal, a Portuguese. In the year 1 500 this great navigator explored
the Atlantic coast of North America — then called "N(tvusMun-
dus," and supposed to be a portion of the continent of Asia, extend-
ing a long distance to the eastward — and sailing round the coast of
La])rador entered the straits whicli lie lu the <)Oth degree north lat-
itude. Through these he passed into Hudson's Bay, sup])osing he
had no^v entered waters which communicated with the Indian ocean.
Aljsurd as this supposition is in the light of our present knowle<lge
of the earth's surface, it was by no means so when the geograpical
ideas and theories prevailing at that time are considered. It must
be remembered that eight years had not yet passed since the voyage
of Columlins had compelled the world to accept the theory which he
and a few others had for years been enthusiastically advocating —
that the earth was round and could be encompassed by traveling
either east or west. Though this was now generally admitted, no
one had ever actually accomplished the journey, and, in consequence,
the distance round the globe was a matter simply of conjecture.
That it was more than half the distance it was afterwards found to
be, no one at that time imagined ; and this accounts for the belief
that Novus Mundus was a portion of Asia, of whose eastern coast
geographers had no knowledge whatever, and for the supposition
of Cortereal that he liad passed through this new land and entered
a sea connecting with the Indian Ocean, when, in fact, he was not
within ten thousand miles of that great body of water. Two years
])efore. one of these Portuguese navigators, Vasco de Gama, had
reached the Indian Ocean by sailing eastward around the Cape of
Good Hope, a voyage historians l>elieve to liave been frecpiently
accomplished in ancient days by those venturesome mariners, the
Phienicians; and now Cortereal believed that he had found a route
into the same waters by passing around the northern extremity of
the New World.

To the straits through which he had passed he gave the name
of " Anian," and the land to the south of them he called Labrador,
and these were variously indicated on the subset] uent maps aa
" Straits of Anian," " Strait- of Cortereal," "Straits of Labrador,"
" Land of Cortereal," f.nd " Land of Labrador." The exact sig-

TIIK KABrLOtIS STHAITS OK AXIAN.

as
sig-

nificance of the won! " Aiiiun " is wneruUv admitted to be iin-
known, altlioni>;li it lias l>een tlie subject of much dispute. By some
it was claimed to have been derived fi'om the Ja|)anese Avord Am',
meaning " l)i'other," and to have been applied to these straits because
Cortereal Itelieved them to separate Asia and Novus Miinilus, which
stood on o[)[)(»site sid^s in brotherly c-on junction ; but as Japan was
at that time utterly unknown — uidess, indctMl, it was that wonder-
ful Island of Cipamro, <>f whose fabulous riches such extravagant
expectations luid Ix'en created,— Cortereal can hardly l)e assumed
to have been sufticicntly familiar with the language to employ it
in Ijestowing names to the exclusion of his native tongue, and
especially to the ignoi'ing<»f tliat long list of saints which furnislnid
such an inexhaustible su[)[)ly of names for the devout Spanish and
Portuguese explorers, lying as thick upon the ma[) of America as
pin holes in an old paper |)attern.

A few years later the ideas of geogra))hers in regard to the size
of the world began to exj»an<l, and with tlie discovery of the South
Sea all belief in the proximity of the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean
vanished. In IcS^O, Magellan, another Poi'tuguese mariner, but
sailing under the flag of Spain, entered the South Sea through the
straits which bear his name, and l)esti>we(l the n;ime "Pacific " npon
it. The voyage was continued westward untd the world had been
circunmavigared, and an a])proximate idea of tlie distance around
it was thus gained by geogra[>liers. lielief was imiiK^diatcdy revived
in the Straits of Anian. It was then supjiosed that CortereaPs
passage led from tlie Atlantic into the South Sea, of whose immen-
sity tlie world had become dee[)ly imjiressed, since Magcdlaii had
traversed it in its l»roadest part. If the Noith American continent
narrowed northward as South America had been found to do in the
opposite direction, then it must l)e Imt a short illstance from the
Atlantic to the Pacific in the region of Labrador; and since a pas-
sage had been found through the land to the south — for in their
ignoranceof th.- open sea ])elow South America, geographers believed
Magellan's Straits to lie simply a narrow waterway piercing the
heart of the continent where it was much narrower than elsewhere —
it was reasonable to sujipose that a similar one existed to the north,
especially since Cortereal had reported finding it. To discover this
northwest passage was the desire of explorers for many yeai's there-

IIISTOliY OK WILLAMETTK VALLEY.

after. England, France and Portugal, and Holland in later years,
Honght it in the Atlantic, while Spain put forth her efforts to attain
the same object in the Pacific. To the efforts made in the latter
direction this narrative will be chiefly confined, since to them is due
the discovery of Oregon and the complete exploration of the Pacific
Coast.

When (/ortez had sul)jugated Mexico he at once began con-
structing vessels on the western coast of Central America for service
in the Pacific. He possessed a roving commission from his sover-
eign, the poweiful Charles V., which granted him almost despotic
powers as a ruler " all new countries he might discover and sub-
due in the name of the king, the concpiests to be made at his own
expense and risk, and the expeditions to be fitted out from his own
resources. To foHow his movements in detail is unnecessary. They
resulted in the discovery and temporary colonization of Lower Cal-
ifornia, the discovery of the Colorado River, and the knowledge that
the Sea of Cortes, or the Vermilion Sea, was a gulf, the one now
known {.s the "Gulf of California."

It had been the p]an of Cortes to coast north' ard, westward and
scmthward. along America and Asia, until he reached the Indies,
noting the exact position of the Straits of Anian as he passed ; but
the vessels he had constructed for that purpose were ordered tf) be
sent in a direct path ac-ross the Pacific, and he was compelled to build
others. It was witFr these that his expeditions along the Mexican
Coast and in Lower CJalifornia were conducted. The first attempt
t<; pass around the southern extremity of the Peninsula of Califor-
nia and follow the outer coast northward was made in 1539. On
the twenty-ninth of October of that year Francisco de Ulloa, who
had been the energetic assistant of the great conquesitador in all
his operations on the western coast of Mexico, sailed from the bay
of Santa Cruz, the scene of Cortes' disastrous attempt at coloniza-
tion in Lowei- California, and passed around the cape now known
as " San Lucas." On the first of February he had proceeded as far
north as 2.S", when he e icountered an island near the coast which he
christened " Isle of Cedars." For two months he was l)affled by
head winds and contended with sickness among his crew, afllicted
with that dread malady the scurvy, the scourge of the early mariners,
wh(» neither understood its nature nor knew how to prevent or cure

TIIK FABULOUS STRAITS OK ANIAN.

it. The sickness uimbating and his stock of provisions beginning
to run short, Ulloa abandoned the effort to progress further and
returned to Mexico.

No immediate attempt was made to continue the explorations
thus begun by Ulloa. Th.e lact ^vas that Don Antonio de Mendoza,
a Spanish nobleman of high rank, who had succeeded Cortes as
Viceroy of New Spain, was deeply interested in expk/ring the inte-
rior to the northward, in search of a mythical country called
" Cibola," and another named " Quivira," stories of whose wonder-
ful richness had been received from wandering refugees, who claimed
to have seen them or been informed of their existence by th<; Indians.
Two expeditions were sent out to accomplish this purpose. One
under Fernando de Alarcon ascended the Coloradt) a distance of
300 miles without observing anything suggestive of civilized nations;
while Francisco Vasquez de Caronado was equally unsuccessful in
a land journey which took him as far north as 40°, and extended
over two years of time.

Even before Coronado returned from following the ignis fahms
of Quivira, Mendoza dispatched an expedition by sea to search for
the Straits of Anian, and incidentally to discover any of those civ-
ilized nations which Indian tradition and Caucasian imaginati(m
located further to the northwest. This fleet consisted of two small
vessels, commanded by Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, and sailed in the
year 1542. Cabrillo followed the coast as far north as latitude 38°,
when he encountered a violent storm which drove him many miles
backward. From this he found shelter in a small harbor in the
Island of San Bernardino, lying near the coast in latitude 34°,
which he christened " Port Possession," being the first point on the
California coast of which the Spaniards took possession. While
the vessels were lying in this harl)or, Cabrillo died, on the third of
January, 1548, and the command devolved upon Bartolonu' Ferrelo,
the pilot, as the second in power upon the Spanish vessels was des-
ignated at that time. This position was always occupied by an
experienced seaman, as it frequently hapt)ened that the commander
of the expedition was not a practical navigator; and this partially
accounts for the fact that ])ut little accurate knowledge was gained
by Spanish explorers, who took but few observations and kept
exceedingly poor records, so much so, in fact, that after half a dozen

2(5

IHSTOKY OK WILLAMKTTK VALLKY.

voyages of ('X[)lorat'n»n tlun- wer»^ unalde to ti\'U'<^ the coiitoiir of the
coast line upon tlu' nuij) witli even an approach to accun\cy.

Upon assuming c<»nnnan(l of the expedition, Ferreh) again
headed the \essels to tlie nt^rtlnvanl. Near hititude 41° he discov-
ered a prominent headhind on a rocky JUi'd forbidding coast, which
lie named Cabo dc For/imas, tlie " Cape of Perils," and which is
pro])al)ly the one suhstvpiently cln-istened "Mendocino," in ii(»nor
of the Mexican Viceroy, Men(h)za, who had dispatched tJie expedi-
tion. On the first of March, 154;?, Ferreh) readied tlie farthest
point to the northwanl, which is given by some authorities as lati- .
tude 44°, and liy others as 4.'{°, Other historians, inchiding Ban-
croft, do not accord liim even so higli a latitude as 4.?", The con-
flict arises from the careless and meagre records aljove referred to.
However, it makes Imt little difference, as he progressed as far as
Rogue River, an<l possibly to the I'mpcpia, and can safely be cred-
ited with the discovery of (Jregon, so far as sailing along its coast
without making a landing, or even drawing a chart of its outline,
may be considered to constitute a discovery. Lack of piV)visions
and the ravages of the drea<led scurvy among his crew compelled
Ferrelo to abandon the effort to proceed further and return to
Mexico.

The return of Ferrelo without having discovered the mythical
straits or the e([ually visionary cities and wealthy nations, reports
of which had attracted the cupidity of the Spanish adventurers,
following close upon Alarcon's fruitless voyage up the Colorado,
and Coronado's wild-goose chase in search of Quivira, and com-
bined witJi the report of the survivors of DeSoto's unfortunate
expedition to tlie Mississippi, satisfied the Spanish authorities in the
New World that neither wealthy nations nor navigable passages of
communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, were to be
found north of Mexico, unless beyond the 40th parallel of latitude.
With this conclusion they aliandoned all effort to explore the country
to the northward, and turned their attention to more remunerative
ventures across the Pacific to the Indies.

By this time Portugal had estaldished a large and immensely
profitaV)le commerce witli the Indies, by following the long route
around the Cape of Good Hope. Spain viewed this with jealous
eye, notwithstanding the enormous revenue she was already receiv-

THE FABIJLOITS STRAITS OK ANIAN.

iug from her possessions in the New VVorl<l, and put forth great
exertions to secure a footing for herself in tlie Indies. Several un-
successfvd expeditions were dispatched across the Pacific from Mex-
ico, but, finally, in 1564, the Philippine Islands were suhdued and
taken possession of in the name of the Spanish monarch. In a few
years an enormous revenue was derived from tliis new dependency.
Her possessions in America formed not only an intermediate station
as a basis of operations, but furnished, also, the gold and silver
with Avhich to purchase the silks, porcelain and spices of the Orient.
No other nation possessed such facilities for commerce in the Pacific,
and no flag but that of Spain fluttered in the trade winds that sweep
steadily across that mighty ocean. Not a ship of war cruised on
its broad expanse to guard the commerce from hostile fleets. An-
nually the galleons sailed from Mexico with gold and silver, and
returned laden with the precious products of the East, which were
transported across the isthmus to ships waiting to carry them to the
mother country. The monarch of that powerful nation was the
l)ersonification of arrogance. Over all lands even technically dis-
covered l)y his sul)jects he claimed dominion and the exclusive right
of trade, even if no settlement of any kind had l)een attem|.)ted.
Foreigners of all nations were prolii])ited, under pain of death, from
having any intercourse whatever with such territories, or from nav-
igating the adjacent waters.

Spain was frequently involved in hostilities with her European
neighbors, the great revenue derived from her possessions in the
New World and her commerce with the Indies furnishing her the
" sinews of war." Much as they desired it, her enemies were unable
to attack her in this most vital part. Cargo after cargo crossed the
Pacific and not a hostile sail was to be seen on the bosom of the
ocean. On the Atlantic side, however, things ^vore a different aspect.
Armed fleets were necessary to protect her merchantmen from the
men of war sent out to cut them off in times of national disputes,
and from the piratical crafts that infested the West Indies at all
seasons. These "freebooters," or " buccanners," plied their pirati-
(•al calling even in times of peace, with the full knowledge and even
encouragement of their sovereigns. Tiiey sought diligently for the
Northwest Passage. If they could only find some route into the
Pacific other than the dangerous one by ^\'ay of the Straits of Ma-

IirSTOHY OK WILLAMETTK VALLKY.

gellan, they could prey to their liearts' eonteut upon the unprotected
coininerce of that ocean. They well knew the value of the cargoes
carried in the unarmed galleons from the Philippines. At last,
unable to find the Straits of Anian, they invaded the Pacific by the
dreaded Straits of Magellan, and the security of Spanish shipping
in the South Sea vanished forev.er.

The pioneer of this pluiidering l)and was Francis Drake, an
English seaman of nnich renown, a daring spirit and expert nuiri-
ner. With thi'ee vessels lie thus passed into the Pacific uj)on a mis-
sion of plunder. One of these was wrecked soon after passing
through the straits, another returned to England, wliile with his
one remaining ship Drake sailed u[) the coast, scattering terror and
devastation among the Spanish shipping, and levying contributions
in the defenceless ports. The East India galleon, with its precious
cargo, fell into his hands ofF the California coast, and then, with his
vessel loaded with plunder, he sailed northward to search for the
Straits of Anian, intending to pass through them into tlie Atlantic
and thus reach England by a new route. By doing this he would
avoid a coml)at with a S[)anish fleet which he had every reason to
expect would be lying in wait for him at the Straits of Magellan.
He failed utterly to find any such passage, though hoAv thoroughly
he searched the coast is unknown; and even the extent <if his voyage
to the north is a matter of nuich dispute. By some authorities it
is given as latitude 43°, and by others at 48". To this latter opin-
ion all English writers hold, while American liistorians favor the
former, and the reason for adopting their separate opinions is not
such an one as should actuate the true historian. If Drake did not
proceed beyond latitude 43°, then he made no further progress north
than did the Spaniard Ferrelo, thirty-five years before, and was not
entitled to the honor of discovering any new region (»n the Pacific
coast. ' In that event England's claim to Oregon, by right of dis-
covery, was without foundation, since prio!" to any subsequent
English vt)yage along the coast, several Spanish expeditions coasted
its whole length as far as Alaska. If he reached latitude 48°, on
the contrary, England's title by right of discovery was imdeniable.
Such being the case, and the Spanish title to Oregon having been
ac(juired by the United States by purchase and treaty, the reason
for the historians , of the two countries espousing different sides,

TIIK FABULOUS STRAITS OF ANI VN.

\\ithout much reference to the truth of the matter, can be readily
perceived.

Two accounts of tlu^ voyage were pul)lished, thus furnisliing the
foundation for the controversy, and neitlier of these narratives bears
eitlier internal or external evidence of complete relia])ility. Tliere
may well be a difference of opinion, but the fact that this difference
is drawn on national lines is suggestive of bias and a lack of those
qualities which mark the true historian. One of them was pu}>-
lished by Kichard Hakluyt, the celebrated geographer of those times,
in a volume embodying the results of all previous voyages of ex-
ploration, and is said to be the production of Francis Pretty, one
of Drake's crew ; though English autliors claim it to have been
\vritten by Hakluyt himself from accounts oi the voyage related to
him some time before, ami thus subject to grievous errors. The
other account is one which was published by a nephew of Drake,
seventy years after the voyage was completed, and long after every
soul who had })articipated in it had passed to his final account; thus
tliere was no living witness who could dispute the wildest and most
reckless statement the com2)iler might be led to make in his eager-
ness to establish his relative's position as discoverer of New Albion,
the name Drake had bestowed upon California. The notes used in
preparing this volume were credited to Rev. Fletcher, the chaplain
of the expedition, and it must be said that in some respects he was
the most magnificent liar that ever undertook to deceive an audience
absolutely ignoi-ant of the subject with which he dealt. The regions
visited \vere entirely unknown, since no information was gained by
FeiTelo's voyage, and the world was prepai-ed to believe anything
of this region, of which new wonders wn-e constantly l)eing revealed.
Rev. Fletcher seems to have realized this, and improved his oppor-
tunity ; yet the fact that his nott^s contain what are known to be
willful misstatements, is not proof that in this one instance he was
not correct, or that his notes were altered by the compiler to read
48° instead of 43°. This want of verai-ity is, of course, a presimip-
titm against liis statement in this particular; but it will require
something more authentic than the alleged narrative of Francis
Pretty to establish their inaccuracy )>eyond dispute. When the
whole matter is re\ iewed impartially, the mind naturally leans to-
ward the theory of 4.'$ degrees, without, however, feeling completely

niSTOUY OF WILLAMETTK VALLKY.

satisfied tluit it is the true one. In the nature of tilings this con-
troN'ersy can never he setth^i, and Drake and F^errelo will ever bear
the divided honor of the discovery of Oregon.

Drake's presence on the coast of Oregon, near the forty-third
parallel, is proven by Spanish records, which contain a piece of
information not to be found in either of the narratives mentioned
above. From this it ap[)ears that he had on board a Spanish pilot,
named Morera, with whom he felt dissatisfied for some reason, and
in the ivgion indicated he ran into a " poor harbor " and put the
offending seaman ashore, leaving him among savages, thirty-five
hundred miles from civilization. That he accomplished the journey
across that unknown land and reached his countrymen in Mexico is
evidenced by the fact that the incident is recorded at all, since other-
wise it could never have been known. Havinir been forced ))ack
along the c(\ast by adverse winds, he entered a small l)ay near lati-
tude 38", whe4'e he cast anchor for thirty-six days. It Avas, until
recent times, supposed that this harbor was San Francisco Bay, the
name helping to support the idea with the unthinking. Later on
it will be seen that the bay was thus named l\ honor of an entirely
different personage. Sir Francis Drake was the revei-se of a saint
in Spanish eyes, and even had they named it in his honor they
would have been certain to associate with his name some title more
in harmony with their estimation of his character. Drake was in
search of the Straits of Anian, and that he lay thirty -six days in
San Francisco Bay without even attempting to explore the connect-
ing bays of San Pablo and Suisun, and the great na\'igable rivers
discharging into them, is so manifestly improbalde as to be beyond
credence. There is no positive testimony to support the idea, and
the contrary is proven as nearly as purely negative testimony can
prove anything. It is generally conceded by historians that Drake's
harbor of refuge was the one lying just north of the Golden Gate
and known as " Drake's Bay." It is in speaking of this place that
Chaplain Fletchei- displays his abilities as a romancer. Tlie time
was the month of June, and yet he states that snow covered the
hills and that the weather was so cold that meat froze upon being
taken from the fire. One familiar with the fact that snow is a
rarity there even in winter, and that at no time does it become cold

TlIK F VBULOf s STRAITS OK ANIAN.

:e's

enough to freeze uieat that has never been neai* a fire, lias his cf>nfi-
(lence in the w^racity of the chronicler terribly shaken.

While lying in the harbor Drake landed an<l took ])ossession of
the country in the name of his sovereign, christening it "New Al-
bion," in honor of his native land. Fletcher's narrative states that
the natives first mistook them for i'ods and offered sacrifices to them,
and that they removed this impression by themselves publically
offering up their devotions to the Creator, (-)f the inciilents of their
landing the narrative says: —

Our necessarie business being ended, our Geneml, with liis eonipanie, travailed
up into the eountrey to tlieir villiages, wliere we found lieardes of deere l)y 1,(H)U in
a companie, being most large and fat of bodie. We found tlie wliole countrny to be
a warren of strange liinde of eonnies ; their bodies in bigness as be the Barl)arie
oonnies, tlieir heads as the heads of ours, the feet of a Want [mole] and the taile of
a rat, being of great length; under her chinne on either side a l)agge, into which
she gathered her nieate, when she hath tilled her bellie al)road. The people do eat
their bodies, and make aceompt for their skinnes, for tlieir King's coat was made
out of them. Our (Jeneral called this countrey Nova Albion, and that for two
causes: the one in respect to the white bankes and cliftes which lie toward the sea ;
and the other because it might have some artinitie with our countrey in name
which sometimes was so called.

There is no part of earth here to be taken up, wherein there is not a reasonable
quantitie of gold or nilvcr. Before sailing away, our General set up a monument of
our being there, as also of her majestie's right and title to the same, viz.: a plate
nailed upon a faire great poste, whereupon w»>s engraved her majestie's name, the
day and yeare of our arrival there, with the free giving up of the province and peo-
ple into her majestie's hands, together with her highness' picture and arms, in a
piece of five pence of current English money under the plate, whereuuder was also
written the name of our General.

What the worthy Chai)lain consideivd a " reasonable quantitie"
of the precious metals it is impossil)le t<j conjecture, but the proba-
bilities are that he manufactured this statement from whole cloth.
The earliest authentic accounts of the Indians of California do not
speak of them as possessing any gold or silver, and it was many
years after the Spaniai'ds took possession of the State before gold
was discovered and mined. At that time the natives were com-
pletely ignorant of the character and value of the substance, and
had no traditions on the su])ject ; from which may reasonably be
concluded that Chaplain Fletcher delibei'ately lied when he made
that assertion — the more so, that even to the present time no gold
has ))een discovered in the locality of which he speaks. It will be
remembei-ed that a fi'W yeai's l)ef(»i-e, wlum America was first dis-
covered, it was the general belief that it was speckled with gold

.'V2

1IIHTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

an<l silver, and glistened with gems. These extravagant ideas had
become modified in Drake's^ time, though by no means abandoned.
The S[)aniar(ls had been searching a few years before in this direc-
tion for wealthy nations, whose existence was reported to them by
the Indians of Mexico, but without success. Tliey still enteiiained
the Ijelief that [tearls and the precious metals could be found in
abundance in this region, and Fletcher was simply supplying a
" long felt want " when he wrote that a " reasonable quantitie of
gold and silver" existed in every handful of dirt that might be
taken U[) at random on the California coast. His other statements
are probably correct, since ground squirrels exis t in such abundance
there and are so destructive to crops that the state granted a bounty
for their extermination, and the early pioneers speak of immense
bands of antelope and elk tliat roamed the valley and foot-hills.

Having abandoned the hope of finding a passage into the At-
lantic, and fearing to attempt to return by the Straits of Magellan,
Drake undertook the long voyage across the Pacific, and reached
England by weathering the Cape of Good Hope. His return with
his vessel loaded with plimdered riches of the Spaniards was hailed
with joy by his countrymen. The interests of Spain and England
were hostile. The latter looked with jealousy and fear upon the
power of the Castilian thione, sustained by the enormous revenue
derived fi-om America and the Indies, and Queen Elizabeth knighted
the daring robber for his services to his country in striking such a
severe blow at the resources of her rival. Ten years later, when
the grand Philip sent that wonderfid Spanish Armada, which was
fitted out by revenues derived from this same commerce and was to
crush England at a blow, one of the gallant fleets which met and
defeated it was commanded by Sir Francis Drake.

Other English freebooters, encouraged b} the brilliant success
of Drake, entered the Pacific in che same manner and preyed upon
the Spanish shipping. The first and most successful of these was
Thomas Cavendish, who voyaged the coasts of Chili, Peru and
Mexico in 1587; sunk and burned nineteen vessels, and captured
the galleon Santa Anna off the coast of California. The next year
he returned to England by the Cape of Good Hope, having accom-
plished the third circumnavigation of the glol)e, and it is said that

THK rABTTLOriS STRAITS OK ANTAN.

his crew were dreHsed in silks, his sails made of damask, aiid the
topmast covered with cloth of gold.

Great exertions were now made by the English and Dutch to
find the Northwest Passage, and frequent rumors were spread that
the Straits of Anian had actually been discovered, creating much
joy in England and Holland, and causing great anxiety in Spain,
Spanish America and the Philippines. Many chiinis were mach* to
having made this disc(»verv l>y paities who could not substantiate
them. This was done for various reasons. Some enjoyed the noto-
riety and fame, as a great navigator, such rei)orts brought them;
others endeavored to secure a reward for tlieii' alleged services to
their country, and still others ho})ed to thus win employment in their
business, or receive the conuuand of an expedition to locate detinitely
the pf»sition oi the ]>assage. So frequent were these tales, and
so much at variance with v^ach othei', that they all fell into disre})ute,
and it is doubtful had such a strait been actually found if geogra-
})hers could have been l»rought to believe it. Tlie fiction of this
character which attracted the most attention and which had the most
influence in dictating the character of expeditions in after years,
wjis one niaile by Captain Loren/o Ferrer de Maldonado, a Portu-
guese. In 1()(>9 this gentleman presented a petition to the Spanish
Council of the Indies — that august body which, sitting in S[)ain,
ruled the S})anish ])ossessions in India and America— asking for a
suitable reward for his services, and the command of a Spanish expe-
dition to take [)ossession of the straits and fortify theui against the
l>a«sage of ships of any other nation.

The voyage upcm which Maldonado based his claim he asserte<l
to ha\e been nuule twenty-one years before, in l.")S8. By this time
it was conce<led that the distance fi'oni the Atlantic to the Pacific,
in the northern regions, was gi-eater than it was formerly supposed
to be, and this le<l Maldonado to locate the Straits of Anian far to
the westward of those thus chi-istened by Cortereal. This latter
passage he placed as far north as latitude 7.")", instead of ()()", their
true location as given by Cortereal himself. His narrative asserted
that the vessel passed through a long and tortuous channel in the
seventy-fifth parallel, into the " North Sea," an entirely unknown
V)ody of water at that time, but which corresponds in location to the
Arctic Ocean, which, however, has no such passage leading into it,

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLKY.

and which is utterly iiniiavigahlf by reason of its vast iit'lds of ice.
Across this Noith Sea he sailed in a southwesterly ilirection a dis-
tance of 7tH> leagues (ahout .'{,()()(> miles), when he came upon the
Straits of Anian, leading directly south into the South Sea. This
wondeiful passage he thus descriltes: —

Huviiijf I'leart'd tl»e Strait of Jjuliratlor, we began to descend from that latitude,
stoffinj!; weMt-Houtliwt'Ht and soiithwcHt, three hundred and ttfty leagueu, to the Tlst
degree of latitude, when we perceived a high coast, without being able to tell
whether it was part of the continent or an island ; but we remarked that, if it were
the continent, it nuist be oi)poHite the coast of New Spain. From this land we
directed our course wcst-soutliwest, four hundred and forty leagues, until we came
to the (iOtli degree, in which parallel we discovered the Strait of Anian. * * * *

The strait which we discovered in 60°, at the distance of one thousand seven
hundred and ten leagues from Spain, appears, according to ancient tradition, to be
that named l)y geographers, in their maps, the Strait of Anian; and, if it be so, it
must be a strait having Asia on the one side, and America on the other, which
seems to be the case, according to the following narrative :—" As soon as we had
cleared the strait, we coasted along the shores i>f America for more than one hundred
leagues south westward, to the noth degree of latitude, on which coast there were no
inhabitants, or any opening indicating the vicinity of another strait, through which
the South Sea, flowing into the North, might insulate that part: and we concluded
that all that coast belonged to America, and that continuing along it, we might soon
reach the t^uivira and Cape Mendocino. We then left this coast and, sailing to-
wards the we.-tt four days, we discovered a very high land, and continued along the
coast, from v/hich we kept at a safe distance, always in the open sea— sailing, at one
time, to the northeast, at others towards the north-northeast, and again to the
north, whence it "teemed to us that the coast ran northeast and southwest.

" We were unable to mark any particular points, on account of our distance from
land ; and we can, therefore, only attirm that it is inhabited, nearly to the entrance
of the strait, as we saw smoke rising up in many places. This country, according
to the c'lurts, must belong to Tartary, or Cathaia (China), and at a distance of a few
leagues from the co'wt must be the faui.'d f iiy of Cambula, the metropolis of Tar-
tary. Finally, having followed the direciit.n of this coast, we found ourselves at
the entrance of the same Strait of Anian, which, flfteen days before, we had passed
through to the open sea; this we knew to !»' the South Sea, where are situated
.Japan, China, the Mouluccax, India, New (irnea, and the land discovered by Cap-
tain Quiros, with all the coast of New Spain and Peru. * * * * *

" The Strait of Anian is tifteen leagues in length, and C4in easily be passed with a
tide lasting six hours, for those tides are very rapid. There are, in this length, six
turns, and two entrances, which lie north and south ; that is, bear from each other
north and south. The entrance on the north side (through which we passed) is less
than half a quarter of a league in width, and on each side are ridges of high rocks;
but the rock on the side of Asia is higher and stec|>er than on the other, and hangs
over, so that nothing falling from the tops can reach its base. The entrance into
the South Sea, near the harbor, is more than a quarter of a league in width, and
thence the passage runs in an obli<(Ue dii'ection, increasing the distance between
the two coasts. In the middle of the strait, at the termination of the third turn, is
a great rock, and an inlet, formed by a rugged rock, three entadias (about one thou-
sand one hmidred feet I in height, more or less; its form is round, and its diameter
may be two hundrcil paces ; its distance from the land of Asia is very little ; but the

TlIK FAHl'LOITS STRAITS OK ANIAN,

sea on that Hide is full of slioaln and reefn, and can be only navigatod liy bouts. The
distance between this inlet and the continent of America is less than a ((uartcr of a
league in width, and, although its channel is ho deep that two or even three Hhijm
sail abreast through it, two bastions might be built on tho lianlts with little trouble,
which would contract the channel to within the reacli of a musket sliot.

" In the harbor in which our ships anchored, at the entrance of the strait, on the
south side, we lay from the beginning of April to the middle of June, when a large
vessel of eight hundred tons burden came there from the (South Sea, in order to pass
the strait. Upon this we put ourselves on our guard ; but, having come to an under-
standing with her, I found them willing to give us some of fheir merchandise, the
greater part of which consisted of articles similar to those manufactured in China,
such as brocades, silks, porcelain, feathers, precious stones, pearls, and gold. These
people seemed to be Hanseaiics, who inhabit the bay of St. Nicliolas, or tlie port of
St. Michael (Archangel, on the White Sea). In order to understand one another
we were forced to speak Latin— those of our jiarty who understood that language
talking with those on board theship who were also accjuainted with it. They did not
seem to be Catholics, but Lutherans. They said they came from a large city more
than one hundred leagues from the strait, and though I can not exactly remember
its name, I think they called it Rohr, or some such name, which they said had a
good harbor and a navigable river, and was subject to the great khan, as it belonged
to Tartary ; and that in that port they left another ship belonging to tlieir country.
We could learn no more from them, as they acted with great caution and little con-
fidence, being afraid of our company ; wherefore we parted from them near the
strait, in the North Sea, and set sail towards Spain."

It is barely possible tliut a voyage may have l)eeii made about
the time mentioned in the memorial, during which the vessel entered
Hudson's Bay, and that Maldcmado was a seaman or sub-officer on
board, which would accoiuit for his ignorance on such technical
points as the degrees of latitude and number of miles sailed, and that
two decades later, when his superior officers were dead and he him-
self had risen in rank, he desired the command of an expedition to
search for these straits in whose existence he firmly believe<l, and
which he claimed to have seen simply to lend weight to his })etition.
This, however, is improbable, and it is more than likely that the
^vhole narrative was a fal)rication. Diligent search among Spanish
and Portuguese records of those times has failed to reveal any indi-
cation of such a voyage, or any coniirmatory evidence whatever,
other than the memorial itself. At that time (1588) Spain and
England were al)sor})ed in the conflict ovei' the Spanish Armada,
yet it is doubtful if that is a sufficient reason t'oi" the omission to
record in any manner such a voyage as the one thus described by
Maldonado.

The evidences against the genuineness of the narrative are almost
convincing, even when considered without reference to the fact that

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTK VALLEY.

it is ii(»\v i'\i(leiit no such jniMsage exists. In his narrative, which
was unusually precise and careful in its details, Maldonado gave all
the geoirraphical ideas of the time in regard to the rc^gions that
Would naturally l)e visite<l; and this very fact is strongly presuinj)tive
(•\id(^nce that the vt)yage was a fiction, as these i-heories, ho carefully
followed, have nearly all been f( mud to he false. Even the minute-
ness of detail is suspicious, since it is chiefly the inaccurate records,
clumsy narratives, and "yarns" flowing fi'om tlie fertile imagina-
tion of the sea rovers, to which many of the erroneous, and even
ludicrous, ideas of those times ai'e directly chargeable. No such
caivfuhiess in statement i-haracterized tiiv^ utU'ratixe «)f a;iy prior or
coutem])orary voyage, and this was the first one claiming to have
accomplished so much, which did not sadly nuir the nuips of theo-
retical ge<oi;i pliers. Its ready-uuide a]>pearajice was sufficient to
cause its < i, re rejection by the CVmncil of the Indies.

In after years, however, two co[iies of this memorial, of the ex-
istence of which the vorld was ignorant, were fotnid among ancient
records at different places, each one purporting to )»e the original
document. They created great excitement, and, as will be seen
later,, Iiad nuich to do with the shaping of exphu'ations for a century
thereafter. As h'te as ITiM), when the heated controversy ovei- the
Nootka afFa'i* seemed al)out to ])lunge F^ngland and Spain into war,
the (piestion of the autheiiticity of Maldonad >'s narrative wax gi-avely
discussed, and a last thorough search was made in Spain and Por-
tugal for confirmative evidence, which was as fruitless as had been
all previous efforts. With the end of thnt controversy Maldonado's
mythical straits disapjjeared forever from the jdaneof active histoi'y
and took its proper place in the domain of romance.

•(CHAPTER III.

THE STRAIT8 OK .HAN DK FUCA AND THE RIVER OF KINGS.

Xitri'dtive of Mirhdi'l Lock, the Polder— St(,/'i/ of Ji/an de Fthra, as told
hy Loci- — I)f,s(u-i]>tioii. of the Straits of Fiica — Vontroversij among
HistorUms over Fui;ti''s aJleged. Voyaije -Both Sides Carefully Con-
sidered — Probably a Myth -Advilral Fontes alleged Voyage — The
River of Kings — Its Absurdity Pointed (hit.

THERE is still anotlier somewhat iiiytliical voyas^e associated
with this search for the Sti'aits of Aiiiaii, which has jtlayed a
most important ))!irt in the history of Oregon; and thonjxh it comes
entirely thi'ouu'ii Ent^lish sonrces, is nttei'ly rei)ndiated hy modern
English historians, and even receives hut little credence among
American writers. This is the ceiel>rate(l voyage of Juan de Fuca,
who '\H clainie(| to have discoveivd the Straits of I'uca, that hroad
channel separating a portion of Washington Territory from Van-
cover Island, in Hi'itish ('olund)ia.

There was puhlished in London, in IB".*.'), a celel. rated historical
and geographical work, edited hy iSamuel Purchas, which hon> the
odd title of " The Pilgrims." Among other things, this volume con-
tained "A note l»y Michael 'iock, the eldei', touching the Strait of
Sea, commonly calleci Fi-etum ^\nian, in the South Sea, througii the
Northwest Passage of Mv'<^a Incognita." The most inijtortant por-
tion of this alleged dt»cument of Mr. Lock is as follows; --

When I was in ViMii(!e, in Ai)ril, loiHi, liaply arrive<l tiiere an ()1<1 man, alxmt
Hixty years of age, failwi, cDinmon'.y, .Juiin de Fuca, l)iit named properly ApoHtolas
Vulerianus, of nation a Greel<, l)orn In ("eplialonia, of profession a maiim r, and an
ancient pilot of sliips. Tills man, Itein^ eonie lately out of Spain, arrived lir.st ut
Leghorn, and went thence to Florence, where he found one Joiui Dim^: Ian, an En-
glishniau, a famous mariner, ready condng from Venice, to lie pilot oi n X'eiietian
ship for England, in wlioae company they came both together to Venice. And
John Dougliw l)eing acquainted with nie before, he gave me knowledge of this

;5s

HISTOHY (»!■' WII.I.AMKTTK VALLKY.

Greek pilot, and liroiij^ht hill! !<i my H|)et!C'h ; and in loiiK talks and conforent'e l)e-
tween u.3, in j)re8ence of John DoupltiH, this (Jroek pilot dwlaied, in the Italian and
.Spanish lansnages, this much in ofloct as followeth : Fii-st, he said he had been in
the West Indies of Hpain forty years, and had sailed to and from many i)laces
thereof, in the service of the Spaniards. Also, he said that he was in the Spanish
ship, which, in returning from the Islands Philippines, towards Nova Spania, was
robbed and taken at the Cape California by (.'aj)tain Candish, Kn^li^hman, whereby
he lost 60,0(10 ducats of his goods. Also, he said that he was pilot of three .small
ships which the V^iceroy of Mexico sent from Mexifo, armed with 100 men, under
a captain, Spaniards, to discover the Straita of Anian, along the coast of the South
Sea, and to fortify in that strait, to resist the pa.s.Hage and i)roceedings of the English
nation, which were forced to pass through those straits into the South Sea; and
that, by reason of a mutiny which lui])i)ened among the soldiers for the misconduct
of their captain, that voyage vv'us overthrown, and the ship returned from Califor-
nia to Nova Spania, without anything done in that voyage ; and that, after their
return, the captain was at Mexico punished by uistice. Also, he said that, shortly
after the said voyage was so ill-ended, tiie salt' Viceroy of Mexico .sent him out
again, in 1.502, witli a snudl caravel and a pinnace, armed with mariiu-rs only, to
follow the said vr)yage for the disc(!very of the Straits of Anian, and the ))a8sage
thereof into the sea, which they cjill the North Sea, which is our northwest sea:
and that he followed his course, in that voyage, west and northwest in the South
Sea, all along the coast of Nova Spania, and California, and the Indies, now called
North America (all which voyage he signified to me in a great map, and a sea-card
of my own, which I laid l)efore him), until he came to the latitude of 47 degrees ;
and that, there finding that the land trended north and northwest, with a broad
inlet of sea, between 47 and 48 degrees of latitude, he entered tliereinto, sailing
therein more than twenty days, and found that land trending still sometimes north-
west, and northeast, aiid north, and also east and southeastward, and very much
broadei sea than was at the said entrance, and that he passed by divers islands in
that sailing ; and that, at the entrance of this said strait, there is, on the northwest
coast thereof, a greiit headland or island, with an exceeding high pinnacle, or spired
rock, like a pillar, thereu|)on. Als(>, he said that he went on land in divers places,
and that ho saw somf people on laid clad in lietwts' skins; and that the land is very
fruitful, and rioli of gold, silver, pearls, and other things, like Nova Spania. Also,
he said that he being entered thus far into the said strait, and being come into the
North Sea already, and finding the sea wide enough everywhere, and to be about
thirty or forty leagues wide in the mouth of the straits where he entered, h< thought
he had now well discharged his otflcy; and that, not being armed to resist the force
of the savage people that might hapi)en, he therefore set sail and returned home-
wards again towards Nova Spania, where he arrived at Acapvdco, Anno 1502, hop-
ing to be rewarded by the Viceroy for this .service done in the said voyage. * » *
[Here follows an account of his vain endeavors for three years to secure a proper
recognition of his services by the Viceroy or the Spanish monarch, and his resolu-
tion to return to his native land to die among his countrymen.] Also, he said i,:;
thought the cause of his ill reward had of the Spaniards, to be for that they _.
understand very well that the English nation had now given over all their voyages
for discovery of the northwest passage; wherefore, they need not fear them any
more to come tliat way into the South Sea, and therefore they needed not his ser-
vice therein any more. Also, he said that, underatanding the noble mind of the
Queen of England, and of her wars against the Spaniards, and lioping that her
majesty would do him justice for his goods lost by Captain Candith, he wonlJ be
content to go into England and serve her niajsty in that voyage , r !l;c r?jn'>\{ -y
perfectly of (he northwest pa.ssage into the South Se-i, If she w< uld furiil.-!> ."-ii

STKAITS (»K .HTAN DK I'MICA AND IMVKK OK KINCS,

with only one shi)) of forty tons liunleu, and a pinnace, and that he would perform
it in thirty days' time, from one end to the other of the strait, and he willed me so
to write to England. And, from conference had twice witli the said Greek pilot, I
di<l write thereof, accordingly, to England, unto the right honorable the old Lord
Treasurer Cecil, and to f<ir Walter Jlaleigli, and to Master Uichard Hakluyt, that
famous cosmograj)her, certifying thein hereof. And I i)rayed them to disburse
£100, to bring the said Greek pilot into Phigland, with myself, for that my own
purse would not stretch so wide at that time. And I had answer that this action
wa« well liked and greatly desired in Kngland ; but the money was not ready, and
therefore this action died at that time, though the said Greek pilot, perchance,
liveth still in liis own country, in C'ephalonia, towards which place he went within
a fortnight after this conference had at Venice.

There is more of tlie <locunieiit, detailino; ([iiite a correspondence
between Lock and the (xreek, from which it appears that the old
pih>t was alive in 1598, l>-.it that in KWl'J, when Lock had finished
his Imsin.^ss in Venice Mid was pi-eparing to retnrn to Enghind, he
aihlre.'Jsed a letter to Fnca, to which he I'eceived no answer, and that
a sliort time afterwards he learned that the (Ireek was dead.

There lias l»een much controversy among historians as to the
antlienti'.'ity of this document. In the long negotiations between
England and the United States in regard to t'le location of the
international boundary line, it was vigoi-oiisly snj)])orted tn the
Amei'icans and a.s earnestly cond»ated by the repi'esenttttives of Great
Britain. As in the discussion of Sir Francis Drake's voyage, writers
were divided strictly upon national lines, and thus are subject to the
charge of l)ias and jn'ejndice. A fair examinaiion will convince an
im]»artial ])erson that, although it is not im])ossible the voyage was
made, tlie prol (abilities are that the letter of Mr. Lock wasonecom-
iv»sed for the pur])ose of creating a sensation, and no such personage
:■ . Juan de Fuca e\er existed. The English writers seem to have
espoused the ))etter side of the argument, though there is no reason
to suppose they wonld not have as iea<li'.y advocated the o|)posite
one had tlie interests of (Jreat P»ru.;in (•e(|nired it. The i(uestion
was long siiu-e settled and ihe boundary established at the forty-
ninth parallel and theStraitsof Fuca; and now, freed from national
l»rejudice, American writers generally declare their belief that the
voyage of the (Jreek pilot was a myth. Hrieiiy presented, the argu-
ments on either si<l<* are as follows: —

It is maintained by the su|)j)orters of the <locument that the
statements therein contained are, many of them, kiiown to b«' true;
that in itn geographical descriptions it is nK)re accurate than the

HISTORY OF WILLAMKTTK VAI.LKY.

report of any prfvioiis Spanish voyaire; that the fact of his locating
the entrance t»» the passage hetween hititudes 47 ami 4S degrees,
instead of 4s and 4V> degives, is not as sei'ious a>i their opponents
assert, since much greater eri'ors in lt»cating well-known o]>jects
appear in the accounts of voyages of whose authenticity there is no
dispute. The Spaniards were not scientific navigators, and their
reports hristle with errois in hititude, while longitiule seems to iiave
been entirely l>eyond them. This lack of accuracy prevente<l them
from making a c< xct map of the coast line <»f California, even
after they had expl(</ 1 sailed along it for two centui'ies. There

is, also, a marked abseu. .>f tliose stereotyped descriptions of won-
derful cities and strange peoples which seems to have formed such
an im])ortant part of the accounts of many |>reviousand sul»se([uent
voyages. A careful comj>arison l>y one who is familiar with tlie
jj:e()ofrai)h\' of that reirioii will convince him that in the narrative the
Straits of Fuca are very accurately descrihed — with tiie excej)tion
of the givat rocky pillar on the northwest — es])ecially in the fact
that the land north of tiie straits ( X'aucouver Island) trends ttt the
northwest. lie sailed in the jiassage twenty days, finding numerous
islands and arms of the ocean running in all directions, and finally
emerged into the Niu-th Sea. What could more accurately describe
a voyage through the Straits of Fuca and (^ulf of (ieorgia, l»etvveen
Vancouvei' Island and the mainlaml, until the open ocean was again
reached on the uoithwest ^ It is not claimecj that he enteivd the
Atlantic, but the Xorth Sea of Mal«l(»nado; and it nuist be borne in
mind that the Straits of Anian sis then understood^that described
by Maldonado — was a long jmssage, leading in a general north and
south direction, c-onnecting the South Sea with the supposwl North
Sea, and that to reach the Atlantic ivqiiii'ed a l<»ng voyage across this
North Sea and through the Straits of Labrador. It must be a<lmit-
ted, then, that the descriptions given in Lctck's acc(»unt ai'e wonder-
fully accurate if they are wholly inuiginary; and as to the error in
latitude — a matter of only a few miles — aside from the rejisons
already given, may it not be accounteil for by the fact that the nar-
rative is written from menutry by a second party wh(t had received
but an oral account of the vovaire^

The chief objection to the voyage is, that there is no confirmatory
evidence whatever to support it. Neither the i-oyal nor colonial

STKAITS OF JUAN 1)K FUC'A AND KIVKK OK KINCJS.

records of Spain contain the faintest allusion to it, although other
voyages, and especially some made l)Ut a few years later, ai'e recorded
at length. The narrative of Lock was not gi\en to the public until
a quarter of a century had ela])sed, and evei'y one who might have
had any j)ersonal knowledge of it avjis proltahly dead. Richard
Hakluyt, one of the three gentlemen to whom it is said Lock wi'ote
in relation to the matter from Venice, was one of the greatest men
of his age. He was an enthusiastic geographer, who s})ent much
time and money in collecting and publishing the accounts of all
important voyages ma<le by the representatives of England, or any
other nation. It is im])ossible to believe that he could have been so
indifferent to the sul)ject of L'-^-kV letter, since the Straits of Anian
were the al)sorl)ing geographical <^nigma of the times, as to have let
the matter of £100 prevent him from bringing the Greek pilot to
England; and it is e(pially strange that no hint of such a voyage is
given in any of his works, though he is admitted to have been the
most thoi'ough and correct geograj)her of the sixteenth century.

An(^ther objectit>n, and perha])s the strongest one, is the fact
that at the very time Juan de Fuca is asserted to liave been urging
his claim for a reward upon the King of Spain, another Spanish
expedition was dispatched in search of the Straits of Anian, and in
the letter of instructions, which details at length the reasons for
ordering the voyage, no allusion is made to Fuca or his straits. Had
such a voyage as Fuca's actually })een made, this second expedition
would certainly have availed itself of the knowledge thus gained.
Instead of doing so, the record of that voyage conclusively shows
that the commander must have been utterly ignorant of Fuca and
his alleged voyage ; and this proves, also, that he could have had no
secret instructions on the subject.

In viewing the n.atter critically, it must be admitted that the
evidences against the authenticity of the voyage, though entirely of
a negative character, greatly outweigh the one circumstantial evi-
dence in its favor — the fact that a passage much similar to the one
described actually exists a iew miles to the north of the location
fixed in the narrative. Juan de Fuca's voyage was probably a
myth.

The third and last mythical passage to receive popular credence
and engage the attention of geographers and explorers for years,

IIISTOlfY OK WILLAMKTTE VALLKY.

was the River of Kings, tlie Tlio <1e los Reyes of Atliuiral Fonte.
Like the iiaiTatives of Maldoiiado and Fuca, this did not reach the
public until many years had elapsed fi-om the time assigned to the
voyage, and this fact alone is almost (ionclusive evidence of its man-
ufactured character. Such a voyage as any of these would have
been made ])ublic soon after its completion, so eager were the learned
men of the time to gain all the information possible on these subjects.
It was natural for a person inventing such a tale to assign a date so
far back that he need have no fear of a personal contradiction.

A magazine entitled Monthly Miscellany, or Memoires of the
Curious^ was pul)lished in London in 170S, containing a long ac-
count of a voyage alleged to have been made in 1640, sixty-eight
years previously, from the Pacific to the Atlantic and return, through
a system of rivers crossing North America al)out the fifty-third par-
allel The man who is credited with nuiking this wonderful voyage
is Admiral Pedro Bartolonu'^ de Fonte, of the Spanish Marine.
According to the account given in this magazine, Admiral Fonte
was instructed by the Viceroy of Peru to ex2)lore the Pacific cojust
of North America for a passage leading into the Atlantic, and to
intercept some Boston vessels which the Viceroy had learned had
sailed upon the* same errand on the Atlantic coast. He sailed from
Callao in April, 1(>4(), with four vessels. At Cape San Lucas he
dispatched one of these to explore the Gulf of California, and with
the remaining three continued up the coast. In latitude oJi degrees,
after sailing a long distance among islands, Avhich he christened the
"Archipelago de Lazarus," he observed the mouth of a great river,
which he decided to enter. One of his vessels was sent further up
the coast, under the cimimand of Caj)tain Bernardo, while with the
other two he ascended the stream, ^vhose great pro])ortions won from
him the title of " Rio de los Reyes," or " River of Kings." This he
followed in a northeasterly direction a long distance, finally reach-
ing its source in an inunense lake, which he named " Lake Belle."
This was the country of a wealthy and civilized nation, whose chief
town, on the south shore of the lake, was called Conasset, and who
entertained the strangers who had so unexpectedly come among
them in a most hospitable manner. This lake was evidently on the
summit of the divide between the ^vaters of the two oceans, for
flowing from it in an opposite direction from the river he had

STRAITS OK JTTAN DE FirCA AND UIVKH OF KFNOS.

ascended was another large stream, which he caUed " Parmentier."
Lea\nng his vessels at Conasset, he descended the Pariuentier until
he entered another lake, upon which he bestowed his o^vn name,
from which he passed through a narrow strait into the Atlantic
ocean. This last passage he named " Strait of Ron(piillo," in honor
of the captain of one of his vessels. Thus, through a continuous
waterway of rivers and lakes, he h;ul passed through the entire con-
tinent of North America.

When that story was written the author little dreamed that in the
latitude assigned to this wondeiful passageway the continent was
more than five thousand miles in width. Having entered the At-
lantic the Admiral soon encountered the Boston \essel which it was
feared- had designs upon the Spanish possessions in the Pacific. The
captain of the colonial craft was Nicholas Shapley, and on board
was its o\vner, one Seymour Gibbons, whom Fonte described as
"a fine gentleman, and major-general of the largest colony in New
England, called Maltechusetts" Fonte decided to treat these
strangers as peaceful traders, and the repn^sentatives of these two
nations indulged in a series of mutual entertainments which appear
to have given the Admiral gi'eat satisfaction. He then returned to
the Pacific l)y the route he had come, finding his vessels waiting for
him in good condition in Lake Belle, the inhabitants of Conasset
having refrained from molesting them. At the mouth of the River
of Kings he was joined by Bernardo, who had an e([ually wonder-
ful tale to relate. He, too, had discovered a gi-eat river, in latitude
01 degrees, and had ascended it to its soiu"ce in a large lake. These
he called " Rio de Haro," and " Lake Velasco." From the lake he
fiscended another stream in canoes as high as the seventy-ninth par-
allel, but observing the land " still trending north, and the ice rested
on the land, he l)ecame satisfied that there was no comnumication
out of the Atlantic Sea by Davis' Strait**; for the natives had con-
ducted one of his seamen to the head of Davis' Strait, which termi-
nated in a fresh lake, of about thirty miles in circumference, in the
eightieth degree of north latitude, and there were prodigious moun-
tains north of it." He, therefore, returned to the Pacific to rejoin
his commander. Fonte was satisfied from the report that the Straits
of Anian did not exist, and returned to Peru to report that fact,

HI8T0RV OF WILLAMKTTE VALLEY.

and the woiidevfnl i-ivei- loufe he had discovered thnmgh the con-
tinent.

This whole story is utterly al)surd, in the light of our jwesent
knowledge of geography, hut was fai- from being ^o at the time it
was promulgated. Yet it eontains enough inconsistencies ami pal-
pable errors to luiAe even then condemned it in the eyes of a critical
reader. The statement that in 1(540, (mly ten years after Boston
vva,s founded, the people of that struggling c(.lony were searching
for the Straits of Anian is too improl)aide foi- belief. This English
historian should have known, also, that Massachusetts was ijoverned
at the date mentioned )>y John Winthrop and not by Seymour Gib-
bons, whc^se name does not ai)pear at all in the list of iVew Entrland
governors or " maj( )r -genera Is." N, ,t the slightest reference is mmle
to it in the records of Spain or Peru, and it is now generally con-
ceded that the story is a creation of James Petiver, an eminent nat-
uralist, \\ho ^\-as a frerpient contributor to the magazine in which it
first appeared.

CHAPTER IV.

VOYAGES AND EVENT8 OK THE HEVKNTKENTH (JENTUHY.

rhU'ip orders a Voyage along the Pac'ijic Coaxt—lieAixonn Aimlyned hij
Torquemada and Venegas — Vlwulno sent out hij the Vireroi/ in
1596 — Viscaino's .second Voi/age in 100^2- -Raragen of the Scui-vq—
lie Enters Monterey —Arg a tnent of the Cktiin that he Entered San

Franciaco Bay Earliest Positioe Knowledge of that Harbor Vis-

cai.no goes to Latitude 4'2° ami returns : but Aguilar reaches ^3°

Vajje Blanco ami the River of Aguilar- California Supposed to be
an Island Viscaino dies after Obtaining a Royal Mandate to occupy
Monterey-Spain Ceuses all Exploration <f the Coast.

A'^ the vurioiis roiuMUces whu-h luive heeu c-oiisideicd were all
published niauy year.s after the date ay<cril>ed to the voyages of
\vhieh they speak, it is now necessary to turn hack to these times
and see what wa,s actually l)eing accomplished. The first thin<^ to
be fouiid affectiuir Oregon is the voyage of Sebastian Viscaino. It
has l)een seen that at the very time when Juan de Fuca was impor-
tuning the Spanish monai'ch for recognition of his services, accord-
ing to Lock's letter, that r(»yal personage ordere<l a survey of the
Pacific Coast. The i-easons that moved Philij) II., in 155U"), to issue
his royal uuindate tt) the Mexican Viceroy are thus set forth by
Torquemada:—

His majesty kwcw that the viceroys of Mexico imtl endeavored to discover a
northern passage, and lie had found, among his father's pajiers, a declaration of
certain strangers, to the e<r?ct that they had lieen driven, by violent winds, from
the codfish coa«t on the At'aiitic, to the South .Sea, through the Strait of Anian,
which is beyond Cape Mendocino, and had, on their way, seen a rich and populous
city, well fortified, and inhabited by a numeroue and civilized nation, who had
treated them well; as also many other things worthy to bt> seen and known. His
majesty had also lieen informed that ships, sailing from China to Mexico, ran great
risks, particularly near Cape Meiwlocino, where the stones are most violent, and
tiiat it would be advantageous to have that coa-xt surve.\ed thence to Acapulco, so

4r.

niSTOKY OK WILLAMETTE VALLKY.

that till! Hhips, mostly belonginj? to hiw majesty, Hhoiild find places for relief and
refreshment when needed. Whereupon his majesty ordered the ('ount de Monte-
rey, Viceroy of Mexico, to have those coasta surveyed, at his oivn expense, with all
care and diligence.

ILilf a century later another Spanisli historian, Venegaw, gave
the foHowing reasons for Spain's an.xiety to become better infonnetl
<»f the coast above Cape Mendocino: —

That in the meantime the English should find out the so-nmch-desired passage
to the South Sea, by thu north of America and above California, which passage is
not universally denied, and one day may be found; that they may fortify them-
selves on both sides of this passage, and thus extend the P^nglish dominion from
(he north to the south of America, so as to border on our possessions. Should
English colonies and garrisons be established along the coast of America on the
South Sea beyond Cape Mendocino, or lower down on California itself, England
would then, without control, reign mistress of the sea and its commerce, and be
able to threaten by land and sea the territories of Spain ; invade them on occasion
from the E., W., N. and S., hem them in and press them on all sides.

In this is contained no hint of Juan de Fnca; and if the conduct
of men can be considered as indicative of their nu)tives, it must be
admitted that the King, the Viceroy and the coniuumders of the vari-
ous expeditions, Avere utterly ignorant of the Greek's alleged voyage,
notwithstanding Lock's letter states that the old pilot had in vain
urged the Viceroy and the King to take possession of the Straits of
Fuca.

The Viceroy of Mexico did not feel an interest in the Straits of
Anian, or the California Coast, deep enough to render him eager to
explore them at his own expense, as commanded to do l)y the king;
yet he dared not disobey the royal mandate. lie made a showing
of compliance, by dispatching Sebastian Viscaino from Acapulco,
in the spi'hig of 159(5, with thi'ee vessels. These did not jn'oceed
beyond Lower California, where two feeble and unsiicc«^ssfid efforts
were made to plant colonies, leaving the great objects of the expe-
dition untouched. The death of the king, in 1508, served as an
excuse for ceasing even these feeble efforts, Avhich made extensive
drafts upon the Viceroy's revenue. The respite was only temporary,
however, for Philip IIL followed his father's ideas on the subject,
and peremptorily ordered his representative in Mexico to make these
explorations without delay.

There was nothing now to do but to comply with the King's
command, and an expedition was fitted out, composed of two vessels
and a small fragata^ and entrusted to tlie command of Viscaino.

VOYAGES AND EVENTS OF THE SEVENTP:ENTII OENTUKY.

Ico,

Till' fleet Huilcd May 5, 1 ()()•_», from Aoipiilco, well sii|»|)ll('(I with
]»il(>tH, (Iraughtsii It'll and jn-iests — the first to navigate the ships, the
second to make nia])s (»f the eoiist, and the thii'd to kee])aii aeeiirate
account of the voyage, a literary feat few besides priests were al»le
to acc()iin)lish in those (hiys, when the sword was mightier than the
pen. The juiestly autiiorship of the records of the voyage is fully
attested by the passage in Toriiiiemada, which, in speaking of the
head winds which baffled the vessels for a long time, says that they
were produced "by the foe of the human race, in order to ju'eveiit
the advance of the ships, and to delay the discovery of tiiese coun-
tries, and the conversion of their inhabitants to the ( athoiic faith."
As the fleet advanced scurvy made its a])j)earance among the
seamen, and its terrible ravages added to the adverse winds to con-
vince the priests that the Evil One was d(»iiig his utmost to oppose
their progress. In the face of all this the vessels steadily advanced
iiortlnvard, entering successively the ports of San Quentin, San
Diego and Monterey. Sixteen of the crew having died and many
others being utterly incapacitated for duty by the horrible malady,
it was decideil at Monterey to send one of the vessels back with the
invalids. This ship was commanded l)y Torebio (xomes de Corvan,
and reached Acajmlco, with but few of her crew alive, after a voy-
age whose horrors have no [)arallel in the annals of the sea. On
the third of January, 1(103, tlie two remaining vessels sailed fi-om
Monterey, and were soon afterwards se[)arated by a violent storm,
and were not again united. Viscaino, in the larger (me, instituted
a seai'cli for the wreck of a Manila galleon, which had been cast
away on this part of the coast eight years before. It was for a h)ng
time supposed that he entered San Francisco Harbor, sir., e Tortpie-
mada says: " He anchored ])ehind a point of rocks calievi La Punta
de los lieyes, in the port of San Francisco;" but that idea does not
seem consistent with other facts, and is not endorsed by the best
authorities. It does not seem possible that an explorer could have
passed the Golden Gate and entered the \vondei'ful harbor of San
Francisco w^ithout making such a record and description ot it as
would leave no room for error. As in the case of Drake, Viscaino
was engaged in the search for something, which, upon entering this
beautiful bay, he would have congratulated himself upon discover-
ing; and he certainly would have taken as much pains to describe it

4«

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTK VALLKT.

as he (lid other and comparatively in^<i^nificant places. Viscaino
was seai'i'hiiii; for a harl>or of refuge, and here, in the most desirable
loeality pt»ssil»le, was a magnificent liarhor that could hold the fleets
of the world; yet upon his return to Mexico he strongly urged the
Viceroy to estaldish stations at the greatly inferior harhoi-s of San
I)ieg«» and Monteivy, an<l said nothing about San Francisco what-
ever. In all prohaltility the port he entered was the same one in
which Drake had anchored twenty -five years before.

Just when San Francisco Hay was discovered is uncertain. The
lii'st time Caucassians are known to have visited it was in 17<)i>,
when a pai-ty of Spaniards unexpecte<lly came upon it while search-
ing for the liay of Monterey, and gave it the name it bears. Yet it
is almost a mattei" (»f certainty that some one must have visited it
long before, for in 1 74"J an English conunodore, named Anson, ca[)-
tured an East Indian galleon, and uyxm a chait found on the vessel
apj)eare(l, in the latitude of this bay, seven little dots, marked " L(
Farallones,'" and opj)osite these was indicated a land-locked liarbor
somewhat resembling San Francisco Bay, but having no name at-
tached. It seems probable that the existence of the bay was known
to those engaged in the India trade, wdio ke}jt it a profound secret,
and could thus pi-ofit by all its advantages as a harbor of refuge,
without j)ermitting it to become a rendey,vous for the pirates who
preyed upon their conunerce, or a station ft>i* tlie war ships of hos-
tile nations.

On the twentieth of January, Viscaino, ha\ing been unsuccessfid
in his search for the wrecked galleon, again sailed noithward. He
proceeded as far as latitude 42", where he ol)sei'ved a lai'ge white
bluff, uj)on which he bestowed the title of "San Sebastian." Dis-
couraged by the unfavorable weather, the terrible sufferings of his
crew from scurvy an<l the ap})arent loss of the consort, Viscaino
turned the prow of the Capitana to the south, and made his way
back to Mexico as raj)idly as possible. When the stoiin parted the
two vessels off San Francisco Bay, the little fragata, which wjis
under the command of Martin de Aguilar, continued the northern
journey, encountering another gale in the vicinity of ("ape Mendo-
cino, fi'om wdiose fury it escaped l)y taking refuge in some sheltered
place on that portion of the coast. What this place of refuge wa.s
doe.s not appear, but Humboldt Bay and the Bay of Trinidad seem

VOYAGES AND EVENT8 OK THE HEVENTEENTII CKNTI'KY

4'.>

to be the only ports in that ivgion capable of nlielteiing a vessel from
a severe storm, ai"! one of these must have V)eeii entere<l by the
^rflfa/a / though, if such is the case, it seems strange that a more
extended description of it is not given. The subse<|uent m<»\euients
of the little craft are thus detailed by Tonpiemada: —

When the wind had become less violent tliey continued tlieir joiirnfy <"Uwe alon^
tlie shore, and on the nineteenth of January, the pilot, Antonio Floren, found that
they were in the latitude of 43°, where the land formed a cape or point, which wim
named "Cape Blanco." From that point the coast beginn to turn to the northwewt,
and near it was discovered a rai)id and abundant river, witli iwli trees, willows,
brambles, and other trees of Castile and its banks, which they endeavored to enter,
but could not from the force of the current. Ensign Martin de Aguilar, the com-
mander, and Antonio Flores, the pilot, seeing that they hiid already reachetl a
higher latitude than was ordered by the Viceroy in his instructions, that the Vapi-
tana did not appear, and that the number of sick whs great, ugreed to return to
Acapulco.

They never peiformed their agreement, for when the fragata
reachei] Acapulco both the commander and 2)ilot, as well as the
greater portion of the crew, had fallen victims to the scui'vy and
had been consigned to the I)()som of the great unknown ocean.

It is un})os.sible to realize the dreadful ravages committed by that
horriy)le disease among the explorers of those early times. Every
})rolonged voyage suffered the impress of its blighting finger. Deatli
took passage in e\'ery vessel sent into unknown \vaters. English
mariners seem to have suffered less than did the Spaniards, or, in
later times, the Russians. Of the sufferings on Ijoard of Aguilar's
fated craft Torcpiemada says: —

Nor is the leivst case to be expected from change of place, as the slightest motion
is attended with such severe pains that they nmst be very fond of life who would
not willingly lay it down on the first appearance of so terrible a distemper. This
virulent humor makes such ravages in the body that it is entirely covered with
ulcers, and the poor patients are unable to bear the least pressure; even the very
• lotlu's laid on them deprive theui of life. Thus they lie groaning and incapable of
any relief. For the greatest aasistjince possible to be given them, if I may be allowed
the expression, is not to touch them, nor even the bed clothes. These eflects, how-
ever melancholy, are not the only ones produced by this ; estilentlal humor. In
many, the gums, both of the upper and lower jaws, are pressed both within and
without to such a degree, that the teeth can not touch one another, and withal so
loose and bare that they shake with the least motion of the head, and some of the
patients spit their teeth out with their saliva. Thus they were unable to receive
any food but liquid, as gruel, broth, milk of almonds and the like. This gradually
brought on so great a weakness that they died while talking to their friends. * *
* Some, by way of ease, made loud complaints, others lamented their sins with
the deepest contrition, some died talking, some sleeping, some eating, some whilst
sitting up in their l)eds.

HISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

Siu-h wHie the privatioiiis aiui afflictions einlured by the early
explorei's of the eoast of Oregon.

A fourtJi geographical (-nignia wan now added to the list of those
which pei'plexetl the seekers {'or a Northwest Passage; though, more
])i-o|)erly s[)eaking, this was the first, since knowledge of this voyage
was spread ahroad several years Itefoi*^ Maldonado entertained the
Council of the Indies with his clevei- roijiaiice a'wmt the Straits of
Anian, <>r Lock's letter gave to the world the dubious tale of Juan
de Fuca. According to Torcpieniada, :i was "supposed that this
river is one leading to a great city which was discovered by the Dutch
when they were driven thither l)y storms, and that it is the Straits
of Anian through which the shij) [uissed in sailing from the North
Sea to the South Sea, and that the city called Quivira (the one
which led Coronado such a dance sixt}' years l»efore) is in those
paits; and that this highei" latitutle is the region referred t(» in the
account wliicii his majesty read, and which induced him to order
this expnlido;!.'" There is here a serious discrepancy— an error of
as great a magnitude as the one cited as evidence of the mythical
character of the alleged voyage of Juan de l^^ica. No great I'iver
exist** in latitude 48°, but a short distance U}) the coast is the Ump-
([ua, whic-li, though l)y no means jis great a stream a.s this one vvjw
supjntsed to l»e, may he considered of sufficient j)ropoitions to
duty as the River of Aguilar. The same may be said of Rogue
River, some uiiles below the [)oint indicated. Chie can not h"lp
noticing hei'e the foundation of the " River t)f Kiugs" story after-
wards concocted hy Petiver. The great I'iver supjxtsed to lead
through the continent, an<l the large city some distance uj) the stream,
both a])pear here in the (M'iginal. The idea that this wjus the Straits
f>f Aniaii, or anything of a similar nature, did not long obtain. A
few yeai-s later it wiis conceived that this and the C(»lorad<» rivers
were the two ends of a long inland channel, which united in sucli a
immner jis to make California an island. This theory found a [dace
upon the nuips for a short time, till it was discovered that the Col-
Oiv'do led off ti> the northeastward instead of toward the northwest.
It wa.x thei, sup|»osed that this was a vast river flowing from un-
known regi(»ns in the heart of the continent, such a stream a.^ the
(/'(»hnnl)ia wa>< in later years found to be, and nnips thereaftei- bort^
upon tlieni an indication of such a rivei', hearing the name "River

VOYAGES AND EVENTS OF THE SEVENTEENTH fENTIin'.

of Aguilar," anl varioun* other titles, which, with the reason for he-
stowing them, will appear later on in speaking of the journey of
the early explorers of the Rocky Mountains.

Viscaino had kept in view the chief object of his voyage — the
discovery of a suital)le harlior of i-efuge for vessels in tlie Manila
trade — and immediately upon liis return urged upon the Viceroy
the desirability of esta})lishing supply stations at San Diego and
Monterey, the only suitable harbors he had encountered. He reported
that diligent incpiiry among the nations had elicited the information
that California was extremely fertile and rich in the [nvcious metals.
There was one serious objection to so doing, which had great weight
with the Viceroy. lie had been instructed in the royal decree to
accomplish these things at his own expense, and he was nuich averse
to devoting Ins private revenues, which were, no doubt, very con-
siderable, to the accom])lishment of public measures. In vain Vis-
caino urged, the Viceroy was obdurate, and, at last, the explorer
went to 8})ain to lay the mattei- before his sovereign. xVfter several
years of attendance at coiu't he succeeded, in 1()<)(), in procuring a
royal mandate to the ^'iceroy, directing him to establish a supply
station at Monterey. While preparations for doing so were advanc-
ing Viscahio died, and the Viceroy seized the opj)ortunity to defeat
the projected colony. For a centiuy and one-half thereafter Spain
made no further attempt to ex])h)re the coast noith of California.
The East India vessels first sighted land on their home voyage in
the vicinity of Ca])e Men(h)cino, and then folhtwed the coast south
to Mexico; l)Ut north of that the Pacific (.'oast of North America
remained a tc7'ra incognita foi' ages. The secret of this a))parent
apathy was the unwillingness of the viceroy.- to explore new rt-gions
at their own expense. There is a traditior floating about in South-
ern Oregon that one of these galleons was driven out of its coui-se
an<l put into the l;m])(jua River to repair dam.-igj's. Indian tiadi-
tions and the old stumps of trees are iclied upon as corroborative
evidence; thought what the original authority is, or in what year
the event is said to have occurre<l, the writer has been unaV)le to
learn. The story is pn>bably an outgiowth of the attempt of
Aguilar tx> enter some river in that ivgion.

CHAPTER V.

HUDSON'S BAY, CAPE HORN, AND BEHRJNG'S STRAITS.

Discovery of Dams' Straits — Henry Hudson^ William liuj/fn, and
other Emplorers in the North- Atlantic — Dutch Nainyators Discover
the Paasaye around Cope Horn — Burcaneers Swarm into the Pacific
hy the New Route — Otondo attempts to Colonize Lower California —
The Hudson'' s Bay Company Chartered, in 1009, to Discover the
Straits of Anian — Prlnleyes Graiited hy the Charter — The Company
Heads off all Efforts at Explmntion — Russians cross Siberia and
Explore the Pacifc — Plans of Peter the Great — Discovery of Beh-
ringh Straits and Alaska — Voyage of Tchirlkof — Behriny Discovers
Mount St. Ellas and Dies on Behrini/s Isle — The Early E%ir
Trade of the North Padfc—Benyowshy Takes a Cargo of Ears to
Canton and thus Reveals the Magnitiule of the Pacific Ocean — Rus-
sian Idea of Alaskan (ieography.

EVKKAL iuiportaut voyages were iiuule ]>y English inarinei's <ni
the Athiiitie coast in searching for the Noi-thwest Pjissage, all of
whicli hear a close relati(tn to the more direct stej»s taken (»n the
Pacific side in the disc(»verv of Oregon. In IjSS, at the time set in
Maldonado's romance for his voyage throngh the Straits of Anian, a
celebrated English navigator .was actnally ex|>loring the seas abont
the seventy-fifth parallel. This was John Davis. After searching
in vain for a j)assage westward, he finally discovered Davis' Straits,
hut was compelled to return to P^ngiand hefore making a thorough
exploration of th«'m, leaving in douht the (piestion of whether through
them, or hy some hody of water coiuiecting with them, the Pacific
might not he reached. Ahont the same time the great fi-eehooter,
Thonnus C^avendish, returned with his vessel laden with tin- plunder
of the South Sea, and Davis, dazzled hy the glittering pr(tsj>ect of
great wealth t<» Im' gained hy plunch^iing the Sj)anish <omnjerce»

Hri)S()\'s BAY, CWK H()K^, AND RKHIMNo's STKAI'I'S.

O.'i

abandoned liis search for the Northwest Passage and sailed with
Caveiidisli u|)(»n his seeoiul ex])edition to the Paciiic, a voyage which
ended in signal disjister.

In Kios, Ileni'y Hudson, bent upon tlie same errand as Davis,
explored the Xoi'th Atlantic coast. lie entered Hudson's Bay and
partially examined it; and though he l)est<»wed his name upon the
l>ay, a.s well as tlie straits leading to it, he w is hut following the
course pursued a century hefoiv by ("oi'tereal. William Baffin was
the next n()t<'(l mai'inei- to navigate these seas. In KJIH he sailed
north, between America and (Jr«*enland, into Baffin's Bay. Other
explorei's followed in the wake of tliese m«»i'e noted ones, and exam-
ined the coast cai'efully as high ii.s the seventy-fifth parallel. It was
of no use; the Sti'aits of Anian coidd not be found, (xeographei's
Itecame satisHnl that if discovere<l at all they would be found lead-
ing westward from some arm of Hudson's Bay which had been but
l)artially exj)loied. England soon became convulsed l>y civil war
Itetween the peo])le and the House of Stuai't, and America waw neg-
lected for half a century. Meanwhile, an important discovery wjus
ma(h' in an opp(»site dii-ection, one most di>;isrrous to ihe Pacitic
connnerce of Spain.

While Baffin was jtui'suing his search among the iceViergs and
floes of the Arctic, two Dutch navigators, \ an Sch»)Uten and Le-
maire, passed south of tiie Straits of Magellan and 'liscovere<l the
open sea connecting the Atlantic and Pacific. They rounded Cape
Hoi'u, which they thus cliristened — in memt»ry of the place of their
nativity, "Holland'* — and entered the South Sea without en< initev-
ing the dangers attending a passage tlu'ough the Straits of jM.igellan,
or meeting the Spanish sliips of war which guarded the entrance to
that narrow j)assageway. Here, now , wa« a r«)ute open to all nation!* ^
— one which Spain could neither monopolize nor defeiul. Spai 'U-
tinmdly involved in Euroj)ean wars, was now exposed to attack in
her most vital part. From America and the Indies came the revenue
with which she now made war ui)on Entrland and France, oi>i)ressed

.pp

the Netherlands and sustained the terrible In([uisition. Privateers
of the three hostile nations swarmed into the South Sea and plun-
dered her connnerce. Buccaneers attacked the Spanish possessions
in America from both the Atlantic and Paciflc sides. Especially
did the Dutch aid in tliis way the desperat«' struggle of the Nether-

:)4

HISTORY UK WILLAMKTTK VALI.KY

lands for li.(le|)en<K'nre from Spanish rule. The (riilf of California
Ixvanie their rallyinir place, their s[>eoial rendt'zvous heini; the Bay
of Piehilinuue, wliiih won for them the title of " Piehilintrues," a
name both feared and hated l>y the mariners of Spain. From this
rt'treat they issued to eommit their ravaires, and often returned with
the rich prize of a Manila galleon. The feelde efforts of Spain to
dislodije these Uold maraudeis, who wer<' literally drawing the life
blood of the nation, were of no avail. Several times she made
great preparations to exterminate them, but even if driven out they
returned again in greater munbers as soon as the way was open.
F^inally, in 1()8.'{, an effoi-t was nnule to plant a e(dony in L(»wer
California, which slntuld serve as a basis for keeping the gulf five
from pirates, and of rescuing from threatene<l attack the annual
galleon. Admiral Don Isdro de (Hondo was at the head of this
expedition, which consisted of sohliers, settlers and Jesuit [)rieHts.
For three years the effort was sustaine<l in the face of drouth and
sterile soil, and then the c(dony was abandoned; the last act being
to rescue and convey safely to port the Manila galleon, whose safety
was threatened by the dreaded [U'ivateei-s.

When the l(»ng fratricidal war in Fhigland was over and the son
of the murdered king was set upon the throne, attention was once
more directed toward America. The belief that the Straits of
Anian could be found only in Hudson's Hay was then a general
one, and to aid in its discovery, in l«)ti5>, Charles the II. grante<l
almost royal privileges in America to a company of his subjects.
Such were the relative importance in those days of the rich com-
merce of the Indies and the Arctic wilds of unexplored America.
Reports of the valuable fnrs to be obtained from the natives along
the coast which were made by the old explorers, and the hope that
other and even more valuable articles coidd l>e obtained in trade
with the Indians, led to the organization of a company to engage
in that profitable business. They applied to the King for a royal
charter, which was granted in consideration of their agreement to
search for the nuich-desired Straits of Anian. Tin two-fold object
— that of the King and that of the company — was expressed in the
charter which created "The Company of Adventurers of England
Trading into Hudson's Bay." This object, as expressed, was "for
the discovery of a new passage into the South Sea. and for the find-

HI'DSON S HAY, f-APK MOHN, AND BKItKINOS STltAITS.

iiii; <»f some fnule in furs, minerals and otlier considerahle commo-
dities." The comjtany was granted the exchisive right of the
"trade an<l commerce of all those seas, straits and Imys, rivers,
lakes, creeks and sounds, ii; whatsoever latitude they shall be, tliat
lie within the entrance of the straits commonly calle<l Hudson's
Straits." ( )f this region, which embraced all that vast territory
whose water shed is into Ihnlson's Hay, this company was given
absolute control to the exclusion t»f all persons whomsoever. It
was constituted "for all time hereafter, capable in law, to have,
purchase, receive, possess, enjoy and retain lands, rents, privileges,
libeilies, jm"isdicti(»n, franchise and heieditaments of what kind,
nature or (puility soevei- they be, to them and their successors;"
and all persons were forbidden to "visit, hunt, frequent, trade,
'traffic or adventure " therein without permission of the company.
The annual rent of this great empire was "two elks and two black
beavers," which the King, if he desired to have it paid, must go
upon the land and collect foi' himself. The company has few rent
receipts to exhibit. This is the organization known in history as
the lludson^s Bay Company, a name vivid in the memory of Oregon
pioneers. What a sjtlendid thing this charter was to the company,
and what an <)bstacle it became in the pathway of England's pro-
gress in America, will a[)[)ear as tiiis narrative unfolds. But for
the selfish ptdicy of the Hudson's liay Company, Oregon would
to-day be a province of (rreat Britain.

The company soon learned that their true interests lav, not in
finding the Northwest Passage, but in [treventing the discovery of
it altogether. They were able to accomplish this and to hold the
government and everv one else not connected with the organization
in conn>lete ignorance of the region in whi«'h they were doing a
Inisiness which assumed gigantic pi'oportions in a few years. Thus
it happened tinit no more efforts of conse(iuence were made V)y
England to discover the Straits of Anian for a whole century after
the granting of this nuignificent charter, the com|»any being able to
prevent or bring to grief all e\])e(liti<»ns of this character. Such
was the soulless conduct of this corporate nionopolv to the govern-
ment to which it owed its very existence.

From the time Aguilar's little vessel conveyed her atHictcd crew
back to Mexico in KJO.'i, more than a century jiassed before another

5(1

HISTOKY OK WILLAMKTTK V'AliLKY.

voyage was attempted. Not a vessel cast its shadow upon the
waters of the North Pacific, nor a Caucasian eye ga/e<l upon the
mountain peaks that stand like ancient sentinels aloui;^ our coast.
Suddenly interest in this region was revived, and initial steps were
taken by a power previously supposed to have no interest whatever
in the American (juestion. The sudden rise of Russia from obliv-
ion to a high rank among the powers of the world, a jwolution
wrought by the genius of the enlightened monarch, Petei'the Great,
is one of the marvels of history. Gradually he extended his power
eastward across the snowy wastes of Siberia until his dominions
were washed by the waters of the Pacific beating upon the Penin-
sula of Kamtchatka. The fur trade of this \ast solitude became
a valuable one, and added to the great revenue of the CV.ar. Hav-
ing reached the Pacific he l)ecame eager to extend his p()\ver still
further eastward until it touched the western confines of the de-
pendencies of England, France and Spain in America. H<>w far
that was, or what was the nature of the region coveted, neither he
nor any one else had the faintest glimmering of knowledge. It
might be a great ocean of valueless water, a sea filled with islands,
a continent of ice, or a land of plenty, " flowing with milk an<l
honey." No one knew; but this powerful autocrat pi'oposed to
find out. His first step was to discover a waterway into the Pacific
fi'om tile Arctic Ocean which washed his dominions on the north —
just such a passage as the English nuu'iners had searched for in
vain, though he expected to reach it by going east instead of to the
west. He ordered vessels to be constructed at Ai'changel, on the
White Sea, for the purpose of coasting in the Arctic eastward along
the shores of Si])ei'ia until an opening was discovered into the Pa-
cific. Other vessels were to be constructed on the coast of Kam-
tchatka, which wei"e to take an opposite course and endeavor to
pass northward into the Arctic. Peter died before his ])lans were
executed, and the [)roject was held in abeyance for se\'eral years.

The Empress Catherine was a worthy successor of her noble
husband, and wlien firndy settled upon the throne she turned her
attention to completing the work he had begun. In 172H, in ac-
cordance with her instructions, vessels were built on the coast of
Kamtchatka, which were dispatched in search of the desired pas-
sage between the Arctic Ocean and the Pacific. In command of

HUDiSON's BAY, CAFK HOUX, AND BKnUlN<rs STKAITS.

the expedition was Vitus Behriiii!;, a Daiiisli navigiitor of skill and
experience, in whose charire the former exploration was t(» have
been placed hy Peter. Russia was not a maritime nation, and her
seamen were in no maimer scientific navigators, hence the selection
of this skillful Dane for the conmiand of so important an expedi-
tion. Behring sailed on the fourteenth of July, and followed the
coast northerly in his little vessel until he found it trending steadily
to the westward. From this fact he V)ecame convinced that he had
already entered the Arctic and was sailing along the northern coast
of Asia; and being unprepared for a long voyage, or the possibility
of being compelled to spend the winter in the ice, he returned at
once to the port of embarkation. The highest point reached was
<?7° IS,' but the longitude is not given. Neither going nor retin-n-
ing through the straits did he espy the coast line of America, foggy
and cloudy weather obscuring it fi'om view, and consequently he
reported upon his return that a gi'eat open sea lay to the eastward
of Asia, joining the Pacific Ocean with the Arctic. The next year
he endea\'ored to cross this ocean and reach the shore of America
by sailing directly eastward. In this attempt he was l)af!led by
head winds and was driven by a gale into the Gulf of Okotsk. He
abandoned the effort and returned to St. Petersl)urg to report his
discoveries. During the few succeeding years a number of smaller
expediti(ms were made by Russian subjects; one of these being
driven upon the Alaskan coast in \7lV2, when it was discovered that
not an oi)en sea but a strait connected the two great oceans. Upon
this was bestowed the name of the Danish explorer — the pioneer
navigator of the North Pacific.

C'athcrine died, and after the conse<pient delay, her successor,
tlie Em])ress Anne, fitted out an expedition for the purpose of
expl(»ring on a more extendi^d scale than had ])i'eviously l>een done.
This consis(;cd of two vessels, Rehring being in connnand of one,
and Alexei Tchirikof, a Russian, who had been his lieutenant on the
first voyage, of the other. Anne die<l before the expedition was
ready to sail, but Kli/.abcth, who succeeded to the throne, did not
intei-fere with the ])lans which had been laid, and the two consorts
sailed fi-om the Hay of Avatscha <m the fourth of June, 1741. They
were soon sepaiated in a gale and were not again united. Tchirikof's
vessel, the 67. Pau/, returned on the eighth of October, in a sad

IIISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

plight. She had reached a group of islands in latitude 5()°, where
sixteen of the crew, who landed to make a reconnoisance, were
slaughtei-ed l»y the Indians. Besides these, twenty-one more suc-
cumlted to the lavages of the scurvy before the vessel found her way
hack to port.

Sad as were the misfortunes that befel the crew of the SL Pau/,
they were slight conn)ared with the disasters which crowded upon
their comrades on Ixtard the i>/. Petei'. Behriui; steered a south-
easterly course for many days, and at hust reached latitude 4<)°, with-
out having encounteied land. This is the latitu<le of the Columbia
River, but how near the coast of America he approache<l at that
point is not recorded. The mysteries of longitude seem to have
been beyond the penetration of the exj)lorers of those days. Captain
Cook, nearly iifty years later, is the tirst explorer who seems to have
understood the necessity of locating an object b)' its longitude as
well as its distance from the ecpiator. Hehring then turned his prow
to the northetist and continued his voyage until he had ascended to
the sixtieth degree, when he discovered land, the first thing to meet
his gaze being a giant snow-croMiied peak. This he named "Mount
St. Elias," in honor of the saint whose name appeared in the Rus-
sian calendar jis patron of the eighteenth of July, the date of the
discovery. The .S7. Peter sailed into a passage leading between the
mainland and a large island, when liehring discovered that the water
wa.s discolored, as though it had been discharged from a large river,
the volume indicating the stream to be the water drain of a land of
continental proportions. That this was America no one on board
doubted. The sul)ordinate officers desired to explore the coast
southward, in the direction of the Spanish colonies, I nit Behring,
who was in ill health, refused to do so, and started ui)on the return
v<\yage. They made but slow progress among the islands lying to
the southwest of tlie Peninsula of Alaska, and finally, l»eing driven
by a severe stortn far to the southward, the vessel wandered aimlessly
about for two months, the sjx)^ of the winds and ocean currents.
Horriltle were the sufferings of the crew. Scurvy, in its most ghastly
form, preyetl upon them unchecked. Famine and disease went
hand in hand. The surgeon's journal says: "The general distress
and mortality in(;reased so fast that not only the sick dial, but those
who pretended to be healthy, when relieved from their posts, fainted

TAPE HORN, UUDSOX'S BAY, AM) BKHKINCl's STKAITS,

and fell down dead; of which the scantiness of water, the want of
biscuits and brandy, cold, wet, nakedness, veiinin, and teri(»r, wei-e
not the least causes." At last these horrors came to an end. On
the fifth of N(>vend)er tliev siijhted a small island Iviny between the
Aleutian Archipelago and Kamtcluitka, and runniuiii: the vessel close
in they all landed, with the purpose of s])endinij; the winter. The
island wjts a small, rocky speck on tlie ]>osom of the sea, consisting
of a few barren granite peaks thrust up from the water, whose sides
were continually Ifiwhed by a lieavy surf and upon which the waves
furiously chv^hed when storms swept across the surface of the ocean.
Here they lived uj)on the flesh of fiu'-bearing animals which abounded
in the water, and upon the fish they were able to catch. Their
house was constructed of the tind>ers of their vessel, which was
wrecked upon the rocky coast during a gale inunediately after the\'
disembarked, and whose broken pieces were washed up by the surf.
Their sufferings did not end with their removal to this new abode.
Disease had taken too firm a grasp up<m that afflicted crew. Heh-
ring died on the eighth of December, and l>efore sjiring thirty of
his followers also found a grave on those water- l)ound rocks. The
skins of slaughtered animals served them foi' l)oth clothes and bed-
ding. Had this island been located at the same latitude in the
Atlantic Ocean not one of these enfeel)led men could have siu'vived
the rigors of winter. Here the great ocean river, known as the
Japan Current, imparts its genial warmth to the islands of the
Aleutian Archipelago and fringes the icy peaks and glaciers of
Alaska with a coast-line of verdure. Owing to tliis great modify-
ing element even floating ice fi'om the frozen Arctic is not seen in
Behring's Sea, though on the Atlantic side the ocean is rendered
unsafe by floes and icebergs at a much lower latitude. Upon the
return of spring the survivoi-s constructed a small vessel from the
wreck of the S^. Peter^ and when that long task was finislnHl, em-
barked and sailed directly westward, reaching the Bay of Avatscha
in August. That bleak island which had been their winter home,
and where were the graves of their commander and many of their
comrades, they christened "Behring's Isle," and as such it is known
to the present day.

Twenty years elapsed before another official exploration was
made, and half a century passed ere the full account of this fatal

IIISTOKV OK AVIliLAMKTTK VALLKY.

one was puhlislied to tlic world. AccompaMying Hrhriiig on the
.SV. Peter was a (Trenuan surgeon iiiid st-icntist named Steller, and
his jonrnal, wliicli was not puhlishcd until 1795, long after the
Alaskan coast had hcMi thoroughly exjdored by Spanish, Russian,
English and American na\igators, is the oidy record })reserved of
the adventures and terrihlc sufferings endured by the discoverers of
^Vlaska. The general features of the voyage, however, were well
known in Europe soon after its fatal termination. The skins which
the survivoi's wore when they retui-ned to A\atscha were found to
be exceedingly valuable — prol)ably seal and sea-otter— and several
private expeditions were fitted out by Russian traders, to visit the
islands lying to the eastward, in search of fnrs. In this way the
fur trade of the Pacific began, and before the government was pre-
pared for another ex[)edition this trade had i-eached considerable
projiortions. (ireeidiow thus describes the infancy of this great
industry: —

The trade thus commenced was, for a time, carried on by individual adventurers,
each of whom was alternately a seaman, a hunter, and a merchant; at length,
however, some capitalists in Sil)eria employed their funds in the pursuit, and expe-
ditions to the islands were, in consequence, made on a more extensive scale, and
with greater rej?ularity and efticiency. Trading stations were established at partic-
ular points, wliere the furs were collected by persons left for that object ; and vessels
were sent, at stated periods, from the ports of Asiatic Russia, t« carry the articles
required for the use of the agent-s and hunters, or for barter with the natives, and
to bring away the skins collected.

The vessels employed in this commerce were, in all respects, wretched and inse-
cure, the planks being merely attnched together, without iron, by leathern thongs ;
and, as no instruments were used by the traders for determining latitudes and lon-
gitudes at sea, their ideas of the relative positions of the places which they visited
were vague and incorrect. Their navigation was, indeed, performed in the most
simple and unscientifii! manner possible. A vessel sailing from the liay of Avatscha,
or from Cape Lopatka, the southern extremity of Kamtchatka, could not have gone
far ea.stward, without falling in with one of the Aleutian islands, which would
serve lus a mark for her course to another; and thus she might go on from point to
point throughout the whole chain. In like manner she would return to Asia, and
if her course and rate of sailing were observed with tolerable care, there could
seldom be any uncertainty as to wJiether slie were north or south of the line of the
islands. Many vessels were, nevertheless, annually lost, in consequence of this
want of knowledge of the coast, and want of means to ascertain positions at sea ;
and a large number of those engaged in the trade, moreover, fell victims to cold,
starvation and scurvy, and to the enmity of the bold natives of the islands. Even
EH late as 18(K», it was (ralculated that one-third of these vessels were lost in each
year. The history of the Russian trade and establishments in the North Pacific,
is a series of details of dreadful disasters and sufTerings ; and, whatever opinion may
be entertained a.i to the humanity of the adventurers, or the morality of their pro-

f'Al'K IIOHN, HUDSON S HAY, AND HKllIMN(i S STRAITS.

cpedlnga, the couraj^c iind pfrHeveriiiice displayi'd hy tlifiii, in Htru^rgliii^ af^ainst
Hueh appalling dittlculties, rnUHt command uiiivei-sal admiration.

The furs collected by thf«t' mcanH, at Avatneha and ()chot>»k, the i)rincipal fur-
trading pointH, were carrierl to Irkutsk, the capital of Kastern Silieria. wliencc Home
of them were taken to P^urope; the greater portion were, however, .sent to Kiakta,
a small town just within the Russian frontier, close to the Cliincse town of Maimat-
chin, through which places all the eonuuerce l)etween these two empires passed,
agreeably to a treaty concluded at Kiakta in 172K. In return for the furs, whicli
brought higlier prices in China tliaii anywhere else, teas, tol)acco, rice, porcelain,
and silk and cotton goods, were iiroughl to Irkutsk, where all the most valuable of
these articles were sent to Europe. These transportations were effected by land,
except in some places where the rivers were used as the channel of conveyance, no
commercial exportation having been made from Kastern Russia by sea before 177!t;
and wb.en the immense distances between some of the points above mentioned are
considered (Irkutsk to Pekin, 1,8(K) miles; to Hay of Avatscha, S.+'iO nnles; to St.
Petersburg, 3,7(>0 ndles), it beconn s evident that none but olijects of great value, in
comparison with their bulk, at the ])lace of their <'onHumption. could have been
tluis transported with proHt to those engaged in the tra<le, and that a large portion
of tlie price paid by the consumer must liavi' lieen al)sorl)t'd l)y the expense of trans-
portation. A skin was, in tact, worth at Kiakta three times as much as it cost at
Oehotsk.

For veai's the furs were cointncd to l^ckin juid St. I'eter.s1»tirir
ovei'lantl, as descrllK'd above, China l>eing then, as now, the <;eneral
fur market of the woi'hl. Not until 1771 was a earj^o taken directly
by sea to Canton, and not until then was it known that the Bay of
Avatseha and the Chine.se Sea were eonnected by water. Foi" the
first time was realized the inunense magnitude of the Paeific; that
the same waters which beat U[)on Beliring's Isle washed the shores
of the thousand islands of the South Sea, gazed up at the frowning
rocks of Cape ll<»rn, and bore the Spanish galleons on their long
voyage from Acapulco to the Indies. This innovation was not by
any means the result of Russian enterprise. A few of the patriotic
defenders of Poland, who had been e.xiled to Siberia by the Russian
Czar, made their e.scape in a small vessel from a port on the south-
west coast of Kanitchatka, under the leadership of a Hungarian
exile, Count Maurice de Henyowsky. After nuich aindess w.inder-
ing among the Aleutian Islands, where they procured from the
natives a large (juantity of furs, they sailed southward and finally
reached Canton, where their cargo found a good market. This was
the first vessel fr(»m the Russian Possessions of the Pacific to enter
the harbor of a foreign nation, and the spreading of the information
that rich fin- regions at the north were accessible to Canton by sea
was one of the gr<'atest factors in the sultsecpient rapid growth of
the fur trade.

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTK VALLEY.

The inc'ivasiiit; value of the fur business led the Russian Govern-
ment to (lispatcji other exploring expeditions in 17<»6and 17()9.
'riicy found the coast, wherever they reached the mainland at all,
fringed with islands and the sea through which they passed dotted
with them. Tiiat the land on the east side of Behring's Strait« was
of considerable [»roportions was evident. This they called "Alaska,"
(»r "Aliuska,'' and sup[)osed it to be a large island. In 1774 a map
was picpared, representing their ideas of the geography of llussian
America. I'pon this the coast of America was represented as run-
ning nortliwesterly from California to the seventieth degi'ee ot lati-
tu(U', which was its extreme northern and western limit. Ikying
lu'tween America and i\sia, in that latitude, was a vast sea of islands,
of which the largest was Alaska, with only the channel of Behring's
Straits separating it from the coast of Asia. With this map was
published an account of the last two voyages, the book being enti-
tled " Dcsci'iption of the Newly Discovered Islands in the Sea be-
tween Asia and America." Such was the Russian idea of a region
in which four official explorations had lieen made, and private enter-
prise had engaged in the fur trade for thirty years. It renniined
for an Englishman, the celebrated Captain Cook, only a few years
later, to i-eveal t(» them their error. He commanded the first English
vessel to visit the North Pacific, and in (me voyage straightened out
the geographical tangle the Russians had made in Alaska, and
reformed the ideas the Spaniards entertained about the coast they
had several times explored fiu-ther to the south. Such wa.s the
difference between scientific navigation and haphazard sailing.

CHAPTER VI.

FROM CAPTAIN CARVKH TO CAPTArX COOK.

TheJeHwitu (Julonize Lower California -The Franrixcautt Kiiter Califor-
nia -Discovery of San Francisco Bay — Early Frtnch Explorers -
The, River of the West — Verendrye Explores the Rocky Mountains —
France Sells Louisiana to Sj>a/n and Ijooxes Canada to England
by Conquest — Journey of Captain Career — He c<dls the River of
the West "■Oreyon" — Argument upon the Origin <f the Word "Ore-
gon^"'— ^The Geiierally Accepted Sjxmish Theory does not Staml the
Light of IncHtigation — The lliidson-s Hay Conipany^s Ptdicy of
Keeping the World Ignorant of the Geography of the Country Occu-
pied by Them — Samuel Jlearne Discovers Great Slace Lake, Cop-
permine Ricet and the Arctic Ocam — Russia''s Activity in Alaska
Lncites Spain to Renew her Explorations — Voyage of Perez ami
Martinez — Perez enters Port San Lorenzo, or Noothi Sound — Mar-
tinez Claims to have Observed the Straits of Fuca — Voyage of Ileceta
and Bodega y Quadra Benin's Wonderful Chart — Discovery of
Trinidcul Bay-lsla de Dtdorex, or Destruction Islund — Heceta At-
tempts to Enter the Columbia- SiMinish and English Methods of Ex-
ploi'ation ( 'ompared Bodega and Maurelle Discover Mount San
Jacinto, or Edgecumb- -They iMnd a)id Take Possession for the King
of Spain — They Reach Latitude 58" aiul Return — England, in Alarm
at the Progress Made by Spain and Russia, Semis Captain Cook to
the Pacific — His Particular Instructions — Cook Names the Sand-
wich Islands, Cape F'lattery and Nootka Sound, and Searches for
the Straits of F'uca, River <f Kings and Straits of Anian — He
Passes Through Behriiufs Straits and Around the Northwestern Ex-
tremity of Alaska Winters in ihe Sajidwi^'h Islands and is Kill&l
by the Natives— The Expedition Again Visits the Arctic, Takes a
Cargo of E'urs to Canton and Returns to Englaml — The Record of
the Voyage Pigeonholed Until the War is Over — Enterprise of John

84 HISTORY OF WILLAMKTTE VALLEY.

Ledijanl — Arteaga, Bodega and Maurelle Follow Cook's Route Up
the Count.

DURIX(t all the loiiir absence f»f Spain from tlie North Pacific
she was not nei^lectini^ lier interests still fnrther to the south.
With the al)an(l()nnient of ()ton<h)'s colony in Lower C'alifornin in
1<>S<), a council of chief authorities in Mexico Jecich'd that tin* re-
duction of California by means of official colonies and expeditions
was im])racticablc. A few years later the Society of Jesus, whose
zealous missionaries had long since carried the cross into the remote
fnmtiers (tf Mexico, silicited the privilege of planting a colony and
founding missions in Lower C'alifornia; and tliough this was just
the object the government had sought so long to accomplish, it
took ten years to obtain the royal warrant, so jealous was the
throne of the growing ])ower of the Jesuits. In KiOT tlie first mis-
sion was founded at Loretto, and in 17(j7, when tlie Society of
Jesus was deprived of all ita property in the Spanish d(»minions
and its mend)ers thrown into prison upon the order of Charles LIL,
there existed in Lower California sixteen thriving missions and
thirty-six villages. This rich inheritance was bestowed upon tlie
Dominicans, while at the same time the Franciscans were granted
full and exclusive authority to found missions in Alta California
and take possession in the name of the Spanish crown.

The first missioji in Alta Califoi-iiia was founde<l !)y Father
Junipero Serra at San Diego, July Kl, I7()t>, which was followed
by that of San C/arU»s, at Monterey, August 8, 1770; San Antonii)
<le Padua, July 14, 1771 ; San Gabriel, near Los Angeles, Se[)teni-
berH, 1771; San Luis <)l)ispo, in September, 1772; Dolores, at
San Francisco, ()ctol)er 1<>, 1770; and others at later dates, to the
total number of twenty-two. The missions became so numerous
and })ovverful that the Mexican government })egan in 1)S'J4 a series
of h(>stile acts whicli ended in 1845 in their com[)lete secularization,
jtist one year before the country was coiKpiered by the I'niteci
States.

It was in 17()1>, while GasjKiv de Portala, at the head of a |tarty
from San Diego, was searching foi- the Harbor of Monterey, that
the Bay of San Francisco was discoxered and named, (hi the
thirtieth of ()ctol)er they came u])on a l)ay which "they at once

FROM CAPTAIN CAEVER TO CAPTAIN COOK.

recognized," says Father Crespi, the historian who accompanied
them. There exists now no record of any prior <liscovery of the
givat harl)or at San Francisco, except the Manihi chart [)revioiisly
referred to, and it certainly seems strange that they vvouhl spend
nearly four months searching for such an inferior port as Monterey
at which to found a mission and harbor of refuge, when such a
glorious one existed only a few miles further north. They now re-
membered that Father Junipero Serra liad been grieved because
the Visitadore (ieneral had neglec:ted St. Francis, the j)atron saint
of the order, in selecting names for their future missions, and tlnit
he had said, " If St. Francis wants a mission, let him sliow y<m a
good port and we will put one there." Tliey believe<l that their
patron had purposely led them to this harbor, and they named it
"San Francisco," in his honor. It was first entered by a vessel in
June, 1775, when tlie San Carlos sailed through the (rohien Gate
and cast anchor I )ef()re the site upon which tlie piicblo (town) of
Yerba Buena (now San Francisco) was afterward built.

Having seen the Spaniai'ds take possession of California, it is
necessary to consider the relative elaims of the contending nations
in North America, in order to fully luiderstand tlie various acts of
each, which led to the disccjvery and settlement of Oregon. To do
this re([uires a return to the seventeenth century.

The Treaty of Uyswick was concluded in 1(»U5, in which wjis a
provision defining the boundaries of the colonial possessions of tlu'
various rival nations in America. This was definite and positive;
l)Ut, owing to the crude ideas of American geogra[)hy which pre-
vailed at that time, was imperfect in many respects. Florida, Jis
the Spanish possessions north of Mexico were called, wjis bordered
on the north l>y the Carolinas, but further west the boundaries
were (juite indefinite, conflicting with the Louisiana of the Frencli.
France claimed as Louisiana all north of the month of the Missis-
sippi and west of the Alleghanies, the west<'rii boundary l)eing in-
definite because no one knew how far toward tlie (>cci<1ent the con-
tinent exti'uded. She also claimed the region of the St, I^awrence
and the cliain of great lakes under the general title of (-anada,

'oiniuiT and inter*

ing

an>

vision either expressed or understood. The Hudson's Bay country
was also i'lainu'd l»y France, though not with much persistence, and

HISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

it was lit that time actually in the possession of England, in the
person of the Hudson's Hay Company. The English colonies were
east of the Alleghanies, from Main to Georgia. In 17i;5 Erance
relinquished tt» England lier claim upon the Iluilson's Bay region,
and turne<l her attention to streiiijdiheninir her position in Canada
an<i Louisiana.

During the latter part of the seventeenth century and the first
half of the eigliteenth. French explorers and .Ii'suit missionaries
traversed the Mississipj i N'alley, established a cliain t>f stations lie-
tween Canada and Louisiana, amonu' them the citv of St. Louis,
and even penetrated th" unknown wilderness lying between the
headwatei's of the Mississipju and the "Shining Mountains," a.s
they first called the lioi-ky Mountains, whose snowy sides and
lofty spires of rock reficited the bright rays of the sun hundreds of
miles to the westward. The most noted of these French pioneers
were La Salle, Pere Marquette, Haron La Ilontan. Chevalier La
Wrendrye and his sons, Father Hennepin, Dupratz and Charlevoi.x.
Nearly all of tJiese wrote accounts (»f their travels, ga\e descriptions
•A the country and the native tribes, and from their own observa-
tions and the information gleaned from the Indians made maps of
that region, embracing a little which they knew and a great deal
whicli hey guessed at. Thesi^ nnips, to say the least, are very
queer. One of them, drawn in ITU* to show the results of a west-
ern journey accomplished by La Hontan, is especially odd. It
shows a great river (called the " Long River"), up which he |)assed,
as entering the Mississippi in the region of Dubuque, Iowa. This
was, l»eyond doid)t, the Missouri, though that stream is also i'e|)re-
sented in its pro))er place whei'e it unites with the "Father of
Waters," and is made to extend almost due west to the njountains.
Passing across from the headwaters of the Mississip[)i and coming
upon the Missouri so far to the noith, he natinaliy sup{>osed it to
be another stream. I'p this he followed, af)j>arently branching (tfF
to ascend the Platte. He descrilies thf upper f)art of the stream as
a series of lakes and swamps. Some of Imn descriptions anfl the
features of his map are very peeidiai', so much so that historians
have l»een inclined t«» doubt the extent of his journey. There ih
one featinv, how»'vei-, which tells in lii"< favor. The nuip shows, at
some distaiure to the southwest of the point iudioHt«il a*i the west-

FROM CAPTAIN CARVER TO CAPTAIN < OOK.

ern limit of his wanderings, a large lake, which the Indians told
him contained bitter water. This was undoubtedly Great Salt
Lake, the one which years before the Indians of Mexico hud en-
deavored to describe to the Spanish explorers. The lakes indicated
{18 existing along the river beyond the point where rhe journey
ended were probably so marked l)ecause he misunderstood the In-
dians when tliey spoke of the numy large lakes existing in the
region to the westward.

One feature is \ery prominent in the reports of nearly all these
early French explorers — the fact that beyond the "Shining Moun-
tains" was a large river flowing westward to the " drreat Water,"
in the latitvide of the headwater^ of the Mississippi. This tlu'y
learned from the Indians with whom thev came in contact. ThoU'di,
with the exception of the Verendryes and their successors in com-
mand along the Saskatchewan, probably none of them went further
west than the Red River of tlie North; still the Indians of that
region, in the years of peaceful intercourse or bloody hostilities uith
the tribes beyond the mountains, imist have become suHicientiy
familiar witii the geography of the ccmntry lying between the Rocky
Mountains and the Pacific to know of the existence of such a large
stream lus the ('ohmibia. When the trappers a])peared among the
Cheyennes, Crows, lilackfeet. Pawnees, Sioux, and other tribes.
It century, they found them tx) '

<|uite an intimate knowledge of the topography of the coinitry west
of the mountains occupied by the Shosliones, Bannocks, Flathea<ls
and Ne/ I'en'cs, and there is no reason to suppose that a luuidred
years earlier their knowledge wa.s n«)t nearly as great. The asser-
ti<ni that a great river exist(^d beyond the mountains was not like
tliose tales of the " City of Quivira " and the "Land of Cibola,"
which led the Sjianianls to take sucli long joui'ueys int(» the desert*^
<•}■ Mexico and Arizona two centuries liefore. Coming from differ-
ent tribes, through soun-es that were recognized as Jteing totally
distinct, it was acce])ted as a geographical fact that sucji a river

existnl, and a stream of that nature was indicated on the

inapH

the period. Vtearing the various titles of " River of the West,"
" River Thegayo," " Ri<» de los Reyes" (the mythical stream of
Admiral Font*''), and "Rio de Aguilar" (the one whose mouth
Aguilar claimofl to have discovered in 1(i08), The most definite

HISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

puhlislu'il account of this givat stream was giveu by Lepage Dupratz,
a French traveler c»f note, who received it from a Yazoo Indian.
-It was to the effect that this Indian ascended the Missouri north-
'.vesterly to its head, and going still further west came upon another
large river Howing to the westward. He j)assed down the stream
until he was com[)elled to halt Itecause of a war existing between
the natives living ah)ng its banks and a tribe further west. He
]>artici|)ated in the hostilities, during which his friends captured a
squaw of t.ln' western tribe, and from her he learned that the river
Howed many miles until it emptied int«t a great water where ships
had been seen, on which were men with beards and white faces.
The geographical statements are so accurate that there is no room
to doubt the knowle^lge uf the Yazoo savage of the existence of the
Columbia River; but his st;i,tement about ships and white men is
historii-ally imj)ossible, suice no vessel ha^l ever visited the mouth
of the Columbia, oi- even been so far north as that, unless it
be admitted that Sir Francis Drake i-eached latitude 4S" and wa*«
near enough to the ct>a.»!t to have the faces and l>eards of his
men recognized; Imt that was a century and a half before, and if
his visit was known to the Indians at all it wouhl probably be in
the tornx of a legend about a great white bir<l that swam in the
water, or the canoe of the (Tivat Spirit. That [>ortion of the story
was prolialtly a creation of the hulian, or an amj)litication of the
tale, made l>y Dupratz himself.

De 1/lsh', ge»»grapher of the Academy of Sciem-e, Pai'is, wrt>te
March I'l, 171<>: "They tell me that among the Scioux «»f the
Mississippi there are always Frenchmen trading; that the coui-se of
the Mississippi is from north to west, an<l fi-«»m west to south |evi-
ih'Utly the Mississijtpi is here «'onf<»unded with the Missouri |, from
that it is known that towards the source there is in the highlands a
river that leads to the western (x-ean." De li'Isle warndy urged
the goveriunent tn explore the far West, in search of this river and
the " Western Ocean" into which it flowed. an<l was seconded in
his eff(»rts by a learned piiest named liode. 'I'emporary posts had
bej'ii established many year^ before in various pai'ts of Minnesota.
Du I.Mth iMiilt (tiie near the head of Lake Superior, in l(»7s; Per-
rot founde<l aiiotln-r bel<»w I^ake IN-pin, in h»s;{ ; a stockade wjis
erected above Lake IVjtiu on Prairie Island, in 1UU."», and Le Seur

KHOM CAPTAIN CAKVKK To CAPTAIV ('(»OK.

(il>

liiid a post ill 1 700 oil rlir liliic Kartli, iK-ur tlic site of Mankjito.
The iinportniiitics of De I/lslt- and Prrc liodt* caused the govern-
iiieiit to Ix'tiiii .-III eriertxetic policy of \\ Csterii ex])loratioii and occu-
pation in I 7 I 7, coinniencinir with tlie re-estaUlishment of the fort
of Dii Luth and another further west anioiiijf the Sioux. Other
posts foHowed in rapid suci*ession. In 17'_*s, Seur de la Verendrye,
wlio was in coniniand <tf tliesr' advanced p(»sts, received such definite
information of the "Shininu' Mountains" from the Indiniis. and of
the (;reat river lieyond them wliich tlowt d towards the western sea,
that he decided to make a systematic ex])loration of those unknown
regions. Misapplication for authority wa> favoraldy considered hy
Charles de lieauliju'iiois, (Tovernor-(iener;il of ("anada, and orders
were given for the Htting out of an ex[)e<lition.

In 17H1 two sons of the Chevalier Vereiidrve left Montreal with
a detachment of fifty men, their father n(»t joining them until two
years later. They reached Hainey Lake in the fall, and jit the foot
of tlie lake huilt Fort St. Pierre, named in honor of their father,
whose Uaptisinal name was Pierre. Xext year they estaMished
Fort St. Charles, named in honor of the (loverii)r-(Teneral, on the
southwestern shore of the Lake of the VN'oods. Further on they
Imilt a post on the AssiniUoine, five leagues from Lake Winnipeg,
and Fort Maurepas, on Winnipeg Uiver. In .Line, ]''M\, a [)arty
of twenty-six, among whom was the younger son of the Chevalier,
were massacred hy th<' Sioux Lidians while encamj)ed on a small
island in the Lake of the Woods. In Ocloher, 17MH, the N'eren-
dryes luiilt Fort La Heine, further west on the Assinilioine, which
l»ecame their base of ojierations. In 1 74"J the two sons of the
Chevalier left Fort lia Heine with a small party for the purjtose of

fully expl(»ring the "Shining Mountains." They followed up
Mouse Hiver in a s(»utherly direction to the country of the Alandans
(called by them " Moiitanes" ), crossed the Missouri a little helow
the site of Fort lierthold, and ascended the stream to the canyon
l>elow Helena, making a portage aiNuind the (ireat Falls, which
they described in their rejiort, differing in no essential p;irticular
from the descri|)tion gixcn hy Lewis and Clarke sixty-two yejirs
later. At this point, now known as the "(iatewayof the .Moun-
taiiw," they ascended the summit of the range on tlie I'Jth day of
January, 174H, not far from Hear Tooth Peak, of which they speak

HISTOKY OK WILLAMKTTK VALLEY.

jis a tusk-sha[)e(l niuuntain. They then passed iij) Deep Creek
(Smith River), erossed tlie luountaiiis to tht' headwaters of the
Musselshell, and thence across to the Yellowstone at thf mouth of
Pryor River. They foHowed up this stream t<» the Stinkintr Water,
and on over the mountains to Wind River. Ilci-c their j)roirress
was arrested l>v a fierce war ras.rinir between the Snakes and Sans
Arc branch of the Sioux; but they were told by the friendly Snakes
of the h>cation t»f T(merue and (rreen Rivei"s. Thev then returned
to tlie Upper Missouri, and raised a moininient of stone near the
mouth of tile Jefferson— in what they called the " IVtite ("ei'ise"
(Clioke Cherry country) — as a witness that they took ])ossession of
the country in the name of the Kiui; of France. This they chi'is-
tened " BeauhaiMiois," and beneatli it deposited a leaden plate bear-
inij the French coat-of-arms. Tiiis ceremony of dedication was j)er-
formed May l'.», 1744. They tln'n resumed the liomeward journey.
North of the Assiniboine they explored the Saskatchewan -called
by them "Posk<»iac" — as far as the forks, and built two foi-ts, one
near Lake Dauphin (Swan Lake) and the other on the " River (\^s
Biches." Tliey ivached the Lake of the Woods on the iM of July,
and I'eported the northei-n I'oute by tlie Saskatchewan as preferabh'
to the Missouri, l»ecause of the altsence of daui^er of meetiniz; Span-
iards, whom tliey feared mi»?ht be encountere<l further south. Tliey
would not have felt so much solicituch' on the subject if they had
been aware that the Jesuit ndssions in the extrenie southern portion
of the [»eninsuhi of liower California were the farthest north of the
Spanish colonies of the Pacific Coast.

Before startiuii' upon their two years' journey they had l>een in-
formed by the Indians that the " Shininii' Mountains" were full of
gold. AVhen they readied the mountains they were disapj»«»inted to
find that it was not gold, l»ut barren rock and snow, which reH;'cted
the rays of the sun so l)rightly, and they changed their name to
" Stony, or Rocky, Mountains." The fuilhest west the inf<»rmation
gained by the Verendrye l)i'othei*s extends is to the Flathead Indians,
of whom they speak, living just west of the main chain of the
Rockies and within the limits of Oregon, as that tei-ritory existed
when it was in dispute ))etween tlie United States and (In'at Britain,
but now in the western extremity of Montana. They encountered
a band of Flatheads. who told them of their countrv west of the

t-'KOM CAPTAIN CAKVEK To <APTAIN CnoK.

iiKiuutains, juul of tlu* jfirat lake from wliitli a river ran. This
lake, they iiiidi'rstood the Indians to say, was the source (tf a tribu-
tary of the Missouri, hut the cause of their error is evident, tis Sun
River flows from the mountains in that direction. They were also
told ()f the great river runniui; westwaid to the ocean, hut were not
ahle to cr()ss the divide t(» e\'[)lore it. The river to which the Indians
referred was prohahly the stivam tii-st reached Uy Lewis and Clarke
when tlh-y crossed the main divide, and whii-h they named " Clarke's
River." The stream is now known at vari(»us points along its
coiu'se as "Deer Lodge," " Ilellgate," " Hitter- Root," "Missoula,"
"ClarkeV Fork," and " Pend (!'< )reille," though a commeiidahle
Hdelity to histoi'y, a!id a proper regard for the honor of one of our
greatest exploivis, demands that the use of every name hut that of
"C'larke's River" to he at once al»andon«*tl.

The Chevalier \'erendrye was reli»'v«Hl of his command (»f the
frontier soon after this e.\|)e<lition. hut was restored a few years later
l»y (lalissonere, the suc<'<'s^or of Heauharnois. lie died Dtn-emher
<■>, 1 74'.», while plaiming a tour up the Saskatchewan. Jlis son wa.s
dej)osed by Jon(piierre, the next (Tovernor-(Teneral, who dis])atched
tw<i expeditions in search of rhe Pacific. One of these was com-
manded hy St. Pierre, and was to ascend the Saskatchewan, while
the other, headecl l»y Marin, was to go up the Missouri. St. Pierre
excited the hostility of the Kinsteneanx Indians, who attempted to
kill him; and though they failed in this they succeeded in hurning
Fort La Reine. lie sent Lieutenant Hoiichet de Neville to establish
a po.st at the head of the Saskatchewan. This effort proved a failure
because of sickness, but in 17.").'^ some of the men established Fort
.Ion([uie]-re in the Rocky Mountains. In 1 7."»4 St. Pierre wjis relieved
liy De la Crone, and the following yeai- fell in the battle before
Fort St. (reorge. The pi'o]»ost^l expeijition of Marin up the Mis-
.souri wjis a «'om])lete failure.

The ex))lorations of these French travelers ended with the war
between England and France, which wa.s |»articipated in l>y their
respective colonies in America, and which is known on this side of
the Atlantic as the " French and Indian War." As that struggle
drew toward its close, and France realiz»*<l that her jiossessions in
America were about to fall into the grasj) of her immemorial enemy,
she secretly conveyed to Spain her province of Louisiana. When

HISTORY OK WILLAMKTTK VALLEV.

the giillaut Wolfe died u])on the Phlin^s of Ahmhjiiii in tlie very
moment of triumpli, one of tlie prizen to he gjiined )>y this crown-
ing victory of the war l\a«l ahvady j)assed into tlie keeping of an-
othei'. Louisana belonged to Spain. The treaty of Paris, in \l(u'>,
conveyed Canada to (Ireat Britain, and thns France was shorn of
all her possessions in America. All these frontiei- posts were aban-
doned, and the Ro(!ky Monntains again became the undisputed
home of the aborigine.

AVe now approach the memorable journey of the none too vera-
cious Captain Carver, the man wlio stands sjutnsor for the word
"Oivgon." This luis led, by reason of the sujterHciality <»f many
historical writers, to the bestowing upon him <»f all the credit of
nniking known to the world the existence of the Cohnnbia River,
when the fact is that it was known long before his d«tubtful journey,
and his account of it, so far from being written ui)on original infor-
imition, Wits but the re-publication of facts made known l)y the
French explorers above mentioned, many years bef<tre. Jonathan
C'arvei" wjis a native of Connecticut, and served with gallantry as a
captain of the English colonial army in the war with France, wliich
was terminated by the Treaty of Paris in 17<i;i. I ■ then conceivefl
the idea of exploring the westei*!! portion of England's neM' posses-
sions. In 17()(i he left Boston, and going by the way of Detroit
and Foit Michilimacinac, reached the headwaters of the Mississippi.
Thus far historians admit that he traveletl, probably to the Lake
Park region of ^linnesota, where rise streams flowing into the Mis-
sissippi, the Missoiu'i and the lied River of the North. Carver's
claim to extt'Usive traveling west of tlie headwaters of the Missis-
sip])i, covering a period of five months, is a very doubtful one;
since his descriptions of the names, manners and customs of the Inilian
tril)es of that region are but the translations into English of the
works of the earlier French exjdorers. His oltject, jus stated in
the introduction to his book was, "after gaining a knowledge of
the nuiiniei"s, customs, languages, soil and natural protlucti()ns of the
different nations that inhabit the liack of the Mississi])])i, t<) jtscer-
tain the breadth of the vast continent which extends fi-om the At-
lantic to the Pacific Ocean, in its })roadest pai"t, l)etween the forty-
third and forty -sixth degrees of north latitude, //ad / been able to
accomplish this, I intended to have proposed to the government to

KROM CAPTAIN rAUVER TO CAI'TAIN < <»OK. (3

establish a ))()st in some of those parts, al»out the Straits of Aiiian,
whieli, haviiiir been (liseoverey Sii- Fraiu-is Drake, of course l»e-
loii<^ to the English." The caittjiin ex])«>ses hi^ want of fitness as a
geogi'a])her or historian liy assertinir that Drake discovered the
Straits of Anian. The circumstances of I)rake's voyaL'e were more
widely known than those of any other mivisfator, and in neithei" of
the two accounts j»ul»lished was there a stat<'ment that the gi-eat
rol»l»er had discovered those mythical straits, <»i- any other ])assaj?e
leadinir inland from the Pacific. Carver did not seem to consider his
adventures or discoviM'ies worthy of j»ul»lication until twenty years
later, at a time when unusual inter»'sl was felt in Kni^land in the
<liscovery (»f the Northwest Passaixe, to tind which the celebrated
Captain C(»ok had just been dispatched on a voya^re of exploration
to the North Pacific. Cai'ver was at that time living' in London in
much financial distress, and his friends advised him to take ad\an-
tage of the public int»'rest to |)ublish a book, lie consetpiently
wrote one, evidently compile(l in a lari^e measure from the nari'atives
Itefore alludeii to, lari^e j)ortions of them beiuii' transljited literally
int() Kniflish. lie died in 17st» in extreme penury. The only
interest this work or its aiithoi- can have to modern historians, is the
appearance therein of the word "Oregon." the first use of that
term which has anywheiv been discovered. It appears in the fol-
lowing connecticm :

From these mitivt'H, tofjetlier with my own observations, I Ikup lcariu'(i tliut tho
four most i-apital rivers on tlie contineiit of Xortli Americii, viz.:— tlii' St. Lawrence,
tlie Mississippi, tlie Uiver Koiirbon (Red Itiverof tlie Nortlil, and tlie Oregon, or
IJiver of the West^-liave tlu'ir sources in tlie same neinlil)orlii)od. Tlie waters of
the tliree former are witliiii tliirty miles of eaeli other: [this is practically correct,
and this point, somewhere in Westi rn Minni-sota, is prohal)ly the limit of his west-
ward journey,] the latter, however, is rather further west. This sliows that these
parts are the highest in North America; and it is an instance not to he paralleled
in the otlier three-quarters of the world, that four rivers of such ma^rnitude shouhl
take their rise together, and each, after running separate courses, discharge their
waters into different oceans, at the distance of two thousand miles from their
sources, for in their passage from this spot to the Hay of St. Lawrence, east, to the
Bay of Mexico, south, to Hudson's Bay, north, anit to the Bay at the Straits of
Anian, west, each of these traverse ui)wards of two thousand miles.

In this statement Carver does not claim to have visited the head-
waters of the River Oregon, or even to know their exact location.
He expressly observes that he derived his informatioii chiefly "from

HlSTOUy OF WILLAMETTE VALLET.

these natives," and it is possil>le that even iToin them it reached him
thr(»u;i;h tiie inediiim of his Freneh predecessors.

\\'henee Carver (h*rived his authority for calliuir the Jliver of the
West "()re<j;on" has l)een a matter of nmeli disc-ussiou. Though
it is now i^enerailv aihuitted that the word ori<;inat«'<l with Carver
iiimself, or was supposed l)y him to be the name of the stream from
some half-uiuhn-stood woi-ds uttered hy the Indians in refei-rini^ to
it; yet there are many who are not content unless they can l)nild up
some theory founded upon a similarity of sound, and plausil)le only
t(t those who are iirnorant of the details of the earl\ explorations in
the Pacific. Of these the one most <fenerally accepted in ( )rei^on is
the followiui; from the |>en of Archbishop Hlauchet, speaking (tf
himself in the third jterson: —

Jonuthan ('arvi-r, an EiiKli**!! captain in tile wars l)y wliicli Canada came into
tin' poHHt'Hsion otMircat IJritaiii, al'ti'itlie peace, left Boston, June (J, ITtiti, crossed tlie
<'ontinent to tlic l'acit1<', and returned October, ITtiK. In relation to liis travels,
which were puMisherl in 1774, and reiiuhlislied in 177S, he is the first wlio nialtes
use of the woni "Oregon" Tlie orijj;in of that word has never liecn discovered in
the country. 'I'iie tirst Catholic missionaries — Kathcr Deniers, now Uisliop of Van-
couver Island, and Father lilanchct, now Hisliop of (Jregon City— arrived in Oregon
in 1838. They traveled tliroufili it for many years, from south to north, from west
to east, visiting and teaching the numerous tril)es of Oregon, Wasliington Territor.y
and British possessions. But in all their various excm-sions among the Indians
the.v never succeeded in finding the origin of tlie word " Oregon." Now it appears
that what c<)uld not lie found in Oregon lias been iliscovercd hy Ar(rhl)isliop Blan-
chet in Bolivia, when he visited that country, (Miile ami Peru In IHV) and lH-">7.
Tlie word "Oregon," in his opinion, most undoul)tedl,v luw its root in the Spanish
word o/v_/rt (ear), and came from tlie <|ualifying word orcjou (Itigeari. For it is
probable that the Spaniards, who first discovered and visited the country, when
the.v saw tin Indians with liig ears, enlarged liy the load of ornaments, were natur-
ally inclined to call them orrjon (big ears). That nickname, tirst given to the In-
dians, l)ecanie also the name of the country. This exjilains how Captain ("arver
got it and Hist made use of it. But the travelers, perhaps Carver himself, not
knowing the Spanisli language, nor tlie peculiar pronunciation of the J in .Spanish,
for facility sake would have written It and pronounced it Oriijoii, instead of Orvjon,
in changing .) to g. Such, in all probability, must lie the origin of tlie word " Ore-
gon." It cornea from the Si)anisli word Orc.jnn.

This is cei'taiidy a scientific explanation, and were it oidy sus-
tained hy facts would he a satisfjictory one; it will not, however,
stand for ii moment the liijht of investigation. At the time (Carver
nnide liis journey no Spanish exjilorer had set foot in Oregon nor
had the least communication with its native inluihitants; tliey w^ere
not even familitir enough with the coast line to he aware of the
existence of the Columbia River. The only expeditious had been

KKOM HAPTAIN CAKVKH T(» ( AP'J AIN COOK.

those of FeiTelo and Aijiiilai', and iieitliei' of these liad evcii made
an attempt to kind. (V)ns(M|ueutly they had not and conld not
apply the title Orcjon to its inhabitants — pec >]»!(' \\li(»ni they had
never seen and of whom they knew notliiiii;. No allnsion is nnuU'
to the natives of this nnknown kind in the record of any Spanish
exjjlorer prevk)ns to tlnit date, and the Hisiiop's snj)|K)sition that
they "disc(»vered and visited this eonntry," shows how nnfamiliar
he was with the history (»f Spanish explorations on the I'aeitie Coast.
His assertion that Carver crossed the e<»ntinent to tlu' Pacific is
etpially at variance with the facts. The woi'd "Orciron" was nn-
known to the Indians nntil after tin* coimtry was visite(l l»y trap-
])ers, and the liishoj* hims»'lf hears testimony to the fact that in
all their extensive travels amoni,' the initi\ cs h«* and his missionary
associates were nmd>le to find anthority foi- its nse. Thns we see
that the Spaniards had not visited OreiLjon, and knowini; notliiiii; of
its inhahitants conld not have called them "l»iii *'i»i- '\ that Carver
did not visit the Columbia; that the word "( )i'eifon " was unknown
by the Indians, aJld, therefore, could not have been conveyed 1 y
them from ti'ibe to tribe nntil it reached Carver's ears; therefore,
the Hishoj)''s theory is nntenabk'.

E(jually so is the idea that Ore^ron was the Indian name of the
Columbia, since if such were the case the early settleis of this region
woidd have learned the name fi-om the natives, instead of having
to teach it to them. The same objections are valid to the theory
that the early Spanish t'X])lorers best«»wed the name because of the
wild nnijoi'am {orii^auioii) foiuul alonj^ the coast, since we have seen
that the Spaniards had never set foot on the coast of Oroji'on, and
that the name nowhere ap[)ears in Spanish records. If eu{»hony of
sound is to be relied upon, combined with the po[»idar but errone-
ous idea that Oreiron wjis explore"! in early times l»y the Spaniards,
then the writer desires to announce that he, also, has a theoi-y — that
in sailing along the coast some romantic S])aniard conceived a
resenddance between the graceful sununits of the Coast Range and
the blue hills of his native Aragon, and bestowed that name upon
this new land. To su[)port this he calls attention to the fact that
the Spaniards named Mexico '*New S[)ain"; the Dutch called their
settlement on the Atlantic coast " New Amsterdam," it being sub-
sequently christened "New York" by the English; the region set-

7«

HISTORT or .WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

tle«l Uy tin* Puritans jind tin* MnssacliiisettH Colony was named "New
Knsxland"; and the Frcni'h at one time called Canada "New
France." Instances of this kind miylit lie easily inidtiplied, though,
perhaps, the nearest and most convincing is the l»estowal of the title
"New All)ion " upon California by Sir Francis Drake, because of
the chalky hlufFs he had olisei'v«'d along the coast. Prof<mnd and
brilliant as the writer con<*eives this theory to he, he feels com} >e lied
to give jdace to the Irishman, who believed Oregon to l>e named in
honor of his royal ancestors, the O'Uegons. There we have not
only euphony of sound, but correct orthography, combined with a
proj)er degree of ignorance upon the subject.

The traditionary policy of the Hudson's Ray Company to head
off, or render nugatory, all attempts l»y the g<)vernment to exjdore
its chartered domains in search of the Straits of Anian, or some
other pjiwsage into the Pacific Ocean from the North Atlantic, was
strictly adhered to during the eighteenth century. They did not
want the government itself nor the j»eople to have any knowledge
whatever of the regions lying contiguous to Hudson's Bay, To
that end they kejjt to themselves all geographical knowledge gained
year by year by tlulr re])resentatives in the c(»urse of business trans-
actions, or when sent upon special journeys of exploration hy the
com})any. In 1745 Parliament offered a reward of t**J(),(K>0 to any
one discovering a passage into the Pacific from Hudson's Hay, l)ut
no one made a serious effort to earn the money. The com})anv
was powei'fid enough to })revent it. Nearly thiity years later,
howevei", having become satisfied fi'om information gathered by
their eni])loyees that no such ])<assage existed, they dispatche<l
Samuel Hearne in search of a copper mine, of which nuich had
been said by the Indians, an<l which was to be found on the bank
of a stream called by the natives the "Far-off Metal River." That
they might have the credit of exerting themselves in searching for
the j>assage whose disct)very had ostensibly been one of the leading
<*bjects in organizing the com})any, they instructed Hearne to keep
his weather eye open tov the Straits of Anian, and j)ermitte<l it to
be understo«)d that this was the chief aim of his journey. The first
ol)ject of note discovered by Hearne was Great Slave Lake, and he
followed this and the connecting system of lakes and the Copper-
mine River to the point of its discharge into the Arctic Ocean.

FROM CAPTAIN CARVKR TO CAPTAIN OOOK.

The CoppenuiiH^ lie believed to he the stream to wliieh the Indiniis
referred, but he found the jn'overhial eiicliautmeiit of distiince wum
jih)iie reMnoiisil)h' for the stories of its trreat rielmess in t-oppci', and
that, so far lus minerals \ver»' coiieei'iied, his journey and snfferini;s
—for he eiidured many hai'dships and privations had been in vain.
The Aretie he eoneeive<l to be an inland sea, similai* to Hudson's
Bay, and such he rei>orte(l it up<»n his return to the eonipany's
headcpnirtei's; also that no water passaire eoinun-ted the two ^reat
bodies of water. Thou_i;h the journal kejtt by Ilearne was not
published for twenty years, the company immediately eomminii-
eated to the admii'alty the failurtMtf ll«'ai'ne to discover any North-
west Passagt'. This seemed to «'nd all hop«' of findini;' such a
waterway leading; out of Hudson's liay; but the discovery of the
new sea opened the dooi' to new hopes. There mij^ht be a means of
coimnunication between it and BafHn's Bay, and from it mii^ht
possibly be found the h»n};-s(»ut;ht Straits of Anian, leadimcint<t the
Pacific. It certaiidy resembled Maldona<lo's " North Sea."

Tlie rapidity with which Russia was extendinu- liei- outposts in
Ala-ska began to cause seriojs alarm in Spain. Inactivity and
iipparent apathy iiad mnrked the conduct of that nation for a
century and a half, so far its the ret^ion lyin<^ north of California was
concerned. This, however, wjls not caused by lack of interest, but
l>y circumstances ea.sily understood. All voyages (»f e.\[)l(»ration
ha<l to be made at the expense of the Viceroy's treasury, and this
the chief executive in the New AN'orld objected t<». As long as
Spain Wits not threatened with the loss of exclusive «lomini(m on
the Pacifii^ ('oast, there was notliing to arouse the government to
action; nor was there anything in those unknown regions which
was sufficiently tempting to induce the Viceroy to undergo the
expense of a voyage (»f exploration unless stimulated by the jtositive
orders of the crown. Now, however, affairs presented a different
a»j)ect. The extent of Russian exploration and occupation of the
North Pacific were unknown; no definite informati(»n had been
received; the report of none of the Russian voyages had been pu}>-
lished; yet that Russia was making (piite extensive discoveries in
that region was well known in Europe, and it caused much anxiety
in Spain. She was aroused to the display of great activity,
aj)parently cond>ined with a pnrpo.se of discovering and taking

HISTORY OF AVILLAMETTK VALLKT.

])(>ss('ssioii of all the (roast not jiln'july ocrnyned l>y tlu* Miiscovitt^s.
The first iii(iv«'int'nt iiiatlc Ity S])aiii was the coldiiiziiii.'' »>f Cnli-
foniia. |>revioiisl\ sjtokcii of. The next was asei'iesdf explorations
hv sea. .lamiary •_*.">. 1774, the covwitf Sii>///(ii;o sailed from San
Bias, eoiiMiianded Ity .Iiiaii '.'erez, and piloted l>y Kstivau Martinez.
IN'i'cz \va> iiistiiu-ted to |HMcerd as far north as tlh' sixtietli d«'<^'ee
of latitude, and then to letnrn slowly alonir the coast, landini; at
sundry aeeessihle points to take possession in the name (»f the Kiiiir.
'Pile .S'</;///r?;'(> touched at San Dieiroand Monterey. lie sailed from
the latter poit on tlir sisiteenth of June, and siu-hted land apiin
fhirt\tw. Warned l>y the appearance of the dreaded
s<-ui'\ y anionj.'' his t-rew that the voyay'e could not he prolon;^ed,
Perez tui'ned aliout and coasted aloiitj to the southward. For a
hundred miles he thus followed the <'oji.st, enjoyini; a lii.t;hly proHt-
alde trade in furs with the natives, who came out to the vessel in
i^reat canots and e.\cliann('(l sea otter and other valuaMe skins f(»i'

mere

4 trill

es.

\ storm then di'ove the Sniiliaco

seaward

an(

I slu

did not apiin make the land tintil the ninth of Auijust, when slie
anchored at tli entrance t»f a deep water Itay in latitmle 4i>"
and .'50. In tl.'' direction of nomendatin-e tin- Spaniards were
never at a loss, |»rovided not more (haii one name wiim re(|uired
per day. \Vhene\er an ohject was discovered of sufficient impor-
tance to reipiire christening', the devout Catholic turned to his IJoman
ealenflar, and whatever saint was found to have heen declared hy
the Church to he worthy of special lioiior upon that day, the mim»'
of that camtnized mortal was hestowcd upon it. Followintr this
rule I'erez discovered that the proper name of this harhoi' waM "San
Iiorenz(»," and that name he entered upon his jon.iiial and chart.
This harhor was afterward re-christened l»y the Kni;lish, and is ?iow
kn(»wn as '• Kini; (ieoi'ire's Sound," or " Nootka Soun<l.'" It lies
on the west c(tiist of \'ancouver Island, and was a few years later
the scetu' of an interesting' episode •iiicli nearly precipitated a
bloody conflict lietween (Jreat Hritain and S|>ii'n. Perez, stopped
for a few (lavs to trade with the mitives, of whose ijitel!:L:en

p-nce atio

light

c(»m)>lexion he makes specnil Uiention, ;uid then continue<

s«tuthward. He oliservcd Mount Olympus, in latitmle 47" and 47 .
which he christened "Sunt^i Hosaliu." A few days later he .sighted

KKOM CAPTAIN CARVKR TO ( AI'TAIN COOK.

('}i|)e Mt'iidorliio, \vlios«' cxju't latitude lie asccrtaiiicd, and in due
time cii'i'ived at Monterey, liavintr l>y his sii)»ertieial uietliod added
l»nt little to ii:<'o,<rrai»liifal know led lic Many yeais afterward, when
the Straits of Fuea had l»een disci »\('re<l l»y an Kiinlish ea|)tain, and
Sjtaiii was eui^r •< prove a pi'ior diseoNciy, Mai'tinez, the pilot of
the Saiifiago, deelared that he had '.'"served a Itroad <»peninir in
the coast line hetween latitudes 4.S" :t!id 411", and that he had l»e-
stowed his own luiine upon the point t>f land at its entrance on
the south. 'IMioUi^h there was nothiiii.' recorded in the iouiiial of
the voyuije, Spanish t;eoijfra|>hers ac<'e|tted this (piesvionaMe state-
ment as worthy of cicdence, and (h'si<fnated upon their ma|»s as
"(\ipe Martinez," the headland now knoAvn as "Cape Fhittery."

A second expedition was dispatched the follow inn' \ ear, with in-
structions to pi'oceed as fai' noi'th !i.s the sixty-fifth |)ai'allel. This
was couiposed of two vessels, the Saii/iaoo, commanded Ity Hruuo
Ileceta, and piloted liy l*ere/„ its forniei- captain ; and the Soiiora.
under. luan de Ayala, whose pilot was Antonio Mauielle. A I'rench
iTcouiapher named Uellin had prepare(l a chart of the Pacihc, founded
upon pi'inted r»|M>rt^ and rinnored discoM-ries made l»y \ari<tus
nations, a chart which was " wonderfidly .ind feiirfidly nnide." It is
ditiicult to conceive h()W such a map could \\n\v l>een |»roduced;
certaiidy nothinu' l»ut the phosphorescent intelh'ct of a Fr. 'iichman
could have evolved such a ijfeo^raphic.Ml monstrositv. With liellins
chart, the latest issued, the explorers were supplied, and it is a fact
far from creditalile that Spaniard"^ had made so Ion;/ a voya<re the
year hefore without l>ein«; aide to co cct any of its excentricities.
The Sait/iimv ti\n\ Soiiora, a<'conipanied liy the San Car/o.\. sailed
from San lilas, March !."». 177"), and proceedetj to Monterey. There
Ayala wis transfern'd to the San Car/os. liieutemint .luati Fran-
cisco de la Hode<;a y (,>midra succeeding to the connnand of tlie
Sonora. The latter vessel and the Saufuii^o then sailed from Mon-
terey on their vo\a}.!;e of disc(»very. On the ninth of Juiie they
ancliored in an open roadstead some distance north of Cape Men-
docino, calline; it Port Trinidad for the Jill-satisfyinir reason that the
day nientione(l wa> dedicated in the cah-ndar to the Holy Trinity.
This is the same liay of Trinidad which caused so much excitement
aiMoiii;' the Li'old hunters in is.")(>. and the follow inir yiir Iie<'amethe
lauding phu-e for the devot^-es of "(lold UlufT."" Having spent nine

HISTORY OK WILLAMETTE VALLiSY.

<1jivs at Tiii)i(la<l, tln^ vessels iiuain jmt to sea, and did iii>t sijijht
land auain till in latitnde 4S" and '2~\ aecordinir to their somewhat
faulty reekoninir, beini:' almost at the enti'anee of the Straits of Fucu.
The (ireek pilot had located his passageway between latitu(h's 47"
and 4s" ; and it beinu' thus indicated on Hellin's chart, tlie ex-
turned to the soutiiward to search foi* what was almost

>lorers

within the h'trizun line on the north. Of coui-se they found nothing.

'I'he (»nly adventui'e worthy of note in that reLjiun, was the killinir
of se\en of the So/iorti s cvrw by the Indians. 'Phi
mainland near a small island in latitude 47", w

s occurred on

hid

J was nume<l

Isl

I (le

Dol

ores" (Island of Sorrows), the title, as usual, bein*;

dictated by the calendar. It was afterward christened " Destruction
Island" by an Kiii:li>h captain wli<> lost a boat's crew near that

•oint m ureciselv the same manner,

Here lleceta Itecame alarmed at the ravaifes the dreai U^d scurvy

was

mmittiuir, and desired to I'eturn

bef.

ore nis crew:

tireh

succundM'd to the 'couriie. He was )»ei>uaded to coiitiiuie tile
voyaire, l»ut a few da\s later a stoi-m s«'parated the two consorts,
and Ibnt'ta at once headed his vessel for Monterey. lie observwl
land in latitu<le .")(»", beiiiir the southwt'st |»ortion of Xancouver
Island, but overlooked the Port S.in !,,oren/.o of I*ere/, and the
Straits of Kuca, be«:innin<j: auain the sea>-cli f«tr (he latter in latitiuh-
48". lie made a ij:reat discovery on the tifteeiitii of .\ugust.
177"), l)ein<i- no h-ss than the entrance to the Cobunbia River.
While sailimj (piietly uloni; the coast he suddeidy noticed an <tpen-
• tni which tlow«'d a sticam of water with i;reat

intr >i>

the 1;

ind

force, lie en<leavored to enter, but tlie current was too stroinr. and

for a whole da\ he was thus liaflled in iiis efforts t

o e.\|»

.1-

•e w

iiat

lie was satislied was tlie cliannel of a ureat river, )>erliaps the Kio
dc Afjjuilar, or, possibly, the Sti-aits of l*'uca, foi- wiiicli he iiad lieen
so dilip'utly searching. He at last abandoned the effort and saih-d
again towai'd Monterey, oliserving, for the tirst time, tlie coast <»r
On-gon witli sutlicieiit carefulness to entei- upon iiis journal <piite
accurate descriptions. Tliis was the first time tin- coast of Oregon
was actually explored by the Spanianls, or any (»tlier nation, being
a year later than the first publication of Carver's book containing
the word "Oregon," and nineteen y<'ars after the journe\ of whicli
tut' volume treated. It is plainly cedent that tin- name wat* iu»t

FRUM CAPTAIN CARVEK TO CAPTAIN COOK.

l»esto\ve<l l>y the Spaniavfls. Ujxni his chart Heccta eiitcrfd the
I'iver he ha<l (liscoven-tl not as a river, since he had not lyroved it to
Ije siu-h, l)Ut as an iidet, eallini; it '' Ensefiathi de Asuncion." This
inline was hcstowed for the all-siitticient reason, to a Spanianl.
that the tifti-entli of Autrust was the (hiy of the Assumption. The
sixteentli was «h'Voted l»y ^he cah'n(hu' to the tfloritication uf
Saint Roc, and he therefore caUeil tin' proniontofy on the n<»rth
"Calto de San Ho(|ue." Tlie cah'inhir iiavini; l»een exhausted he
was coinpeHed to l»e>tow a more sensible titU' upon the low point
of land on the south, which he christened "('alio de Frondoso "
( Leafy ('a|>e). Maps made liy the Spaniards thereafter had in-
dicated upon them an indentation in the shoi'e line at thi?' point,
variously nnirk»'d " Knsenada <le Ilcceta" ami " RiitdeSan Hocpie,"
acctirdini.' as the map-maker believed it to be a ri\er oi- simply an
inlet.

While lleceta was makin<,' these discoveries liodetra and Maii-
relle were still sailiuL,' northward in the little Soiiora, eiideavorinir
to obey their instructions. It was, a|)pai'ently, the policy of Span-
ish explorers to j^ive th<' land .'is wide a bei'th as possildi'. KnglisJi
navipitors always kept as close in sh«)re as circumstances would
permit, carefully I'xamini li; every bay and inh't, inakinLr fre<pient
observations and copious entries upon their journals. When their
voyage was comjileted they were prepared to make an approximately
correct map of the coast, accompanieil by lonir ami careful descrip-
tions. Not so with the Spaniards. They ke[)t well out to sea,
sii^htinir land here and there, and when they returned were utterly
unable to rep<»rt anything save that they had sailed to a certain lat-
itude and had seen land several times durinix the voyage. W hether
I lie land observed was an island or a jMvrtion of the continent, or
wliether the coast line was continuous, or was much indented with
liays and inlets, they «'ould not lell. This is why the Sjianiards,
even after the vovat'es (tf IN'i'e/, Ilci-eta and Uode<'a, were utterly
unable to prepare a nnip of the coast wMch wji>* the least approach
to the oi'i}^inal. It wjiw now they IteiLfan to appreciate the beauties
of liellin's Chart, which had been })repared partly from the worth-
less reports of t! -ir j»r«'«leceHsors, partly from the r('p(»rts of eipnilly
superlicial Russian explorei-s. and j>artly from imaLjimition. Hn llie
>i.\teenth of /VujjTUst, w hen the chart assuiM'd tlieni they were one

HISTORY OF WILLAMKTTE VALLEY.

Iiiiiidrt'd iiiid tlilftx -five leiiifues (listaiit from the Amerioaii sluuv —
iiiid it i> diltitult to uiidcistand Imw they could tlattei- tlieinselves
that tht'V wt'iv fxphdiiiLT a c*>n.< line whii-h was one hundred and
thivtytive leaiu^ues di-^tant - they suddenly diseoveied land both to
the north and east of them. They were then above the tifty-sixth
parallel, in the vieinity of a Imge snow-mantled jieak, risiuL' ahru]>tly
from a headland on the coast, which they christeneij "Mount San
.lacinto." This i^ the t.i' nameii '"Mount Kdirecundi "' h\ ('aj)tain
("ook. and stands nil the chief island "f Kiiiu: (leorire III.'s Archi-
pcl.iLio. Siij»|»()>iuLr it to l»e a portion of the main land, tli

>an-

aids lauded to take |>o>scs>ii»ii in the name of tlr>ir sovereign.

ley plauteti a <-ross. w itii a|>proj»riate ceremonies, and were

luisily

ciiiraifetl ill |»rocurin<r a -ujiply of fish and fresh water, when they
wt'ie suddenly interrupted 1>\ the native propri»'tors. The ci

l »ss

was iiprootetl in sc(»ni and those who had erected it were Lciveii to
understand that a ha^t\ departure would Ke airreealile. thoiiLdi they
were n(»t permitted to makt- -<» much haste that payment for the
Hsh and water was neijlectt'd. Thus eiuled the tiist efToit of Spain

le «*oa.st north of Califoi-nia. They tlien
continued their northward joiu-m-y as f.-ir as latitude 7)S", when
HodeuK decided to 1 eiriii the homeward voyaire and «'.\plore the

tt» take possession of tl

coast hue more thoroiii

udih

The\ searched carefullx foi- the Ri<

de h)s Heyes as far s<nith as latitude ."»4", liut did not find it; nor
\\oidd I hey ha ' e found it hat! it l>een in existence, since .\dmiral
Font*' located his wonderful stream under the tifty-third paiallel.
'I'liey landed again on the twenty-fourth of August, in a little harlwu'
on the west coast of IVllice of Wale- Islali-I, where they took pos-
sessi(Ui without interference from the Indians, and namtd the j)lace
" Port liiicareli." in hoimr of the X'iceroy under whose (jirections
the\ were acting, and wiujse proud privilege it was to pay tin* ex-
penses of the Voyage. ( )ccasi(niall\ observing the coiist south ()f
tliis point, the\ beiian airain, in latitude 4")", to scrutiiii/e the
( >regon shore in -ear«'li of AguilarV liiver, and though tliey oh-
served several streams of vvatei' entering the sea. they wwe tiot of
siitticieiit magnitutle to indicate a large stream, such a.s Aguilar re-
porte<l having seen near the fi»rty-thifd parallel in I'Wi.'i. The>
• lid, however. oli-.erve a prominent headland answering Aguilai's
descri]>tioii of ("ape Blanco. Their next stopping place was iti a hay

FROM CAPTAIN CAKVEP TO CAPTAIN COOK.

H•^

which the Sonora entered on tlie tliird of Oetolter, and uhieli lio-
detra MUjyposed was the Hun of San Francisco, lie learned later
that it was a niueli smaller one lying a little fui'thci' north, and this
has ever since heen known as P>ode<;a liay.

These three vctyages jnstly entitled Spain to a claim to the entire
coast from ('ape ]NIendocino <o Mount San Jacinto l>y title of explo-
ration. If that title was of any valne, it l»el(»niLred to Spain; l»ut in
these modern times, possession is a far stronger title than simple
discovery, and the rnited States fonnd the claim acqnired fi-om
Spain liaid to dcfcn^l against Kngland's actual possession of the soil.
In fact, had she deju-nded upon it at all ( )regon wouM now l>e a
province of (treat [ii'itain. Accounts of these important \oyages
did not reach the puhlic through the medium of the |»ress; yet the
fact that the Spanijirds had made several important voyages in the
Pacific, and were evidently seeking to take possession of the entire
coast, soon became known in England, and created great uneasi-
ness. She could not stand sui»inel\ l»v and see her ancient eneinv
secure a territory which she li;id covete<l foi years, e\<'r since the
marauding e.\[)editi«»n of Sir Francis Drake two centuries before,
l>ut which, as yet, she had made no direct effort to rea»li from the
Pacific side. This yeai-, 177(), saw Fngland inv<dved in war witli
her colonies on the Atlantic C'»»ast, yet she wjus none the ess eager
to j)lant new ones at the other (-.xtremity of the continent. I lei'
passion for actpiiring Uroad territorial dependencies coidd not We
checked l>y hei' un|»leasant ex[>eriences with the confederate colonii's
who had just de«'lared tliemsehcs free and independent. It is
this p(dicy of colonial agu'randizement, systematically maintained
through long series of years, which has made her the cent«'i' of an
empire uj)on which the sun never st'ts, and in which In-r "morning
drum heat follows the course of the sun in one continuous roll
around the world." Parliament at once n'liewed her offer made in
1 745, of a reward of t'LM>,(Mi(t for the disctAery "f the Northwest
Passage, though not limiting it to exploration iti Hudson's May.
The reward was offered to any \esM'l, sailing in any direction,
through any straits connecting the Atlantic with the distant Pacific,
north of latitude Irl".

This WHS inimicid to the husitjesH interests of the Hudson's Hay
'.'ompany. and conse(|Uentl\ Wft^- picductiNt' of no greater residts

HJKTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

fliiin tlu' fornuT one. Tlu- Admiralty luul l>y this time become
satisfied tlia*^ it whs iis«'less t<» seek for the passair*' <»n tlie Athwitie
si(h% since all tlieir efforts wciv in some manner rendered al)ortive;
and they ih-cided to dispatch an expedition to the Pacific to search
foi' tin- passain'e on that sid<'. and t() learn, if |)ossil»le, the extent of
Spanish and Russian occnpation. For this impoi'tant task the most
renowned naviuator of his time was selected, Captain .Iam«'s Cook,
whose recent extensive explorations in tlie Sonth Sen and Indian
< >ceaii. extendinir into the Antarctic re<ri<>ii"^. had lieeii so thoi'(»Uirhly
and intelliiicntly conducted that little was left for his successors to
accomplish in the same Held. It was vitally necessary that tl»is
means <>!' enterinu' tlie Pacific l»e discoxeicd if Knt,dand would jdant
ct»lonies in \\\\> rei,non, I'or communication with them l)y way of the
Horn or ( 'ape of (Jood Hope would lie too Ioiil;' and uncertain,
'i'he pultlic Lia/.e was centered upon Captain Cook, and durini; the
lour yeais that pass<'d Itetwcen tin- departure and I'etuin of his
Vessels, the <:allaiit na\iiiator ami his mission were lutt f"or<;ott<'n,
e\en amid the excitiui! incidents of the conflict in .\merica and tin-
Liraver poliliial complications in Eurtipe. Tlie expedition was com-
posed of two vessels the Ncso/ii/ioii. a craft vviiich had just taken
Cook aioiiiid the world, and a consort named the Discovery, ct>m-
maiided l»y Captain Cliailes Clerke. In every particular the vess«*ls
won- fitted for the ,\ork expected of them. Charts were pre-
pared, emhraciiiir all the ufeoiiiaphical knowlediic of the time,
except that recently jLcained l»y the Spaniardh. the details of whicli
had not yet lieen rec<'i\t'd in Kiiu'land. This left a comparative
Mank in the Pacific hetweeii latitudes 4.'V', the northern limit
of A«iuilar's voyat;e. and .'>(')", the most southerly point on tlu'
(•oast reached l>y the Kiissian exploreis. In this were iiidicate<l
three important (»liject> the threat ri\<r supposed to exist some-
where within those limits, the Straits of Fuca and the River of
Kinjfs. Cook's iiistruetion>i were \er\ minute and paiticidar.
FiU^dand was involved in war with le .\i:ierican colonies, while
her old enemie-*, FratK-e and Spjiin, seemed ahoiit to add mat«'rial
aid to the open encourageiiH'iit they i^ave the striiuglint; r«'l»els. It
was inciimlH'nt upon her to do nothinu whatever to im-ur the op«'n
liostilit\ of these warlikt nations, or to even ^ixf them a plausiltle
excu.se fur declaring- a wai' wiiii-h they seemed n>ore than wiiliny; to

KROM CAPTAIN CARVER TO CAPTAIN COOK.

ciiihark i»i. T** thus send an »'XjH'«lition into waters which Spain
had for centuries looked uj)on as her <)wn special inheritance, and
to explore a coast line whicli sjie had just visited and formally
taken possession of, was a delicate matter, and Captain Cook was
relied upon to do nitthinu to offend th«* Spaniards or antas^onize the
Russians, whom he was expected to encounter on tlie coast of
Alaska, lie wjus instructed to tii-st leach the coast of New AlUion,
for such the Kn<flish still called California, in latitude 4.")", and
was "strictly enjoined on hir. way thiiher, not to t<tuch u))on any
jiart of the Spanish d<iminion^ on the western continent of America,
unless driven to it hy some unavoidable accident; in which case
he should stay no ionp'i" than should Ite absolutely iie-.cssary, and
to he very careful not to i.d\f any undtratre or offense to any of
the inhabitants or sultjects of his Catholic ju.ijf >ry. And if. in his
further j>i"o^ress northward, he should liieet any suhjects of any
Kin'o[»ean |»i'iiice or state (i-eferrinu r<^ the Russians), upon any
part of the coast whit-h he niii^ht think p-' j* • to \ isit, he was not to
distlM'li them or gi\e them just cause of ofietise, liut, on the c<tn-
trary, t(t treat them with civility and friendship." He was also
instructed to cxamuie the coast thorouifhl\. and "with the consent
of the natives, to t.ike p<»ssession in the name of the \\\wj[ of (ii-eat
Hritain, of convenient stations in such i-<. untried a* he mitrhl dis-
<*over //la/ luui not been already diseoiered or ;'/s//e</ by any other
liurofyeau pO'nX) . and to distril>ute amomr the inhaliitants such
thintrs as Would renniin a-> traces of hi- ha\ in*.' Iieen there; l>ut if
he shouhl Hnd the countrit's so discovered to lie nniidial'ited, he was
to *.'ike possession of them f<'r lo- -overeiun. Ii\ -etiiiiLi' up proper
m.-irks and (h'scriptioiis, ,is first di<»co\eier> and jtosse-<ors."

A literal Mdhereuc< to ihe>e instru«-iion> would ha\e liarred Co<»k
from the whole «'oast, since Spanish evplurers had \ isit«'d and taken
foi'mal possession at varii>u- point- Imt the year Ix'fore It was
irenerally s\ipposed that the ocean llearne had <lisc(>\ cred at the
mouth v»t' the Ct»ppermine River wa- identical with the I*acitic, and
that as progression was made northward tlu' c(»ast wonid lie found
tiendinc sharply to the east, the reirion oeciipied li\ the Russians
l>eii\ir Ji >*ca of islands l>in«r much to the westward of tip- main land
«tf America. Reginninii; when he first espie<l land, he wa- to search
for .Vguilar's River, or the (ireat Uiverof the West, then in latitude

HISTORY OF WILLAMKTTF. VALl.KT.

4S", t() look for tlic Sti'Jiits of Kiicii, and iicni- the fifty-tliini
]»jii'!illt'l to limil foi- Koiitr's llio (If los Kcycs. I'poti rcacliiiit; the
sixt\ -tiftli jtaiiillrl lie was cxjifctt'd to fiml tlit-coast trt'iidiiiLT ra|)i(lly
Unit licjistw aid towards the iiioiitli of the (o^jpcriiMiic: aihl from that
point li«' was to explore carefully "siicli rivers or inlets as niiirlit
ajipear to lie (if consideraMe extent and pointing' toward Hudson's
or HatHn's liays." Tlirout^li all sueli he was to endeavor to pass,
either in his lariat" vessels or in smaller ones to l»e eonsti'ueted for
that |iurpose from materials taken with him for that eniei'i^eney.
If, however, he diseovei'ed that the I'aeiHe and \orth Sea were n(»t
identical, and that tlie coast line tui-ned westwai'd or held a north-
ward course, he was to c(»ntinue on to the Uussian settlements at
Kanitchatka, and from that p(»int saile(| northward " in funher
search for a northeast or n(»rthwest pnssa<;e from the I'lwitic Ocean
into the Atlantic or North Sea." Cook certaiidy had a iriirantic
task Itefoi'e him.

On (he twelfth of July, 177<'>, ciufht days after the lieli of In-
dependence Hall had I'Uiii; out to the world the udad tidiiiirs that a
free people had pledijed "their lives, their fortunes jilld their sacivd
honor" in the cause of lilterty. Cook sailed from IMymouth on his
mission. He rounded the Cape of (Jood Hope and >«pent neai'ly
a year in exploriiii^ the coast of \'an Uieman's Land, .Ne\v Zea-
land, and the Friendly and Society yroiiiis of islaiids. It was not
until the eii^hteentli of January, 177^, that he encountered the
Hawaiian LCioup of islands, making thus one of the most impoi'tant
<li!S*.H)venes ill the Pacific. I'jHUl these he hestowed the name of
"Siinil\N kh Islands," in courtesy to the First J^ord of the Admiralty.
After a l)rief stay at tliis mid-ocean refiiifc. he i-esumed his course
eastward, and on the seventh (»f March espied the coast of New
Alltion. near the forty-fourth parallel. This was the coa.st of
( )rei;on in the vicinity of the rmp(iiia Kiver. Aflir lnillLi forced l>y
li( idwinds as far south as Uogue River, he saileil ii iioilherly course
W(ll out to sea, and did not ilgain see land until he I'eached latitude
48". To the ]>romiiieiit headland he then hiiw lie gave the name
"Cape Flattery," lu'cause of the encouraging conditi(tii of affairs.

Immediately north of Cape Flattery lay the Straits of Fuca, but
on his chart the passage supposed to have lieeii discovered l>y the
old Greek pilot was indicateil as lying south of the foily-eighth par-

KI{()M (AI'TAIN CAKVKK TtMAl'TAlN IHOK.

allcl ; and so lie coasted southward to tiiid it, little iriiairiniiiii^ that what
he soiiglit was within a few miles of him, and tiiat he was deliher-
atfly tuniiiiir his l>a(k upon it. Naturally he was unsucr«'ssful in
his search, an<l coneliiiled that no such passaire existed, lie then
sailnl north, passim.; dii-ertly l)y the entranee to the straits without
oltserving them, and cast anchor in Nootka Sound, unaware that it
was the one which Perez had enteivd a few vears hefore and name(l

l*ort San Lorenzo"; in fact, he was unaciiuainted with any <

t^ th

|»articulars of the recent Spanish voyaires. This jiort he at first
••ailed "St. (ieorLTe's Souiid," l»ut soon chanir«'d the name to "Noot-
ka," the pro[)er Indian title. The natives were very intelli>rent.

•PI

tossessed co|»i>ei\ H'on aiKl i»rass, and weit

famil

lar w 1

thtl

le mernoc

of workiuiT them. They were »'xti'emely friendly and liartered val-
ual)le furs for trinkets of any kind, |ireferi"inif metal to anythinjir

The \ esse Is were coiistantK sinrounded l»v a fleet of c

anoe

hose occujiants ju-id come for many miles aloni; the coast foi' the
purpose of seeiuij: the white stranir«'i>* JHid tradini; with them. Here
he lay nearly a month, re]»airinu' his ve-^sels and permittinnc the sea-
men to recover from the ctTects of their lont:' voxaLfe. AI»out the
first tif April he resumed his northward <'oiirse. In the vicinity of
the Hfty-third parallel he intended to search for .\ilmiral l"'<tiite's
Piverof Kinu's, luit wasiliiven to sea l»y a iraie ami di<l not auain
see land until considcraMy north of that point. This did not a[tpear
to him ill the liu:ht of a disaster, f<H' his journal says: "For my
own part I irave no credit to such va^'Uc and iiiij»rol>altle sttn-ies, that
convey their own confutation alontj with them; nevertheless, I v\as
very desirous of keepinir the American coast aUoard, mi order to dear
up this point heyoiid dis|iutc."' l''iom the tiftytifth parallel, vvher<'
he aiLcain saw land, he continued north, in fidl view of the coast,
nliscrvinu- the peak t-alled •' San Jacinto" l>v UoilcM-a, l>ut which
lie named " l'!dL;eciunli' ; iliscov eriiiLT ;u>d naminir Mount Fair-
weather, and on the fourth of May reachim: an immeUM- snow peak,
standiiit; near the water's edsfe, which he at once recotrnized as the
Mount St. Elias discovered liy Pehriiiu.

'I'he sharp westward trend of the coast from this point led ("ook
reful search for the Straits of Anian. which he

to h

>eirui there a ea

hoped t«) find leadini; northward into the North Sea, the e.xistenee
of which Ilearne had verified, or eastward into llmlsoirs or liattin's

UIHTOKY OF WILLAMKTTK VALLKT.

Hiiv. Tlic Ivussiaii cliarts sIiowimI this to Im- tlu- «'iiil of tin- Amcri-

CiU

I coutiiit'iit, all to tile westward ItciiiL' a vast sea of islaixis;

roll-

s('(|Ut'ntly ln' liad t^ood reasons for ('.\[)(rtiiitf to find a |tassai;(' into
tlic North Sea. lie Ix'gan a diliijent search, ex])loi-in«; carefully all
hays )uid inlets aloiiir the coast. Prince William's Sound and
Cook's Inlet received special attention, and on his nia|i are very
accinately laid down. The latter he at tirst siijiposed to l»e a
river, and called it '"Cook's River," hut the erroi" was soon discov-
ered. I'nsuccessful in tindin<f the desired |>assaire in either of these
favoralile localities, he ct)ntinued westward, and soon found the
coast trentliny; toward the southwest. Ilis careful explorations con-
vinced him that this region was liy no means a sea of islands, hut
that the American I'ontinent "exteinled much further to the west
than, from the modern most reputahle chai'ts, he had i-eason to
expect," and that the Russians had heen extremely suj)erlicial in
their exploiations. lie determined to ahandon his jncsent effort
and to follow the coast line to its termination, and then to ent«r
Bt Urine's Straits. On the nineteeenth (»f June he fell in with the
SclunMaifim Islands, where hv saw the Hrst tokt-ns of Russian pi-es-
ence in Miat regit)n. One of the many natives who swarmed ahout
the vessel possessed a piei'e of [)apt i', upon which was writiuLj
which he conceiv«'d to Im- in the Russian lanirua<re. When he had
|)assed the Aleutian Islan<ls, he sailed ai'ound them to the north,
and then returned eastward, soon reachinij the laru^e island of

Ounalaska, where he renuiined Hve davs without

encounteriuif any

Russians, thouirh he knew this t») he an important station in the fur
trade. On the second of July he resumetl his search for an eant-
ward |»assai;e, sailiiiir northerly aloni,' the west coast of the Alaskan
Peninsula. He reached a point on the ninth of Auuust which he
|»ro[)eily concluded was the extreme northwestern corner of America,
since the coast heyond ti'ended steadily to the eastwai'd. This he
mimed ''Caj)e Pi'ince of Wales." He then crossed Rehring's
Strait and followed the Asiatic C'oast on the Arctic side as far as

(

ai)(

Xortl

1. m

latit

ude (IS" and ."iC

Ret

urnmg

to tl

le American

side, he jtroceeded Iteyond Ca])e Prince of Wales until his proijfress
was arrested l)y the ice in latituih' 70" and •_".»'. This point he
named " Icy Cape," and then retiu'netl to Ounalaska, where he found
a few Russian fui' traders who were greatl} sui'prised to learn how

FnOM CAPTAIN rAKVKI! TO <AI'TAIN' TOOK.

S«)

('iT(tiU'OUH had Itj'cn the opinioiiH they ontertjiined of the jreogi-apliy
of the N(»rth Paeific. From Oiiiiahiskji li«' saile<| (lir<'('tly to the
Sandwich Islands, where lie sjteiit the winter.

On the sixteenth of February, 1770, wliile j)rej)aiinj^ to renew
his voya<^e, he was shiin in an iinfortuinite encounter with the
natives of Hawaii, and notwitlistandins; the fact that every museum
in Knj^hmd and America has on exhibition "the club that kilh'd
Captain Cook," it is a well authenticated fact that he was slain with
a s|)»'ar. The command now devolved upon Captain Clerk<', wh»»se
ill health sci'iously affected the future nKtveniellts of the expedition.
The loss <;f C'ook vvHs a calamity. ( 'lerke sailed in March, with the
desi<rii of pusiiiiiir still fui-tlu-r eastward in the North Sea, and, if
possible, passinj^ by that route into the Atlantic. < )n his way he
entered the May of Avatscha, and cast anchor in the Harbor of
Petroj>aulovski, the chief settlement of Kamtcliatka. The Kiissian
otHcials received the visitors with i^ieat courtesy, beiiii; ^dad of an
opjiortunity to learn of the geo<;raphii'al discoveries the Knulish-
men had made. The voyajre was then resumed, but iuMiorance of
the clinuitic pecidiarities of the Arctic region had led him to under-
take the passai^e too early in the S|)rini;. The couse<pience was
that he was prevented by ice from proirressinj^ even jls far as the
season before, and returned to Petropaulovski with the conviction
that no northern pjLssat;e existed Ix'tween the Atlantic and Pa-
cific oceans. lieim; in ill health, Clerke lay at anchor in th«'
Russian harbor until the twenty-sec(Hid of Autrust, when he died.
The conunand of the expedition then devolved upon Lieutenant
John (tore, who sailed at once for Emjland by the way of Canton
and the Caju* of (iood Hope, deemiui; his vessels unfit to encounter
another s<'ason in the Arctii*.

The obj( : u' /oini; to Canton was to dispose of a lar<;e collec-
tion of furs both ;!ie xium and oHicers had made, chieHy by tradinj^
for them wit"! rln natives of Nootka St)un(l. They had not l)een
purchased for iiiarket, nor had they been selected accordiuij to their
conunercial value, and many had been rendered unsalable by beini>'
use<l for dothini; and beds. It was only when the Russians offered
a lar<jje price for them that they realized the value (»f what they
possessed; but as tlu' traders iiad inadvertently told them what
great profits they made by shipping furs to Canton, they declined

^nj

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Photographic

Sciences

Corporation

23 V^«T MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580

(n6) r72-4503

7.x

•s

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

to sell, preferring to take them to the better market. For this
miscellaneous collection of furs the Chinese paid them $10,000.
The men became excited at the prospect. The thought of return-
ing to England without engaging for a time in the fur trade made
them rel)ellious, notwithstanding they had been afloat over three
years. As the narrative of the \'o}age says, they be(;ame " possessed
with a rage to return to the northern coast, and, by anothei* cargo
of skins, to make their fortunes, which was, at one time, not far
from mutiny." The rebellious crew wa.s reduced to subordination,
and the llome^vard voyage Avas resumed.

It was early in Octolver, 1780, that the Resohdion and Discovery
reached England, after an alxsence of ft)ur years and three months,
during which time the coinitry had l)een engaged in war with her
American colonies and her tivo immemorial enemies across the chan-
nel. Cook and his expe(liti<>n had almost become forgotten in the
excitement of current events, and the return of the vessels wdth in-
telligence of the death of the two senior commanders and of the
geographical discoveries which had V)ee)i made, was an luiexpected
surprise. Until the complications of war were removed, England
had neither time nor iiclination to attempt further discoveries or
plant new colonies, and so the Lords of Admiralty pigeon-holed the
official I'ecord of the vo}'age, to })e pid)lLshed after the conclusion of
peace. They could not seal the lips of the seamen, \vho scattered
about the story of their adventures, and the w^onderful ])rofits to be
gained in l)uying furs for nothing from the Indians on tlie American
side of the Pacific, and selling them for a great deal to the (Chinese
on the Asiatic side. One of these seamen, John Led yard, an Amer-
ican, endeavored to influence American and French caj)italists in a
fur enterprise, l)ut unsuccessfully. He then conceived the idea of
traveling around the world by way of Kussia, Siberia, the Pacific
and America. Having secured a passport- from the Empress of
Russia, he traveled as far as Irkutsk, when he was arrested, con-
ducted to the Polish frontier and released upon the condition that
he never again enter the empire. This arbitrary act is ascribed to
the influence of the Russian fur monopoly, which did not relish the
idea of foreigners prying into their business.

While Cook's vessels were lying at Hawaii, and only nine days
before the famous commander was killed, another Spanish expedi-

FROM CAPTAIN CARVKK TO CAPTAIN COOK.

tion sailed on a voyage of discovery in the North Pacific. This
was not caused by Cook's movements, for the Spanish authorities
were unaware of his presence in the Pacific, but was the result of
the government's desii-e to examli.: the northern regions more criti-
cally than Bodega and Heceta had done. After three years of
preparation the Princess and Favorita sailed — the former com-
manded by Ignacio Arteaga and the latter by Bodega and Maurelle.
The route of the vessels was much the same as that traversed by
Hodega and Cook, and nothing of importance was noticed which
had not been seen by those explorers. When they observed the
coast-line beyond Mount St. Elias to trend westward, they began
searching for the Straits of Anian, as had Cook the year before, but
were l)y no means as thorough as the English navigator had been.
Arteaga lacked the" quality of perseverance under disappointment
and hardships which is so necessary to the successful explorer, and
discouraged by his want of success, and fiightened l)y the appear-
ance of scurvy symptoms among his crew, ordered the vessels }>ack
to San Bias. Instead of being reprimanded for the superficial nature
of his ex[)lorations, his faulty observations and useless charts, he and
his associates were rewarded by promotion. Spain was now well
satisfied of the extent and value of the coast to the north, but being
involved in war was compelled to postpone any effort at coloniza-
tion until her foreign complications were at an end.

CHAPTER VII.

SPAIN'S SUPREMACY IN THE PACIFIC OVERTHROWN.

The Ru man- American Trading Company — France sends La Perouse
to the Pacific — James Ilanna i/uckes the First Voyage in the Fur
Trade from England. — England'' s Short-sighted Policy of Granting
Monopoly Charters — The East India Company and South Sea Com.-
pany — Their Conflicting Interests Leads to the Organization of the
King George's Sound Company — Belief that North America above
Latitude ^9° was an Archipelago of Huge Islands — First Voyage of
Captain Meares — His Terrible "Winter on the Alaskan Coast — Cap-
tain Barclay Discovers the Straits of Fuca — Meares Engages in the
Fur Trade under the Portuguese Flag — He Builds the Schooner
'•'■Northwest America " at Nootka Sou?id Explores the Straits of
Fuca — His Unsuccessful Search for the liio de San Itoque — Decep-
tion Bay and Cape Disappointment — The United, States Enters the
Contest for Control of the Pacific Coast — The '•'■Columbia Rediviva'''
and '■'■Lady Washington " — The Latter Attacked, by Indians, and the
Former Suj^plies Spain with an Opportunity to Promulgate her Doc-
trine of Exclusive Rights in the Pacific Martines sent to Explore
the Coast and Investigate the Russians — His Report of Russian
Operations Causes Spain to Send a Remonstrance to the Empress —
Martinez Fortifies Nootka and Takes Possession in the Nante of the
King of Spain — He Seizes the ^'Iphigenia " and '■'■Northwest Ameri-
ca " — Colnett and Iliidson arrive in the '■'•Argonaut " and '•'■Princess
Royal'''' — Are made Prisoner's by Martinez and sent to Mexico —
The Prisoners Released and Vessels Restored — Controversy between
England and Spain Terminated by the Nootka Convention — Stipu-
lations of the Treaty Displease both Parties.

THE first to avail theniselv^es of the discoveries made by Cook
were the Russians They were not embroiled in war with any
nation contending for supremacy in America, nor with any other

SPAIN 8 HUPREMACy IN THE PACIFIC OVERTHROWN.

power which could attack their Pacific possession.s. Cook's voyage
opened their eyes to the nature and value of the fur regions, and
they resolved to enter deeply into that ^vhich they had heen simply
skimming for forty years. The Kussian- American Trading Com-
pany was organized in 17H1. Two years later three vessels were
sent from Petropaulovski, to establish stations on the islands and
main land as far east as Prince A\'illiani's Sound. Three years
were consumed in this work. The hold Russia then took u[)on
Ahiska was not rela.Ked until that I'egion was pui'chased by the
United States nearly a century later (in ISOT) foi- S7,20(),()(»(>.

The first official \-oyage made by the contending nations, after
the Treaty of (rhent Avas signed, was sent out by France, In the
winter of 17M4-5 Cook's journal was published, and though the
"ya.rns" of his sailors had been freely circulated, this was a reve-
lation tt» the peo])le, and caused much eagerness to be displayed to
take advantage of the golden opportunity tiierein pointed out. The
French government immediately dispatched a skillful and scientific
navigator, named La Perouse, with instructit»ns to "explore the parts
of the northwestern coast of America wliich had not l>een examined
by Cook, and of which the Kussian accounts gave no idea, in order
to obtain information respecting the fur trade, and also to learn
wliether, in those unknown })arts, some I'iver or intei'nal sea might
not be found commimicating with Hudson's Bay, or Baffin's Bay."
La Per<mse sailed in ITSf), and on the twenty-third of Jime, 178«),
readied the American Coast in the vicinity of Mount Fairweather.
After remaining sevei'al weeks at anchor, lie proceeded slowly south-
ward, minutely examining the coast, and discovering that the places
where the F^nglish and Spanish exjdorei-s liad formerly landed were
not on the mahi land, but on a long range of islands which fi'inge
the coast. For tliis important dis(-o\ ery he received no credit, as
his vessels were wrecked in the New Hebrides on the return voyage,
and his journal was not published for ten years, long after othar
explorers hat! dist-overed the same facts and made them known to
the w^orld.

The first successful venture in the fur trade was made by James
Hanna, an Englishman, who sailed from the Portuguese East India
port of Macao, in 17^5, secured a load of furs at Nootka Sound,
and disposed of them in China for $2(),()()(). The next year he

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

re])eatt'(.l the voyage, luit found that other traders had arrived,
whose c»>mpetition prevented the securing of a good cargo; also,
that the Chinese market was glutted with this avalanche of furs.
There was no profit in the business that year. England adopted
an extremely short-sighted policy in her treatment of the Pacific
question, and surrendered her claims into the hands of private
monopolies. A century before, eager to disct)ver the long-st»ught
Northwest Passage, she chartered the Hudson's Bay Company,
giaiiting it almost royal power, and conferring upon it absolute
dominion in that vast region whose waters fall into Hudson's Bay.
Two centuries lui\e gone l»y and it is still a wilderness. In her
anxiety to eonuuand the conunerce of the Pacific, and plant her
foot on the western slun-e of America, she again committtil the
fatal erroi' of delegating lier powers to private and selfish
monoj)(»lies. At that time the East India Company was already
finnly esial»lishe<l in India, and had laid well the foundation of
that power which lia.s since added the title of " Emi)ress of tl)e
Indies" to the cri»wn of England. To this gigantic coii)oration
waw granted the monopoly of all trade with the port.s t»f Asia and
adjacent islands — all other subjects of Great Britain being pnthib-
ited from trading under severe penalties. A new assiK'iation,
called the " South Sea Cimipany," wjis chartered, upon which was
conferred the exclusive privilege of trade on the American Coast.
Thus was the wlK»le commerce of the Pacific, so far as England
was concernetl, j,''ven intt) the hands of two corporations, and all
other su])jects of Great Britain, no matter how eager they might ]>e
to embark in the fur trade and exjtlore the unknoAvn mysteries of
the grent South Sea, were debarred from so doing. No English
ships could pass aroimd Cape Horn save those of the South Sea
Com[)any, \vhile the ensign of the powerful East India Company
must fly at the mastdiead of every British vessel that doublnl the
Cape of Good IIo2)e. It wjis of course the supposition that these
two corporations, being rich and powerful, wt)uld at once end>ark
in the fur trade on an extensive scale, and, as the rei)resentatives
of the British crown, woidd lay k« broad and deej) a foundation for
English power on the American Coast and the Islands of the
Pacific, as one of them had already done in the land of the Brah-
mins. Such was not the case, owing primarily to the coiiflieting

SPAIN S SUPKKMACY IN THK PACIFIC (tVKKTHKOWX.

interests of the two compauies. The great fur market Mas China,
l)ut fi'om the ports of that coni])any the shi[)s of the South Sea
Company were debarred l»y tlie exchisive trade ))rivileges of the
rival association. Nor was tlie East India Company more happily
situated; ^^^th complete control of England's commerce in Asiatic
ports, it was excluded frt»m the fur-producing coast of America.
One controlled the st)urce of su])ply and the other the market, and
neither could accomplish anything. The chasm between the rival
companies was bridged by the organization of a third one — the
King (xeorge's Sound Company. This association was formed iri
ITS,"), and was granted special permits from both monojiolies,
eiialtling it to embark in the Pacific fur trade under favorable
auspices, Two vessels were dispatched by this company, the King
George and Queen Charlotte, connnauded l)y C/aptains Portlock
ami Dixon, They traded two years without paying expenses, the
Cliinese nuu-ket havuig been flooded by this sudden shoAver of
fur. Two (,)ther \essels sent the next year by the same company,
and which reached Nootka in ITsT, prior to the retmii of Portlock
and Dixon to Enghmd, were e(|ually unsuccessful, and the South
Sea Company suddenly colla[)sed. Shares in the company, which
it had fornudly taken fortunes to j)urchase, were thrown into the
street, and the projectors of the enterprise )>arely escaped the rude
clutches of a mob. The South Sea Bid»ble was completely Inirsted.
These tradei's, in passing uj) and down the coast, learned what
\a\ Perouse had discovered two years before — that all points north
of Nootka yet vi> .'d by traders and ex[)lorei's, were but islands and
not portions of the main land. The former llussian idea of the
iegi(m occupied by them was revived, and extended to embrace the
whole northern [)oi'tion of America. It was conceived that not a
continent, but an immense archij)elago of islands occupiei that re-
gion, and that through the channels separatnig them it wa« possible
to reach the Atlantic. This idea was also suj)ported twt) years
later by Captain Meares, who assigned as one of his rensons for hold-
ing the belief, that "the chainiels of this archipelago were found to
be \sv}i^ and capacious, with neai- two hundred fathoms deep of
water, and huge promontories stretching tmt into the sea, where
whales and sea-«ttters were seen in incredible abimdance. In some
of these channels there are islands of ice, wdiich we may venture to

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLKT.

isiiy could uevi'i- have foimeil on the western side of America, which
posses.se.s a uiihl and xutnlerate cluuate; so that their existence can
not l)e reconcileil ti> any other idea, than that they received theli*
formation in the ea-tern seas, and have been drifted l>y the tides
and currents throuirh the i>assage for whose existence we ai'e con-
tending." He was not aware that the Ahi-ska ghiciei-s were con-
stantly dropidng frozen i^fFerings into the sea. A few yeai-s hiter
Ca])tain Vancouver denn»nstrated the fallacy of this theoiy, and
gave us the tiiNt correct i<lea of the American continent with its
coast fringe of islands.

In 1 7Many, either having made some
connnercial arrangement with the South Sea Comi>any, or purposely
infringing upon the chartereil rights of the rival organization, dis-
patched two small vessels to the American Coast for fin's. They
met with sutticient success to enconrage the ct>mpany to engage in
the ])Usiness on a larger scale; consetpieutly, two vessels were titte<l
out, the jVoo/hi an«l Sea-Oi/cr^ in 1787, and dispatched to Nootka
Sound, which was then the objective point of all fm' tradei-s. The
former was under the command of Captain John Meares, a former
lieutenant of the royal navy, and the latter by Lieutenant A\'alter
Tipping.

The Sca-O/hr folk>weil the Japan Ciment nutii she reachetl the
Aleutian Islands, and then coasting .along eastward arrived at Pidnce
William's Si>und. Thus far wji-s she traced by her consort, biit be-
yond that j)oint her movements never were known, nor wa.s she
ever heard from again. She wa« probaldy swamped in mid oeean,
for ha(.l she l>een wTecked on the cojist some traces of her would
have been disco veretl by the natives and reported to the traders.
The Nootka followKl the same general course, and came to anchor
in Prince William's Sound about theiii-st of October, Captain Mearw*
designing to spend the winter in that port and resiuue the voyage
along the coast in the spring. Unacquainteti with the climatic con-
ditions, he had selecteil a j>lace sufficiently removed fi-om the path
of the Japan Cm'rent and its branches to be practically Ijeyond it*
influemies, and thus a place where all the rigors of an Arctic winter
prevailed. During Octf)l>er, November and even December, the
climate way generally plea.sant and always endiu'able, but there sud-
denly came a change. All the chilling winds of the Borean cave

SPAIN S SUPREMACY IN THE PACIFIC OVEKTHKOWN.

were unchained, and howled about the vessel, which was soon hf»und
in icy fetters and buried beneath the drifting sno^v. The migratory
Indians disappeared in search of a more agreeable al»ode, and ^vere
([uickly followed by all animal and aquatic life. The sun hid its
face, save for a few moments at midday, when it seemed to raise its
head above the horizon to cast a derisive glance U))on the sufferers,
and then quickly disappeared, Meares' journal says: " Tremendout<
mountains forl)a(le almost a sight oi the sky, and cast their noctur-
nal shadows over the ship in the midst of day." Dejtrived of proper
focHil and exercise, the imprisoned crew were quickly attacked with
scurvy, whose horrible ravages it was impossible to check. Twenty-
three died during the four months of their imprisoiuiient, while the
othei*s were rendered so feeble as to l>e unfit to perform duty. At
hist, in May, tiie ice released the vessel from its confining grasp;
animals and birds returned, the natives again appeaivd, and won to
health and stren£fth by fi-esh food and the invi<joratinu' ra\s of the
sun, the afflicted crew were soon ready to resume the voyage. Dis-
heartened by his terrible experience, and rendered short-handed by
the death of so many of his seamen, Mears sailed in June for the
Sandwich Islands, and fi'om there j)roceeded to China. Discouraged
by these two disjistroiis voyages, the East India Company abandoned
the Pacific fur trade and confined its attention to the enormous com-
merce of India.

Another vessel w^as engaged in the fur trade in 1787, the Impe-
rial Eagle^ ])elonging to the Austrian Ea.st India Company, and
commanded V»y Captain Barclay, or Berkeley, an Englishman ^vhose
name is perpetuated in Barclay Sound, on the west coast of Van-
couver Island. Nothing is remarkable in connection with this voy-
age but the discovery of what was then believed to be the much
sought and generally uncredited Straits of Fuca, only a few miles
north of the location assigned by the old Greek 2)ilot to the passage
he claimed to have entered. This Barclay observed wliile passing
southward across the entrance; but he made no effort to explore it,
simply entering its location upon his chart. He continued his
course, and at the month of a small river just above the Isla de
Dolores, where Bodega had lost a portion of his crew- a few years
before at the hands of ine natives, sent a boat's crew ashore, who
met a similar iate to that which had befallen their Spanish prede-

HISTOHY OP' WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

ct'ssoi's. Ill c'ommeinoratioii of the sad event be chrUtened the ill-
fated phiee " Destruction llivei'," a title which was later. l»y i»ne of
thos«» errors incident to inii\) making, ti'ansferred to the adjacent
Island.

When Captain Meares returned to China fiom his unfortunate
winter in Prince Willianrs Sound, he did not, like the East In<lia
Company, al)Hndon the fur trade; on the eontrar}-. he ^nteivd into
it on his (»wn res])onsi})ilit}'. In order to avoid tlie re>tricti«»n placetl
upon British subjects by the chaitei-s Parliament had granted the
two great monopolies, he entered into a ct»nunercial arrangement
with Juan Cavallo, a Portuguese merchant of Macao, a jnjrt near
Canton belonsiinff to the croAni of Portuiral. Two vessels were
fitted out and commissioned l>y the Portuguese Governor of Macao,
nominally belonging to Senor Cavallo, and having Pt»rtuguese cap-
tains named in their shipping papei-s. Nominally. Meares went in
the ship Felice Advenhirer an supercargo. tht»ugh actually in com-
mand; and William Douglas occu})ied the same jiosition in the
Iphigenia Niibiana. A double pui-j^ose wjis sene*l by tha-i cloth-
ing the enterprise with Portuguese apparel, as sj)eeial privileges were
enjoyed by the sul)jects of that nation in the jjorts of China. Just
what interest Cavallo and the two n«»minal cajitain** had in the
enterprise is uncertain ; for Meares, a-* long as hLs interest* lay in that
dii'ectioii, asserted that tlie undertaking was purely a Poitugiiese
one, but when circumstances placed the balance of interest on the
other side, as strenuously asserted that he alone was the owner and
manager of the enterprise. The Iphigenia saUed for Cook's Inlet,
where she was to begin operations, and trade sonthward along the
coast until she reached Nootka Sound and united with her consort.
The Felice headed for Nootka direct, where she arrived early in the
spring of 1788. Immediately upon reaching that general rendez-
vous of the fur trade, Meares began the coiLstmction of a small
schooner for the pur[)Ose of coasting along the shore to trade with
the Indians. He secured from Ma([uiuna, the chief, ijemussion to
erect a small house to shelter his men while at work upon the craft,
the consideration for this privilege being a brace of pistols and the
house and contents Avhen he should finally de|)art from that re^on.
Leaving his builders at work, the house having V«een erected and
encompassed by a rampart of eaith, fi'om which frowned the rusted

SPAIN S SUPREMACY IN TIIK PACIFIC OVEKTIIKOVVN.

!>•.>

nioutli of a diminutive cannon, Meares sailed down the coast in
search of the passage reported by Barclay as havini; been seen by
him the year before. June 29, 1788, he observed a broad inlet in
latitude 48" 39'. Thou<di in the introduction to his narrative he
states that "^he ol)servations of Captain liarclay \vei"e known to him,
in the journal itself he takes the full credit of the discovery, saying:
— "The coast ah)nf' whi''h we wer«' now sailing had not been seen
by Ca})tain Cook, and we know of no other navigator said to have
been this way except Maurelle." He continues: " From the mast-
head it was observed to stretch to the east by the north, and a clear
and unbounded liorizon was seen in this direction as far as the eye
could reach. The strongest cm'iosity impelled us to enter this strait,
which we shall call ]»y the name of its original discoverer, John de
Fuca." The mate of the Felice^ John Duffin, was dispatched wdtli
a boat's crew of thirteen men and a month's provisions, to explore
the strait. In a ^veek tliey returned, all of them having been
wounded in a conflict with the natives. Ten miles up the passage
(according to Duffin's statement, but thirty as given by Meares),
they were fiercely attacked by Indians, who fought ^vith great des-
}>eratittn and seemed not to be intimidated by either the noise or
deadly effect of the guns. Their weapons were clul>s, arrows, stone
bludgeons, spears and slings, all of which they handled Avitli great
skill. So fierce was their onslaught and so effectively did they use
tlieir weapons that only to the protection afforded the seamen by
the boat's awning was due theii* escape with their lives.

Having found Fuca's Strait, or one which he believed to be the
passage spoken of by Lock, he sailed soutlnvard in search of the Rio
de San Roque of the S2)aiiiard Heceta. On the sixth of July he
discovered a promontory which he believed to be the one Heceta
had named " Cabo de San Roque." He describes his subsecpient
movements as follows:

After we had rounded the promontory a hirge bay, as we had imagined, opened
to our view, that bore a very promising appearance, and into it we steered with
every encouraging expectation. The higli land that forme<l the boundaries of the
bay was at a great distance, and a Hat, level country occupied the intervening space ;
the bay itself took rather a westerly direction. As we steered in, the water shoaled
to nine, eight and seven fathoms, when bn;akers were seen from the deck right
ahead, and, from tl»e mast-head, they were observed to extend across the bay; we
therefore hauled out, and directed our course to the opposite shore, to see if there was
any channel, or if we could discover any point. The name of " Cape Disappoint-

100

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

nieut " was given to the promontory (Cape Hancock), and the bay obtained the ti'le
of "Deception Bay." » ♦ * We can now with uafety aswert that there is no Buch
river as tliat of St. Roc exists, as laid down in the Spanish charts. To those of
Maurelle (Bodega's pilot) we made continual reference, but without deriving any
information or assistance from tliem. We now reached the opposite side of the i)ay,
where disappointment continued to accompany us, and, beinif almost certain that
there we should obtain no place of shelter for the ship, v t: bore for a distant head-
land, keeping our course within two miles of the shore.

The distant headland he named " Cape Lookout," it y)eing the
one called " Cape Falcon " by the Spaniards, and now known as
" Tillamook Head."

Meares then returned to Nootka, having, an he expressed it,
"traced every part of the coast which unfavorable weather had pre-
vented Captain Cook fi'om approaching." The Iphigenia soon
arrived fi'om the north with a large cargo of furs. The little
schooner being now couipleted, she was launched and christened the
Northivcst America. She was the first vessel constnicted on the
Pacific Coast north of Mexico. About this time appeared two
American vessels, the Columbia Rediviva^ commanded b}' Captain
John Kendrick, and the Lady Washington., by Captain Robert Gray.
The new-born republic of the United States, as soon as a treaty of
peace was signed, began at once to resume those maiitime commer-
cial ventures w-hich the Avar with England had suspended. Ameri-
can vessels visited the poits of every country, and the whale fishing
aroiind Caj)e Horn, which had been abruptly tei*minated, wa«
resumed.

In 1784 an American vessel entered the harbor of Canton, and
in 1787 five vessels were engaged in the China trade. Untram-
meled with the commei'cial restrictions which Parliament had
imposed upon British subjects, they could engage in the fur trade
with every prospect of success. It was for this purpose the Colum-
bia Rediviva and Lady Washington., two names now so intimately
associated with this region, had started from Boston with a load
of Indian goods, and had come to anchor in Nootka Sound. Their
voyage thither had not been unattended with adventure. In Jan-
uary, soon after passing Cape Horn, a severe storm separated the
two consorts. The Washington continued the voyage and reached
the Oregon Coast in August, where, near the forty-sixth parallel.
Captain Gray ran his vessel aground in attempting to enter an
opening in the land, which he had explored in a boat and believed

SPAIN 8 SUPRKMACy IN THE PACIFIC OVKRTIIKOW N.

101

to be the entrance to the gi-eat River of the West. While iu thia
position the ship was attacked by Indiau.s, and in lepelling them and
getting the craft into deep water again, one man was killed and the
mate wounded. This place he called " Murderer's Har))or," and is
considered l)y (ireenhow to have been the mouth of the Columbia,
and by Bancroft as Tillamook Bay. Captain Gray then pi'oceeded
to Nootka Sound, where lay the three vessels belonging to Meares,
his appearance being a great surprise to the Englishmen. The
Columbia was damagetl l)y the storm which had driven the two
vessels apart near Cape Horn, and enterwl the Spanish port on the
Island of Juan Fernandez to repair damages. The comLi . idant,
I Km Bias (xonzales, treated Captain Kendrick with great courtesy
and hospitalit}', for which he was promptly cashiered '. y th<' Cap-
tain-General of Chile, and this action wa^ aj»j)r(»ved ))} the Viceroy
of Peru. Fi'om f'; •■ position taken by Spain in the sixteenth cen-
tury, she h'ld never in the least degi'ee recede<l. hhe still claimed
(tomplete dominion of the west coast of America, and the sole right
of trade with all regions approachable by the way of Cape Horn.
In 1692, nearly a century before, a royal ordinance had l)een pro-
mulgated, decreeing that foreign vessels of every nation, irrespective
of the relations existing between those nations and Spain, should be
seized wherever found iu Pacitic waters, unless they possessed a trad-
ing license from the government of Spain. The commandant at
Juan Fernandez was informed that he .should have enfoi'ced this
ordhiance and seized the Columbia^ and the authorities of all the
Spanish Pacific ports were then specially instructed to carry out the
decree to the letter. Not only was this done, but the Viceroy dis-
|)atched a cruiser from Callao to overtake and capture the Columbia.
In this it was unsuccessful, and Captain Kendrick reached Nootka
unmolested. Soon after the arrival of the two xVmerican vessels.
Captain Meares loaded all his fui"s up<jn the Felice and sailed for
China; the Iphigenia and Nortlnuest America soon after departing
for the Sandwich Islands to spend the winter. The Colu7nbia and
Washington remained at anch<^r in Nootka Sound until spring.
The sight of these English and American vessels venturing into
the Pacific — and those spokci; of above were by no nieji.is the only
ones, since several exploring expeditions traversed the South Pacific
whose work had no particular bearing upon the history of this

•102

msTOKY OK VVII-t.AMKTTK VALLKY.

region — adinonislied Spain tluit if sIk' would maintain her supremacy
she must be up and doing. While she, in her sluggish nature, had
been content with an occasional superficial exploration, productive
of little information of value to her or the rest of the world, these
foivigners were Ixddly infringing her prerogative and skimming
the rich cream of the fur trade. The northern limit of actual Span-
ish occupation was then at the Bay of San Francisco, and the
authorities determined to extend it still further without delay.
This resulted in the dispatching of tm expedition for the purpose
of selecting suitable locations for several Spanish colonies, as well
as to ascertain the extent and character of the Russian settlements
in the extreme north The fleet consisted of the Pr/ncesa, com-
manded by Estivan Martinez, former pilot of Juan Perez, and the
San Carlos, under the command of Lieutenant Gonzalo ITaro.

On the eighth of March, 1788, the fleet sailed from San Bias and
cast anchor in Prince William's Sound on the tAventy-flfth of May.
There they lay inactive for nearly a month. The Spanish idea of
exploration was very peculiar. While the English officers examined
carefully every bay and inlet, took frecpient observations and sound-
ings, and prepared careful charts of their course and discoveries, the
representatives of Spain seem to have been satisfied with an occa-
sional sight of the coast, and their map making consisted of the
drawing of a straight line on a piece of [)aper, with an oc(^asional
cape or bay marked upon it. Their maps of this region were cer-
taiidy very peculiar. In June the San Carlos sailed towards the
southwest, and encountering a Russian trading i)ost upon the Island
of Kodiak, Haro interrogated the man in charge as to the number
and condition of the Russian settlements in America. With the
information thus obtained he sailed again to Prince AVilliam's Sound
to join his superior. Meanwhile Martinez had made a few super-
ficial explorations of the Sound, to drive away the ennui. The two
vessels then proceeded to Ounalaska and their oflficers were hospit-
ably entertained l)y the Russian traders for an extended period.
With the knowledge thus aci^uired of the Russian settlements, Mar-
tinez returned \\\\\\ his fleet to San Bias. He reported that there
were eight settlements in Alaska, all of them Avest of Prince Wil-
liam's Sound, while another was about to l)e established in the
vicinity of the Sound itself. These were chiefly occupied by natives

SPAIN S SUVHRMACY IN TlfK PAcrFFO OVERTIIKOWN.

103

of Siberia and Kamtchatka, all subjects of the llussian Crown. He
also reported that he had been informed of two Russian vessels
^vhich had been sent to effect a settlement at Nootka, and of two
others under construction at Ochotsk to be used for a similar pur-
pose.

The information thus gained by Martinez was forwarded to
Madrid, and the Spanish Court was much agitated by the disclosure
of Russian encroachment upon what were considered the dominions
of Sf)ain. Her settlements were already sufficiently extensive to
give her undisputed title to Alaska, and she was now threatening
to extend her colonies far to the southward. The infringement of
English and American fur traders upon the commercial rights of
Spain was nnnoying enough, l)ut here was a positive and imminent
danger of being supplanted entirely. The government determined
to take a fiim stand, to meet the crisis and ward off the impending
l)low. A remonstrance was sent to the Empress of Russia, calling
attention to the encroachments of her subjects upon the dominions
of Spain in the Pacific, to which the Empress responded that her
subjects were acting in accordance with her express instructions not
to invade the territory of other powers. As neither communication
stated what tlie cori'esponding powers considered the limit of their
claims in America, the diplomatic interchange settled neither the
(piestion nor the intent of tlie two sovereign powers.

Meanwhile active operations were undertaken by the Mexican
Vicei'oy. Early in 1789 Martinez and Haro were ordered to sail
for Nootka in the Princesa and San Carlos, and to take possession
of that port in the name of Spain. Their instructions were to treat
foreigners (toui'teously, but at ail hazards to maintain the right and
authority of S])ain in this region. On the sixth of May the Prin-
cesa reached her destination, finding tAVo vessels lying there at
anchor, the Columbia aii'l Iphigenia. Only a few days before, the
Iphigcnia, Captain Douglas, and the little Northwest America, Cap-
tain Robert Fiuiter, had arrived from their winter's sojourn at the
Sandwich Islands, still carrying the Portuguese flag at their mast-
heads. They reached port in a condition of exhaustion, so far as
supplies were concerned. From the natives and the American ves-
sels enough supplies and articles of l:»arter were procured to enable
the little schooner to leave port upon a cruise along the coast iu

104

HISTORY OK WILLAMETTK VALLKt.

search of furs, jind she accordiiigl}' t(jok her depaiiiure. Captain
Gray also started out upon a similar errand in the Lady Washing-
ton, meeting the Princcsa just without the harlwr. Immediately
upon entering the port, Martinez -informed Captains Douglas and
Kendriek that he had come to take possession in the n/»nie of his
sovereign, examined their papers, and then landed and began the
erection of fortiiications on Hog Island, a commanding jiosition in
the bay, calling the port " Santa Cruz de Nootka." No ■)V)jections
were made either by the Americans or the English officers of the
quad Portuguese vessel, and everything appeared satisfactory and
harmonious. Apparently it was the intention of the Spanish com-
mandant to seize the Iphigenia^ as subsecjuent events indicate, but
his actit)n was delayed for prudential reasons. On the thirteenth,
Haro arrived in the San Carlos^ and the next day, deeming his force
now sufficiently strong, he suunnoned Douglas and Viana, the actual
and nominal captains of the Iphigenia, on board the Princcsa^ to
have their papers again inspected. This time the documents were
not as satisfactory as he had previously found them. He took ex-
ceptions to the clause in their instructions i'e(puring the officers to
capture any Spanish vessels which might interfere with them, and
carry their crews to Macao, to be tried for piracy. He considered
a vessel sailing under such instructions a lawful prize as soon as she
entered a Spanish port. In \'ain it was urged that the instructions
were only to apply to such vessels as might unjustifiably attack
them, and were i)ui'ely defensive in their nature; tlie Spanish officer
refused to view the matter in that light, and put them under arrest,
sending a force to take possession of the brig and raise the Spanish
flag. Twelve days later, having had plenty of time to reflect and
becoming convinced that the objectionable clause was not of as
hostile a nature as he had at first assumed to believe it, anil fearing
that he had overstepped the bounds of prudence, he released the
brig and restoretl his prisoners to their liberty. He also furnished
all the supplies needed for a voyage to the Sandwich Islands, taking
in exchangt! drafts upon Juan Cavallo, the nominal Portuguese
owner of the vessel. He also secured the signatures of Douglas and
Viana to a certificate that he had found the vessel in distress, had
furnished her with necessary supplies, and had not interfered with
her voyage. This certificate Douglas afterwards claimed to be un-

SPAIN S SUPREMACY IN THE PACIFIC OVERTHROWN.

105

true; that he had signed it under duress, at the urgent solicitation
of his men, in order to secure the release of his vessel, and that the
brig had been plundered by her captors. That this was not the
case was attested by a letter signed by Captain Gray and Joseph
Ingi'aliam, mate of the Columbia^ and, further, by the fact that,
although ostensibly bound for the Sandwich Islands, Douglas turned
northward as soon as he was out of sight, and engaged in a season
of highly prolitable traflSc along the coast.

The certificate was not the only paper Douglas signed to procure
his release and supplies. He entered into a written agreement to
restore the Iphigenia or pay her value, in case the Viceroy of
Mexico should decide the capture to have been lawful. Martinez
desired to possess the little schooner, and having her value appraised
by the Americans, requested Douglas to sell her at that price. He
was told that no one there had the authority to dispose of the
vessel, but he insisted. Douglas therefore gave him a letter to
Captain Funter, Vt^hich Martinez supposed to be an order for her
delivery, but which was simply a note informing the commander of
the little craft of the Spanish ofiicer's wishes, and intimating that
he might follow his own inclinations. He then set sail at once,
fearful his duplicity would be discovered, and made the voyage
previously alluded to. When the Northwest America ari'ived on
the ninth of June, Martinez seized her, claiming to do so by right
of his agreement with Captain Douglas.

Meanwhile, two other vessels were on their \vay to Nootka.
Meares, when he reached China the fall before, succeeded in mak-
ing a pooling arrangement with the representative of the King
George's Sound Company; and as that company possessed trading
licenses from both the East India Company and South Sea Com-
pany, there was no necessity for longer maintaining the Portuguese
subterfuge. The two vessels of the Cvjmpany were com])ined with
the three belonging to Meares. The Prince of Wales had been
sent to England, leaving the Princess Royal still in China. This
vessel was placed under the ^ -:•. -^aa^x of Captain Thomas Hudson,
and the Felice having been sold and the Argonaut purchased, Cap-
tain Colnett assumed command of the latter. The last named
gentleman was given charge of the expedition, since Meares remained
in China, and was instructed to establish a permanent station on

100

IIISTOHY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

the American Coast, to l»e called "Fort Pitt." A small vessel, to
be launched upon arrival and used f(n' the coasting trade, formed
part of the cargo, and seventy Chinamen were taken along to be
employed at the new settlement. According to Spanish authority,
the Chinese passengers claimed they had eml)arked for Bengal, and
not America. AVhat became of them after the subsequent troubles
there is no evidence to indicate.

The two vessels sailed from China, one in April and the other
in May — the Princess Royal being the first. She cast anchor in
Nootka Sound just live days after the seizure of the Northxvest
America. As she l)rought intelligence of the ])ankruptcy of
Cavallo, the reputed owner of the little schooner, Martinez decided
to retain personal i)ossession oi the craft to indenmify himself for the
unpaid bills drawn upon the insolvent Portuguese by Captain
Douglas. He accordingly changed her name to Gertrtidis^ and
placing her in charge of David Coolidge, mate of the Lady Wash-
ington.! '^t!Jit hei' out on a trading cruise on the joint account of him-
self and the i^mericans, Avitli whom he had bt m on the most fiiendly
terms. The furs Avhicli had been collected were turned over to
Captain Hudson, with whom he did not interfere. By this time the
Americans had decided to send one of their vessels to China with
the furs which had been collected, and from there to Boston to report
the condition of affairs. Accordingly, Captains Gray and Kendrick
exchanged vessels, the former sailing for China in the Columbia.
Martinez availed himself of this opportunity, and placed the crew
of the ca})tured scho(nier on board and sent them to China.

On the second of July the Princess Royal sailed on a trading
voyage; the next day passing the Aj'gonauf just outside the harbor
without commimicating with her. Captain Colnett was informed
of what had happened by parties who liad gone out to meet him
in a l)oat, and decided to anchor outside. Martinez came out and in
the most friendly niiinner invited him to enter the harbor, assuring
him of pei'fect security, and as Colnett afterward stated in a narra-
tive of his voyages, urgently solicited him to do so for the piu'pose
of supplying provisions and other necessaries to tlie Spaniards, who
were in great disti-ess. Won by the cordial appearance of the invi-
tation, Colnett assented, and the Argonaul was towed into port by
Spaniards. There is no reason to suppose that it was not the inten-

SPAIN K sri'RKMAOY FN THE PACIFIC OVKimiHOWN.

107

tion of Martinez to treat the Argonaut with tlie same courtesy he
had shown to the Princess Royal, ^vlieii he inxited Colnett to enter
port, l)ut his conduct underwent a rapid transformation when he
learned from that officer that he was instructed to found a fortiiied
English colony. He at once informed the English Captain that he
had already taken possession of the country in the name of the
King of Spain, and could not permit any such proceeding. The
next day Colnett went on lioard the Princesa and requested permis-
sion to sail immediately, which was refused, since the Spanish
commandant feared it was the Englishman's purpose to seek some
other port in which to establish liimself, and his duty to his govern-
ment required that he prevent such a consummation at all hazards.
He asked Colnett to exhibit his papers, and the Englishman
returned to his vessel, arrayed himself in full uniform, sword
included, and then again presented himself in the cal)in of the
Princesa, with the papers in his hand. The papers were examined,
and Colnett was informed that he ^\■o^dd not be permitted to sail
just yet, whereat he fell into a passion and a (puirrel ensued, re-
sulting in the arrest of the captain and the seizure of his vessel.

Ten days later the Princess Royal x^iwvwi^A^ her commander being
ignorant of what had happened during his brief absence, and was
at once seized by the Spaniards. A portion of the furs captured
were given to Captain Gray to pay the passage to China of the
cre"\v of the Northwest America. The officers and men of the
Argonaut an<l Princess Royal were placed on l)oard the former
and sent to San Bias. In September, Martinez and Haro, in
obedience to instructions from Mexico, dismantled the fortifications
and departed from No(jtka; and as ♦^he Lady Washington was away
upon a coasting \ -^^'age, that l)one of contention was left without a
claimant.

So prostrated was Captain Colnett with the severity and sud-
denness of his misfortunes that he became temporarily insane, recov-
ering, however, l)efore he reached San Bias. The commandant at
that port was the well known explorer Bodega y Quadra, and he
received the two captains with the greatest of courtesy, sending
them to Mexico to lay their case before the Viceroy, Revilla-Gigedo.
After considerable delay it was officially decided that Martinez,
though only following his special instructions and the royal

108

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

decrees, had ovei-stepped the bounds of prudence. The prisoners
were accordingly released, and were paid the regular wages of the
Spanish navy for the whole time of their captivity. The Argonaut,
which, with the other two prizes, had been maintained in active
service, was restoreil to Colnett, rather the woi"se for wear. He
sailed in her for Xootka in the spring of 1790, and not finding his
other vessel there, set out in search of her, not obtaining possession
till a year later at the Sandwich Islands. During all these occiu--
rences the Americans wei-e on the most friendly terms with the
Spaniards, so much st> that they were accused of co-operating with
them against the English. The facts are that they Avere inactive,
though not entirely disinterei-ted spectators, since it naturally
pleased them to set^ theii" rivals so summarily disposed of: and it is
not impossible that they (^cca*iionally dropped a hint into the com-
mandant's ear. Captain Keudrick I'emained on the coast till fall,
collectin": a larsje cargo of furs, and then sailed for Boston by the
way of China. It is claimed by some historians that before leaving
he sailed clear aroiuid Vancouver Island, and Meares' chart Wars
an indication of the route pursued. This chart is of itself evidence
that the maker of it was ignorant of the nature of the inland chau-
nel, and the probabilities are that Meares misunderstood Kendrick's
account of the movements of the Lady IVas/ujigton while under
the command of Captain (irray, and confusing them \nth Kendricks
assertion that there was a channel back of Nootka, a j)iece of infor-
mation gleaned fi'om the Indians, supposed that sucli a voyage had
been made. Although it is possible that he did circumnavigate the
island, yet it seems improbable, and Kendrick never laid claim to
such distinction in after years. If he did, then an American vessel
was the fiivt to enter the Straits of Fuca and explore that wonder-
ful inland sea, the Gulf of Georgia; if not, then the honor lielongs
to Spain, as will be shown later on.

So much for the events at Nootka ; but there was a gi-eater field
of action on which the.se differences were decided — Europe. The
Viceroy of New Spain made haste to notif}^ the home government
of the important event.* which had happened in the far-off Pacific.
It took a long time for news to travel in those days, when there
were no telegraphs and no regular routes of intelligence between
these distant shores and Europe; consequently Spain, which was

Spain's supremacy tn the pacific overthrown.

109

in the most intimate connection with the Pacific Coast, received the
news long before it readied England. The first intelligence received
by the British Cabinet ^\•HS an arrogant and very undi])lomatic note
from Spain, on the tenth of Fel)ruary, 1790, notifpng the King
that certain of his subjects had been trespassing npftn the Pacific
possessions of Spain, and that in eonse(|uence of this the ship Ar-
gonaut had been seized as a ]>rize and her crew made prisoners.
The note closed with an assertion of that exclusive i-ight of Pacific
trafllc which Spain had proclaimed for a century, and the enforce-
ment of which had led to the present complications; in pursuance
of that idea the punishment of the offenders was demanded, and an
earnest protest made against the King j)ermitting any of his subjects
to make settlements, or engage in fishing, or trade with the natives
on the American Coast of the Pacific. To such haughty language
the Kum oi Ensjland was entiivly uuaccustometl. Great Britain
never had even constructively admitted any of the exclusive privi-
leges claimed V)v Spain, and she was not now likely to tamely sub-
mit to them when they were so aiTogantl}' promidgated in justifica-
tion of an outrage cttmmitted upon her subjects. The response was
prompt and characteristic of tliat nation, whose vigilant guardian-
ship of her citizens extends to the remotest corners of the earth.
The (/ourt of Madrid was notified that since it was evident fi'om
the Spanish protest that English subjects had been imprisoned and
their property confiscated, full reparation must be made and satis-
faction for the insult given, before the merits of the controversy
would be consideretl at all. Spain, England and France were just
begiiming to recuperate fi'om the effect of the struggles in which
they had been engaged, and each of them was anxious to avoid
further hostilities; yet the dignity of England required her to take
a bold stand in defense of her subjects. The belligerent tone of
her response set Spain at once to preparing for war, to avoid which
she modified her demands considerably, notifying His Majesty that
the restoration had ab'eady been made and the matter would be
allowed to drop, if he would promise in future to keep his subiects
away from the Spanish possessions.

This was the status of affairs in April, when Meares arrived from
('hina. When the Columbia reached Canton, in the fall of 1789,
with intelligence of the Nootka proceedings, Meares armed himself

inSTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

with documents ami depositions and embarked for London, to lay
liis grievances before the King. On the thirtieth of May he addresse*!
a memorial to his sovereign, detailing the affair from his standpoint,
and though it was full of misrepresentations, as has since been con-
clusively shown, it was adopted sis the correct version by the gov-
ernment. From this rep-rt it seemed that three vessels had lieen
seized, instead of one, and that Englishmen had taken possession of
Nootka lu'fore the S[>aniards, since Meares declared that the A'lcr/^-
zocst America wa-^ an Knglish vessel, and that when he built her
he had established a permanent settlement on land purchased from
the Nootka Chief, Macpiinna. He did not inform the King that the
little schooner had never flauntetl any flag but that of Poi-tugal, and
that when the vessel was finished the building in which the work-
men had lived was turnetl ovei' to IMaijuinna in payment for the
privilege of temp«»rarv «)ccupation of the land, as had ]>een agreed
upon in tlie beginning. England, on the fifth of May, sent a reply
to the second note fi-om Spain, asserting that she was not preparetl
to admit the exclusive pri\'ileges claimed by Spain, but that she was
prepared to protect her subjects, and ^vould not consider the ^lues-
tion at all until proj^er satisfaction had been given. On the six-
teenth of ^lay, England made a formal demand upon Spain for
restitution of the captured vessels, indenmity for losses sustained
(estimated l>y Meares at :^(;58,433), and fidl rfcknowleilgement of
the right of English subjects to tratle in the Pacific, and to establish
settlements at any i>oints not already occupied by Spain. On the
twenty-fifth the whole correspondence was laid by the King ]>efore
Parliament, which had Vtefore been ignorant of it, and he was wamdy
applauded for his conduct and assured of support.

Spain's position was an exceedingly humiliating one. Even in
her decline she had maintained the haughty spirit and arrogant
assumption of suj^eriority and exclusive rights which had fii-st }>een
asserted by those j>otent mouarehs, Charles and Philip, Init which
now, vvith her fast waning ]X)wer, she was not able to supix»rt by
force of arms. England's vigorous preparations for war seriously
alarmed her. She had too many improtected colonies, dejjendencies
from Avhich she derive<l great revenues, to risk a war w ith a jwwer-
ful maritime nation, whose operations, of coiu'se, would be chiefly
dii'ected against those \-ulneralde points. In the long negotiations

fjPAIN S SUPKEMAOY IN THE PACIFIC OVKltTlIROWN.

Ill

wliii-li followed she again modified her position, stating that she had
no desire to claim any territt>iy not jnstly hers, that the vessels had
already been restored, and that she was willing to jiay any damages
whieh miffht l»e assessed atjainst her ]>\ arbitrators to whom the
esise should be sulnuitted. England was proud and overl)earing,
and putting aside ecjuity, acted thn night >ut as her interests seemed
to indicate, conscious of her superior j)ower. Slie a9send»led the
greatest armament tlie nati«jn had ever prepared, and was ready at
a (hiy's notice to make a descent up<»n the Spanisli settlements in
Am«M"ica. She even formed an alliance with Sweden and the
Netherlands, in anticipation of the co-operation of Fi'ance and Spain
against lier. It was a well-known fact that there existed a compact
of mutual defense between the nionarchs of France and Spain, both
meml»ers of the Hourl)on family, an<l it was natural for England to
expect it to be fulfilled. Ihe King of Spain foi'mally called upon
Louis XVI., of France, for the promised aid, and was assured
that it would be given; but when the matter came before the Na-
tional Assembly that body refusetl to sanction any increfise of the
military forces, and the King was powerless, for the sj)irit of that
bloody revolution which ])roke out three years later had already
banislied altsoluteism from the kingdom. The Assembly examined
the treaty between England and Spain, investigated the (piestion of
Pacific discoveries, especially the alleged voyage of Juan de Fuca,
of which no evidence could be found, and finally decided that the
nation would stand on the defensive with Spain, but could not be
relied upon for offensive operations. The national armament was
thei'ef >re largely increased. It was noAV England's turn to come
dowi, from her high liorse. She saw that France would be drawn
into the war, and finding her new allies unreliable and that she
could not well afford the enormous expense of a war, the prepara-
tit»us for which had already depleted her treasury, she adopted a
more conciliatory tone, and her plenipotentiary sulmiitted a propo-
sition .v'hich ^vas accepted l)y the representative of Spain. This
was signed on the twenty-eiglith of Octol>er, 1790, and is known as
the " Nootka Convention."

By this treaty it was stii)ulated tliat all buildings and tracts of
land on the northwest coast of America of which Spanish officers
hail dispossessed any British subjects, should Ije restored; that just

112

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLZT.

reparation should be made by both parties to the agreement for any
acts of violence committed by the subjects of either of them upon
the subjects of the other; that any property seizetl should Ije re-
stored or compensated ft>r; that subjects of Great Britain should
not approach \\'ithin ten leagues of any part of the c«»a.><t already
occupied by Sj)ain; that north of that point Ijoth jiarties should
have equal rights, as well as south of the limits of Sjjanish settle-
ments in South America. The treat\' met with violent opposition
both in S])ain and England, but was tinally ratified and went into
eifect. The Spaniards looked upon it as a voluntary surrender of
their hereditary rights acquired by the explorations and conquests
of their ancestors; that formerly Spain possesseil exclusive rights
in the Pacific, whicli were now beinjj surrenderetl to Enorland with-
t)ut an)^ comjiensation \vhatever. On the other hand, the opposition
in Enghmd claimed that, wliereas, formerly British subjects enjoyed
the right of tratle in every quarter of the gh^be, the Government
had agreed by this treaty to surrender these rights in c-ertain re-
gions to Spain, and that England had agreed to restrict her settle-
ments within certain limits where she had before asserted her priv-
ilege of settling colonies at any place not previoiL<ly occupied. It
seemed to both parties that valuable and inuuemorial rights had
been surrendered without any compensation. Captain George Van-
couver was appointed commissioner on the part of Great Britain to
proceed to Nootka and execute that portion of the treatA" which
refen-ed to the restoration of propei-t}% and the celebrated Bod^a
y Quadi'a was intrusted with the same duty on the part of Spain.

CHAPTER VTII.

PUGET SOUND AND COLUMBIA RIVER DIHCOVERKD.

E;eploiations of Lientenant Qtiimpm' hi the Straitn of Fnca — lie takes
Fm^mal Possession for Spain — Elisa E,eplores the Straits of Fuca
and Gulf of Georgia — Malaspina and Bustamantu Search for the
Straits of Anian — Kendrick Again Visits the Coast and Buys Land
from the Indians — Gray Arrives in the Coluinhia ami Winters at
Clayoquot — Events of 1792 — Sjxmi makes a Last Effort to Explore
the Disputed Region — Arrival of Vancouver's Expedition — He Ex-
amines the Oregon Coast — Searches in Vain for the Rio de San
Roque — lie Records his Unqualified Disbelief in such a River — •
Gray Builds the '■^Adventure " at Clayoquot — lie Discovers the Co-
lumbia River — Vancouver Explores Puget Sound and Falls in with
the Spaniards — He Examines the Coast Carefully — Mr.ets Quadra at
JVootka- — E^inds Him Prepared with Proofs to Sustain the Cause of
SjKiin — They Fail to Agree or Terms — They Bestow their Names
upon the Island of Vancouver and Quadra — Broughton Explores
the Columhia — Vancou/ver Finishes His Explorations and Returns
to England — The Nootka Question Settled and the Port Abandoned.

WHILE England and Spain were engaged in their ))elligerent
controversy, the Viceroy of Mexico was bnsily enijdoyed in
exploring the region under dispute. His oljject wjis two-fold — to
learn if it was worth an effort to liold it, and if so, and Nootka had
to be abandoned to the English, to find a desirable point south of
that port for the foiuidation of a settlement. This he was doing with-
out being aware of the status of aftairs in Europe. To this end he
dispatched a fleet in the spring of 1790, with instructions to again
take possession of Nootka Sound, fortify and defend it — artillery
and a c<impany of soldiei-s were taken along for that purpose — and
use it tus a base of explorations. The fleet \\ as under the connnand

HLSTOKY OF WILLAMETTK VALLKY.

of Tileuton.int FianciHco Elisn, and eonsiHted of tlu* Conccpcion, San
Carlos (Fi/ipiiio) and the Princi'sa Real. A seru's of voyages was
at once undertaken, s(»me of them directed northward to gain infor-
mation of the movements of tlie Russians. The most important was
tliat of Lieutenant Alfere/ Manuel QuiniiUM', in tlie Princcsa Real
(Princess Royal), wliich liad not yet been restored t«» C'aptain Col-
nett. In the summer of IT'.tO he h'ft N(»otka and entered the
Straits of Fiiea, earefully examining both shores of the passage for
tlie distance of one hundred miles. This was probably the fiivt
vessel to actually enter and explore the Straits of Fuca. He wsis
also the discoverer of Puget Sound, into which he penetrated a
short distance, and mistook it ioY an iidet, calling it " Encefiada de
Caamano.'" He was prevented from extending his explorations
further in that direction by lack (»f time. He Itestowed names upon
many objects in that region, all (»f which now bear the titles after-
ward gixen them by Vancouver and othei's, exce[(t the nuiiu chan-
nel leading north, which he christened "Canal de Lope/ de Haro."
On the first of .Vugust he took formal |)ossession of that region in
the name of his sovereign, at Port Nunez (raona, now known as
Neah Hay. He was prevented by liead winds fi'om returning to
Xootka, and falling in with the San Carlos, whii-h had been on a
voyage to Alaska, the two vessels sailed for Monterey and San Bias.
There was no othei- vessel in those w^aters in 171)0, so far as is
known, exce})t the Ar^vnaul, in which Captain Colnett was search-
ing for tlie Princess Royal, as befoi-e stated.

In May, 1791, Elisa himself embarked in the San Carlos, which
had returned to Nootka, and started out to make a complete recon-
uoisance of the coast from Mount St. Elias to Trinidad, accompa-
ni<Hl ))y the Santa Saliirnhia (or Horcasitas)^ under Jose Maria
Narvaez. They entered the Straits of Fuca, ascertained that Caa-
mano Ldet was an inland j)assage, which they did not enter, and
exj)lored the Gulf of (jeorgia jis far noi'th {is latitude 50°, calling it
"Gran Canal de Nuestra Sefiora del Rosario la Marinera." They
bestowed many names, some of which are still retained as originally
applied, such as "San Juan Archipelago," " Guemes," "Tejada"
("Texada") " Islands," and "Port Los Angeles." Other names
which appear in his chart are still in use, but have in some man-
ner been shifted to other objects than those to which they were

I'UOET SOUND AND CULUMUIA KIVEK DISt «tV KKKD.

originally given, such as "Gaamann," •• Fi<lalg(t,"" " Hosario,"
"Cordoba," etc. Many jjassages leading lnlan<l wei-e observed hut
not explored for lack of time; and this letl him in his report to
the Vicer(.)y to nay: "It appears that th«* oceanic passage so zeal-
ously fiiought for by foreignei"s, if there is one, can nt»t be elsewhere
than l)y this great channel."

The revival of interest in the almost forgotten romance of Mai-
(Umado, cause<l by the controvei*sy bet\ve«*n England and Spain, led
the latter to make another effoit to Hnd thos«- fabulous straits foi-
which so many had searched in vain. The ctirvt'ttes Discubicrta
and Atrevida, under the command of Alejandro Malas[)ina and
Jose de Bnstamante y (xuerra, had saile«l ujkiu a voyage of circum-
navigation, and upon tlieir amval at Acapulco in the spring of
171H, were met by orders directing them to search for Maldonado's
Straits of Anian. They sailed, and tiist sighted land on the twenty-
third of June, near Mount Edijecundt. The coast line in the vicinitv
o^ <^lii :tieth parallel was carefidly examine<l, and being satisfied
that tl. passag<' he sought did not exist, Malaspina sailed south-
ward and anchored in Nootka Soun»l on the thirtieth of August,
about the time Elisa returned iwnw. the Gulf of (leorgia. He soon
sailed southward to California.

During 1791, while the Spaniards were making these exi>lora-
tions, the most complete and satisfactory ever acc(»niplished by them,
one French, nine English and seven American vessels weiv also in
Pacific waters. As their objects were j>urely conunercial, little of
iniportaice was accomidished by any of them in the line of new
discoveries, though each added something tt» the increasing knowl-
edge of the coast. N<^ troul)le occuiTed ]>etw»'en them and the
Spanish forces at Nootka. The Viceroy Itevilla-liigedo stated
{/n/orme, iji): "Althou'di various craft of England and the
American Colonies frecpiented the adjacent cojists and ))orts, some
of them entering Nootka, nothing occurre<l t<» cause unpleasantness
or damage; and our new establishment wa> always respected by
them, and provided with all that was neetle«l by the other San Bias
vessels, which brought at the same time the supplies for the ])resid-
ios and missions of Alta California.'" Am«>ng these trading vessels
was the Lady Washington^ which had Ik^.u transformed i' ... .. brig
in China, in doing which Captain Kendrick, who was an v-asy-going.

116

HISTORY OK WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

pi'ocrastiiijiting indivulual, had lost a sejisoii's trade. This year he
"Ns-as fairly ssiiceessful in ol)taining furs, and also in securing the piir-
eliase of a large tract of land from Chiefs Matjuinna and Wicana-
nish, for which he received written deeds, duly signed by the grant-
ors with a cross. Copies of these deeds, which included practically
the whole of Vancouver Island exce})t that already claimed by the
Sj)aniards, were forwarded to Thonuis Jefferson, Secr^^Liry of State,
and filed in the [»ul>lic ai-cliives. The other American vessel of note
was tlie Cohnnbia Rediviva^ which was again sent to the Pacific in
the fall of 1 TOO. arriving at the harbor of Clayo([Uot, on Vancouver
Island, just nortli of the Straits of Fuca, in June, 1791. She was
still under tlie connnand of Captain Robert Gray, her first officer
being Ilohei't Haswell, \\ iiose diary of the voyage, sis well as of the
])revious one, at Avhich time he was second niace of the Lady Wash-
ington^ is one of tlie best and most reliable sources of information
in regard to the events of those voyages and the complications at
Nootka. Gray soon sailed for the Queen Charlotte Islands and
engaged in trade with the natives for several months, exjdoring
many inlets and channels. In latitude 54° 38', he entered a [)assage
and sailed northeastward a distance of t)ne hundred miles without
finding an end. lie then retiu'ued to the sea, supposing he had
discovered the Ilio de los Reyes of Admiral Fonte. He named one
portion of it "Massacre Cove," because of the uuu'der of second
mate Caswell and two seamen by the natives. This su])posed pas-
sage was Portland Inlet, through which runs the boundary sej)arat-
ing British Cohunhia tVom Alaska. Not having collected a sufii-
cient (pnuitity of furs, owing to the number of vessels trading on
the coast, dray decided to sj)end the whiter at Clayo(|Uot. lie
accordingly anchored the Columbia in that harbor, built a house,
mounted cannon upon it, and then began the construction of a small
schoonei", the frame of which he had brought, from Boston. This
place he called " Fort Defiance." Kendrick had, a few weeks l)e-
fore, been engaged in repairing the Lady Washington^ at a point
in the same harboi* which he had christened " Fort Washington,"
but had departed for China soon aftei- Gray^s ariival.

The year 1792 was an imjiortant (me in the history of the North-
Avest Coast. More discoveries were made and more important
explorations carried on than in any year before or since. Spain,

ITOKT MOrr^D AND COLUMBIA KIVKR OrscJOVERKD.

117

England and the United States by sea, and a representative of the
great Northwest Company l)y land, threw a flood of light upon the
dark geography of the Coast. At least twenty -eight vessels visited
this region, the majority of them to engage in the fur trade, repre-
senting France, Spain, Portugal, England and the United States.
I*assing by the majority of these without further mention, let us
turn our attention to those ^vhich made valuable discoveries. These
were the Columbia^ under ('aptain Gi'ay, tA\'o vessels under Captain
Vancouver, and a small Spanish fleet.

Early in the si)ritig of 1792, the Mexican Viceroy, not satisfied
with the great discoveries made by Quimper, Elisa, Malaspina and
Hustamante, made a last effort to determine the existence of the
Northwest Passage and the desiral)ility of contending further for
the possession of Nootka. If there existed a navigable passage
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, then a station in that region would
l)e invaluable to the interests of Spain; but if the continent was
c(mtinuous, so that vessels muht always entei* the Pacific from the
south, then an estal)lishment in such a high hititude would not l)e
sufiiciently valuable to render a contest foi* its ])ossession advisalde.
He, therefore, dispatched a vessel to search for the Rio de los Reyes
in latitude 5;V'; two others to explore more fully the Straits of Fuca,
and fiscertain the exact nature of those many inland channels of the
existence of whicii simply the previous ex[)lorers had reported; and
a fourth to seek a desirable ^^cation along the coast of the main land
south of the Straits of Fuca, where a station might be esta1)lished
in case the settlement at Nootka had to be aliandoned and it was
deemed necessary to have one in this region. At tile same time
Bodega y Quadra, who had been appointed commissiimer to carry
out the stipulations of the Treaty of N(H)tka, proceeded to that port
to await the arrival of the T'(^!i)resentative of Great Britain. Thc;
first of these was the Araiizazii, connuanded by Lieutenant Jacinto
Caamaiio, who minutely examined the Queen Chai'lotte Islands,
sailed through the passage between them and the main land (enter-
ing by Dixon Channel, which he called " Entrada de Pere;^," in
honor of the .)riginal discoverer^ and made a comparatively accu-
rate map of that region. The expedition to the Straits of Fuca
consisted of the schooners Suiil ami Mexicana, connuanded by offi-
cers detailed from Malaspina's expedition, and supplied l>y him with

lis

IIISTOKY (»K W'll.LAMKTTK VAI.i.KY.

sc'it'iitiHc* iiistruiiK^iits. Tlicy wciv i-onmiiiiKled l)y Dionisio Galiano
{ind Cayctaiio Valdcz, and arrived at Nootka on the twelfth of May,
leaving that port for tlieir field of action on the fourth of June.
The fourth vessel was the Princesa. In this ship Lieutenant Sal-
vador Fidalji'o sailed from San Hhis on the twenty-thii'd of March,
and ai'rived at Port Nunez Gaona (Neah Hay) just within the en-
trance to the Straits of Fuca, where he erected huildings and forti-
t'cations. In Septend)er, having received orders from Quadra to
al)andon this post, he removed everything to Nootka. Other Span-
ish veHsels passed up and down between Nootka and Montere}% or
San Bias, but their movements we'j immaterial.

The commissioner a])pointed on the pai't of England to carry
into effect certain provisions of the Nootka Treat}', referring to the
restoration of property at that port, was Captain (xeorge Vancouver,
of the Royal Navy. The Admiralty took occasion to make his
voyage one of extended discovery, directing his attention es|»ecially
to the clearing up of geogra])hical conundrums on the coast, par-
ticularly that of a rivei or any other iutor-oceanic passage. Special
attention was to be directed to the "supposed Strait of Juar de
Fuca, said to I>e situated between the forty-eighth and forty-nnith
degrees of north latitude, and to lead to an opening through ^vhich
the sloop Washington is reported to have passed in 17H9, and to
have come out again at the northward of Nootka." This voyage
of the Washington, as has been already stated, was never made;
Meares, who had cari'iiHi the report to England, having confused
Captain Kendrick's a-count of the movements of that vessel with
geographical' statements of the Indians. Vancouver commanded
the sloop of wai' Discover')', and accompanied by the armed tender
Chatham, under Lieutenant AV. R. Broughton, sailed in March,
1791. It is neeiUess to follow his movements for the first year, as
they do \\i>i concern the purposes of this volume; it is sufficient to
say that after a year of exploration in otiier regions, he arrived off
the coast of California in April, 1792, in the vicinity of Cape
Mendocino.

Here he began a most careful examination of the coast, strict
watch being kept for signs of harbors and navigable rivers, espec
iaily at first of the river reportetl above the forty-third pai'allel V)y
Martin de Aguilar in 1()08. A point in latitude 42° 52' was at

IMCiKT SOI'M) AND OOLUMBtA lUVKH DISCOA'KRKl).

111>

first conceived to be the Cape Blanco of tlie Sjjaniards, l>ut nince it
was composed of dark, craggy rocks, instead of lieing white, Van-
couver entered it on his chart as " Cape Orford." A little further on,
in latitude 415° 23', he observed a cape with white cliffs, which he
believed to be the true Blanco, but as he also considered it the one
Captain Cook had called " Cape Gregory," he entered the latter
name on liis chart. For some distance he ranged along the shore
within a league, looking carefidly for Aguilar's River, but obsei'ved
no stream ha\'iiig any such volume of water as was ascribed to the
one reported by the Spaniard, and, indeed, saw none that offered
the least indication of being navigable for ships. The next point
of special interest to ]>e examined was that in the vicinity of lati-
tude 4(3°, where was locatad the place called " Ensenada de Heceta,"
or "Rio de San Ro(pie," on his Spanish charts, and "Deception
Bay " (m the English ones. On the twenty -seventh of April he
recorded in his journal:

Noon broufifht US' up with a conspicuous point of land composed of a cluster of
lunnniocks, moderately high and i)r<)jecting into the sea. On the south side of this
promontory was the api)earance of an inlet, or small river, the land not indicating
it to be of any great extent, nor did it seem to he accessible to vessels of our burthen,
as the breakers extended from the above point two or three miles into the ocean,
until they joined tliose on the beach nearly four leagues further south. On refer-
ence to Mr. Meares' description of the coast south of this promontory, I was at first
Induced to believe it was (..'ape Shoalwater, liut on ascertaining its latitude, I pre-
sumed it to be wlint he calls Cape Disappointment; anrl the opening to the south of
•it Deception Bay. This cape was found to be in latitude 46° 1!)', and longitude 23(i°
<)'. [He reckoned east from (Ireenwich.] The sea now changed frt>m its natural to
river-coloured wat<!r; the probable conse<iuence of some streams falling into the
bay, or into the ocean to the north of it, through the low land. Not considering
this opening worthy of more attention, I continued our pursuit to theN. W., being
desirous to eml)race tlie advantages of the prevailing breeze and pleasant weather,
so favoiu'able to our exan\ination of the coast.

Vancouver i-ouiided ('ape I)isaj)])ointment and continued up the
sliore. lie says: "The country before us presented a most luxuri-
ant landscape, and was j)robably not a little heightened in value by
the weather that i)i-evaiU'd. The more interior [)arts were some-
what elevated, and agre«^a)»ly diversified with hills, from which it
gradually descended to the shore, and terminated in a sandy beach.
The whole had the a})j)earance of a continued forest extending
north a.s far as tlie eye could reach, which made me very solicitous
to find a port in the vicinity of a country presenting so delightful a
prospect of fertility; our attention wa.»< therefore earnestly directed

120

HISTORY OK WILLAMSITTK VALLKY,

to this oLject." At one time he was of the opinion that Shoalwater
Bay pi'esented a snitahh' harbor, l)ut renounced the l)elief upon
attempting to ent' r the bay and failing l)ecause of the pivsence of
an unbroken line of breakers. They i)assed Gray's Harbor in the
night, and after noting the jiosition of Destruction Ishmd and
observing Mount 01ym2)us, " tlie most remarkable mountain we
had seen on the coast of New Albion," fell in with the Columbia a
few miles south of the Straits of Fuca.

Vancouver sent an officer to the American vessel to glean infor-
mation from its commander, Avho hesitated not to tell him all he
knew of the coast, including a denial of the report that he had
sailed around Vancouver Island in the Lady Washington. Among
other things the English captain notes in his journal: "He likewise
informed them of liis having been off the mouth of a river in lati-
tude 40° 10', where the- outset, or reflux, was so strong as to pre-
vent his entering for nine days. This was proV)ably the openin-^
passed 1)}^ us on the forenoon of the twenty - seven tli ; and was,
apparently, inaccessible, not from the current, l)ut from the breakers
that extended across it." That Gray must have made this effort to
enter the Columbia sometime the previous year is evident fi'om
the fact that Vancouver states that he "was now commencing
his summer's trade along the coast to the southward." The above
remarks show plainly that A'^ancouver had no faith in the existence
of such a stream as AL''uilar's liiver, Hio de San Ko([ue, Oregon, or
Rivei' of the W^'st, and this is rendei'ed more certain l>}' an entry
in his journal made upon reaching Cape Flattery, tlnit there —

Was not the least apjjearance of a safe or secure harbour, either in that hititude, or
from it soutliward to Cape Mendocino ; notwithstanding tliat, in that space, geogra-
pliers had thouglit it expedient to furnisli many. * * * So minutely had
this extensive coast been insjjected, that the surf had been constantly seen to break
upon its shores from the mast-head ; and it was but in a few small intervals only,
where our distance precluded its being visible from the deck. Whenever the weather
prevented our making free with the sliore, or on our hauling oft' for the night, the
return of line weather and of daylight uuiforndy brought us, if not *;o the identical
spot we had departed from, at lea«t within a few miles of it, and never beyond the
northern limits of the coast which we had previously seen. An examination so
directed, and circumstanceH Imppily concurring to permit its l)eing so executed,
afTorded the most comi)lete opportunity of determining its various turnings and
windings. * * * It nmst be considered as a very singular circumstance
that, in so great an extent of sea coast, we should not until now [He had entered
the Straits of Fuca] have seen the appearance of any opening in its shores which
presented siny certain prospect of affording shelter; the whole coast forming one

IMTftKT SOUPfD AND COLITMIUA RIVEU DISCOVERED.

li>l

compact, Holid and nearly straight barrier against the sea. The river Mr. Gray
mentioned should, from the latitude he assigned it, have existence in the bay, south
of Cape Disappointment. This we passed on the forenoon of the twenty-seventh ;
and, as I then observed, if any inlet or river should be found, it must be a very in-
tricate one, and inaccessible to vessels of our burthen, owing to the reefs and broken
water which then appeared in its neighborhood. Mr. Gray stated that he had been
several days attempting to enter it, which at length he had been unable to ett'ect, in
consequence of a very strong outset. This is a phenomenon difficult to account for
[Gray accounted for it easily enough by the theory that the outset was the discharg-
ing of an unusually large river, a conclusion Vancouver would not admit because he
had been there and had not seen itj, as, in most cases where there are outsets of such
strength on a sea coast, there are corresponding tides setting in. Be that, however,
as it may, I was thoroughly convinced, as were also most persons of observation on
board, that we c«)uld not possibly have passed any safe navigat)le opening, harbour,
or place of security for shipping on this coast, from Cape Mendocino to the Prom-
ontory of Classett (Cai)e Flattery) ; nor had we any reason to alter our opinions.

The coast has since l)een found much less barren of harbors
tlian this distinguished navigator supposed, though, with the single
e.xception of the Columbia, there are none affording entrance to
large vessels Avithout first undergoing improvement. Lea\'ing Cap-
tain Vancouver in the Straits of Fuca, let us follow the movements
of the American vessel.

The Columbia, as has been stated, wintered at Foi't Defiance
in the harl)or of Clayo(|Uot, her crew being l)usily employed in con-
structing a small sloop, which was launched in February and chris-
tened the Adventure. This was the second vessel constructed <m
the Pacific Coast north of the Spanish possessions, Meares' North-
west America being the first. Haswell, the first mate, was placed
in command and sent northward on a trading voyage along the
coiist on the second of April, while Gray sailed south in the Co-
lumbia. Nothing is known of his movements until the second of
May, exce[)t what Aancouver records tis having learned fi'om him
as stated above. This was on the twenty-ninth of April, when
they met just below the entrance to Fuca Straits. From that it
appears he had been off Deception Bay, either that spring or the
year })efore, wliich he believed to be the entrance to a large river,
and which he had in vain endeavored to enter for nine days. The
vessels parted ; Vancouver scouting the idea that a river could pos-
sibly exist at that point, since he had been there and had not ob-
served it, sailed into the Straits of Fuca in search of an inter-oceanic
passage; Gray, convinced of the correctness of his own observa-
tions, sailed southward to discover and enter the greatest river on

122

IIISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

the Pacific Coast and the nO'-oiid in size on the continent of North
America.

On the seventh of May Gray entered a port in latitude 46° 58',
which he nanieil "' Bulfinch Harhor," in honor of one of the ovNnieiN
of his veaseh lie sailed out again on the tenth, liaving, while
there, repulstnl an attack hy the natives, killing some of the assail-
ants, and on the eleventh safely crossed the bar which liad l)efore
l)affled him, and sailing ten miles up the stream cast anchor in the
mighty Columbia, for so he named it in honor of his vessel. He also
bestowed the name "Cape Hancock" u})on the high promontory
on the n(»rth, which had V>efore been known as " Cab«» de San
Rocpie"" and "P«»int Disa])j)ointment;" and upon the low j^^int on
the south, fonnerly called " Cape Frondoso," he bestt>weil the name
'' Point Adams." Three days later he ascended the strejmi fifteen
miles further, an«l havinij ffotten into shoal water bv reason of miss-
ing the channel, he dropped down again, and anchoretl nearer the
mouth. The inhabitants of the Chinook village <»n the noith bank
were very frieiidly. and from them Gray ol)tained a large «[uantity
of furs. It was not until the twentieth that the ]>ar was smooth
enough to jtermit the Cohimhia to cross out, but on that <lay she
sailed northwanl, and later, at two points on the upj)er coast, had
bloody conflicts witli Indians who attacked her. Here was met the
Adventure^ which had been twice aroiuid Queen Charlotte Islands
and had enjoyen a rock in the inland passage just above lati-
tude Si", and was considerably damaged. She succee<le<l in reach-
ing Nootka, where, with the assistance of the Spaniards, slie was
soon made tiiiht and seaworthv aijain. She aijain saile<l north, met
the Adventure at Port Montgomery, on Queen CharK>tte Island,
and both vessels returned to Nootka, where Gray found Captain
Vancouver and gave him a memorandum of his discovery of the
r ^lum])ia River. He then sailed for home In' way of Sandwich
i <nd8 and China, having first sold the Adventure to Quadra for
seventy-five select sea-otter skins.

After speaking the Columbia^ Vancouver's two vessels entered
the Straits of Fuca on the thirtieth of April, and proceetled slowly
inland, making a careful examination as he progressed. The ves-

PIU4KT SOrND AND COLr.MlUA IMVKU DISCOVEItK!).

123

sels anchored at Port Discovery (^tbe Porto Bodega y Quadra of
Lieutenant Quimper), and from tliat place, as a rendezvous, Captain
Vancouver and Lieutenants Meiizies, Puget and Johnstone explored
the channels and hays to the southward for a])out four weeks.
Vancouver bestowed the foll<twin<jr well-known names in that reffion:
" Puget Sound," in honor of Lieutenant Puget; " Hood's Canal,"
for Lord Hood; "Admiralty Inlet;" "Mount Rainier," after Kear
Admiral Rainier of the English Navy; " Vashon Island," after Cap-
tain Vashon; "Port Orchard," the name of the officer who discov-
ered it ; " Possession Sound," where he landed on the fourth of June
and took possession in the name of King George of England;
" Port To wnsend," in compliment to the "noble Marquis of that
name;" " Whidby Island," after one of his lieutenants; "Mount
Bakei," discovered by Lieutenant Baker; " Bellingham Bay;"
"Deception Passage;" " New Dunginess " (the Point Santa Cruz
of Quimper's chart), because of a fancied reseml)lance to Dun-
giness in the British Channel. AMien he took possession on the
fourth of June he applied the title "New Georgia" to all the coast
above latitude 30° 2(1', which was certainly cutting California off
very short above San Francisco Bay. This ceremony amoinited to
nothing more than a celebration of the King's birthday, since, un-
der the Nootka Convention, neither party could ac(juire territorial
rights by any such proceeding, a farce vvhich Perez, Ileceta, Bo-
dega and Captain Cook had enacted years before at various places.
As he emerged horn Puget Sound and sailed northward into the
Canal del Rosario, which he re-christened " Gulf of Georgia," he
fell in with the two Spanish vessels, Su^t/ and Mexicana^ whose
})resence there has already been mentioned. Galiano and Valdez
had entered the Straits of Fuca on the fourth of June, and had sur-
veyed as far north as Tejada (Texada) Island. AVhen the S[)auish
and English fleets encountered each other there folloned an inter-
change of courtesies, leading to an agreement to unite their labors.
For about three weeks they explored in company, but then the pride
of the Spaniards would not permit them to longer endure the air of
superiority assumed by the English connnander, who, when they
had explored an inlet, would not accept their report as final, but
made a second exploration himself. That his distrust of the Span-
ish surveys was unfounded is amply proven by the charts of each

124

mSTOKY OF WILLAMKTTE VALLEY.

after they resiimeil imlej^eiident action. The Spanish maps were as
accurate in detail a< those of Vancouver, and even moi'e so, since
they note<l the entrance t<» Fra-^er Rivei", called "Rio Blancho," the
existence of which tlie Enirlishman denied. Galiano and Valdez
continued their explorations northward, entered the Pacific on the
twenty-thinl of ^Vuirust, 1»y a passage at the north end of Vancouver
Island, antl returned tit Xootka, having made the first complete cir-
cumnavigati(vn of the Island.

When the vesseLs parted company, Vancouver continued north -
\tard, in advance of the Spaniards, and entered the ocean through
Queen Charlotte's Sound, where the Chatham gi'oundetl on the
rocks, but was sjifely put afloat again. The long channel al>ove the
Gulf of Gei^rj^ia he called "Johnstone's Strait," after one of his
lieutenants, and tlie names now l>orne by the most important objects
in that region were also best«»wed by him, such as " Burrard Canal,"
"Bute Canal," " Broughton Archipelago," "Knight's Canal,"
" Smith's Inlet," " Rivers Canal," etc. The fact that Vancouver's
report was published several yeai-s 1)efore that of Galiano and
Valdez's, and that this region was subse([uently settled by English
speaking people, accounts for the surAnval of the English nomen-
clature. He continued his explorations as far north as latitude 52**
IS', when he tume«l about and sailed foi* Nootka Sound, reaching
that port on the twentv-eiirhth of Auijust. Here he found the store
ship Dcrdalns, which had been sent out from England with supplies
and fresh instmctions for his guidance in arranging affaii-s at Nootka.
There he remained for more than a month, engaged in the fulfill-
ment oi' the diplomatic purposes of his visit.

ANTiile awaiting Vancouver's arrival. Quadra had not l>een idle,
but had been gathering evidence from the Indians and ti-aders, and
was especial^v fortunate in securing a statement of the events of
1788-9 at Nootka, signed by Gray, Viana (then commanding a Por-
tuiiuese vessel ), and Insrraham, the latter beiuij now the commander
of the trading vessel Hope. All three of these were officei"s of ves-
sels which were present at Nootka during the occuiTence of the dis-
puted events. They testified that the Englishmen ha<i not been
dispossessed of any lands and buildings whatever; that the only
pretense to a settlement by them was the temporaiy occupation of
a small piece of gi'oupd by Meare.? in 1788, while he was building

PUGET SOUND AND COLUMBIA KIVKIt DISCOVEKP:!).

125

the Northwest America^ which, with the hut the \Norkinen had
occupied, was abandoned when thac work was completed; also, that
all this was done under the Fortuiruese tlai,', the scliiK)ner being
launchwl and sent out upon a cruise under the same ensign. Accord-
ing to the treaty, it will he rememl)ere<l, all buildings and tracts of
land of which the subjects of Ills Britannic Majesty had been dis-
jKtssessed by a 8i»anish oflicer, were to be restored. For that pur-
|M»se Vancouver hsul come, expecting, of course, to have Nootka
surrendered; l>ut he was met l)y (Quadra with proofs showing that,
according to the terms of the treaty, there was nothing to be sur-
rendered. Vanccmver would listen to nothing l)Ut a transfer of the
port, though he was unalde to show any precise stipulation to that
efFeit in the treaty. Qua<lra offered to give up Nootka if Vancou-
ver w<tuhl recofjnize all the coast south of Kuca Straits a-s exclusively
Spanish; or he offered to surrender absolutely the small parcel of
land on which Meares' cal)in had stood and to station himself at the
new port in the Straits of Kuca until a <lecisio)i on the (piestion
could be had from Europe. X'ancouver would agree to no ])ropo-
sitions whatever. lie came, he said, to receive an unconditional
surrender of the port, and if Qmidra woidd not c«>nsent to make it
he would dei)art. It was finally decided that the present status
should be maintained and the two connnissioners should submit the
facts to their respective governments. Conseipiently, Vancouver
dis])atche<l two messengers to England, one via China, on a Portu-
guese trading vessel, and one on a Spanish vessel to Mexico and
thence to Einope. Qinidra returneil to Monterey, stopping on the
way at Nunez Gaona, to order Fiihilgo to abandon the new settle-
ment there and proceed to Nootka and assume command of that
jioi-t. It was f(»rtunate for Quadra that he was as cautious as has
been shown, for a few weeks later ro\al orders were received to
suiTender Nootka u])on no consideration whatever. The personal
relations of the connnissioners were most cordial, and before they
left they agreed to name the large island after themselves, and it
was accordingly entered upon l>oth the Spanish and English charts
as the " Island of Vancouver and Quadra." In after yeai*s, owing
to plainly apparent causes, the latter 's name was di'opped from the
title. The indenniity to be paid by Sj>ain to Meares and his asso-
ciates was finally fixe<l at !S'21(),()«»(), less than one-third of the

l'2(i

HISTOHY OF WILLAMKTTE VALLET.

amount clainu'd, but imicli moiv than tlu* actual damag<e siilBFerwl.

When lie had coniluded his ueifotiatiMns. Vauti^iiver, amietl
with a rouyh chart of the Columbia's mouth, which Grav had left
at Nootka, sailed southward witli his fleet, now increa?s*-il t<» three
vessels. On the eighteenth of ()ct«»l»er the Z^A^t/^i/u^. c«immaniled
by Lieutenant \\'hidby, entere«l Buliinch's, or (iray's llarlior, to
make a thorough examination, while her two consorts c«>utinue4l to
the mouth of the Cohunbia. On the nu»ming of the nineteenth the
Clialliani and Discovery attemptnl the juissjige of the l»ar, the
former eiossing safely, l>ut the latter hauling off f«»r fear there was
not a suftieient dej)tli of water. This circumstanct' le«l Vancouver
to record in his journal that his "former opinion of tlus |x»it iK-ing
inaccessible to vessels of oiu' ])Uitlien wjis now fully ci>nfimied. with
this exception, that in very tine weather, with m«»ler:Ue win«is, and
a smooth sea, vessels not exceeilinir four hundreil t<»us miirht, s«.i far
JUS we \vere able to iudije, ijain admittance." It wif while Iviuir at
anchor (tff the bar that he gaine<l a view of a "high. n»und snow-
mountain " far up the stream, which he nameil " Mount St. Helens."
in honoi' of his Kritannic Majesty's amba.viadur at the court of
Madrid.

The iirst sound that salute<l the comniamler «»f the Chatliam
upon crossing the bar was the report of a cannon, which was an-
swered in a similar manner by Lieutenant Bniughton. It came
from a Bristol brig called i\\e Jenny, hing in a shfltereil bay within
the month of the stream, \vhich has ever since l»een kno\vn as
" Baker's Bay," in lionor of the captain of tliat little craft. This
made the second vessel to enter the river l»efore these official repre-
sentatives of Great Britain undei-took to explore it. The Chaiham
lay in the river several days, during w hich time Brought(»n ascendeil
the stream in a l)oat some one lumdretl and twenty miles, as far as
a point which he named in honor of the c(»mmander of tl. - exjjedi-
tion, being the same upon which Fort Vancouver was afterwanl
built by the Hudson's Bay Company. The high snow-crownetl
peak rising a))Ove the Cascades to the ea^t he calle*l '* Mount H«kk1."
During his stay he formally " took possesc<ion of the river and the
country in its vicinity in his Britannic ^lajest^'s name. haWng ever)'
reason to believe that the subjects of no other civilizeil nation or
state liJid ever entered this river liefore." The chising p»rtion of

I'UOKT SOUiVI) AND COLUMBIA RIVKK DIHCOVEUKl).

127

this sentence sounds strangely from one who hud in his possession
!it the time he jienned it the rough cliart ma<h* Ity ^^ray, which had
lieen the cause of his being there at all. It is exidaincd l>y saying
that he affected to consi<ler the broad estuary near the mouth of tlie
stream as no portion (tf the river, and that in eonse<|uence Gray,
though he liad ascended the stream twenty-five miles, had not
entered the river propel'. 'I'his strained i-onstruetion England
maintained in the after conti-oversy with the liiited States about
the rights of discovery.

Vancouver wintered at the Hawaiian islands, returning to
Xootka in May, 1708, and finding that no news liad been received
from Europe, sailed north to continue his examination of the coast
from the point he had reached the year before. lie spent tiie sum-
mer in this work, making, with tlie aid <»f Caannu'io's jnevious
chart, (juite an accurate map of the coast. Erom latitude 58° 80'
to 57" he called the country "New Cornwall;" south of that to near
(mtrgia he named it "New Hanover," taking formal and ceremo-
nious possession of it all in the name of King George. Upon his
return tt> Nootka in October, he found that no instructions had ar-
rived fi'om home, and he sailed for California. The Spaniards still
remained in (piiet possession of the dis])uted 2)oi*t. Quite a number
of trading vessels \vere on the coast that season, but the peculiar
conunercial character of their voyages prevented them fi'om accom-
plishing anything of geographical or historical value.

In April, 171>8, the Mexican Viceroy, Revilla-Gigedo, sent a full
report of the events and status of affairs at Nootka to the home
government, accompanied by recommendations for the future course
of Spain. These were to the effect that recent explorations had prac-
tically demonsti'ated that no Northwest Passage existed, unless, in-
deed, it was found by way of the Columbia River, («• Entrada de
Ileceta, .ind consequently that the trouble and expense of maintain-
ing a station as far north as Nootka was. unnecessary for the pro-
tection of Spanish interests. He advise<l that the Ccdumbia be ex-
plored and occupied, if found to connect with the Atlantic or with
New Mexico; otherwise he advised the sti'engthening of the north-
ernmost stations in California, the occupation of Bodega Bay, and
any other desirable harbor which might be found north of that
[)oint. He prepared to dispatcli two vessels to surve}' the Colum-

128

HIKTOUY OK WILLAMKTTK VALl.KY.

hia in the spring of 1704, but for some reason tlie [)roject was
abiindonrd. Early that year word was received fr()ni Spain that
the ]H)ints in dispute liad been setth'd. Quadra died in March, and
(len. Jose Manual d Alava was !ij)pointed his successor, and sent to
Nootka with the understanding that his instructions would follow
him.

Captain Vancouver again visited the northern coast in the spring
of 17i>4, and extended his ex})lorations as far as the head of Cook's
Inlet, becoming convinced that no passage whatever connected the
Pacific with the Atlantic or any of the l»ays or seas leading off from
it. lie then went to Nootka, arriving on the second of September,
where he found Alava, the Sj)anisli counnissioner. Neither was
aAvare of the terms of settlement, so they enjoyed each other's hos-
pitalities and awaited instructions. No orders having been received
by the sixteenth the commissioners sailed for Monterey, where Al-
ava soon afterwards ivceived his instructions. These were to the
effect that an amicable settlement had be'en arrived at, and that
England had ai)pointed a new conmiissioner. Upon receipt of this
intelligence A'ancouver at once set sail for England, ^vhere he ar-
rived in October, 1795. His narrative of his four years' voyag*'
and explorations, the most complete and important ever issued up
to that time, Avas published in 1798, previous to which the great
explorer died.

The settlement spoken of was the one signed at Madrid by the
representatives of Spain and England, on the eleventh of January,
1794. The tide of European politics had so ,'uni'xi that it was then
the best policy of both England and Spain to form an alliance,
hence the nuitual concessions in this agreem*. ut. The treaty pro-
vided that commissioners of both nations should meet at Nootka,
and that formal possession of the tract claimed l)y Meares be given
to the representative of England by the Spanish commissioner. It
continued in the following explicit language: —

Then the British officer shall unfurl the British flag over the land thus restored
as a sign of possession, and after these formalities the officers of the two crowns
shall retire respectively their people from the said port of Nootka. And their said
majesties have furthermore agreed that the subjects of both nations shall be free to
frequent the said port as may be convenient, and to erect there temporary buildings
for their accommodation during their residence on such occasions. But neither of
the two parties shall make in said port any permanent establishment, or claim there
any right of sovereignty or territorial dominion to the exclusion of the other. And

PUGEX'80UND AND COLUMBIA KIVKR DISCOVKRKl).

120

their oaid majesties will aid each other to maintain their ^ubjectH in free iicceHH to
the said port of Nootlia againut whatever other nation may att«mpt to establisli
there any sovereignty or dominion.

This solemn farce was actually enactnl theiv on the twenty-third
of March, 1795, ]>y General Alava on th«' |>art <»f Spain, and Lieu-
tenant Thomas Pierce as representative of Great Britain. Eveiy-
thing portable was then embarked on tlie Spanish vessels, which
sailed away and left Nootka again in th<' soh' possessi<jn of the
natives. From that day to this no whitf settlement has been at-
tempted at that historical port. English historians, jind nniny others
writing, like them, from incomplete data, have assertt^d that the port
of Nootka was surrendered to England by the Sjtaniards; Imt such
the above (piotation from the treaty shows not to have been the
case. Only the small patch of ground claimwl by Meares to have
been purchased from Ma(iuinna was f(jrmall}- ti'ansferred ; and Eng-
land was as firmly bound as Spain not to make any future settle-
ment at that point, while both were at liWrt}- to occupy any other
points they might see fit. Their interests in Europe, however, were
80 closely linked for the next few years that neither felt it necessary
to attempt any settlements on the upjjer Pacific Coast as a safeguard
against the other. No other nation attemptetl t<^> plant a colony
here, and thus the matter stood for nearly a score of years, when
the question of ownership was raised by a new claimant — the United
States. Traders continued to carry on the fur lousiness as Ijefore,
but their operations were of little historical importance.

CHAPTER IX.

OVERLAND JOURNEYS TO THE PACIFIC.

Oi'tjanlsation of the Nviihioest Company of Montreal Mackenzie^ s
Journey to the Arctic Ocean — His Trip to the Pacific in 1793 — Dis-
covery and Naming of Frnner River — T. eaty of 179^. Opens a West-
ern Field for American Tracers — Confliotini/ Claims of Various
Nations at the Beginning of the Present Century—Spain Reconveys
Louisiana to France in 1800 — Thomas Jefferson'' s Efforts to have the
Unknown Region Explored — Louisiana Purchased hy the United
States — The Lewis and Clarke Expedition — They Winter loith the
Mandan Lndians — Ascend the Missouri — Cross to Clarke^s Fork —
Reach the Nl~ Perces — Descend Clearwater, Lewis [Snake) and
Columbia Rivers to the L^aoific — Winter at Fort Clatsop — The Mult-
nomah, or Willamette, River — The Walla Walla, Cayuse and Net
Perce Indians — Lewis and Clarke Descend the Yellowstone and
Missouri — Effect of their Great Journey — Anxiety of irreat Britain
— Fort Eraser Established in New Caledoihior — Fort Henry Built
on Snake River.

IT ha.s been related how the early French explorers pushed their
way gradually westward, until, in 1743, the Verendryes pene-
trated to the heart of the ll«>cky Mountains, and how, with the con-
(piest of Canada by the English, these explorations suddenly cesised.
Thirty years elapsed before they were again rv^s'uued by sul)jects of
the new rnlei's of ( 'anada, except in the instance of Captain Carver,
whose j)retentions claims have already been considered. Meanwhile,
the American Colonies had fought and gained the War of Inde-
pendence, and, as a result, P^ngland was dt^^rived of all her posses-
sions south of the great chain of lakes. France had sold Louisiana
to Spain, as has l>een related, which gave that nation, in conjunction
with her California possessions, propi-ietary claim to the whole

OVERLAND JOURNEYS TO THE PACIFIC.

131

country Ipng between the Mississippi and the Pacific, and extend-
ing indefinitely northward. How extensive that region was, or
what it contained, no one knew, and the Spanish owners were not
inquisitive enough to find out. England was cut off from it except
in the region lying north of Minnesota, certainly not a very in\'iting
field for exploration ; and the young Republic was too busy setting
its government in good running order to engage in explorations of
new territories. When, at last, westward journeys were again
undertaken, it was solely l)y private enterprise in the interests of
trade.

A number of Montreal fur traders pushed a^. fai* westward as
the Athabasca and Saskatchewan as early as 1775, and carried on
an independent trade wnth the natives. Competitit)n with the Hud-
son's Bay Company became too heavy for them indi' Ithially, and
in 1784 they combined together as the Northwest (Joinpany of Mon-
treal. Thus strengthened, and all its agents l)ein^ interested part-
ners, it prospered wonderfully and became, in a few years, a most
powerful organization. In 17H8 the station which iiad been estab-
lished ten years before on Athabasca River was removed to Lake
Athabasca, some twelve hundred miles northwest of Lake Superioi-,
and called " Fort Chipewyan," and this became the great western
headquaiters of the company. Traders covered the whole country
east of the Rocky Mountains almost to the Arctic.

This advance post wjis under the charge of Alexander Macken-
zie, a partner in the Northwest Company, who made a journey to
the north in 1789, discovered the Mackenzie River, and followed it
from its source in (xreat Slave Lake to where it discharges its icy
waters into the Arctic Ocean. By this journey the cluu'acter and
extent of the continent to the northwest was ascertained, aa well as
the fact that there existed no passage between the Atlantic and Pacific
south of the great northern sea. In 1791 he started with a small
l)arty upon a western tri]), intent upon reacliing the Pacific. Fol-
lowing up Peace River to the base of the Kocky Mountains, he
(tamped there for the winter, and in the spring continued his journey
«long the course of that stream and came upon the Fr.'iser River,
down which he passed in canoes a distance oi two huiubvd and fifty
miles. To this stream he applied the Indian title of "Tacoutchee-
Tiissee," a nan)e somewhat similar to that which the navigators hud

I3y

HI8T0KY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

a few years before applied to the Straits of Fuca. He finally
abandoned the river and struck directly westward, reaching the
coast at the North Bentinck Arm, only a short time after it had
been explored by Vancouver's fleet. When he learned upon his
return that the mouth of the Columbia had been discovered, he
supposed that the large river which he had followed so far south-
ward must 1)6 that great stream; and so it was considered to be
until twenty years later, when Simon Fraser, a representative of
the same fur company, descended it to its mouth in the Gulf of
Georgia, and ascertained its true character. As Mackenzie's name
was aL v ady applied to a large river, this stream wa^ then christened
" Fraser Kiver."

Tliese various sea and land expeditions had proved three very,
important facts: first, that there was no water passage for vessels
across the continent; second, that by following the courses of
streams and lakes the overland journey could be nearly accom-
})lished in ])oat8; third, that this vast imexplored region abounded
in fur-bearing animals, a fact which led, in a few years, to its occu-
pation by the rival fur traders, both English and American. At
this time the Spanish chiim of Louisiana clouded the whole region
west of the Mississippi, and though its limits were undefined, it
extended indefinitely into the unknown region lying north of Mexico
and California. The Americans were especially hampered in their
trading operations on the frontier. The Mississippi formed a defi-
nite and recognized western boundery to the territory of the United
States, and the line of forts along the south side of the chain of
great lakes were still held by Great Britain, notwithstanding they
should have been sm-rendered under the treaty of 1788. When
that convention was f<jrmed, the rejiresentatives of England endeav-
ored to have the Alleghanies fixed as the western limit of the
new nation, but the American commissioners insisted that as
British colonies the states had j)reviously exercised jurisdiction as
far west tis the Mississippi, and the safety ;)f the Republic re<piii"ed
that she still continue to do so; and they carried their point. By
a special treaty made in 1794, England surrenderetl possession of
the lake posts, and the two rations agreed that both should have
unrestricted intercourse and trade in the great western regi(ui.
From that time American traders extended their operations fujluer

OVERLAND JOURNEYS TO THE PACIFIC.

133

westward. The Hudson's Bay Company also began to invade the
field occupied by its great rival, the Northwest Company of
Montreal.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century the territorial claims
of the various nations on the Pacific Coast weve exceedingly con-
flicting. The claim of Russia to Alaska was recognized as valid,
having been established both by discovery and occupation; though
as yet no definite southern limit was fixed. Spain's claim to Cali-
fornia was also undisputed, extending to the forty-second parallel.
Between these two both England and Spain claimed title by right of
discovery only, since by the Nootka convention both had agreed to
l". • no claim whatever upon the actual or asserted occupation of
ti u representatives or sulgects at Nootka Sound. The United
States, also, by reason oi Gray's discovery of the Columbia, had
laul a foundation for a claim to the whole region drained by that
mighty river, as yet unasserted, but which was pressed with nuich
vigor and final partial success a few years later. Besides these dis-
covery rights, the J^ouisiana Province, which France hs^d transferred
to Spain in 176!2, was construed by its possessor, or, more accu-
rately speaking, its technical claimant, to cover the whole region
west of the Mississijjpi not claimed by the same nation as portions
of Mexico and California. This title was reconveyed to France in
the year 1H''0, thus putting that mition again into the field as a
claimant ^ i t- jj'itory in the western portion of North America.

It 1'' 1 ' . ■ . uiend)ered that John Ledyard, who had })een one of
Captain C- j'< ^ nmen, undertook to interest American and French
capitalists in ^ <.^ '^acific fur trade, soon after the return of that ex-
pedition to England. At that time Thomas Jefferson was the rep-
resentative of the I'nited States at the Court of Versailles, and he
became deeply interested in this great western region. Hj naturally
j)referred that his own country shoujd fall h.eir to such a magnifi-
cent inheritance; but more than a decade [)ji8sed l)efore the States
had p'>»fected their government and regulated those national affairs
requi ir.v immediate and careful consideration, and during that
time ii v ". • 'die lo think of furthei accessions of territory. How-
ever, in 1792, he proposed to the American Philosophical Society
that a subscription be raised for the purpose of engaging some com-
petent person to explore the country lying between the Mississippi

U18T0RY OF WILLAMKTTK VAI.LKY.

River and Pacific Ocean, " by Jiacencling the MisHouri, crossing the
Stony Mountains, and descending the nearest river to the Pacific."
His suggestion was acted upon, and the position having been eagerly
solicited by Lieutenant Meriwether Lewis, a Virginian, that gentle-
man was selected at the recommendation of Mr. Jefferson. His
traveling companion was Mr. Andre Michaux, a distinguished
French botanist, then living in the United States in the employ of
his govti'nment. When they had proceeded as far as Kentucky,
Mr. Michaux was recalled by tl^ French Minister, and the expedi-
tion was abandoned.

Soon after France again acquire itle to Louisiana, Napoleon
i-ecognized the fact that it would only he a source of annoyance and
expense to the nation. His ambitious designs in Europe arrayed
England and other po\verful nations in hostility to France, and to
avoid the necessity of having to provide for the protection of vast
territorial possessions, as well as to place in the field an active and
now powerful rival to England, be opened secret negotiations for
the tr.msfer of the whole Pro\'ince to the LTnited States. Mr. Jef-
ferson was then President, and grasped eagerly the o[)portunity to
realize his long- cherished desire, and by so doing render his admin-
istration one to be forever rememl)ered l)y his countrymen. Even
before the treaty was concluded, he began to i)ut his plan of oper-
ations into effect; and on the eighteenth of January, 1803, lie sub-
mitted to Congress a special message on the Indian (piestion, in
which he incorporated a suggestion that an official expedition be
dispatched u})on the same journey as the private one woidd have
accomplished ten ye'ars before, had it not been abandoned. Con-
gress approved the idea and made an ample appropriation to carry
it into effect. Lewis was then acting in the capacity of private sec-
retar}' to tlie President, and once more solicited the direction of the
enterprise. In tliis he was again successful. He held at that time
the rank of captain, and having selected AVilliam Clarke as his asso-
ciate, tliat gentleman also received a captain's commission.

In the instructions drawn up for the guidance of the party, tlie
Presiddit says: "The o])ject of your mission is to explore the
Missoiu'i River, and such principal streams of it, as, by its course
and communication with the waters of the Pacific Ocean, whether
the Columbia, Oregon, Colorado, or any other river, may offer the

OVERLAND JOURNEYS TO THE I'ACIFK'

185

most direct aud practicable water coinimiiiication across the conti-
nent, for the i)urpo8es of commerce." They were directed to ac-
quire as intimate a knowledge as possible of the extent and number
of Indian tril)es, their manners, customs and degree of civilization,
and to report fully upon the topography, the character of the soil,
the natural products, the animal life and minerals, as well as to as-
certain by scientific observations and inquiry as much as possible
about the climate, and to impiire especially into the fur trade and
the needs of commerce. Since Louisiana had not yet been formally
conveyed to the United States, the instructitms contained a para-
graph saying: " Your mission has been communicated to the min-
isters here from P^ ranee, Spain and (Ireat Britain, and through them
to their governments; and such assurances g: -"■<y them as to its ob-
jects, as we trust will satisfy them,. The country of Louisiana hav-
ing been ceded by Spain to France, the passport you have from the
minister of Fi-ance, the representative of the present sovereign of
the country, will be a protection with all its subjects; and that from
the minister of England will entitle you to the friendly aid of any
traders of that allegiance with whom you may happen to meet."

The French passport w{\s rendered needless by the receipt of the
joyful intelligence a few days before they started that Louisiana had
been formally ceded to the L^nited States. Lewis left Washington
on the fifth of July, 1808, and was joined by Clarke at Louisville.
Having selected the men to compose tlu'ir party, they went into
camp near St. Louis and remained until spring. The final start
was made on the fourteenth of May, 1 H04, the part}' consisting of
Captain Meriwether Lewis, Captain William Clai'ke, nine young
men fi'om Kentucky, fourteen soldiers, two F'l'ench Canadian water-
men, of the class called "voyageurs" among the fur traders, an in-
terpreter ♦ind huntei" and a negro servant of Captain Clarke. There
were, also, a number of assistants who accompanied the party as
far as the Mandan country. The Missouri river was ascended as
far as the region occupied by tlie Mandan Indians, with whom they
remain^ all winter, learning mucli from tiieii" hosts of the geogra-
phy of the surrounding countiy as well as its native inhabitants.
While there they negotiated a treaty of peace and friendship between
the Mandans and Ricarees, between whom hostilities had existed for
a long time.

18<>

HISTORY OF WILLAMKTTK VALLKV.

The westwaiii journey was resumed iu the spring of 1805. They
still followetl up the Missouri, of whose coui'se, tri1>utaries and the
great falls they had received very minute and accurate information
fi'oni their Mandan fi'iends. Passing the mouth of the Yellowstone,
which name they recoiil as being but a translation of "Ro<"he Jaune,"
the title given it by the French- Canadian trappei"s who had already
visited it, they continued up the Missouri, pjissed the castellate<l
rocks and the great falls and cascades, ascended through the mighty
canyon, anil reached the headwaters of the stream, crossed the Rocky
Mountain divide and came upon the stream variously known along
its course as *• Deer Lodge," " Hellgate," " BitteiToot," " Clarke's
Fork of the Columbia " and " Pend d'Oreille." l^pon this they
bestowed the name " Clarke's River," and so it should l)e calleil
from its source in the Rocky Mountains to where it unites with the
main stream in British Columbiij, From this river the advance
party under Clarke crossed the Bitterr-jot Mountains by the Lolo
trail, suffering intensely from cold and hunger, and on the twentieth
of September reacheil a village of Nez Perce Indians, situated on a
plain about fifteen miles fi'om the south fork of Clearwater River,
where they were receivetl with great hospitality. This lii-st pjissage
of the mountains V\v representatives of the Uniteti States and their
warm reception by the Indians contrast strongl> with a scene
witnessed by this same Lolo trail seventy-two yeai-s later when
Howard's army hotly i)ursued Chief Joseph and his little l>and of
hostile Nez Perces, who were fleeing before the avengei-s fi'om the
scene of their many bloody massacres.

The almost famished men partook of such quantities of the food
liberally providetl by theii" savage hosts that man}" of them l>ecame
ill, among them being Captain Clarke, who was unable to continue
the journey until the second day. He then went to the village of
Twisted -hair, the chief, situated on an island in the strejmi men-
tioned. To the river he gave the name " Koos-koas-kee," errone-
ously supposing it to be its Indian title. The probabilities are that
the Nez Perces, in trying to inform Captain Clarke that this river
flowed into a still larger one, the one variously known sus " Lewis,"
" Sahaptin " or " Snake," used the words " Koots-kootv'»-kee," mean-
ing " This is the smaller," and were understood to have meant that
as the name of the stream. The Nez Perce name is " Kaih-kaih-

OVERLAND JOURNEYS TO THE PACIFIC.

137

koosh," signifying "Cleanvater," the title it is generally known by.

Having lieen united, the two parties a few days later journeyed
on down the Clearwater. Concerning their deplorable condition
and their method of traveling the journal says: " Captain Lewis
and two of the men were taken very ill last evening, and to-day he
could scarcely sit on his horse, while others were obliged to be put
on horseback, and some, from extreme weakness and pain, were
forced to lie down alongside of the road. * * * The weather
was very hot and oppressive to the party, most of whom are now
complaining of sickness. Our situation, indeed, rendered it neces-
sary to husband our remaining strength, and it was determined to
proceed down the river in canoes. Captain Clarke, therefore, set
out with Twisted-hair, and two young men, in quest of timber
for canoes. * * * Having resolved to go down to some spot
calculated for building canoes, we set out early this morning and
pi'oceedetl five miles, and encamped on the low ground on the south,
opposite the forks of the river." The canoes being constructed, they
embarked, in the month of October, on their journey down the Clear-
water and connecting streams, for the Pacific, leaving what remained
of their horses in charge of the friendly Nez Perces. They had for
some time lieen subsisting upon roots, fish, horse-meat and an occa-
sional deer, crow, or wolf, but having left their horses behind them,
their resort, when out of other food, now became the wolfish dogs
they purchased fi'om the Indians.

Upon reaching Snake River, which was named in honor of
Captain LeAvis, the canoes were turned down that stream, which
they followed to the Columbia, naming the Tukannon River " Kim-
so-emim," a title derived fi'om the Indians, and upon the Palouse
l)e8towing the name ''Drewyer," in honor of the hunter of the
party. They then followed down the Columbia, passing a number of
rapids, and arrived at the Cascades on the twenty-first of October.
A portage was made of all their effects and a portion of the canoes,
the remainder making the perilous descent of the Cascades in safety.
The mouth of the Willamette was passed without the addition of
so large a stream being noticed. Cape Disappointment was reached
November fifteenth, and the eyes of the weary travelei-s were
gladdened with a sight of the great ocean which had been their goal
for more than a year. The season of winter rains having set in,

138

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

they were soon driven by high water from the low land on the
north bank of the stream, eleven miles above the cape, which thej-
had selecteil for their winter residence. They then left the Chin-
ooks, crosseil the river, and built a habitation on the high land on
the south side oi the stream, which they called " Fort Clatsop," in
honor of the Indians which iuhal>ited that reijion. Here thev
spent the winter, making occasional short excursions along the
coast. The departure for home was delayed with the hope that
some trading vessel might appear, from Aviiich sadly-neeiled supplies
could be oV)tained, but being disappointed in this they loadetl their
canoes, and on Mai'ch 23, 180(i, took final leave of Fort Clat.*op.
Before going they presented the chiefs of the Chinooks and Clatsops
^^'ith certificates of kind and hosj3ital)le treatment, and circulatetl
among the natives several papers, posting a copy on the wall of the
abandone<l fort, which read as follows: "The o]>ject of this last Is
that through the metlium of some civilized person, who may see
the same, it may V»e made known tt> the world, that the part^-, con-
sisting of the pei-sous whose names are hereunto annexed, and who
were sent out V»y the Government of the United States to explore
the interior of the continent of North xVmerica, did penetrate the
same by the way of the Missouri and Columbia rivei-s, to the dis-
charge of the latter into the Pacific Ocean, where they arrived on
the fourteenth day of November, 1805, and departetl the twentA"-
third day of ^larch, 18()<% on their return to the UnitKl States by
the same route by which they had comv out," T«-> this was appended
a list of the mend>ers of the expedition. One of these copies was
handed by an Indian the following year to Captain Hall, an Ameri-
can fur trailer, whose vessel, the Lydia, had entere<l the Columbia,
by w-hom it was taken to China and thence to the United States:
thus, even had tne j tarty perished on the return j«>urney, evidence
of the completitm of theu' task was not wanting.

Upon taking an invoice of their possessions })efore starting up^»u
the ret\n-n, the\ found that their gooils available for traffic with the
Indians consisted of six blue robes, one scarlet rol)e, one Unitetl
States artillery hat and coat, five robes made frt>m the national
ensign, and a few old clothes trimmed \nth ribbon. Upon these
must they depend for pm*chasmg pro\'isions and horses, and for
v^nnning the hearts of stublwm chiefs. They proceeded up the

OVERLAND JOURNEYS TO THE PACIFIC.

139

south bank of the stream, until they came unexiiectedly upon a
large river flowing into it from the south. On an island near its
mouth, knoAVTi to the early trappei^s as '* Wapatoo," and now called
"Sauvne's Island," they came u[)on an Indian village, where they
were refused a suppl}' of food. To impress them with his jiower,
Captain Clarke entered one of their habitations and cast a few
sulphur matches into the fire. The savages were frightened at the
blue flame, and looked upon the strange visitor as a great medicine
man. They implored him to extinguish the " evil fire," and l)rought
all the food he desired. The name of the Indian village was " Mult-
nomah," but Captain Clarke understood the name to apply to the
river, of whose coui-se he made careful incpiiry. Ujion the map of
this expedition the " Multnomah " is indicated as extending south-
ward and eastward into California and Nevada, and the Indians
who reside<l along the strt'ams that flow fi'om southeastern Oregon
into the Snake, are represented as li\"ing <»n the upper branches of
the Multnomah. The true Indian name of the river and valley is
" Wallamet," which has been corrupted to " Willamette " by those
who conceived the idea that it was of French origin. The confusion
between Indian, French and English names in this region has
resulted in many very peculiar and ridiculous appellations.

^Vt the mouth of the Lapage River, the stream later named
"John Day," in memory of the bold hunter of the Astor party,
who met such a tragic fate, the canoes were abandoned, and the
party proceeded up the Columbia on foot, packing their baggage
upon the backs of a few horses purchased from the natives. Cross-
ing the Umatilla, which they called " You-ma-lolam," they arrived
at the mouth of the Walla Walla on the twenty-seventh of April,
Yellept, the Walla Walla chief, was a man of unusual capacit}' and
jDower, and extended to them the most cordial and bountiful hospi-
tality they had enjoyed since leaving the aln)des of civilization.
How different would have been the reception extended them could
the old chief have gazetl into the future Avith prophetic eye, and
seen his great successor, Peo-peo-mux-mux, killed while unjustly a
prisoner by membere of the same race and tribe to Avhich these
white guests belonged! It Is related of Yellej)t that in after years,
having seen the last of five noble sons perish in battle or by the
hand of disease, he called together the tribe, and throwing himself

140

HIvSTOHY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

upon the body of his hist son, sternly hade them bury him with

his dead. With loud lamentations and heart-bn»ken s<»b5 they did

as he commanded, and ])urieil alive the great chief they both loved

and feared. This vvaa the man who e.vtended hi* hf»>pitalities to

Lewis and Clarke, and because of the imp«jrtaiit p:irt the Walla

Wallas and Cayuses played in the after hLstorj- of thi« region, the

following account given ]>y those gentlemen of their t-ntertainers is

presented. Their journal says: —

Immediately upon our arrival, Yellept, who proved to be a man of much influ-
ence, not only in his own, but in the neighboring nation-^. coIk«<«d the inhabitants
and, after having made a harangue, the purport of which 'wai> to induce the nations
to treat us hospitably, set them an example, by brineini; hinif>elf an amifiil of wood
and a platter containing three roastetl mullets. They immediately a.s!i*-nted to one
part, at least, of the recommendation, by furnishing us with an abundance of the
only sort of fuel they employ, the stems of shrubs growing in the plain>i. We then
purchased four dogs, on which we supped heartily, having been on «hcKt allowance
for two days past. When we were disposed to sleep, the Indiana retired imiae-
diately on our request, and, indeed, uniformly eondurted themselves with great
propriety. These people live on roots, which are very abundant in the plains, and
catch a few salmon-trout; but at present they seem to subsist chiefly on a species of
mullet, weighing from one to three pounds. » ♦ * Monday, twenty-eighth,
we purchased ten dogs. While this trade was carrying on by our men. Yellept
brought a line white horse and presented him to Captain Clarke, exprcsifing at the
same time a wish to have. a kettle; but on being informed that we had already dis-
posed of the last kettle we could spare, he said he would Ije c-ontent with any prej*-
ent we should make in return. Captain Clarke, therefore, gave his sword, for
which the chief had before expressed a desire, adding one hundred balls, some pow-
der, and other small articles, with which he appeared perfectly satisfied. We were
now anxious to depart, and requested Yellept to lend us canoes for the purpose of
crossing the river. But he would not listen to any proposal of leaving the village.
He wished us to remain two or three days; but would not let us go to-day. for he
had already sent to invite his neighbors, the Chininapooe (Cayuses , to come down
this evening and join his people in a dance for our amusement. We urged, in vain,
that by setting out sooner we would the earlier return with the articles they desired ;
for a day, he observed, would make but little difference. We at length mentioned
that, as there was no wind, it was now the best time to cross the river, and would
merely take the horses over and return to sleep at their village. To this he assented,
and then we crossed with our horses, and having hobbied them, returned to their
camp. Fortunately there was among these WollawoUah* a prisoner, Ix-longing to
a tribe of Shoshonee or Snake Indians, residing to the south of the Multnomah,
and visiting occasionally the heads of the WoIlawoUah creek. Our Shoshonee
woman, Bucajaweah, though she belonged to a tribe near the Mifeouri, spoke the
same language as this prisoner, and by their means we were able to explain our-
selves to the Indians, and answer all their inquiries with respect to ourselves and
the object of our journey. Our conversation inspired them with much confidence,
and they soon brought several sick persons for whom they requested our assistance.
We splintered the broken arm of one, gave scoie relief to another, whose knee was
contracted by rheumatism, and administered what we thought beneficial for ulcers
and eruptions of the skin, on various parts of the body, which are very conmiou
disorders among them. But our most valuable medldne was eye-water, which we

OVEKLAND JOURNEYS TO THK PACIFIC.

141

distributed, and which, indeed, they required very much ; the complaint of the
eyes, occasioned by living on the water, and increased by the Hne sand of the plains,
being now universal. A little before sunset, the Chimnapoos, amounting to one
hundred men and a few women, came to the village, and joining the WoUawollahs,
who were about the same number of men, formed themselves in a circle round our
tamp, and waited very patiently till our men were disposed to dance, which they
did for about an hour, to the tune of the violin. They then requested to see the
Indians dance. With this they readily complied, and the whole assenil)lage,
amounting, with the women and children of the village, to several hundred, stood
up, and sang and danced at the same time. The exercise was not, indeed, very
graceful, for the greater part of them were formed into a solid column, round a kind
of hollow square, stood on the same place, and merely jumped up at intervals, to
keep time to the music. Some, however, of the more active warriors ent«red tlie
square and danceil round it sidewise, and some of our men joined in the dance, to
the great satisfaction of the Indians. The dance continuetl till ten o'clock the next
morning. In tlie course of the day we gave small medals to two inferior chiefs,
each of whom made us a present of a tine horse. We were in a |)oor condition to
make an aderjuate acknowledgement for this kindness, but gave several articles,
among which was a pistol, with some hundred rounds of ammunition. We have,
iudeetl, been treated by these people with an unusual degree of kindness and civility.
* * * We may, indeed, justly affirm that of all the Indians whom we have
met since leaving tlie United States, the WoUawollahs were the most hospitable,
honest and sincere.

Bidding adieu to these hospitable people, they left the Colum-
bia oil the twenty-ninth of April and followed eastward what is
known as the " Nez Perce Trail." Tliey went up the Touchet,
called by them " AVhite Stallion," because of the present Yellept
had matle to Captain Clarke, the Patet and Pataha and down the
Alpowa to Snake river, which they crossed and followed up the
north side of ClearNvater until they reached the village of Twisted-
hair, where had been left their horses the fall before. The Lolo
trail was not }et free from snow, and for six weeks they resided
among the Nez Perces, a tribe closely ^voven into the history of
this region. (Jf them and the intercourse held with them the fall
before, the jt)urnal says: —

The Chopunnish, or Pierce-nosed, nation, wlio reside on the Kooskooske an?^
Lewis' Rivers, are in person stout, portly, well-looking men ; the women are small,
with good features, and generally handsome, though the complexion of both sexes
is darker than that of the Tushepaws. In dress they resemble that nation, being
fond of displaying their ornaments. The buffalo or elk skin robe decorated with
lieads, sea-shells (chiefly mother-of-pearl), attached to an otter-ekin collar, and hung
in the hair, which falls in front in two queues ; feathers, paint of difTerent kinds
(principally white, green and light blue), all of which they find in their own
countrj' ; these are the chief ornaments they use. In winter they wear a short shirt
of dres.sed skins, long painted leggings and moccasins, and a plait of twisted grass
around tlie neck. The dress of the women is more simple, consisting of a long shirt
of argaliaor ibex skin, reaching down to the ankles without a girdle ; to this are
lied little pieces of brass and sheila, and other small articles: but the bead is not at

142

HISTORY OF WILLAMKTTK VALLEY.

all ornamented. The drens of the female is, indeed, more modest, and more studi-
ously HO, tlian any we have observed, though the other sex is careless of the inde-
licacy of txposure. Tlie Chopunnlsli have very few amusements, for their life is
painful ami laiiorii.us; and all tlieir exertions are necessary to earn even their pre-
carious suhsistoncc. During the summer and autunm they are busily occupied in
tisliing for salmon, undcollectiufr their winter store of roots. In the winter they
iiunt the (leer on snow-shoes over the plains, and towards spring cross the moun-
tains to the Missouri, for the i>uri)ose of tratfldng for buffalo robes. The incon-
veniences of that comfortless life are increased by frequent encounters with their
enj-niies from the west, who drive them over the mountains with the loss of their
horses, and sonietimt-s the lives of nuiny of the nation. Tliough originally the
same people, their dialect varies very perceptil)ly from that of the Tushepaws ;
their treatment of us ditl'ereti much from the liind and disinterested services of the
Slioslionees (Snalies); tliey are indeed sclHsh and avaricious; they part very reluc-
tantly with every article of footi or clotiiing ; and while they expect a recompense
for every service, however small, do not concern themselves about reciprocating
any presents we may give them. They are generally healthy — the only disorders,
which we liave had occasion to renuirli, l)eing of a scrofulous kind, and for these,
as well as for the anuisenient of those who are in good health, hot and cold bathing
is very coninionly used. 'I'he soil of these prairies is of a light yellow clay, inter-
mixed witli small, smooth grass; it is barren, and produces little more than a
bearded grass about three inches high, and a prickly pear, of which we now found
tiiree si)ecies.

It is very evident that these gentlemen were not acquainted with
the atti-ibutes of tlie succulent bunch grass, nor of the soil, for those
prairies constitute the now celebrated wheat lands of Eastern Ore-
gon and Washington and Northern Idaho.

They made an unsuccessful attempt to cross the Bitterroot
Mountains on the fifteenth of June, but found the trails l^locked
with snow. On the thirtieth, however, they safely crosseti. On
the fourth of July it was decided to pursue two routes for a dis-
tance; accordingly, Cai)tain Lewis, with a portion of the party,
crossed the Rocky Moinitains to the Missouri, and follo\\ed dow^n
the main stream, exploring the larger tributaries and learning much
of the geography of Montana. With the remainder of the party
Clarke crossed to the Yellowstone, and descended that stream to
its mouth, uniting again with Captain Lewis some distance below
that point on the twelfth of August. There stands to the present
day on the south bank of the Yellowstone, between the cities of
Miles City and Billings, a monument to commemorate the visit of
this expedition. It is known as " Pompey's Pillar," and consists of
a detached body of yellow sandstone, which rises alu'uptly on three
sides to the height of four hundred feet. On the north side, at a
place which can be letuihed by claudjering over the heavy blocks

the

OVERLAND JOI'KXKYS TO THK I'AriKIC.

143

of sandstone Juokeii down from the IkkIv of the cliff, in a place
sheltered from the elements })y an overlianirintr wall <»f rock, the
leader carved his autogi'a]th; ami the characters. " William Claike,
July 25, 18()<)," can l)e still di.-itinctly trace*!. When again united,
the party continued their journey douTi the Missouri, and reache<l
St. Louis Septend)('r '2i), 18(><), havinir lieen al»sent nearly two and
one-half years. ^

The retiu'u of Lewis and Clarke \va.s the cause «»f threat rejoicinir
in the Unite<l States. Mr. Jefferson say>: "Nevci- did a similar
event excite more joy throu_irh«>ut the Unit«nl Stat«*s. The hiunbiest
of its citizens had taken a lively interest in the issue of this journey,
and looked forward with- impatience to the information it would
furnish. Their anxieties, too, for the safety of the corps had been
kept in a state of e.xcitement l»y luirubrious rnmor<, circulated from
time to time on uncertain authoritie?*, and uncontradicT> d l)y letters,
or other direct information, fiom the time they liad left the Mandan
towns, on their ascent up the river in A]iril of the precediuij; year,
• iSOo, until their actual return to St. Louis.** Captain I^ewis was,
soon after his return, appointed Governor of Louisiana, with which
his journey had rendered him more familiar than any other man
except his associate; and Captain Clarke wa.< apjK>inted General of
Militia of the same Tei-ritory, and agent for Indian affairs in that
viist region he had explored. During a |>eri^Kl of tempoi-ary mental
derangement. Captain Lewis died by hi.s own hand, in September,
ISO'.), before he had fully comj)lete<l his naiTative of the journey.
The history of the expedition was preparetl from his manuscript
under the direction of Ca])tain Clarke, and waei first published in
1814. The general details, however, were spread throughout the
coimtry immediately upon their return. esjH-cially on the frontier.
During their absence other exi)k>riug parties were traversing Louis-
iana in various directions in search of information for the govern
nient. Lieutenant Pike jwcended the Mississippi to its headwaters
in 180."), and the following year journeyetl s(»uthwestward from the
mouth of the Missouri to the sources of the Arkansas, Red and
Rio Bravo del Norte. At the same time Dun])ar, Hunter and
Sil)ley explored Red River and its companion streams. These
exploi'ations served to greatly stimulate the fiu- trade carried on

144

HToTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

from St. Louis and IMackinaw, as well as to strengthen the govern-
ment in its purpose of adhering to its right to Louisiana.

When Great Britain received the oftici il notification mentioned
l>y President Jefferson in his letter of instructions to Captain Lewis,
which was (piickly followed by intelligence that the region to which
it referred had been ceded by France to the United States, much
anxiety \vas felt l)y the Government and such of its subjects as were
personally interested in the coimtry under consideration. Espec-
ially were the Northwest and Hudson's Bay Compaiiies anxious for
the future of their interests in that region, more particularly the
ft)rmer, Avliose hunters were operating further south and west than
those of the rival company. The French claim to Louisiana,
founded solely upon technical grounds, had not been a st)urce of
nuich uneasiness; but now that it had been transferred to a nation
both able and anxious to make an effort to perfect the title by re-
ducing the countiy to actual possession, the matter presented an en-
tirely different aspect. Naturally, the technical title was not recog-
nized in its entirety ; that is, there was a vast region lying north of
the forty-second parallel and west of the liocky Mountains, known
a few y r '"s later as " Oregon," and embracing the watershed of the
CoiuKibia River, which might be held by the United States unaer
the Louisiana title and the discovery right of Captain Gray, pro-
vided these claims were perfected by actual occupation ; similar oc-
cupation might entitle (areat Britain to its possession as a perfec-
tion of her technical title, claimed by discovery through Captain
Francis Drake, and 'Xploration by Captain Cook, Captain Vancou-
ver and Alexander Mackenzie. Both nations having color of title,
possession became the decisive issue. The Northwest Company im-
media^^'dy sent a i>arty to establish trading posts on the Columbia,
under command of a trusted agent naL.^d Laroque. He started in
1804, but failed to progi'ess farther than the Mandan coiuitry, and
the Columl)ia stations were not established, Shnon Fraser, another
agent of the company, left Fort Chipewyan in 1805, and followed
the route pursued formerly by Mackenzie until he reached Fraser
River. At Fraser Lake, a few miles west of the point where the
river turns to the southward, he estaljlished a trading post, bestow-
ing the name " New Caledonia " upon that region. As the Fraser
was then considered identical with tlie Colujn}>ia, it was supposed

OVERLAND JOURNEYS TO THE PACIFIC

145

that this post was on the great stream for the possession of which
England and America were contending. Though this idea was
subsequently learned to be erroneous, the fact remained true that
the post was the first establishment made by the subjects of either
nation west of the Rocky Mountains. The Americans were not far
behind, for the Missouri Fur Company was organized in 1808, with
headquarters at St. Louis. The same year trading posts 'svere es-
tablished on the affluents of the Mississippi and Missouri, and one
of the agents of the company, named Henry, crossed the Rocky
Mountains, and founded Fort Henry, on the headwaters of Lewis,
or Snake, River, the first American establishment, and, as it proved,
the first of any kind on a tril)utary of the Columbia. The next was
made nearer the mouth of the stream in 1810, by an American whose
name has been variously given by superficial histoiians as " Smith,"
"T. Winship" and "Nathaniel Winship," none of which are cor-
rect. Early in 1809 a partnership was formed in Ht)ston between
A})iel Winship, Jonathan Winship, Nathan Winship, Benjamin
P. Homer and a few others, for the purpose of founding a settle-
ment on the Columbia as a base of trading operaticms, the settle-
ment to be a permanent one. With everything necessary to the suc-
cess of the project, Nathan Winship sailed in the Albatross in Jidy,
William Smith being his chief mate. He carried written instruc-
tions, by which it appears that the projectors of the enter[)rise were
wise enough to believe that Indian character was the same on the
Pacific as it had been found to be on the Atlantic. It was the de-
sign to buy the land from the natives; to erect a two-story log
liouse with port-holes for cannon and loop-holes for rifies; the
second story to be the arsenal where all the arms and annuunition
were to be stored, and to which no Indian was to be adm!;ced uptm
any consideration, entrance to be effected by means of a ti-a[) door
and laxhler; agriculture to be carried on under the guns of the fort,
which was always to be guarded by a sufiicieui force. William A.
Gale kept a journal, which gives the details of the ex{)edition.
When the Albatross reached the Sandwich Islands, \\'iushi[) found a
letter there from his l)rothp»' Jonathan, who was in command of the
trading vessel OCain, advising him to make haste, jis the Russians
had designs on the Columbia. It was the twenty-sixth of May, 1810,
that the Albatross entered the river nnd began sounding it to locate

14()

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

^'^t

tlie channel, gradually ascending the stream. On the first of June
Winship and Smith selected a point on the south bank of the stream
some forty miles above its mouth, which they called "Oak Point,"
because they observed there four oak trees, the first they had seen
since entering the river. The place now known as " Oak Point " is
on the opposite side of the river, a fact which has led some writers
into the error of stating that this first American settlement on the
Columbia was made in Washington Territory. They at once began
preparations in accordance with their plans, such as hewing logs for
the fort and clearing a patch of tlje fertile tract for a garden ; but
tliey were soon initiated into the mysteries of the "June Rise," for
the annual freshets of that season covered their building site and
garden [)atch to the depth of several feet long before they had the
fort erected. A patch of higher gi'ound five hundred yards further
down the stream was selected, and the logs floated down to it, but
as the natives had begun to exhibit symptoms of hostility, Winship
decided to jd^andon the effort. On the seventeenth of June he
dropped down to the mouth of the river, learning on the way that
only his vigilance had pi-evented the capture of his vessel by the
('hinooks. lie then sailed on a trading voyage, expecting to return
the next }'ear and found a settlement, but in this he wtus forestalled
by the Astor party. The Albatross had quite a string of adven-
tures before again reaching Boston, being seized once on the Cali-
fornia coast, and once blockaded by British men ol war at the
Hawaiian Islands. Thus were the first two settlements on the river
made by Americans, and it will be seen that the third and most
important was also made by them.

CHAPTER X.

ASTORIA AND THE JOINT OCCUPATION TREATY.

The Pacific Fur Trade at the Beginning of the Present Century — Ameri,-
cans in the Lead — Their Plan of Operations— Rtissia Com2>lain8 of
the Sale of Fire- Arms to the Indians — John Jacob Astor^s Plans—
The Pacific Fur Company Organized — Astor''s Alien Partners — The
^^Tonquin^^ Sails from New York — Dissensions on the Voyage — Dan-
gers of the Columbia Bar-^— Astoria Founded — Sad Fate of the '•'■Ton-
quin " and Her Crew — Appearance at Astoria of an Agent of the
Northwest Company — Fort Okinagan— Launch of the " Dolly " —
Sufferings of Wilson Price Hunfs Party — Operations ulong the
Columbia — Astoria Sold to the Northwest Company — Captured by
the English and Named '■'■Fort George" — UnsucceK^^nl Efforts of
Mr. Astor to Regain Possession — Negotiations und< < ■'/"■ Treaty of
Ghent — Confidcting Claims to Oregon Advanced by Enyland and the
United States — Technical Surrender of Fort George^Joint Occu-
pation Agreed Upon — The Florida Treaty.

DURING the first ten years of the present century, Anierieann
took the lead in the fishing and fur trade of the Pacific, thougli
the vessels of other nations were not an unfrequent sight to the
waters of our coast. The reasons for this were simple. Russians
did not enjoy the privilege of entering the few Chinese ports open
to the commerce of more favored nations, and therefore did their
trading by land fi'om Kamtchatka, as previously descril)ed; the
English independent traders were excluded from the Pacific l)y the
monopoly grants of the East India Company and South Sea Cora- v.
pany. Naturally this usurpation of the fur trade by Americans
was distasteful to rival nations, and especially to the English, who
did not then, and, in fact, seldom do now, recognize the enterprise
and commercial spirit of the "Yankees" as commendable, or admit

148

HISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

tlieir superioj-ity, or even e(iiiality, in anything. Though often the
i'('|)ivsentiitives of wealthy and long-established business houses,
tliese traders were cla^^sed l)y them as "adventurers," and very
slightingly spoken of, while their skill as navigators and judgment
as traders were not recognized as deserving of praise. Archibald
Campbell gives the following contemptuous review of the "Yan-
kee" method of conducting the fur trade: —

Thesi' jKjveuturers set out on the voyage with a few trinkets of very little value.
Ill tlie Southern Pacific, they pick up a few seal skins, and perhaps a few butts of
oil; at the Gallipagos, they lay in turtle, of which they preserve the shells; at Val-
paraiso, they raise a few dollars in exchange foi' European articles ; at Nootka, and
other parts of the Northwest Coast, they tratHc with the natives for furs, which, when
winter coninieiKies, they carry to the Sandwich Islands, to dry and preserve from
vermin ; iiere they leave their own people to take care of them, and, in the spring,
embark, in lieu, tlie natives of the islands, to assist in navigating to the Northwest
Coast in search of more skins. The remainder of the cargo is then made up of
sandal, which grows abundantly in the woods of Atooi and Owyhee (Hawaii), of
tortoise shells, shark's fins, and pearls of an inferior kind, all of which are accept-
able in the Chinese market ; and with these and their dollars they purchase cargoes
of teas, silks and nankins, and thus complete their voyage in the course of two or
three years.

With the exception of the assertion that their outward cargo
consisted solely of a "few trinkets," this may be called a correct
statement of the Yankee method, and, so far from proving them to
liave been mere adventurers, shows that their v^oyages were con-
ducted ^vith a clear idea of the nature of the Chinese trade and the
only successfid method of conducting it. Htid the traders of rival
nations shown the same good judgment and managed their enter-
prises in the same systematic manner, they would liuve met with a
greater measure of success. The vessels were geiieially large ones,
disjiatched l)y wealthy merchants, and besides the trinkets, carried
valuable cargoes of English and American manufactured goods,
with which they supplied the Russian and Spanish settlements on
the Coast. The Russians in particular were dependent upon the
American traders for ammunition, sugar, spirits, and manufactured
articles generally. The "trinkets" sj)oken of were used in the
Indian trade, as has been the custom from time immemorial with
civilized nations in their dealincrs with inferior races. C'oiumer-
cially of little value, they were highly prized l)y the natives, who
would give for them more furs than they would offer for some object
worth Um times the amount, but which did not strike their fancy,

ASTORIA AND THE JOINT OCCUPATION TKKATV.

149

or was of no use to them iu their maimer of living. This method
of trading with the Indians was practiced as much by the Hudson's
Bay Company and Northwest Company as by the Americans; nor
was it confined to English-speaking nations, for the Russians also
i)artered beads and cheap ornaments for valuable furs. Such arti-
cles have always been considered a " valuable considei'ation " by
ev'ery nation in dealing with uncivilized races.

Certain of these traders were guilty of improper and impolitic
conduct, however, and this was the chief cause of bringing them
into disrepute. Tliey used whisky and fire-arms as articles of mer-
chandise, reaping present profit, but sowing the seeds of decay which
have swept away the native iniiabitants of the Coast likes flies by
an October frost. It would, at the first glance, seem that the pos-
session of fire-arms by the Indians would enable them to hunt more
successfully, and thus, by rendering the supply of furs more abun-
dant, add to the profit of the traders; but there was another face to
the matter. Irving says: " In this way several fierce tribes in the
vicinity of the Russian posts, or within range of their trading excur-
sions, were furnished with deadly means of warfare, and rendered
troul)lesome and dangerous neigh]>ors.'" The Russians were ex-
tieinely harsh and illiberal in their dealings with the aborigines,
winning their hostility instead of good will, and they naturally
objected to the placing of the defrauded tribes on an equality M'ith
themselves in the matter of weapons of war. Complaint was made
by the Russian Government to the State Department; but as the
American tradeis were violating no law or treaty, the Gt)veriiment
could not interfere directly. It did, however, use its influence to
effect a remedy. John Jacob Astor was then the central figure of
the American fur trade, being engaged extensively in that business
in the region of the great lakes and headwaters of the Mississippi,
and was the leading merchant of New York City. His attenti(m
was called to the matter and he soon devised an effectual remedy.
His idea was to concentrate the trade in tiie hands of a company
which would conduct it properly, and one of the means of doing
this was to supply the Russian posts by contract, and thus cut off
one of the most profitable elements of the Pacific tra(h' from the
independent traders. His plan was to establish a permanent post
at the mouth of the Columbia, which would be the headquarters for

150

HISTOKY OF WILLAMKTTE VALLEY.

a large trade with the interior and along the coast, and to supply
this post and the Russian settlements by means of a vessel sent an-
nually from New York, which should also convey the fui-s to China
and take home from there a cargo of silk, tea, etc. The independ-
ent traders would thus ]»e superseded by a company which would
estal)lish posts aloui; the Columl)ia, a tiling earnestlv desireil bv the
Government, and the cause of iiritation to Russia would l>e removeil.
The scheme was heartily endorsed by the President and Cabinet.
As has been shown. President Jefferson had been for veal's a warm
advocate of American supremacy along the Columbia, and in a let-
ter written to ^Ir. Astt)r in later years, said of his i>pinion at that
time: ''I considered, jis a great public accpiisition, tlie commence-
ment of a settlement in that part of the western coiist of America,
and lookeil for\\ anl with gratification to the time ^^"hen its descend-
ants had spread themselves through the whole length of the coast,
covering it \\"ith fi-ee and independent Americans, unconnected with
us but by the ties of ]>lood and interest, and enjoying like us the
lights of self-government." How vastly grander is the actual than
even this graml conception of one of the greatest statesmen America
has produciHl!

Mr. Astor organized the Pacific Fur C()m[)auy, himself supply-
ing the capital and owning a half interest. To manage operati«nis
in the field, he selectetl competent men of much experience in the
fur tra«le, and ti» bin«l them to his interests he gave them the other
half share in tlie enterprise, divided in ecpial proportiims. Wisdom
and prudence marked every step taken, with the exceptiiui of the
selection of partnei"s. Among these were several men who had
formerly l>elonge«l to, or were employetl by, the Northwest Com-
pany. They were of alien 1)irth and sympathies. A\1ien they
united with Mr. Astor it was simply as a commercial venture, by
which they hin>e<l to better themselves financially. His purpose of
founding an American settlement on the Columbia, so that tlie
. Unitetl States miirlit dominate this region, wjis not in harmonv with
their national sentiments. They were British in thought and sym-
pathy, even as partnei*s in an American enterprise, and could not
be relieil upon to support the interests of the United States when
they came in conflict in the disputed territory with those of Great
Britain, as represented by the great company in which they had

ASTOKIA AND THE JOINT OCCUPATION TKKATY.

151

received their training and to which they were attached by the
strongest ties wliich time and association can weave. In an enter-
prise so pinvly American and of such deep political significance,
Washington's injunction to " Put none but Americans on guard"
should have been wisely heeded ; and the failure so to do was most
disastrous in its consequences. These men were Alexander jMcKay
(father of the well known Tom. McKay and grandfather of Dr.
William C. McKay, of Pendleton, On-gonj, who had accompanied
Mackenzie on both of his great journeys, Duncan McDougal, David
and llobert Stuai't, and Donald McKenzie. So far from undertak-
ing to Americanize themselves, these gentlemen took the precaution
}»efore leaving Cana<la to provide themselves with proofs of their
British citizenshi)), to be used for their protection in case of future
difficulties Itetween the two nations. Had this l»een known to Mr.
^Vstor it would doubtless have put a suilden termiuation to their
ccmnection with the enterpi'ise. Only one American, Wilson Price
Hunt, of New Jersey, was an interested partner from tlie first, and
to him wa.s entrusted the management of. the enterprise on the
Pacific Coast.

The first movement was made on the second of August, 1810,
when the shi[) Touquin sailed from New York for the mouth of
the Cohunbia, commanded by Captain Jonatiian Thorn, a Lieuten-
ant of the United States Navy, on leave of absence. She mounted
ten guns, had a crew of twenty men, and carried a large cargo of
supplies for the company, and merchandise for trading with the
natives, as well a.s imi)lements and seeds for cultivating the soil,
and the fame of a small schooner for use in trading along the coast.
Slie carried, ius passengers, McKay, McDougal, the two Stuarts,
twelve clerks (among them Tom McKay), several artisans, and
thii'teen Canadian voyageurs. The voyage was uneventful, except
as regards the dissensions that arosi' l»etw"en the Americ-m Captain
and the Scotch partners. Captain Thorn was a strict disciplinarian.
He possessed great respect for himself as an officei' of the Ameri-
can Navy,. and had iidierited from Kevolutionary sires a lasting
('(mtempt foi* " Hiitisheis." He considered the authority (tf a com-
mander on the deck of his vessel as supreme, even to the ])oint of
autocracy, and he made the Scotchmen understand this idea the fii'st
time they undertook to exercise any of the authority they conceived

13-2

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

themselves to be pu!?*t*ssed of as ptirtuei's in the company. He
infonneil them that when they were on shore they could do as they
pleasetl, but when they were on board of his vessel they must do as
he pleaseil ov l>e put in irons. He held himself responsible in hi<
manai^ement of the Touquin solely to Mr. Astoi-, fi-om whom he had
receive<l liis instnictions, and would l)rook no intei-ference what-
ever from the lesser partners, whom he considered as simply [«.<-
sengei"s. It may well be imagined that »vhen the ship reached
the Columbia Bar, on the twenty-second of the follomng March.
after a voyage of nearly eight months, the snu))be<l partners were
delighted at the prospect of soon setting foot on shore, where they
could exercise a little of that authority which had l>eeu so com-
l^letely V^ottleil up: while Captain Thorn was ecpially i)les»seil to be
rid of his passengeis, who had been a continual source of annoy-
ance during the voyage.

A\'hen the Tonquiti arrived off the bar the weather was stormy
and the breakei-s rolleil hi^h. He feared to take his vessel acros*
an unkninvn l»ar in such a rough sea. This fear was not a j^ersonal
one, for he was as Ijrave as he was headstrong, but wjts s<jlely in
reference to the sjifety of his vessel, to secure which he would have
forfeited his own life and those of his entire crew, had it l>een nee-
easary to do so. He accordingly ordered Mr. Fox, the tirst mate,
to take a whale lK)at, with a crew of one seaman and three Cana-
dians, and explore the channel. Although it Wfts almost certain
death to make the attempt, Mr. Fox expressed a willingness to
undertake it if he were prt)vided with a crew of seamen instead of
the gi-een Canadians; but the willful captain insisted upon the exe-
cution of his order as originally given. The surging billows soon
ensrulfeii the ]x>at and its Ijrave crew, and thev were seen no more.
The next day another boat was sent on the same eiTand, and was
swept out to sea by tlie tide and cun'ent, and only one of its occu-
pants finally reachetl land in safety. Just as darkness chwed down
upon the scene, on the second day, the Tonquin succeetleil in cross-
ing, and auchoretl just within the bar, where the wind and ebbing
tide threateuetl to s^veep her fi"om her precarious hohl ujxin the
sands and swamp her amid the rolling breakers. The night was an
anxious and distressful one. IrNnug says: " The wind whistled, the
sea roared, the gk»om was only broken by the ghastly glare of the

ASTORIA AND THE JOINT OCCUPATION TREATY.

153

foaming breakers, the minds of the seamen were full of dreary
apprehensit)ns, and some of them fancied they heard the cries of
their lost comrades mingling with the uproar of the elements." In
the morning the Tonquiti passed safely in and came to anchor iu a
gopd harbor.

On the twelfth of April the partnei"s began the erection of a fort
on the south side of the river, <m a ])oint which Lieutenant Brough-
t<»n had named " Point (reorge." This was christeuetl "Astoria,"
in honor of the founder and chief promoter of the enterprise, a
name now borne by a thriving commercial city, which marks the
spot where America first planted her foot squarely upon the dis-
puted territory of Oregon. After much delay and continued wrang-
ling over their respective authority, a store-house was built and the
supplies landed; and on the fifth of June, ]»efore the fort was com-
}>leted, Caj»tain Thorn sailed northward to engage in trade with the
Indians, and to open that friendly connnunication with the Russian
settlements which formed such an important featui'e of Mr. Astor's
[)lan. AVith him went Alexander McKay, the only partner who
had possessed the good sense to refi'ain fi"om ^^■rangling with the
irascil)le ca})tain.

He came to anchor in one of the harbore on the west coast of
Vancouver Island, and Mr. McKay went ashore. During his ab-
sence the vessel wjis suri'oundetl by a host of savages in their ca-
noes, who soon swarmed upon the decks. They were eager to trade,
but had eN^dently had consideral)le experience in dealing with the
whites and were well posted upon the value of their furs, for they
resolutely demanded a higher price than Captain Thorn was will-
ing to pay. Provoked beyond measure at their stubbornness, Thorn
refused to deal with them, whereupon they became exceedingly inso-
lent. The Captain at bust completely lost his temper, and seizing
the old chief, Nookamis, who was following him about and taunting
him \vith his stinginess, rubbed in his face an otter skin he had
been endeavoring to sell. He then t»rdere(.l the \vhole l)and to leave
the ship, and added })lo\\'8 to enforce his command. The tragic
ending of this adventure is thus related by Irving: —

When Mr. McKay returned on Iward, the interpreter related what had passed,
and begged him to prevail upon the Captain to make sail, as, from his knowledge
of the temper and pride of the people of the place, he was sure they would resent
the indignity ofl'ered to one of their chie&. Mr. McKay, who himself posseesed

154

HISTOKY OP WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

some experience of Indian ebaraeter, went to the Captain, who wag «till pacing the
decl( in moody humor, represented ttie danger to which bi^ ha^y act had expoised
the veasel, and urged upon him to weigh anclior. The Captain made light of his
counsels, and pointed to his cannon and tire-unus as a sufiic-it-nt saf«:^iiard again^
nailed savages. Further remonstrance only provoked taunting replies and sharp
altercations. The day passed awav without any signs of hostility, and at night the
Captain retired, as usual, to his cabin, taking no more than u^ual prev-aution?. On
the following morning, at daybreak, while tht- Captain and Mr. McKay were yet
asleep, a canoe came alongside in which were twenty Indians, conmianded by
young Shewish. They were unarmetl, their as|>«ct and demeanor friendly, and
they held up otter skins, and made signs indicative of a wish to trade. The caution
enjoined by Mr. Astor in resj)ect to tlie admisttion of Indians on l;«fttr«I of the
sliip, liad been neglected for some time past, and the offi«jer of the watch, perceiv-
ing tliose in the canoes to be wilhout weapons, and havins received no orders to
tlie contrary, readily permitted them to mount the dei-k. Another can*<e $oon suc-
ceeded, the crew of which was likewise admitted. In a little while "ther canoes
came off, and Indians were soon clambering into the vesisel on all ^d««>.

The officer of the watch now felt alarmeil. and called to Captain Thorn and Mr.
McKay. By the time tliey came on de<'k, it was thronged with Indians- The
interpreter noticed to Mr. McKay that many of the natives wore short mantles of
skins, and intimated a suspicion that they were secretly armed. Mr. McKay
urged the Captain to clear the sliip and get under way. He again made light of
the advice ; but the augmented swarn) of canoc!* about the ship, and the numhters
still putting off from the shore, at length awakened hi* distrust, and he ordered
some of the crew to weigli anchor, while some were sent aloft to make saiL The
Indians now offered to trade with the Captain on his own terms, prompted,
apparently, by the approaching departure of the ship. Accordinidy. a hurried
trade was commenced. Tlie main articles sought by the savages in liarter. were
knives; us fast as some were sui)plied they moved off and others su'TC-eeded. By
degrees they were thus distriluited about the deck, and all with weapons. The an-
clior was now nearly up, the sails were loose, and the Captain, in a load and pre-
emptory tone, ordered the ship to be cleared. In an instant a -iznal yell was given;
it was echoed on every side, knives and war clubi* were brandished in every direc-
tion, and the savages rushed upon their marked victims.

The first that fell was Mr. Lewis, the ship's clerk. He was leaning, with folded
arms, over a bale of blankets, engaged in bargaining, when he re«-ive"l a deadly
stab in the back, and fell down the companionway. Mr. McKay, who was seated on
the taffrail, sprang to his feet, but was instantly knocked down with a war-club
and flung backwards into the sea, where he was dispatched by the women in the
canoes. In the meantime, Captain Thorn made desyierate fight asainsi fearful
odds. He was a powerful as well as resolute man. but he came ufion dwk with'Kit
weapons. SLewish, the young chief, singled him out a* hi* peculiar prey, and
rushed upon him at the first outbreak. The Captain had barely time to draw a
clasji-knife, with one blow of which he laid the young savaee dead at hi* feet. Sev-
eral of the stoutest followers of Shewish now set ufwm him. He defende«l himself
vigorously, dealing crippling blows to right and left, and strewing the quarterdeck
with the slain and wounded. His object was to fight hi* way to the cabin, where
there were fire-arms ; but he was hemmed in with foes, covered with wounds, and
faint with loss of blood. For an instant he leaned upon the tiller wheel, when a
blow from behind, with a war-club, felled him to the deck, where he was dis-
patched with knives and thrown overboard.

While this was transacting upon the quarterdeck, a chance medlev- was going
on throughout the ship. The crew fought desperately with knives, handspikes

ASTORIA AND THE JOINT OCCUPATION TKEATY.

155

and whatever wi>a|)on8 they aiuM seize upon in the nionu-nt of surprise. They
were soon, however, overpowered by numbers and niercileHS'ly butchered. As to
the seven who had been sent aloft to nuilie sail, they conteniidated with liorror the
carnage that was going on below. Being destitute of weaiK)ns, they let theinselvt-s
down by the running rigging, In hopes of getting between declvs. One fell in the
attempt, and was instantly dispatched ; another receivetl a death-blow in the liack
as he was descending; a third, Stephen Weeks, the armorer, wjis mortally wounded
as he was getting down the hatchway. The remaining four made ^ood their re-
treat into the cabin, where they found Mr. L^'wis still alive, tliough mortally
wonncled. Barricading the cabin door, they l)roke holes through the companion-
way, and, with muskets and ammunition which were at liand. opened a i)risk fire
that soon cleared the tleck. Thus far the Indian interpreter, from whom these
particulars are derived, had been an eye-witness of the deadly cimllict. He had
taken no part in it and had been spared by the natives as l»eing of their race. In
the confusion of the moment he took refuge with the ri-st, in the canoes. The sur-
vivors of the crew now sallied forth and dis"harged some of the deck guns, wliich
did great execution among the canoes and drove all the savages to shore-

For the remainder <)f the day no one ventured to put ott'to the ship, deterred by
the eflects of the tire-arms. The night passed away without any further attempt on
the part of the natives. When day dawned the 7oiif/uin still lay at anchor in the
bay, her sails all loose and flapping in the wind, an<l no one apparently on board of
her. After a time, some of the canoes ventured forth to reconnoitre, taking with
them the interpreter. They paddled about her, keeping cautiously at a distance,
but growing more and more emboldened at seeing her <iuiet anil lifeless. One man
at length made his appearance cm the deck and was recognized by tlie interi)reti'r
as Mr. Lewis. He made friendly signs and invited tiiem on boaril. It was long
before thej- ventured to comply. Those who mounted the deck met witli no ojtpo-
sition ; no one wiw to be seen on board, for Mr. Lewis, after inviting tliem, haddis-
api>eared. Other canoes now pressed forward to boanl the prize; the <lecks were
soon crowdetl and tlie sides covered witli clambering savages, ail intent on plunder.
In tlie midst of their eagerness and exultation, the shij) blew up with a tremendous
explosion. Arms, legs and mutilated bodies were blown into the air, and dreadful
hav(K; was made in the surrounding amoes. The interpreter was in the nuun
chains at the time of the explosion, and was thrown unhurt into the water, where
he succeeded in getting into one of thj canoes. xVccording to his statenunt the bay
presented an awful spectacle after the catastrophe. The ship had disajjpeared, but
the bay was covered with fragments of the wreck, with shattere<l canoes, and
Indians swimming for their lives or struggling in the agonies of death ; while those
who had escaped the danger remained aghiist and stupitied, or made witli frantic
panic for the shore. I'pwards of a hundred savages were destroycl liy the explo-
sion, many more were shockingly mutilated, and for days afterwards the lind)s and
bijdies of the slain were thrown ujion the beach.

The inhabitants of Neweetee were overwhelmeil with consternation at this
a.«tounding calamity which had burst upon them in the very moment of triumph.
The warriors sat mute and mournful, while the women filled the air with loud lam-
entations. Their weeping and wailing, however, was suddenly clianged into yells
of fury at the sight of four unfortunate white men brought captive into the village.
They had been driven on shore in one of the ship's boat.s, ami taken at some dis-
tance along the coast. The interpreter was jyermitted to converse with them. They
proved to be the four brave fellows who had made such desperate defense from the
cabin. The interpreter gathered from them some of the particulars already related.
They told him further that, after they had beat«n ofT the enemy, and cleared
the ship, Lewis advised that they should slip the cable and endeavor to get to sea.

156

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

They declined to take his advice, alleging that the wind uet too strongly into the
bay, and would drive them on shore. They resolved, as soon as it was dark, to put
oft' quietly in the ship's boat, which they would be able to do unperceived, and to
coast along back to Astoria. They put their resolution into effect ; but Lewis re-
fused to accompany them, being disabled by his wound, hopeless of escape and
determined on a terrible revenge. On the voyage out he had freciucntiy expressed
a presentiment that he should die l)y iiis own hands— thinking it highly probable
that he should be engaged in some contests with tlie nati"es, and being resolved. In
case of extremity, to commit suicide rather than i)e made a prisoner. He now de-
clared his intention to remain on the ship until daylight, lo decoy as many of the
savages on board as possible, then to set tire to the powder magazine and terminate
his life by a single act of vengeance. How well he succeeded has been shown.
His companions bade him a melancholy adieu and set off ou their precarious expe-
dition. They strove with might and main to got out of the buy, but found it im-
possible to weather a point of land, and were at length compelled to take shelter
in a small cove, where they hoped to remain concealed until the wind should Ik;
more favorable. Exhausted by fatigue and watching, they fell into a sound sleep,
and in that state were surprised by the savages. Better had it been for those un-
fortunate men had they remained wltii Lewis and shared his heroic death ; as it
was, they perished in a more painful and i)rotracted manner, being sacrificed by
the natives to the manes of their friends with all the lingering tortures of savage
cruelty. Some time after their death the Interpreter, who had remained a kind of
prisoner at large, eft'ected his escape and brought the tragical tidings to Astoria.

While this sad tragedy was being enacted, affairs progressed
rapidly at Astoria. The fort was comjileted and everything was
placed in readiness for an opening of the expected large trade with
the natives of the Colinnl)ia. On the fifteenth of July a canoe,
manned by nine white men, was observed descending the river, and
when they landed at the fort they were found to be a party of em-
ployees of the powerful Northwest Company, headed by David
Thompson, a partner in that great organization. lie had been dis-
patched from Montreal the year before, for the purpose of taking
possession of the mouth of the Columbia before the Astor party
should arrive. He had experienced much liardship, disappointment
and delay; had been deserted by nearly all his party, and no^v, with
but a few faithful ones, he arrived too late to accomplish his mis-
sion. The Americans were in possession. The Northwest Com-
pany held a warm place in McDougal's heart, and as that gentle-
man was in charge at Astt)ria, Thompson received a cordial wel-
come, and was bountifully supplied with provisions and necessaries
for his return journey, notwithstanding the fact that he was but a
spy upon his hosts. When he set out upon his return, eight days
later, he was entrusted with a letter to Mr. Astor, giving the presi-
dent of the company information of the safe arrival of the Tonquin^

ASTORIA AND THE JOINT OCCTPATIOX TREATY.

157

tlu' founding of Astoria, and the al»*encf of t'lie vewsfl u})on a trad-
ing voyage to the north, for the destruction of the ship and tragic
death of the crew were as yet unknown at the f«»rt. With Thoni[)-
son went David Stuart, at the head f»f a |»arty of nine men, with
instructions to estaldisli a post on the l'|i[K'r Gduinhia. This he
accomplished ])y founding Fort Okinairuu, near the mouth of tlie
Okinagan River. In the fall Stuart sent half his men back to
Astoria, not having sufficient provisions to subsist them all through
the winter. The schooner whose frame had l)een brought out in
the Tonquin, was constructe«l during the summer, an«l was launched
oil the second of October, receiving the name of Dolly. She was the
third craft consti-ucted on the up^xr coa^st, and the tirst built along
tlie Columbia Kiver. While these steps were lieing taken by the
})arty which reached Astoria by sea, the other »»ne which attempted
the overland journey wjus suffering terrilde hardsliij)s.

The laud party was under the command of AVilson Price Hunt,
and wa^ composed of McKenzie and three new partners, liamsey
Crook^, Joseph Miller and RoWrt Mcl^llan; also, John Day, a
noted Kentucky hunter; Pierre Dorion, a French half -breed inter-
preter, and enough trappei-s, voyageurs, etc.. to make a total of sixty
lieople. They reached Fort Henry, on Snake River, October 8,
ISll. Small detachments were, from time to time, sent out in the
Rocky Mountains to trap, who were to use Fort Henry as a base of
supplies and a depot for fure.

The remainder of the party contiuuetl the journey down Snake
River and met with a continuous succession of disasters. Antoine
Clappin was drowTied in passing a rapid, and soon after famine
reduced them to a pitiable condition. They were finally forced to
separate into small detachments, one party going under Crooks,
another under McKenzie, and a third under Hunt, with the hope that
by such a division their chances for reaching the mouth of the Col-
umbia would be increased. Once the parties under Crooks and
Hunt camped with only the narrow, turbulent waters of Snake
River separating them. The Hunt party had killed a horse and
were cooking it, while their starving companions on the opposite side
of the stream, with no means of crossing it. were forced to look on Jis
they dined. Not a man in Mr. Hunt's camp would make an effort
to send them food, until the arrival of Mr. Crooks, who, discovering

158

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

the conditioM of liis men on the opposite side, called to the forlorn
hand to start fires for cookinsj, that no time might be lost, while he
constructed a canoe (>ut of skins in which to take the meat across to
them. In vain he tried to shame the more fortnnate into helping
t(-> succor tlieir famishing companions, Imt "A vague and almost
su])erstitious teri'or," savs Irving, " had infected the minds of Mr.
Hunt's followers, enfeebled and rendered imaginative of horroi's by
the dismal scenes and sufferings through which they had passed.
They regai'ded the haggard crew, hovering like s|)ectres of famine on
the opptisite bank, with indefinite feelings of awe and apprehension,
as f something desperate and dangerous was to be feared from them."
When the canoe was finished, Mr. Crooks attem})ted to navigate the
imj)etuous stream with it, but found his strength une(|ual to the
task, and failing to I'cach his companions on the opposite bank,
nnide another appeal to Hunt's men. Finally, a Kentuckian, named
Ken. Jones, undertook and made the passage, conveying meat to
them and tlien came l)ack. Irving, in describing the sad scene,
says; —

A |)()()r CauHdiiin, liowever, named Jean Baptists Prevost, wlioni faniinf had
ri'uderotl wild and dfs])C'rutc', ran frantically about the bankn, after Jones had re-
turned, er> iiiji out to Mr. Hunt to send the oanoe for him, and take him from that
horrible reKldii of fami!<e, deelarinjt tliat otherwise he would never juareh another
step, i)ut would lie down tlu're ami die. The eanoe was shortlj' sent over ap^ain,
under the manairement of Joseph Delaunay, with further supplies. I'revost inime-
diatelv pressed lurv.ard to embark. Delaunay refused to admit him, telling hln;
that .here was now a sutllcient supply of meat on his side of the river. He replied
tha. it was not cooked, and he should starve before it was ready ; he implored, theri"-
fore, to l>e taken where he could «ct something to ajijieiise his hun^jer immediately.
Finding the canoe j)uttinij; of)" withoiit him, he forced himself aboard. As he drew
near the opposite shore, and beheld meat roabtin)t before the tire, he Jumped up,
shouted, clai)i)ed his hands, and danced In a delirium of joy, until lu' upset the
canoe. The |)oor wretch was swept away by the cuvrent and 'Irowned, and it was
with extreme dilllcuKy that Delaunay reached the shore. Mi. Hunt now sent nil
his nu'n forward cxceptiuK two or three. Fii the evening, he caused another horse
to be killed, and a canoe to be nuvde out of the skin, in which lie sent over a further
supply of meat to the opposite i)arty The canoe brought buck John Day, the Ken-
tucky hunter, -ho came to Join his former commander and employer, Mr. Crooks.
Poor Diiy, once so active and vigorous, was now rcfJuced to a condition even more
feeble and emaciated than his companions. Mr. Oooks had such a value for the
man, on account of his past services and faithful character, that he determined not
to (piit him; he exhorted Mr. Hunt, however, to proceed forward and Join tin-
party, i.j his presence was all important to the cojuhict of the exp<'dltion. One of
the Canadians, Jean Baptiste Dubreull, likewise temalned with Mr. CrtK/ks.

The oocnrrpnces at this starvation chmp were on the twentieth of

ASTOKIA AND THE JOINT OCCUPATION TREATY.

159

I)eceml)er, 1811, both parties being tni their way up Snake River
after having found the (h'soent of that stream impossilde.

It wjiH now tlie'u' intention to strike across tlie country for the
C(tlunil)ia, as soon as it was practicahh* to <U) so. On the twenty-
tliii'd of December, Mr Hunt's followers crossed to the west side of
the stream, where they were joined by Crook's men, who were
already there. The two parties, when united, numbered thirty-six
souls, and on the next <hiy they turned from the river into a track-
less country; but, before starting, thive more of their number had
concluded to ivmain amonj^; the sava<;es rather than face tho hard-
sliips and trials that lay before them. December 2H, 1.S11, the head
waters of Grand Ronde River were reached, and the la.st day of that
year found them encamped in the valley of that name. Through
all their perils and wanderings since leaving St. Louis, one woman,
the Indian wife of Pierre Dorion, a guide, inter])i'eter and trapper,
had accompanied them, bringing with her two children, and, as the
{)arty entered the (rrand Ronde Valley, she gave birth to another.
The next day she continU(xl the journey on liorseback as though
nothing had ]iaj>[»ened, but the little stranger only lived six days.
Mr. Ilimt, after halting one or two days to enable his followers to
celebrate, in theii' f(jrlorn wa}', the advent of a new year that had
presented to them the (li'and Ronde \'alley, a kind of winter para-
dise in the mountains, continued his course to the west. Tlie Rlue
Mountain ridge was passed, and January S, 1S12, an Indian village
on the Umatilla River close to the mountains wsus reached, where
they were hospitably recieived. From there their route was down
this stream to the Cohunbia River, thence to the mouth of the
latter, arriving at Astoria February lo, 1^<12.

Sinc(! leaving Fort Henry, October 10, ISll, out of Mr. Hunt's
|)arty,two men had been drowned on Snake River, and poor Michael
Carriere, when exhausted, had straggled beliind in Grand Roude
Valley, anil was never heard from afterwards. Ramsey Crooks,
John Day and four Canadian voyageurs had been left lialf dead on
Snaki! River, to remain in the Indian country, die, or reach the Co-
lumbia a.s best they could. Eleven men. among whom were Donald
McKen/ie, Robert McLellan and the unfortunate John Reed, had
Iteeii <letached on Snake River, and following that stream until
its waters mingled with the Columbia, had reached Astoria a

160

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

month in advance of Mr. Hunt. Mr. Stuart, when returning from
liis post on the Okinagan, during the first days of April, found Mr.
Crooks and John Day on the banks of the Columbia River, without
weapons, nearly starved, and as naked as when born, having been
robbed and stripped by the Dalles Indians. They had wintered in
the Blue Mountains about (hand Ronde Valley, and in the spring
had i-eached the Walla Wallas, who had fed, succored them, and
sent them on their way rejoicing down the river. When found, they
were making their way back to tli^se early friends of the Americans,
who never failed to assist our people when in trouble. At length
all but three of those starting from the head waters of the Snake
River for Astoria had reached that place, except the four voyageurs,
anil later tlu^y, too, were found by a return party.

On the ninth of May, the ship Beaver, with reinforcements and
supplies, anchored at Astoria, and the Pacific Fur Company was
in condition to enter upon a vigorous fur-gathering campaign. Mr.
Hunt, who was at the head of affairs, set out in July for Alaska to
fulfill the mission upon which the ill-fated Tonquin had sailed, and
hisdepartuie left Duncan McDougal in cliarge. Prior to this,
however, the various expeditions to trap waters and trade with
natives between the Rocky and Cfiscade Mountains liad started,
sixty-two strong, up the Columbia. Among the numlier was the
unfortunate John Day, and, as the party ap[)roached the scenes of
his former sufferings, his mind became delirious, and the mere sight
of an Indian would throw him into a frenzy of passion. He finally
attem[)ted his own life, but waw prevented from taking it, after
which a constant guard was kept over him. It was at length de-
termined to send liim back to Astoria, and being placed in charge
of two Indians, he wan delivered by them at the fort, where he died
in less than a year. His old compeers and staunch friends, wh<t had
shared j)erils and privations with him, were forced to continue tiieir
journey with a sad memory of this companion, whose brain Irnd
been shattered by his nuuiy misfortunes. The stream wliich had
witnessed his sufferings still bears the heroic trapper's name. The
arrival of trappers at the present site of Wallula, on the 4,wenty-
eighth of July, 1S12, was the signal for general rejoicing among the
friendly Walla Wallas, who gre(>ted them with bonfires and a night
dance, in which they sang the praises of their white friends. Here

A8TOK1A AND THK ,IOINT OCCUPATION TUKATY,

IGl

the four expeditions were to separate, Robert Stuai't to cross the
continent by Hunt's route; David Stuart to go up the Columbia to
Okinagan; Donald McKenzie to establish a post in the Nez Perce
country; and John Clarke to locate one among the Spokane Indians.
Of these several expeditions, Robert Stuart, with his pai'ty, includ-
ing Crooks and McLellan, reached St. Louis eleven months later,
])earing news to Mr. Astor of his enterprise on the Paciiic Coast.
McKenzie's operations were a failure; David Stuart's success was
e(pial*ito his most sanguine hopes, and Mr. Clarke's efforts resulted
second only to those of Mr. Stuart.

On the twenty-fifth of May, 1813, Mr. Clarke started from his
post on the Spokane to reach the \\'alla Walla, the ])lace agreed
upon as a general rendezvous, where the different expediticms were
to meet and return to Astoria with the fui's obtained in their ojie-
rations during the past season. On his way up, Mr. C-larke had
left his canoes in charge of a Palouse chief, living at the mouth of
the river of that name, with whom he found them on his ivtiu'n.
He had twenty-eight horsi^ ])acks of furs, and all his men were in
high spirits Ijecause of the success that had attended their year's
work. While stopping at the mouth of this stream to repair their
canoes, in which to embark ujum the river, an incident happened
that can not well be passed in silence. Mr. Clarke was a strong
disciplinarian, something t)f an aristocrat, and disposed to impress
those with wiiom he came in contact with the dignity of his ])res-
t'uce ;uid person. He was in the habit of carrying a silver goblet
to drink from, and the glittering object carefully guarded by its
possessor, had a sti'ange fascination for the superstitious Indians.
In all tlieir laud, no such wondrous device had been seen In-fore.
I'licy talked to <'ach other concerning it, watched its appearance,
.111(1 the care with which the lucky possessor laid it away after
using. They believed it to l>e a great medicine, like the spotted
shirt and the white ipiilt among the CtiMir d'Alenes, a powi'iiul
talisman to shield its owner from harm. One night it <lisa|)peared,
and Mr. C'larke was enraged. lie threat<'ne<l to hang the first In-
dian defticted in stealing, and the ne.xt night an unfortunate one
wius caught in the act. A hasty trial followed, and the prisoner
was condemned to die, when Mr. Clarke nnide the assendded sav-
ages ji s](ee«'h. lie recounted th«' numerous gifts that luul been be-

162

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLET.

stowed, the benefit the white man's presence had been to theii* peo-
ple, and then, iipl)i'aiding them for thefts, told the Indians that he
should kill the thief he had oaptinvd with pilfered goods. The old
chief and his followers besouglit him not to do tliis. They were
willing that he shouhl lie juinishcd severely, and then let go, but
the trappei- was inexorable, and the poor groveling \vretch wax
dragged to a temporary scaffold, constructed {r<»m oars, and was
launched into eternity. The other partners of the Pacific Fur C'om-
pany were unanimous in condenming this act, ami Gal)riel Fran-
chere, who was on*; of the company clerks, wrote concerning the
killhig »»f the unfortunate John Keed and his party by Indians dur-
ing the ensuing winter: " We had no dtiubt that his massacre was
an act of vengeance, on the part of the natives, in retaliation for
the death of one of their [»eo[>le, whom Mr. John Clarke had hanged
for theft the sprint; before."* Immediately after this hanffing the
|)arty embarked for the mouth of the Walla Walla, where Stuart
and McKenzie Avere Avaiting, and from this point they all continued
their way down the river, arriving at Astoria, June 12, IHIM,

Upon re-assembling at head ([uaiters, the return exjieditions
found that, upon the whole, it had been a successful year's labor;
that tlie {H'ltry brought in, amounting to (me hundred and Hfty -seven
packs, if s(»ld at market rates in Canton, would pay well for the
time s[>ent, and reimburse them foi- local losses. In addition to this,
they had become well established in the fur-producing regions, and
the outlotik was very encouraging except for one thing. War had
been raging between (Jreat liritain and the I'nited States for over
a year, and they had recently become aware of the fact. On their
arrival at Astoria, J. (i. McTavish, with nineteen men, was found
c«m[>ed near by, awaiting the ap]tearance of a vessel called the Isaac
Todd^ sent by the Noi'thwest C'onij>an\' with stores for tlieru, and
bearing letters of mar(|ue, and instructions from the British (loverii-
raent to destr(»y everything American found on the Pacific Coast.
This latter fact was unknown at Astoria at tiie time, however, but
the non-arrival of supplies by sea, combined with the unfavorable
news of British success in arms, led the partners to fear fliat none
what^^ver would reach them. They, conse(|uently, determined to

• TlilB Is iiiKlo(il>t«>dlv liu'orrcct. as Hei-ifN party wan kllli'd nonr BVrt Henry, devpml hiindrcil
iiilleH UlHliiiil. Hii>l liy II ioiiilly dlMltnut tribe ul' IiidlaiiM.

? •

ASTOEIA AND THE JOINT OCCUPATION THKATY,

163

abandon the country and start on their return overland the ensuing
year, if their misgivings proved well founded. They sold their
Spokane fort to McTavish for $848, and then furnished that gentle-
man with provisions to enable him to return to the upper country,
and, in July, they visited the interior themselves, to gather what
furs they could before taking final leave of the country. Three
months later, McTavish returned to Astoria with a force of seventy-
five TO', n, for the purpose of meeting the vessel that had caused his
former visit, bringing, also, the news that her coming to the Colum-
bia was for the purpose of capturing Astoria, and to assist the
Northwest Company in gaining ascendency on the coa.st. He offered
to buy the furs of the Astorians, and, on the si.xteeuth of October,
1813, a transfer of the entire stock, worth at leawt ^''i(>,0(i(», was
made for less tlian >^4(>,(K>0. Two months later, on December 12th,
the fort wa8 sui-rendered to the English under conunand of a naval
officer. Captain Hlack of the Raccoon, when tlie American flag wa.s
lowered to give the British colors place, and the name of Astoria
was changed to " Fort (leorge." An anuising incident of this trans-
fer is related by John Ross CJox: —

The IndianB, at the mouth of the (Columbia, knew well ttiut Great Britian ttiui
America were distinct nations, and that they were then at war, but were iRnovant
of the arrangement made between MeHnrs. McDougal and McTavish, the former of
whom Htill continued as nominal chief at the fort. On the arrival of the Raccoon
which they quickly discovered to be one of "King (Jeorge's (iKhting ships," they
repaired, armed, to tlie fort, and requested an audience of Mr. McDougal. He was
somewhat surprised at their numbers and warlike apfiearance, and demanded the
object of such an unusual visit. Conconily, the principal chief of the Chinooks
(whose daughter McDougal had married), thereupon addressed himin a l<>ngsi)eech,
in the course of which ho said that King George had sent a ship full of warriors,
iind loaded with nothing but big'guns, to take the Americans and make them all
slaves, and that, as they (the Americans) were the first white men who settled in
their country, and treated the Indians like good relations, they ha('i resolved to
defend them from King (ieorge's warriors, and were now ready to conceal them-
selves In the woods close to tlie wharf, from whence they would be able, with their
(.'uus and arrows, to shoot all the men that shoidd attempt to land from flie English
lioats, while the people in the fort could tire at tliem with their big guns and rifles.
This ]>ropo8itlon was uttered with an earnestness of manner that admitted no doubt
of itjs sincerity. Two armed boats from (he Raccoon were approaching, and, had
the people In the fort felt disposed to accede to the wishes of tlie Iiidiuns, every man
in them would have been destroyed by an invisible enemy. Mr. McDougal thanked
them for their friendly offer, but added, that, notwithstanding the nations were at
war, the people in the boats would not Injure hini or any of his people, and therefore
re(|uested them to throw by their war shirts and arms, and receive the strangers as
their I'riends. They at first seemed astonished at this answer; but, on assuring
llieni, in the must positive manner, tliat he was under no iipprehenslon, they eon-

Hl!*TOKY OK WILLAMETTK VALLKT.

sontetl to give up their weaiions for a few days. They afterwards declared they
were sorry fur having roni|)lied with Mr. MfDougal's wishes, for when tliey oh-
serveti Captain HIaek, xurrountied by Ijis otHcers and marines. I>r»>ak tlie liottle of
port on tlie tlag-statt'. and hoist the HritiHli ensign, after eliangin/ the name of the
fort, they reniarke<1 that however lie miglit wisli to eoneeal tite faet, t lie Americans
were undoul>le<ily nuule slaves.

Seventy-»'i«rht days aft<*f t\\v sun't'iidfr <»f Astoria t«> tlu- British,
Mr. Hu'it arrivf-il at that fort in the hri^ Pedlar, ami jutlire «»f Iiis
astonishiiuMit to learn that Mt'I)oui;al was lut hniirer a partner of
the Pai'itie, hut of the Nortliwest, Conij>an\ ; that lie held |Mis.ses-
slon, not iiiuler the American, hut under the British, ttajr: and that
all in whieh Mr. Hunt was interested on this eoast ha<l |«tsse<l,
without a MiUiTirle, thronuh treaeherv, intt> the haiuls of his couutrv's
enemies. Mr. Hunt, finally, secured the pape'-s pertainiui; to husi-
nesvs trausaetious of the I'aeitie Fur Company from MeDoUiral, and
then sjiiletl, April 3, 1814, from the .shore that Inul seemeil to yield
only misfortune and disaster in return for the efftuts of himself, and
those with wlu»m he was associated. The ne.xt dav. David Stuart
MoKenzie. John Clarke and eighty-iive other mendn^rs and employees
of the Paeitie Fur Comj)any, started up the Columhia River in their
iMiats on their way across the continent, and while pjis.-^inir Wallula,
learne«l from the widow of Pierre Dorion, of the massacre of John
Roeil and his eight Jts.sociates, among the Snake Indians near Fort
Henry.

Thus matters remained until the war of l.Sl'J was terminated by
the Treaty of (ihent, by 'vhich it was stipulatiil that "all t<'rritory,
places juhI jms.sessions, whats<»ev«'r, taken by either party from the
<)ther tlnring the war, or which may be tak«'n after the signing of
this treaty, shall be re.st<»red without tlelay." The etinunissioners
couhl not agree upon a line of division between the pos.s«'ssi(m8 of
England and the United States w<'st of the Lake of the W«»ods, so
the Oregim question wjis left for further disctKvion. and the C\dinn-
bia remaine«l dispute«l territory. Mr. Astor at once applie<1 to the
President for restitution of his property under the terms (»f the
treaty, sis he not only desired to recover his losses, Itut to resume
operations on the ('oluml>ia and cairy out the plan of American
«K*cupation which had been so well l»egun. Acconlingly. in Jidy.
If^l"), the government notified the British Minister at \Va.shingtou
that it woidd immediat*^ly reo<!cup3 the captur^l fort at the mouth of

ASIOIMA AM) THK .KUNT (>('('l'rA'n«»\ TUKATY.

K).')

tlu' Columhia: Imt tlu' uotlHcjition elicitod n<> official responne from
(ircat Britain. For two years no active inwisurcs were taken, and,
tinally, in Se{>t«'ni!»er, I. Si 7, the sloop of war Ontario \va.s dispatched
to the C(»liniil»ia, conimanded by Captain J. Bi<ldle, wlio, with J.
li. Prevost, who went as a passenger, constituted a commission to
acconiplisJi the p»n-p(»se declared. They wei'e instructed to assert
the claim of the I'nited States to sovereignty over the regi«m of tlie
Columbia, but to do so in an inoffensive nuuiner.

This step compelled (Ireat Britain to detine her [»osition. Her
representative at ^^'ashin^ton officially in([uired of Secretary Adams
the destination and oliject of the Ontario^ 'M\(\ with the information
he received in response to his query was the intimation, that since
England had paid no attention to the notice given her two yeaiv
before, it had l)een assume<l that she had no intention t)f claiming
any sovereign rights al«)nsr the CoUunbia. In answer to this the
British Minister stated that the post at the mouth of the CVdumbia
was the private property of the NortlnN'est Company, having been
purchased by its agent from a partner of Mr. Astor; furthermore,
that it wa.s situated in a region long ()ccui)ied by that company,
(referring, presumably, t(» the establishment on Fnuser River, many
hundred miles to the north), and was consetpiently considered a
[)ortion of His Majesty^s dominions. Quite a spirited correspond-
ence was maintained for some time, involving on each side the ques-
tions of abstrai't rights by discovery and absolute rights by posses-
sion, l>oth parties to the cttntroversy !)asing a claim upon each of
these foundations. As the claims then put forward reuuiined prac-
tically the same until the (piestion was settled in 1S4<> — with a
iiiodiHcatitm only in the dir<'ction <»f additional settlements made
between these periods— it is well to tletine here the positii)n a.s.sumed
liy the contending parties.

The I'nited States claimed Oregon under foui' distinct titles:
First, as a portion of Louisiana, piu'chased from France in 1803;
second, l)y right f)f discovery l)y the Spanish e.\ph)rers — Ferrelo,
Aguilar, IVre/, lleceta, B(»dega y Quadra, and others — the benefit
of whose discoveries accrued to the United States by the Floi'ida
|)urcha.se made in 1819, denying at the same time that Sir Francis
Drake proceeihil north of the forty-thinl degree, a point claimed to
have Ijeen pre.vitmsly reached by Ferrelo [The Spanish title wa.s not

1H6

IIISTOKV OK WII.I.AMKTTK VAI.I KY.

asserted, of eouis**, until after the purelijise, being subsequent to the
Hist temporary <ettleinent of the (question ]; third, by rea-«on of the
discovery of th«* Columbia by Captain (iray, claimintr that Ilt^fta,
Meares and N'aneouver had all declared that no river ••xi«it«'«l there.
anil that Hroughton had sinqdy entered it subsHpient to its disci»v-
ery l)v (rray, ami explored it a few miles further up: fourth, by
reason of the explorations of Captains Lewis and Clarke, and the
establishment i»f jH>sts at Astoi'ia, (Jkinagan and SjM>kaue by the
Paeitic Fur Company, denying that the sale of those jM)sts, effectwl
umler the diu-ess of threateneil capture by a man-of-war, w:is such
{is to affect the right of the I'niteil States to the benetits to In- de-
riveil from settlements made by her subjects, es])ecially in view of the
terms of the treaty of peace. On the j)art »»f (xreat Britain it wa-
clainietl that the country 'vas originally discovei*e«l by Sir FraneU
Drake, and its coast th«»roughly explored by Captain Cook and
Captain Vanc«»uver: that the disc(»very of the C<dunjbia had l»een
a jtrogressive one, the successive steps having been taken by Hei-eta,
Meares, Vancouver, (iray and Brought«>n, claiming that (iray had
not entere<l the river i>rt»per, but simply the estuary at its mouth,
and that Bi'ouirhton wjt"* the first to actually enter an»l explore the
Columbia, and d«-nying that (Jray, who was simply a trad' . couhl
acquire discovery rights for his government; and, finally, that <he
held the country by right of exploration and posses>ion. since
McKenzie luul made an overland jc^urney prior to that of Lewis and
Clarke, Fras«*r had built a fort on Fraser Lak^- bt-fon- Astoria w:»s
founded, and the Xoithwest Comjiany, having purchasetl at private
sale the pro^n-rty of the Pacific Fur Company, then held imssesision
of the Columltia ngion by means of settlements at Astoria and
other points ah»ng the river.

Such were the claims advanci^l by the two natit»ns for potsjession
of Oregon, there U'lng n»any undeniable rights and ifpiities on
either side. A t«-m)»orarv agreement was affecte<l in a few mouth.<.
Ity which it wa> d^t-ide^l that Astoria and the other jxists should
remain the actual pi-ojH'rty of the Northwest Company, but that
nominal possession should be given to the L'nite<l States as a nation.
the (juestion of title Ix'ing deferred for future negotiation. This
decision was a severe blow to the hopes of Mr. Astor, who had
looke<1 to the Government to place him in possession of the prop-

\S|(»i:iA AND rilK .lOIXT (JCrri'ATION TIIKATY.

167

fity wiik-li lie lijul lost throuirli the fortunes of war arul the treaehery
of oiu- of liis partners. So firmly intrenclie<l wan the Northwest
Company that he did not deem it advisalde to found a rival estab-
lishment, and he al)andone<l his effort to enga<(e in the fur trade in
the Paeifie. By thus failin;/ t<» support its citizens who had under-
taken to plant the ila<r of the ['nited States firmly on the soil of
OreiTon, the (fovernment jeopardized, almost to total annihilation,
its chanees foi' future possession of tlii< repon.

While these neifotiations were in proi^ress, the Ontario was ful-
filling her mission. She arrivinl at Valparaiso in February, 1818,
and .Mr. Prevost del)ark«*«l, having an official mission to the Chilean
(tovernment. Captain Hid<lle continued northward, and entered the
Columbia in .\ugnst, taking formal possession of the country in the
name of the I'liiteil States. Me then sailed to other portions of the
Pacific. .Meanwhile, th*- «*ontroversy having been tempoi-arily settled
upon the terms outlined al)()ve, the British (xovernment delegated
( 'aptain Sheriff, of the navy, sis commissioner to e.xecute formal trans-
fer of Fort (reorge. The agent of the Northwest (Vmipany, Mr. Keith,
wjis also notiti«'d by his superi(»r officers of what was about to be
dune, the ordei-s going «>verland with the annual Mcmtreal express,
and enjoined to offer no (»pposition to the formal transfer. Captain
Sheriff sailed in the frigate Blossom, and meeting Mr. Prevost in
Chile, offei-ed him passage to the Cohnnbia in his vessel, which
<-ourte.sy wjus accepted. The ^/^^v.ww <'ast anclioi- at Astoria early
ill ( )ctober, and Mi'. Keith surrendere*! formal possession of the
jM-operty, retaining, of course, actual p»»ssession and ownership. A
• ertificate was given Mr. Prevost, stating that Fort (reorge, im the
Cohnnbia, had been duly surrendered to him as representative of
the I'nited States; and he gave the officers a written acceptance of
the transfer. These formal preliminaries having been cimcliided,
the British standard was lowere<l an<l the stars and stripes were
temj)«)rarily displayed upon the walls of the fort, while the guns of
the Blossom roared a noisy salute. The American ensign wa>> then
lowered, and tlu' farce was ov«'r. The I'nited States was thus
again nominally in possession of Oregon, while the actmil possessors
were the agents of th«- Northwest Ctmipany, subjects of Great
Britain.

Fort George in 1818 was a far different structure from Astoria

1(>H

msTOKY OK WII.I.AMKTTK VALLKT.

as it e.\ist«Ml wIumi suriviuhTtNl to th»' Xorthw»*.t ("••mpiiny in \><\'\
A stockade of jtiin' logs, rising twrlve feet a)m*\-f the !LT«»un«l, en-
con i passed a parallelogram I50x'j5«» U-*-i in diniensinns. Within
this were dwellings, storehouses, niag:uines. sh«»|i(*. etr. Tile wall:*
mounted two eighte«'n-|>oundeiN, six six-|"»uniler*, four four-jxtund
carrona<les, two six-ponnd cohorns and seven swnvebi. an anuaineiit
sufficient to rendei' it a strong foit in thoise «l.-iy>. These reiiiaine«l
after the surrender, and F«irt (Tcorge \vji>. |»n»»-ti«-aHy, a* much of a
British ])ost as hefore.

The two governments still «'ontinue«I to nt'gtttiate on the main
])oint at issue -title to Oregon. Neither would rv>-eile fn»ni the
j)ositi<ms assumed at the heginning of the ointriiversy. and t«» av«»id
an open ruj)ture, and with the Iuhh- that time wouM 'ujei-t a new
element into the (|Uesti(Mi, a treaty of procnistinatii-. was signe<l.
By this com ention it was agree<l that all territories and their waters,
west of the Rocky Mountains, should l»e free ami o|H'ii to the vessel*
and to the use and occupation of the citizens and -ulijecL-. of lioth
nations for the litiiod of ten yeais. that no claim **f either party
should in any manner lie prejudicetl l»y this actiou. ami that neither
shouhl gain any right of dominit>n l»y su-'h U'^«»r ••cvupatiou during
the s])eciiied term. This treaty of joint uci-u|iatiou rvuiaineil in
force, liy extension \vith nuitual consent, until the <|Uestion was
definitely settled in 1S4<». On the twenty->ee«»nd of Felmiarv.
181W, the State I)e[>artment consummateil negotiations whirli ha«l
been in progress for some time, completing the title of the I'niteii
States ji.s defined in a previous paragraph. ThU wa.< the signing
of a treaty with Spain, l»y which the ProNTnoe of Florida was con-
veyed to the United States, including all the rights, claims ami pre-
tensions of Spain to any territories north ami east of a line drawn
from the soiirce of the .Vrkansjis, north to the forty-s*Tx»nd juirallel,
and thence to the Pacific This remained the inmudar}' iK'tween
the United States and Mexico, and l»etween the dUputeil laud of
Oregon and the Mexican possessions west of the R«j*-ky Mountains.
It still continues to he the southern boimdarj- of <>ivg<L»n, Kut leased
to divide the United States from Mexic»» when C'alif*»mia, Xew
Mexico and Arizona were conquered or purt-ha.<^^.

CHAPTER XI.

THE RIVAL FUR COMPANIES.

irnncth arul Power of the Northmeftt Company — Jilvulnj hetioeen it and
fhf Iliuhon'x Ihiij CoiajHitti/- -The lieil liii'tr War — Harrows' De-
xcripflon nf the Ilaihiinx Bay C'oinjtanif^The C'liMtlian Voi/a-
(jtarx — Fort Winroai'er J'^nandt'd Ihmn'x IK >irrlj>fi(iii of the Kort
and the Methods of tht IJudKini's Bay Compain/ in <h'e<joit.

THE Noitliwcst C()mi)aiiy luul now full cuutnd <if ( )ifgoii, hut
a fiiTfc and bloody stnij^<rl«' wjis sjoiiig on between it ami the
older Hndson^s Hay ('(»nipany, for possession «»f tlie fur ret^ions of
America. The n)nij»anies had j^rown too lari;e t«> be tolerant of
each other; ojje must go the wall. When Hrst organized the old
company, enjoying chartered ])rivileg«'s and supreme monopoly of
a vjist extent of territt>ry, laughed with derision at the idea that a
few independent tradei^s could so cond»ine a-; to beccUK' dangerous
rivals; but that such wjis tin; fact was tpiickly demonstrated. The
Northwest Company began operations on a thorough system, by
which it was soon developed into a powerful and wealthy corjK)ra-
tion. All its managing agents were interested partners, who natur-
ally did their utmost to swell the receipts. In the plenitude of its
power it gave em[>loyment to two thousand voyageui-s, wliile its
agents penetrated the wildern«'ss in all directions in search of furs.
It wjis the pi(»neer of the Northwest. While the chartered monop-
oly clung like a burr to its granted limits, the new organization was
exploring and taking possession of that \a.st region lying l)etween
Lake Superior and the Pacific, from the Missouri to the Arctic
Ocean. It Inis }>een sh«nvn how Mackenzie made a journey to the
Arctic and another to the Pacific, and how his footstc^jis wert- fol-
lowed by Fra.ser and a post established in the extreme W(^st. While
the old company wa.s sluggishly awaiting ihe advent of Indians at

msTOKV OK WII.LAMKTTK VAI.LKY.

thf f«nv posts it had established in cciitral locations, the rival organ-
ization sent its aLfcnts out t(» trade with the triUcs far and near. The
result was that all the trihes, except those in the inunediate vicinity
of the Hudson's liay Company forts, were ijradually won to an
alliance with the youni^er and more vi<;orous or<;ani/ation. The
collection of furs was so ovei'-stimulate(l that a complete e.\tincti(»n
of fur-l»earin<; animals Avas threatene<l. A systt'inatic effort was
being made to drive tlie old com|)any from the most valuable beaver
country, and to so cripple it that a surrender of its charter woidd
become necessai-y.

The result of this aggressive j)olicy was to arouse the Hudson's
Bay Company to a realizing sense of the precarious condition i>f
affairs, and the necessity of taking energetic steps to i'ec(»vt!r the lost
ground. Its effoi-ts to do this soon residted in hostile collisions
between its representatives and ajients of the I'IvmI company, lead-
ing to a state of war l>etween them. The first act of actual Imstilit} ,
other than mere trade invalry, was conMuitte(l in isoCi, when a trader
of tile Hudson's Hay Com[)any was forcibly dejyrived of four hundred
and eighty packs (»f beaver skins, and a few m<»nths later of fifty
more. Tiie same year anolhei- trader was attacked and robbed of
valuable furs by servants of the Northwest Company, and received
similar treatment again the following spring. These acts of plun-
dering were numerous, and since no law but the law of might existed
in the wilderness, there was no redress foi- the despoiled comjtany
nor puiashment for the ofTeiiders, since the lattei' were Canadians
and their victims citizens of England and not possessed of facilities
for securing redress in the courts of Canachi. In twelve years but
one case was brought to trial, in 1<S(I!>, when a Huds<)n's Hay Com-
pany man wa.s convicted of manslaughter for killing an agent of
the other company who was m.'iking an attack u})on him with a
sword; and this result was accomplished by the powerful influence
of the Northwest ('omj)any in Montreal.

In ISI'2, having received a grant of fertile land from the Hud-
son's Bay Comjiany, Lord Stdkirk, a man of energy and an enthusi-
ast on the subject of colonial emigration, commenced a settlement
on Red Kiver near its junction with the Assiniboine, south of Lake
Winnipeg. No sooner was this accomidished than the rival com-
pany expressed a determination to destroy the settlement, and in

THK KIVAL Frn roMPAMKs.

171

tW luitunm of 1814 litt***! out an fxix-rlition for that piirjMtsc at its
chief estaltlishiiu'iit, Fort William, on th*- ^hon- of Lake Su|Hi-ior.
After harassiiii; the setth-nient for >onie nioiith«i, an attack was
nuuhMipon it in June, lsl5, which wa> reputed. Artillery having
heen l)iou<j;ht up, the IdiildinirH of Fort (iiliraltar. the stronijhohl
of tlie settlement, were iMitternl down an<l the place captureil. The
"governor was s«'nt to Montreal a prisoner, the reniaintler of the set-
tlers were exjtelled from the country, the cattle were slauirhtered
and the l)uildinfrs demolislu-d. In the fall, however, the colonists
returned with a i;i-eat acc«*ssion to their numln-rs and ai;ain estuh-
lished themselves uiwh^r the leader>liip of Colin Koliertson, 'oeinjjj
accompanied hy Uohert Semple, G«»vernor of the Hudson's Bay
Company territories. In the sprinir <»f I sic, Alexander McDon-
nell, a partner of the Northw»*st C»»nipany. collected a strong force
with the design of crushing the s^-tth-nient comph tely. After cap-
turing the supply train on its way to Re«l IJiver, the invading force
came upon (rovernor Semph* an<l a force of thirty men all of whom
tliey killed, except one who was made a prisoner and four who es-
caped. The settlers still remaining in the fort. s<'eing the hopeless-
ness of resistance, surrendered, and to tlie numl«'r of two hundred
were sent in canoes to Hudson's Bay. They were chieily Scotch,
as were also the attacking party; luit the h»ve of gain was stronger
than the ties of l>lood.

In 1S*21 parliament put an end to this Moody feud and ruinous
i'onH)etiti(m l>y consolidating the rival n»nipanies undei- the name
of The IIonoral>le Hudson's Bay Company, l»v which was created
an organization far more powerful than had eitlier heen before, and
Kngland gained a united and |>otent airent for the advancement of
her interests in America. The settlement.* on the Red, .\ssinil)oine
and Saskatchewan rivers were renewe<l, and Winnipeg l)ccaine in a
few years the center of a prosjHTou-i community. The new com-
]>any took possession of Fort (reorge and «»ther j>osts along the Co-
luml)ia, and as it thereafter l)ecame ch>s<-ly woven into the history
of this region, a hrief descripti»m of its founding, gr<»wth and meth-
ods becomes necessary to a full understamling t»f suhsecpu'ut events.
1 )r. William Barrows gives the follo\ring description of that pow-
erful corporation :

Its two objects, as set forth Id ita charter, were " for the discover}' of a new pas-

172

IJISTOHY OK \V I I.I.AM KTTE VALLKY.

sage into the South Sra, iiini for tlie tindinn of some trjulo for fiii-s, niiiicrals and
other (•i)nsi(lrral)l(' fomnioilitics.'" II may ^^•('ll ho sii><|K>('t(!(i tiiat tlu' llrst wa« the
fa*'i' anil tlic second the soul of tlie cliavter, which f^rantx to the coinjiany the ex-
clusive riftht of the " trade and commerce of all those seas, st^ait^s and hays, riverw,
Iake», creeks, and sounds, In whatsoever latitude they shall he, that lie within the
entrance of the straits commonly called lludsim Straits," and of all lands horderinj?
them not undt-rany other civili/.cd }iovernmciit. This covt-red all territory within
that immenHe iiasin from rim to rim, one viltra dip|>inK into the Atlantic and the
other looking into the I'acitic. Throujfh tl'is vast, e.vtcnt the com|)any was made
for "all lime hereafter, •.•a|iiil)le In law, to have, purchase, receive, possi-ss, enjoy,
and retain lands, rents, privileire:-. liherties, jurisdiction, franchise, and heredita-
ments ol what kind, nature, or (luality soever they he, to them and their sui-ees-
sors." The company held that region a« a man holds his farn>, or iw the great hulk
of rial estate In Kn^land is now held. 'I hey could legislate r)ver and jjovern it,
houni! only hy the tenor and spirit of l^n);li^ h law, and make war I'ud peace within

it; and all i)ersons outside tlu mpauy could he forhidden to " visit, hunt, fre-

(juent, trade, trallic, or adventure" therein. For all this, and as a c(»nfession of
allejriance to the crown as a dependent <-olony and province, they were^to pay an-
nually as rent "two elks and two hiack heavi'rs." Cheap rent that, espi'cially since
the kin;; or his a>;cnt must collect it on 1 e urounil of the eonqtany. To dwell in
the territory or even ^(o across it would he as really a trespass as if it were done on
the lawn of a privati' gentleman in Middlesex county, MuKland.

Such were the chartercci ri^ihts of a monopoly that, f^rowin^ holder and more
jrraspiu>r, liecame at last continental in sweep, irresistihie in power, and ine.>coral)le
in spirit. In \>^-\ the crowji gnuited to this and the Northwest ('omi)any united,
and for a term of twenty-one years, tlie exclusive ri>rht to trade with all Indians in
liritlsh North .\merica, north .iii<l west of the I'ldted States, and not included in
till' lirst charter. This granted ■nly trade, not ownership in the soil. Tlum, while
the chartered territory was inn crial, it Ki't'W, hy Ki'anted monopoly of trade, to Ih'
continental. Hy decrees the trappers and traders went over the rim of the Hudson
hasin, till they reached the ,\rctic seas aloiij; the outlet of tliv ('op|)ermine and the
,Macken/ie. They set heaver traps on ^'ukon and Kra.ser rivers, around the .\th-
ahasca, Slave and ISear liakes, and on the heads of the Columhia. l''rom the ad-
jacent I'acillc shore they lined their treasury with the soft coats of the fur seal and
the sea-otter. They were the pioneers of this trallic, and pressed this monopoly
of fur on tile sources, not only of the Mississippi and .Missouri, hut down into
the Salt Lake basin of mo<lcrn I'tah. What minor and rival companies stood in
the way they hout;ht in, or cruwIuMl hy umlersellinK to the Indians. I ii'tividual eii-
terprlHe in the fur trade, from New Koundlaml to N'ancouver, and from the lieud
waters of the 'i'ellowstinic to the mouth of the Macken/ie, was at their mercy.
They practically (ontrollcd tlie inlroduclion (>f supplies and llic ouIkomik of fm>
and peltries from all the immense region lietweeii those lour points.

Within the Cunatla.s ami the other provinces they lield the Indian and the I'lu-
ropean ei|iially at liay, while within all this vawt unorKani/.ed wilderness, their
hand over red and while man was alisolute. \\ lirst the iinijianv could ko^"'''"
as it pleased, and wa> autocratic and irn'sponsilile. Kyadi'. mal ii%Mslation in Isii:!,
tlie civil ami criminal government of the Camillas was made to follow the com-
pany into lands outside their lirst charter, commonly called Indian countries. The
(iovernor of Lower Canada liad the appoiutiiiK power of olhcials within those
couiilrics hut he did not send in special men; he iippolnlcd those cennectcd with
the company and on the grouml. The coni]iaiiy, therefore, had the administration
111 those outside districts in its own hands. Thus the commercial life of the ('an-
adas was so dependent upon the Hudson's Hay Company that the (^-overnmcnt could

THK KIVAL FIK fOM I'A MKS.

173

lit' C'oiuitcd on to |>i'oinot«^ ilie wislu-w of the compaii.y. In lirit-f, tlic uoveiiiinfut of
HritiHli AiiuTimi wiih pnietically the Hu(lnon's Hay ("ompuny, and for all the privl-
lejTc and monopoly whioh it enjoyed, wiflioiit seeniin^r to deiiiuiid it, tiuTi wa.n an
.'iniiiial |>aynu'nl, if railed for, of " two elks and two l)la< k lieavers."

This company tiuis l)ecanie a powerful oruani/.ation. Il had no rival to sliare
llie Held, or waste the jtrolits in liliiiiition, or in hloody fends lieyond the rei;ion of
law. ( Hxeej)! the eon fsl hetwi-ei. 'I and the Northwest (.'ompany prior to their
consolidation.) It e.xtt'iided its lini's, multiplied its posts and airenls, systematized
loMunniucation throujrh the immense hunting' jrrounds, 'mi/.cd lime and funds

hy im-reased expedition, made many of its factories really i'.; lllications, a

put

tl:e wholi' northern interior under IJrilish rule, and yet without a soldier. Kivers,
lakes, mountains and prairies were covered hy its afrents ami trappers. The while
and IIk' red men were on most friendly terms, ami the lurch c-anoc and the
pirojiue were seen carryinn, in mixed company. Iiotli laces, and, what was iiiore.
their mixe<l proireny. The extent of territory undir this company seems almost
faliulous. It was one-third larifcr than all Kuropc; it was laruer than the I'lntcd
.■slates of to-day, .Maska included, liy half a ndllion of sip la re n dies. I'mm the .Ameri-
can heatlijiuirters at .Montreal to the post at Vancouver was a distance nf iwciily-
live hundred miles; to l-'ort .Selkirk on the ^'ukon, or to the one on (ircal Hear
Lake, It wuh thiee thou.sand miles, and it waH Htill further to the rich fur seal and
sea-otter on the tide wat<'rs of the Mackenzie, .lames May and Red l{i\i'r at Win-
idpc^ seem near to Montreal in comparison. These distances would cumpare well
with air-lim- naites from Washington to Duhlin, or (iihraltar or (^uito.

On idemplates this power with awe and fear, when he re^anls the even mo-
tion .-ini! solemn silence and unvarying samene.ss with which it has done its work

throuu'h thai dreary 'inimal counlrv. It has h

said that a hundicd years has not
wants the same

chan^red its hill of ^roods ordered Innn London. The company

Miuskrat and heaver and seal ; the Indian hunter, unimproved, and the half-hreed

iMiropean, deteriorating, want the same cuiton froods. and tiint-lock ^uns, and

tolil

I and K

cw -u:aw>

To-dav, as a hundred vi'ais airo, the do),' sleil runs out from

Winnipeg for it.- solitary drive of live hundred, nr lwi> thousanil, or even three
thousand ndles. It glides, silent as a spectre, over these -now lields, and tliront,'!!
the solemn, still forests, painfully wanting in animal life. Kilty, seventy, un luin-
drctl days it speeds idon^, and as nuiny ni).dils it camps without lire, and liH>ks i
to the same cold sijirs. .\t the inter\ cinntt posts the -Icd^re make- a pause, as a ship,
haviiifjr rounded ( ','ipe I lorn, heaves to liefore some lone I'acitie islaml. It is the
sanu- at the trader's hut or factory as when the sleduemu./s Kramlfalher <lrove np,
the mime do};s, the same half-hreeds, ur rui/ni/iuii, to welcome him, the same ft)Ul,
loun^iii); Indians, and the same mink skin in exchati^re for tin' same trinkets. The
furauimaland Its purchaser and hunter, as the landscape, seem to he alike under
the same imnnitahle .inproKres.sive law of nature,

" .\ liinil wIkti' all IIiIukh iilwuyN si'i'iii llu' Kitiiie, "

at* amont; the lotus-eaters. Unman progress and Indian ei\'ili/.ation have nunle
scarcely more improvement than that central, silent partiu'r in the Hudson s Hay
( 'ompany— till' heaver.

One feels towards the power of this company, moving thus with eveniieHS and
immnlaliility lhr<iii^di a liundre<l years, much as one doe^. toward- a law of nature.
.\t I'ort Selkirk, fur I'xamplc, the lll'(y-lwo nmulier- of the weekly London /'nntx
I'aine in on the last sledge arrival. The firsi uuiuhcr isalready three year!<old, liy its
tedious voyage from the Thames. Now one mnnher only a week is read, that the lone
iradcr there may have fresh news weekly until the next annual doK-inail arrives,
.iiid each >ueceHsi\e nundter is lliree years liehind li'.ie when it is opene<l! In this

174

HISTORY OF WILI^AMF.TTE VAI,LP:T.

(lay of steamers and telegraphs and telephones, does it seem possible that any
human, white hal)itation can ho so outside of the geoiiraphy and chronology of the
world'.' 'The goods of tlie company, packed anil sliip])ed in Fcnchureh Street,
leave liondon, and at the cud of the third year tliey are ilelivered at Fort (^onlidence
on (Jreat Kcar I^ake, oral any other extreme factory of the company; and at the
end of three yi'ars more tlu' return furs go up the 'riiuines ami intt) Fenchureh
Street again. So in cycles of si.v years, and from age to age, like a planet, the shares
in the Hudson's Hay Company nuike their orl)it and dividends. A run of three
months and the London ship drops anchor in Hudson's Hay. "For one year,''
says Jiutler in iiis "(ireat lone Lantl," "the stores that slic has lirouglit in lie in the
warehouse at Vork Factory; twelve months later they reach Ued Kiver; twelve
months later they reach Fort Simps(»n on tlic .Mackenzie."

The original stock of tins company was |.')t»,.sa». Ln tifty years it wu« tripled
twice l>y prollts only, and went up to ^4.'")7,.'Wii, while not out' new dollar was j)aid
in. In isi'l the company alisorlicd llie Northwest I'ompany of Montreal, on a hasis
of value c(iual to its own. The eonsolidale<l stock then was .s|,;)l(i,(MH), of whieli
.'Jil,7M(i,s()i; was from prolils. Yet, meanwhile, there had iieen an annual payment
of ten per cent, to stockliolders. In 188(! (jno of the company's ships left Fort
(icorge for 1/ondon. Willi !i cargo of furs valued at J:;!8(t,ll(Ml. * * * When
the Kiiglisli »Hi\ernmenI, in ^s^(l, coiui'ded the claims of the I'nited States to
Oregon, property of the Hudson's May Company was found within Oregon for
vliicli thai <'ompanv claimeii ii4,i(!H», ((,!(), (>7. One can not hut admire the foresight,
com|)ass, policy, lunl ahility with whidi tliose Englisli fur traders moved to gain
possession, an<l then keep in wilderness for fur-liearing, so mui'iiof North Anu-rica.
* * rravelers tell us of an oppressive, painfid silence through all that
weird nortldand. tiuadriiped life, and the scanty little there is of Itird life, is not
vocal, much less nuisical. This ,'ompany has partaken of the silence of its domain.
It makes liut little noise for so great an organization. It says hut few tldngs. and
luily the mcessary ones, ami even those with an ohscKty often, tluU only the
interested and initiated untlerstai:'i. 'I'lie statements of .u works and results are
mostly in the passive voice.

Tlif v(>yiio;('iii's, s(» often spoken of in (connections with the fiU'
eotnpjiiiies, were .i s))eeijil oiitorouth of the fiif tfiuh', and tire
(leservino of more than a ])asr:ini;' notice. Irving tlnis (U'scribes
them:

The voyagcurs may he said to h;i\'e sjirung up out of I he fur trie!", tiaving origin-
ally lu'cn employed hy the early l<'rench nu'rchants in their '.rading expeditions
through the lahyriiith of rivers and lakes of tic iHtundlcss interior. In llie inter-
vals of their long, arduous alid lahorious expeditions, they were wont to pass their
time in idleness and revelry aliout the trading posts or settlements; s(|uandering
their hard earnings in hcetlless conviviality, and rivalling their tieighhors, the
IndiaiiM, in '.ndolent indulgeiicc and imprudent disregard of lln> morr<!W. When
Canada passed umler lirilisli domination, an<l the old l<''rench trading houses witc
broken up, the voyagcurs were for a time disheartened and disconsolate, and with
dirticully could reconcile themselves to the servine of the new comers, so ditl'erent
in habits, manners and language from their former employers. Hy degrees, how-
ever, they became accustomed to the change, ami at length came to consider the
Hritish fur traders, and esjiccially the members of the Northwest Company, as the
legifinuite lords of creation. Thedrosofthe.se people is generally half civili/ed,
half savage. They wear a eapot or sureoat, made of a blaid<el, a strlja'd cotton shirt,
elutb truwsers or leathern leggings, moeeiwins of deer skiu,aud a belt of variegated

THE RIVAL FrjR COMPANIE.S.

175

worsted, from wliich are suspended the knife, toliaeeoijouch, and other iniplciMonts.
Their lanjyimKe isof tlienanie piolmld cliaraeter, l)eint; a Freneli imtois, enil)roidered
with Indian and Kn^Iisli w<)r<ls!md plirases. Tlie lives of the voyafjeurH are passed
in wild and extensive rovin^rs. Tlu\v .ire ^fcnerally of Kreni-h descent and inherit
much of the j?aicty and lightness of lieart of thch" ancestors, heiiif; full of anecdote
and Honji, and ever ready for t lie dance. 'IMieir natural ^^ood will is pr<)l)al)ly hei^iht-
ened hy a connminity of adventure and hardshi)) hi their precarious and wanderinfi;
life. Thev are dexterous hoatnu-n, vi^'oroiis and ailroit with tlu' oar and paddle,
ami will ro\,' from niornin;; until nij,dit without a murmur. The steersman often
sinffsan old traditionary French s(uik, witii some re>?ular Iturden in which they all
join, keepinjj: time with tlieir oars. In the course of years tliey will gradually dis-
Mi)pcar; their son^s will die away like the echoes they once awakeiu'd, and the Can-
adian voya^eurs will liecoine a forjrotten race, or rememhered amon^ the poetical
images of past times, and as themes for local and romantic UHsociations.

Tlu- Northwest ('(»mj)any, iu IS'Jl, prior to tlu* c-oiisolidatioii,
'stiiltlislied a post oil tlif north l»aiik of the ( "oliiiiil»ia. st-vcral miles
ala.v; he mouth of the Willamette. .\s this was on the |H»iiit
named '■' Vaiicoiivei" liy Lieutenant liroiin;htoii, in 17'.**i, the p»»st

as elii'istenecj " Foi-t \'aii((»iiver."' In lM*:i,

)ii after tl

le eoH-

)li(lation, the hea(lt|iiartei's of the Hudson's Hay Company was

removed from l*'ort (JeorLTc tt) l*\>rt N'aneouver, Iteeanse it possesse(

the (h'siralth- features of such an estal>lishmeiit more fully than any
other in this whole reirion. It was near the mouth of the Willamette
and the efort- the center and natuial convert^iuir point of traj)piui!:
partit's comiuir tlown the Cohuulii'i from the vast wihh'rness to the
east, or with t!ie aiuiual oNcrlaud e.Kpress from Montreal; from the
rich trappiiiir ,iri<»iiiids to the south, or from the upper coa-^t and
Piio'ct Soiuid. Agriculturally, the surrouiidiiiiiH were all that coidd
l>e desired, to I'aise the lai'Li'e crops (»f <frain and ves^etaldes re(piired
at all the Company's posts, and to fin-nisji pasturage for the heef
ami dairy cattle. It wan easily .-ippi-oachalde l»y deep-water ves.std,'*
of lafLfe draft, and presented e.xcelleiil n;itural facilities fof loading
and discharoinir cargo. The vessels that came at stah-d periods to
lii'ing sup|tlies and (jirry away the accumulated fin-s, c(»idd spare
the few days' of extra time re(piire<| to ascend the river, Itetter than
the employees of the comp;uiy ••ould s|»are it in passing to and fr(»m
lie.nhpiarters in flic transaction of luisiness. \'ancotiver vvaw the
ni(»st eligihle site on the Columhia f»>r the chief trading jatst, and
remained the company'- heaihpnirters until it altandoned this region
cutirelv, in |sr..s. huring the next foui' years the company spread
t)Ut in all direetiiMis, from (uliforitia \Af Alaska, ami front the I'iu:i||e

17(;

HISTORY t)F WILLAMKTTE VALLKY.

to the IJocky Mountains. Some idvti c-jin l»r i^ained of its power
and nH'tlidds in Orciron from the followinii; desca-iption given by
John Dunn, for stxcn \e:irs a el«'rk and trader <»f the company: —

l''<>rl S'aiicoiivcr is tlic trniiul mart aii<l ri'udezvovis for tlio coiiiimny's trade mul
wrvants (111 llic I'atitii'. Tliitlu'r all tlu' furs and othor articli-Hof trade collected
m-st ciltlic Hockv M"milaiiis, fnim ( 'alifornia to tlu- lUissian tcrritorit^s, are l)rought
I'roiii tlu' several oilui' Imts anil stations; and from tlu-nce they are shi|)|)ed to
l'',ii;;lan<l. 'I'lullicr, too, all the piods hron^rlit from KnKland for tralth;— the variouw
ariii'lfs in wouli'iis and (•(>tlons, in grocery, in liardware, ready -matle clothes, oils
and paints, ship stores, etc. — are laniUd, at'd from thence they are distrihuted to
the various posts of the interior, ami aloim the northern shoies liy sailing vessels,
or liy lidals, or paek-horses, as tlu- several naites permit ; lor distribution and trafHc
among the natives, oi' for the supply of the eonii)any's servants. In u word. Fort
X'aneouvi'r is the grand emporium of the company's trade, west of the Rocky Moun-
tains ; as well within the ()icj:on territory as lu'yond it, from California to Kains-
tchatka.

The tort is in iliesliai I a parallelogram, alioul two hundred and lifty yards

long, l»y one hundre<l and llfty hroail ; enclosed l>y a .sort of wooden wall, made of
pickets, or larire lieams, lixed tlrndy in the ground and elosely fitted together,
twenty feet hii^li, and strongly secured on the inside liy luittresses. .\t ea'h angle
there is a hastion, njouiiling two twelvi'-poiniders, and in the center there are some
I'ightecn-pounde.- ; liut from the suhdin'd and pacltle character of the natives, and
the long alisenec of all apprehension, these cannon have lieconie useless. The area
witlnii is divided into two courts, arouml which are arrangeil ahout forty neat,
strong wooden huildings, oiu' story hinh, designed for various purjioses — such as
olllecs, apartments for the ( lerks and other ottlcers, warehouses for fui-s, English
goods and other commoilitics : workshops for the diU'erent meelianie.s--carpenters.

hlacksUMths, coopers, wheelwrights, tir.riers, etc

dl of which there is the most

diligent and unceasing activity and industry. There is also a school-house and
<-liapel, an<i a powder inaK-a/.lne ludlt of hrick acd stone.

In the center stands ihe go erin)r's rcsidern'c, which is two stories high, the
(lining hall, and .he pulilie iiti ig room. All the clerks an<l otilcccs, including the
cha|)lain and physician, dine lo^eiher in the hall, the governor presiding. The
dinner is of Ihe most sulislanlial kiinl, consisting of several courses. Wine is fre-
<|uenlly allowed, liut no Hpiriluons lii|U<>rs. Al'ier grace has heen said Ihe company
hreak up ; then most of the partv retire to the pulilicsittiii;.' room, » .;!led " nachelor's
Hall,

reading, or telling and listening to stories of their own and others' curious advent-
ures. Sometinu's there is a ureat intln.\ of company, consisting of the chief tradv'rs

from the outposts, who arrive at the fort on laisiness, and tin n inlanders of vessels.

These are gala limes after dinner, and there is a great deal of amusement, hut
always kept under strict disci|tlliie and rcirulatcd hy the strictest nroprivty. There

a/', or a lack of anecd<ite or intcrcHtinv; ntirrrtlvc;

or the smokliiK room, lo amuse themselves as they please, either in smoking.

is, on no occasion, cause

for

or, Indeed, of any itdellectual amuscmcnl ; for if smoking' an<l stoiy-le' ing he
Irksome, then tin re is the horse ready to mount, ami the rille pn pared. The voy-
agetir and the irapper. who have traversed lliousands of miles Ihroufzh wild and
tinfre(|uenttKl regions, and the tnuriner, who ha« circumnavigated tin' glohe, may
l)c found grouped together, smoking, Joking, singingand story-telling, and in every
way lianlshiuK dull care, till the period c-f llnir aKaiii sell ini' out for their respective
di-Atlnations arrives. The smoklii^ r<i.-m, or " Maclieloi s Mall," presents the
appearance of an armory and a niusetnn. .Ml sorts of weapons, and dresses, and

THE KIVAL FUR COMPANIES.

177

curiosities of civilized and savage life, and of the various inipleuients for tlie prose-
cution of tlie trade, miglit l)e seen tiiere. Tlie niediaiiics, and otlier servants of the
estal)lishnient, do not dine in tlie hull, or go to the smoking room.

The school is for the benefit of the l>alf-l»reeil children of the oHlcers and servants
of the company, and of many orphan children of Indians who have iieen in the
company's enii)Ioyment. They are taught English (Honietiiiies French), writing,
arithmetic and geography; imd are suiise(|nently either apprenticed to traders in
C/'anada, or Itept in the company's service. The frojit scpiare is the i)lace wliere the
Indians and trappers deposit their furs and other irficles, uiul make their sides, etc.
There may be seen, too, great numbers of men sorting and packing the various
g(K)ds, and scores of Canadians beating and cleaning the furs from tiie dust and ver-
min, and coarse hairs, previous to exportation. Si.x hundred yards b«'low the fort,
and on the bank of the river, there is a neat village of al)out sixty well-built wooden
houses, generally constructed like those within the fort, in wliicli the mecharlcs
and other servants of the company, who are, in general, Ciinadians iind Scotchmen,
reside with their families. They are Imilt in rows, and present tlie aiijiearance of
small streets. They are kept in a nei.t and orderly nuniiiej'. Here tliere is an hos-
pital, in widch the invalided servants of the comiiany, and, indt'ed, others wlio may
wish to avail themselves of it, are treated with the utmost care.

Many of the otflcers of the (U)mpiiny marry half-iireed women. They discharge
the several duties of wife and mother with tidelity, cleverness and attention. They
are, in general, good housewives; and are remarkably ingenious as needlewomen.
Many of them, liesides possessing a knowledge of lOnglish, spt'ak French correctly,
and jOTssess other accomj)lishmenls; and lliey sometiines attend their husl)ands on
their distant ai d tedious journeys and voyages. 'I'liese half-lneed v omen are of a
superior class ; being the daughters of chief traders and factors, and other persons,
high in the company's service, by Indian women of a superior descent or of superior
personal attractions. Though they j.enerally dress after the Knglish fashion,
according as they see it used by the Fjn;j;lisb wives of the superior olticers, yet they
retain one peculiarity— the leggin or gaiter, which is nuule (now linit the tanned
(leer skin has been sui)ersededi of the finest and most gaudy coloured cloth, beauti-
fully ornamented with beads. The lower classes of the com])any's .ncrvanls marry
native women, from the tribes of the upper country, where the women iue round-
lieiided and beautiful. These, too, generally sjieaking, soon learn the art of useful
liousewivery with great adroitness and readiness; and they are encouraged and
rewarded in every way by thecomi)any, in their ellbrts to ac(iuire domestic economy
anil comfort. These, too, iinitat(>, in costume the dress of the olllcer's wives, as
much as the;, can; and from their necessities of position, wliich exposes them
more to wet ami drudgery, they retain the moccasin, in place of adopting the low-
i|uarfere(l shoe.

.Xttached to the fort there is a magnilicent farm, consisting of altout three
thousand acres, (»f which lifteen Innwlred acres have already been brought In the
highest state of tillnge. It stretches behind the fort, and on both sides, along the
bunks of the river. It Is fenced into beautiful corn fields, vegetable fields, orchards,
garden and pasture fields, which are lnters|iersed w itii ilaliy Iiouhcs, shepherds'
and herdHinen's cottages. It is plai'eil under the nmsl judicious management; and
neither expense nor la'iour bas been spared t<i bring it to tlu' most pi'rtect (cultiva-
tion. There is a large grist ndll, and it threshing mill, which are worked by horse-
power, and a saw mill worked by water-power. .Ml kinds of grains and vegetables,
and many species of fruits, are produced there in abundance and of superior (pial-
ity. The grain croji.s an firoduced withntii rnanure; and the wheat crop, espec-
ially. Is rei)resente(l by practical fanners to be wonderful.

Besides this farm, which thej* are every day extending. the,\ have commenced

178

HISTOHY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

fitriiiinp oi) a Inrve waleon tlic Cowlitx, to the north, l'iii|M|ua. to the south, and
in other |K»rt!« of the territory, where tliey liave estaltlijilieil |K«sfs», the produce of all
of whicli tliey ur<<' for ex|K)rtation liotli to tlie Russia stations in Kanistchatka (at)
they enter«-«l intoa ••ontntet witli the Ilussiaiis, in ls.'l!i. to supply their |)osts in
those regions witli pn>vis: »ns iit lixcci j)rices), and to tlie isliinds of the Soutliern
PaciHe. an«l lo Itritish and Anu'rieaii whalers and to other nierehant ships. They
also kwp jw-on-s of woodH'utters employed to fell timber, whieh is s:iw»'<l up in lar^e
quantities, thrti' thous4ind feet a day, and regularly ship|K-d for the .Sanilwicli
Islands an.i oJher fonM^rn ports. And as they can atlord to sell the giMwIs pun-hased
in Kn^larid nnder a eontraet of old HtandiiiK. tofrether with the pnHtuetions of the
territor>' a'mI their <»wn farms, llsli, beef, mutton, pork. tinilnT, ete., at nwirly half
the Ameriean pricv. they are likely to enjyross the whole tnide of the I'aeitie. as
they do alresidy the trade of the Orepin, esjiecially sinee they eonuiuind all the
ports and sjife inlets of the <M)imtry. This the Amerieans fe«d and diM-lare; an<l it
is this whieh whets their eupidity and excites tlnir jealousy and hatn-*!.

Trappinir |>arties leaving \ imcouver are some weeks pre|utrint; for the mountain8
and prairi»-s. The hiaeksniitlis are busily en>faKe<l makiui! U-aver-trajis for the
trapiKTs. the stor«*-keepers making up articles for tiade and e<|uippini; the men. the
elerk in ehanreof the provision store packing up provisions for them, to last until
they Ket into hunting ground, the clerk in charge of the farm pmvidin^ horses and
ttther re«|uisite artit'les*. The party nenerally consists of alniut fifty or sixty men,
most ol them the eonipany's servants, others free hunters. The s^-rvants have a
statetl sniary. while the Ireenu'ii receive so much per skin. I'n-vious to leaving the
fort for the aniuour man;
and they ^leuendly enjoy a ^rand holiday and feast the ni^ht previous to starting.'.
Kaeh mat; luis a ivrtain number of horses, sniliclent to carry his e<|uipment. The
free tmp|HTs (lenenilly jirovidc their own animals Koth the <-«im|»jtny's servants
and the treenien friNjiu-ntly take their wives and families witii them. The women
are verj- useful on the ex|H-ditiou, in preparinjr meals ami other n«-i-essaries for their
hu.sltand^ d'lrin^ (heir aiiscucc from the camp. In sununer and winter, whether
they haNe a s«irt of traveliuj: camp or a (Ixcd resideiu-e. they s«de«'t (he liM-aliticN
that mtwt alHHinii in fkir-bearintr iiniiiials. ThoU);h a parly nuiy Im' olili^'e<i. from a
variety of ■'ireunistanc'es, to winter In the plain, or iu the r('i'es.<<«-<< of the mountains,
or on the Uiniers of lakes and rivers, sonu' mmdiers of It return to the fort in the
fall, with thi- ppxluc«' of the season's hunt, and report proftrcss. and return to the
camp with a n'infore«'nH>nt of necessary supplies. Thus the com|iany an- enaliled
toaitpiire a ndnute knowledge of the <-ouidry ami nativt>s, and extend their (M>wer
and authoritv over iMith."

•

CHAPTER \I1.

DIPLOMACY AOAIN ENDS IN JOINT OCCll'ATION.

Claim of the United Stntt'» t<> the i'tdaiiibid Hirer SpaKimxIic ('lumid-
eratioii of the Oregon Qttesfitiii, in Cmnjrt'HK — The JinxKicn I'kdse—-
The Monroe Doctrine — Negot'iationx in lS'2^.—ChihnH nf the f'nited
States Adrtineed h;/ Mr. Rnnh — The OfipoKuxj Vhi'nnx of Great lirit-
ain- Hi pfif of Mr. Rii.'ih <ind the Knylish ('oinni>.H.-:,,.iicr>> in Edch
Other — Emjlainl Rijeetx Anierien'ti (.{fer if the Fiftij-jirst PuralleL
and Propoxes the Forty-ninth and Cfdumhia Piver — Hush (fjf'erx the
Forty-ninth to the Oeean — liejeeted and the Ncgotiii.'in/i.'^ Terminate —
Mr. Gallatin Sent to London in ISi^G— Offer of the C'oitinibia again
made hy Fnijland and Hejectrd- The J)o<'trint of Confiyuity — The
Spanish Title ax M'ldifed hy the JS'ootka Convention — Trndiny Poxt.<<
Deelared not to be Settlements hy Mr. Gallatin, a Ihelaration which
Becomes a lioomeranij The Period of Joint Occii^mtinn I ndep'nitely
Extended.

DrRIX(i all tlu'Hc years the ( h't'ofoM iiiu'stioii \\«s iidt iifj^flcctcd
in C'<>iiirn.-i.«. It was spajsniodirally disrusscd, aii<l iiimli vox-
n-spundciHT w,»s harl In'tw^t'ii tlu' two uovirnnicnts on tin- «*iilijt.i't;
l>ut thoiiirli iiiaiiy th'mirs wen' ])r»>|»os('(l at various tiiiu's, imihiuir
was ui-tualiy (loin- t«> proiuotc Vnu'i'lcan interests in Orej^on, unless
tlie li-ave of altsenee granted Captain Bonneville he eorisidi-red us
an effort in that direction. Durint; these diploniatir neuntiations
the I'nited States firnd\ maintained her claim t<> all the riylits, of
an\ natiire what>>*M'Vcr, which Spain may have posstssed prior to
»he Florida Treaty. She also nrii^ecl that the month of the Colum-
hitt wan hei*s Ity the dual i'ii;ht of discovery and settlement; and,
therefore, f(»llowinji' the jjeneral rule which had been observed by
Kuropean nations in eoU)nizing America, all the country tributary
to that river, and itn confluents, wni^ also subject t<^ her dominion.

180

HTSTOKT OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

As the C'oluml»ia ^wtt-ps northward to the fifty-first parallel, it was
iirir«'<l that. h\ \]\U tith' al«»iie. the <rovernmeiit had in<lis|mtal»le riifht
to the whole r»*irioii IviiiL' l»etween the fortv-see<»n<l and fiftv-first
dei;re«*s »)f latitude.

In 1N'J«». a rc)niniitt«*e was appointed ]\\ the IIons«» of ReprH!«»iit-
atives, to inijuin- into tin- condition of the s«'ttlenients nn th«* Parifie
Ocean, and tlir cxiM-^licncy of oc<-U|»yini.' the Cohiinliia Kiv«T. Thb*
resulttMl in the r«'|v>rtinL' of .-i hill "for the oc«Mij>ation of the fVduni-
hia, and the r»'<_Mdation of tin* trade with the Intlians in the territn-
ries of the rnittHl States"; l»nt, thouirh much dis«*us!<<^l. lM»th then
and the ensuinir year, the nieasjire was never pass«*d. Th»*re wen-
several plans adv«K'at<N|. anionir theiii lieiniLr oiie t«i send a IkmIv of
troops t'veriand t«» .M-eiipy the (lisj>uted territory, afid another to
construct a chain of f«.rt^ acioss the continent, whii-h should forui a
hasis of supplies and |>rote<'tion for eniiirrants. The irrvat draw-
hack was the lack of eniii.Mants to he su{)i»lied and protect*-*!. The
\fississippi N'alley was still hut sjtaiNely settled, and no one thoiit.rht
(»f ni«»vin<.' two thousand miles across what was sup)>os«-4l to lie a
re!_don of nearly impa>saMe nuiuntains and alm<»st interniinahle
deserts, when the rich lands of Illinois, ^Vis^•onsin and Iowa wen-
invitin^r them to make tlieir home in thedtmiain of the •• Father »»f
AVateiv ■

K>iS!<ia stepiK"*! in :is a distiiihin<r element, hy the puh)ii*ation, on
the sixteenth of Septendn-r, l.S'21,()fan im|H'rial ukas«\ !»y whii-h
exclusive title wjis a.ss<'rt«'<l on the coast j^n far south as latitude .il**.
and all for»-ijru vt-sm-ls were prohihit*-*! from approachini; within
one huntlr^-il mih-v ,.f said coast, undei- pen.-dty of «-onfiscation. Pro-
tests Were iuNtanilv enten^l l.y hotli (ireat Britain and the rnift^i
States. Rtissia ivplyintr that her i-laim was li!is«'d upon dis«-«»ven-,
exploration an«l uimuestioned occupation for a peri«Ml of tifty years-
Separate netftiations were opened with Russia hy the two eonti-nd
iiii; jM»wers. It was at this juncture fliat the celehrated Monroe IKk--
trine was iii-st enunciated in an otlit iai document. In his message
to CouLn-ess, date«l Oecemlier •_', \>^'2'-\, l*r<si(|ent Monroe de<-larwl
that the ".\mei-i,;in continents, l»y the free and independent comli-
tion which tiny had a>sumed, were henceforth not to Ik- considert^l
as suhjects for colonization hy any I'luropean |^twer." This ♦licitwl
a formal proti-st from iHtth England and Husijia. Another «J^ii-

DU'LOMACY AOAIN KND.S IN .lOlXT OCCUPATION.

181

iiK'iit, which wius pffuliarly offeiLsive to Kiii^luud, was a paptr sub-
iiiitt«'(l to tht* House, on the si.xteeuth of February, l'S24, hy Gen-
eral Jes,su|», in which it was |troj>o!»eil to es^tablish a chain of fortn
from Council liluffx t«> the Pacific, by which "present protection
wouhl Ije alTonhil to our tra«ler>; an<l at the expiration of the priv-
ilege granted to Hritish subjects t«» trade on the waters of the
('«tluinl)ia, we should Ije enal»le«l to remove them from our territory,
and t»t secure the whole trade to our citizens." This suggestion of
a pre})aration to e.vpel her sultjccts from ( )regon l>y force of arms
was exceedingly, and properly so, dista>teful to (rreat liritain, and
dill much to com}»licate the negotiations which had been already
entered into.

The ten years' limit of joint occuj)ation had now more than
half expired, and it bt-came necessary to apj)oint commissioners to
again endeavor to affect a settlement. .Mr. Rush, the American
comniissioner, who had ln-en an associate with Mi'. (Jallatin in
ai'ianging the treaty of 1 sis, asseit^il that liy the Louisiana title
the United States had undisputed claim a> far north as the forty-
ninth parallel, since that had Im-cu ivct>gni/.ed Ity the Treaty of
I'trecht as the boundary line between the possessions of France
and Kngland, and sliotdd jnopcrly be extended to the Pacific, lie
also claimed, under the Spanish title, as far north as the sixtieth
}iarallel, tlu' acknowledged limit of the Russian possessions, and he
declared "the I'iglits thus ac<piired from Sj»ain were regarded ))y
the (Jovernment of the L'nite<l States jis surpassing the rights of all
other European pt»wers oii that toast." A third claim was the one
outlined ina jirevious paragraph, bas«M| tipon the (liscovery, explora-
tion and occujtation of the C't»luml»ia. Assciting these three distinct
titles, he made the pioposition that no futui'e scttleiiu'nts be made by
subjects of (treat liritaiu s«.iith of the tifty-tirst degree, nor by citi-
zens of the I'niteil States north of that j)aiallel. Mr. Rush was,
however, authoiized to make a consideialtie nioditication of that
proposal, since his letter <»f instructions contiiined the following
words: "As. however, the line already runs in latitude 4'.>" to the
Stony Mountains, should it be earnestly insisted uj)on liy (Jicat
Britain, we will cons«'nt to carry it in continuance on the same
parallel to the sea.''

'IMie plenipotentiaries of Great Britain not only declined the

182

lllsTt)UY OF WILLAMETTE VALLET.

proposals, liut (l('iii»'<l in (<•!<» the priiiciplt* upon which it ha<l bt^n
o(ft'i'<'(l, fspccially tilt' idea that no futuiv i>»louizatiMn in America
should !»(' attfiii|»t('il Ity Knmpeaii iiatiou?*. They iir>-L«r<tl ;La* oM
unoccupied pintions of America weiv .«ul»jei-t> of othmization,
includini; the reuion on the PaciHe Coast Ivinir lieiwt^-u the fortv-
second and Hfty-tirst parallel. They declare*! that Gn-at Britain
could not c(»ncede to the rnit»tl Statt-s. a?, the >utT-n*«»r of S|tain.
those exclusive i'ii.dits which she had >uccesf*fully iv>i«.te«l when they
had been ad\anred hy Spain lierM-lf. and which tht- N«Nitka Conven-
tion, in ITlMt, dedareil should not In- aduiitte«l. They al«<» denittl
the title hy riijht of discoverv, clainiinir that the «li?<-oven- of the
Colund)ia was a pro>jressive one. partiripat«il in nioiv c«»ns]»icuoUsly
hy British suhjects than hy Ain»*ri«-ans; tluit even a<liuittinir the
discovery bv (irav, In-, heiiii: :« private citizen, omhl n«»!. luen-Iv Kv
enteriuLf the month of a river, train title for hi* < iov«-nini«-nt to the
whole coast for hundi-eds of miles almve an«J U-Iow that |M>int.
especially since the roast had In-en exploretl prior to that time Ity
an official exjteditioii (Captain CiM»k's) of (irvat Britain, and a
British sul)ji'ct (Sir Francis Drake) hail pun-hasei! land fr«ini the
nativi's oidv a few de<frees south: that the senhiuent at Astoria
was sulise(juent, or, at the hest. oidy ctieval. t«» >imil:tr M-ttlenient»»
made hy British sr.l»jects npon that stream, or \i\m'U riv»-iv flo\vin<.r
into it (ei-roneo.isly referrinir, perha|*». t«» the establi-hnn-nt on
Fraser Lake )

To this tie United States enihassador replii^S at lenirth. asx-rtiug
that Gray sailed under the tlat; ami protection of th»* Feileral (iov-
ernment, whose rit-hts folh>w«Ml him; that he tva- unaware, and omld
not admit the fact, of any prior or «.-onteni)Hiraneou:> iiettlernvnt l»y
British subjects on the Colund>ia; that C«"»k ha<l l>e»-n |«Tvii»^i.-«| l»y
Perez, Ileceta and <^>uadra, in his exploration of tlft i>«jist: and
dosed by sayinir that " in the opinion uf my :r<»vemm»'nt, the title
of the I'nited States to the whole of that coa.-t. from latitude forty-
two degrees to as far north as latitude sixty degrees', wa>. therefore,
superior to that of (treat Britain, or any other jjower: first, throuirb
the jiroper claim of the Inited Stateis l»y dLscovt-ry and settlement,
and sec<»n(lly, as now standinir iu the place of S|jiain. and holding in
their hands all her title." The British reply tva.* a renewal of the
former objections, especially to the SpaiU:>h title. «ptvial strtss Wing

DIPLOMACY AGAIN ENDS IN JOINT OCCUPATION.

183

laid on the fact that Enghind never had admitted the exclusive riglitn
chiiiued by Spain on the J*aciHc Coast of America, and had specifi-
cally denieil and coiubatted them in the Nootka controversy; the
voyage of Sir Francis Drake wjis urged us giving England the dis-
covery rights prior, even, to the earliest claimed by Spain, the forty-
eighth degre«' being placed as the northern limit of his voyage. It
was also denii-d that Spain could actjuire title by simply sailing
along the c*tast, and not following up her discoveries l»y genuine
acts of possession and settlement. The response of Mr. Hush, was a
denial that Drake jtroceeded beyond the forty-third j)arallel, and a
reminder t<» tin- English plenipotentiaries that, even if all they
claimed for Drake were triu-, England was debarred from claiming
title through him by the rule laid down by them in the matter (»f
Spanish e.\ploiei-s, since the title thus ac<|uired had not Iteeii per-
fecte«l by acts of possession and settlement.

Hy these successive statements and answers l»oth sides to the
(piestion having lieen plainly s«'t forth, the repre-entatives of En-
gland, rejecting Mr. Rush's proposition, made another prop<»sal —
that the boundary line follttw the fortv-ninth parallel till it struck
the Columbia, and then follow down the nuiin channel of that stream
to the ov-ean, navigation of the river to be open to both nations.
This was submitted, they said, in a ■»}»irit of compromise, though
thev considered that in s<» doiiitr thev were departimr lari'elv from
the fidl extent of (Jreat Britain's rights. Mr. Uu>li declare«l his
utter inal»ility to accept such a pro[tosition, but tliat, actuated by
the same str«»ng desire to etTect a c«)mpromise, he would agree to the
fortv-ninth i)arallel clear throu<;h to the ocean, statiiii; that this was
the extr«'ine limit of his .-luthority. This wjis declined, and a.s
neither party would make fin-ther concessions the negotiations came
to an end.

In lS'Jt'», the att( inpt r-t settle this important question was
renewed, ami Mr. (iall itiii. vvaf sent to London, with full jiowers to
resume the discussion, 'ihe otTer of tin- forty-ninth i)arallel and the
Columbia Kiver was again made by the British Commissioners,
with a sop in the shape of a slice of Wi'.shington T«'rritory south of
(iray's Harbor and Hood's Canal thrown in. Mr. Callatin renewed
Mr. Rush's offer of the forty-ninth parallel, adding free navigation

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184

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

to the sea fi-om all branches of the Columbia lying north of that
line. The c-()m])lete claims and offered compromises of the two na-
tions were siil)mitted in written statements, and were published in
fidl in the message of President ^Vdams, of December 12, 1827.
There was no essential difference in the claims made by the con-
tending parties from those set forth al)ove; they wi-re simply urged
in different language and with a better understanding of the sub-
ject. Tlie Louisiana title was made a prominent feature by Mr.
Gallatin; but the insuiJiciency of this was clearly shown by the
representatives of (ji'eat Britain, who also claimed that the titles of
the l'nite<l States and Spain, ^vhen taken separately, Avere imperfect,
and when taken togethei" destroyed each other. Mr. Gallatin also
advauceii th<' doctrine of contiguity, asserting that the populous
settlements in tlie valley of t iie Mississippi constituted a strong claim
to the extension of their authority " over the contiguous vacant ter-
ritory, and to the occupation and sovereignty of the country as far
as the Pacific Ocean." This was asserted by the British Commis-
sionei*s to be the doctrine of " might makes right," and to be wholly
repulsive to the principles of international law.

It was maintained, and with much justness, by the English ne-
gotiators tluit, since the Nootka Convention especially declared the
right of both England and Spain to either of them settle upon and
take possession of any portic^n of the coast now in dis[)ute which
had not been pi-eviously settled upon l)y tlie other, the previous
rights of both nations acquired by discovery were thus expressly
waive*.!, and future titles were made to depend entirely upon acts of
possession and settlement; thei'efore, in succeeding to the Spanish
title, the United States had acquired nothing but the right pos-
sessed by Spain to settle upon and occupy any portion of the coast
not already in the actual possession of Great Britain.

Mr. Gallatin denied that mere fur trading factories, or posts,
could be considered settlements such as were necessary to perfect
title of a nation to an extended region ; but by doing this he dis-
credited the title claimed by his own Government by reason of the
estaldishment by the Pacific Fur Company of a post at Astor'a;
also, by a simple process of reasoning, of the discovery title claimed
through Captain Gray, since that gentleman was simply a fur trader,
and was not engaged in a voyage of exploration or discovery.

Diplomacy again ends i.v joint convention,

185

Not being able to come to any understanding upon the main
(question at issue — a definite boundary line — the negotiations were
brought to a close in 1827 by the signing of an agreement indefi-
nitely extending the period of joi..t occupation, making it termin-
able by either party upon giving twelve months' notice to that effect.
Thus was the aid of time again invoked to furnish a solution of this
vexatious problem.

CHAPTER XIII.

FAILURE OF ALL ATTEMPTS AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY

THE AMERICANS.

Outlook for Joint Occupation — Comparison of the Advantages of the
English and American Traders — Character of the American Trap-
pers — The Hudson's Bay Company's Methods and Servants — Growth
of the American Fur Trade — The American Fur Company — The
Missouri Far Company — Ashley, of the liocky Mountain Fur
Company, Penetrates the Rocky Mountains — Method of Conducting
Trapping Enterprises — The Annual i^endesvous — Jedediah S.
Smith's First Overland Journey — His Second Journey Fraught
• with Disaster — His Adventures in California— His Party Massacred
on the Umpqua—The Hudson's Bay Company Recover SmJth's Furs
and Pay him for Them — Gray's Version 'f this Affair — The Subject
Discussed — Boston's and King George's Men — Dr. McLaughliii's
Account of this Episode — McLeod's Unfortunate Expedition —
Ogden's Expedition to the Humboldt and CaUfornia — Death of
Smith—Major Pilcher and Ewing Yoany — Hudson's Bay Company
Establish Fort Umpqua and a Headqnarters in California — Bonne-
ville's Trading Ventures — Tioo Eff'orts of Nathaniel J. Wyeth to
Trade in Oregon Result Disastrously — McLaughlin's Remarks on
Wyeth — Abandonment of Oregon by American T' rappers.

THE great power and firm foothold secured iii Oregon by the
Hudson \s Bay Company has been thus minutely described hi
order that an adequate idea can be had of the herculean task which
lay before any American company which might seek to compete with
it in its chosen field. Joint occupation, as contemplated in the
treaties of 1818 and 1820 was only possible, on the principle of
the lion and the lamb. Americans cculd live in Oregon if they
would permit themselves to be swallowed by the Hudson's Bay
Company — not otherwise. The chief difficulty which lay in the

FAILURE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMERICANS.

187

pathway of American traders in their efforts to compete with the
great English corporation, was a lack of unity of purpose and com-
bination of capital and effort. The Americans were all inde-
pendent traders, operating alone or in limited partnerships. Sepa-
rately they had not the capital to carry on the business in the sys-
tematic and comprehensive manner in which the Hudson's Bay
Company operated. There was an utter lack of system, unity of
action or wise provision for tlie future. The trade was not care-
fully fostered for future advantage, since none of them cared to
build up a business for some one else to enjoy, but each sought to
make all the immediate profit possible. The competition among
them was ruinous to all, and in a few years the whole trade, so far as
Americans were concerned, was ruined. In then* competition with
the English monopoly they wei'e at a fatal disadvantage. One
unsuccessful season with them was often financially disastrous, while
to the great corporation, covering such a vast scope of country,
dealing with so many tribes and handling such varied classes of
furs, such a thing as a completely unsuccessful year was impossible.
Gains in one section compensated for any losses in another. For
this reason, whenever two trapping parties met in open competition
for the trade of any tribe of Indians, the Americans were at a dis-
astrous <lisadvantage, and, except in the few instances when they
outwitted the rival trader, were forced to the wall. The agent had
full authority to use his own discretion in such cases, his only in-
structions being to Ci'ush his rival at all hazards. No spectre of
bankruptcy shook his bony finger in his face ; no vision of an angry
and distrustful partner rose up before him. He could give away
every dollar's worth of goods he had, and receive the a[)proval of
his superiors, provided, that by doing so, he defeated the rival
ti'aders. On the contrary, the American, his entire fortune invested
in this single venture, could neither afford to give away his goods
nor to lose the opportunity to trade; for often it was the only one
of the season, and to miss it meant ruin. In 1815, Congress, in
order to aid the struggling traders, passed an act expelling foreign
trappers from the territories of the United States east of the Rocky
Mountains; but it remained a dead letter, since brigades of the En-
glish trappers continued* to roam thi'ough the country along the
Missouri and its tributaries.

188

History of Willamette valley.

Candor compels the confession that there were other reasons for
the success of the English and utter failure of the American tradei-s;
and these were the great difference in their methods of treating the
natives and the character of the men engaged in the business. The
American trappers were, to a large extent, made up of a class of
wild, reckless and brutal men, many of them fugitives from justice.
With them might made right, and Indian fighting was one of their
chief accomplishments. A perpetual state of hostilities existed
between them and the Blackfeet and other warlike tribes. They
cared nothing for the interests of their employers, were insubordi-
nate and quarrelsome, and the histories of their lives and adventures,
written for the glorification of the few of the most noted of them,
convince us that, as a whole, they composed the lowest stratum of
American society. Irving, in one of many similar passages, thus
speaks of one phase of their character: "The arrival of the sup-
plies gave the regular finish to the annual revel. A grand outbreak
of wild debauch ensued amonj." the mountaineers ; drinking, danc-
ing, swaggering, gambling, quarreling and fighting. Alcohol,
which, from its portable qualities, containing the greatest quantity
of fiery spirit in the smallest compass, is the only liquor carried
across the mountains, is the inflammatory beverage at these carousals,
and is dealt out to the trappers at four dollars a pint. AVhen inflamed
by this fiery beverage, they cut all kinds of mad pranks and gam-
bols, and sometimes burn all their clothes in their drunken brava-
does. A camp, recovering from one of these riotous revels, j)re8ents
a serio-comic spectacle; black eyes, broken heads, lack lustre vis-
ages." Alcohol was a leading article of merchandise, and the annual
assemblage at the points of rendezvous and the meetings with
Indians for the purposes of trade, were invariabl}' the scenes of
drunken debauchery like the one described. Many impositions
were practiced on the Indians, and the men, being iri'esponsible
and without restraint, were guilty of many acts of injustice. The
Indians learned neither uprightness nor morality from contact with
them, and had respect only for their bravery.

The revei-se was the case with the servants of the Hudson's Bay
Company, who were men, chiefly half-breeds and descendants of
the French settlers of Canada — the agents 'and factors being gener-
ally of Scotch nativity-irwho had been reared to the business, as

FAILURE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMERICANS.

189

had been their fathers before them, and cheei-fvilly submitted to the
rigid discipline maintained by the company. It Wius the company's
policy to avoid all trouble with the natives, to whom they gave no
li(pior whatever. It was by pandering to the Indian's proverbial
thirst for "fire-Avater" that the Americans occasionally defeated
their op])onents in (lompetition for the trade of a tribe; still, it
sometimes happened that after the noble red man had been hilari-
ously and even pugnaciously drunk for a week on American
alcohol, they sobered up sufficiently to sell their furs to the English
trader, who could offer them such a gi'eater quantity of goods in
exchange, and left their bibulous friends to mourn. By just and
generous treatment the company sought to bind the Indians to them
by a community of interest; yet an act of bad faith or treachery
was never permitted' to go unrebuked. By this means it obtained
an influence among the tribes covering a region over a thousand
miles square, which amounted almost to the authority of govern-
ment; and this influence was sufficiently powerful to cause the
Indians of some tribes to not only refuse to trade with Americans,
but to decline selling them provisions when in the greatest distress.
Bonneville found this to be the case when he undertook the experi-
ment of joint occu]»ation, and sought to do business in Oregon,
the chosen field of the great monopoly.

The rise and growtli of the Hudson's Bay and Northwest Com-
panies have been traced till they united and spread like an octopus
over the whole We^^. Let us also trace the growth of American
fur enterprise until .u began to enter Oregon in competition with the
united rivals. In 1762 the Governor of Louisiana, then a Province
of France, chartered a fur company under the title of " Pierre
Legueste Laclede, Antoine Maxan & Co." The following year
Laclede established Fort St. Louis, where now the great city of that
name stands, and this became the headquarters of the fur trade as
carried on by the French of Louisiana. At that time the Canadian
representatives of France had their general headquarters at Macki-
naw and Montreal ; but Canada becoming a British Province the
following year, subjects of Great Britain, chiefly Scotchn en, suc-
ceeded to the fur trade of that region. After the Unitec^ States
became a nation, American traders engaged in the fur trade along
and west of the great lakes, Mackinaw becQming their general head-

■■'?f

'la

190

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

quarters. These men were chiefly New York merchants, the lead-
ing spirit ])eing John Jacob Astor, whose ill-fated attempt to found
an establishment at tlie month of the Columbia has been related.
The trade as then carried on ran in four great belts. To the north
was the Hudson's Bay Company; next came the young and ag-
gressive Northwest Company; south of them the independent
American traders operated ; and still further south was the field oc-
cupied by the P^vnch. How the two English companies became
consolidated and spread out over the whole region north of the
Missouri and gained complete possession of Oregon, has been fully
set forth.

The next step was the substitution of Americans for Frenchmen
at St. Louis, the natural result of the purchase of Louisiana by the
Laiited States. Immediately following this event St. Louis became
the goal of thousands of young men who loved the excitement and
adventures of a frontier life, and of as many more of all ages who
preferred the obscurity of the frontier to the seclusion of a state's
prison or the notoriety of a public execution. To say the least, the
society of that frontier city was far from choice. It was not long
before the Americans began to be in a majority in the various
brigades of trappers which roamed the plains as far west as the
biuse of the Kocky Mountains, while the direction of these enter-
prises fell almost entirely into their hands. The French trappers,
however, never entirely disappeared, for their names are found fre-
quently mentioned in all narratives concerning the trapping frater-
nity. They have generally been confounded with the voyageurs
and trappers of French descent who formed the bulk of the ordinary
servants of the Hudson's Bay Company ; but this is an error, since
the latter were the Canadian French, who had transferred their
allegiance to the British conquerors and successors of their old em-
ployers, while the former were the descendants of the French of
Louisiana, and, consequently, were Americans.

The act of Congi'ess in 1815, expelling British subjects from the
territories east of the Rocky Mountains, served to stimulate the
American traders. The American Fur Company, at the head of
which was Mr. Astor, then operating in the lake region from Mack-
inaw, began to send trapping parties further west, reaching the
headwaters of the Mississippi and Missouri. Other American

FAILURE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMERICANS.

191

traders opened tin important trade between St. Louis and Santa Fe,
tlie latter becoming head(iuarters for the fur business in the region
of New Mexico, then a I^'ovinee of Mexico. Up to this time the
()])erations of American trappers had not extended })eyond the base
of the Rocky Mt)untaitis, except in the instance previously men-
tioned, that of the Missouri Fur Company. This was a company
organized at St. Louis in 18()H, stinndated by the reports of the
Columbia region brought in by Lewis and Clarke, and was headed
l)y Manuel Lisa, a Spaniard. Mr. Henry, a partner, established
Fort Henry the same year, on Lewis, or Snake, River, just west of
the summit of the mountains, and other posts were founded on the
Upper Missouri. Two years later, however, these were abandoned,
owing to a failure of su[)plies and the hostility of the natives. The
next effort was made by General W. H. Ashley, who had long been
the leading spirit in such enterprises at St. Louis, and was the senior
partner of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company. In 1 823 he led a
partv' of trapper's up the Platte to the Sweetwater, f(jllowed up the
latter stream to its source, discovered the famous South Pass (the
one Fremont endeavored to appropriate to himself twenty years
later), explored the headwaters of the Colorado, or Green, River,
and retiu-ned to St. Louis in the fall. The next year he again
entered the mountains and discovered Great Salt Lake and Lake
Ashley. On the later he established Fort Ashley, and leaving one
hiuidred men at that post, returned to St. Louis. From that time
the Rocky Mountains were the favorite trapping grounds of the
Americans. Their method of doing business was by no means sys-
tematic. Each company, Avhen there were rivals, organized several
brigades of trappers, sufficiently strong to protect themselves from
hostile Indians, and sent them out in various directions, generally
under the leadership of an interested partner. Once a year these
parties assembled at a previously designated rendezvous, generally
on Green River, where a settlement was made. There they met the
partner who was the connecting link between them and civilization,
such as it was, at St. Louis. He had come up with a train of sup-
plies and packs of goods for the Indian trade, and turning these
over to his partners, he loaded his train with the accumulated fiU's
and conveyed them to market at St. Louis. Often furs were sent
down the Miss( »uri in a nondescript boat, ;nade of bufEalo skins — a

lit

192

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

craft of eccentric unrelia})ility. AVith the supplies was invariably a
liV)eral quantity of alcohol. Whisky was too bulky to carry, and
as the palates of the trappers and Indians were none too refined,
sour mash and bourbon were omitted from the wine list. There
was plenty of water at hand and the spirits could be easily diluted
to any strength recpiired, though there were not a few who scorned
to spoil their drink by putting water in it. Frecpiently two or three
rival bauds of trappers assembled at the. same rendezvous, and it was
not unsel(K)m that a thousand white men and two or three thousand
Indians were in camp at one time. The a})pearance of the train
from St. Louis was invariably followed by one of those wild
debauches described above by Irving, the greatest excesses being
committed by the free tra})pers, those who had been the longest in
the business and had abandoned all thought of any other existence
than the free and untrammeled life of the mountains. These men
worked iov themselves, receiving a stipulated price for all the furs
taken by them. In return for a contract given by them to sell all
their furs to the company, they were allowed almost unlimited
credit, which they exercised as freely as it was offered. Their
heaviest expenditures were for spirits, horse, gun, traps, clothing,
and gaudy adornments of every kind for their Indian women, of
whom each possessed at least one. It not infi'equently happened
that in a lew days their reckless excesses and their heedless gener-
osity to their fair ones not oidy exhausted their balance with the
company, but ran up such an enormous bill of credit that their labor
for a year was pledged in advance. When it is known that some
of these men, when employed on a salary, received as high as two
thousand dollars a year, the full extent of their extravagance will
1)6 better undei-stood. That is a large sum to expend in two or
three weeks for spirits and gewgaws.

In 1825 the Rocky Mountain Fur Company dispatched Jede-
diah S. Smith into the country west of Great Salt Lake, witli a
party of forty men. He discovei'ed Humboldt River, which he
named " Mary's River " in honor of his Indian wife, so the old
trappers testify, and following down that stream crossed the SieiTa
Nevada Mountains, arriving in the Sacramento Valley in July.
This was undoubtedly the first overland journey to California, not-
withstanding that Cronise speaks of American trappers appearing

FAILURE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMERICANS.

193

there as early as 1820, He gives no authority for tlie statement,
and there is no record of any other party liaving jx'netrated so far
west; the context, also, shows that he confoun(h'd these supposi-
tious early trappers with a portion of Smith's i-ouipaiiy which he left
behind him when lie returned. Smith had good success, and leav-
ing the majority of liis company to continue theii" o])ei'ation8, he
returned to the general rendezvous on (Ireen Ri\er. He crossed
the mountains on his hoiaeward journey in the \ icinity of Mono
Lake, discovering large deposits of placei- gold in that region, spec-
imens of which he took with him to exhibit tt> his enij)loyers on
Green Rivt r. General Ashley, having made a fortune, was then
ready to retire from active participation in the business. He there-
fore sold his interests in the llocky Mountain Fur Company to
William Sublette, Jedediah S. Smith and David .lackson. Smith
again started for California in the spring of 1H2(), to rejoin the
party he had left thei'e, of whose success he and his partners enter-
tained high hopes. It was his purpose tojnake a thorough inspec-
tion of the gold placers, tra[) through the Sacramento Valley, and
with his whole party return to Green River to participate in the
annual meeting the following summer. In his journey he passed as
far south as the Colorado River, and, at some point on that stream,
his party was attacked by Indians, who killed all except Smith,
Turner and Galbraitli. Those three escaped to Mission San Ga-
briel, and, notwithstanding their forlorn and distressed condition,
were arrested as filibusters by the panicy Mexicans and sent to San
Diego. At that point there happened to be several American ves-
sels, whose officers signed a certificate that Smith was simply a
peaceful trader and possessed a passport h'om the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs of the United States. The certificate bears date of
December 20, 1820, and was potential to procure the release of the
[)risoners. He then proceeded to hunt for the men he had left the
year before, and found them in camp on the x\m<^rican River, in
the vicinity of Folsom, their residence there leading to the bestowal
of that title upon the stream. It was his purpose to r.iturn by way
of the Columbia River, but that season was one of unusual snows
and ftoods, and he was unable for a long time to leave the valley.
His movements are somewhat uncertain, but are partially revealed
in the following letter, written by him to J"'ather Duran. The

11)4

H18T0KY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

Meximiis were uneasy ahoiit the intentions of this party of armed
Americans, and the wortliy Father wrote liim a letter asking for
information. Smith rej)lie(l: —

Hkvkhkxd Kathkk.— 1 iiiuhMHtiiiul, through thenie<liuni of some of your Chris-
tian Indians, tiiat you areanxiouH to Itnov/ wi>o we are, as some of the Indians have
heen at tlie luiHyion and informed you tiuit there were certain wliite people in the
country. We are Americans on our Journey to the lUver Columbia ; we were in at
the Mission San (ial)riel in January last. I went to .San Diefjoand sjiw the general,
and pot a passjjort from him to pass on to that place. I have made several efforts
to cross the mountains, but the snows being so deep, I could not succeed in getting
over. I returned to this place (it l)eing the only point to kill meat), to wait a few
weeks until the snow melts so Hint I can go on ; the Indians here also being friendly,
I consider it the most safe point for me to remain, until such time as I can cross the
mountains with my horses, having lost a great many in attem]>ting to cross ten or
fifteen days since. I am a long ways from home, and «■.. nnxious to get there as
soon as the nature of the case will admit. 'Jur situation is «iuite unplea.sant, l)eing
destitute of clothing and most of the necessaries of life, w ild meat beingour principal
.subsistence. 1 am. Reverend Father, your strange but real friend and Christian
brother. " J. S. SMITH.

May 19th, 1S27.

Soon after this correspondence Smith started nortliward, crossing
to the coa.st in the vicinity of Russian River. He continued along
the coast to the Umpciua, and ^vhile ferrying his effects across the
stream on a riidely constructed raft, his party wa.s attacked by
Indians, witii whom they were holding friendly intercourse, and all
but three were slain. Smith, Daniel Prior and one of the Indians
were on the raft at the time of the attack, and when the signal yell
was given the savage sprang into the water Anth Smith's gun in his
hand; but he never lived to enjoy his prize, for Smith seized his
companion's rifle and buried a bullet in the Indian's brain the in-
stant his head appeared above water. The two men landed on the
opposite side of the stream and succeeded in making their way to
Vancouver, where they received a warm and sympathetic welcome.
The officers of the Hudson's Bay Company would have done their
utmost to have ruined his business had he come into their field with
a band of trappers ; but one in his pitiable condition — his followers
massacred and his furs and accoutrements i)lundered — could only
excite their deepest sympathy. A few days later a third man made
his appearance, more forlorn, if possible, than the others. This was
Richard Laughlin, who was in camp at the time of the attack, and
had seized a burning brand from the fire, with which he rained

FAILURE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY TIIK AMKKRA.V.S.

195

scorching blows upon the nuked Uodics of liis jissaihints until he
cleared a passage for himself and escaped.

It vva.s deemed necessary hy the officers of the company to chas-
tise the Indians who had l)een guilty of this unprovoked outrage,
as a warning to other trihes who might fi-el encouraged to pounce
down upon unwary bands of trappers; besides, the furs stolen were
exceedingly valuable and ought to be recovered. It happened that
Governor Sim])S(»n was at Fort Vancouver at the time Smith arrived
in such a forlorn condition, and he sent out a party under "'' )mas
McKay, to jiunish the Indians and recover the captured propci ty,
l)oth as a necessary step to maintain the company's authority and
as an act of courtesy to the despoiled trader. Accounts ' jjy tis to
the degree of punishmfnt inflicted, but at all events the fiu's \\ ere
recovered and conveyed to Vancouver, and since he could noi cairy
them, havinj^ no means, and since the company, from a business
point of view, could not afford to provide him with facilities for
caiTying on opposition to it, he sold the whole lot to the company
for $40,000. They were, to be sure, worth more in St. Louis, but
under the cii'cumstances, this was a fair price for them on the
Columbia. The most detailed account t)f this incident is given by
Rev. GiLstavus Hines, who received the facts from Dr. McLoughlin
in person. Gray's History of Oregon, a rabid anti-Hudson's Bay
Company volume, seriously (piestions the correctness of these state-
ments. It says: —

The property was recovered from the Indians by giving them presents of blank-
ets and powder, and such things as the Indians wished, a.s stated to us by a Frencli-
man, a servant of the company, wlio was one of McKay's party tiiat went to get
the furs. They found no bodies to bury, and had no fight witli the Indians about
the projMirty, as stated by Mr. Sniitli, also. But, as the Hudson's Bay Company
tells the story, through Mr. Hines, they spread terror throitf/h the tribes. * * *
Mr. Hines says his Umpqua party returned in triumph to Vancouver! And well
they raight, for they had made the best season's hunt they ever made in getting
those furs and the property of Smith, which paid them well for the expedition, as
there was no market for Smith, except in London, through the hypocritiml_ kind-
ness of Mr. Simpson. By this time Mr. Smith had learned all he wished to of this
company. He preferred giving them his furs at their own price to being under
further obligations to them. Mr. Sublette, Mr. Smith's partn<;r, did not speak as
though he telt under much obligation to Mr. Simpson or the Hudsons Bay Com-
pany, which was not long aftc- the transaction referred to. I do not know how the
company regard these sta.tements of Mr. Hines, yet I regard them as true so far as
Mr. Hines is concerned, but utterly false as regards the company. * * *
According to the testimony given in the case of the Hudson's Bay Company v.
United States, the amount of furs seized by the company at that time was forty

190

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

packs, worth at the time $1,000 each, besides the animals and equipments belonging
to the party, a larfie portion of wliich was given to the Indians to compensate them
for the services rendered tlie company in destroying Smith's expedition and killing
his men."

It is a sufficient refutation of the above to state that the author
is a nion(»nianiae on the sul)jec't of the Hudson's Bay Company and
the Catholics, resultinir from the religious struggle between rival
missionary establishments, with one of wliich lie was connected.
No sin is too black or. crime too heinous for him to charge to the
score of his old opponents. It is true that it was the company's
policy to overbear all oj^position; that all Indians over whom they
exercised control were strictly enjoined from dealing with in-
depen<lent traders or selling them supplies; that their agents were
instructed never to sup))ly such parties with food or ammunition,
unless the dictates of pure humanity recjuired it, as in the case under
consid(!ration ; but that it ever encouraged the thought among the
natives that it ^^■ould be pleased by the murder of Americans, is not
susceptible of proof, and the idea is inconsistent with the character
of the men who administered its affairs <m the Pacific Coast,
especially the kind and benevolent Dr. John McLoughlin, Chief
Factor at Vancouver. Smith's party was the first band of American
trappers to invade tlie com[)any's field in Oregon, and as their
presence \Nas unsuspected, since the company had not }'et begun to
operate in Stmthern Oregon and California, it is impossible that
these Indians could ha\e l)een encouraged to attack them. Gener-
ally speaking, the Indians of this region, save those at the mouth of
the Colunil)ia, did not at that time understand the difference in na-
tionality of white men, though but n few years later the appearance
of Americans along the Columbia taught them all the difference
between " Bostons" and " King George's Men," a distinction which
wa.s carefully impressed upon them by the representatives of the
Hudson's Bay Com])any, and which, in their eyes, was a most im-
portant one, as subsequent events plainly indicate. To show that
the company did not encourage a general spirit of hostility against
Americans, though admitting, or, rather, not denying, that the
tribes were urged to hold no communication whatever with Ameri-
can traders, Dunn relates the following incident, occurring, proba-
bly, subsecpieut to 1830: —

FAILURE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THK AMERICANS.

197

On one occasion an American vessel, Captain Tlioinpson, was in the Columbia,
trading for furs and salmon. The vessel had got aground in the upper part of the
river, and the Indians, from various quarters, mustered with the intent of cutting
the Americans off, tliinliing that tliey had an opportunity of revenge, and would
thus escape the censure of the company. Dr. M'Loughlin, the governor of Fort
Vancouver, hearing of their intention, immediately dispatched a party to their ren-
dezvous, and informed them that if they injured one American, it would be just
the same ottense as if they had injured one of his servants, and the^ would be treated
equally as enemies. This stunned them, and they relinciuished their purpose and
all retired to their respective homes. Had not this come to the governor's ears the
Americans must have perished.

Such conduct is characteristic of tlie kind-hearted Chief Factor,
and it is probable that he woukl have thus acted had he been im-
plicitly enjoined to the contrary by his superior officers. One thing
is certain — in after years he lost the favor of the (jroveriK)r by not
withholding from American settlers the aid their necessities recpiu-ed,
though he w^ell knew that by so doing lie was violating the well-
defined jjolicy of the company of discouraging American immigra-
tion. Just when the title "Bostons" was first bestowed upon
Americans, to distinguish them from the English, or " King (leorge's
Men,'' is a matter of uncertainty; l)ut it was probably done in 1882,
when a Boston merchant, Nathaniel J. W}eth, entered (Oregon to
engage in the fur ti'ade, as will appear subse(juently. In after years
all wdiite people })ecame known as " Bostons,'" with the exception
of the soldiers and the priests, and this chtssitication exists at the
jiresent day.

Dr. McLoughlin died on the third of September, 1857, at the
age of seventy-three, and a stone marks his last resting place in the
Catholic churchyard at Oregon City. Among his papers was found
a quite lengthy manuscript, in his own handwriting, detailing at
length his acts in connection with many events, and showing how
his efforts to be just, kind and generous to the settlers had not (mly
failed to win him the goo>! will of many of them, or justice from the
Government, but had lost him the friendship of his former fellow-
officers of the IIudsf)n's iJay Company. It details (piite minutely
the incident which is now under eonsideration, and it will be ob-
served that the Doctor's version differs somewiiat from that of Hines
or Cxray in several particulars, especially in regard to the ([uantity
and value of the furs recovered. This posthiunous paper has been
published in full in the " Transactions of the Oregon Pioneer Asso-

198

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

ciation,"' and will be frequently quoted from in the succeeding pages.
That portion referring to the Uiup(iua nia-ssacre is as follows: —

One night in Aujjust, 1828, 1 wus surprised by tlie Indians malting a great noise
at the gate of tlie fort, saying they had lirouglit an Anieriwin. The gate was ojiened,
the man came in, but was so affected lie could not speak. After sitting down some
minutes to recover himself, he told he was, he thought, the only survivor of eighteen
(18) men, conducted by the late .ledediah Snath. All tlie rest, he thought, were
murdered. The party left San Francisco bound to their rendezvous ■ the Salt
Lake. They a.scended the Sacramento Valley, l»ut finding no opening to cross
the mountains to go eiust, tliey bent their course to the coast, whicii they reachetl
at the mouth of Rogue River, then came along the beach to the Jmpqua, where
the Indians stole their ax, and as it was the only ax they had, and whicli they
absolutely refjuired to make rafts to cross rivers, they took the chief prisoner
and their ax wa.s returned. Early the following morning. Smith started in a
canoe with two (2) men and an Indian, an.i left orders, as usual, to allow no
Indians to come into camp. But to gratify their passion for women, the men
neglected to follow the order, allowed the Indians to come into camp, and at an
Indian yell live or six Indians fell upon each white man. At the time, the
narrator, Black, was out of the crowd, and had just finished cleaning and loading
his rifle: three (3) Indian.') jumped on him, but he shook them off, and seeing all
his conira«les struggling on the ground and the Indians stabbing them, he fired on
the crowd and rushed to the woods pursued by tlie Indians, but fortunately escaped ;
swam across the Umptiua and [went] northward in the hopes of reaching theColum-
bia, where he knew we were. But broken down by hunger and misery, as he had
no food but a few wild berries whicli he found on the beach, he determined to give
himself up to the Killimour, a trilie on the coast at Cape Lookout, who treated him
with great humanity, relieved his wants and brought him to the Fort, for which, in
case whites might again fall in their power, and to induce them to act kindly to
them, I rewardeil them most lllierally. But thinking Smith and his two men might
have escaped, we made no search for them at breali of day the next morning. I
sent Indian runners with tol)acco to the Willamette chiefs, to tell them to send
their people in search of Smith and his two men, and if they found them to bring
them to the fort and I would pay them ; and also told them if any Indians hurt these
men we would punish them, and immediately equipped a strong party of forty
(40) well armeo men. But as the men were embarking, to out great joy, Smith and
his two men arrived.

I then arranged as strong a party as I could make to recover all we could of
Smith's property. I divulged my i)lan to none, but gave written instructions to
the officer, to be opened only when he got to the Tnipqua, because if known before
they got there, the officers would talk of it among themselves, the men would hear
it and from them it wouUl go to their Indian wives, who were spies on us, and my
plan would be defeated. The plan was that the officer was, as usual, to invite the
Indians to bring their furs to trade, just as If nothing h.id hai)pened. Count the
furs, but as the American trappers mark all their skins, keep these all separate, give
them to Mr. Smith and not pay the Indians for them, telling them that they
belongetl to him; that they got them by murdering Smith's people.

They denied having murdered Smith's people, but admitted they l)ought them
of the murderers. The officers told them they must look to the murderers for the
payment, which they did ; and as the niuulerers would not restore the property
they had received, a war was kindled among them, and the murderers were pun-
ished more severely than we could have done, and which Mr. Smith himself
admitted, and to be much preferable to going to war on them, as we could not dis-

FAILUKK AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AM?:RICANS.

199

tinguish the innocent from the guilty, wlio, if they chose, might fly to the mount-
ains, where we could not find them. In this way we recovered property for Mr.
Smith to the amount of three thousand two hundred dollars, witiiout any expense
to him, and which was done from a principle of Christian duty, and as a lesson to
the Indians to show them they could not wrong the whites with impunity.

Smith's report of th(^ excellence of tlie region to the south as a
trup2>iiig ground aroused the company to the importance of reaping
the benefit of the American trader's enterprise. Accordingly, two
expeditions were sent out in different dii'ections to trap ov^er the
field Smith had explored. It luis been said that the service of guides
to these new beaver streams was part of the price paid by him for
the recovery of his furs and traps; but a positive statement on that
point is impossible. One party, consisting of forty men, completely
efiuipped for a year's absence, started southward, led by Alexander
Koderick McLeod, and guided by Turner. Among them were some
of the men who had come out ^o Astoria Avith the Pacific Fur Com-
pany, and had remained here in the employ of the Northwest Com-
pany and its successor. These were Etinne Lucier, Joseph Gervais,
bc)th well known to the early pioneers, iVlexaiuler McCarty, William
Canning and Thos. McKay, whose father perislied in the Tonquhi.
On their journey s(juthward they bestowed several of the familiar
names of Southern (Oregon, such as "Jum])-off-Joe," " Rogue River,"
and "Siskiyou Mountain." The first was so named because of an
adventure which happened to Joe McLoiighlin, vson of the Chief Fac-
tor. The second was called "La Rivier (h:* Caipicain," because the
Indians stole some of their traps and hoi'ses, and gave them much
trouble. The last received its title because an old white, bobtailed
horse, belonging to Jean Baptiste Pairroult, was stolen while they
were camped on the mountain, "Siskiyou" meaning "l)obtail" in
the patois French of the Canadian tra])pers. McLeod's party met
with consideral)le su'-cess; but they were snowed in, early in the
winter, on tlu^ banks of a tributary of the Sacramento, lost their
horses, and were unable to get out of the mountains with the large
packs of furs and traps. In this emergency, McKay, McLoughlin
and Pairroult started on foot ^.>v ^" • jouver, to procure horses, and
after much hardship and s:..itMing reacluHl headipiarters. McLeod,
however, unable to procure food for his men, did not wait for the
expected relief, but cached his lurs and traps, and also made his
toilsome way to Vancouver. The cache was made near the eastern

200

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY,

base of Mount Slia-sta, wliicli they called "■ Mt. McLoughliu." When
the relief party arrived at the deserted camp, the following spring,
it wa.M found that the .snow and rains had caused th^ I'iver to flood
its banks, and the furs had become wet and spoiled. The stream
was ever afterwards known among the trappers as " McLeod River,"
the name it still V>ears in pronunciation, though the orthography
has been changed to " McCloud," The reason for this is, that in
sound the two names are very similar, and that Ross McCloud, a
very worthy and well-known gentleman, resided on the stream in
an early day, though not for a (piarter of a century after it rt^ceived
its baptism of "McLeod," Care should be taken by all map
makers, historians, and writers generally, to adhei-e to the original
orthography.

The other party referred to was led by Peter Skeen Ogden, and
was accompanied by Smith. They, passed up the Columbia and
Lewis, or Snake, rivers, to the source of the latter, where Smith left
them and proceeded to the general rendezvous of his company on
Green River. Jgden continued southward un; II he reached the Hum-
boldt. That stream of many titles was known among the American
trappers as " Mary's River," and among the Hudson's Bay [)eople
as " Ogden's River," its jiresent name having been bestowed upon
it by Fremont, who had sought through that region in vain for the
fabulous " Buena Ventura." Ogden passed down the stream to the
"Sink," and then crossed the Sierra Nevada to Sacramento Valley
through Walker's Pass. He trapped along the Sacramento, and
continued northward until he reached Vancouver, sometime in the
summer of IS'JU, with a valuable lot of furs. When Smith appeared
at the Green Ri\er rendezvous with the tale of his manifold fortunes,
he was as one risen from the dead, as his partners, having received
no tidings of him for two years, supposed him to have perished.
In 1880 he disposed of his interest in the Rocky Mountain Fur
Company, and the fidlowing year was treacherously killed V>y In-
dians, while digging foi* water in the dry bed of tlie Cimeron River,
near Taos, New Mexico, and was l)uried there by his companions.

The second party of American trappers to enter Oregon wjis that.
of Major Pilcher. They left Green River in 1828, and passed along
the western base of the Rocky Mountains to Flathead Lake, where
they wintered. In the s^jring they descended Clarke's Fork and the

FAILURE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMERICANS.

201

main Columbia to Colville River, up which tliey ascended to its
source and started on their return eastward. Gray says: "This
party of Major Pilcher's were all cut off but two men, besides him-
self; his furs, as stated by himself to the writer, foun<l their way into
the forts of the Hudson's Bay Company." The writer, though not
stating it positively, intends to convey the impression that these men
were murdered at the instigation of the Hudson's Ba}' Company, or,
at least, with its sanction. That the captured furs were sold to the
company is true, but as that was the only market o[)en to the In-
dians, it is a very small fotmdation upon which to lay a charge of
nun-der against the purchasers. The next band of American trap-
pers \vas that of Ewing Young, who had been for years a leader of
tra])ping parties from Santa Fe to the headwaters of the Del Norte,
Rio Grande and Colorado rivers. He entered California through
Walker's Pass, in 1829, and returned the next year. In 1832 he
again entered California and followed Smith's route into Oregon as
far as the Umpqua, when he turned eastward, ci'ossed the moun-
tains to the tributary streams of the Colund)ia and Snake rivers,
entered Sacramento Valley again fi"om the north, and finally crossed
out by the Tejon Pass, having been absent from Santa Fe two years.
Mr. Young soon returned, and became one of the first and most
energetic of the American settlers in Oregon, his death a few years
later leading to the organization of the Provisional Government.
While in the Sacramento Valley, in 1832, Young encountered a
))rigade of Hudson's Bay trappers, led by Michael Laframbois. Tlie
company had made this one of their fields of operation, and had
the year before established Fgrt Umpqua, at the confluence of Elk
Creek and Umpqua River, as a base of supplies for Southern Ore-
gon and Calif o) . . In 1833 an agency was establislied at Yerba
Buena (San Francisco), and trapping headquarters in Yolo and San
Joa([uin counties, both places becoming known to the early Ameri-
can settlers as " Fi'ench Camp." J. Alexander Forl)es, the first
English historian of California, and W. G. Ray, represented the
company at Yerba Buena until it withdrew from California in
1S45.

William Sublette and David Jackson retired from the Rocky
Mountain Fur Company in 1830, at the same time as Smith, the new
proprietors being Milton Sublette, James Bridger, Robert Campbell,

202

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

Thomas Fitzpatrick, Frapp and Jarvis. In 1831 the old American
Fur Company, which had been manaf^ed so long by Mr. Astor but
was now directed by Ramsey Crooks, one of Mr. Astor's partners in
the Astoria venture, began to push into the trapping grounds of
the othej" company, (^reat rivalry sprang up between them, which
was the following year intensified by the appearance of two other
competitors in the persons of Captain B. L. E. Bonneville and Na-
thaniel J. AVyeth. Captain Bonneville was a United States army
officer, who had been given permission to lead a party of trappers
into the fur regions of the Northwest, the expedition being counte-
nanced by the Government only to tlie extent of this permit. It
was supposed, that, by such an undertaking, sufficient additional
information of the region explored would l)e obtained to warrant
authorizing an officer to engage in a private venture. The Captain
first reached the Rocky Mountains in 1 832. In 1833 he sent Joseph
Walker with forty men to California over the route formerly pur-
sued by Smith, and on Christmas of the same year started with three
companions from his camp on Portneuf River, upon an expedition
to Fort Walla Walla. His object, as given by Irving, was: "To
make himself acquainted with the country, and the Indian tribes;
it being one part of his scheme to establish a trading post some-
where on the lower part of the river, so as to participate in tlie
trade lost to the United States by the capture of Astoria." He
reached Powder River on the twelfth of January, 1834, whence his
journey was continued down Snake River and by the Nez Perce
trail to Fort Walla Walla, where he arrived March 4, 1834.

This journey, in mid-winter, was attended with its accompany-
ing detail of hardships incident to the season, including the absence
of game end presence of snow in the mountains. At one time they
had wandered among the Blue Mountains, lost amid its canyons
and defiles east of the Grand Ronde Valley, for twenty days, nearly
frozen and constantly starved until they were at the verge of despair.
At length a Nez Perce chief was met who invited them to his lodge
some twelve miles further along the trail they were traveling, and
then galloped away. So great had betai the strain upon the
Captain's system in sustaining these successive days of unnatural
exertion, that when the chief disappeared he sank upon the
ground and lay there like one dead. His companions tried in

FAILURE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMERICANS.

203

vain to arouse liiiu. It was a useless effort, aud they were forced to
camp by the trail until he awoke from his trance the next day and
was enabled to move on. They had hardly resumed their tedious
journey when some dozen Nez Perces rode up with fresh horses and
carried them in triumph to their village. Everywhere after this
they were kindly received by this liospital>le jjeople — fed, cared for
and guided on their way by them.

Bonneville and his two companions were kindly received at Fort
Walla Walla by Mr. P. C. Pambrun, who, with five or six men,
was in charge of that station at the mouth of the Walla Walla
River. This Hudson's Bay Company's representative was a courte-
ous, affalde host, but when asked to sell the Captain supplies that
would enable his return to the Rocky Mountains, said: "That
worthy superintendent, who had extended all the genial rights of
hospitality, now suddenly ajssumed a witliered-up a.spect and
demeanor, and observed that, however he might feel disposed to
serve him personally, he felt bound by his duty to the Huds(m's Bay
Company to do nothing wliich should facilitate or encourage the
visits of other traders among the Indians in that part of the country."
Bonneville remained at the fort but two days longer, for his desti-
tute condition, combined with the lateness in the season, rendered
it necessary for him to return inuuediately ; and he started on the
back trail with his Nez Perce guide, and finally reached the point of
general rendezvous for his various expeditions. This is a true state-
ment of the position assumed by the Hudson's Bay Company; its
agents would not themselves, nor would they permit the Indians
under their control to deal with or in any manner assist opposition
traders; but that Bonneville traversed the (30untry in safety with but
three companions, after the company was aware of his intention to
return and found a rival establishment on the Columbia, is convinc-
ing evidence that assassination was not one of its methods of over-
coming competition, however much such charges umy be reiterated
by its enemies.

In July, 1834, Bonneville started on a second expedition to the
Colum.,1^, with a formidable number of trappers and mountain
men, well equipped, and with an extensive stock of goods to traffic
with Indians. He still contemplated a restoration of American trade
in this country, and designed establishing a post for that purpose in

204

TdSTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

the Willamette Valley. This time he passed the Blue Mountains
by way of Grand Ilonde Valley and the Umatilla River, and upon
his arrival at tlie mouth of that stream, was surprised to tind the
natives shunning him. They ran from his men, hid themselves, and
when intercepted, refused to have an^'thing to do with the Ameri-
cans. Not a skin, a horse, a dog, or a fish, could he obtained fi'om
them, having l)een warned l»y the Hudson's Bay Company not to
traffic with these new comers. It now seemed a question of imme-
diate evacuation or starvation, and Bonneville decided to abandon
his attempt at joint occupancy. Once more he turned his back upon
the Columbia and left the English company in undisputed possession
of the field.

A contemporaneous effort was made by Nathaniel J. Wyeth, a
Boston merchant, ^^'ith eleven men who knew nothing of trapper-
life, he crossed the plains to Humboldt River, with Milton Sublette,
in 1832. From this j)oint the twelve pushed north to Snake River,
and by way of that strt am to Fort Vancouver, where they arrived
on the twenty-ninth of October. Mr. Wyeth had his whole fortune
invested in his enterprise, and had brought with him a large stock
of goods, such as were used in the' Indian trade. He was received
with great hospitality by Dr. McLoughlin. The next spring he
left for the East, a financial bankrupt, only two of his followers
accompanying him. It does not appear that the company's officers
contributed in any way to produce this result; but if they did not,
it M-as simply because it was unnecessary to do so. Had not natural
causes, the chief of which were the wrecking of his supply ship
which had been sent around Cape Horn, and his utter ignorance of
the business of fur trading, led to his failure, the company would
undoubtedly have protected its interests as it did upon his next
venture two years later. Arriving in Boston, Mr. Wyeth organized
" The Columbia River Fishing and Tiading Company," with a view
of continuing operations on the Pacific Coast under the same general
plan that had been cmtlined by Astor, adding, however, salmon fish-
ing to the fur trade. He dispatched the brig Mary Dacres for the
mouth of the (Columbia, loaded with supplies and implements needed
in his pi'oposed undertaking. She had on board also supplies for
the Methodist Mission, to be spoken of hereafter. With sixty ex-
perienced men, Mr. Wyeth himself started overland in 1834. Near

FAILUKE AT JOINT OCCUPATION BY THE AMERICANS.

205

the headwaters of Snake River he built Foit Hall, as an interior
trading post, the name ))eing that of one of his partners. Here he
left twelve men and a stock of goods. II(^ then pushed forward to
the Columl)ia and erected a fort on Sauvie's Island, j't the mouth of
the Willamette lliver, which he called " Fort Will iams," in honor
of another partner; and again the Amei-ican flag \va^•ed over soil
west of the Rocky Mountains. The ofticers of the co.npany again
received him with much hos|»itality, and though they continued to
treat him with courtet^y, this did not prevent them from taking the
steps necessary to protect the company's interests. Fort Boise was
esta) dished as an opposition to Fort Hall, and drew the bulk of the
trade of the Indians of Snake River. On the Columbia, Wyeth
found that the natives were so completely under the conti'ol of the
company that he could establish no business rehitions with them
whatever. In two years he was com})elleil to sell all his possessions,
including Fort Hall, to the rival company, and abandon this second
effort at joint occupation. To this result the American Fur Coin-
[)any and Rocky Mountain Fur Comj)an}' largely contributed by
conduct towards Mr. Wyeth that was neither generous nor honor-
able, and it was linally, with a sense of gratification, that he sold
Fort Hall to the British Company, and thus gave them an im[t()r-
tant post in the very heart of the trapping grounds of his unpatriotic
and unscrupulous countrymen.

Dr. McLoughlin's account of Mr. Wyeth's venture, as given in
the document previously spoken of, is as follows: —

In 1832, Mr. Nathaniel Wyeth, of Cambridge, near Boston, came across land
with a parly of men, but as the vessel he expected to meet here with supplies was
wreclted on the way, he returned to the East with three (3) men. The remainder
joined the Willamette settlement and got supplies and were assisted by the Hud-
son's Bay Company's servants, and to be paid the same price for their wheat — that
is, three shillings sterling per bushel, and purchase their supplies at fifty per cent,
on prime cost.

In 1834. Mr. Wyeth returned with a fresh party, and met the vessel with supplies
here, and t,uirted with a large outfit for Fort Hall, which he had built on his way,
and in 183fi, he abandoned the business and returned to the States, and those of his
men that remained in the country joined the settlements and were assisted as the
others on the same terms as the Hudson's Bay Company's servants, and in justice
to Mr. Wyeth, I have great pleasure to be able to state that as a rival in trade, I
always found him open, manly, frank and fair, and in short, in all his contracts, a
perfect gentleman and an honest man, doing all he could to support morality and
eueouragiug industry iu the settlement.

206

HISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

In 1835 the two rival American companies were consolidated as
" The American Fur Company," Bridger, Fontenelle and Dripps
being the leaders. The retirement of Bonneville, and the sale of
Fort Hall by Mr. Wyeth, left oidy the consolidated company and
a few "lone traders" to compete with the English corporation.
For a few years longer the struggle was maintained, >)Ut gradually
the Hudson's Bay Company absorbed the trade imtil the American
trappers, so far as organized effort was concerned, abandoned the
field.

CHAPTER XIV.

FOUNDATION AND PROGRESS OF THE MISSIONS.

Missionaries Introduce a New Element into the Oregon Question — The
Fhxtheads send Messengers to St. Louis to Procure a Bible — Jason
Lee and others sent by the Methodist Boards of Missions — They iMcate
in the Willamette Valley — Their IHan of Operations- — Sickness at
the Mission and Hostility of the Indians — Parker and Whitman
sent by the American Board — Parker''s Triumphal March — He Re-
turns Home and Publishes a Book — Mr. and Mrs. Whitman — Whit-
man Takes a Cart as Far as Fort Boise — Missions Founded at
Waiilatpu and Lapwai — Progress of the Missions of the American
Board — Mission Founded at The Dalles— Advent of the Catholics
— A Religious War at Once Begins — A Few Sample Incidents — Ef-
fects of the Two Forms of Worship upon the Natives.

THE opening wedge for American settlement and occupation of
Oregon, which was the new and decisive factor time intro-
duced into the Oregon Question, was the Protestant Missionaries.
In despair of coming to an amicable agreement, the plenipotentiaries
of England and the United States, in 1827, had continued indefi-
nitely the treaty of joint occupation, hoping that something would
turn up to put a new phase upon the question; and in less than ten
years their expectations were fully realized, but in a manner little
dreamed of by the most astute of them all. Military posts were
thought of, emigrants were thought of, fur traders were thought of;
but no one seemed to have thought of the earnest and self-abnegat-
ing missionary — that is no one but the aborigines, whose rights
and preferences had not been considered by either party to this
long controversy.

From licwis and Clarke the Indians of the Columbia first learned
of the white man's God. They were told that the Great Spirit wor-

208

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

shi))('(l by their visitors luul made of them a powerful nation, given
tht'Ui hooks, <i;ims, clotliiu';, and a thousand things the red man did
not [tossess. Otlier white men wlio came hiter whettetl their ahvady
keen desire to learn about this powerful (t(m1, and possess that won-
derful Itook whieh he had <(iven to these strange pei»ple. One tribe
was [)iesented by some irreverent trap])ei*s with a well-tluunbed
pack of cards, with the assuranc- that they were the bible for which
they longed; but the deeepti<»n was a brief one. Finally, in 1S32,
four (some authorities say five) Flathead Indians were delegated
l>y their trib(^ to proceed to St. Louis, which they believe<l to be
the great center of the white man's power, and procure this all-
powei"ful book and some one to teach them its contents. It was a
strange ({Uest, and a stranger place in which to make it, for St.
Louis then overflowed with that turbulent and ungtHlly class that
in those cai-ly times swarmed along the western border of civiliza-
tion. Tile messenifers were laui'hed at bv the few to whom they
ap[)lied; and aftei" two of their numl)er had diet! in the city, the
others set out sorrowfully on their return, without having procuretl
the great book, and with their faith in its efficacy for good sadly
shaken V)y the scenes they had witnesseil. One of them died on
the way, yet their journey was not wholly fruitless; for their
lamentations were overheard one dav by one who immediately
wrote to the missionary societies in the East that there was a wide
and ripe field for their labors in Oregon. The matter was taken in
hand by two organizations, the Methodist Board of Missions, and
the American Board of Commissioneix for Foreign Missions, a
society supported })y the Congregational, Presl»\-terian and Dutch
Reformed denominations.

The Methodists were the first to take the field. Rev. Jason
Lee was given direction of the work. Mr. Lee was l)orn in Canatla,
of Ameri(!an parents, and was ordained to the ministry in the United
States; yet his American citizenship has been (piestioned by secta-
rian writers, who imagine that V)y doing so they gain for themselves
certain pioneer honors that are justly his due. His associates were
Rev. Daniel Lee, Cyrus Shepard and P. L. Edwards. When Na-
thaniel Wyeth made his second journey to the Columlua, in 1884,
as already related, this missionary party accompanied him. WTien
Wyeth stopped to build Fort Hall the missionaries left him and

L BL M if^^r^^r-

FOUNDATION AND PROORE8S OK THE MISSIONS.

209

continued their journey with a hri<ra(le of Hudson's Bay ('onipaiiy
trappers, under A. R. McLeod anil Thomas McKay. On the fii-st
of September they reached Fort Walla WaHa, a post the Iludsim's
Bay Company had establislied on the Columbia at the niimth of
Walla AValla River, where the town of Wallula now stands. On
the fifteenth they landed from boats at the company's headquarters
at Vancouver. They were most cordially welcomed by J)r. Mc-
Loughlin, who t ntertained them with the greatest hospitality. It
had been their intention to locate east of the mountains, but the
Chief Factor persuaded them to found their establishment in the
Willamette \'alley. It has been charged that his reosons for desir-
ing them to choose the latter place were that he might secure the
services of one of them as teacher to children at the fort. If such
was the case his motive was far from being an unworthy one; and he
did the Indians no wrong, since those on one side of the mountains
were as n 'ch in need of missionary labors as those on the opposite.
It was a ; ^rtunate thing for the United States that he did so, for
the mission became the center about which American settlers rallied
a few years later, and it became an important factor in wresting
Oregon from the grasp of Great Britain. On this subject McLough-
lin's document says: —

In 18.S4, Messrs. Jason and Daniel Lee, and Messrs. Walker and P. L. Edwards
came wiih Mr. Wyeth to establish a mission in the Flathead country. I observed
to them that it was too dangerous for them to establish a mission ; that to do good
to the Indians, they must establish themselves wliere they could collect them around
tht^m; teach t leni ♦'> cultivate the ground and live more comfortably than they do
by hunting, and as they do this, teach them religion ; that the Willamette aflbrded
them a fine field, and that they ought to go there, and they would get the same
assistance as the settlers. They followed my advice and went to the Willamette,
and it is but justice to these pioneers to say that no men, in my opinion, could exert
themselves more zealously than they did till 1840, when they received a large rein-
forcement of forty (40) or more persons ; then the new-comers began to neglect their
duties, discord sprang uyt among them and the mission broke up.

The location chosen was on the banks of the Willamette, some
sixty miles above its mouth and ten below the site of the present
city of Salem. They began the erection c»f a log house, H2xl8 feet,
and so eager were they to begin their labors that they took posses-
sion of it on the third of November in an uncompleted conf''..[ n,
and received Indian pupils before the roof was finished. TLeir re-
lations with the people at Vancouver were the most friendly and

•I'i

210

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

cordial. Twenty-one persons were baptized at the fort by Jason
Lee oil the fourteenth of December, seventeen of them children;
and he received a donation of twenty dollars to aid in his mission-
ary work. They were viewed by the officers of tlie conn)any solely
in their character as missionaries, their nationality and creed not
beiiiii' considered ; Jmd as siu-h they received hospitable treatment
and hearty encouragement in a work which was deei.ivd beneficial.
They proposed not only to teach religion to the Indians, bnt to
teach them to till the soil and to do other useful and productive
labor, by means of which their moral, mental and physical condi-
tion might be elevated. Realizing that the plastic mind of youth
is the easiest moulded, they opened a school for children, and fur-
nished them a house, where they could learn to read, ^vorship God
and till the soil. To do this recpiired food lor their support; and
it became necessary ft»r them to embark in farming in order to pro-
duce it. This they l)egan the following spring, and their first
harvest consisted of two hundred and fifty bushels of potatoes and
a ([uantity of wheat, barley, oats and peas. To this they added six
barrels of salmon, procured fi'om the Indians. In September, one
year after their arrival, the first of a series of misfoitunes overtook
them. An intermittent fever became prevalent, and foui' of the
children died. The Indians had been watchintr their movements
\\'ith considt*ral>le interest, and these sad occurrences had a powerful
effect upon their superstitious natures, causing them to view with
distrust the place where the Great Spirit Avas <lisplaying his disap-
proval by causing the death of their childi-eu. One Indian, who
had lost a little brother, paid the mission a visit with the avowed
intention of killing Daniel Lee and Cyrus Shepard, but was dis-
stuided from doing so l>y a companion. He gave vent to his wrath
against the "white medicines" by crossing the river and killing
several of his own race, presumably his wife's relations. During
the fall an addition. l(»x;5"j feet, was l)uilt to the niissi(m house, and
the close of the yeai- found them comfortably housed, with a suffi-
cient supply of provisions and only ten jmpils under their charge,
while the Indians generally entertained serious doubts of the ad-
vantage of having them theiv at all.

The American Uoard dispatched Kev. Sanuiel Parker and Dr.
Marcus Whitman in the spring of lS;i;i, as a pioneei" committee to

FOUNDATION AND l'KO«BESS OF TIIK MISSIONS.

211

examine the field and select suitable locations for missionary work.
They joined a party of the American Fur Company, and ac-
companied them to the grand rendezvous on Green Rivei-, where
they encountered a band of Nez Perce Indians who had come across
the mountains to trade with the trappers, with \\'lu)ni the tribe was
on terms of wa»*mest friendship. Among the Nez Perces was a
young chief who was a most ardent friend of the Americans. He
possessed great eloquence in debate, and was named "Lawyer" by
the whites, because of his forensic efforts. With tliis chief the
missionaries had a consultation, and resolved to establish at least
two missions. Accordingly it was agreed that Dr. Parker would
continue the journey across the continent for tlie pui'[)ose of e.xplora-
tion, so that suitable locations might be selected; he was then to
leave a letter of advice witli the Nez Perces to be given to Whit-
man the next year, and return home V)y sea. Tliis was decided
upon because the peculiar characteristics of the two uwn were such
as to prevent cordial co-operation. Dr. Wliitman was the very soul
of energy and devotion to duty, caring nothing for appearances or
the opinion of others if they stood between him and the object to
which he had <levoted his life; while Dr. Parker seems to have
l»een a self-important man to whom a little notoriety was extremely
soothing. Dr. Whitman, accompanied by two young Nez Perces,
returned to the Ea.st to procure the necessary assistance for the two
missions to be founded.

Dr. Parker resumed his journey westward on the twenty-second
of August, and when he entered the Nez Perce country received
such an ovation from the delighted Indians as must iiave gratified
liis vanity in the highest degree. No white man before or since
was ever received by the natives of the Columbia with such cordial-
ity and ceremonious tlistinction as greeted Mr, Parker on liis way
to Fort Walla Walla. His approach to an Indian vilhige was the
occasion of general display of savage grandeur and hospitality.
Here was one who had come t( tell them of that unseen and myste-
rious power which had done so many wonderful things for the
white man ; and they hoped now to learn how to worship that (Tieat
Spirit of whom they had heard their first white \isitors speak, and
wlio, they hoped, might smile upon them and nuike them wise and
lK)Vverful. With this thought they leceived the missionai'y every-

212

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

where wntli uutstretehed arms and demonstrations of unbounded
jt>v. He Ijeld religions services in several places, and to a degree
indueteil Lis eager neophytes into the mysteries of the white man's
religion. He reached Fort Walla Walla on the fifth of October,
reeeiving a cordial welcome from P. C Pambrun, the gentleman in
charge. A few days later he passed down the Columbia in a boat,
{\nd during the winter enjoyed the hospitalities of Dr. McLoughlin
a' Vjuicouver. In the spring he returned east of the mountains and
miu\e c journey through the Nez Perce, Spokane and Colville
countries, after which he embarked from Vancouver for the Sand-
wich Islanils, and thence for home, ' iriving in 1837. He soon after
published an account of liis travels, which was of special value at
that time because of the deep interest the people were beginning to
take in the ( )regon Question.

Dr. A\'hitman, Avith his two Indian companions, reached Rush-
ville, N. v., his home, late on Saturday night, and his presence
there. instea<l of in the lieart of the Rocky Mountains, was first
knoMTi Avhen he walkeci tiuietly into church the next morning \Nnth
his copper-hued friends, his mother starting up with a cry of ih-
t*>nishment and joy. During the winter all his an'angements \k^ere
made, including his maiTiage in February, 1836, with Miss Nar-
cissa Prentiss, daughter of Stephen H. Prentiss. Mrs. Whitman
was a woman of refined nature, rare accomplishments of voice and
manner, of connnanding ]>resence, firm in purpose and an enthu-
siast in the line of her accepted duty. In this cause her deepest
sympathies had been enlisted, and she cheerfully yielded all her
fair prospects among friends and kindred, and devoted her life to
isolation in a coimtry so far away that the very name conveyed to
the mind a sense of loneliness and mystery, and where a martyr's
irrave wjis awaiting her. She was born at Pittsburg, N. Y., March
14. 18(18, and v/as therefor^ Vmt thirty-nine years of age when
merciless and ingrate hands crowned with her death the sacrifice of
her life. Marcus Whitman, M. D., was born September 4, 1802-,
at Rusliville, X. Y., and at the age of forty-five offered up his life
on the altar of duty. These t^vo, accompanied by Rev. H. H.
Spalding and wife, a lady of much firmness of character and devo
tion to duty, and W. H. (iray, set out on their westward journey
under the escort of a pai'ty of the American Fur Company. With

FOUNDATION AND PROGRESS OF THE MISSIONS.

213

the party were Major Pilcher, an independent trader previously
alluded to, and Sir William Drummond, an English nobleman
traveling under the alias of " Captain Stewart " and accompanied
by a companion and three servants. The missionary party took with
them three wagons, eight mules, twelve horses and sixteen cows,
besides farming utensils, blacksmith and carpenter tools, seeds,
clothing, etc., to enable them to become self-supporting At Fort
Laramie all the wagons but one were abandoned, but Whitman in-
sisted upt)U taking this one for the ladies to ride in ; the trappers also
concluded to try the experiment of wheels in the mountains, and
safely took a small cart to the grand rentlezvous on Green Kiver.
Here the missionaries met Nathaniel J. Wyeth on his return home
from his second unfortunate effort to test the virtues of joint occu-
l^ation in Oregon, and they were by him introduced to McKay and
McLeod, the two Hudson's Bay Company agents who had escorted
Jason Lee two years before, and who were about to I'eturn to Van-
couver from a trapping and trading tour. Nocwithstanding the
urgent objection of the trapjDers and their assurances that it was
impossible for a wagon to pass through the mountains. Whitman
insisted upon taking the vehicle along; but when he reached Fort
Hall he was compelled to reduce it to two wheels, and at Fort Boise
they insisted upon an entire abandonment of it. Nevertheless, he
had demonstrated that wagons could cross the Rocky Mountains,
and was satisfied that the remainder of the route presented no more
formidable obstacles. They were met on tlie route by a band of
Nez Perces who had been informed in the spring 1»y Dr. Parker of
their expected coming, and their reception \vas only less impressive
than had l)een that of their herald, whose failui'e to do anything for
them had served somewhat to cool the ardor Avhich his appearance
had raised to fever heat. Mr. Pambrun gave them a hearty wel-
come to Fort Walla Walla on the second of September, which was
repeated by Dr. McLoughlin a few days latei- when they landed
from the company's boats at Fort Vancouver.

Leaving the ladies to enjoy the ht)spitalities of the fort, the three
gentlemen returned to Walla AV^alla, and, with the aid of Mr. Pam-
brun, sought for suitable locations for their pro])osed missions. It
was decided to locate one among the Cayuses and the otluM- among
the Nez Perces. The former was located at Waiilatpu, ou the

214

HISTORY OK WILLAMKTTK VALLEY.

Walla Walla Rive)*, six miles west <if the present city of Walla
Waila, and was taken charge of by Mr. and Mrs. Whitman. This
was known as the ' AVaiilatpu," or " Whitman, Mission," the former
name signifying "the people," being the proper title of the Caynse
tribe. Mr. and Mrs. Spalding founded the " Lapwai Mission " among
the Nez Perces, at a place on the Clearwater River a few miles from
the site of Lewiston, Idaho. Mr. Gray rendered material aid in
constructing the two posts, and assisted the two principals in their
missionary laboi-s.

The next year, it l)eing deemed advisable to extend the field of
their operations, Mr. Gray returned East, to procure the necessary
means and additional aid to accomplish that purpose. He was
accompanied by four Nez Perces, who took a large band of horses
with them, the price of which they intended to contribute to the
Mission fund. On the Platte River the paity was attacked by Sioux
Indians, their horses stolen ami the four Ne/ Perces killed, }h .
Gray barely escaping with his life. He returned in 1)S;?H, with Rev.
E.Walker and wife. Rev. Gushing Eells and wife. Rev. A. B. Smith,
Mrs. Gi-ay, and Cornelius Rogers. With the party came Captain
John A. Sutter, the honored pioneer of the Sacramento Valley.
They brought with them fourteen cows of a superior breed, l)ut at
Fort Hall were persuaded to leave them and accept in their place
an order for a similar number to be delivered them l)y the agent of
the Hudson's Ray Company when they reached their destination.
They failed to fully appreciate the beauties of this transaction until
after their arrival at the AVhitman Mission in Septend)er, and wit-
nessed the efforts of an expert vaquero to catch some of the wild
heifers roaming with the herds belonging to the company.

The following brief and accurate account of the Missicms of the
American Board is taken from Rev. Myron Eells' book, entitled
" Indian Mis'^ions," and carries them up to the time when the Amer-
ican settlers organized a government in Oregon, from which time
they will only be considei'ed in connection with concurrent events.
Mr. Eells says: —

On the arrival of this mission reinforcement, Mr. Gray was ussociated with Mr.
Spalding. Mr. Smitli was first stationed with Dr. Whitman, but the next year lie
opened a new station at Kamiah, sixty miles from Lapwai, among the Nez Perces,
and Messrs. Walker and Eells likewise began another station among the Hpokanes,
ut THhimakain, six miles north of the 8iH)kane River, in the spring of 1839. The

FOITNDAtlON AND PROORKSS OF TIIK MISSIONS.

215

first few years of the niission were quite encounitring. OwiiiK jjiirtly to tiie novelty,
the Indians seemed very anxious to lahor, to learn at scliool, and to receive religious
instruction. In 1H87, as soon as a scliool was opened at La])wai, Mr. Wpalding wrote
that a hundred, hoth old and young, were in attendance. As scon as one had
learned something more than the others, they would gather around him, while he
would become their teacher. In 1889 one hundred and fifty children, and as many
more adults, were in siihool. Similar interest was shown in religious instruction.
They sometimes spent whole nights in repeating over and over what they had but
partly learned at a religious service. Two years later l.<J(Nk to 2,0iMl gathered for
religious instruction. Then 2,(MK) made a pul)lic cojifession of sin, and promised to
serve God. Many of them evidently did so with imperfect ideiis of what they were
doing, yet not a few were believed to give evidence of convei-sion. Among the
Cayuses, also, more were ready to attend schitol than the mission family could sup-
ply with books, or had ability to teach. Morning and evening worship was main-
tained in all the jiriiu'ipal lodges, and a confession of sin was made scmiewhat
similar to that among the Nez Perces. For a time, when Dr. Whitman or Mr.
.Spalding traveled through the country, they were followed by hundreds of Indians,
eager to see tliem and hear l$ible truths at night. They had a strong desire for hoes
and other agricultural implements, and were willing to i)art with any property they
had, in order to obtain them, even bringing their rifles to be manufactured into
such articles. From eighty to one hundred families pli.nted fields near Mr. Spald-
ing, and many near Dr. Whitman raised enough provisions- for a comf<u"table sup-
ply for their families.

In 1838 Mr. Spalding reported that his field produced :i,(RH( bushels of potatoes,
besides wheat and other articles. In the year 1841 a saw and grist mill were erected
among the Nez Perces, and a grist mill among the t'ayuses. At Kamiah a large
part of the Indians gave up their roving habits for a time, and remained most of
the year at home, and the Spokanes received Messrs. Walker and Eells with glad-
ness. In 1837 a church was organized, and in September, 1838, the first Indian was
received into it; though, in .luly previous, two Indian girls, who afterwards died in
Mr, Spalding's family, gave evidence of conversion, and were baptized as the first
fruits of the work. In November, 1839, .loseph and Timothy, Nez Perces Indians,
were admitted to the church. In 184(t Mr. Eells reporte<l a school of eightj- scholars.
In 1839 the mission received a donation from Hev. H. IJingham's church, at Hono-
lulu, Sandwich Islands, of a snuUl printing press, with types, furniture, paper, and
other things, of the value ot |4oO. The same church had, the year before, sent
eighty dollars in money and ten bushels of salt to the Oregon mission. Mr. E. ().
Hall, a printer at the Saiulwich Islands, on account of the health of his wife, came
with the press, and the first book printed west of the Rocky Mountains, so far as
known, was issued that fall in the Nez Perces language. This added nevi' interest
to the school, and other books in the same language, and one in that of the Spo-
kanes, followed. Mr. and Mrs. Hall remained until the sjjring of 1840, when they
returned to the Sandwich Islands.

But the novelty gradually wore ott", and discouragements began. The natural
heart naturally resisted the truths of the Bible, and some of the S])okane chiefs led
in the opposition. In 1838 two Ronum f'atholic ])riests arrived, spoke against the
missionaries, and persuaded some of the Cay u.ses to be baptized by them. Others
afterwards came, established a mission among them, and one of the lioiiiau Catliolic
Indians instigated some others of the tribe to treat Dr. Whituian and Mr. Gray
with much insolence and abuse, to destroy some proi>erty, and to denumd jjayinent
for the land, timber, fuel and water which had been used. But by moderation and
firmness, and with the aid of the Hudson's Bay Company, the Indians afterwards

216

HISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

admitted their puilt, and peace wiw apparently restored. In 1841, Mr. Smith, after
sufTerlng no little annoyance from the wavaye manners of the Nez Pereea, on
account of the failure of his own and his wife's health [lie had located amonj? Ellis'
band of Nez Perces in 1.S3!), and the following year was pr., vented from cultivating
any ground under pain of death, at the command of Ellis himself], left that mission
and Oregon, and joined the mission at the Sandwich Islands. He subsecjuently
returned to the Eastern States. In his oi^inion the Indians were pharisaical, and
desired to make money out of the ndssionarles.

By February, 1S42, affairs seemed so discouraging that the Board of Missions
concluded to give up the stations among the ("ayuses and Nez Perces, and Kev. J.
D. Paris and Mr. W. II. Rice, wlio had been sent to the mission by the way of Cape
Horn and the Sandwich Islands, having reached the latter place, were induced to
remain there temporarily, an arrangement which was afterwards maile permanent
by the Board at Boston. The roving habits of the Indians, and the decrease in the
attendance on the schools, increased the trials. H(;nce, Messrs. Sjialding and Gray
were to return East, and Dr. Whitman was to join the Spokane Mission. In the
fall of 1842, however, affairs took a more favorable turn : the Spokane Indians
showed more tlioughtfulness and conscientiousness ; the school at Lapwai increased
to an average of eighty, and afterwards to over 20); 1,(M)0 Nez Perces attended a
series of meetings for nine or ten days, seven of whom were examined for admission
to the church ; the Cayuse Saljbath congregations varied in the spring from 200 to
400, in the fall from -'M to 2(10, and less during the rest of the year. The two Nez
Perces received into the church four years previous, and some others of whom hope
was entertained, stood well as Christian workers ; and there was abundant evidence
that the truth was exerting a restraining influence over most of the Indians. Some
of them w^ere beconnug more settled, so that ')0 Cayust and 1.50 Nez Perces families
cultivated from a quarter of an acre to five acres each ; one Nez Perces chief raised
176 bushels of peas, 100 of corn, and 300 of potatoes. Mrs. Spalding had taught a
few of the Nez Perces women to knit, card, spin, and weave, and a large number to

sew.

« * « * * «

It was also beconnng evident that more Americans were soon to come into the
territory, and they would need something other than Roman Catholic preaching.
All these things determined the missionaries in the fall of 1842, to continue all the
stations, notwithstanding the instructions received from the Board at Boston, until
the matter could again l)e reconsidered. These, and other considerations relating to
the possession of the country, to which reference will afterwards be made, rendered
it expedient, in the opinion of the mission, for Dr. Whitman to return East. He
did so, leaving Walla Walla October 3d, 1842, and reaching Boston March oOth,
1843. He made such representations that the Board ratified the action of the nds-
sion, in continuing all the stations. After transacting inii)ortant business at Wash-
ington, and visiting his friends, he returned to Oregon. He left the western
fr ntiers of Missouri, Jlay 31st, and after a short time overtook a company of about
H emigrants, some of whom, wlien he was in the East, he had promised to aid,
. iDUld they deterndne to go to Oregon. This journey was successfully made, and
iht ilrst train of emigrant wagons rolled through to the Columbia River.

The Methodist mission, founded by Jason Lee in the Willamette
Volley, and which had met with such misfortune by sickness, was
reinforced by Elijah White and wife, Alanson Beers and wife, W.
K. Willson, Annie M. Pitman, Susan Downing and Elvira Johnson,

FOUNDATION AND PROGRESS OF THE MISSIONS.

217

who sailed from Boston in July, 1836, and reached their destination
the following May. The scourge of fever still afflicted the mission,
and it consequently bore ill repute among the Indians of the Wil-
lamette, in spite of the most earnest and conscientious efforts of Mr.
Lee and his associates to win the good will of those for whose ben-
efit they had made so great a sacrifice. In the fall of 1837 Rev.
David Leslie, Rev. H. K. W. Perkins and Margaret Smith were
added to their force of missionary laborers. Their field of opera-
tions was enlarged in the spring of 1838 by the establishment of
a mission at The Dalles, under the charge of Daniel Lee and H. K.
W. Perkins. To do this required money, if they would continue
their plan of operations. The Protestant method of working em-
braced the instruction of the Indian in the methods of procuring
food and clothing by his own intelligent effort, so that he might
not experience those alternate seasons of feasting and famine to
which he was subjected when relying solely upon the products of
nature. They sought, also, to destroy his ro\ing habits by trans-
forming him from a hunter to a farmer. Jason Lee accordingly
started East to procure the necessary financial aid, accompanied by
P. L. Edwards, F. Y. Ewing and two Indian boys. During his
absence Mrs. Lee died, also Cyrus Shepard, who was teaching
school at the Willamette Mission. Mr. Lee returned in 1840 with
a party of forty -eight persons, eight of them being clergymen, and
nineteen ladies. From this time the history of the missions be-
comes so closely interwoven with that of the settlements, that no
further effort will be inade to keep it distinct.

A new element was introduced into the mission field in 1838, in
the form of two zealous Catholic priests. Rev. Francis N. Blanchet
and Rev. Modest Demers came overland from Montreal with the
regular express of the Hudson's Bay Company, reaching Vancouver
on the twenty-fourth of November, 1838, and having baptized fifty-
three persons while voyaging down the Columbia. They came pre-
pared to stay, and not without having received a cordial invitation.
The servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, such, at least, as were of
Canadian descent, had a natural leaning toward the Catholic church,
which had been the one to administer to the religious wants of them-
selves and parents, whenever they had been fortunate enough to come
within the radius of Christian worship. When the Protestant mis-

tJls

HISTORY OF WILLAMKTTP: VALLKY.

sionaries appeared it caused them to long foi' the pivseuee of the
pious fathers; not with that insatiable longing which hm its source
in the deepest fountains of our nature; they simply preferred, in
case they were to enjoy religious privileges at all, to liave those
with which tliey most naturally symi)athi/ed. Not only did they
feel thus themselves, but they told the Indians that there were
other and l^etter missionaries than those who had settled amongst
them, men who wore long black gowns an<l who would teach them
the true religion. This created a natural desire among the tril^es
to have these holy men come among them, a desire shared by the
<.)fficers of the company, who naturally preferred that religion which
Avould meet with the most favor among their servants and the In-
dians, and which was taught ])y sulgects of Great Britain. This
^vas the reason Avhy the society of Montreal sent out Fathers Blan-
chet and Demers, and why the advent of the " Black Gowns," as
they were called by the Indians to distinguish them from the Prot-
estants, Avas not unexpected by the natives.

The coming of Catholics was the signal for the commencement
of a contest for spu'itual control of the Indians, whose ^errible
results will be seen as this narrative progresses. For this both
parties to the controversy were to blame. They were all firmly set
in their religious convi<,'tions, and intolerant of opposing or differing
opinions to the highest degree. Embued by the loftiest of motives
themselves, they did not possess sufficient charity or liberality to
ascribe equally exalted purposes to their opponents. This spii'it is
exhibited to the present day in the rancorous writings of certain
participants on either side, in which they do not hesitate to charge
upon their adversaries crimes for which the scaffold and peniten-
tiary are the only adequate penalty ; or motives and conduct, which,
being proven, would cause them to be shunned and despised by
every honorable man. It is but a continuation of that sectarian
rivalry, that battle of religious creeds, which has existed since first
primitive man began to worship his shadow as a manifestation of
some intangible and mysterious power, and which has caused so
much bloodshed, misery and horror in the world, and will not end
until man judges his fellow man more by his motives and deeds,
and less by his purely religious opinions.

A few instances will suffice to show the existence of this spirit

FOUNDATION AND IMiOOUESS OK THK MISSIONS.

219

on both sides — a determiiiatioii to impress upon the Indians the fact
that their particular creed and fc rm of wt)rship were tlie only true
and potent ones, and that all others were both false and harmful.
The Catholics were the chief aggressors in this respect, the more
energetic and crafty in undermining their opponents, but it was not
entirely lacking with the other side ; and it must V)e admitted that
in the matter of subsequent acrimonious writings, the Protestants
lead the van. The first jnin was fired and the nature of the cam-
paign outlined })y Dr. Parker when he fii-st entered the country,
and long before the Catholics appeared in the field. At the mouth
of the Alpowa Creek, on Snake River, he came upon a burial party
of the Nez Perces, who " had prepared a cross to set up at the grave,"
and ])ecause the symbol of the crucifixion offended his sight, and he
feared it would make, as he expresses it, "a stepping-stone to idol-
atry," he took " the cross the Indians had prepared and broke it in
pieces." As the Catholics had not yet appeared in the field, they
consequently "didn't know they were hit"; and this incident is of
interest only to show the spirit of religious intolerance which held
possession of Dr. Parker, and which subsequent events proved to
also pervade his successors. When the Catholics appeared they
found the Protestants well entrenched, and they had either to attack
them there or enter new fields. They did both. Theii- plan of
operations is outlined by Father Blanchet, wdio, in after years, wrote
thus of the duties of the missionary priests: —

They were to warn their flocks against tlie dangera of seduction, to destroy the
false impression already received, to enlighten and confirm the faith of the waver-
ing and deceived consciences, to bring back to the practice of religion and virtue all
of them who had forsaken them for long years, or who, raised in infidelity, had
never known nor practiced any of them. * * * In a word, they were to run
after the sheep when they were in danger. Hence their passing so often from one
post to another — for neither the white people nor the Indians claimed their assist-
ance in vain. And it was enough for them to hear that some false prophet (mean-
ing a Protestant missionary) had penetrated into a place, or intended visiting some
locality, to induce the missionaries to go there immediately, to defend the faith and
prevent error from propagating itself.

Here is a direct statement from the Archbishop at the head of
the church, that it was the Catholic plan to counteract the influence
of the Protestants where they had already located missions, as well
as to hasten to any new point they might select in order to prevent
the founding of others. The first overt act of this kind was com-

220

HISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

mitted at Nesqually, only a few months after their arrival.
Blanchet says: —

Rev.

The first mission to Nesqually was made by Father Demers, who celebrated the
first maas in the fort on April 22, [1839], the day after he arrived. His visit at such
a time was forced upon him by the establishment of a Methodist mission for the
Indians. » * * After having given orders to build a chapel, and said mass out-
side of the fort, he parted with them, blessing the Lord for the success of his mis-
sion among the whites and Indians, and reached Cowlitz on Monday, the thirtieth,
with the conviction that his mission at Nesqually had left a very feeble chance for
a Methodist mission there.

The priests introduced a novelty in the shape of a picture by
some ingenious artist. It was a representation of a large trt^e, with
many branches, and the different Protestant sects were shown as
ascending the trunk and going out upon the various branches, from
which they dropped into a lire, the l)laze being fed by a priest with
the heretical books of his roasting victims. This tickled the Indians
immensely, and among the Nez Perces it seemed about to capture
the whole tribe. As an offset to this, Mr. Spalding had his wife
paint a number of illustrations of prominent Bible events, and this
colored panorama soon crowded the Catholic cartoon from the field.
Thus was the contest waged for several years. In 1841, the Cas-
cades Indians were won away from the The Dalles Mission in spite
of Mr. Waller's strenuous efforts to hold them. This same Mr.
Waller gave expression to his feelings on doctrinal points by cutting
down a cross erected by the Catholics at Clackamas village.

There was one thing which gave the Catholics a decided advan-
tage among the natives — the use of symbols and ceremonies. Mr.
Blanchet says: /'The sight of the altar, vestments, sacred vesseh,
and great ceremonies, were drawing their attention a great deal more
than the cold, unavailable and long lay services of Brother Waller."
These were more akin to their own ideas of religion than the simple
services of the Protestants. The mystery was fascinating to them,
and they preferred to see the priests " make medicine " to hearing
so much " wa-wa " from the ministers. By thus working upon the
superstitious nature of the savages, and making no effort to suddenly
change their old habits and time-honored customs, the Catholics
gained a firm hold upon them, and were thus able, gradually, to
bring about the desired change. ■ The Protestants, on the contrary,
endeavored to accomplish too much at once, and having no censers

FOUNDATION AND PROGRESS OF THE MISSIONS.

221

^ w J.

to swing, or imposing vestments to wear, could gain but slight
influence over the natives when their opponents were about. There
was also another distinction the Indians recognized, and one which
gradually led them to entertain a spirit of bitterness and hos-
tility against the Pi'otestants. This was their affiliation with the
American settlers, whose presence was highly distasteful to the
Indians, the reasons for which will be developed as the narrative
progi'esses.

CHAPTER XV.

AMKRICAN EMKIRANTS ORGANIZE A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

E a I'll/ Aihocaten of Oreijon K mUj ration — Effnrts of Hall J. Kelleij —
The American Society for the Settlement of Oregon Territory — It
Meiaorialize» Congress and Advertises fur Emigrants — Wyeth, Kelley
and E'lciny Yonng come to Oregon — Earliest American Settlers—
McLoiit/hliu's Acconnt of Settlement of French Prairie — The Wil-
laiiutte Cattle Company — Pojtulation of (Oregon in ISJ^O — First
Ejf'ort at a Govern ment — Settlement at Willamette Falls- -Radical
Change in the Policy of the Hudson's Bay Company as Hegards Set-
tlers — The Companifs Daep Txiid Plan — Attitude of the Comjxiny
and its Chief Representative — Dr. JJcLoughlin Considered — Reasons
for the Bitter Feelings Entertained by some Americans — Dr. Mc-
Loughlin's Statement of His Conduct and the Treatment Received
from both English ami Americans — A Itad Showing for the Grati-
tude of some Americans — Classification of the Popxdation as Regards
Interests — Reasons for Desiring a Gavcrnment — A Petition Sent to
Congress in ISJfi — First Meeting to Form a Gwcernm^iit — Death of
Ewing Youiuj Leads to the Organization of o Oovernment —The
Officers Fleeted — Failure to Form a Constiintionr Tlie Wilkes Ex-
pedition^ The Wolf Meeting — The First T^a'd'.tive Committee —
Organization of the Provisional Government - 'iTic First Officers —
Condition of the Missions — Antagonism of the Indians to Ameri-
inn Settlers- Dr. White Induces the Nez Perces, Wascopums and
Cay uses to Adopt a Code of Laws.

TO the missionaries belongs the cietlit of opening the route to
Oregt»n and encouraging that large emigi*ation of hardy pio-
neers of the Mississippi Valley which vvat* the element to finally
decide the Oregon Question in favor of the Unite^l States. This
was not their object when they left then* Eastern liouies, but was
simply the natural sec^uence of events. Emigration to Oregon was

AMK1UCAN8 OKOANIZK A I'KOVIblONAL (JOVEKNMKNT.

W M tj

conjiitleretl ami advorutt'd long bt't'ore then* was any thought of
founding missions, but it was deemed inipractieabh*, and remained to
be so considered until the missionaries and their wives <lemonstrated
that the intervening mountains and deserts presenteil no l»arrier
which might not be overcome even by delicate ladies. It then be-
came but a matter of time, not a question of possibility, when emi-
gi'ants should lieat a well-W(»rn trail to Oregon.

The fii-st recorded instance of an effort to induce emigration to
seek the far distant coast of Oregon, was in l.slT, when Hall J.
Kelley, of Boston, advocated the immediate occupation of the coun-
try in dispute by American settlers. At that tinie the rnited States
was making hei' first genuine effort tt) regain possession of the Col-
umV)ia, and was negotiating with Great Britain <m the (piestion of
the restoration of Fort George, or Astoria. Mr. Kelley became an
enthusiast upon the su])ject, and continued his exertions throughout
the subsequent years of diplomatic negotiation. In lH:>i> he organ-
ized a company which was incorporated by the Legislature f>f Mas-
sachusetts as " The x\merican Society for the settlement of the Oregon
Territoiy." This society presented a memorial to Congress in IH'M,
setting forth that they were " engaged in the work of opening to a
civilize<l and virtuous population that part of Western America
called Oregon." Among other statements, the memorialists said:
" They are convinced that if the country should be settled under the
auspices of the United States of Ameri(?a, from such of her worthy
sons who have drunk the spirit of those civil and religious institii-
tions which constitute the living fountain and the very perennial
source of her national prosperity, great benefits must result to man-
kind. The}' believe that there the skillful and persevering hand of
industry miglit ))e employed with unparalleled advantage: that
there science and the arts, the invaluable privilege of a fi'ee and
liberal government, and the refinement and ordinances of Chris-
tianity, diffusing each its V)lessing, would harmoniously unite in
ameliorating the moral condition of the Indi'i.ns, in promoting the
comfort and happiness of the settlers, and in augmenting the wealth
and [tower of the Republic." They further stated "that the coun-
try in question is the most valuable of all the unoccupied portions
of the earth," and they believed Providence designed it "to be the
residence of a people ^vhose singular advantages will give them un-

224

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

exanipled power and prosperity." They continued : " That these
things * * * have settled in the policy of the British
nation the determined purpose of possessing and enjoying the
country as their own, and have induced their Parliament to confer
on the Hudson's Bay Company chartered privileges for occupying
witli their settlements the fertile banks of the Columbia. * » *
Already have the} flourishing towns, strong fortifications and culti-
vated fields. * * * Their largest town is Vancouver,
which is situated on a beautiful plain, in the region of tide water,
on the northern bank of the C<»lumbia. * * * Every-
thing, either in the organization of the government, or in the busy
and various opeiations of the settlements of this place, at Walla
Walla, at Fort Colville and at DeFuca, in(?.'cate the intention of the
English to colonize tlie country. Now, therefore, your memorial-
ists, ' ! behalf of a large number of the citizens of the United States,
would respectfull}' ask Congress to aid them in carrying into opera-
tion the great purposes of their institution; to grant them troops,
artillery, military arms and m\initions of war for the security of the
contt*m plated settlement; to incorporate tlieir society with the
power to extinguisii the Indian title to such tracts and extent of
territory, at the mouth of the Columbia and the junction of the
Multnomah with the Columbia, as may be adequate to the lauda-
ble objects and pursuits of the settlers; and with such oiLn' powers,
rights and immunities as may be at least e pial and concurrent to
those given by Parlia.nent to the Hudson's P>ay Company; and such
as are not repugnant to the stipulations of the contention, made
between Great Britain and the United iStates, wherein it was agreed
that any country on the Northwest coast of America, to be westward
v»f the Hocky Mountains, should be free and open to the citizens and
subjects of the two powers, for a term of years; and to grant them
such other rights and privileges as may cvui tribute to the means of
establishing a respectable and prosperous community."

Congress did not see fit to encourage this scheme of coloniza-
tion ; and it may well be said tliat, had Congress been relied upon,
Oregon would inevitably have become a dependency of Great Brit-
ain. That Itody of concentrated national \visdom lagged several
years in the rear of the line of progress, and it was only by constant
effort that through it the people were enabled to have their victories

AMERICANS ORGANIZE A I'KOVISIONAI. (iOV KItN M KNI".

:■_'.)

finally recognized and ratified. This halting and dilatory conduct
of the national legislature placed the acquisition of Oregon in con-
stant jeopardy. The society, however, which had constituted Mr.
Kelley its general agent, continued its efforts despite the supineness
of Congress. Tn l<s;n a pamphlet was published ^^ntitled — " A
general circular to all persons of good character who wish to emi-
grate to Oregon Territory." The region covered by that designa-
tion is defined in the head lines and opening paragraph, which
read: "Ore(jon Skiti-emknt. — To be commenced in the spring of
iSj2 on the delightful and fertile banks of the Colun.bia River.
It has been for many years in serious contein[)latioii to settle with
a free and enlightened but redundant population fnmi the Amer-
ican Republic that portion of her territory, called Oregon, bound-
ing on the Pacific Ocean and lying l)etween the forty-s^'cond and
forty-ninth parallels of N. latitude." It was well known by every
intelligent man that the Ignited States claimed as ta. north as the
Russian l>oundary at fifty-four-forty, but that forty-nine had been
offered as a compromise line; and it is probable that the society
thus defined Oregon within the limits generally believed at that
time it would eventually assume. The cry, "fifty-four-forty-or-
fight," had not then ))een heard, nor had tht people as yet been
aroused to such a pitch of interest in this subject. That was re-
served for the time when negotiations were again resumed, prior to
the settlement of the (piestion in 1S4(>. The pamphlet gave the
names of thirty -st^ven agents of the society, to whom persons de-
siring to emigrate should make application for proper certificates
and full infoi'mation ; and these assents were h^cated at various
points throughout the Union. One of these wjis Nathaniel J. Wy-
cth, wiiose unf(»rtunate fur and salmon ventures on the Columbia
have been related. It was arranged for the expedition to start from
St. Louis in March, 1 S;{2, with a train of v^agons and a good supply
of stock. A town was to l)e laid out at the junction of the Co-
hnnbia and Multnomah, and each emigrant was to receive a town
lot and a farm, also, a lot in a town at the mouth of the Columbia,
these places being already platted on paper. The failure of Con-
gi'ess to take any action in the matter ended the colonization scheme
for that year. Mr. VVyeth, it will be remendiered, crossed the
country with a small party of Boston men, and returned the next

•2-2i\

IIISTOIJY OK WILLAMETTE VALLEY

year. H»- a«rjiin visited the Cohinihia in 1834, accompanied hy Ja-
sim Lee's party of missionaries. Mr. Kelley had undertaken to
send a ^?lliJt loaded with sup})lies to the Cohini])ia, l)Ut unsuccess-
fully. He then endeavored to open a route of trade through Mex-
ico; liut in that country the revenue officers pounced upon his
ir»KKls and confiscated the gi'eater portion of them. He still perse-
veretl, and falling in with Ewing Young, the independent trader
whose ojierations c>n the coast have been related, persuaded him
and s»'veral others to accompany him to Oregon. They reached
Vancouver October 15, IXJU. Mr- Knlley's health failed him, and
he departed for home the following March, having lost !}>.'}(»,(>< 10 in
liis effort.s to colonize Oivgon.

Mr. Young, and others who had come with Mr. Kelley, or with
AN'yeth's party, remained after the departure of those gentlemen —
among them were James A. O'Neil, T. J. Hiib])ar(l, Courtney M.
AValker and Solomon Smith. There were also tAvo men of French
descent — Joseph Gei'vais and Etinne Lucier — who had come out
with Wilson G. Hunt's party, and whose sympathies were Ameri-
can. All told, aside from the missioniU'ies, there were about twenty-
five men in (Jregou who were favorable to the United States, most
nf them being mountaineers with Indian wives. Four of the inde-
j>endent settlers were .John Turner, George Gay, John Woodwortli
and Dr. Bailey, the sui'vivors of a })arty of nine, which left Califor-
nia in the summer of 1835 for Oregon. The other's were Daniel

yy.

iiiier, Saundei's, an Irishman called " Big Tom," a man whose

name is unknown, anil a squaw. Turner was one of the survivors
of the I'mptjua massa -re of 1828. The incidents attending their
arrival are thus related by Hon. J. W. jVesmith, who had them from
the lips of the survivors: —

The party had forty-seven head of good horneH and a eomplete outfit for trai)i)ing.
About the middle of June, 1835, the party enciniped for the night near h place
known as "The Point of Rocks," on the south bank of Rogue River. Early the
next morning the ludianK commenced dropping into camp, a few at a tiiiie. Oay
wati nn guard, and not liking the appearance of the Indians, awoke Turner, who
wa-s the leader of the party, and the latter conversed with t\\" savages through liis
si|uaw, who spoke Chinook. Turner concluded that thei^ wa« no haini to l>e
apprehendtHl from their dusky visitors, and, forgetting the fearful massacre v.hich
he so narrowly escajKHl with Smith's party seven years before, near the UmiMiiia,
the party bi-car.ie careless. In the meantime, some four or five hundred Indians
had assembled in and about the camp of the little ,)arty, and at a 8i<: '>d
furiously attacked the white men with clubs, bows and arrows and knives. 1 he

AMEKICANS OKOAMZK A IM{OVI810iVAL OOVKUNMKXT.

'li

attack was so sudden and unexpected that the Indians obtained three of t)\e eight
guns with which Turner and liis party were armed. The struggle of the trappers
for life was desperate and against fearful odds. The eiglit men seized wliatever tiiey
could lay their bands on for defense. 8"me of them discharged their rifles in the
bosom of their assailants and then clubbed their guns and laid about them with the
barrels. Turner, who was a herculean Kentucky giant, not being able to reach his
rifle, seized a big flr limb from the camp ttie and laid about him lustily, knocking
his assailants right and left. At one time tlie savages had Oay down and were
pounding him, but they were crowded so thick as to impede the force of their 1)1owm.
Old Turner, seeing Gaj''s peril, made a few vigorous blows witli his limb whicii
released him, and the latter, springing to his feet, dealt fearful cuts, thrusts, slashes
and stabs with his long, sharp sheath-knife upon the naked carcasses of the dusky
crowd. The other men, following Turner's and Cray's example fought with tlie
fi'ergy of despair and drove the Indians from their camp. Dan Miller and another
tranrnr were killed upon the spot, while the six survivors of the melee were all
mo, Ipss seriously wounded. While the flght was going on, the H((uaws drove
• ii' ' i.erd of horses and carried off' all of the baggit,e and can)i)-ei|uipage, togetlier
ui'. ,: thne rifles. Three of the r<?nuvining guns '..ere rendered useless by having
their stocks broken ott" in the ciubbing process. The six badly wounded survivors
took to the brush and kept the Indians at buy with tlieir two renuiining rifles.
Hy traveling in the night-time and hiding in the brush in the day-time, they man-
aged to elude the Indians, l)ut sutiered terribly from their wounds and for want of
provisions and eh)thing. Dr. Bailey had received a fearful wound from a tonia-
liawk, which split his lower jaw from the \wh\i of the chin to tlie throat. From
want of proper treatment, the parts never properly united, uud nuiry old picmeev
will recollect the unsightly scar that liisHgured his face for life. Haunders' wounds
disabled him from traveling, and he was left of. the (South Unipiiua, and "Big Tom"
was left on the North Fmpqua. The Indians subset|uently reported to Dr. Mc-
Loughlin that l)oth men had died of their wounds wliere they were left. Turner,
Day, Woodwortb and Dr. Bailey, after reaching the head of the Willamette Valley,
(iiflered about the route. Turner mistook the Willamette for the (Joluml)ia. Gay,
in his sea voyar^ s, hud seen a map or chart shoving that the (Columbia ran west, and
determined tc tcii.e due north in search of the great river, uj)on the banks of which
he expecttKi ■ i ti ! .' .udson's Bay trappers and traders. Turner, Bailey and Wood-
worth folio I'i. -I', u : >ie Willamette River until, in a famishing condition, they
Htruck the >iet.,o'.o' i.,i.-<sion below Walem. Gay kept along the foot-hills on the
west side of the vai.y ^ id crossed the Kickreal about where Dallas now stiinds,
and crossed the Yamiiiil Iliver at the falls near Lafayette, pu. sing along on the we.st
«i('" of Wapatoo Lake, and 'Tossing the Tualatin Plains, leacl^-d Wyeth's 'rading
l)ost on Hauvie's Island some time in August. Before separatiLg from his compan-
ions, (iay had cut up his bucikskin breeches to make moccasins 'or the party, an<l
made the most of the journey in a naked condition, with the exception of the
tattered remnants of an old shirt. The mos(iuitoes necriy devoured him in the
<'<)lu!nbia i)ottoms. This perilous trip of nearly fiOO miles was made nearly flfty
years ago, and was a terrible test of the endurance of a miked, wounded, and starv-
iiifr man.

There m u iiowever, other Ht'ttleis tluiii tlie Aiiiericiius. In
1H28, Sir George Simpson, Governor of the IIiulson'H Bay Company,
\"ho was then on an official visit to Fort Vancouver, took possession
of the Willamette Falls, for the purpose, as expressed by him, of

228

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

locating there a colony of their retired servants. It had previously
l)een the policy of the company not to permit settlements to be made
by theii' servants whose term of contract had expired, since they
deemed theni detrimental to the preservation of this region as a fur-
producing wilderness. They wanted no settlements here whatever,
neither British nor American. This move at Willamette Falls was
not pei'sisted in, l>ut a few years later some of their ex-servants located
about Champoeg, oi- French Pvairie, in Marion county, and became
quite a flourishing colony; and : •'^ their desc*^ndants live to the
present day, useful and industriou ^ens.

On tlie subject of the first settlements in the valley, Dr. McLough-
lin's posthumous manuscript has much to say. The Etinne Lucier,
spoken of by him, is the one mentioned above. He first settled on
the east side of the AN'ilhunette, opposite the city of Poi-tland, where
he lived several yeais I before remo\nng to French Prairie. The
Doctor says : —

In 5824 I eame to this country to superintend the management of tlie Hudson's
Bay Coinpuny's trade on tlie coast, and we came to the determination to abandon
Astoria, and go to Fort Vancouver, aa it was a place where we could cultivate the soil
and raise our own provisions. In March, 1825, we moved there and that spring plante<l
potatoes and sowed two bui^hels of peas, the only grain we had, and all we had. In
the fall I received from New York Factory- a bushel spring wheat, a bushel oats, a
bushel barley, a bushel Indian corn and a quart of timothy, and all of which was
sown in proper time, and which produce well except the Indian corn, for which the
ground was too poor and the nights rather cool, and continued extending our im-
provements. In 1828, the crop was sufficient to enable us to dispense with the im-
portation of Hour, etc.

In 182.5, from what I had seen of the country, I formed the conclusion from the
mildness and salubrity of the climate, that this was the finest portion of North
America that I had seen for the residence of civilized man, and aa the farmers could
not cultivate the ground without cattle, and tus the Hudson's Bay Company had only
twenty-seven (27) head, big and small, and as I saw at the time no possibility of getting
cjittle by sea, and that was too exi)ensive, I determined that no cattle should be
killed at Vancouver except one bull calf every year for rennet to make cheese, till
we had an ample stock to meet all our demands, and to assist settlers, a resolution
to which I strictly adhered, and the first animal killed for beef was in 1838; till that
time we had lived on fresh and salt venison and wild fowl. From morality and
policy I stopped the sale and issue of spiritous licjiior to the Indians, but to do this
eft'ectually I had to stop the sale of liquor to all whites. In 1834, when Mr. Wyeth,
of Boston, came, he tiegan by selling liquor, but on my assuring him that the Hud-
son's Bay Company sold no liquor to whites or Indians, he immediately adopted
the same rule.

In 1828, Etinne Lucier, a VVillamett« tripper, asked me if I thought this would
become a settled country. I told him wherever wheat grew, he might depend it
would become a farming country. He asked me what assistance I would afibrd

AMKRIOANS omJANIZE A PROVISIOXAL OOVKRXMKNT.

« w t'

him to settle as a farmer. I told hiiu I would loan him seed to sow and wheat to
feed himself and family, to be returned from the produce of his farm, and sell him
such implements as were in the Hudson's Bay Company's store, at fifty per cunt, on
prime cost. But a few days after he came back and told me he thought there was
too remote a prospect of this becoming a civilized country, and as there were no
clerfi;ymen in the country, he a^ked me a passage for his family in the Hudson's
Bay Company's boats, to which I acceded. He started in September to meet the
boata at the mountain ; the express came in too late and he had to return, and went
to hunt for the winter.

In 1829 he again applied to begin to farm. I told him that since he had
spoken to me I heard that several trappers would apply for assistance to begin to
farm, and that it was necessary for me to come to a distinct understanding with
him to serve as a rule for those who might follow. That the Hudson's Bav Company
were bound under heavy penalties to discharge none of their servants in the Indian
country, and bound to return them to the place where they engaged them. That
tills wi»jj done to prevent vagabonds being let loose among the Indians and incite
tliem t:^ hostility to the whites. But as I knew he was a good, honest man, and
none but sucli need apply, and as if he went to Canada u . unfortunately died
l)efore his children could provide for themselves they would Ijc, )me objects of pity
and a burthen to others. For these rea.sons I would a.ssist him to settle. But I
must keep him and all the Hudson's Bay Company's servants whom I allowed to
settle, on the Hudson's Bay Company's books as servants, so as not to. expose the
Hudson's Bay Company and me to a fine, but they could work for themselves, and
no service would be exacted from them.

Many of the Canadians objected to go to the Willamette, because it was to become
American Territory, which I told them it would, as the Hudson's Bay Company in
1825 otHcially informed that on no event could the British Government claim extend
south of the Columbia, and that they were afraid they would not have the same
ach'antages as American citizens. I told them from the fertility of the soil, tlie
extent of prairie and tlie easy access from the sea, that the Willami'tte (they must
admit) was tlie best and only place adapted to form a settlement whicli would have
a beneflcial effect on the whole country north of 8an Francisco, where we could
assist and protect tliem from the Indians in case of difficulty, -^nd as to advantages
1 did not know what they would have, but this I knew, that the An-crican Uovern-
ment and i)eople knew only two classes of persons, rogues and lionest men, that
they pu!iished the first -ind protected the last, and it depended only upon them-
selves to what class tliey would belpng.

Others wanted to go and live with the relatives of tlieir wives, but as their chil-
dren would be brought up with tlie sympathies and feelings of Indians, and as the
half-breeds are in general leaders among Indians, and they would be a thorn in tlie
side of the whites, I insisted they should go to the Willamette, where their cliildren
could be brougnt up as whites and Christians, tnd brought to cultivate the ground
and imbiied with the feelings and sympathies of whites, and where they anil their
mothers would serve as hostages for the good behavior of their relatives in the
interior. As Indians judge of whites by themselves, and I think if they injure
whites on their lands, the whites would revenge it by murdering their Indian rela-
tives among them, and as the settlement increased by the addition of Indian women
half-breeds, ■ lie turbulence of the Indian tribes would diminish; and certainly the
Cayuse war would not have been nuelled so easily as it was if other hall-breeds had
not joined the Amerii^ans; and I have great pleasure to be able to say, what must
be admitted by all who know them, that the Canadian trappers and lialf-breeds
who have settled as farmers, are as peaceable, orderly, neighborly and industrious
a set of men an any in the settlement ; and that so far the Canadian settlement has

•»;{()

IIISTOKY <»K WIM.AMKTTK VAIJ.KT.

produced and supi)lied three-fourths of the grain that has been exported. [Every
pioneer will lieartily endorse this eulogy of the people of French Prairie.]

I made it a rule that none of the Hudson's Bay Company's servants should be
allowed to join the settlements unless he had fifty pounds sterling l»efore him, as he
recjuired that sum to supply him with clothing and implements. He tliat begins
business on credit is seldom so careful and industrious as he who does business on
his own means. By this I effected two objects— I made the men more saving and
industrious, and attached them to their farms. Ff 1 had not done so, they would
have abandoned on the least diflrtculty. But having their means invested on their
improvements, they saw if they abandoned the loss would be theirs, they therefore
j)ersiHted and succeeded. When the settlement was formed, though the American
trappers had no mesins, they were assisted on credit, and nil in three years paid up
from the produce of their farms.

The presence of American settlers was extremely distasteful to
the company; not simply because they were Americans, hut because
they were American setthu's. Tlie officers of tlie company were
instructed not to enccmrage tliem in any way. It stood ready to
sell to the settlers at a high price, but not to pinvliase from them
anything whatever. They were without cattle, excei)t a few rented
to them by the company, and until they possessed them could not
be or feel inde[)endent of the overshadowing corporation. To
I'emedy tliis evil, Young and Jason L"e (who never let the fact that
he canu> to Oregon simply as a missionary prevent him from advanc-
■ng American interests whenever possible), set on foot a scheme to
[)roeure a supply of cattle from the vast herds grazing about the
Spanish Missions in California. The effort was opposed by the
coni})any, but with the aid of Lieutenant William A. Slocum, an
officer of the United States Navy, who advanced money and gave a
free passage to Califoi'uia in liis vessel to those who went after the
cattle, it was completely successful, and "The Willamette Cattle
Company '' was organized. The party which went to California
was under the leadership of Mr. Young, and was composed of P.
L. Edwards (who kept a diary of the expedition, whicli is now pre-
served in the State Library at Sacramento and numbered 23,989),
Hawchurst, Carmichael, Bailey, Erequette, DesPau, Williams, Tib-
betts, (ireorge (ray. Wood, Camp, Turner, and enough others to
make a company of about twenty men, all inured to the dangers and
privations of mountain life. They collected a band of seven hundred
cattle, at three dollars per head, and, with much labor and difficulty,
succeeded in bringing six hundred of them into the valley. They

AMIMMC.WS (HKIANMZK A IM{(;VISI()N A I. (ioVKItVMKXT,

•j;n

had much trouble with the Indians on Siskiyou Mountain and along
Rogue River, and Gay, without any foundation, charges the com-
pany with stirring up the Indians to cut them off. The fact is, as
Edwards' diary [dainly shows, the trouble grew out of the unpro-
\'oked nnu'der by one of the party of an Indian who visited their
camp on Klamath River. Turner, Gay and Bailey were three of
four survivors of the Amei-ican trapping party which had been
attacked on Rogue River two years before, and shot this Indian in
a spirit of revenge. It is certainly difficiflt to trace any agency of
the company in this affair, or to assign any other cause than wanton
murder for their trouble with the Indians. The arrival of the cat-
tle was hailed with joy by the settlers, as it guaranteed them com-
plete independence of the company, and demonstrated that Ameri-
cans could settle in the Willamette Valley with an assurance of
being self-supporting.

Such is the version of the cattle question, as it come,s from Amer-
ican sources. . Dr. McLonghlin gives quite another tone to it. His
document says: —

Every settler had as much wheat on loan as he wanted to begin with, and 1 lent
them each two cows, as in 1825 we had only twenty-seven head, big and small, old
and young. If I sold they would of course be entitled to the increase, and I
would not have the means to assist the new settlers, and the settlement would be
retarded, as those purchsisers who offered me two hundred dollars for a cow would
put such a price on the increase as would put it out of the power of poor settlers
to buy. This would prevent industrious men from settling. For these reasons I
would not sell, but loaned, as I say, two cows to each settler, and in case the increase
of settlers miglit be greater than we could afford to supply with cattle, 1 reserved
the right to take any cattle I required (above his two cows) from any settlers to assist
new settlers. To the Methodist Mission, as it was a public institution, I lent seven
oxen, one bull and eight cows with their calves. In the beginning, several settlers
lost cattle, poisoned by eating water hemlock. It has been said by the late Mr.
Thurston, Delegate from Oregon, on the floor of Congress, that settlers paid for
dead cattle. This is a wanton falsehood, as it is well known to all old settlers that
no settler paid a cent for dead cattle. It was a loss to the company.

In 1836 we found means of forming a company to go to California for cattle. I
took half the stock for the Hudson's Baj' Company, so that by purchasing a large
number (as the expense of driving five hundred or a thousand was the same) as it
would make the cattle cheaper. Those of the settlers that had means i)ut it in the
stock ; those that had none, engaged as drivers at one dollar per day, to be |)aid in
cattle at their actual cost. Mr. Slocum, who came here in a chartered vessel, gave
them a passage gratis from this place to San Francisco. Mr. Ewing Young was se-
lected to conduct the party. Mr. P. L. Edwards, who came with Messrs. Lee, of
the Methodist Mission, but now a lawyer in California, was appointed I'reasurer.
They brought, 1 think, about seven hundred hea^l of cattle, which Rost eight dollars
per head rendered. In the Willamette, the settlers kept the tame and broken-in

•2:\-2

IllSTOISY OK WILLAMKTTK VALLKY.

oxen they had belonging to the Hudson Bay Company, and gave their California
wild cattle in the place, so tliat they found themselves stocked with tame cattle
which cost them only eight dollars j)er head, and the Hudson's Hay Company, to
favor the settlers, tooli calves in place of grown-up cattle, because tlie Hudson's Bay
Company wanted them for beef. These calves would grow up before they were re-
((uired.

At the close of 1^37, the iiulepen(h'nt popuhition of Oregon con-
sisted of forty-nine souls, about equally divided between missionary
attaches and settlers. With l)ut few exceptions the arrivals during
the next two years were solely of persons connected with the various
missions, whose advent has already ))een noted. Those coming in
1831) were. Rev. J. S. (ii-itfin and wife, and Mr. Munger and \v\le,
who liad made an unsuccessfid effort to found an independent mis-
sion on Snake River, and Ben A\'right, Robert Shortess, Sidney
Smith, Lawson, Reiser, (xeiger, and Rlair, a blacksmith. By add-
ing the following list of arrivals in 1840, to those previously men-
tioned, the population of Oregon at that time will be (piite accu-
rately listed. Ml", (iray thus suiumarizes the arrivals of that sea-
son : —

In 184(»— Methodist Episcopal Protestant Mission— Mrs. JiCe, second wife of Rev.
Jason Lee; Ilev. .1. H. Frost and wife ; Rev. A. F. Waller, wife and two children;
Rev. W. W. Kone and wife; Rev. G. Hines, wife and .sister; Rev. L. H. Judson,
wife and two children; Rev. ,1. L. Parish, wife and three children; Rev. G. P.
Richards, wife and three children; Rev. A. P. Olley and wife. Laymen — Mr. Geo.
Abernethy, wife and two children ; Mr. H. Campbell, wife and one child ; Mr. W.
W. Raymond and wite; Mr. H. B. Brewer and wife; Dr. J. Ij. Bai)Cock, wife and
one child ; Mrs. Daniel Lee ; Mrs. David Carter : Mrs. Joseph Holnian ; Miss E.
Phillips. Independent Protestant Mission— Rev. Harvey Clarke and wife ; P. B.
Littlejohn and wife ; Robert Moore, James Cook, and James [Travers, according to
Judge Deady,] Fletcher, settlers. Jesuit Priests — P. J. DeSmet, Flathead Mission.
Rocky Mountain men witli native wives— William Craig, Doctor Robert Newell,
Joseph L. Meek, George Ebbert, William M. Dougherty, John Larison, Geo. Wil-
kinson, a Mr. Nicholson, and Mr. Algear, and William Johnscm, author of the
novel, "Leni Leoti, o The Prairie Flower." The subject was first written and
read before the Lyceum at Oregon City, in 1843.

He classilies the population as follows: Amei'ican settlers,
twenty-five of them with Indian wives, 30; American women, 33;
children, 32; lay members, Protestant Missions, 13; Methodist Min-
isters, 13; Congregational, O; American Physicians, 3; English Phy-
sicians,!; Jesuit Priests, including DeSmet, 3; Canadian French,
00. Total Americans, 137; total Canadians, including Priests, 63;
total population, not including Hudson's Bay Company operatives,

AMKKICANS ORGANIZE A PROVISIONAL OOVKRNMKNT.

233

33;

within what now is a portion of Montana, and all of Idaho, Wash-
ington and Oregon, 200.

Up to 1839 the only law or government administered in this
region was the rules of the Hudson's Bay Company ; hut that year,
deeming that there must be some authority which the settlers would
respect, the Methodist missionaries designated two persons to act as
magistrates. This was d(me entirely without the co-operation of
the settlers, l)ut the action received their endorsement, or, at least,
was generally acquiesced in. Several cases came before these officers
for adjudication, the most important being the trial of T. J. Hub-
bard for murder, he having shot a man who was attemi)ting to
enter his cabin throuLch the window. The maj^istrate was Rev.
David Leslie. The prisoner was acquitted l»y the jury.

Settlements were made at this time with reference to the possi-
ble division of the country on tlu' line of the Colum])ia River, all
Americans locating south of the stream, and none l)Ut British sub-
jects north of it. Cook, Fletcher and Moore settled on the ])anks
of the Willamette, near the falls, the last named locating directly
opposite* the cataract, on the west bank. He purchased a section
of land of the Indians, a transaction which, of course, had no legal
force, and named his place "Robin's Nest." Dr. McLoughlin
claimed the opposite end of the falls, and, later, when he resigned
from the Hudson's Bay Company, located there and became as good
an American as any of them. Pie thus relates some of the diffi-
culties he experienced with this claim: —

In 1840, as I already stated, the Methodist Mission received a large reinforce-
ment, r had selected for a claim, Oregon City, in 1829, made improvements on it
and had a large quantity of timber squared. Tlie Superintendent applied to me for
a loan of some of it to build a mission house. I lent them the timber and had a place
pointed out to them upon which to build. In 1840 the Methodist Mission formed a
milling association and jumped part of my claim and began t« build a saw and
grist mill. They assumed the right to judge of my rights, and said that I could not
hold it as part of my claim, though the stream that separates the islet from the main
land is not more than forty feet wide in summer. This island is what is called
" Abernethy Island," and is about three or four acres in extent. In 1842, Mr.
Walker, the resident missionary in the house, to build which I lent timber, which
they never returned, and gave the ground upon which to build, set up a claim to
Oregon City in opposition to me, but after some difficulty, I paid them $500
and he gave it up. I preferred to do this and have done with it rathtr than here-
after trouble Government with it.

It has been remarked that the policy of the Hudson's Bay Com-

IVM

iriSTOKY OK WILLAMKTTK VAI,1-KT.

pany w.'is to discourage any settlements whatever, preferring that
the country should remain uninhabited l>y all save the Indians and
the actual servants of the company. It had even gone to the ex-
pense of sending to Canada those employees whose terms of service
expired. Had they but themselves and employees to deal with, the
policy was a wise one foi- the purpose of effecting the end aimed at
— the preservation of the country in its primeval state — l)ut with
the complication of independent American settlers it wa« the re-
vei'se. Had the company from the beginning coloni/e<l ()regi>n
with its discharged servants, as it had previously done the Red
River region, there would now have been such a flourishing colony
as would liave comjiletely overshadowed the Americans, if, indeed,
it did not prevent their coming altogether. Failure to do this lost
Great Britain her only hope of ac(iuiring Oregon. The company's
eyes were fully opened to the danger when the Wallamet Cattle
Company was organized in 1837. It resolved then upon a radical
ami immediate change of policy — to colonize the country with sub-
jects of Great Britain as rapidly as jDOssible. Accordingly, the
Puget Sound Agriciultural Company was organized in 1887 as an
associate of the company, which it was to supply with its products
as well as carry on a trade with the Sandwich Islands and Alaska.
The company, for reasons previously stated, selected a location on
the north side of the Columbia, at Cowlitz and Nesqually. It took
several years to carry the scheme into effect, since it was necessary
to bring a large emigration from the company's older colony on
Red River. The settlement on French Prairie has been mentioned;
this consisted of about twenty-five families at the time Father Blan-
chet arrived in 1838, and located there the Mission of St. Paul,
where a school and church have ever since been maintained. The
plan of the company was to thus overwhelm the American settlers
in point of numbers, and at the same time to open negotiations be-
tween the home governments for a final settlement of the mooted
question of title, in which the great preponderance of English sub-
jects should be lu'ged as a reason why Great Britain's claim to the
country should be conceded. To the defeat of this deep-laid plan
the United States is indebted largely to Dr. Marcus Whitman's per-
spicacity, determination and patriotism, as will appear later on.
The company's plans embraced, also, a studied and persistent

AMKRICANS ORfJANIZK A 1»KOVISION A I, r.oVKtJ.VMK VT.

•J.Sil

niisrepre8<uitatioii of the agrir.iiltural resoiirceH of the country. The
idea was industriously impressed upon every one that Oregon was
a barren waste, of no earthly vj^lue except as a fur i-egion. J^y this
means it was hoped not only to discourage emigration, but to im-
press u]K)n American statesmen the 'u]vt\ that a country of sucli little
value for colonization was not worth contending for, and some of
tlie speeches made in Congress l)y several of the foremost men of
the nation show hoAV well the plan succeeded. That England, and
Englishmen generally, became end)ued with the same idea was of
no consequence, since the company did not desire English settlers
other than such as, in a measure, belonged to it; and England could
be relied upon to do her best to secure it as a perpetual trapping
ground for this great corporation, which was her j)owerful repic-
sentative in the extreme West. Not onl}' was the region decried,
but it was asserted with great positiveness that it was abs(dutely
impossible for wagons to cross the mountains, and that emigrants
could not pass overland from the Mississippi \\'illey. Every book
of English origin laid great stress upon these facts, and tliey were
echoed by the magazines and newspapers. Said John Dunn, a
former clerk of the company, in his work on (Oregon: "None but
the wild and fearless fi'ee- trappers can claml)er over these precipices
and tread these deserts with security. It is true that there have
been published more favorable accounts, within the last year or two,
by parties who have made the journey safely, and who encourage
others to make a similar experiment, liut these accounts are mere
bravado." In 1848, the Edinburg Review said: "However the
political question between England and the United States, as to the
ownership of Oregon, may be decided, Oregon will never be coh)-
nized overland from the United States. The world must assume a
new phase before the American wagons will make plain the road
to the Columbia, as they have done to the Ohio." These extracts
are sufficient to show the general tenor of them all.

In this there was nothing either criminal or dishonest, nothing
which Americans would not have done under the same circum-
stances; and yet certain writers speak of this and other steps of the
company to obtain, or retain, possession of Oregon, as constituting
a heinous crime. In looking at this matter one should divest him-
self of all national and religious prejudice or bigotr}'. Both na-

230

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLET.

tions haviiijr well-founded claims to the country, the subjects of
Great Britain certainly were as fully justitietl in making an effort
for possession as were the citizens of the United States; and the
actual fact is that they were less active, less aggressive than were
the Americans, to which is largely due their defeat in the contest
upon which they entered with every a«lvantage. Because they made
these efforts, pai'ties who were ecjually active on the other side have
chargKl the cornjiany with grave crimes, not the lejist of which was
the inciting of the natives to murder American settlei-s and mission-
aries. These charges rest solely ujion the most flimsy circumstan-
tial evidence, which is outweighed by the c«)nduct and character of
the officers who administered the company's affaii"s in Oregon. It
is not the purpose of the wi'itei- to engage in a general tlefense of
the Hudson's Bay Company, or acquit it of all censure; for he be-
lieves its policy to have been harsh and cruel, though natural and
human. He would, however, desire to <lefend the name of good
Dr. McLoughlin from the aspersions of men who were not worthy
to untie the latchet of his shoes; who possessed neither his large and
liberal mind, nor his warm and generous heart. He must be dis-
associated entirely from the company ^\hose chief representative he
was, since he failed utterly to carry out its policy. He was ever the
sympathizing friend of the needy pioneer, and lil>erally aided huu
in distress; and when called to account, in 184-4, for not enforcing
the company's orders to withhold fi"om American settlers all assist-
ance whatever, resigned his position and became nearly penniless
because of being held personally responsil>le for the debts he had
permitted many distressed emigrants to contract for necessary sup-
plies, which debts, it may be stated, many never had the honor or
gratitude to discharge. Aside from this order to >\-ithhold assistance,
which, had it been enforced by Dr. McLoughlin, would have caused
great distress, and which, of course, not being present to witness it,
the chief officers of the company coidd not fully appreciate, there
was nothing in the conduct of the company which would not be
looked upon in any country and by any people as proper and nec-
easary for the protection of their interests, could they «>e placed in a
similar position. It is questionable if the gentlemen entertaining
such bitter feelings had possessed the great power of the company,
whether they would have used it as honorably and conscientiously

AMERICANS OROANIZK A PROVISIONAL OOVKRNMKNT.

237

as (li<l Dr. McLoughlin and his associiites. These narrow-minded
views were not entertained by Dr. Whitnnm, the Nestor of them all.
He had a brain sufficiently large, and a nature suffieiently honor-
able, to divorce politics and personality, and he honored and respected
some of these men, and enjoyed their wannest friendship, while do-
ing more than any other man to counteract and defeat their ])lans.
The active paii taken politically by the Protestant missionaries lost
them the suj)poi-t they at first received from the company, which
was transferred to the Catholics, who, as subjects of (ireat Britain,
could be counted upon to further its interests. It was this support
of their religious adversaries which caused the l)itter enmity of cer-
tain Protestant historians to the company. The mutual intcderance
of adherents of the two creeds, and the especially bitter spirit eu-
gendere<l l)y the contest for spiritual control of the In<' ians, suffi-
•iently explain why those whose minds were thus wrought uj) to a
'lief in the commission of fiendish acts by their Catholic opponents,
should extend their prejudices to the company which aided in their
defeat.

Dr. McLoughlin treats the sul>ject of his attitude and conduct
towards American settlers at great length, and justice to him requires
that his words be given in full. He says: —

In 1S43, about 800 emigrants arrived from the Stiites. I saw by the looks of the
Indians that they were excited, and I watched them. As the first stragglers were
arriving at Vancouver in canoes, I was standing on the bank. Nearer the water
there was a group of ten or twelve Indians. One of them bawled out to his com-
panions, " It is good for us to kill these Bostons ! " Struck with the excitement I
had seen in Uie countenances of the Indians since they had heard the report of the
immigration coming, I felt certain they were inclined to mischief, and that bespoke
thus loud as a feeler to sound me, and take their measures accordingly. I imme-
fliately rushed on them with my cane, calling «)ut at the same time, "Who is the
dog that says it is a good thing to kill these BosUms!" The fellow, trembling,
excused himself, " I spoke without meaning harm, but the Dalles Indians say so."
Well," said I, " the Dalles Indians are dogs for saying so, and you also," and left
him, a-s, if I had remained longer, it would have had a bad effect. I had done
enough to convince them I would not allow them to do wrong to the immigrants
with impunity. From this Indian saying, in the way he did, that the Dalles
Indians said it was good to kill the Bostons, I felt it my duty to do all I could to
avert so horrid a deed.

Mr. P. L. Edwards, whom I mentioned, came in 1834, with Messrs. Lee, and
left in 18.38, sent me a letter by Gen. McCarver, stating he had given a letter of in-
troduction to me to r. H. Burnett, Esq. I immediately formed my plan and kept
my knowledge of the horrid design of the Ij^dians secret, as I felt certain that if
Americana knew it, these men acting indej)endent of each other, would be at once
for fighting, which would lead to their toUl destruction, and I sent two (2) boats

238

HISTORY OF WILLAMKTTF, VALLEY.

" You have known it for two
name." The Doctor, seeing I

with provisions to meet them ; :?ent provisions to Mr. Burnett, and a large quantity
of provisions for sale to those who would purchase, and to be given to those who
had not the means, being confident that the fright I had given (as alread.y stated; the
Indians who sjiid it was a good thing to kill the Bost(>ns was known at the Dalles
before our boats were there, and that witli the presence of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany people, and the assistance they aflForded the immigrants, would deter the
Indians from doing them any wrong, and I am happy to be able to say I entirely
succeeded. At first I thought these Indians were excited by some of the Iroquois
Indians in the Hudson's Bay Company's service, and tried to find if so, l)ut found
nothing to enlighten me on the subject.

Alxnit a month after Dr. Whitman, from his mission Walla Walla to Vancou-
ver, as the Dalles was on liis way, and as he had seen the princifil men there, it
occurred to mc that he might have heard of it, and told him what I heard the
Indian say, antl how I had alarmed him, what I had done to deter them and my
suspicion that all this .^i)rung from .some of our ra.scally Iroquois, and tliat I was
anxious to find thai ra.scal oui to punish liim as an example to deter otiiers. " Oh,"
says the Doctor, " I know all about it." " You do. Doctor," says I. " Yes," said
the Doctor, "and I liave known it for two years."
years anil you told me no^hint^! Pray tell me his
wtxs on the wrong scent, said, "His name is Thonuis Hill." After thinking for
Bome time, I replied, the Hudson's Bay Comininj' had no man of that name in their
service. "Oh," says the Doctor, " Tom Hill the Sliawnce." Tliis Indian, it is said,
had been e<lucated at Dartmoutii College in the States, had told the Indians that a
few Americans had come to settle on their land ; tiiat the Shawnees allowcil them,
but when the Americans were strong enough they drove the Shawnees ofl'and now
the Shawnees hi've no lands, and had urged the Indians to allow no Americans to
settle on their lands, which advice the In<lians al)out Walla Walla say *he ("ayuses
are following , ^ this day, and the Indian- are inclined to follow by killing the innni-
grants ".vho fir-t came, and which I lielieve they would have done but for the decideti
and cautious manner that I acte<l. And the reason the Indian made use of the ex-
pression he did, was because I punishei^I the murderers of the Smith party, ami be-
fore acting they wanted to know how T would treat ihcm, and most certainly if I
had not l)een n>ost anxious for the .-afoty of the immigrants and to discharge to
them the duties of a Christian, my ear v.'ould not have caught so (juickly the w )rds,
" ii is a good thing to kill these Bostops," and acted jus I did. In fact, if the immi-
grants had all been my brothcw and sistei-s, I could not have done mure for them.
T fed the hungry, causwl tlie sick t<i be attended to and nursed, furnished thcni
every assistiinc: so long as they re |(iire<l it, and which some have not paid to this
day, though abundantly able, and for which, if they do not pay, I am answerable
to the Hudson's Bay ("o;!Mp:iny. I* may be said, and has been said, that I was too
liberal in I'laking th'jse advances. It is not so, but was done judiciously and
I)rudently.

When tiie immigration of 184li came, wc had enough of bread.stull's in the ('ountry
for one year, liut as the inimigrants rep<>rted that next season there would be a
greater immigration, it wa.s evident if there wtw not a pro|>ortionate increiuse of setnl
sown in 1843 and 1844, tiiere would be a famine in the country in 1H4.5, which would
lea<l to trouble, as .'■ise that had fanulies, to save them from starvation, would be
obliged to have recourse to violence to get food for them. To avert this I freely sup-
plied the inmilgrant.s of 1843 and 1844 with the neces,sary articles to ojun farms, and
by these means avoided the evils. In short I afforded every as^iistiince to the immi-
grants so long as they required it, and i)y management I kept iM'ace in the country,
and in some cases bad lo ]iut up with a great deal ; for instance, when the milling
com|>any juiuimhI part of uiy claim, the island uiHin which they built a mill, and

AMEKICAXS ORGAXIZK A VKOVISIONAL (JOVKKNMENT.

239

whicii subsetjuently Abernethy purchased, and when Williamson jumiied part of
Fort Vancouver, as may be seen by my corretipondence with the i)rovisi()nal govern-
nicnt on the subject, and which occuired in the presence of several American
citizens, who I am hnpi)y to say stronj^ly expressed their disapprobation of William-
son's conduct, and whieli I am induced to believe made him desist, an<l it will be

seen, to their credit, 'hut Messrs , the

Executive Conunittee, acted in a straightforward, manly and correct manner, and
it was by such conduct on the part of respectable American citizens, that peace and
order were maintained in the country. It is true, several thought I was too for-
bearing ; but when I saw how nuich the good on both siiles would suffer if I acted
differently, and that a war l)etween Great Britain and the United States might be
caused liy it, I considered it my duty to act as I did, and by which I thinlt I nuiy
have prevented a war l)etween the United States and (treat Britain. And how
have . been treated by both?

By IJritish demagogues 1 have l)een represented as a traitor. For what? Because
I actf'd as a Cliristian; saved Americiui citizens, men, women and children from
the Indian touuduiwk, and enabled them to make farms to support their families.
Ani'Tican dcniagosrues have been base enough to a.ssert that I had caused American
''itizens to be massacred by hundreds by the savages. I, who saved all I could.
I have l)een represented by tlie delegate from Oregon, the late S. R. Thurston, as
doing all I could to prevent tlie settling, while it was well known to every Ameri-
can settler who is acciuaiiited with tl)e history of the Territory, that this is a down-
right falsehood, and most, certainly will say, that they most firndy believe that I
did all I could to prom te its .settlement, and tluit I could not have done more for
the settlers if they liad ictii my brothers and sisters, and after being the first person
to take a claim in the country and assisting the immigrants as I have, my claim is
reserved, after having ex])ended all the means I had to inijjrove it, while every other
settler in the country gets his. But as I felt convinced that any disturbance
between us here might lead to a war between Great Britain and the States, I felt it
my l)ounden duty as a Christian, to act as I did, and which T think averted the
evil, and which was so displeasing to some English demagogues that they repre-
' "nted me to the British Ctovernment as a peraon so partial to American interests as
selling the Hudson's Bay ("otnpany goods in my charge cheaper to American than
I did to British sul)jects. On the other liand, though, if the American innnigrants
ha<l been my brothers and sisters, I could not have done more for them; yet, after
acting tvs I have, spending my means and doing my utmost to settle tlie country,
niy claim is resirved, while every other settler in the country gets liis; and how
nuicli this has injured me, is daily injuring me, it is neeille.ss to say, and certainly
it is a treatment I do not deserve and whic^h I did n«)t expect. To be brief, bounded
this settlement anil preventeil a war between tlie United States and Gre-t Britain,
and for doing this peaceably and ((uietly, I wtus treated by the Britis'. in such a
manner that froiii self respect T resigned my situation in the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany's service, by which I sacrificed Jil2,(KK) per annum, and the "Oregon Lund
Bill " shows tlie treatment I received from the Americans.

It 18 a [ilcasure to .state tliat all libt'i'al-iuindeil pioneers regard
the good Doctor as one of the grande.st and most nolde characters
with whom they ever <'nmt^ [n "ontact.

The [lojvilation of Oregon may be dassitied, in 1840, into four
tlistiiu-t divisions- -the Hudson's Bay Company; the Catholic mis-
sionaries and their French proteges; the Protestant misHiouaries ;

240

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

and the independent settlers. The fii'st two generally acted together,
thouirh there were a few members of the Catholic church who favored
American rule. Though not always in full accord, and occa.sionally
op[X)sing each other, the settlers and missionaries, as a rule, act<'d
together, the missions serving as a rallying point for the settlei*s.
These latter cared nothing for the religious creed the missionaries
represented, their sole object in securing homes in the Willamette
Valley being to better their wordly condition, yet they favored the
mission to the extent that it served their purpose of settling in the
country. The missions of the American Board located east of the
m«>untains, cut no iigure at first in the oi'ijanization of a government,
thiit mt>vement being confined to the settlers in the Willamette Val-
ley. The motives which actuated them are thus set forth by J.
Quinu Thornton: —

Distant from the land of their birth, surrounded by restless tribes of Indiant*,
who clamorously and insolently demanded of the immigrants pay for lands whii'h
the immigrants had neither the means nor the right to purchase; still ardently de-
siring to have their names and their destiny connected with that of the republic,
and yet, often pierced to the heart by the thought, which would sometimes, unbid-
den, obtrude itself ujwn the mind, that they were the victims of their country's
neglect and injustice, and suffering all the inconveniences and embarrassnunts
w hich are necessarily felt by a residentand civilized community, without a system of
laws for the conservation of peace and order, they were at length comijelled to or-
ganize a provisional government.

Their first step was taken March 16, 1888, when J. L. Whit-
comb and thirty-five other settlers prepared a memorial, which was
presentetl to Congress January 28, 18.S9, by Senator Linn. This
document set forth the resources and condition of the country, and
contained the following paragraph: —

We are anxious when we inuigine what will be, what must be, the condition of
8o mixed a community, free from all legal restraint and superior to that moral influ-
ence wliich has hitherto been the pledge of our safety. We flatter ourselves f/iat
u-e art the germ of a great State and are anxious to give an early tone t«) the moral
and intellectual character of our citizens— the destinies of our jMisterity will be
intimately affected by the character of those who immigrate. The territory nuist
populate — the Congress of the United Htatcs umst say by whom. The natural
resources of the country, with a well-judged civil code, will invitea good community
but a goofi community will hardly emigrate to a country which promises no pro-
tection to life or property. * * * We can boast of no civil ccMle. We
can promise no i)rofection but the ulterior resort of self-defense. • • * We
have thus briefly shown that the security of our jjersons and our property, the
hopes and destinies of our children, are involved in the subject of our iH'tilion. We
do not presume to suggest the manner in which the country should be <K'cupied by
the Ooverunieut, nor the extent to which our settlement should be encouraged.

AMEBICAIfS ORGANIZE A PROVISIONAL OOVKKNMEXT.

241

Vhit-

This
, and

ition of
il inttu-
•I's that
e iiiiiriil
will III'
ry imiHt
naturul
niunity
no pro-
lie. We
We
rty. tlu'
m. We
ipietl i>y
ou raged.

We confide in the wisdom of our national legislators, and leave the subject to their
candid deliberations.

This petition was read, laid on the table, and neglected. In
June, 1840, Senator Linn again presented a menumal, signed by
seventy citizens of Oregon : —

Your petitioners represent that they are residents in Oregon Territory, and citi-
zens of the United States, or persons desirous of becoming such. They furthei rep-
resent that they have settled themselves in said Territory, under the belief that it
was a portion of the public domain of the United States, and that they might rely
upon the government thereof for the blessings of free institutions and the protec-
tion of its arms. But your petitioners further represent, that they are^minformed
of any acts of said Government by which its Institutions and protection are ex-
tended to them; in consequence whereof, them-selves and families are exposed to be
destroyed by the savages and others that would do them. harm. And your petition-
ers would further represent that they have no means of protecting their own and
the lives of their families, other than self-constituted tribunals, organized and sus-
tained by the power of an ill-instructed public opinion, and the resort to force and
arms. And your petitioners represent these means of safety to be an insufficient
safeguard of life and property. * * * * Your petitioners wherefore
pray the Congress of the United States of America, to establish, as soon as may be,
a territorial government in Oregon Territory.

The phrase which is italicized in the above memorial nndoiibt-
edly refei's to the Hudson's Bay Company, which, so ■ .le of the
settlers then believed and a few still affect to believe, desi:. d their
destruction. The absurdity of this has already been pointed out l)y
calling attention to the character of the company's officers in Ort-
gon, and to the very patent fact that had such been their intention
it would have been carried out, since nothing could have been easier
of acconiplishnient. That the company succeeded in "freezing out "
opposition traders, })y exerting its authority to prevent the Indians
form trading with its rivals, and by refusing to sell such men sup-
plies when in business distre.s8, is an undisputed fact; and that
it s(»ught to "starve out" all American settlers, or, at least, keep
them in practical subjection, is equally undisputable, and would
probably have been as fully successful had am>tlier than Dr. Mc-
lioughlin been in charge at Vancouver; but that it sought to achieve
these ends by murder and inciting the Indians to slaughter them,
lacks proof of any kind. Its domination over the Indians was so
complete that a simple hint that the company desired the Americans
killed would have been sufficient to have accomplished that end.
The simple fact that these petiti<)uei's lived for uumy years expo.sed

242

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

to attack ami never oiice received it, is evidence enough to show
that the fears expressed in the memorial were ungrounded.

Having thus jji-ovided for making knowTJ the situation of affairs
to Congress, and being well aware that one, and }»ossibly two, yt'ars
must roll around before they could even know that their petition
liad been pi-esented, they adch'essed themsehes to the task of pro-
viding such government as was absolutely recpiired for the security
of their families and the proper conservation of the peace. The
principal setth-nient wa> at Champoeg, and thei'e a meeting wa.s
held on the seventh of Februavy, 1H41, the record of which shows
that it was "a meeting of some of the inhabitants * * * for
the purpose of consulting upon steps necessary to be taken for the
formation of laws, and tlie election of officers to execute them." Rev.
Ja.son Lee was called to the chair, and reipiested to express his
opinion of what was necessary to be done. In a brief speech, which
indicates that he had given considerable thought to the subject, he
a(.l vised the appointment of a committee to (h'aft a ccmstitution and
by-laws for the government of that portion of the territory l\iug
s(»uth (,)f the Columl)ia. The people were also recommended to con-
sidered the (juestion of a governor and other officers. Here the
matter rested temporai'ily ; but an (went happened a few days later
which revived it with irreater vigor. This was the death of that
able and energetic lea(h'r, Ewing Young, on the fifteenth of Feb-
ruary. His funeral, which was held two days later, was attended
by nearl}' every setth^r in the valley. Mr. Young [wssessed c(m-
siderablc property, and left no visil)le heirs to claim it and no one
to administer upon the estate. Had he l)e('ii a servant, or even an
employee of the company, the officers would have taken charge of
the effects; or had he been lussociated with one of the missions, there
would have been no doubt about the disposition of his property; but
he was simply an independent settler, and no one had any color of
authority to act in the premises. After the funeral ceremonies were
c(mcluded, the people organized a "meeting of some of the inhabit-
ant** of the Wallamet Valley, foi- consultation concerning tin steps
necessary to be taken for the formation of laws, and the election of
officers to execute the same, and for the better preservation of peace
and good ordei'." Uev. Jason Lee was chosen Chairman, and Rev.
Gustavus nines Secretary. It waa determined to institute a civil gov-

AMERICANS ORGANIZE A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

243

olor of

lial»it-

tion of
f pence
»1 Rev.

eniment south of the Columbia, to the protection of which any per-
son living north of that stream and not connected with the company,
might be admitted upon aj^plication. The form of government
decided upon was a legislative connnittee, a govei'nor, a supreme
judge with probate powers, three justices of the peace, three con-
stables, three road commissioners, an attorney-general, a clerk of the
courts and j)id)lic recorder, a treasurei', and two overseers of the
poor. Names of gentlemen to occujn' the various offices were sug-
gested, and then the meeting adjourned to assemble the next day at
the Methodist Mission, and elect officers. Nearly all the male pop-
ulation south of the Colund)ia assembled at the time and place
specified. There were three distinct factions — the Methodist mis-
sionaries and their associates, the independent settlers, and the
Catholics as allies of the Hudson's Bay Company. The first busi-
ness was the choice of a committee to draft a constitution and code
of laws, the fullowinu" gentlemen beini; selected: Rev. F. N. Blan-
chet, I'epresenting the Catholics; Rev. Jason Lee, Rev. Gustavus
Hines and Rev. Josiali L. Parrish, representing the Methodist Mis-
sion; D. Donpierre and ^l. Charlevo, representing the French Can-
adian settlers; Robert Moore and Etinne Lucier, representing the
Atn.'rican settlers; "William Johnson, representing the purely English
ehuiient. The main point at issue between the factions seemed to
be the position of governor; Revs. Leslie an<l Ilines and Dr. J. L.
Bal)coclf were the mission candidates, and seemed liable to divide
the vote sufficiently to ensure the election of Di'. Bailey, a man of
strong English prejudices, who wtis opposed to i'<!ligion generally.
He could secure the French Catholics and a majority of the settlers'
votes. l>ut the latter element he alienatetl l»y his extreme immodesty
in nominating himself. It was finally deci<led to dispense with a
governor, the duties of that office ])eing discharged by the su})reme
judge, to which pctsition Dr. J. L. Bal)cock was elected. IL; was
instructed to render decisions in cases which might come before him,
in accordance with the New York code; but as there wjis not a New
York statute book west of the Rocky Mountains, it would have been
<Hfficult to determine whether he c(»m])lied or not. The committee
l»eing divided between the different interests, and the bench having
fallen to the Methodists, the Catholics were given the recorder in
the pei'son of George W. LeBretou, who had come out in the brig

244

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

Maryland^ and was a young niau of good education. Later, he
affiliated entirely with the settlers, and is spoken of by the priests
at the time of his death, which will be subseijuently noted, as being ,
an apostate. The English element was represented by William
Johnson, as high sheriff. Joseph Gervais, Hadier Laderaut (Zania
Ladaroot), Pierre Billique and William McCarty were chosen con-
stables. The other offices designated were not filled; to have done
so would ha\'e re(piireil nearly ever}' prominent man in the settle-
ments. The meeting then adjourned to assemble on the first Tues-
day in June, at the new building near the Catholic church. Dr.
Babcock administered upon the estate of Mr. Young, and aa no
heirn appeared to claim it, the property was devoted to the build-
ing, two years later, of a jail at Oregon City, the first of its kind
west of the Rocky Mountains. A score of years later the Oregon
Legislature refunded the value of the estate to Joaquin Young, of
New Mexico, who proved himself to be a sou of the deceased
pioneer.

LTpon the day appointed in June the people again assembled,
and learned that the committee had not framed a constitution, nor
had they even met for that purpose. Rev. F. N. Blanchet resigned,
and after choosing Dr. Bailey to fill the vacancy, the meeting in-
structed the committee to "confer with the Commodt)re of the
American squatlron and John McLoughlin, Chief Factor of the
Hudson's Bay Company, with regard to forming a constitution and
code of laws for this conmmnity." The meeting then adjourned
till the following October. The naval officer alluded to was Com-
modore Charles Wilkes, who had been despatched by the United
States Government, in 1838, with a fleet of vessels, on an extended
voyage of exploration, continuing five years. Wilkes was then in
Oregon with the double purpose of obtaining geographical and sci-
entific information and learning the exact situation of affairs. Per-
sonally, he enjoyed the hospitality of Dr. McLoughlin during his
brief stay, several expeditions being sent out fi'om Vancouver, one
going to Puget Sound, one to the missions east of the mountains,
and a third, under Lieutenant Emmons, passing up the Willamette
Valley and going overland to the Bay of San Francisco, whither
the squadron proceeded by sea. Having visited the various mis-
sions, talked with tJie settlers, and consulted with the worthy Chief

AMKRIOANK OROANIZK A PROVISIONAL UOVKRNMKNT,

245

Factor, he learned that only a minority were in favor of a govern-
ment, chiefly those associated with the Methodist Mission. It
•seemed to be the prevailing opinion that the settlement was not
strong enough to sustain a government and not large enough to
absolutely require it. Accordingly, Wilkes advised the com-
mittee which waited upon him, to wait until they were stronger
before attempting a government, until the "Government of the
United States should throw its mantle over them." This advice was
accepted, and the adjourned meeting never convened. This ended
the first effort to organize a local government.

The first regular emigration from the East arrived in 1841, be-
ginning that steady stream of young and vigorous life which has
annually flowed into Oregon for over forty years ; and the end will
not be seen for many years to come. There were deep and moving
causes for this living sti'eam to force its way through the rocky bar-
riers and alkali deserts and cut a deep channel to Oregon. Trap-
pers who had visited the Pacific Coast sang the praises of the lovely
and fertile valleys of the Willamette and Sacramento, where winter
was unknown and the grass remained green the year round. The
western frontiersmen caught up the refrain as it passed from cabin
to cabin ; and in a few years the tale was an old one with the hardy
pioneers of the West. The publication of Dr. Parker's book, Irv-
ing's "Astoria " and " Bonneville," John Dunn's work on Oregon,
a letter written by Robert Shortess, who had come out in 1839,
combined with a general financial depression in the Western States,
caused much attention to l)e directed towards Oregon, California
then being a province of Mexico and, ccjnswiueutly, less attractive
to American citizens. The two steadfast friends of Oregon in Congress
were the senators from Missouri, Thomas H. Benton and Lewis F.
Linn, whose names are borne l)y two of the oldest and liest -"ounties
in the Willamette Valley. They never ce{ise<i to urge upon the
Government the ne(;essity of taking some decisive step to perfect
its title to the region of the Columbia, and to extend the jurisdic-
tion of the law over this disputed country for the protection of
American citizens who were making, and might in the future make,
their homes in the far-off Occident. It was Senator Linn who pre-
sented the two memorials before alluded to, and who, at the same
time, introduced bills for the extension of the jurisdiction of the

246

HISTORY OF VVILLAMKTTE VALLEY.

United States laAYs over Oivgeui, writing tli«nu warmly ujion the
consideration of Congress. Eai-ly in 1842 he intvodticed a bill
granting donations of the pultlic lands to all wlio might settle in
Oregon, his idea being that a libenil emigration alone eoiild l)e re-
lied upon to win the Columlna for tlie United States, and that
special inducements should be oifered to those brave and hardy
people who must be relied upon to thus eonstihite tlie line of battle
on the frontier. With all earnestness he supported this measure in
the Senate, ably seconded l)y his eminent coHeague, bu<^ his sudden
death on the od of October, l<S4;i, suspended, for the time, the vi-
tality of these measures; yet, in the donation laAVs passeil by Con-
gress a few years latei', the pioneers of Oregon rt'aped the benefit
of his unselfish exertions, and received the fultillment of that im-
plied promise which had induced many of them to undertake the
toilsome and dangerous journey. In his eulogy ii])on his distin-
guished colleague, delivered in the Senate, Mr. lientoii said: "In
the character of sucli a man, so exuberant in all that is grand and
l)eautiful in human nature, it is dithcult to partieularize excellen-
cies, or pick out any one (piality or circumstance which could claim
pre-eminence over all others. If I should attem[)t it, I should point
among his measures for the benefit of the whole Union, to the Or-
egon bills."

The emigration of 1841 consisted of one hundred and eleven
persons, who, owing to the supposed impossibility of crossing the
country with wagons, made no attemj^t to l)i'ing vehicles w ith them.
That such was not an impossibility liad l)een (k^monstrated in two
instances — when Dr. Whitman took his cart to Fort Boise in 183(),
and again in 1840 l>y Dr. Robert Newell, an old mountaineei", who
took a prominent and lu)noral)le part in the early affairs of Oi"egon.
He was one of the ari'ivals of 1840 previously noted. Newell had
served as guide to the Methodist missionaries from (xreen River to
Fort Hall, where, as compensation for his services, he received the
two watrons beloncjino; to the missionaries, which the\' had decided
to abandon at that point. The wagon party consisted of Dr. Rob-
ert Newell and family, Joseph L. Meek, Caleb AVilkins and Francis
Ermatinger, a Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company. The inci-
dent is thus related by Dr. Newell: —

At the time I took the wagons, I hud no idea of undertaking to bring them into

AMKinCANS OKOANIZK A PROVISION A I. fiOVKRNMKNT.

•24]

this country. I cxi^lmniird fat liorses to these missioimritw for their animals, and
after they had lu-eii jfone a niontli or more for WalUmiet, and the American Fur
Comi)any liad ahaiidomd tlie country for good, I concluded to liitch up and try the
nnuih-dre uled jol) of bringing a wagon to Oregon. I sold one of these wagons to
Mr. KrniatingtT, at Kort Hall. Mr. C'aleh Wilkins had a small wagon whicli Joel
Walker hail left at Kort Hall. On the Hfth of August, 1840, we put out with three
wagouH. .Joseph L. Meek drove my wagon. In a few days we began to realize the
difficult task before us, and found that the continual crashing of the .sage under our
wagons, which was in many places higher than the mule's backs, was no joke.
.Seeing our animals begin to fail, we began to light up, linally tlirew away our
wagon-beds and were (juiti' sorry we had undertaken the job. All the consolation
we had was that we broke the lirst .sage on that road, and were too proud to eat
anything but dried salmon skins after our provisions had become exhausted. In a
rather rough and reduced slate we arrived at Dr. Whitman's mission station in the
Walla Walla Valley, where we were met by that hosj)itable man and kindly made
welcome and feasted accordingly. On hearing me regret that I had undertaken to
bring wagons, the Doctor said, "Oh, you will never regret it. You have broken the
ice, and when others see that wagons have passed, they too will pass, and in a few
years the valley will be full ol our people." The Doctor shook ine heartily by the
hand ; Mrs. Whitman, too, welcomed us, and the Indians walked around our
wagons, or what they called "horse canoes," and seemed to give it up. We spent a
day or so with tlic Doctor, and then went to Kort Walla Walla, where we were
kindly received by Mr. 1'. C. Pambrun, Cliief Trader of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany, Sui)erintendent of that post. On the rtrst of October, we took leave of those
kind people, iKirimj our wuyonn and taking the river trail— but we i)roceeded
slowly. Our party consisted of .Josei)h Ij. Meek and myself, also our families, and
a Hnake Indian whom 1 brought to Oregon, where he died a year after our arrival.
The party did not arrive at the Wallamet Falls till December, subsisting for weeks
upon dried salmon, and upon several occasions comjielled to swim their stock across
the Columbia and Wallamet.

The eiuigraiits from the Red River colonies which were brought
to Oregon in pursuance of the phm of the Hudson's Bay Company
set forth above, arrived in the fall of 1S41. Sir (xeorge Simpson,
goveriH>r of the comj)an>', visited Vancouver the same year, crossing
overliind from Moiitival. Just east of the Rocky Mountains he
passed tliis train of emigrants, whicli he records as consisting of
" twenty-thi-ee families, tiie heads being generally young and active.''
They reached Oregon in S('ptenil)er an<l were located north of the
Columbia, in the vicinit\- of the C'owlitz farm of the Pueet Sound
Agricultural Company. A number of tliem relocated the next year
in the Willamette Valley.

The emigration of 184'J consisted of one hundred and nine
people, iifty-tive of them over eighteen years of age. Tiiey started
from Independence on the sixteenth of May, with sixteen wagons
and a numlter of cattle. In the train was Dr. Elijah White, who
had spent three years in Oregon in connection with the Methodist

248

msTOKY OF Wir-LAMKTTK VALI.KY.

Mission. He had now secured an appointment a.s Indian Agent for
the region west of the Rocky Mountains, and was on his way back
to the scene of liis missionary labors, ^Mexander and John McKay,
sons of Tom. McKay, were also with the party, being homeward
bound from a few years of attendance at school in New York State.
These three had lived in Oregon, but were not ac»|uainted with the
route thither. Judge Columbia I ancaster and his family a<!compa-
nied them as far as the Kansas River, but he was f(tmj)('ried by the
sickness of his \vife to abandon the journey and return. A few
years later he was more successful and his name is now indelibly
stamped upon the pages of Oregon history. Stephen II. Meek, an
experienced mountaineer and In'other of Col. Jo. Meek, served as
guide and general advisor, having trapped for years thrt)Ugli the
mountains and be^^n in Oregon several times, first with Bonneville
and afterwards sis an employee of the Hudson's Ba}- Company. F. X.
Matthieu, well known in the State, joined the train at Fort Lara-
mie, with three Frenchmen whose names are unknown. Thomas
Fitzpatrick, a former partner in the Rocky Mountain Fur Com-
pany, and one of the most experienced of mountain men, was en-
countered at P'ort Laramie and engaged for $500 to pilot the train
to Fort Hall. At Independence Rock a young man named Bailey
was killed by the accidental discharge of a rifle; and L. W. Hast-
ings and A. L. Lovejoy, two names prominent in Oregon history,
were captured by Sioux Indians while engaged in cai'ving their
names <jn the face of the rock. They were ransomed by making
their captors a present of a few trinkets and pieces of tobacco; and
this v/as what gave rise to the story in after yeai-s that Hastings had
been bought for a plug of tobacco. At Green River one-half of
the wagons were dismantled and used to make pack saddles, since
it was deemed too slow and difficult a task to take the whole train
further. This event and the subsequent incidents of the journey
are thus related by Hon. Medorum Crawford, one of the party: —

Horses, mules and oxen were packed with such clothing, utensils and provisions
as were indispensable for our daily wants, and with heavy hearts many articles of
comfort and convenience, wliich had been carefully carried and cared for on the
long journey, were left behind. About the middle of August we arrived at Fort
Hall, then an important trading post belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company.
From Captain Grant, bis officers and employees, we received such favors and assist-
ance as can only be appreciated by worn-out and destitute emigrants. Here the
remaining wagons were left, and our company, no longer attempting to keep up an

AMEKICANN OROANIZK A PKOVISIONAI, (lOVKKNM KNT.

249

nrganizatioD, divifled into small parties, each traveling as fast as their circiimstancet*
would permit, following the well-boutcii trail of tlie Hudson's Hay (.'onipany to
Fort Walla Walla, now Wallula. The small party to which F was attiiched was
one month traveling from Fort Hall to Dr. Whitnum's, whero wt- were most hos-
pitably received and suj)plied with flour and vegetal)l('s in aliuiidance, a very
acceptable change after sui)sisting almost entirely on bullulo meat from Laramie to
Fort Hall, and on salmon from Fort Hall to Whitman's. In fact there had not
tieen in my mess a mouthful of l)read since leaving Ijaramie. * ♦ * From
Walla Walla Dr. White and some others took jaissage down the ('oluml)ia Ffiver in
the Hudson's Hay (Jompany's lioats. Others pursued the Jourmy liy land to The
Dalles, and there embarked in l)oat8 or canoes, and still others, and tiie larger por-
tion of the emigrants, crossed tlie Cascade Mountains on the old [ iidian trail. From
Fort Hall to the Willamette no precaution was taken against, or tiie slightest
npi)rehensi(>n felt of Indian hostility, nor were we in any inslnnce molested by
them ; on the contrary, they furnished us witli salmon and ^anie, and rendered us
valuable assistance for very trilling rewards. From Walla Walla to the Willamette
Falls occupied al)out twenty ilays, and all things consi<lered, was the hardest part
of the entire journey — what with the drifting sands, rocky ciills, and raj)id streams
along the Columl)ia Itiver, and the gorges, torrents, and thickets of the Cascade
Mountains, it seems incredible how, with our worn-out and emaciated aninuils, we
ever reached our destination.

The members of that little train of 1K4*J, such as were then over
eighteen years of age, are thus eimmerated by Mr. Crawford: —

The following named men over eighteen years of age composed the emigration
of 1842: C. T. Arendell, James Brown, William Brown, Gabriel Brown, Barnum,
Hugh Burns, Geo. W. Bellamy, Bennett, Bennett, Jr., Bailey ( killed i, Nathaniel
Crocker, Nathan Coombs, Patrick Clark, Alexander Copeland, A. N. i'oates,
Medorum Crawford, Allen Davy, John Dearnn, John Dobbinbess, Samuel Davis,
Foster, John Force, James Force, Girtman, Gibbs, L. W. Hastings J. M. Hudspeath,
John Hofstetter, Hardin Jones, A. L. Lovejoy, Reuben Lewis, F. X. Mattliieu, S.
W. Moss, J. L. Morrison, Stephen Meek, Ale.x. McKay, John McKay, Walter
Pomeroy, Dwight Pomeroy, J. W. Perry, Dutch Paul, J. R. Uobb, Owen .Sununer,
T. J. Shadden, Andrew Sndth, A. D. Smith, Darling Smith, Adam Storn, Aaron
Towner, Joel Turnham, Elijah White, David Weston, Three Frenchmen.

The condition of the valley and the settlers, when these emigrants
aiTived, is thus delineated l)y Mr. Cra^vford: —

On the fifth day of October our little party, tired, ragged and hungry, arrived at
the Falls, now Oregon City, where we found the first habitations west of the Cas-
cade Mountains. Here several members of the Methodist Mission were located,
and a. saw mill was being erected on the island. Our gratification im arriving
safely after so long and perilous a journey, was shared by tiiosc hospitable people,
each of whom seemed anxious to give us hearty welcome and render us every assist-
ance in their power. From the Falls to Vancouver was a trackless wilderness,
communicati(m being only by the river in small boats and canoes. Toward Salem
no sign of civilization existed until we reached the French Prairie, where a few
farms near the river were cultivated by former employees of the Hudson's Bay
Company. West of the Falls some fifteen miles was Tualitan Plains, where a few
settlers, mostly from Red River, had located. Within the present limits of Yamhill
Courty, the only settlers I can remember were Sidney Smith, Amos Cook, Francis
Fletcher, James O'Neil, Joseph McLaughlin, Williams, Louis LaBoute and

250

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

George Gay. There may luive lietn one or two more, but I think not. South of
George Gay's on tlie west end of Salem, on the east j«lde of the Willaniette River,
there were no settlements in tlie territory.

There were in tlie valley some twelve or fifteen Methodist Missionaries, most of
them having families, under the general 8U|)erintendeneeof Rev. Jason Lee. 8ome
of them were living at llie Falls, some at Salem, and some at the Mission farm, ten
udles lielow Salem, opixjsite the place now known as Whejitland. .\t these places,
especially at the Falls and Salem, many improvements were being made, and em-
ployment was given at fair wages to all who desire<l work. Payment was made in
lumber and Hour from their mills at Salem, cattle and honrses from their herds, and
orders on the mission stores at the Falls, kept by Hon. (ieorge .\lKrnethy. There
was no money in the country, and in fact I do not remember seeing a piece of
money of any description for more than a year after my arrival. A man's financial
condition was based upon his cattle, horses, and credit on the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany's or Abernethy's books. With these he could pnx-ure evcrjthing that was
purchaseable in the country. All kinds* of tools and implements were scarce ami
generally of the most i)riniitive character. 'I'here were no wagtms in the country.
Carts of the rudest numufacture were in general use, which among the French
were frequently ironed with raw-hide. Ground was plowed with wcKHlen mould-
boards, grain was threshed in rail pens by the tramping of lior*<es and cleaned by
winnowing in tlie wind, and transported in canoes and l>ateuux to Fort Vancouver
to market. Most of our clothing came from the Hudson's IJay Company, was all
of one size, and said to have been made to fit Dr. McLoughlin, who was a very large
man. Boots and shoes were more difficult to Ik? obtaine<l than any other article of
clothing; as for myself I had no covering for my feet for two years, either summer

or winter, l)Ut buckskin moccasins, still I never enjoyed Itetter health in my life.

«*♦♦♦»

A number of our company, jirobably one-third, dissatisfied with the winter and
not willing to wait and see what the summer would bring forth— acting on their
migratory instincts— determined early in the s|)ring of 1843 to go to California.
It was said of some of those that thej' ne%er remai.ieil in one place longer than to
obtain the means to travel ; and of one family in )>articular, that they had prac-
tically lived in the wagon for more than twenty years, only remaining in one
locality long enough to make a crop, which they had done in every State and Ter-
ritory in the Mississipiii Valley. Accordingly, under the lead of L. W. Hastings,
they set out as soon as the weather would permit, and. after encountTiug ?ome
difficulty with the Indians, they reached Sacramento Valley, .\mong this party
was Hon. Nathan Coombs, then a mere b()y, who afterwards btH-ame a large land
owner and stock raiser in Napa Valley, and founder of the city of that name.
Uncle Tommy Shadden, who is here to-tlay, was al.so of that party. In the spring
of 1843 those of our party who remained in the countrj- generally l<K«ted claims in
difl'erent sections of the Willamette Valley, and laid the found.itions for homes
they had traveled so far to obtain. These claims were by common consent recog-
nized and respected without other protection than public opinion until the pro-
visional government was established, which providetl that non-residents could hold
claims by having them recorded and paying five dollars annually into the terri-
torial treasury.

It was in 1842 tliat the first regular educational institution in
Oregon was founded, one which has done nol>le work for the youth
of the coast, and which still flourishes under the manageraeut of its
founders, the Methodist Episcopal Church. On the seventeenth of

AMERICANS OROANIZK A PROVISIONAL OOVKRNMENT.

251

Jamiarv, 1842, at the call of Rev. Jason Let-, the pcoph* aHHcmblcd
at Clieinckcta, now Noi'th Salt-ni, to consider the (juestion of e.s-
tal)lishing an e<lncational institution capable <>f meitwitr the wanti* of
the growing conununity. A committee was a[)[)ointe(l and the meet-
ing adjourned till tlie tirst of FeV>ruary, when it convened in the old
mission building which had I)cen erected in 18.'}4. The Oregon
Institute was then founded with the following board of trustees:
IJcv. Jason Lee, llev, David Leslie, Rev. (Justavus I lines, Rev. J.
L. Pani:., Rev. L. IL Judsoii, lion. (leorge Abernethy, Alanson
Ueei's, IL Campbell and Dr. J. L. Habcock. A location on French
Prairie wjvs lirst seh'cted, but that jdace being deficient in pure
water, the institute was finally located on Wallace Prairie, two and
one-lialf miles below the present City of Salem. A constitution
was adopted on the fifteenth of March, and on the twenty-sixth of
( )ctober the school was foinially p'aced under the cliarge of the
.Metliodist /Episcopal Church.

The 'r.'j. ration of 1H42, small thougli it wa.s and diminished by
the migration of several families to California, served to materially
strengthen the inde[)endent American element. Those who were
desirous of or<;anizinur a government began a<;ain to canvjiss the
s(il)ject, the leading spirit being W. H. dray, who had left his
associates — Whitman, 8j)alding, Eells and Walker — and settled in
the AVillamette Valley. lie gatheivd a few of the trusty ones at
his house to consult upon the best means of getting the people
together so as to get a spontaneous action fi'om them before oppos-
ing inHuences could have time to work uj)on them. A simple but
effective plan was devised — one which worked to a charm. Many
domestic animals had been destroyed l)y wild beasts, decimating
the small herds of the settlers, and how to prevent such ravages had
become a serious (piestion with every settler. It was decided to
call a meeting for the ostensible purpose of devising some means
for the protection of cattle from the ravages of wild beasts, and
notice w.is accordingly sent throughout the valley for every settler
to attend sucli a meeting at the Oregon Institute on the second day
of February, 1848. The attendance was very large, Dr. Babcock
occupying the chair. The presiding officer was unaware of the
secondary object of the meeting, to the principle of which he was
unfavorable. A committee of six was appointed to submit a plan

252

HISTORY OK WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

of operations to an adjourned meeting to be held on the first Mon-
day in Mareh, at the cabin of Joseph Gervais. These two gather-
ings are generally known among the pioneers as " Wolf meetings."
Prior to the second meeting LeBreton and a Mr. Smith quietly can-
vassed the sentiment of the people on the sul)ject of a more com-
plete government, finding that (juite a diversity of opinions prevaih^d.
There was a lyceum which met occasionally at Willanuitte Falls,
Vtefore which this question was introduced, and was discussed with
great animation. The decision there reached was that a government
at that time wa.s ine.xpedient. A government was advocated by
Dr. McLoughlin — one which would l»e entirely in<le]>endent of the
two nations chiiming Oregon. L. W. Hastings, ;;>* attorney for the
Doctor, introduced the rescdution, "That it is expetlient for the
settlei*s of the coast to estaldish an In<lependent (Tovernment," and
this was the l)asis of the discussion. The negative sitle was taken
by George Abernethy and other Americans, the former introducing
another resolution for discussion the following week. This was as
follows: '■'■Resolved, That if the United States .-.xtends its jurisdic-
tion over this country within the next four years, it will not be ex-
peflient to form an Independent Government." After much earnest
discussion this was adopted, and the ([uestion was placed at rest,
apparentl}-. Dr. White, ♦ihe Indian Agent, advocated a government,
provided he were placed at its liead; but the adoption of the last
re8olu.ion did not seem to offer him a 'certainty of such a happy
consummation. By these discussions the public miiMl w as some-
what prepared for a step of simie kind to be taken Iteyond that of
mere protection from wild beasts, and the conse(|ueiice was that
the attendance at the second wolf meeting was even larger than
it would otlierwise have been. James A. O'Neil, v lio liad been
(quietly notified of the ulterior purpose of the meeting, was called
to the chair, and he carried the proceedings as ra|)idly as possible
over the noir'nai ol)ject of the gathering, full provision being made
for tl.e protection of the herds. William II. Gray then arose and
made the issembied sevtJers a little speech. He said that no one
would for a moment ([Uesti(»n die propr''-tv and judiciousness of
their action. It was just and natural to thus s^'ek to protect their
animak from the ravages of wolves, bears and panthers. Contin-
uing, he said: —

AMERICANS ORGANIZE A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

263

How is it, fellow citizens, with you and nie, uiid our wives and children? Have
we any organization on which we can rely for mutual protection ? Is there any
power or influence in the country sulWcient to prottH?t us and all we hold dear from
the worse than wild l)ea.-fts tliat threaten and occasionally destroy our cattle? Who
in our midst is authorized to call us together to protect our own and the lives of our
families? True, the alarm may l)e given, as in a recent case, and we may run who
fe«"l alarmed, and shoot ott" our guns, while our enemy may be robbing our property,
ravishing our wives, and burning our houses over our defenseless families. Com-
mon sense, prudence and Justice to ourselves demand that we act consistent with
the i)rinciples that we have commenced. We have mutually and unitedly agreed
to defend and protect our cat(/e and doiucntir. aiiitiiain; now, fellow citizens, 1 sub-
mit and move the adoption of the two foil', wing resolutions, that we may have pro-
tection for our person and lives, as well as our cattle and lierds: lienolvad, That a
committee l>c appointed to take into consideration the propriety of taking ineasur€>s
for the civil and military protection of this colony. Rtaulved, That said committee
consi.st of twelve persons.

The resolutions were iinanimously adopted, and J)i'. HaV)cock,
Dr. White, O'Neil, Shoi-tess, Newell, Lucier, (iray, Gervais, Hub-
hard, M'lloy, Smith and Gay, were apj)(>inted to serve on the com-
mittee. About two weeks hiter the committee assembled at the
Falls, many other ijentlemen being present and j)articipating in
their deliberations. Ucv. Jjuson I^ee and (ireorge Abernethy, as rep-
resentatives of the Methodist Mi.ssi(»n sentiment, made speeches in
opposition to the }>ro[)osed action, l^nalde to come to a definite
decision, the committee csUled a genend meeting to be held at Cham-
poeg on the second of Miiy, and then adjourned. A document op-
[losing the proposed tietion, and styled " An address of the Canadian
citizens of Oregon to the meeting at (/htimpoeg," was prepared by
the anti- American element, and circidated among the Canadian
French population foi' signatures. This element held four meet-
ings to organi/.e an opposition to the iDovement — one at Vancouver,
one at the Falls, and two at Chanipoeg. The C'anadians were drilled
to vote "No" on till (jiiestions, and LeHreton, whose previous affili-
ation with the Catholic ehMiient gave him an opportunity to learn
of these plans, ndvised that some measure be introduced upon which
they shotdd j)ro])ei'ly \ote"Ves," to thus throw them mio confu-
sion and expose tlieir ttictics. The settlers ji.ss«'mbled at Chanipoeg
in forc<* on the second day of May, and cotisiderable skirmishing
was indidged in, the Canadians invariably voting "No" on all
t|Uestions without reference to the hearing they had upon the in-
terests they rej)rescnted jind Ix'coming much demoralized in conse-
«|U«'nce. Lelireton, who had made a careful cjinvass of those in

254

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

attendance, finally exclaimed, " We can risk it, let us divide and
count I" Gray shouted, " I second the motion I" Jo. Meek then
stepped quickly out of the crowd, and raising his voice to a high
pitch, shouted, " Who's for a divide? All for the report of the com-
mittee and oriranization, folknv me?" The Americans quickly
raniretl them. -Ives on his sich^ and a count (hneloped the fact that
fifty-two stood in line with him and only fifty on the oppos-ng side.
"Three cheers for our side!" exclaimed Meek, and as the i»'sponsive
cheere rose in the air, the defeat u Canadians withdrew and grad-
ually left the victors to conduct the remainder of the proceedings to
suit theujselves.

The Committee of Twelve then reported in favor of the selec-
tion of a Legislative Committee, and this [>lan was ad<tpted. Messrs.
Hill, Sliortess, Xewell, Beers, lluhhard. Gray, O'Ned, Moore and
Dougherty, were selected for the conunittee, ami were instructed to
rejM»rt a plan of government to a meeting to be held at Champoeg
on the fifth of July. Their session was limited to six days, and
their per diem was fixed at $1.25, which wjis at once contributed
to the Goveriiment l»y the members. Beers, Parrish and Babcock
volunteered to ju'ovide gratuitously for the board of the committee,
an<l the Mission tendered the five use of its old granaiT for a council
chamber. The committee assembled at the Falls on the tenth of
May, in the l)uilding mentioned, certainly a m«)st un[)retentious
structure for the deliberations of a legislature. It was a frame
building, 16x30 feet, and one and one-half stories high, the upper
|jorti(»n being used tis a slee|)ing ajjartment and storage room. The
lower story was divided into two compartments, one of tiu-m doiiig
dutv as a scliool room and church, antl the other as a warehouse for
the storage of wheat. Such were the accommodations fiijoywl by
the first Legislature of Oregon. It was a plain, serviceable struc-
ture, and they were plain, nnitter-of-fact men who had met there t<»
delilxrate for the public good. The Legislature opened its session
bv ch(K>sin<r Robert Moore for Chairman, and (teorire W. LeBn'toii
for Secretary. The «piestion of an executive head for the govern-
ment was first considered; and this was a matter of consideralde
delicacy. The interests represent«'d by the vari«»us iiduiliitants of
Oregon, as has been shown, were ((uite distinct, an<l in >ome re-
spects, were inclined to clash with each othei-. To chouse an exec-

AMERICANS ORGANIZE A PROVISIONAL OOVERNMKNT.

255

utive from any one of these was calculated to array the others in
either open or covert hostility to the Government. It was finally
decided that it would, under the circumstances, he judicious lo re-
pose that authority in an Executive Conunittee of three persons,
who should represent the strons^est and most desiral)le interests
amoni; the various classes to be included in their jurisdiction. The
Legislature adjourned after a session of three days.

On the fifth of July the people again assendded at Chanipoeg
to hear the report of the Legislative Committee, the meeting being
presided over by Rev. Gustavus Ilines. The Canadian citizens who
signed the address spoken of a])ove were pi'eseiit in force at the
meeting on the second of May and participated in rhe proceedings,
voting against oi-gaiiizution, as has been related. Their address
was not then presented, but later was place,! in the hands of a sub-
committee of three to whom the Legislative Committee had dele-
gated the task of arranging the laws ptussed bv them for sul (mission
to the meeting now under discussion. After examiniui' it the com-
mittee returned it to the Secretarv, with instructions to iile it among
the public documents, as a record of the inteivsts and persons op-
posed to the oi'ganization «)f a government. At the meeting now
being considered many of them were jiresent and took part, ex-
pressing themselves as favorably disposed towards the ol)ject sought
to lie obtained by the Americans. Othe.i's, however, declined to
attend, and asserted that tliey would not submit to the authority of
any g<»vernment which might be organized. This was also the po-
sition assumed l»y the Catholic Missionaries and the rejn'esentatives
of the Hudson's Hay Company, the latter even addressing a com-
nninicati(m to tlie leaders of the organization movement, stating that
they felt almndantly able to defend both themselves and their po-
litical rights. This was the status of affairs when Mr. llines an-
nounced the meeting as prepared to hear the i-eport of the com-
mittee.

Tiie report of tlie committee was presented by Chairman Moore
and read by the Secretary, Mr. i^eHretou. The debate whicli fol-
lowed was exceedingly animated, Mr. llines vigorously opposing
the three-fold executive head proposed by the comuiittee. Dr. Bab-
eock also opposed it on the ground that it looked too much like a
pernument form of govei'ument, instead of the temporary makeshift

256

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

which he supposed was the object of the gathering. ( )'Neil and
Shortest sustained the report, and Mr. Gray made a forcible, and,
as it appears, a convincing, argument in its favor, using the follow-
ing languag;^: —

Mk. Pkksidkxt an'i> Fellow Citizens:— The speech which we have just
listened to, troiu our presiding officer (G. H. Hines) is in the main correct. It is
true that the Leirishitive Coninilttee were not instructed to bring before you an
executive deiiaitiuent in the law and government you proposed to form, when you
appointed your coinniittee to j)repare thesie laws. It is also true that svlien that
coninilttee met they found that they coulid not advance one step in accomplishing
the worl< you instructed them to perform, without some sujiervising intlueiicesome-
where ; in sliort, without a head. Their instructions being against a governor,
they have provided an Kxecutive Committee in place of a single man for governor.
The executive head is to act in place of a senate council and governor. This pro*
vision is before you for your approval or rejection. With the Executive Committee
our organization is complete; without it, we have no head; no one to :-iee that our
laws arc executed, and no one to grant a reprieve or pardon in case the law should
be enforced against the life or projierty of any one for the violation of any law, no
matter what the circumstances connected with the real or sujiposed violation
might be.

Now, fellow citizens, let us look calmly at our true situation. We are two thou-
sand five liiiiidred miles from any point from which we can receive the least assist-
ance by land, and seventeen thousand miles by water. A portion of our community
are organized an<l ready to protect themselves, and to defend all their rights and
interests, .Another organization of a religious character is in our midst — I should
say, two. They each have a head or executive. How is it with us? Who is our
head in all that pertains to our civil liberty, rights and property? It is possible the
gentlciuaii may wisli us to remain as unprotected, as helpless and exposed to all the
dangers that surround us on every hand as we have heretofore been. If he does,
you, fellow citizens, I am sure (lo not wish to add to his feclilene.ss liy destroying
the organization you have commenced, because he is afraid of what some Ca-sar did
in Konie. We are acting for ourselves and those immediately dependent uinm us
for protection. In union there is strength. I believe you are fully satisfied your
committee acted honorably, and, as they thought, for the good of all they repre-
sented. If siidi is the case, you will approve of tlii'ir acts, and our organization
will be complete as they have jirepared it for this meeting.

A vote wjis then tiikcii, which resulted in tin almost unanimous
adojition of the report. The next thing in order wtis the election
(^f the n«'c('ssary (ifficcrs. Alanson Beers, David Hill and J<)seph
Gale were chosen for tlie K.xecutive Conunittee, and thus the fii^st
reguliir goveniment in Oregon was provided. That this wjus a
movement ptu'ely American, and the government of a temponiry
character tinly, is jittest*-*! by the preandde to the laws ailoptwl,
which stat<'s that: —

We, the iH-ople of Oregon Territory, for the purpose of mutual protection, and
to secure p«»ace and pros|>erity among ourselves, agree to adopt the following Ihwh

AMERICANS ORGANIZE A PROVISIONAL QOVKUNMENT.

25^

und regulations, until such time as the United States of America extend tlieir Ju-
risdiction over UB.

The following certificate was issued to the Executive Committee
as a warrant of office: —

This certifies that David Hill, Alanson Beers and Joseph (iaie, were chosen the
Executive Committee of the Territory of Oregon, by the i)eoj»le of Huid Territory,
and have taken the oath for the faithful performance of the duties of their offices,
as required by law.

GEORGE W. LkBRETON, Recorder.

Wall • met, Orkgon Tebkitoby, July 5, 18-13.

Says Mr. Thornton, in sjjeaking of the place where these pro-
ceedings were taken: —

It may not be quite uninteresting to say that the state Hoiwe in which all this
was done was in several respects difTerent froni that in whlcli laws are made at
Wasliington City. The Orejron State House was built witli jiosts set upri^lit, one
end set in the ground, grooved on two sides, and tilled in witli poles i..i(l split tim-
ber, such as would be suitable for fence rails, with plates and poles acrosn tlie top.
Rafters and horizontal poles, instead of iron ribs, held the cedar l)arl< which was
used instead of thick copper for roofing. It was twenty by forty feet, and did not
tlierefore cover tliree acres and a half. At one end some puncheons were put up for
a platform for the President; some poles and slabs were ])lace(l around for seats;
tliree planks about one foot wiile and twelve feet long, placed ujKin a sort of stake
platform for a table, were all tliiit was iK-iieved to be necessary for the use of the
Legislative Committee and the clerks. It is due to the people who met to ajjprove
or disapprove of the acts of that conmiittee, to say that perfect order and decorum
characterized all the proceedings of July .jth, 1843.

The following officers, chosen at the meeting on the second of
May, were continued in office until the election of their successors
on the second Tuesday in May, 1S44, at which time, also, a Legis-
lative Committee of nine was to he chi»sen: A. E. Wilson, Su[)reme
Judge; G. W. LeBreton, Clerk and Recorder; J. L. Meek, Sheriff;

W. H. Willson, Treasurer; A. B. Smitli, Compo, L. II. JuJ-

son and Hugh Bm-ns, Magistrates; Stpiire EUbetts, F. X. Mattliieu
and Reuben Lewis, Con8tal>les; J(»hn Howard, Majt>r; S. Smith,
C. McRoy and William McCaity, Captiiins.

Having thus related the steps taken for the idganizatioii of a
government, it is in order to consider the great immigration of
184.'i, which arrive<l a few weeks later, and created such a pre-
[)onderance of American sentiment that the stability of the Pro-
visional Government was assured. There were, however, a few in-
cidents which occurred prior to that great era in Oregon history,
whose effect upon the 8ubse([iient events wius extremel}' marked, and
thus renders them of comparative importance. Th'se relate to in-

258

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

ckleuts t;ro\viiig init of the intense competition of the ojjposing mis-
sionaries fc»r sj)iritual control of the natives. In 1841 the Catholics
made proselytes of the Cascades Indians, who had f.)rmerly been
under tlie influence of the Methodist Mission at The Dalles, com-
pletely winning them away from Mr. Waller. This greatly in-
tensilied the existinij bitterness between the reli<i:ious factions. The
Catholics were rapidly growing in power and influence, the Method-
ists were as rapidly declining, and the missions of the American
lioai'd were making but feeble progress. Aside fi'om the ascen-
dency gi-adually being acijuired by the Catholics, there was one
peculiar reason why the Protestant missionaries lost favor with the
Indians; and this was their affiliation with the American settlers,
who were regaixh'd l)y the natives as intruders. They did not want
wliite people to settle here and take possession of the land over which
they and their fathers had ruled for yeai-s. This feeling led the
Nez Perce chief Ellis, in 18-K), to forbid A. B. Smith to cultivate a
patcli of ground on the Alpowa. The Hudson's Bay Company en-
couratfed the idea anion*; the Indians that the missions were but
step2)ing-stones to American occupation, and this idea was supported
l»y the conduct of those in charge of the Methodist mission in the
Willamette, whidi liad become the general headquarters for Amer-
ican settlei's, as well as tlie energetic and prominent part taken by
Dr. AVhitmau in brimjinij: immii;rants into Oregon. The fur com-
pany had been here for years, and had not only not taken their
lands, but had supplie<l them with a market for their furs and
l)orses; yet the Americans, who were but newcomers, were already
taking a\vay their lands, and more airived yearly. The outgrowth
of this was a feeling of bitterness against the Americans and the
Protestant missionaries, in which neither the Hudson's Bay Com-
f>any nor the Catholics were included; and this feeling intensified
from year to year. It was manifested in 1841 by insulting and
threatening conduct towards the missionaries both at Waiilatpu and
Lapwai, and in 1842 this became so threatening that an effort was
made to check it. Dr. Elijah White, whose arrival that fall with
authority as an Indian Agent has been noted, paid a visit to tlie
Nez Perces in Novem))er, accompanied })y Thonms McKay and Mr.
Archibald ]\IcKinlay, agent at Fort Walhi Walla. A treaty was
concluded, aud the triby adopted a systt^m of laws, in which the

AMERICANS ORGANIZE A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

259

general principles of right and justice were embodied in a form suit-
able to their customs and condition. The same laws were adoj)ted
by the Wascopums, at The Dalles, but nothing was accomplished
with the Cay uses. The next year Baptiste Dorion, a half-breed in-
terpreter for the Hudson's Bay Company, upon his own responsibil-
ity, circulated the story that the Americans were coming up in the
summer to take their lands. This created great excitement among the
tribes along the base of the Blue Mountains, and the young braves
wanted to go to the Willamette at once and exterminate the settlers.
They were held in check by the older ones, ^vhile Peo-peo-mux-
mux, the great Walla Walla chief, went to Vancouver to investi-
gate. He was informed by Dr. McLoughlin that he did not believe
the Americans entertained such an idea, and his report to the tribes
allayed the excitement to a certain extent. Dr. AN'hite went up in
April to hold a council with the Cayuses, and they adopted the
Nez Perce laws, electing Five Crows, who lived on the Umatilla
not far from the site of Pendleton, as head chief. The result of
this was to restore the feeling of security for a time. Several French
Canadians were to have accompanied Dr. White, but were advised
to remain at home by Dr. McLoughlin. This action of the Chief
Factor has been se\erely censured and has served as an argument
to prove that the Hudson's Bay Company was stiri'ing up the
Indians to drive the Americans from the country. The Amer-
ican settlers had but a few days before unanimously signed a
memorial to Congress, in which Dr. McLoughlin was severely cen-
sured. About this time, also. Father Demers arrived fi'om the in-
terior and informed him that the Indians were oidy incensed against
the Boston people, and had nothing against the French and King
George j)eople; but they were determined the Bostons sliould not
have their lands and take away their liberties. Learning that his
people were in no danger, and snnirting under the undeserved
charges in the memorial, it is not at all unnatural that he should
say: "Let the Americans take care of themselves." It was thus
matters stood when the great immigration of l)S4;i arrived, demon-
strating to the Indians that their fears \vere far from groundless.

CHAPTER XVI.

Dlt. WHITMAN AND THE EMIGRATION OF 1843.

What Induced the K mUj ration of ISIfS — Steeps Taken to Organize the
Movement — Dr. Whitinatt's Character — His anxiety to Americanise
Oregon — The Ashhurtim Treaty and the Cod Fishery — Whitman's
Deci 'on to Visit Washiit'jtou — 57«? Waiilaj)tu Meeting — The Un-
fortunate Controversy t.'ver the Services of Dr. Whitman — Gray^s
Walla Walla Romance — Its Absurdity Pointed Out — The Facts —
Whitvnni and Lovrjinfs Journey- — Extent of Whit/nan's Jnfuence
in I ndnciny Emigration — His Visit to Washington and Boston —
Organization and Journey of the Emigrants — List of Emigrants
and Popiflation of Oregon in 18^3 — Fremont^s Exploring Party.

IN iiearl} sill piwious writings upon this subject the emigra-
tion of 1843 has been considered from the wrong end — from
the Oregon end — the -destination of the emigrants, instead of the
Mississippi \' alley, their starting point. It should be viewed from
the place where the movement had its inception, to obtain a correct
and adecpiate understanding of the subject. The great emigra-
tion to Oregon that year was the I'esult of causes which ha<l ])een
at work for a number (»f yeai's, and was not a haat)' and ill-consid-
ered action of people suddenly aroused ])y the voice of one nuin, a*<
it has too often been represented.

With tlie diplomatic negotiations whicli terminated in a treaty
of joint occupation; with the efforts i)f Hall J. Kelley and others to
induce emigration to Oregon, and with the struggle made by Bon-
neville, Wyeth and others to enjoy practically the theoretical bene-
fits of the comi^romise treaty, the previous pages have ilealt at
length. All these had a tendency to turn the attention of the peo-
j)le towards this far-off land, and especially of those hardy, self-re-
liant and adventuresome men who were then building up those

I)K. WHITMAN AXD THE EMIGKATIOX OK KOKTY-THltKK.

2«1

powerful States which lie in the Valley of the Mississippi. They
received better, more direct and more reliable information of the
character and accessibility of Oregon than did the residents of the
Atlantic slope, whose ideas of this region were largely formed from
the depreciatory writings of English jiuthors. As has before been
said, Irving's "Astoria" and "Bonneville," Dr. Parker's book, the
letter written in 1839 })y Robert Shorteas, Congressional reports
and debates, and other brief publications had given those who
cared to read them pretty correct ideas of Oregon. The trappei*8
who had in person visited this region in some of their numerous
journeys through the mountainotis West, or had learned them from
the lips of such of their (!ompanions as had done so, sang the
pi'aises ()f Oiegon's mild climate and the l)eautiful Valley of the
Willamette, along the whole frontier. Oregon became a familiar
word in St. Louis and throughout the region bordering on the Mis-
sissippi and tributary to that great center of the fur trade. The
"Oregon Hills" introduced into Congress in the fall of 1842 by
Senator Linn, of Missouri, have been referred to, as well Jis their
consignment to temporary oblivion l)y his death the following year.
These attracted much attention along the fi'ontier, and hundreds
who had ]>re\iously Iteen deterred from following their inclination
to emigrate to this land of dispute, l)ecoming convinced that it was
the intention of the (iovernment to assert in earnest its claim to
this region, and that the bill donating to each emigrant one section
of land woidd be pjissed, resolved to make the hazardous journey.
Said one of these, Gen. E. L. Applegate, in a recent speech: —

This proposition d«>oj>ly toiiclied the heart of the western pioneer. He had
pr()hal)l.v crossed the Bine Hid^e or the ( unilierland Mountains when a boy, and
was now in liis ]irinie. Itugued, liardy and jtowerful of frame, lie was full to over-
flowing with the love of adventure, and animated by a brave soul that scorned the
very idea of fear. All had heard t)f the perpetually green hills and plains of West-
ern Oregon, and how that the warm breath of the vast Pacillo tempered the air to
the genial degree and drove winter far back towards the north. Many of them
contrasted in the inutgination the open stretch of a mile scpuire of rich, green and
grassy land, where the strawberry plant bloomed through every winter month,
with their circumscribed clearings in the Missouri B»>ttom. Of long winter esenings
neighbors visited each other, and before the big shell-bark hickory fire, the seasoned
walnut fire, the dry black jack lire, or the roaring dead elm tire, they talked these
things over; and, as u natural consequence, under these favorable circumstances,
the spirit of emigration warmed up ; and the "Oregon fever" became as a house-
hold expression. Thus originated the vast cavalcade, or emigrant train, stretch-
ing its Btirpentiue length for miles, enveloped in the vast pillars of dust, patiently

202

III8T0RT OF WILLAMKTTK VALLET.

wending Ite tDilsoine way across the Amerionn Continent. How familiar these
scenes and experiences with tlie old pioneers! Tlie vast plains; tin* uncountable
herds of l>uft°alo: tlic swift-footed antelope; the luin<ls of niouiitcii, painted warriors;
the runKt'*' snow-capi)ed mountain ranges; the deep, swift and dangerous rivers;
the lonesome howl of the wild wolf; the midnight yell of the assaulting savage;
the awful panic and stampede; the solemn and silent funcnd at the dead hour
of iiiy;ht, and tlie lonely and hidden >?raves of departed Iriends— what memories
are associated with the " plains across ! "

Tlip first united effort was a moeting held in Alton, 111., on the
eighth of Novt'inlxT, 1S4'J, at wliich were jtassed resolutions urging
the iniportanee of a speedy occupation of Oregon. These resolu-
tions were introduced liy General Seinple, a prominent citizen of
that State who had taken great interest in this region, and were
supported by him in an ehxiuent speech. Another ni'i'ting was
held at S[)ringfield, the State Capital, on the fifth of tl. following
February, which was participated in l)y many distinguished men
of Illinois, and similar resolutions were passed. One of those
present was the gifted and ehxpient Col. E. I). Haker, wlio after-
wards became a United States Senator from Oregon, and, strange
to say, he was one of two gentlemen who s[)oke in op}>osition to tlie
resolutions. The ft)llowing July, several weeks after the emigra-
tion had taken up its toilsome march, "a Convention of Delegates
from the States and Territories of the AVest and Southwest " as-
sembled in Cincinnati, and passed resolutions urging Congress to
assert the claim of the United States as far north as "iifty-four-
forty" immediately. How this became a political (piestion the fol-
lowing year, will be made clear in the next cha[)ter.

In these various \va\'s quite an interest was stirred up in the
Mississippi States, during the winter, and it became generally un-
derstood, and was so announced by the few papers printed along
the border, that a larcje emiy;ration would start for Orecjon the fol-
lowing spring, rendezvousing at Independence, Missouri.

It is now that Dr. Whitman aj^pears upon the scene, and to ex-
plain his sudden entre it is necessary to relate incidents occui'ring in
Oregon the summer and fall previous. Although, for geographical
reasons, he did not participate in the various efforts of the settlers
in the Willamette Valley to form a Provisional Go\ernment, his
heart was in the movement. He was the most keenly tdive to the
necessities of the hour, and more w'atchful of the true interests of
the Americans than even the most prominent actors in the govern-

I)K. WHITMAN AN'D THE EMIORATION OF FORTVTIIKKK.

>>(■).•{

ilong

nipntiil agitation. He was a true American, jealous of his country's
honor and zealous to promote her interests. His faith in the future
— the American future — of Oregon was unhoun(le<l, and his mind
penetrated the misty veil with prophetic power. As early as
IS.'iS an incident «>ccurred which revealed his abiding faith in the
destiny of Oregon. Dr. William C McKay relates an anecdote
which is of importance to show Whitman's ideas on this sul)ject at
that early day. His father, Thomas McKay, dcfcided to send him
to Scotland to be (Hlncated, and with this end in view they started
up the C»dund)ia. Whitnnin and McKay being warm friends, they
decided to spend a few days at Waiilatpu, where they were to
separate, AVilliam to accompany the annual ^lontreal express by
the Manitoba route, and his father to proceed to F'ort Hall, where
he was the company's agent. Dr. M'^hitman urged ^IcKay to send
his son to th(^ United States to be educated. "Make an American
of him," said he, "for this country will surely belong to the Ameri
cans." McKay was convinced, and William's route was changed
fiom ManitoVia to the Fcrt Hall trail. He went to Fairfield, N.
v., and entered the same school at which Dr. Wndtman wa.s edu-
cated, returning to Oregon a few years latei" as a medical practi-
tioner. Several other incidents, the details of which it is needless
to relate, contirm the statement that the Doctor was a true, zealous,
watchful and energetic guardian of Amt^rican interests in Oregon.
When Governor Simpson visited this region in the fall of 1841,
followed a few days later by the immigrants from Red River, whose
arrival has Iteen previously noted. Dr. Whitman, with luh acute per-
ceptive qualities, in a measure defined the intentions of the company.
He realized with the convincing force of a revelation, that nothing
l»ut a great an<i unex[)ec,ted intlu.x of American immigrants could
thwart the de('i)-laid plans of the gr<!at corporation. He became
restless and anxious. It seemed to him that it was necessary for
some one to return to the States and arouse the people and the
Government to the exigencies of the liour. Procra.stination was
dangerous and supine inaction was fatal; yet his missionaiy work
was a charge U[)on his mind which could not be lightly shaken off.
When the immigration of 1842 arrived, as has l>een related, many
of them camjied for a time in the vicinity of the mission. ^Vmong
these was A. Lawrence Lovejoy, with whom Whitman frequently

2<14

IlIHTORY OF WILLAMETTE \ ALLKY.

and ciinu'stl y conversctl on the subject of < )reuon and events and
«»[)inions In the K.ist iiffectinsi; it. He h*arned that Lord Ashlnirtou,
an enihassador of (jreat Britain, was evt-n then in \\'ashin<;ton ne-
gotiatini; for a setth'uient of the houndarv line l»et\ve' n C'ana(hi and
the rnite<l States; and naturally supposiuir that in this th«' Oregon
Question was involved, he heeanie e«invine«Ml that it was liis duty to
proeeed to Washiuirton with all dispateh jxi.-*siMe, and enligliten tlie
Govenmu'nt uj)on the subject, knowiui; full well that tlie value of
this nia<;nificent region was n<)t in the least reali/.eil l»v the author-
ities or the pe«)ple generally. It has been fretpiently state<l that the
Government was considering a ju'oposition made by Lor<l Ashbur-
ton to abandon all claim to Oregon, in con-;ideration of «-ertain fish-
ing privileges on the Atlantic cojist of British America, and that this
intelligence was conveyed to AVhitman by Lovejoy. How this took
its rise it is impossible to ascertain, as all efforts to trace it to a source
have been futile. Lt)vejoy does not say so in his account of these
events; no one has testified that Whitman ever ma<le such an asser-
tion, and it seems utterly without foundation. The records of the
State Department do not disclose any such negotiations; they were
publically and emphatically denie<l by Daniel AVel)ster, tlu'ough
whom, as Secretary of State, the negotiations were c<»nducted, and,
finally, the Oregon Question was not inclu(h*<l in the negotiations
at all, which had sole reference to the unsettled boiuidarv line
further east. To be sure it is now clainunl — and it was not so at
first — that this portion of the negotiations was secret and confiden-
tial; but if such was the case it becomes still more incumbent upon
those who make the assertion to province some kind of evidence
which will weigh against the positive denial of one of the principal
actors. No such evidence has ever l)een pr<Hluceil, an<l it rests solely
upon unsupported assertion. It is endent tliat the cod fishery
episode, with all the changes that have })een rung upon it V»y dra-
matically disposed writers and enthusiastic si^eakeiN, is utterly with-
out foundation.

As it was, however, Whitman decided that his duty to his
country was paramount to his duty to the American Boanl, and he
determined to return East. About this time, probably at the hands
of the emigrants, Whitman received notice from the lioard that it
had decided to discontinue the missions, which were very expensive

DH. WHITMAN AND THE EMIOKATION OF FORTY TIIKKK.

265

and were maklnj; imsatisfactory progi'ess, and tliongh tluH, |)i'(il»a-
l»ly, liad sonu'tliinf^ to do with his (h'terniination to <so East, his
conduct wliile tlicn- shows tliis consideration to have In-cn a second-
ary one. lie summoned his associates fr(»m the]^a}>\vai and Tshini-
akain missions, to consult in re<;ard to the matter, S|»aldlng, (tray,
Eells and Walker promptly respt)nded to the call, and when the
Doctor laid l»efi)re them the jdau he had formed, they opposed it
nuanimously. To their objection that politics should ni»t l»e per-
iuitte<l to interfere with missionary work, he replied that his first
dutv was to his country, and if necesNary to choose hetween the two
he would resign his mission. Knowing his inflexible character and
deep convicti(»ns of duty, they dared no longer o}>|)(tse him for fear
of losing the master spirit of their mission. Says Mi-. Eells: "AVe
yielde<l oidy when it became eyident that he would go, even if he
had to become disconnected with the missi(»n in order to do so."
Whitman was accordingly ofiicially delegated t<) proceed to lioston
t<» transact business pertaining to the missions, and the various mis-
sionaries departed to their several stations to prepare reports »nd
letters for him to take, the date of his depurture being fixed at the
fifth o( October. T'lls was done in order to conceal the real ol)ject
of such an Uiiprecedeuted undertaking — a winter journey across the
mountains. An official record of this meeting was ke[)t, up(Mi the
face of which ap})eared only the proceedings which had I'cfei'ence to
mis.<-ionary work. This was destroyed at the time of the AN'hitman
Mussacre, but its loss is immaterial, except that it would detei-niine
the date of the meeting. As to the nature of the proceedings, there
is sufficient I'eliable oral testimony to settle that beyontl dispute.
Mr. Eells, whose word no one who knew him would ever question,
says the meeting was held in September. He ad<ls: "After an
extended diseussion, it was voted unanimously that Dr. Whitman
have the api)roval of the mission to attempt to make the journey as
hereinl)efore indicated. The controlling object Wiw to make a des-
perate attempt to save the country to the Unit(;d States. It was
also expected that the opportunity would be imjiroved for the
transaction of business relating to the mission. The fifth of the
the following October was set as the day on -which Dr. Whitman
would start. Letters were to be prepared and forwarded accord-

266

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

inirly. Prft1)al>ly fvont;* transpirini^ in tho intervening time hastened
liis departure, so that he h>ft on the tliird o£ October."

This feature of Oregon history lias been the subject of much lit-
erary controvei-sy. No one can have rea(' the preceding pages with-
out liaving become convinced of the sterling integrity, Hrniness of
purj)ose and energy of action of Dr. Whitman. His character and
services to the American cause entitle him to the tirst plac<' among
those whosi' memory th« citizei.s of Uregon sliould ever revere, and
whom all true Americans slntuld honor; yet zealous friends have in
their eagerness to place laurels on his brow, claimed f(»r him more
than he ever would have sanctioned or pei-Juitted had he not fallen
before the treacherous Idows of ungrateful savages. In tlieir zeal
they have alli»wed their imaginations to take too lofty flights and
have wandered too far into the realms of ronuuice, 'I'hat most of
these have been absolutely sincere, their sympathies, pei'haps, being
somewhat too deeply stirred by denominiitii>nal influences, is bevond
(pH'stion; yet so much can not be said of the author of the (jues-
tionalile st(»ry ujton which has been laid the f(»undation of their
claims, who, apj)arently, was actuated by the desire to shine in
the reflected light which would naturally fall upon him as an asso-
ciate with the martyred mi->ionary in his early lab(»rs ajuong the
Indians. In this he overshot the mark, and drew down '>ipon him-
self the vigorous criticism of those who, wishing not to in the least
tU'tract from the just merits of Dr. Whitman, earnestly desii-ed that
the actual facts only should Hnd a place in recorded history. It is
to be regn'ttinl that certain writ<'rs have been led by their disbelief
in this romance to take tlie negative throughout, and not oidy deny
Dr. Whitman any honoi* whatever, but «'ven accuse hini of deceit-
ful, treaclu-iMUs and selfish conduct. Suidi >vriters are o]>en to the
same I'harge of prejudice and unfairness which the\' lay at the door
of the author of this unfortunate controversy. A\'ell might Dr.
Whitman exclaim — with others whose rejiutation has been jeopai'd-
ized by mistaken zeal — "Save me from my frien ' . ' The contro-
versy lias not been without its l)enefits. It has settled beyond dispute
in the mintls of tho>e who have given the subject a just and careful
consideration, the permanent and e.xalted position Dr. Whitman
must everoccu|»v in the annals of ( >rei:-on. To estal)lish this tlu'
romance was unneces-sury, yet as it ha« been widely cirouluteil, and

DU. WHITMAN AND THE EMIORATION OF FOnTY-THUEK.

267

tiiuls a place in a nunilKT of historical .skctclu's and ostensilile
liistorics of Ort'goii, it becomes necessary to relate it, tot;ether
with tlie few simple, undeniable facts wliicli refute it. This i-o-
iiiaiice WIS not the production of Mr. E<'lls. That ijentlenian
never unch.iincd his fancy when relatiiiir facts. lie would not un-
dertake the Ini/.ardous feat of r<'])rodncin<:; the exac^ lanuuaife used
hy several peo[)le in a conversation occurriiiir tliir; , years liefore,
:it which he was not present, and with the hai'e sul)>tance of which
he couhl alone be acquainted. That such was attempted indicates
how little the necessity of adherinjij to the exact facts weijxhed upon
the mind of the author of the romance. It was first <;iven to the
World in (irny's " History of Ore<i;()n," {)ublished a number of years
au'o l»y William II. (rray, whose intense Americanism and bitter
antaijfonism to the Hudson's Hay Company led him to take the
prominent and leading,' part we have just seen he acted in the or-
i,'ani/-ation of the Provisional (Jovernment, and which, l)eeominij: in-
tensified and more firmly setth-d as tiie years rolled by, ren(h're<l
him incompetent to form an unprejudiced opinion or do justice
to those to whom he was instinctively o[)posed. The work referred
to contains the following j)aragrapli: —

In Septemhor, 1W42, Dr. Wliltnmn wa« onllwl to visit a patient at old l-'ort Wallu
Wiilla. Willie llu'i'c a luiMilx'i' of lioats (if tlu' lIudsDii'.t Kay ( 'niiipaiiy, witii sev-
eral eiiief trailer.-t and Jesuit prieslM, on tln'lr way to tlio interior of the eoiinlry,
arrived. Wliile at dinner, tlie overland express from Canada arrived, brin^rinn news
that llie eniiirnilion from the Ited Kiver settlement was at Colvilie. 'I'liis news
exrited iini\ers!d joy anionn tlie nuests. One of them, a xounjr prirsi san;:: :>nt:
■' Uurrali fur Oregon, .Vmeriea is too late; we liave ^ol the eoi! iry I" " Now the
Ainerieans may wliistle; tlie country is ours!'' said anotlier. Whitman learned
tluit the eonuiany had arranjjed for these Red River Kiijfli'^lt setOcrM to eome on to
si'llle in Oi'etfon, and at the same time ({overnor Simpson was lo ^fo in WasliinKton
and seenre the seUlemeiit of the ipiestion as to the iMUiiidarles, on llie urmind of llie
most nnmerons ani^perniai. . nt settlement in the eiaintry. The Doeior was taunted
with Ihe idea tluit no power could prevent this resint, as no information eoidd
reach Washlnirton in liiiieto prevent it. " ff h/hi// fii jirrn nli <l," said the Doctor,
" //" / /I'irt /i) i/ii III Wnslihiiilim itii/m /t'." " Hut yo'.i can not ko tliere to do it," was
the taunting ''ciily of the llriton, "/ will «r»," was Ihe Doctor's reply. Tlie r«'ader
is HUlMcleiitly ac(pialnted with the history nf this nntn's toil and lahor in iMinKlng
his first wajroii throuiih to l"'ort Roise, to understand what he meant wh 'ii lu' said,
" / iri/l Mcf." Two hours after tills conversation at the fort, he disuhiuntcd from his
horse at his door at Waiilatpu. I saw ie. •. momt'iit that he was llxed on some Im-
portant ohject or crranii. He soon explained that a special ell'ort must lie made to
save the country from hecomitiK Rrlllsli territory. KverythitiK was in llie best of
ord'T ahout the station, and lliere seemed tu he no important reason why he should
nut gu. A. L. Lovejuy, LtKp, bud u I'utv duyii bofuK arrivtiu with this immlgralioQ.

•26«

HISTOUY OF WILLAMETTE VALLFT.

It wa.« projjosod that lie should accompany the Doctor, which he consented to do,
and in twenty-four hours' time they were well mounted and on their way ro the
?5tate8.

Tlioiigli its iiu'lodramiitic style at once stamps it jw a piece of
fiction, it is a.s well to point out the certain evidences of its inac-
curacy. Fii-st — The K('(l River eniii^ration came in fhe yi'ar be-
fore, jis has ali'eatly l>ecn related, and there were ni»iial friend of Dr.
Whitman, not only indignantly denies tjie iiii[>utation that he would
permit him to he thus insulted while his guest, hut states that there
wa.s n<» i>ne at the fort at the time of the visit referred to exc<'pt tht-
half dozen regular attaches, and that the Montreal t'.\]»re» did not
arrive until two weeks after Whitmaifs departun- for the East.
durinir «hich time Mrs. Whitman was a guest at tjif fort, jirocccil-
ing to \'aiicoii\.T lUKJer the protection of the c.vpn-ss l»rigade.
Thin! — ^^ lii'iuairs resohition to go East, as has l»ccn amply shown
alK>ve, wa> not a suddcidy conceived one, as (iray as-s^-rts, hut was
the rt^uU »)f long consideratiim and dchherate th*cisiou, the e.xact
•lay having heen fi.xed for his depai'ture prior to this visit to Walla
Walla, as (ii-ay must have V'\(>wn, since he hnu pjirticipatcd in the
meeting at Waiila]>tu. No news had come overland from the Kast
e.\c«'pt such as the Amei'ican emigrants had hroughl, and of thi>
Whitman was thoroughly informed before he went to Walla Walla.
To iiUH't this objection the adherents to Gray's veision have of late
dropptnl the Canada express, and put the intelligence which created
Mich a scene of joy in the mouths of the brigade referred to as goiiiLf
U[i the river; but they omit to state from what s.iurce this jtarty
derivnl its gratifying iid'ormation. Some of them ai'e also eipially
as reckless as the author of the fiction in the line of attempting to
relate the exact language employed by Whitman and the enthusi-
sia.stic I^.riton. It is needless to remark tliat they all succee<l in
placing different w(U'ds in the mouths of the principal actors in the
scene portrayed. Let us icturn to the <lonuiin of facts. Whitman
«lid }»ay a visit to Fort Walla Walla, his obj«'ct in doing so being
variously stated l»y persons then at Waiilatj)U. Some say that he
went a.s a physician to render professional service to a sick jhmsoii;
but Dr. Gtiger, wh<j, at the lequest of Whitman, had con.sented to

UK. WHITMAN AND THE EMIOUATION OF FORTY-THKKK.

269

it'inain ill cliargf of tlit mission during the D(x*tor\s al)sinice iu the
East, states that it was to interview his friend MeKinhis' in regard
to the situation. Nothing reinarkalih' oeeurred, hut the visit whet-
ted Whitman's an.xiety to (U'))art, and as the i)a])ers from Lapwai
and Tshimikain had been reeeived, he (hnM(h'il to start at once and
not wait until the thiy previously decided upon, thus saving two
(lavs jit the l)e«;iiinintr <»f his journev. On the third of < )ctol>er,
1S42, Whitman and Lovejoy turned their harks ujnm Oregon and
entere<l holdly upon a journey they knew would he attended with
liardshij)s and suffering such as they had never lu'fore e.\j»erieiiced.
The only records of this memora hie journey are a lettei- hy Mr. Love-
joy detailing the incidents of the trip across the mountains, and de-
tadied jind fi'agnieiitai'y statements hy several gentlemen who clain.i
to lia\ iversed with Whitman on the suhject, hy emigrants who

saw him in the train in l>ih'{, and liy several parties who saw him
ill the Kast, at St. L<uns, Washington and Boston. From the nohle
martyr himself there comes no word, save a letter written while at
St. r.ouis thc'following spring, Avliich incontestahly estahlishes the
fact that he wa> doing his utmost to [)romote a huge emigration
and to he of [)ersonal assistance to the emigrants. From these are
gleaned *]u following facts, ones which no reasonahle person will
dispute. Of that memorahle journey liovejoy's letter says: —

We left Wiiiilatpu October .'{, 181L', truvcltd rapidly, reached Fort Hull in cloven
• lays; rciuainoii two days to recruit an<i make a few purcluweH. The Doctor cMKiitri'd
II nuiilc and we li It lor Fort Wintee. We cliaiiKcd from a direct route to one more
soiiliicrii, tlii'oiiKli llic Spanish cdunlry via Salt Lal^e, Taos and Santa Fc. On our
way from I"'orl Hail to l-'ort Wintcc \vc liad tcrrihly severe wcallicr. Tlie snows
rctardiMl our progress and lilindcd tlie trail so we lost imich time. After arriving at
l'"orl Wintee and nuiliinK some purcliascs for our trip, we took a new guide and
started for l"'ort Incnnipagra, situated on tlie waters uf (irand Hivcr, in the Spanish
I'otinlry. Here our stay was very short. Wt; took a ni'w guide an<l started lor TaoH.
After lieing out some four or live days we encountered a terrilic snow storm, which
forced us to take siieller in a lU-e;) raviiu", where we reinaine<l siiowetl in for four
days, at which time llie storm had somewhat aliated, and we attempted to nuike
oiM' way out upon high lands, hut tlu' snow was so deep an<! the winds so piercinf<
and cold we were compelled to return to camp and wait a few days for a change of
weather. Our nt'.xt eflort to reach the high lamis was more iccessful ; hut after
spending several days wandering arouiui in the snow witlwMit making much head-
way, our guide toid us tliat the deep snow had so changed the face of the country
that lu' was complcti'ly lost and couhl take us no further. This was a terrilile hlow
1(1 the Doctor, hut he was determ.i "i m)t to give it up without another efloit. We
at once agreed that the Doctor should take the guide and return to Fort I'Dcumpagra
and get a new guide, and I renudn in cam|i w '.U the aninuds until he could return ;
which he did in seven days with our new guide, und we were now ou our routts

-Si

270

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

ncnin. Xotliinjr of much import occurred but hard and slow traveling through
di'fp snow until we reached (inmd River, which was frozen on eitlier fide alx)ut
oue-tliird across. AltlioiiKh so iiiteUMely cold, the current was so very rapid aliout
one-tliird of the river in the center was not frozen. Our >ruide thought it would be
danir-rous to attfinpt to cross the river in its present condition, luit the Doctor,
notliiu'j; daunlrd. was tlic first to tulie the water. He mounted his liorse; thcguiile
and myself slmved tlie Doctor ami liis liorse oil" tlic ice into the foaming stream.
Away he went, i-ompictely under water, liorse ami all, Imt directly came up, and
after (lutlrtim; the rapid, foaming' current, he reached the ice on the opposite shore,
•I lomi way down the stream. He leaped from his liorse upon the ice ami snon had
his iiolilf animal by his side. The guide and myself forced in the pack animals
and fiilloweil the Doctor's example, and wen- soon on the opi)<isite shore drylnR
our fni/cn clothes by a comfortable lire. We reached Tao» i:i al)out thirty days,
siill'i rinyr^'rcally iVom cold and scarcity of provisions. We were compelled to use mule
meat, (lii;.'s and >iich oilnr animals as came in our reach. We remained at Tcosafew
days iiiily. anil started for ISent's and Savery's Kcrt, on the head waters of the
Arkansas Illver. When we had been out some fifteen or twenty days, we met
(icorRc llcnt. a l>nitlurof (Jovernor Hent, on his way to Taos. He fold us that a
party of luiuintaiu men would leave Hent's Korf in a few days for St. Louis, but
said wc would not reai-li the fort with our pack animals in time to Jolei the party.
The Doctor beiiiij very anxlou> to join tlie party so he cnnid push on as rapidly a»
possible to Wa-hiiiirton. <-oncUuled to leave myself and the ^:uide with the n'.dmals,
and he himself taking the best animal with some bedding and a small allowance
of jirovisiuiis, started alone, hoping by rapid traveling to reach the f.irt in time to
join tlie St. Louis party, but to do so he would have to travel on the .Sabbath, some-
thing 111' had nut done before. Myself and the guide traveled on slowly, and reached
the fort In four days, but imagine our astonishment when on making incpilry alniut
the Doctor we wi-re told that he had not arrived nor had he luen heard of. I
learncil that the party for ."^t. Louis was ciimped at the Dig t'oitonwood, forty ndles
from the fort, ami at my re(|iiest Mr. Sa\ery .sent an exj)rcss, telling the party not
to proctH'd any further until we learned sonu'thing of Dr. Whitman's whereabouts,
as he wished to accompany them to St. Lonis. }!eing furni.-'lied liy the gentlemen
of the fort with a sidtalile gui<l< I started in search of the Doctor, and tr.iveled
up the river about one iiundicd .niles. I learned from the Indians that a man had
been there who waH hist and was trying to find Kent's Fort. They said they had
directed him to go down the river and how to find the fort. I knew from their
description it was the Doctor. I return-d to the fori iis rapidly a.s |h)ssiIiIc, but the
Doctor had not arrived. We had all become very anxious abont l.i'n. Late in the
aflcrmion In came in very much fatigued and liesponding; said tlial he knew that
(lod had bewildered him to punish him for traveling on the >Subbath. During the
whole trip he was very regular in his morning and evening devotions, and that
was the only lime I ever knew him to travel on tlu' .Sabliatb.

Whit mail at <hk'<» pu.slicd on with the iiioiMituiii('t'i>, U'aviii<;
Lovejoy at Bent's Fort, and iviu'hed St. LoiiiH in Fchruaiv. Tht-n'
he iiKinircd «'a<;<Tly altont the status of nejrotiationH on th*- (' «'gon
Question, and learned that the Ashlnifton \\'<'l»ster tn ;tty had la-eii
signed on the ninth of the ])ree('ding AugUHt, Keen rtititie*! I»y the
S<'iiate, and had l>e<'n pi'oehiiined liy the Presi<h'nt (»n the tenth of
Novendier. He was too htte hy more thtm thi." months t4> have
prevented the treaty; Vtut his journey was not iu vain, for the

DR. WHITMAN AND THE KMIORATION OF FOPIY-THUKE.

271

Oregon boundary had not been included in the treaty, had not even
l)een discussed, in fact, as ajjpeai-s from Mr. ^^'el)ster's speeches and
correspondence. This intellig«'nce lirought relief to tiie Doctor's
overwrought feelings. There was still an opportunity for him to
accomplish his purpose. He found great preparations lu-ing made all
along the fnmtiev to emigi'ate to the Willauiiette ^'iillev, as has heen
previously shown, notwithstanding the prevailing opinion that
wagons ct)uM not proceed ]»eyond Fort Hall. He inuiiediately
wrote a small pamphlet descril»ing Oregon an<l the nature of the
I'oute thither, urging the people to emigrate and Jtssuring them that
wag<»ns c<»uld go through, and that he would join them and he their
]tilot. Tills pamjddet and his e-iruest personal »pp;.iis were etHca-
cious in adding somewhat to the nund»er «»f e.iiigi'aiits, though it is
a fact that probably the greater portion of those who startecl from
the bolder of Missouri in May never heard of Dr. Whitman until
he joined them on the route. That Whitman's etTorts added some-
what to the number of emigrants is true, but that he initiated the
movement, or even ct)ntributetl largely to it, does lUst ai)-»','ar. lie
was too late for that; the movement was well under way before his
arrival.

After writing his pamphlet his next anxiety wjim to reach Wash-
ington before Congress adjourned, so that he might have an oppor-
tunity to meet Congressmen and urge upon them the di.ims of
Oregon. He did nt)t undertake to change his app.vrel, which is
thus desi-ribed by Dr. William Harrows, who met him in St. I^ouis:
"The Doctor was in coarse fur garments and vesting, and buckskin
l)reeches. Me wore a buffah) coat, with a head-hood lor emergen-
cies in taking a storm or a bivouac nap. What with lu-avy fur
leggins and boot moccasins, his legs filltHJ up well his Mexiian stir-
rups. With all this warmtli and almost burden of skin and fur
clothing, he V)ore the marks of the irresistible ((dd and men-iless
storms of his journey. His fingers, t-ars, nose and fe«t had been
fiosr-bitten, and were giving him much tr<»ul)le."

SucJi was NN'hitman in St. l,oui>, and such was he on the third
t>f March wlien he appeare«l in Washington, having previously
visited Ithica, New York, to obtain tlie co-operation of Dr. Sanuiel
Parker, his lirst missionary associate, and still later in Boston, where
lie treated the rebukes of the ()tfiiials of t\w American Board with

1 11

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

a ([iiu't (•(•iitcinpt that astonished them, lie found the ideas of
Oregon prevailing at Wasliington to be far different from those ex-
istinm>n the frontier. Public men possessed but a faint idea of the
extent and natui'c of tlie vast area beyond the Koeky Mountains,
deeming it a region of sterile soil and iidio><[)itable climate. Since
Lewis and Clarke had subsisted upon dog meat, and Hunt's party
had enduied such terrible privations in passing through it, the
countrv lying between the C^iseades and l{<icky Mountains li:id been
known as the"(«reat ^Vmerican Desert,'' and deemed fit only for
the alxxle of migratory trappers and famine-afHieted savages. A
year later, during a discussion of the Oregon (.^)uestion in Congress,
a speakei' atlvanced this ich'a in the following langtmgc: " With
the exception (»f the land along the Willamette and along a few of
the water courses, the whole ci)unti'y is among tlie most irreclaima-
bh". barren wastes of which we have read, except the desert of Sa-
hara. Xor is this the worst of it— the climate is so unfriendly to
human life that the native po])ulation Inis dwindled away under
the ravagi's of its malaria to a degree which defies all history to
furnish a parallel in so wide a ninge of country." To demonstrate
th<^ error of this idea, and that Oreg(»n could be jtopulated by emi-
gration from the Kast, was Whitman's task. He h,id numerous in-
tervievvs with pulilic men, including l*resi<lent Tyler and Secretary
Webster, in which he urged upon them the imjiortance of securing
as niucli of that indefinite region known as "()regon" as possible,
declaring thiit, so far was it from being a sfi rile waste, its agricul
tural and timbei- resources were unbounded. He called (heir atten-
tion to the large emigration already j)reparing, and confidently de-
clare(l that he was able to, and would, guide them thioiigh by a
route over which wagons could travel to the Willamette. His
earnest pi'otestations matle a deep impression tipoji many, especially
President Tyler, and he was assured that if he coulil thus demon-
strate the practicability of colonizing Oregon by emigration across
tlie Kocky Mountiiins, it would have a powerful effect ujxm the
sohition of the vexed Oregon (.Question. The same v\riters, whose
tendency toward romancing has fieen pointed (»ut above, have
allowed their imaginations t()o much liberty in their relation of tlu'
incidents connected with Whitnum -. visit to Washington. Nothing
more is kuowu (if what occurreii tbeic than the crude facts just re-

DR. WHITMAN AND TITE EMIGRATION OF FORTY-THREE.

273

lated ; and yet these writers undertake to state the exact lansiifuage
employed by Dr. Whitman, Presi(hnt Tyler, Secretary AVebster,
and others. Those words were never recorded, nor do these writers
lay claim to direct information from the men who uttered them, and
common regard for the purity of histoi'ical statement** shouhl cause
them to refrain from any such clairvoyant efforts.

When Whitman had accomplished the main object of his journey
at Washington, he proceeded to Boston to attend to tlu; official
business which had been the ostensible cause of his visit. This was
so unimportant that the officers of the Board rebuked him for leav-
ing his mission upon such a trivial pretext; but he shamecl them
into silence by ti'eating their officious cliidings with lofty contempt.
He then proceeded to his home, and, after spending a few days
there, hastened to the frontier to join the emigrants, sonic <;' whom
had already started and whom he did not overtake until they had
reached the Platte, his apj)earance among them at tluit time being
the first knowledge a nuijority of them had that such a in.-iu a-s Dr.
Whitman was in existence. The circumstances attending the final
starting of the emigrants, are thus related by Gen. .1. W. Nesinith: —

Without orders fi-oni nny ()Uiirti>r, iinil without iirt'concert, promptly as tlic grass
tjegan to sturt, the emigrants bofi^an to nssentble near Indepeiideiu'e, at a place
called Fltzhnirh's Mill. On the seventeenth day of May, 184.'{, noticeH wereeinulated
through the dilferent eneiinipnients that on the sueeeedin^t day, those v ho lontein-
piated einif^ratinn to Orej^on, would meet at a deHJjrnated point to oriranlze.
I'roinptly at theappoiiitid hourthe nii.iey Krouima»Hen\l)led. They eon»l»*le<l of peo-
ple from all the States and Terr'tories, and nearly all nidionalitles ; the most, how-
ever, from Arkansas, III iiois, Missouri ai\d Iowa, and all f anjfers to one another,
l»ul impressed with som.' crude idea that there existed an imp»'rative necessily for
some kind of an orcn-iization for nuitual proti'etion ajtalnst the hostile Im'ians
inhahitinK the urreat unknown wilderness strelchlnj? away to the shores of the
Paeltlc, and which they were aliont to traverse with their wives and children,
household tjoods, an<l all their earthly posst •sions.

Many of the endKrants were from the wislern tier of counties of Missouri,
known as the Platte Purchase, and anionjr them was Peter II. lUirnett, a former
i.'ierchant, who had abandoned the yird-sti<k and bcconu' a lawyer of some celei)-
rity tVir his ability IIS a smoolh-tonnued advocate. He subseiiuenlly emigrated to
("aliforniw. i»nd was elected the llrst (tovernor of the (ioldcn State, was afterward
Chief Justlee, and still an honored resident of that State. Mr. Hurnett, or as he
was (kmiliarly designated, " Pete," was called ujion for a speech. Mounting a log,
the tflib-tonstued orator delivered a glowiiin, florid address. He commenced by
ithowlnit Ills audience that ihe then western tier of Slates and Territories was over-
er<'wd»Hl .vith a redundant population, who had not suflici(>nt elbow room for the
expansion of their enterprise and genius, and it was a duty they owed to them-
selves and |K>sterlty t<> strike out in search of n more expanded fluid and more
genial eliiuate, where the soil yielded the richest return for the slightest amount of

274

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

cultivation, where the trees were loaded with perennial fruit, and where a good sub-
Btitiite for hreatl, calltMl La Cfimnnh, grew in the ground, salmon and other fish
iTowded tlif HtreaniH, and where the ])rini>i|)al labor of the settler would be contlned
to keeping their jrardeiis free from the inroads of bufTalo, elk, deer and wild turkeys.
He iipjx'aled to our patriotism by pieturing forth the glorious empire we would
eHtaltlish on the ^liores of the I'aeifle. How, with our trusty ritlen, we would drive
out the British usurpers who elaimed the soil, anil defend the country from the
avarice and pretensions «)f the Hritish lion, and how posterity would honor us for
placing the f:iir(>st portion of our land under the dominion of the stars and stripes.
He concludeil with a slight allusion to the trials and hardships incident to the trip,
and dangers to be encountered from hostile Indians on the route, and those inhabit-
ing the country whither we were bound. He furthermore intimated a desire to
look upon the tribe of noble "red men" that the valiant and well-armed crowd
around him could not vanquisli in a single encounter.

Other siH'cches were made, full of glowing descriptions of the fair land of prom-
ise, the far-away Oregon, which no one in the a.ssemblage had ever seen, and of
which not more than half a dozen had ever rea<l any account. After the election of
Mr. Burnett as ca|)tain, and other necessary ofllcers, the meeting, as motley and
])rimitive a one as ever assembled, adjourned, with "three cheers" for Captain
Burnett and Oregon. On the 2 ith day of May, 1813, after a pretty thorough mili-
tary organization, we took up our line of march, with Captain John Oantt, an old
army ofTlcer, who coml)ini'd the character of trapper and mountaineer, as our guide,
(fantt had in his wanderings lieen as far as Green River, and a.ssured us of the
Iiracticability of a wagon road thus far. Green River, the extent of our guide's
knowledge in that direction, was not half-way to the Willamette Valley, the then
only inhabited portion of Oregon. Beycmd that we had not the slightest conject-
ure of the condition of the country. We wont forth trusting to the future, and
would doubtless have encountered more ditltcultics than we experienceil had not
Dr. Whitman overtaken us l)efore we reached the terminus of our guiile's kiu)wl-
edge. He was familiar with the whole route and was confident that wagt.ns could
piu*s through the canyons and gorges of Snake River and over the Blue Mountains,
which the mountaineers in the vicinity of Fort Hall declared to be a physical
impossibility.

Captain Grant, then in charge of the Hudson's Bay Company at Fort Hall,
endeavored to dissuade us fr<>!n proceeding further with our wagons, and showed
us the wagons that the emigrants of the preceding year bad abandoned, as an evi-
dence of the impracticability of our determination. Dr. Whitman was persistent
in his assertions that wagons could proceed a.-« far as the Grand Dalles of the Colum-
bia River, from which point he asserted they could be taken down by raffs or
liatteaux to the Willanii'tte Valley, while our stock could l)e driven by an Indian
trail over the Cascade Mountains, near Mount Hood. Happily Wliitnum's ad-
vice prevailed, and a large number of the wagons with a portion of the B^(H!|t,
did reach Walln Walla and The Dalles, from which points they were takcti l(t llili
Willamette till following year. Hiul we followed Grant's advice and abanibuicd
the cattle and ^^agons at Fort Hall, much siifli ring must have ensued, as a siilllcient
number of horses to carry the women and ebildnn of the party could not have
been olttained, liesides wagons and cattle were Intllspcnsable tx) nuM> expecting to
live by farminu in a country destitute of such articles.

At Fort Mall we fell in with sonu; C'ayuse anil Nez Perce Indians returning
from the bullalo country, and as it was necessary for Dr. Whitman to preiicde us to
Walla Walla, he recorameniled to us a guide In tlie person of an old Cayuse Indian
called "Htlccus." He was a lallbful old fellow, perfectly familiar with all the trails
and topography of the ouuntry from Fort Uali tu Tbu Dallee, and although not

DR. WHITMAN AND THK EMIGRATION OF FOKTY-TIIIJEE.

275

speaking a word of EnKliHh, and no one in our party a word of Cuyuse, lie huc-
ceeded by pantomime in talcing us over tlie rougliest wagon route I ever huw.

This is a glowing tribute to the energy, determination and patri-
otic zeal of the one man to whom is due the lionor of clearly demon-
strating to the world the often-denied fact that tliere was a practicable
route into Oregon for the white-topi)ed wagon of the emigrant. A
score of other intelligent gentlemen have testified to the same effect,
but it is obviously unnecessary to give more than a bare mention
of the fact.

The following list contains the names of every male member of
that great train over the age of sixteen yeare. It was prepareil by
J. W. Nesmith when the train was organized, and was preserved
among his papers for a third of a century before given for publica-
tion. All reached the Willamette Valley, except a few, the excep-
tions being designated by marks and foot notes: —

Applegate, Jesse BoHrdiiiun, *

Appli'Knte, Cliarles BuldriilKo, Wm.
A|)pli'Kate, Lindsay Ciwon, F. V,.

Atlu'y, James
Atlu'y, Wiiliam
Atkinson, Jolin*
Artiiur, Wm.
Artluir, Roliert
Artliur, Duvid
liutler, Anion
Hroolte, George
IJunu'tt, I'etor H.
Itini, Duvid

CiiHon, James
('liapmiin, Wm.
Cox, Jolin
Cliamp, Jacob
Cooper, li. C
Cone, James
Chiliiers, Moses
Carey, Miles
Cocliraii, Tliomas
Ciymour, L.

Dorin, Jacob Fowler, Henry

Davis, 'Jhomas Fairly, {Stephen

Delany, Daniel Fendall, Cliarlea

Delany, Daniel, Jr. Gantt, John*

Delany, William (Jray, Chiley B.

Brown, Thomas \. C()|)enl)aver, John
Blevins, Alexander Caton, J. II.

Krooics, John I*.
Mrown, Martin
IJiown, Oris
miicit, J. P.
Iliine, Layton
Hal<er, Andrew
Halter, John G.
lUagle, William
Boyd, Levy
Baker, William
Biddle, Nleholast
Beale, George
Braidy, James
Beadle, George

Chappel, Alfred
Cronin, Daniel
C?o/.ine, Samuel
Costal)le. Benedict
(;hildH, Joseph*
Clark, Hansom
Canipliell, John G.

Chapman,

Cliase, James
Dodd, Solomon
Dement, Wm. C.
Dougherty, W. P.
Day, Williamt
Duncan, James

Doke, William
Davis, J. H.
Davis, Burrell
Dai ley, tJeorge
Dolierty, John

Dawson, *

Eaton, ("hurles
Eaton, Natlian
Etcliell, James
Emevick, Solomon
Eaker, John W.
Edson, E. (i.
Eyres, Miiesf
East, Jtdin W.

Garrison, Enoch
Garrison, J. W.
(Jurrison, W. J.
(•ardiur, Samuel
Gardner, Wm.
(iilmore, Mat,
(idodman, Hiehard
Gilpin, Major

(Jray,

Haggard, B.
Hide, H. H.
Holnu's, Wm.
Holmes, Uiley A.
Hol)son, John

Everman, Niniwon Hobson, Wm-
Ford, Nineveli Hemi)ree, Andrew

Fonl, Ephriam Hembree, J. J.

Ford, Nimrod Hembree, James

Ford, Jolin Hembree, A. J.

Francis, Alexander:^ Hall, Samuel B.
Frazier, Al)ner Houk, James

Frazier, Wm Hugiies, Wm. P.

Fowler, Wm. Hendrick, Aiiijah

Fowler, Wm. J. Hays, James

* Turned ofT at Fort Uall and went to Callfornlu.

t Hied on the route.

t Turned back »t the Platte.

276

HISTORY OF ISriLLAMETTB VALLEY.

Hensley, Thomas J.*
Holley, H.
Hunt, Hfiiry
HoldtTiK'SH, 8. M.
Hiitohiiiu, Ihuuc
FIiiHted, A.
Hews, Joseph
Hhuii, Jacob
Howell, John
Howell, Wni.
Howell, Wesley
Howell, (}. W.
Howell, Tlionuu) E.
Hill, Henry
Hill, William
Hill, Aliuoran
Hewett Henry
Hargrove, Wm.
Hoyt, A.
Holman, John
Holnian, Daniel
HarriKtw, B.
James, Calvin
Jaekson, John U.
Jones, John
Johnson, Overton
Keyser, Thomas
Keyser, J. M.
Keyser, Plasant

Kelley,

Kelsey,

Lovejoy, A. Ij.
Lenox, PMwaril
Lenox, E.
Lay son, Aaron
Ijooney, Jesso
Lonjf, John E.
Lee, H. A. (}.
LiiKur, F4
' .nel>arKer, Lew
Linel)ar>^'. •, John
[iaswell, "saac
LouKhl>oroiiKh, J.t
Little, Milton*
Luther,

Lauderdale, John

MoOee, •

Martin, Wm. J.»
Martin, James
Martin, Julius*

MeClelland, •

McClelland, F.*
Mills, John B.
Mills, Isiuie
Mills, Wm. A.
Mills, Owen
Mcdarey, G. W.
Mondon, (Jiiliert
Matheny, Daniel
Matheny, Adam
Matheny, J. N.
Matheny, Josiah
Matheny, Henry
^^ast^re, A. J.
MeHaley, John
Myers, Jacob
Manning, John
Manning, James
McCarver, M. M.
McCorele, (Jeorge
Mays, William
Millican, Elijah

Otie, M. B,
O'Neil, Bennett
OlinKer, A.
Parker, Jesse
Parker, William
Pennington, J. B.
Poe, R. H.
Paynter, Bamuel
Patterson, J. R.
Pickett, Charles E.
PriKg, Frederick
Paine, Claybornt
Reading, P. B.»
Rodders, S. P.
Rodgers, O. W.
Russell, William
Robertii, James
Rice, O. W.
Richardson, John

Btevenaon,

8tory, James

Swift,

Hhively, John M.
Bhirly, Hanmel
Htoughton, Alex.
Spencer, Chancey
Htrait, Hiram
Hummers, George
Stringer, Cornelius
Stringer, C. W.t
Tharp, Llndsey
Thompson, John
Tralnor, D.
Teller, Jeremiah
Tarbox, Stephen
Umnicker, John
Vance, Samuel
Vaughn, William

Richardson, Danielf Vernon, George

Ruby, Philip
Ricord, John
Reid, Jacob
R(H', John
Rol)erts, Solomon
Roberts, Emseley
Rossin, Joseph

McDaniel, William Rivers, Thomas

M'Kissic, D.

Malono, Madison

McClane, John B.

Mau/ce, William

Me I nf ire, John*

Moore, Jacksont

Matnoy, W. J.

N»'Hmitli, J. W.

New by, W. T.

Newman, Noah

Naylor, Thomas

Osiiorn, Nell

O'Brien, Hugh D.

O'Brien, Humphrey Sewell, Henry

Owen, Thomas A. Stout, Henry

Owen, Thomas Sterling, George

OtIe, E. W. Stout,

Smith, Thomas H.
Smith, Thomas
Smith, Isaac W.
Smith, Anderson
Smith, Ahi
Smith, Robert
Smith, Eli
Siieldon, William
Stewart, P. G.

Wllmont, James
Wilson, Wm. H.
Wair. J. W.
Winkle, Archibald
Williams, Edward
Wheeler, H.
Wagoner, John
Williams, Beujumin
Williams, David
Wilson, Wm.
Williams, John*
Williams, James*
Williams, S(|Uire*
Williams, Isaac*
Ward, T. B.
White, James
Watson, J no. (Betty)

Sutton, Dr. Nathan'l Waters, James

Stimmerman, C.
Sharp, C.
Summers, W. C.

Winter, Wm.
Waldo, Daniel
Waldo, David
Waldo, William
Zachury, Alexander
Zochary, John

There were in Oregon at the time the train arrived, the follow-
ing individuals, a few names, possibly, having been omitted from
the list: —

* Turncci oir al Fort Hall and went to (JaMfornla.

t TMod oil the route.

! Turntid back al the Platto.

AMEKI0AN9 OROAKIZE A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

277

Ariustrong, FleaHant Ebbetts, Hquire

KuriiH, Hugh

UroM'H,

Hrov/n, Wlllliim

Brown,

Kluek, J. M.

Haldro,

HuUh, Juines
Rttlley, Dr.
Brnipcrd,

EdwurdM. John
FoHtcr, Phlllj)
Force, Jolin
Force, Janiet)
Fletcljer, Francis
Guy, Oeorge
Oule Joseph

Girtman,

Hathaway, Felix

LeBreton, G, W.
LarriHon, Jack
Meek, Joseph L.
Matthleu, F. X.
McC'lure, John
MOHH, H. W.
Moore, Robert

McFadden,

Mc(Jarty, William
McKay, Charles

Crawford, Medoreni Hatch, Peter H
Carter, David
Campbell, Hunmel
Campbell, Jack

KuiMell, Osborn
Robb, J. U.
Shortess, Robert
Hmith, Hidney

Hmltli,

Hmith, Aiulrew
Kmith, Andrew, Jr.
Bmith, Darling

Hpence,

.Sailor, Jack
Turnham, Joel

Craig, Wm.
Cook, Amos
Cook, Aaron

Connor,

Cannon, William
Davy, Allen
Doty, William
Eakin, Richard

McKay, Thomas
nul)bard, Thomas J. McKay, William C. Turner, John

Hewitt, Adam Morrison, Taylor, Hiram

Horegon, Jeremiah Mack, J. W.

Ilolman, Joseph Newl)anks,

Hall, David Newell, Robert

Hoxhurst, Weberly O'Neil, James A.

Plutchinson, Pettygrove, F. W.

Johnson, William Pomeroy, Dwight

Pomeroy, Walter

Perry,

Rimmick,

King,

Kelsey,

Lewis, Rculien

Tll)betts, Calvin

Trusk,

Walker, C. M.
Warner, Jack
Wilson, A. E.
Wlnslow, David
Wilkins, Caleb
W<K)d, Henry
Wiliiums, B.

In addition to the above were the follovvinc; ffentlenien

con-

nected with the various Protestant missions:

Leslie, David
Parrisl>, J. L.
Perkins, H. K. W.
Raymond, H. W.
Spalding, W. H.

Waller, A. F.
Walker, E.
Wliitman, Dr. M.
White, Dr. Elijah
Willaon, Wm.H.

Abernethy, George Eells, C
Babeock, Dr. J. L. Gray, W. PL
Beers, Alanaon Hines, Ciustavus

Brewer, Judson, L. H.

Campbell, Hamilton Lee, Jason
Clurlt, Harvey

In addition to these were some fifty former employees of the
Hudson's Bay Company, nearly all of whom had settled on French
Prairie, and a number of priests connected with the Catholic
mission, making a total male population at the close of the year
1843 of about four hundred and thirty, exclusive of the officers and
actual servants of the Hudson's Bay Company.

Following in the wake >f <he emigrants came the party of Lieu-
tenant John C. Fremont, who l.'ad explored the Rocky Mountains
the year before, and who had been this season dispatched by the
Government upon an offiei.il ':our of exploration to the Pacific.
After spending a few days at Vancouver, he pas.sed soutli, crossed
the Cascades to Eastern Oregon, continued- south into Nevada, and
in January, 1S44, crossed the snowy summit of the Sierra Nevadas
to Sutter's Fort in Sacramento Valley. The title of "Pathfinder"
was bestowed upon him, though he was guided nearly everywhere

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278

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

by mountain men who were familiar with the country, and found
the route to Oregon plainly marked by the emigrants' wagon
wheels. On this subject Mr. Nesraith says: —

In the Eastern States, I have often been asked how long it was after Fremont
discovered Oregon that I emigrated there. It is true tliat in the year 1843, Fre-
mont, then a Lieutenant in the Engineer Corps, did cross tlie plains, and brought
his party to The Dalles, and visited Vancouver to procure supplies. I saw him on
the plains, though he reached The Dalles in the rear of our emigration. His outfit
contained all of the conveniences and luxuries that a Government appropriation
could procure, while he " rouglied it " in a covered carriage, surrounded by servants
paid from the public purse. He returned to the States and was afterward rewarded
with a Presidential nomination as the " Pathfinder." Tlie path he found was made
by the hardy frontiersmen who preceded him to the Pacifie, and who stood by their
rifles here and held the country against hostile Indian.-, and British threats, without
Government aid or recognition until 1849, when the first Government troops came
to our relief. Yet Fremont, with many people, \ma the credit of '• finding " every-
thing west of the Rocky Mountains, and I suppose his pretensions will be recog-
nized by the future historian, while the deserving men who made the path, unaided
by GJovernment, will be forgotten. "And such is history."

Thus close the events of 1843, leaving Oregon with a Provisional
Government and a population of intelligent, earnest, hardy Ameri-
can pioneers sufficiently great to determine its future as a party of
4;he great Republic whose institutions they had thus planted in these
remote regions.

CHAPTER XVII.

1844 TO 1849.

Indian Difficulty at Oregon City — First Military Company — Methodist
Missions Abandoned — Increase of the Catholic Workers — Election
of ISl^lf. — Abstract of Votes — Proceedings of the Legislative Com-
mittee — Emigration of ISJ^J^ — List of Emigrants — Election of 181fi
— George Abernethy Chosen First Governor of Oregon — Abstract of
Votes — Oat?i of Office — Dr. White and the Memorial to Congress —
Wheat a Legal Tender — Census of 181^5 — Emigration of ISJ^S —
Meek Takes the Emigrants by a New Route and Loses Them in the
Mountains — The Eventful Year of 184-6 — Mr. Blain.e's Account of
the Settlement of the Oregon Question — Election of 181S — Emigra-
tion of 18Jf.6 — The Applegate Trail — Flags of the Schooner ^^Shark "
— Emigration of 18 Jp' — The Traveling Nursery — Elections of 1847
and 1848 — Emigration of 184-8.

THERE was trouble in the Willamette Valley in 1844, which
served to ntill more embitter the Indians against the Aiuericana.
There was a sub-chief of the Molallas named "Cockstock," a man
of independent nature and belligerent disposition. He had a few
followers who partook someAvhat of his spirit, and they were gen-
erally the prime movers in such sn)all hostile acts as the notives of
the Willamette indulged in. He was rebellious of restraint, and
not friendly to the encroachment of the white settlers. A relative
of his having mistreated Mr. Perkins at The Dalles Mission, was
sentenced by the Wasco tribe to be punished according to Dr.
White's laws. The sub-chief was enraged at the whipping his
kinsman had received, and set out to revenge the insult upon the

I. 'I

S.M]

280

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

Indian Agent. Reaching the Agent's AVillamette home during his
absence, he proceeded to break every window-pane in the house.
He was pursued, but not caught, and became an object of terror to
the Doctor. All depredations committed in the country were
charged to this chief, and it finally resulted in the offer by Dr.
White of one hundred dollars' reward for the arrest of the formid-
able Indian. Learning that he was being accused of acts commit-
ted by othei-s, the chief visited Oregon City March 4, accompanied
by four of his baud, with the avowed purpose of having a talk with
the whites for the purpose of exculpating himself. He entered the
town, staid for about an hour, and then crossed the river to visit an
Indian village to procure an Indian interpreter. He then re-crossed
the Willamette, when several men undertook to arrest liim, and a
desperate fight ensued. Cockstock was killed, and his followers,
after fighting valiantly until the odds became too great, made good
their escape. On the other side George W. LeBreton was killed
by Cockstock, and Mr. Rogers, who was working quietly near by,
was wounded in the arm by a poisoned arrow, which caused his
death. It has l)een asserted that the Molalla chief attacked the
town, but it requires too much credulity to believe that five Indians
would in broad daylight attack a town containing ten times their
number. The whule affair is chargeable to the rash conduct of a
few men who were too eager to gain the paltry reward offered by
Dr. White, one of whom paid for his cupidity with his life. Fear-
ing that trouble might follow, the Executive Committee of the
Provisional Government issued a proclamation for the organization
of a military company. A company was organized on the tenth
of March by citizens who assembled at Champoeg. Nineteen
names were enrolled ; T. D. Keizer being elected Captain, and J.
L. Morrison and Mr. F. C. (or James) Cason, Lieutenants. Their
services were not required.

In May, 1844, Rev. George Gary arrived by sea to supersede
Jason Lee in charge of the Methodist missions, the latter being
already on his way East. The mission property was immediately
sold and the missionary \n ork, which had amounted to little for
several years, so far as accomplishments were concerned, was dis-
continued, except at The Dalles. While the Methodists were thus
withdrawing fi'om the field, the Catholics were largely increasing

EIGHTEEN FORTT-FOUB TO EIGHTEEN FOBTT-NINE.

281

their force. Among other arrivals for that purpose were six sisters
of the order of Notre Dame, who came to found a convent in the
Willamette. Father P. J. DeSmet, who had previously founded a
mission among the Flatheads, brought the sisters to Oregon by sea,
being also accompanied by four priests and several laymen. Three
other priests came overland from St. Louis. As Father Blanchet
expresses it : " The schemes of the Protestant ministers had been
fought and nearly annihilated, ospecially at Nesqually, Vancouver,
Cascades, Clackamas and Willamette Falls, so that a visitor came
in 1844 and disbanded the whole Methodist Mission, and sold its
property."

On the fourteenth of May, 1844, an election was held for officers
of the Provisional Government, at which some two hundred votes
were cast. P. G. Stewart, Osborn Russell and W. J. Bailey were
chosen Executive Committee ; Dr. J. L. Babcock, Supreme Judge ;
Dr. John E. Long, Clerk and Recorder ; Philip Foster, Treasurer ;
Joseph L. Meek, Sheriff. The Territory had been partitioned into
three Legislative Districts. Tualatin District included what is now
Washington, Multnomah, Columbia, Clatsop, Tillamook, Yamhill
and Polk Counties. Champoeg District has since been divided into
Linn, Marion, Lane, Josephine, Coos, Curry, Benton, Douglas and
Jackson Counties. In the Clackamas District were Clackamas
County and the eastern part of Oregon, a portion of Montana, and
all of Idaho and Washington Territories. On the following page
are the tabulated returns of this first popular election held in
Oregon : —

282

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEZ.
ELECTION OF MAY 14, 1844.

CJi.lfrTiTJDA.T'ESa.

Executive Committee.

P. G. Stewart*

Osborn Russell*

Aliinson Beers

Jesse Applegate

Peter H. Burnett ■

Hugh Bums

David Hill-

W. J. Bailey*

William Dougherty

A. Lawrenee Lovejoy

Robert Newell

A. J. Heinbree

William Geiy^er

Speneer

Territorial Recorder or Clerk.
Dr. John E. Long*

J
A
F.

O. Johnson .

C. M. Walker

G. Campbell

E. Wilson

X. Matthieu

Suprein : Court Judge.

James L. Babeock f *

J. W. Nesmith

Peter H. Burnett

P. G. Stewart

Osborn Russell

O. Johnson

Territorial Treasurer.

Phil. Foster*

Nineveh Ford

P. H. Hatch

A. E. Wilson---

John E. Long ---

W. C. Remick

Territorial Sheriff.
Joseph L. Meek*

B. Harragus

William Holmes

Legislative Committee,

M. Gilmore*

Peter H. Burnett* --

David Hill*

M. M. McCarver*

W. T. Perry --

T. D. Keiser*

Daniel Waldo*

Robert Newell*

W. H. Gray — -

W. J. Bailey

F, C. Cason

A. Lawrence LovejoyJ

3DISTIi,ICTS.

CUCUH13.

TUiura.

40
4
4
2
I
1

64
2
1

22
10

CIIHPOIO.

182

7
7

27
32
24
20

65
88

67
75
75
20
11
18

TOTUS.

140

244

48
10
4
2
1
1

143
2
1

27
32
24
20
8
67
75
75
20
11
18

* Elected.

t Reslgntd November 11, 1814.

I Elected from Clackamas District.

EIGHTEEN FORTY-FOUR TO EIGHTEEN FORTY-NINE.

283

The Legislative Committee elected met at Willamette Falls,
in the house of Fel-i:; Hathaway, June 18, 1844, and chose M. M.
McCarver Speaker. A nine days' session followed, when they ad-
journed until December of the same year. On the sixteenth of
December the Legislative Committee met again, this time at the
house of J. E. Long, in Oregon City, when a message was submitted
to them from the Executive Committee, in which an amendment of
the organic law was recommended. A seven days' session folloAved,
during which an act was passed calling for a committee to fi'ame
a constitution. Several acts were framed requiring submission to a
popular vote to render them valid, among which was a change from
the triumvirate to gubernatorial executive, and from a Legislative
Committee to a Legislature, which was adopted by the people.

The emigration of 1844 was nearly as great as that of the pre-
vious year, adding some eight hundred to the American population,
two hundred and thirty-four of them able-bodied men. " They were,"
says Hon. John Minto, "self-reliant, determined men; devoted,
loyal, bravely-enduring women. They started from different points
under different leaders, and never united, but, on the contrary,
divided up still more as they traveled, a single man sometimes
separating himself from an entire company, under the settled con-
viction that they were all too contrary for him to keep company
with any longer." The main companies had three starting points
— one from Independence, one from near the mouth of the Platte,
and one from Capler's Landing, twelve miles above St. Joseph.
The last was commanded by Cornelius Gilliam, the first by Nathan-
iel Ford, and the other by Major Thorp. Tlie following nearly
correct list was made in later years by Joseph Watt, Willard H.
Rees, William M. Case and J. Henry Brown, and read by John
Minto in his address before the Pioneer Association in 1877: —

^#11

■II
'I'll

■M

Alderman,

BoT,:uan, Wm., Jr.

Bayard, Nathan

Crisman, Gabriel

. 'i

Bird,

Bowman, Ira

Brown, Adam

Crisman, Wm.

Buzzard, Nathan

Bunton, Elijah

Bonnin, Peter

Chamberlain, Aaron

' ■; ■!

t' I''

Burch, Charles

Bunton, Joseph

Crawford, David

Conner, Patrick

■1

Boyd, Robert

Bunton, Wm.

Crawford, Lewis

Crockett, Samuel B-

Black, William

Bulch, Charles

Clark, Daniel

Case, Wm. M.

■:l

Blakely,

Bennett, Capt. C.

Clark, Dennis

Clemens, Wm.

Bush, Gteorge W.

Bordran, Francis

Clemens,

Dougherty,

■ ;";",

Bogga, Thomas

Bartrough, Joseph

Cave, James

Doty,

BowmaD, Wm., Sr

Bray, Wm.

Davenport, James

284

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLET.

Dagon, Dr.
Durbin, Daniel
Dupuis, Edward
Emery, C.
Edes, Moses
Everman, C.
Eades, John
Eades, Abr.
Eades, Henry
Eades, Clark
Eades, Solomon
Evans, David
Evans, N. D.
Eddy, Robert
Elliek, Johin
Fleming, John
Ford, Nathaniel
Ford, Mark
Fruit, James
Fruit, "Doc."
Fuller, Jenny
Gilbert, 1. N.
Goff, David
Gott", Samuel
Goff, Marion
Grant, David
Gilliam, Mitchell
Gilliam, Cornelius
Gilliam, Smith
Gilliam, William
Gilliam, Porter
Gage, William
Gage, Jesse
Goodwin, W. H.

Gillespie,

Gerrish, James
Gerrish, John
Gillahan, Martin
Gillahan, William
Gilmore, Charles
Ilinman, Alanson
Hedges, A. F.
Hutton, Jacob
Hill, Fleming
Hawley, J. C.
Hoover, Jacob
Holt, T.
Harper, James
Holman, Joseph

Howard, John
Hunt, James
Humphrey, Norris
Hummer, Jacob
Higgins, Herman
Higgins Williams
Hibler, George
Inyard, John
Inyard, Abr.
Inyard, Peter
Johnson, William
Johnson, James
Johnson, David
Johnson, Daniel
Johnson, James
Jackson, John
Jenkins, David
Jenkins, William
Jenkins, Henry
Kindred, David
Kindred, Bart
Kindred, John
Kinney, Daniel
Lee, Barton
Lousenaute, John
Lews, Charles
Morgan, vVilliam
McGrude', Theo.
McGrudei . Ed.
Minto, John
McDaniel, Joshua
McDaniel. Elisha
McDaniel, Mrs.

McMahan,

Martin, Nehemlah
McSwain, Samuel
McAllister, James
Morrison, R. W.
Moore, Michael

Neal, Calvin
Neal, Robert
Neal, Alex.
Neal, Peter
Nelson, George •
Nelson, Cyrus
Nichols, John
Nicliols, Frank
Nichols, Benjamin
Owless, Ruel
Owens, Henry
Owens, James
Owens, John
Owens, John
Perkins, Joel, Sr.
Perkins, Joel, Jr.
Perkins, John
Parker, David

Priest,

Parrot, Joseph
Pack wood, S.
Packwood, T.
Payne, R. K.
Prather, William
Prather, Theodore
Pettie, Eaben
Pettie, Amab
Rowland, J.

Smith, William
Smith, Noyes
Smith, Texas
SaflFlron, Henry
Sis, Big
Stewart, James
Saunders, William
Shaw, Joshua
Shaw,A.C.R.(Sheep)
Shaw, Wash.
Shaw, Thomas
Shaw. B. F.
Shaw, Capt. Wm.
Stephens, James
Sager, , died on

the way at Green

River.
Saxcon, Charles
Snelling, Vincent
Snelling, Benjamin

Snooks,

Teller, Jerry
Thornton, Sebrin
Thomas, O. S.
Thorp, John
Thorp, Alvin
Thorp, Theodore
Thorp, Mortimer

Robin8on,E.(Moun- Thorp, Milton

tain.) Trues, Cooper Y.

Robinson.T.G. (Fat- Tucker, Benjamin

ty.)
Robinson, Ben
Rees, Willard H.
Rice, Parton
Rice, Mac
Rice, (Old Man)

Ramsey,

Ramsdell,

Marshall, James, the Sears, Franklin
discoverer of gold Shelton, Jackson

at Sutter's Mill.
Moreland, Lafe
Mulky, Westley
Mulkey, Luke

Murray, .

Mudgett,

Neal, George
Neal, Attey

Sebring, William
Scott, John
Scott, Levi
Simmons, M. T.

Springer,

Smith, J. S.
Smith, Charles
Smith, Peter

Tucker, Long
Vance, Tnos., died

on the Platte.
Waunch, George
Williams, Poe
Williams, — —
Wright, Harrison
Woodcock, Richard
Welsh, James
Walker, James, Sr.
Walker, Jameu, Jr.
Walker, Robert
Williamson, Henry
Watt, Joseph

Warm bough,

Werner, Thomas

The following turned off and went to California : —

Calvin, Foster, Joseph Greenwood, G. Hitchcock, — and

Flomboy, John Greenwood, John Greenwood, Britain son.

EIGHTEEN FORTY-FOUR TO EIGHTEEN FORTY-NINE.

285

Jackson, Montgomery, Allen Schallenberger, M. Townsend, Dr.

Martin, Patrick Montgomery, James Stephens, Captain Scott and Bobbin,

Martin, Dennis Murphy,Martin,and Sullivan, John, and colored men with

Martin, William five sons. brother. Col. Ford.
Miller, James

Mrs. Wm. M. Case furnishes the following list of ladies who

came in Major Thorp's company : —

Case, Mrs. Wm. M. Higgins, Mrs. Her- Snelling, Mrs. Vin- Horace Holden and
Eliza, a mulatto girl man cent May, his wife, ar-

Hammer, Mrs. Jac'b Johnson, Mrs. D. Tucker, Mrs. Benj. rived in April of
Hannah, Aunt, ane- Shaw, Mrs. Joshua Thorp,Mi88 Amanda this year from the
gress Snelling, Miss Eliza Sandwich Islands.

Of this emigration Michael T. Simmons and a few others located
on Puget Sound, making the first American settlement north of
the Columbia.

GENERAL ELECTION, JUNE 3, 1845.
The first annual election was held on the third of June, 1845.
tabular statement will prove interesting and of historical value :—

The following

OJLXTIDZIDJ^T^B.

Oovemor.

George Abernethy*

Osborn Russell

William J. Bailey

A. Lawrence Lovejoy

Total vote cast

Secretary,

John E. Long 1* ---

Noyes Smith

Treasurer.

Phil. Foster

Francis Ermatinger 2*

Jitdgc.

J. W. Nesmith 3*

District-Attorney.

Marcus Ford 4*

AsBeaaor,

S. W. Moss*-— -

Jacob Reed

Sheriff.}

Joseph L. Meek 5*

A. J. Hembree -

I3ISTIJ,iaTS.

M
o

114

65
48

62
61

111

100

53
52

•a

123

70
47

49
50

115

39
48

77
45

167

117
53

47
118

166

168

119

111
54

1
12

5
15

38
2U

5
56

15
61

228

130

504

283
195

197
251

473

409

216
204

267
215

* Officers elected.

1. Deceased. Frederick PrtKg appointed to fill vacancy June 26, 1846.

2. KeslKned. John H. Couch appointed to vacancy March 4, 184^.

8. Succeeded by Alonzo A. Skinner. . . ^ „ .. .„

4. ReslKned February 4, 1846, W. G. T' Vault appointed to vacancy; he reaigned March 10,

1816, and was succeeded by A. L. Lov^oy.

5. B«*lgned,uid waaeuooeededbyH. M. Kolgbtoo.

■'ivi

'^%

286 HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

GENERAL ELECTION, JUNE 3, 18o5- Continued.

OAITDIU^TEIS.

Bcpresentativeu-

H. A. J. Lee* - -

Hirum Straifilit*

\V. H. Gniv*

C. E. Pickett

N. Ford —

M. M. MeCarvei*

U. Lenox --

D. Hill*

(J. Kiitton

V. VV. Diiwson

Jose|>h (>ale

J. W. Smith*

C. M. Wailier

J. M. Garrison*

M. G. Foiry*

Joseph (Jervais

Barton Lee* — —

W. H. Willson

Robert Newell*

A. Chamberlain -

F. X. Matbieu

John MoClure*

George Birnnions

Jesse Applegate*

A. Hendrick*

S. Wniith

J. Richardson --- -.

R. Clark

Convention (to frame constitution)

No Convention (to frame constitution)-

I3IST3a,ICTS.

OS
S3

99
82
54
50
23

51
39
63
2S
22
43
51
47

a
a
Si

03
O

128
131
68
90
4f)
79
74
14

38
34
31
29
10

99
82
54
50
23
51
39
53
28
22
43
51
47
128
131
68
90
49
79
74
14
11
10
38
34
31
29
10
190
283

* Officers elected.

Note— Tlieoplillus McOruder was appointed Recorder December 8, 1846. Wm. Q. T'Vault
was appointed Postmaster-General of Oregon in December, 1816. Q. W. Bell was ap-
pointed Auditor.

Two new districts — Yamhill and Clatsop — had been formed out
of Tualatin, making five in all. In most of these were held nomi-
nating conventions, where, also, were chosen delegates to a general
convention at Champoeg. A. L. Lovejoy was the successful aspi-
rant for the gubernatorial nomination, defeating Dr. William J.
Bailey, Osborn Russell and George Abernethy. The convention
was not satisfactory, and all these gentlemen appeared before the
people as candidates. By a combination of the friends of Russell
and Abernethy, the latter, who was then in the Sandwich Islands,
was elected.

EIGHTEEN FORTY-FOUR TO EIOHTEEN FORTY-NINE.

287

The Legislature chosen assembled at Oregon City, June 24th,
elected M. M. McCarver Speaker, and remained in session two
weeks. The following oath of office was proposed }>y Jesse Apple-
gate, in view of the character of the people and their divided alle-
giance, and was administered to the members: —

Oath of Office— I do solemnly sweiir that I will support the orRnnic laws of
the Provisional Government of Oregon, so fur as tlie suid organic laws are consist-
ent with my duties aa a citizen of the United States, or a subject of Great liritain,
and faithfully demean myself in office. So help me God.

The most important business transacted was the di-afting of a
memorial to Congress, asking for a territorial government, and the
framing of a new organic law. On the twenty-eighth of June the
memorial was signed by Russell and Stewart, of the Executive Com-
mittee (Abernethy not having yet returned), eTudge Ncsmith, and
members of the Legislature. Dr. Elijah White was delegated all the
to convey the memorial to Washington. The Legislature then ad-
journed to await the result of the constitutional election, ^vhich was
held on the twenty-fifth of July. This resulted in two hundred
and fifty-five votes for the new law and only fifty-two for the old.
The Legislature again assembled, according to the provisions of the
new law, on the fifth of August. It was then that the memorial
was placed in the hands of Dr. White for transmission to Congress.
After he had departed they became dissatisfied with their messeng<>r,
deeming that he intended using it for his personal advancement at
Washington, and they sent a courier to overtake him and demand
its return. The Doctor received the demand coolly and refused to
comply. His answer, which showed how correct was their opinion
that he proposed making the memorial serve his personal ends, was

as follows : —

August 17, 1845.
To THE Hon., Etc.:

Oentleynen — Being on my way, and having but a moment to reflect, I have been
at much of a loss which of your two resolutions most to respect, or which to obey;
but at length have become satisfied that the first was taken most soberly, and as it
answers ray purpose best, I pledge myself to adhere strictly to that. Sincerely
wishing you good luck in legislating,

I am, dear sii-s, very respectfully yours,

E. WHITE.

This letter, with a statement of the circumstances surrounding
it, was sent by another messenger to Washington, and arrived just
in time to foil the scheming Doctor's chances for an important

.:i

i( : g

288

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLET.

appointment which he was about to receive. Among other acts
the Legislature passed a law making wheat a legal tender at market
price, owing to the scarcity of a circulating medium. The body
adjourned sine die on the twentieth of August. On the second of
December, the day H*it for the assembling of the Legislature by the
new law, and no election having been held, the same gentlemen
again assembled, and organized by electing Robert Newell Speaker.
A session of seventeen days was then held, during which P' Ik and
Lewis counties were created, the latter embracing all of Washing-
ton Territory west of the Cascades. This had been designated
" Vancouver District " the year before, but had not sent a repre-
sentative to the Legislature. Sheriff Meek, in pursuance of an act
of the Legislature, took a census of the population. This did not
include those living "orth of the Columbia or east of the mount-
ains, consequently, except the ninety-one reported for Clatsop,
represents only the population of the Willamette Valley. The
table, which does not include the immigration of 1845, is as
follows: —

CENSUS RETURNS OF OREGON IN 1846.

o %

S
3M

Under

12 years

ofage.

12 and

under 18

years.

18 and

under 46

years.

45 and
over.

Whole
Number

COUNTIES.

1
i

i
1

53
114

8
90
67

-3

15
42
4
26
23

"a
1

i
a

Clackamas .

18
24
17
14
16

127

infl

45
1

136
171
42
142
124

1
6
9

234 129 361

Chamnoetr

142 136
14 18

115 109
79 65

400 305 705

ClatHOD --

611 30 91

Tualatin

309 229 538

Yamhill

31 j 24

257 158 415

Total —

89 405

419 .<)82

117 lO.'i

61ft

?,9:>

110 41

1259 f«1 2110

The immigration of 1845 consisted of some three thousand souls,
about one-third of whom, under William B. Ide, of Bear Flag
notoriety, and guided by Greenwood, the trapper, turned off at
Fort Hall and went to California. There has never been prepared
a register of the half dozen trains into which it was divided, and it
is impossible to give a list of the pioneers of 1845. A few might
be mentioned — names familiar in Oregon annals — such as Col. W.
G. T'Vault, J. C. Avery, John Waymire, Frederick Waymire, John
Flemiuing, Captain English, James B. Kiggs, Bufus A. Biggs,

EIGHTEEN FORTY-FOUR TO EIGHTEEN FORTY-NINE.

289

a
o

9
P.

361

7()5

538

415

Stephen Staats, John Durbin, William J. Horreii, (T(^nCTal Joel
Palmer, Simeon Smith, David Carson, John M. Forrest, Dr. Ralph
Wilcox, Solomon Fetherous, James Allen. They brought the
cheering intelligence that James K. Polk had been elected Presi-
dent of the United States on the party cry of " Fifty-four-forty, or
fight," and had been duly inaugurated, and that the prospects for
an immediate favorable settlement of the mooted Oregon Question
were favorable. Tlu^ir nund)ers, too, a(hled so materially to the
strength of the American element that they then outnumbered the
representatives of Great Britain ten to one.

When the emigrants reached F'^"t Boise, Stephen H. Meek,
the same man who had served as guido la 1842, offered to show a
shorter and easier route across the Blue and Cascade mountains
— one to the south of thti old trail. A gioat many of them followed
him, while others refused to depart from the regular route. Meek
had never passed through the countvy he was now entering, but
had heard of it from others when lie had, as a fi'ee American
trapper, been for a time in the employ of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany. The route had never been used, but it was known that the
country through what is now Southeastern Oregon, was less mount-
ainous than that further north, and Meek naturally expected to find
a passable route and a good pass through the Cascades. In this he
failed, and as soon as the emigrants became satisfied that he was
traveling by guess, they became so indignant that he only saved
his neck by using his feet. They then undertook to pass down
John Day River, and finally reached the Columbia after almost
superhuman exertion. Had they trusted to Meek it is possible,
and even probable, that he would, by taking them further south,
have found them a comparatively easy route. This episode is thus
described by Hon. Stephen Staats, one of the immigrants of that
year: —

When nearing Fort Boise, much discussion was had relative to the route to be
followed after leaving that point. Stephen Meek had met the emigrants and pro-
posed to pilot them over a new route by which to bring them into the valley, assert-
ing that it was much shorter and better than the route to The Dalles. I recollect
one old gentleman, John M. Forrest by name, who, when the subject was warmly
discussed, declared he would follow the old route, even if he had to travel alone.
Says he: "When I left the States, after rcad'ng the letters of Burnett and others
fi>jm Oregon, I determined I would not be led ofT on any new route claimed to have
been discovered by any adventurer, but would travel where others had traveled.

290

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

and thus be sure of !irr"ving at the desired point to which we are all looking." But
now the time had come for action. One morning, after a night spent in si)irited
discussion, Mr. Forrest broke camp and started on the old trail; others, with much
warmth, attempted to restrain him, but he persisted, and about twenty-five other
wagons followed his; others, under the leadership of Meek, struck off on the route
declared by him the best and shortest ; but well would it have been for all those so
doing, had they persevered in following the old route, for experience proved to them
that had they so done, much suffering, in almost every conceivable fornj, would
have been avoided, and that they would have arrived at their destination much
sooner and their condition more hopeful as to future resources to provide for their
wants during the approaching winter.

It was but a few days after Meek left Fort Boise, that he became hopelessly lost,
and had it not been for the good judgment and determined energy of some of the
emigrants, and their hiring an Indian to pilot them through to The Dalles, many
would have perished and suffered a most torturing death, that now survive and
to-day can recount the many sad incidents and afflictive events of their wearisome
travel to that point. It has been positively asserted that while Meek was thus lost,
he suffered to such an extent for tlie want of water to satisfy his thirst, that he
opened a vein in the neck of his mule, and thus, in all probability, secured his own
life by quaffing the life blood of that most noble and docile quadruped. But be
that as it may, whether true or not, there were moments when the sufferings of
husband, wife and children, became so unbearable, and so intensely torturing to
the mental vision of those having others depending upon them for support and pro.
tection, that had he who counseled them to take an unknown and trackless route
when almost out of provisions, and energies already nearly exhausted, made his
appearance among them, he might have been made a sacrifice to appease the angry
passions with which they were infiamed.

The anti-Hudson's Bay Company fanatics absurdly charge that
Meek was employed by the company to lead this train of emigrants
to their destruction in the mountains, the only evidence being the
fact that Meek — as did also a number of Americans who were known
as " free trappers," men who were somewhat independent of the
fur traders — had engaged himself for two or three seasons to the
company. The charge is too ridiculous to be considered.

The year 184() was a momentous one for the United States. It
saw the settling of the Oregon Question, which confirmed to the
United States all that portion of Montana lying west of the Rocky
Mountains, Idaho, Oregon and Washington. It saw, also, the
beginning of the Mexican War, which gave us Texas, and the
wresting of California from Mexican rule by Lieutenant Fremont
and Commodores Sloat and Stockton. It was an exciting period,
and the country was held in suspense for months over the contro-
versy with England, during which war with that great power
seemed almost unavoidable. The incidents attending the settlement
of this great question are clearly and graphically described by

EIGHTEEN FORTY-FOUR TO EIGHTEEN FORTY-NINE.

291

James G. Blaine in his " Twenty Years of Congress," in which he
displays a profundity of knowledge of the political intricacies of
that period which carries the weight of authority with his language.
To improve upon it would be impossible, and to epitomize it ^vould
destroy its force and perspicuity ; nothing but a complete and
liberal quotation will suffice. Mr. Blaine says: —

The convention which nominated Mr. Polli took bold ground for the immediate
re-annexation of Texas and re-occupation of Oregon. This peculiar form of ex-
pression was used to indicate that Texas had already belonged to us under the
Louisiana purchase, and that Oregon had Ijeen wholly ours prior to the treaty of
joint occupancy with Great Britain. It further declared, that our title to the whole
of Oregon, up to 54° 40' north latitude, was " clear and indisiaitable"; thus carry-
ing our claim to the borders of the Russian possessions, and utterly denying and
defying the pretension of Great Britain to the ownership of any territory bordering

on the Pacific.

♦ » * 4 * »

The election of Mr. Polk was an unquestionable verdict from the people in favor
of the annexation of Texas. Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren had been able to defeat
the treaty negotiated by Mr. Calhoun ; but the popular vote overruled them, and
pronounced in favor of the Democratic position after full and fair hearing. Mr.
Tyler was anxious that the scheme so energetically initiated by him should be
fully accomplished during his term. The short method of joint resolution was
therefore devised by the ever fertile brain of Mr. Calhoun, and its passage through
Congress intrusted to the skillful management of Robert J. Walker, then a senator
from Mississippi, and already indicated for the portfolio of the Treasury in the new
administration. Mr. Polk was in consultation with Mr. Tyler during the closing
weeks of the latter's administration, and the annexation by joint resolution had his
full concurrence. It was passed in season to receive the approval of President Tyler
on the first day of March, three days before the eventful administration of Mr. Polk
was installed in power. Its terms were promptly accepted by Texas, and at the
next session of Congress, beginning December, 184o, the constitution of the new
State was approved. Historic interest attached to the appearance of Sam Houston
and Thomas J. Rusk as the first senators from the great State which they had torn
from Alexico and added to the Union.

The policy of maintaining an equality of slave States with free States was to be
l)uraued, as it had already been from the foundation of the government, with un-
ccaKing vigilance and untiring energy. The balancing of forces between new States
addi'd to the Union had heen so skillfully arranged, that for a long period two States
w( re admitted at nearly the same time— one from the South, and one from the
Noith. Thus Kentucky and Vernjont, Tennessee and Ohio, Mississippi and
Indiana, Alabama and Illinois, Missouri and Maine, Arkansas and Michigan,
Flicida and Iowa, came into the Union in pairs, not indeed at precisely the same
nioineut in every case, but always with reference each to the other in the order
named. On the admission of Florida and Iowa, Colonel Benton remarked that
"it iseemed strange that two territories so difl'erent in a^, ^ so distant from each
other, 80 antagonistic in natural features and political institutione, should ripen
into States at the same time, and come into the Union by a single Act; but these
very antagonisms — that is, the antagonistic provisions on the subject of slavery —
made the conjunction, and gave to the two young States an iuseparable admission."

i^^l

292

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

During the entire period from the formation of the Federal Government to the
inauguration of Mr. Polli, the only variation from this twin birth of States— the
one free, the other slave— was In the ease of Louisiana, which was admitted in 1812,
with no corresponding State from the North. Of the original Thirteen States,
seven had become free, and six maintained slavery. Of the fifteen that were added
to the Union, prior to the annexation of Texas, eight were slave, and seven were
free; so that when Mr. Polk tot)lt the oath of office, the Union consisted of twenty-
eight States, equally divided between slav holding and free. So nice an adjust-
ment had certainly required consttint watchfulness and the closest calculation of
political forces. It was in pursuit of this adjustment that theadmission of Louisiana
was secured, as an evident compensation for the loss which had accrued to the
slave-holding interests in the unequal though voluntary partition of the Old Thir-
teen between North and South.

Looking into the future, the Southern men took alarm lest the equality of their
section should be lost in the Senate, and their long control of the Federal Govern-
ment ended. Even with Texas added to the Union, this equality was barely main-
tained, for Wisconsin was already seeking admission ; and the clause in the articles
of annexation providing that four new States might be carved out of the territory
of Texas whenever she asked it, gave no promise of speedy help to the South. Its
operation would, in any event, be distant, and subject to contingencies which could
not be accurately measured. There was not another foot of territory south of 36° 30',
save that which was devoted to the Indians by solemn compact, from which another
slave State could be formed. North of 36^ 30' the Missouri Compromise had dedi-
cated the entire country to freedom. In extent it was, to the Southern view, alarm-
ingly great, including at least a million square miles of territory. Except along its
river boundaries it was little known. Its value was underrated, and a large portion
was designated upon our maps as the Great American Desert. At the time Texas
was annexed, and for ses'eral years afterwards, not a single foot of that vast area
was organized under any tbriu of civil government. Had the Southern statesmen
foreseen the immense wealth, jropulation, and value of this imperial domain in the
five great States and four territories into which it is to-day divided, they would
have abandoned the struggle for equality. But the most that was hoped, even in
the North, withia any near period, was one State north of Iowa, one west of Mis-
souri, and one from the Oregon country. The remainder, in the popular judgment,
was divided among mountain gorges, the arid plains of the middle, and the unin-
viting region in the north, which the French voj/ageura had classed under the com-
prehensive and significant title of mauvaises terrea. "With only three States
anticipated from the great area in the north-west, it was the evident expectation of
the Southern men who then had control of the government, that, if war with
Mexico should ensue, the result would inevitably be the acquisition of sufficient
territory to form slave States south of the line of the Missouri Compromise as rap-
idly as free States coujd be formed north of it; and that in this way the ancient
equality between North and South could be maintained.

The Oregon Question, which now became associated, if not complicated, with
tho Texas Question, originated many years before. By our treaty with Spain in
18:", the southern boundary of our possessions on the Pacific had been accurately
defined. Our northern boundary was still unadjusted, and had been matter of dis-
pute with Great Britain ever since we acquired the country. By the treaty of Octo-
ber 20, 1818, the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude was established as the bound-
ary between the United States and British America, from the Lake of the Woods
to the Stony Mountains, cs the Rocky Mountains were then termed. In the same

EIGHTEEN FORTY-FOUB TO EIGHTEEN FORTY-NINE.

293

treaty it was agreed that any country claimed by either the United States or Great
Britain westward of the Stony Mountains should, with its harbors, liays, and rivers,
be open for the term of ten years to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of either
power. This agreement was entered into solely for the purpose of preventing
disputes pending final settlement, and was not to be construed to the prejudice of
eitlier party. This was the beginning of the joint occupancy of the Ore(jon country,
England having with prompt and ciiaracteristic enterprise forced her way across
the continent after she had acquired Canada in 1763. Stimulated by certain alleged
discoveries of lier navigators on the north-west coast, Great Britain urged and main-
tained her title to a frontage on the Pacific, and made a bold claim to sovereignty
as far south as the mouth of the Columbia River, nearly, indeed, to tlie northern
border of California.

Nothing had been done towards an adjustment during the tjn years of joint
occupancy, and wlien the term was about to expire, the arrangement was renewed
by special convention in 1827, for an indefinite period — each power reserving the
right to terminate the convention by giving twelve-months' notice to the other.
The President, John Quincy Adams, made the briefest possible reference to the
subject in his message to Congress, December, 1827 ; speaking of it as a temporary
compromise of the respective rights and claims of Great Britain and the United
States to territory westward of the Rocky Mountains, For many years thereafter,
the subject, though languidly pursued i.i our diplomatic correspondence, was not
alluded to in a President's message, or discussed in Congress. The contracting
parties rested content with the power to join issue and try titles at l"v time by
simply giving the required notice. Tlie subject was also overshadowed by more
urgent disputes between Great Britain and the United States, especially that relat-
ing to the North-eastern boundary, and that touching the suppression of tlie African
slave-trade. The latter involved the old question of the right of search. The two
governments Ci:me to an agreement on these diflferenees in 1842 by the negotiation
of the convention known as the Ashburton Treaty. In transmitting the treaty to
Congress, President Tyler made, for the first time since the agreement for a joint
occupancy was renewed in 18i7, a specific reference to the Oregon Question. He
informed Congress, that the territory of the United States commonly called the
Oregon country was beginning to attract the attention of our fellow-citizens, and
that "the tide of our population, having reclaimed from the wilderness the more
contiguous regions, was preparing to flow over those vast districts which stretch
from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean ;" that Great Britain "laid claim
to a portion of the country and that the question could not be well included in the
recent treaty without postponing other more pressing matters." He significantly
added, that though the difflculty might not for several years involve the peace of
the two countries, yet he should urge upon Great Britain the importance of its early
settlement.

As this paragraph was undoubtedly suggested and probably written by Mr.
Webster, it attracted wide attention on l)oth sides of the Atlantic ; and from that
moment, in varying degrees of interest and urgency, the Oregon Question became
an active political issue. Before the next annual meeting of Congress, Mr. Upshur
had succeeded Mr. Webster in the State Department ; and the message of the Presi-
dent tor'- ''*!" aore advanced ground respecting Oregon. For political reasons,
there ^^ an obvious desire to keep the action of the government on this issue well
abreast of Its aggressive movements in the matter of acquiring Texas. Emboldened
by Mr. Webster's position of the preceding year, Mr. Upshur, with younger blood,
and with moie reason for a demonstrative course, was evidently disposed to force
the discussion of the question with British Government. Under his Infiuence ^ id
advice, President Tyler declared, in bis message of December, 1843, that "after the

294

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

most rigid, and, as far as practicable, unbiased, examination of the subject, the
United States have always contended that their rights appertain to the entire region
of country lying on the Pacific, and embraced between latitude 42' and 54° 40'."
Mr. Edward Everett, at tlnit time our minister in London, was Instructed to present
these views to the British Government.

Before the President could send another annual message to Congress, Mr. Cal-
houn had been for several months at the head of the State Department, engaged in
promoting, with singular skill and ability, his scheme for the annexation of Texas.
Witli his quiclt percei)tion, he discerned that if the policy apparently indicated by
Mr. Webster and aggressively proclaimed by Mr. Upshur, on the Oregon Questiom
should be followed, and that issue sharply pressed upon Great Britain, complications
of a most embarrassing nature might arise, involving in their sweep the plans,
already well matured, for acquiring Texas. In order to avert all danger of that
kind, Mr. Calhoun opened a negotiation with the British minister in Wasliington,
conducting it himself, for the settlement of the Oregon Question ; and at the very
moment when the Democratic National Convention which nominated Mr. Polk
was declaring our title to the whole of Oregon as far as 54° 40' to be "clear and un-
questionable," the Democratic Secretary of State was proposing to Her Majesty's
representative to settle the entire controversy by the adoption of the forty-ninth
parallel as the toundary !

The negotiation was very nearly completed, and was suspended only by some
dispute in regard to the right of navigating the Columbia River. It is not improb-
able that Mr. Calhoun, after disclosing to the British Government his willingness to
accept the forty-ninth jmrallel as our northern boundary, was anxious to have the
negotiation temporaril. postponed. If the treaty liad been concluded at that time,
It would have seriously interfered with the success of Mr. Polk's candidacy by
destroying the prestige of the " Fifty-four forties," as Colonel Benton termed them.
In Mr. Polk's election, Mr. Calhoun was deeply and indeed doubly interested: first,
because of his earnest desire to defeat Mr. Clay, with whom he was at swords'
points on all public Issues; and again, because having assumed the responsibility of
defeating the nomination of Mr. Van Buren, he was naturally desirous that his
judgment should be vindicated by the election of the candidate whom his Southern
friends had put forward. Urgently solicitous for the annexation of Texas, those
friends were IndlfTerent to the fate of the Oregon Question, thougli willing that It
should be made a leading Issue In the North, where It was presented with popular
effect. The patriotic sjiirit of the country was appealed to, and to a considerable
extent aroused and inflamed by the ardent and energetic declaration of our title to
the whole of Oregon. " Fifty-four forty or fight " l)ecame a Democratic watchword ;
and the Whigs '.«• ho attempted to argue agajnst the extravagance or inexpediency of
the claim continually lost ground, and were branded as cowards who were awed
Into silence by the fear of British power. All the prejudice against the British
Government which had descended from the Revolution and from the war of 1812
was succi-ssfully evol.ed by the Democratic party, and they gained immeasurably
by keeping a measur' before the people which many of their leaders knew would
be abandoned when the pressure of actual negotiation should be felt by our gov-
ernment.

Mr. Polk, however, in his Inaugural address, carefully re-alflrmed the position
respecting Oregon which his party had taken In the national canvass, and quoted
part of the phrase usetl In the platform put forth by the convention which nomi-
nated him. Tlie issue had been made so broadly, that it must be squarely met, and
finally adjusted. The Democrats In their eagerness had left no road for honorable
retreat, and bad cut themselves off from the resources and convenient postpone-
ments of diplomacy. Dangerous as it was to the new admiuistration to coulront

EIGHTEEN FORTY-FOUR TO EIGHTEEN FORTY-NINE.

295

the issue, it would have been still more dangerous to attempt to avoid it. Vbe
decisive step, in the policy to which the administration was committed, was to give
formal notice to Great Britain that the joint occupation of the Oregon country
under the treaty of 1S27 must cease. A certain degree of moral strength was unex-
pectedly imparted to the Democratic position by the fact that the venerable John
Quincy Adams was decidedly in favor of the notice, and ably supported, in a unique
and powerful speech in tlie House of Representatives, our title to the country up to
54° 40'. The ttrst convention for joint occupancy had been negotiat'id while Mr.
Adams was Secretary of State, and the second while he was President ; so that, in
addition to the weight of authority with whicli he always spolie, his words seemed
entitled to special confidence on a question with which he was necessarily so famil-
iar. His great influence brought many Whigs to the support of the resolution ; and
on the 9th of February, 1S46, the House, by the large vote of 163 to 54, declared in
favor of giving the treaty notice to Great Britain.

The country at once became alarmed by the growing rumors that the resolution
of the House was a direct challenge to Great Britain for a trial of strength as to the
superior title to the Oregon country, and it was soon apparent tliat the Senate would
proceed with more circumspection and conservatism. Events were rapidly tending
towards hostilities with Mexico, and the aggrandizement of territory likely to result
from a war with that country was not viewed with a friendly eye, either by Great
Britain or France. Indeed, the annexation of Texas, which had heen accomplished
the preceding year, was known to be distasteful to those governments. They de-
sired that Texas might remain an independent republic, under more liberal trade
relations tlian could be secured from the United States with its steady policy of
fostering and advancing its own manufacturing interests. The directors of the
administration saw therefore more and more clearly that, if a war with Mexico
were impending, it would be sheer madness to open a quarrel with Great Britain,
and force her into an alliance against us. Mr. Adams and those who voted with
him did not believe that the notice to the British Government would provoke a
war, but that firmness on our part, in the negotiation whicli should ensue, would
induce England to yield her pretensions to any part of Oregon ; to which Mr.
Adams maintained, with elaboration of argument and demonstration, she had no
shadow of right.

Mr. Adams was opposed to war with Mexico, and therefore did not draw his
conclusions from the premises laid down by those who were charged with the policy
of the administration. They naturally argued that a war with Great Britain might
end in our losing the whole of Oregon, without acquiring any territory on our
south-western border. The bare possibility of such a result would defeat the policy
which they were seeking to uphold, and would at the same time destroy their party.
In short, it became apparent that what might be termed the Texas policy of the
administration, and what might be termed its Oregon policy, could not both be
carried out. It required no prophet to foresee which would be maintained and
whicli would beabaniloned. "Fifty-four forty or fight," had been a good cry for
the political campaign; but, when the fight was to be with Great Britain, the issue
became too^eerlous to be settled by such international law as is dispensed on the
stump.

A very bitter controversy over the question began in the Senate as soon as the
House resolution was received. But from the outset it was apparent that those who
adhered to the 54° 40' policy, on which Mr. Polk had been elected, were In a small
minority. That minority was led by General Cass ; but its most brilliant advocate
in debate was Edward A. Hannegan, Democatic Senator from Indiana, who
angrily reproached his party for playing false to the pledges on which it had won a
victory over the greatest political leader of the country. He measured the altuatioo

kit

■y ^

296

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLET.

accurately, rend with discrimination the motives which underlay the change of
policy on the part of the administration and its Southern supporters, and stated the
whole case In a quick and curt reply to an interruption from a i)ro-slavery Senator,
— "If Oregon were good for the production of sujrar and cotton, it would not have
encountered this opposition. Its possession would have been at once secured." The
change in the Democratic position was greatly aided hy the attitude of the Whig
senators, who almost unanimounly opposed the resohition of notice to Great Britain
as passed by the House. Mr. \Vebster, for the first if not the only time in his sena-
torial career, read a carefully preiwired speech, in which he did not argue the ques-
tion of rightful boundary, but urged that a settlement on the forty-ninth parallel
would be honorable to both countries, would avert liostiie feeling, and restore amity
and harmony. Mr. Berrien of Georgia made an exhaustive speeeh, inquiring into
the rightfulness of title, and urged the line of 40°. Mr. Crittenden followed in the
same vein, and in a reply to Senator William Allen of Ohio, chairman of Foreign
Affairs, made a speech abounding in sarcasm and ridicule. The Whigs having in
the campaign taken no part in the boastful demand for 54° 40', were not subjected
to the humiliation of rttracing imprudent steps and retracting unwi.se declarations.

Under the influences at work in the Senate, events developed ra|)idly. The
House resolution of notice was defeated ; and the Senate j)assed a substitute of a
less aggressive type, in which the House, tlirough the instrumentality of a confer-
ence conunittee, substantially concurred. The resolution as finally adopted author-
ized the President "at his discretion" to give the notice for the termination of the
treaty to Great Britain. The preamble further softened the action of Congress by
declaring that the notice was given in order that "the attention of the governments
of both countries may be the more earnestly directed to the adoption of all proper
measures for a speedy and amicable adjustment of the difTerences and disputes in
regard to said territory."

The Southern Democrats in the House receded from their action, and the modi-
fied resolution was carried by nearly as large a vote as had been the previous one
for decided and jK-renqitory notice. In short, the great mass of the Southern Demo-
crats in both Houses precipitately threw the Oregon issue aside. They had not
failed to perceive that the hesitation in the administration in forcing an issue with
Mexico was due to the apprehension of trouble with Great Britain, and they made
haste to promote schemes of territorial acquisition in the South-West by withdraw-
ing the pretensions so imprudently put forth in regard to our claims in the North-
west. Only forty-six votes were given in the House against what was termed a
disgraceful surrender. These were almost entirely from Northern Democrats,
though a few Southern Democrats refused to recede. Among those who thus
remained firm were Andrew Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Howell Cobb, Preston
King, and Allen G. Thurnuin.

The passjige of the modified and friendly resolution of notice dispelled all
danger of trouble with Great Britain, and restored a sense of security in the United
States. Inmicdiately after its adoi)tion, Mr. Buchanan, Secretary of State, under
direction of the President, concluded a treaty with the Briti>ih minister on the
basis discussed by Mr. Callioun two years before. The fort\ -ninth parallel was
agreed upon as the boundary between the two countries, with certain concessions
for a defined period, touching the rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, and the
navigation of the Columbia River l)y the British. This treaty was promptly con-
firmed by the Senate, aiul the long controversy over the Oregon Question was at
rest. It had created a deep and wide-spread excitement in the country, and came
very near precipitating hostilities with Great Britain. There is no doubt whatever
that the English Goveru.nent would have gone to war rather than surrender the
territory north of the forty-uluth parallel. This fact bad made the wiuter and early

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297

spring of 1846 one of profound anxiety to all the people of the United States, and
more esiiecially those who were interested in the large mercantile marine which
sailed under the Amerioan flag.

In simple truth, the country was not prepared to go to war with Great Britain
in support of "our clear and uniiuestioiiable title" to the whole of Oregon. With
her stronf? naval force (m the Patittc, and her military force in Australasia, Great
Britain could more readily and more easily take possession of the country in dispute
than could the United States. We had no way of readiing Oregon exce])t by
doubling Cape Horn, and making a dangerous sea-voyage of many thousand miles.
We could communicate across the continent only by the emigrant trail over rugged
mountains and almost trackless ])lains. Our railway system was in its infancy in
184(). New York Oity did not liave a continuous road to Buflalo. Philadelphia
was not connected with Pittsburg. Baltimore's jirojected line to the Ohio liud only
reached Cumberland, among the eastern foot-hills of the AlIeKhanies. The entire
Union had but live thousand nules of railway. There was scarcely a spot on the
giolie, outside of the United Kingdom, where we could not have fought England
with greater advantage than on tlie north-west coast of America at that time. The
war-cry of the Presidential camjiaign of 1814 was, therefore, in any event, absurd ;
and it proved to be miscliievous. It is not improbal)le, that, if the Oregon Question
had been allowed to rest for the time under the provisions of the treaty of 18:^7,
the whole country would ultimately have fallen into our hands, and the American
flag miglit to-day i)e waving over British Columbia. The course of events and the
lapse of time were working steadily to our atlvantage. In ls:J6 Great Britain de-
clined to accept the forty-nintli parallel, but demanded the Columbia River ivs the
boundary. Twenty years afterwards she accepted the line previously rejected.
American settlers had forced her back. W'ith the sweep of our emigration and
civilization to the Pacific Coast two years after the the treaty of 1846, when gold
was discovered in California, the tendency would have been still more strongly in
our favor. Time, as Mr. Calhoun said, " would have eflecled every thing for us"
if we could only have been patient and peaceful.

Taking the ({uestion, however, as it stood in 1846, the settlement must, upon
full consideration and review, be adjudged honorable to both countries. Wi.'-e
statesmen of that day felt, as wise statesmen of subse(iuent years have more and
more realized, that a war between Great Britain and the United States would not
only be a terril)le calamity to both nations, but that it would stay the progress of
civilization throughout the world. Future generations would hold the governing
power in both countries guilty of a crime if war should ever be permitted except
upon the failure of every other arbitrament. The harmless laugh of one political
party at tlie expense of another forty years ago, the somewhat awkward receding
from pretensions which could not be maintained by the Executive of the nation,
have i)assed into oblivion. But a striking and useful lesson would l)e lost if it
should be forgotten that the country was brought to the verge of war by the
proclamation of a policy which could not be, and was not intended to be, enforced.
It was originated as a cry to catch votes; and except willi the ignorant, and the
few whose judgment was carried away by enthusiasm, it was from the first
thoroughly insincere. If the punishment could have fallen only upon those who
raised the cry, perfect justice would have been done. But the entire country suf-
fered, and probably endured a serious and permanent loss, from the false step taken
by men who claimed what they could not defend and what they did not mean to
defend.

The emigration of 1846 consisted of some two thousand souls,
bringing with them four hundred and seventy wagons, and one

298

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

thousand and fifty cattle. At Fort Hall about one-half turaed off
and followed the Humboldt River route to California, among whom
were the Donner Party, whose dreadful sufferings in the Sierra
Nevada Mountains form one of the saddest pages of Pacific Coast
history. The emigration was divided into a number of independ-
ent trains, each having its own leader and guide. Of those whose
destination was the Willamette? Valley, the greater portion pursued
the old route down Snake Iliver, and reached Oregon City without
any unusual incident. Not so wnth all of them, for one hundred
and fifty people, with forty-two wagons, were induced at Fort Hall
to attempt a new route. At Fort Hall, Fort Boise and Fort Walla
Walla, the Hudson's Bay Company was doing a thriving trade
with the immigrants, selling them supplies and buying for a song
their worn-out cattle, or giving in exchange for them an order on
the Chief Factor at Vancouver for a like number of the wild cattle
belonging to the company. The genei'al feeling against the com-
pany was very bitter, and in the spi'ing of 1846 a number of men
who had settled in the extreme southern end of the valley, decided to
explore for a new route that would miss the company's posts and
present less obstacles to the passage of wagons than the old one
down Snake River. They V)elieved that further south it was less
mountainous, and that Meek's idea of the year before was correct,
his error consisting in not keeping far enough to the south. If this
new route could be found they would accomplish the two-fold
object of drawing the immigrants away from the trading posts and
bringing them first into the upper end of the valley, where, prob-
ably,' the majority of them would settle — a result earnestly desired
by the few who had already made their homes in that regivn.
These men have been charged with having the latter result as their
sole object, and that to accomplish it they deceived the immigrants
as to the character of the route; but the allegation requires to sus-
tain it far more proof than has yet been adduced, especially when
made against such men as the Applegates.

The road party was composed of Captain Levi Scott, Jesse ...id
Lindsay Applegate, John Jones, John Owens, Henry Boggus, Wil-
liam Sportsman, Samuel Goodhue, Robert Smith, Moses Harris,
John Scott, William G. Parker, David Goff, and Benjamin F.
Burch. They passed through Umpqua Valley and Rogue River

EIGHTEEN FORTY-FOUR TO EIGHTEEN FORTY-NINE.

299

..ad

Valley, crossed t>ie Cascades to Klamath, Tule and Goose lakes,
and thence over the arid hills and valleys of Nevada to Fort Hall.
They found the route to present far less obstacles to the passage of
wagons than the old one, and were of the opinion that water and
grass existed at sufficiently short intervals to render it a practicable
one for emigrant trains. In this latter opinion they were not cor-
rect, though a few years later, the route having been remodeled and
new watering places found, it was quite extensively used by emi-
grants to Northern California and Southern Oregon. The trouble
lay chiefly in the fact that they were mounted, and traveled much
more rapidly than the slow-moving emigrant wagon, and were th uS
easily led into a mistake in judgment. The consequence was, that
those who were led by their representations at Fort Hall to try the
new route, found it almost de\oid of water and grass until Goose
Lake was reached. They suffered severely, and their cattle became
so feeble that they could scarcely pull the wagons along, many of
them lying down in the endless sea of sage brush to die. From
Goose Lake to Umpqua Canyon water and grass were plentiful,
but the work kept the cattle from recuperating fully, so that they
reached the canyon in very poor condition. Here was reached the
climax. The feeble cattle, such of them as remained alive, were
unequal to the task of pulling the wagons through. Added to this
their great loss of time had caused the exhaustion of their supplies,
which they had not the opportunity to replenish offered by the
trading posts along the old route. Their hardships were great ;
and many of them, abandoning everything in the canyon, reached
the valley in a deplorable condition. Among these were Hon. J.
Quinn Thornton and wife, who experienced exceptionally severe
hai'dships. The impression then received by Mr. Thornton, that those
who had induced him to depart from the old route had done so by
means of willful falsehood and for unworthy and selfish motives,
has never faded away. It has given rise to much acrimonious discus-
sion and bitter feeling, and is the more to be regretted because the two
leaders of the controversy — Mr, Thornton and Jesse Ap})legate —
are both gentlemen of great natural and acquired attainments, of
sterling integrity, and receive the universal respect and honor of
their fellow pioneers. A roster of the emigrant trains of 1846 has
never been prepared.

800

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

The immigrants brought with them intelligence that the bound-
ary question was again being negotiated, and was in a fair way to
be settled, giving the country, as far north, at least, as the forty-
ninth parallel, to the United States ; and this had a most cheering
effect upon this small self-governed connnunity. The annual elec-
tion for representatives and county officers occurred June 4, 1846.
The following gentlemen wei'e chosen members of the Legislature :
Hiram Straight, A. L. Lovejoy, W. G.T' Vault, from Clackamas;
J. L. Meek, Lawrence Hall, D. H. Lownsdale, from Tualatin; Jesse
Looney, Angus McDonald, Robert Newell, A. Chamljerlain, from
Champoeg; Govei-nor Sinmions, from Clatsop; Thomas Jeffreys,
A. J. Hembree, from Yamhill; J. E. Williams, John D. Boon,
from Polk; Henry Peers, from Vancouver; \V. F. Tolmie, from
Lewis. Lewis had been cut from Vancouver (now Clarke) by the
previous Legislature, both lying on the north side of the Columbia.

Another event of 1846 was the founding of the Oregon Spectator
at Oregon City, printed upon the pre«? brought in 1830 from the
Sandwich Islands. The first number was issued in February, and it
was the first newspaper upon the Pacific Coast, since the initial
number of the Californian was not printed at Montei'ey until the
fifteenth of the following August. On the tenth of September the
United States schooner Shark was lost on the bar of the Columbia
while endeavoring to put to sea, and her stand of colors was a'l
the crew saved from the wreck. Lieutenant Howison, her com-
mander, enjoyed the hospitalities of the pioneers for several months,
and upon taking his departure presented the colors to the people
through Governor Abernethy, accompanied by the following letter: —

One of the few articles preserved from the ship-wreck of tlie late United States
schooner Shark, was her stand of colors. To display the national emblem, and cheer
our citizens in this distant territory by its presence, was a principal olnject of the
Shnrk^s visit to the Columbia; and it appearsto me, therefore, highly proper that it
should henceforth remain with you, as a memento of parental regard from the
General Government. With the fullest confidence that it will be received and duly
appreciated as suoh by our countrymen here, I do myself the honor of transmitting
the flags (an Ensign and Union Jack) to your address ; nor can I omit the occasion to
express my gratification and pride that this relic of my late command should be
emphatically the first United States fiag to wave over the undisputed and purely
American territory of Oregon.

The flags still, on proper occasions, flutter in the Oregon breezes.
Lieutenant Howison, upon his return, wrote a report of Oregon

EIGHTEEN FORTY-FOUR TO EIGHTEEN FORTY-NINE.

301

a'l

and the struggles of her loyal citizens, which did much to open
the eyes of the Government to the condition of this region and
the necessity of doing something for the protection of thosse liardy
people who had carried the picket line of republican institutions
so far into the wilderness.

The immigi'ation of 1847 has been estimated at five thousand
souls, fully two-thirds of whom cauje to Oregon, the remainder
adding their strength to the Americans who were struggling to
hold possession of California against the defeated Mexicans, from
whose grasp it had been wrested. Many most valuable things
were brought by them, things which added largely to the means
the people possessed to increase their comfort and wealth. As one
of them (Hon. Ralph C. Geer) expressed it in a recent speech, they
" l)rought everything nearly, from a paper of pins to a four-foot
buhr." The mill-stones were brought by a Mr. liaun, a Missouri
miller of consideralde notoriety. Another important item was a
herd of pure Durham cattle, brought by John Wilson, of Illinois,
who also had among his effects some splendid brood mares. Cap-
tain Benser and J. C. Geer, Sr., also brought some fine cattle, and
M. L. Savage, the well known race horse " Old George.'' In a few
years the cattle and horses of the Willamette Valley showed the
effects of tliis introduction of blooded stock among them. Mr.
Fields contributed a flock of fine sheep from Missouri, whose
descendants have always been held in high esteem by the farmers
of the valley. " Uncle " Headrick, William T^^iin, Johnson Mulkey
and R. Patton also brought flocks of fine sheep. Thomas and Wil-
liam Cox brought a stock of goods and opened at Salem the first
store south of Champoeg. They also brought peach pits and
planted them. A. R. Dimick brought potato seeds, which he
planted in the northern part of Marion County, raising the famous
" Dimick " potatoes. Mr. Geer brought a bushel of apple seeds
and a half bushel of pear seeds, which went far toward supplying
the coast with fruit trees. But by far the most important under-
taking of all is thus related by Mr. Geer: —

But the greatest undertaking, and one that was crowned with success, and one
that contributed the most to the name and fame of Oregon, was the "Traveling
Nursery," brought across the plains by the late Henderson Luelling, in 1847. If a
man is a benefactor to his race who ma'.eg two spears of grass grow where only one
grew before, what is be to his State who makes luscious pears, cherries, plums and

802

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLET.

apples grow, where only poor seedlingB, or none, grew before! Mr. Henderson
LuollinK, by briiiKlnvc tliat splendid assortment of apples, peurs, plums, cherries,
quinces, grapes, berries and flowers in his "Traveling Nursery" to Oregon in 1847,
gave to Oregon the name of "Ood's Country, or the Land of Big lied Apples," a
nume that every pioneer of Oregon feels proud of. I never thought Mr. Luelllng
received the reward that his enterprise merited. I have dealt with him to the
extent of thousands of dollars, from one dollar to two thousand dollar transactions,
and always found him honest. Being honest himself lie trusted too much, and
conse(|uently was victindzed to a fearful extent. The conception and carrying out
of that cnti'ri)riHe was not tlie sudden conviction as to the importance of tiie fruit
liusiiR'Hs, but was the result of a train of circumstances, the most controlling of
wliidi was his long and successful engagement in the nursery business.

In the fall of 1845 he began to prepare to start to Oregon, but could not dispose
of his land in time to start until it would be quite late, so he concluded to wait
another year and bring the "Traveling Nursery." He planted his nursery thus:
He made two boxes twelve inches deep, and just wide and long enough to All the
wagon bed, and filled them with a compost consisting principally of charcoal and
earth, into which he i)lanted about seven hundred trees and shrubs, from twenty
inches to four feet high, and protected tliem from the stock by a light though strong
frame fastened to the wagon bed. He left the Missouri River the seventeenth of
May.

On the Platte Mr. Luelling took charge of the nursery wagon and team to bring
it through in his own way and time, for it was already pronounced by some of his
friends as a very hazardous undertaking to draw such a heavy load all tlie way
over the Kodiy Mountains; but every discouraging proposition he inv '•■'
answered, that so long as he could take it without endangering the safety of h:
family, he would stick to it. The last time that any one tried to discourage him
about the nursery wagon was on the North Platte. Rev. Mr. Wliite suggested that
he had l)etter leave it, as the cattle vvere becoming weary and foot-sore, and that
owing to the continued weight of that load, it would kill all his cattle and prevent
his getting througli; but his answer was such an emphatic "no," that he was
allowed to follow his own course after that without remonstrance.

The nursery reached The Dalles about the first of October, and the trees were
there taken out of the boxes and securely wrapped in cloths to protect them from
frosty nights and the various handlings that they had to undergo in the transit
down the Columbia. That load of trees contidned health, wealth and comfort for
the old pioneers of Oregon. It was the mother of all our early nurseries and
orchards, and gave Oregon a name and fame that she never would have had with-
out it. The load of living trees and shrubs brought more wealth to Oregon than
any ship that ever entered the Columbia River. Then I say hail, all hail, to the
" Traveling Nursery " that crossed the plains in 1847!

Besides those already mentioned the immigration of 1847 con-
tained many who subsequently became prominent in the political,
professional and industrial life of Oregon, one of them being Hon.
Samuel R. Thurston, who first represented the Territory in Con-
gress, and in whose honor Thurston County, now in Washington
Territory, was named.

A portion of the immigration of 1847 came down the Humboldt
and over the Applegate trail to Southern Oregon, the route which

EIGHTEEN FORTY-FOUR TO EIGHTEEN FORTY-NINE.

303

liad been found such a disastrous one tlie year before. They were
guided by Captain lievi Scott, the man who had been the leader of
the road exploring party, and who accoi.ipanied the first of the four
ti-ains which this year followed that route. They e.\])erience(l no un-
usual difficulty, and ac('oni[)lished the whole distance from Snake
River, at the mouth of liaft River, to the head of Willamette Val-
ley, in sixty-three days, a much c-horter time than it took the unfortu-
nate party with Mr. Thornton. One of them, lion. Thomas Smith,
says: "We got tlirough ' the Canyon ' with Init little trouble, although
it was such a bug-a-])oo to the emigration the year before." The
easy passage of these trains in 1847 is conclusive evidence that the
disasters of 1840 can not be wholly chai-gcd up to the unfavorable
character of the route, and that the gentlemen who persuaded the
immigi'ants to attempt its passage were not guilty of so much mis-
representation of it as has been charged against them. Of the
members of these trains — one of which attempted to reach the Sac-
ramento Valley from near Lost River, but failed and came to Ore-
gon — Mr. Smith remend)ers the following, many of whom still re-
side in the State : John Gi'imsby, wife and six chihlren; Abraham
Coryell and two grown sons, Lewis and George; Benjamin Davis,
wife and six children; Ira AVells, \vife and one child; David WVlls
and wife; William Wyatt, wife and two or three children; William
Aldrich, Sr., and wife; William Aldrich, Jr., and wife; Andrew
Welsh, wife and two or three children ; William Johnson; AVilliara
Risk; John Benson; David Cook; Thomas Smith; Mr. Davidson;
John Lebo; David D. Davis and family; Briggs, Sr., and wife;
Briggs, Jr., and wife; Prior F. Blair and family; James Frederick
and family; John Aiken and family; James Chapin; Cornelius
Hills; Charnell Mulligan; Wilkesou Gouldy; Joseph Downer;
John Gilliam; George Gilliam.

Or the third of June, 1847, was held the annual election for of-
ficers, both territorial and county. There were 1,074 votes cast,
of which George Abernethy received 536, A. Lawrence Lovejoy 520,
A. Husted 11, and scattering 7; thus continuing Mr. Abernethy as
the Chief Executive of the Provisional Government. The follow-
ing gentlemen were chosen members of the Legislature: Medorum
Crawford, J. W. Wair, S. S. White, from Clackamas; Ralph Wil-
cox, Joseph L. Meek, David Hill, fr ui x'ualatin; Willard H. Rees,

304

HISTORY OF ■W'lLLAMETTE VALLEY.

A. Chamherlain, Robert Newell, Anderson Cox, AV. H. Rector,
from Champoeg; L. A. Rice, Lew's Rogers, A. J. Hembree, from
Yamhill; J. W. Nesmith, N. A. Ford, W. St. Clare, from Polk;
Henry Peers, William Ryan, from Vancouver; S. Plamonden, from
Lewis; J. Robinson, from Clatsop.

The next and last election under the Provisional Government
was held June 12, 1848. The usual county officers were chosen
and the following members of the Legislature: A. L. Lovejoy,*
George L. Curry, J, S. Snook,* from Clackamas; William J. Bailey,
Robert Newell, A. Gaines, William Portius, from Champoeg;
Ralph Wilcox, Samuel R. Thui'ston, Peter H. Burnett, from Tual-
atin; AVilliam Martin, A. J. Hembree, L. A. Rice, from Yamhill;
H. Linnville, J. AV. Nesmith, Osborn Rusfiell, from Polk.

The emigration of 1848 was quite large, though statistics in re-
lation to it have never been gathered. Many who had originally
started for Oregon changed their destination for California when
learning while en route of the discovery of gold at Sutter's Mill.

* Resigned, and Medorum Crawford and A. F. Hedges chosen at special election Nov. 27, 1848.

CHAPTER XVm.

THE WHITMAN MASSACRE AND THE CAYUSE WAR.

Condition of Protestant and Catholic Missions in 18Jf7 — Situation of
Affairs at Waiilatpu — Tom Hill and Joe Lewis— Whitman Buys
The Dalles Mission and Prepares to Abandon Walilatjm— Catholics
Establish a Mission on the Umatilla — Sickness among the Cayuses
— Joe Leiois' Poison Story — Evidence of Coltmel Craig and the
Whitman Indians — Details of the Massacre — Charges Against the
Catholics — Hansom of the Captives — Action of the Provisional
Gover7iment — Oregon Rifles Take Possession of The Dalles — A Regi-
ment Organised — Campaign in the Cayxise Country — End of the
War — Five Cayuses Executed at Oregon City.

THE condition of the various missions has been noted from time
to time, showing that the Catholics were making rapid pi'o-
gress, the inissions of the American Board east of the mountains
advancing S)ut slowly, and the Methodists losing ground so rapidly
that woi'k was discontinued every^vhere but at The Dalles in 1844.
The mission property at that point was sold to Dr, Whitman in the
fall of 1847, The Catholics at that time numbered in their con-
gregations fifteen hundred whites and half-breeds of Canadian
descent, and six thousand Indian neophytes. Dishop F. N. Blanchet
was at the liead of the diocese, which included not only Oregon,
Washington, Idaho and Montana, but British Cohmibia, then
known m " New Caledonia." Bishop Blanchet was in j)ersonal
charge of the field west of the Cascades, Father A. M. A. Blanchet
east of the moimtains, and Father Modest Demers in New Caledonia.
There were twenty-six clergymen employed, among whom were
P'athers Michael Occolti, Peter J. DeSmet, Peter DeVos, Audrian
Hoecken, Joseph Joset, Gregory Mengarini, John Nobili, Nicholas

306

HISTORY OP WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

Point, Anthony Ravalli, Aloysius Vercruysse, Anthony Sandlois,
John Baptist Balduc. In the Willaraett*? Valley there had been
built St. Paul's Cathedral, St. Mary's Convent, St. Francis Xave-
rius' Chapel, St. John's, in Oregon City, and a new church in
French Prairie; there were also churches at Vancouver, Cowlitz
and Whidby in AVestern Washington, four in New Caledonia, St.
Mary's among the Flat Heads, Sacred Heart at Cceur d'Alene, St.
Ignatius at Lake Pend U 'Oreille, and St. Paul near Fort Colville.
There were also half a dozen other stations where chapels or
churches were contemplated. In the way of institutions of learning
St. Paul's College and an academy for girls had been founded in the
Willamt:l;te Valley, and other schools were maintained at some of the
older missions. This ari-ay of strength is a startling comparison
^vith the feebleness of the Protestant Missions. The leading causes
have been pointed out — the powerful influence of the Hudson's
Bay Company, the methods, ceremonies and discipline of the
Catholic Church, and the fact that they were not, like the Protest-
ants, held responsible by the Indians for the gi'eat influx of Ameri-
can settlers.

Of the missions of the America . Board, that at Lapwai was
making slight progress, Tshimikain Avas holding its own, and
Waiilatpu Avas retrograding. At each station there were a few
who seemed to be in full accord with the missionaries, but the
majority were indifferent, and some were even hostile. At
Waiilatpu things had been going wi'ong for some time. From the
time Whitman first went among thein there was a small portion of
the Cayuses who were opposed to him and his work, Tam-su-ky,
an influential chief who resided on the Walla Walla, being at the
head of this turbulent faction. When Whitman returned with th*;
great train of emigrants in 1843, these Indians pointed to it as an
evidence that his missionary pretensions were but a cloak to cover
his design upon their liberties, that he was bringing Americans into
the country to take away their lands. This feeling of hostility
spread from year to year, especially among the Cayuses, through
whose country the emigrants nearly all passed, and who were thus
better able than the other tribes to see in what great numbers they
came and what a cordial welcome they received from Dr. Whitman
and his associates. In 1845 a Delaware Indian, called 'Tom Hill,"

THE WHITMAN MASSACRE AND THE CAYUSE WAR.

307

was
and
few

the

tlie

I of

ky,

the
the
IS an
cover
8 into
tility
ough
thus
they
itman
Hill,"

lived among the Nez Perces and told them how American mission-
aries visited his people to teach them religion, and were soon fol-
lowed by other Americans who took away their lands; and he
warned them to drive Mr. Spalding away, unless they would invite
a similar misfortune. This Indian visited Whitman's Mission and
related to the Cayuses the story of the ruin of his tribe which had
followed the advent of American missionaries among them.

In the latter part of 1847 arother Indian came among the Cay-
uses, about whose pedigree there has been so much dispute that it
is as well to pass it by. He had spent much time among the whites,
and being serviceable as an interpreter, and being ^lossessed ot much
intelligence, the doctor gave him employment about the mission.
He seemed to be possessed of a fiendish disposition and to harbor a
special malignity against the Americans. Joe Lewis, for such was
his name, reaffirmed the statements of Tom Hill, and said that it
was the American plan to first send missionaries, and then a few
settlers every year, until they had taken all the land and made the
Indians slaves. Tam-su-ky and his followers were now triumphant,
and boasted of their superior wisdom in opposing the mission from
the first. Besides this faction there were now many who desired to
exchange to the Catholic religion, of which they heard favorable
reports from other tribes. The long black gowns and imposing
ceremonies had captured them. Whitman was warned of the
danger he ran by Um-howlish and Stick-us, but though he per-
ceived the gathering storm he thought it could be averted. Thomas
McKay, between whom and the doctor there existed a wai'm friend-
ship, also warned him that it was unsafe to live longer among the
Cayuses, and Whitman offered to sell the property to him, an offer
which he agreed to accept if he could dispose of his claim in the
Willamette Valley. With this sale in view. Whitman went to The
Dalles in the fall of 1847, and purchased the disused Methodist
Mission, and placing his nephew, P. B. Whitman, in charge, re-
turned to spend the winter at Waiilatpu, preparatory to moving to
his new location in the spring. This was the condition of affairs
when the Catholics decided to take advantage of the desire of a
number of the Cayuses to embrace that faith and establish a mission
among them. On September 5, 1847, Father A. M. A. Blanchet
reached Walla Walla with three associate priests, and the fort be-

d08

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

came their headquarters for a number of weeks while they were seek-
ing a place suitable for a peimanent location. There Whitman found
them upon his return fi'oni The Dalles, and quite a stormy interview
ensued, though it must be confessed tliat the storming was chiefly
done by the indignant doctor; and no Avonder. He had just made
arrangements to abandon all he had accomplished by eleven years of
self-denial and labor, and here he found those to whom he attributed
his misf(^rtunes ready to take his place even before he had left it.
He made known his displeasure in strong terms, but his rebuke was
received with an unruffled coolness that served but to increase his
a<r!Zi''ivation. Thev tiuallv located on the Umatilla at the home of
Five Crows, the head chief, two days before the massacre, Father
J. B. A. Brouillet beiuL^ in charge.

That year immigrants from the States brought with them dyseu-
terj' and the measles, which soon became epidemic among the Cay-
uses. Many Indians died in spite of the ren)edies administered by
the doctor and the careful attention ( r nis noble wife. This was
Joe LeAvis" oppoitunity. He told the Cayuses that Whitman
intended to kill them all; that for this purpose he had sent home
for poison tAvo yeai*s before, but they had not forvt'arded a good
kind; this year the inniiigrants had brought him some good poison,
and he was now using it to kill oif the Cayuses; that when they
were all dead the Americans would come and take their lands. He
even went so far as to declaie that he overheard a conversation
bet\A een Mr. Spalding and Doctor and Mrs. Whitman, in which the
former complainetl l>ecause the doctor was not killing them fast
enough, and then the trio began to count up the wealth they would
acf[uire when the Indians were all disposed of. He also asserted
that the priest (Father Brouillet) had told him the Doctor was giv-
ing them poison. A nvunber of years before an American trapper
and renegade had purposely spread small-pox among the Blackfeet,
and killed hundreds of that tribe. This was well known by all
the Indian tril>es from tlie Cascades to the Missouri, and had its
effect in leading tlie Cayuses to believe the Doctor was poisoning
them. These statements are made upon the authority of the written
statement of Colonel William Craig, a well-known American trapper
and trader, who happeneil to be at LapAvai when a Cayuse messenger
arrived there nine days after the massacre, for the purpose of

to
lar
eve
Fo]

THE WHITMAN MASSACRE AND THE CATTJSE WAR,

309

the

'iVSt

t«^d

:eet,
all
its

ning
itten
pper
mger
se of

informing the powerful Nez Perces of what had taken place and
securing their support. Colonel Craig was present at the council,
and heard these reasons given by the Cayuse courier. They are
also based upon an interview held by the writer with three of these
Indians at Pendleton, one of them, Um-howlish, being a chief at
the time of the massacre and a warm supporter of Whitman, and
still an adherent of the simple faith taught him by the Doctor. On
the point of the priest telling that Whitman was giving them poison,
they unanimously agreed that they never heard him say so, but
that Joe Lewis had told them tiie priest said it ; that it was gener-
ally believed at the time that the priest had thus stated, but after-
wards, in canvjissing tlie question among themselves, no one could
be found to whom the priest had said anything of the kind, and
that it all came through Joe Lewis. One thing the Komau mis-
sionary did say, and this helped to contii-m them in the belief that
he had said the other — that Dr. Whitman was a bad man, and if
they believed what he told them they would all go to, hell, for he
was telling them lies. Even sucli a statement as that, coming from
such a source, and nuide to unreasoning and ^^assiouate savages,
already unduly excited by the loss of so many of their number, w^is
(■nough, in case they believed it true, to have caused the bloody
scene wliich ft>lk)wed, even had not the ])oison theory been so
industriously circulated Ijy the scheming L nvis. Without knowing
of the j:)erfidious conduct of Joe Lewis, Whitman recognized the
impending danger, and retpiested McKay to spend the wintei- with
him ; but he was unable to comply.

The followers of Tam-su-ky determined to put the poison theory
to a practical test. The wife of that chief was sick; and they
agreed among themselves that they would get some medicine from
the Doctor and give it to her; if she recovered, good; if not, then
they would kill the missionaries. They made the e.x2:)eriment, and
the woman died. Waiilatpu was centrally located, since the Cay-
uses occupied the c(mntry from the Umatilla to the Tukannon.
Every Sunday large numlx^rs gathered at the Mission, some of them
to actually participate in the vservices, and others liecause of the
large crowd they knew would be assembled. On week days, how-
ever, it was seldom that a dozen could be found there at a time.
For this reason Tam-su-ky and his followers chose a week day for

310

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

their bloody deed — a time when they thought none of the Whitman
Indians would be present to interfere. They were careful to con-
ceal their designs fi'om the Christian Indians and from Five Crows,
for fear its execution would be prevented. On Noveml)er 29, 1847^
about fifty Indians assembled at the Mission, chiefly the relatives
and fi"iends of Tam-su-ky. Of these, only five actually participated
in the bloody work, the others simply looking on and preventing
the interference of any outsiders, and especially of the one or two
Whitman Indians who happened to be present. The horrible de-
tails of the massacre it is needless to relate. Mr. Spalding has
given them with a minuteness that is strongly suggestive of a liberal
use of the imagination, yet his narrative is, in the main, pro])ably
as correct as could be gathered from the incoherent stories of fi'ight-
ened women and children. It is only when he carries the melodra-
matic too far, and when he is endeavoring to make it appear that
the massacre was committed at the instigation of Father Brouillet,
and was sanctioned by the Hudson's Bay Company, that his state-
ments become positively unreliable; though throughout the whole
account they closely border upon the line of uncertainty and doubt-
ful authenticity, and the deductions drawn are often extremely un-
charitable and illogical. He uses such expressions as " multitudes
of Indians," " cutting down their victims everywhere," " the roar of
guns," "t^ra^// of warclubs and tomahawks^ "shocks like terrific
peals of thunder " (referring to the desultory discharge of a few
guns), ^'^ crash of the clubs and the knives^ and yet, when the
whole is summed up, but thirteen were killed in all — nine that daj',
two the next, and two eight days later. He is equally reckless in
his language when making charges against Father Brouillet, whom
he accuses of coming up fi'om the Umatilla the day after the mas-
sacre and " baptizing the murderers." The facts are, that he came
upon an invitation given him by the Missionary several days before,
only learning of the horrible tragedy upon his arrival; and the
" murderers " whom he baptized were three sick children, two of
whom expired immediately after the ceremony. He also accuses
him of pretending to find the poison and burying it so that it could
have no more influence. On this point the Whitman Indians state
positively that this performance was done by Joe Lewis, and not
the Priest. The only interference the Priest dared to make openly

THE WHITMAN MASSACRE AND THE CATIJSE WAR.

311

in
liom

ore,
the
of
uses
)uld
jtate
not
enly

was when he successfully interposed to save Spalding's life, and
gave liim food upon which to subsist during his flight to Lapwai.

The bloody excesses into which religious zealots were led in
times past suggest the possibility of the truth of these charges, yet
they are entirely unsupported by evidence which would appeal to
the intelligence of any one unbijised by denominational prejudice;
and common charity should demand convincing proof to sustain
such an accusation. The Catholics can not, however, escape a large
measure of moral responsibility. They went among the Cayuses
for the purpose of driving Whitnuui away and obtaining control of
the tril>e; and to accomplish this they told the Indians that Doctor
Whitman was a l)ad man and was telling them lies, and if they did
{IS he said they would surely go to hell. Father Brouillet ought by
that time to have become sufliciently acquainted with the Indian
character to know that such assertions, if they were credited, were
calculated to bring a])out just such a tragedy a.s was enacted. The
massacre was the result of four distinct causes — the dislike of
Americans, the ravages of the epidemic, the poison intrigue of Joe
Lewis, and the Priest's denunciation of Doctor Whitman, and where
the responsibility for one of these rests is easily seen. The victims
of Cayuse ignorance and passion were: Doctor Marcus Whitman,
Mrs. Narcissa Whitman, John Sager, Francis Sager, Crocket
Bewley, Mr. Kogei-s, Mr. Kimball, Mr. Sales, Mr. Marsh, Mr.
Saunders, James Young, Jr., Mr. Hoffman and Isaac Gillen.

Intelligence of the massacre reached Fort Vancouver by special
messenger from William McBean to James Douglas, the Chief
Factor. The courier did not warn the people at The Dalles of
their danger as he passed, and when (piestioned about his conduct
replied that he obeyed the instructions of jVLr. McBean. This and
McBean's conduct at Fort Walla Walla in displaying an unwilling-
ness to give shelter to fugitives from Waiilatpu, have l)een cited as
conclusive evidence that the Hudst)n's Bay Company connived at
the massacre; but nothing in the conduct of other officers of the
company sustains such an opinion, while nuich is to the contrary,
and it simply shows that McBean, knowing the general feeling of
the Indians against the Americans, was afraid he would compro-
mise the company by defending them. He had not soul enough to
rise to the emergency. Mr. Douglas sent a messenger to Governor

312

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

Abernethy, apprising him of what had taken place; and without
waiting to see wliat steps the Americans would take, Peter, Skeen
Ogden, an old and influential factor of the company, <leparted from
Vancouver with an armed force to the scene of the tragedy. He
held a council with the Cavuses at Fort Walla Walla, and offered to
rausom the captives, assuring the Indians that the company was
exceedingly displeased with their conduct, and they would much
regret it if they provoked the Americans to war. The conference
resulted in the surrender of forty-seven prisoners, cliiefly women
and children, and on January 1, fifty Nez Perces arrived with Mr.
Spalding and ten others, who were also ransomed. On the tenth
they all reached Oregon City, and great was the joy of the people.
For his humane conduct and prompt action Peter Ogden should
always occupy a warm place in the heart of Americans; yet there
are those who ungratefully accuse him of attempting to arm the
Cayuses against the Americans, simply because a few guns and a
little ammunition formed a portion of the ransom paid to deliver
these helpless women from a capti\'ity which was woive than death.
The pen fails utterly to depict the teirible sufferings inflicted upon
them, including even girls of a tender age, bordering upon infancy.
No ransom was too great for their release.

The first intelligence received by the settlers in t\\e Willamette
Valley of the tragedy at Waiilatpu, was the note sent to Governor
Abernethy by Dr. McLoughlin. The Governor immediately com-
municated it to the Legislature, then in session, and called for vol-
unteers. A public meeting was held in Oregon City that night,
the eighth of December, and a company was organized for the
purpose of taking possession of The Dalles. As winter had set in,
there was no danger of an invasion from east of the mountains
except by way of The Dalles. How much of a combination there
was among the Cayuses and their neighbors was not known. Con-
sequently it was necessary to provide against the worst that might
be expected. It was evident that a force at The Dalles was neces-
sary as a protection to the settlements in the valley. Of this com-
pany Henry A. G. Lee was elected Captain, and Joseph Magone
and John E. Ross Lieutenants. The credit of the Provisional
Government was pledged by the Legislature to secure equipments
for the command, but the committee which visited Vancouver found

THE WHITMAN MASSACRE AND THE CAYUSE WAR.

313

that the Chief Factt r preferred their individual responsibility.
Upon giving this, arms were issued to the " Oi'egon Rifles," who
reached Vancouver on the tenth to receive them. On the twenty-
first they reached The Dalles and went into camp. In the mean-
time the Legislature entered with energy upon a series of resolutions
and enactments with a view to a military organization of magnitude
sufficient to chastise the Indians, and the citizens hy subscriptions
and enlistments seconded cordially the efforts of their Provisional
(xovernment. Many were for pushing forward into the enemy's
country at once with a formidable force, but wiser counsels pre-
vailed, and nothing was done likely to prevent the Indians from
surrendering their white captives to Mr. Ogden.

In pursuance of the act of December 9, a regiment of fourteen
companies of volunteers was raised and eipiipped upon the credit of
the Provisional Government. It speaks volumes for the })rave pio-
neers of the Willamette that they thus responded to thecall of duty,
supplying, in most cases, their own arms, equipments and horses,
without a mercenary thought entering their minds. It was no specu-
lation either by the %'olunteers or the men who furnished supplies —
something which can not be said of certain subsequent campaigns.
The following is a roster of the officers: —

FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS.

Colonel, Cornelius Gilliam (accidentally killed).

Lieutenant-Colonel, James Waters (promoted to Colonel).

Major, H. A. G. Lee. •

Adjutant, B. F. Burch.

Surgeon, W. M. Carpenter.

Assistant Surgeons, F. Snider and H. Saffarans.

Conmiissary, Joel Palmer.

Quartermaster, B. .lennings.

Paymaster, L. B. Knox.

Judge Advocate, Jacob S. Rinearson.

LINE OFFICERS.

Company A — 55 men— Captain, Lawrence Hall ; First Lieutenant, H. D. O'Bryant;

Second Lieutenant, John Engent.
Company B— 43 men — Captain, .lohn W. Owens ; First Lieutenant, A. F. Rogers;

Second Lieutenant, T. C. Shaw.
Company C— 84 men— Captain, H. J. G. Maxon; First Lieutenant, I. N. Gilbert;

Second Lieutenant, Wm. P. Pugh.
Company D — 36 men — Captain, Thomas McKay ; First Lieutenant, Charles McKay;

Second Lieutenant, Alex. McKay.

314

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

Company D— 62 men— Captain, PhlL F. Thompson ; First Lieutenant, *Ja8. Brown;
Second Lieutenant, J. M. Garrison.

Company E— 44 men— Captain, Levi N. English ; First Lieutenant, Wm. Shaw ;
Second Lieutenant, F. M. Munliers.

Company E— 36 men— Captain, William Martin ; First Lieutenant, A. E. Garrison ;
Second Lieutenant, David Waters.

Company E— 63 men— Captain, W. P. Pugh; First Lieutenant, N. R. Doty; Second
Lieutenant, M. Ramsely.

Company G — 66 men — Captain, James W. Nesmith ; First Lieutenant, J. S. Snooltl
Second Lieutenant, M. Gilliam.

Company H — 19 men- Captain, George W. Bennett; First Lieutenant, J. R. Bevin;
Second Lieutenant, J. R. Payne.

tCompany 1—36 men— Captain, William Shaw ; First Lieutenant, D. Crawford ;
Second Lieutenant, B. Dario.

Company No. 7 — 27 men— Captain, J. M. Garrison; First Lieutenant, A. E. Garri-
son ; Second Lieutenant, John Hersen.

F. S. Water's Guard— 57 men— Captain, Wa. Martin; First Lieutenant, D. Wes-
ton; Second Lieutenant, B. Taylor.

Reorganized Company— Captain, John E. Ross; First Lieutenant, D. P. Barnes;
Second Lieutenant, W. W. Porter.

Colonel Gilliam reached The Dalles on the twenty-third of
February, with fifty men, followed a few days later by the. re-
mainder of the regiment. On the twenty-seventh he moved to the
Des Chutes with one hundred and thirty men, crossed to the east
bank, and sent Major Lee up that stream about twenty miles on a
reconnoisance, where he found the enemy, engaged them, killed
one, lost some of his horses and returned to report progress. On
the twenty-ninth Colonel Gilliam moved up the Des Chutes to
Meek's Crossing, at the mouth of the cayon in which Major Lee had
met the Indians. The next morning, on entering the canyon, a
skirmish followed, in which were captured from the hostiles, forty
horses, four head of cattle and $300 worth of personal property,
all of which was sold by the Quartermaster for $1,400. The loss
of the Indians in killed and wounded was not known. There was
one white man wounded. The result was a treaty of peace with
the Des Chutes Indians. The command pushed immediately for-
ward to the Walla Walla country and reached the Mission prior to
March 4. On the way to that place a battle occurred at Sand
Hollows, on the emigrant road, eight mi]*^s east of the Well Springs.
It commenced on the plain where washes in the sand make natural
hiding places for a foe, and lasted until towards night. The volun-

• Died at Vancouver, February 30, 1848.

t OrganlzedatWaUaWalla, June 7, 1848; mustered out September 28, 18tf.
Companies E and No. 7 were consolidated as Company K, April 17, 1848.

THE WHITMAN MASSACRE AND THE CAYU8E WAR.

315

teer force was arranged with tlie train in the road, protected by
Captain Hall's company. The companies of Captains Thompson
and Maxon, forming the left flank, were on the north side of the
road, and those of Captains English and McKay, as the I'ight flank,
were on the south or right of the command. Upon McKay's com-
pany at the extreme right the first demonstration was made. Five
Crows, the head chief of the Cayuses, made some pretensions to the
possession of wizard powers, and declared to his people that no ball
from the white man's gun could kill him. Another chief of that
tribe named "War Eagle," or "Swallow Ball," made similar pro-
fessions, and stated that he could swallow all the bullets from the
guns of the invading army if they were fired at him. The two
chiefs promised their people that Gilliam's command should never
reach the Umatilla River, and to demonstrate their invulnerability
and power as medicine chiefs, they dashed out from concealment,
rode down close to the volunteers and shot a little dog that came
out to bark at them. Captain McKay, although the order was not
to fire, could hold back no longer, and bringing his rifle to bear,
took deliberate aim and shot War Eagle through the head, killing
him instantly. Lieutenant Charles McKay brought his shot gun
down to the hollow of his arm, and firing without sighting it, so
severely wounded Five Crows that he gave up the command of his
warriors. This was a serious, chilling opening for the Indians —
two chiefs gone at the first onset and their medicine proved worth-
less — but they continued the battle in a skirmishing way, making
dashing attacks and masterly retreats until late in the afternoon.
At one time during the engagement. Captain Maxon's company
followed the enemy so far that it was surrounded, and a sharp en-
counter followed, in which a number of volunteers were disabled.
In fact, eight of the eleven soldiers wounded that day were of
Maxon's company. Two Indians were known to have been killed,
but the enemy's loss could not be known as they removed all of
their wounded and dead except two.

That night the regiment camped on the battlefield without
water, and the Indians built large and numerous fires along the
bluffs, or high lands, some two miles in advance. The next day
Colonel Gilliam moved on, and without incident worthy of note,
reached Whitman's Mission the third day after the battle. The

316

HISTOny OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

main body of Indians ft'U hack towards Snake River, and a fruit-
lesH atteni]>t followed to induce them to give up the parties who
had committed the murders at Waiilatpu. Colonel Gilliam at last
determined upon making a raid into the Snake Kiver country, and
in carrying out this programme surprised a camp of Cayuses near
that stream, among whom were some of the murderers. The cap-
tured camp professed friendship, however, and point<d out the
horses of Indians on the hill, which, they said, l)eh)nged to the
parties Avhom the Colonel was anxious to kill or ca])ture, stating
that their owners were on the north side of Snake River, and be-
yond reach. So well was their part acted that the officers believed
their statements, proceeded to drive off the stock indicated, and
started on their return. They soon found that a grievous error had
been committed in releasing the village, whose male population
were soon mounted upon war horses, and jussailed the volunteers on
all sides, forcing them to fight their way as they fell back to the
Touchet River. Throuyh the whole dav and even into the niajht
after their arrival at the latter stream, tlie contest was maintained
— a constant, harassing skirmish. The soldiers drove the Indians
back again and again, but as s<x)n as the retreat was resumed, the
enemy were upon them once more. Finally, after going into camp
on the Touchet, Colonel Gilliam ordered the captured stock turned
loose; and when the Indians got possession of it, they returned to
Snake River without molesting the command any furthei-. In the
struggle on the Touchet, when the retreating soldiers first reached
that stream, William Taylor was mortally wounded by an Indian,
who sprang up in the bashes by the stream and fired with but a
few yards betAveen them, Nathan Olney, afterwards Indian Agent,
seeing the act, rushe-t i.pon the savage, snatched from his hand a
war club in which was fastened a piece of iron, and dealt him a
blow on the head with it with such force as to cause the iron to
split the club, and yet failed to kill him. He then closed with his
antagonist in a hand-to-hand struggle, and soon ended the contest
with a knife. There were no other casualties reported.

Colonel Gilliam started from the Mission on the twentieth of
March, with a small force destined to return fi'om The Dalles with
supplies, while he was to continue to the Willamette and report to
the Governor. While camped at Well Springs he was killed by

THE WHITMAN MASSACRE AND THE CATD8E WAR.

317

th of
with
jrt to
id by

an accidental discharge of a li^un, and his remains wore taken to his
friends west of the Casca(h's l)y Major Lee. This officer soon re-
turned to his regiment with a commission as Cok)nel, Imt finding
Lieutenant-Coh)nel Waters had been elected by the regiment to
that position in his absence, he resigned and iillctl a subordinate
office for the remain(h'r of his term of enlistnu'ut. The attempt by
commissionei's, who had been sent with tlie volunteers, as re([Uested
by the Indians in a memoi'ial to the AnitM-ieans at the time the
captives were ransomed, tt> negotiate a ju'aceful solution of the
difficult problem, failed. They wanted the Indians to deliver up
for executittn all those vvhi> had ind)ued their hands in l)lood at
Waiilatpu; they wislud the Cayuses to pay all damages to cmi-
in*ant.s caused bv their beini; robbed or attacked* while i»assin<r
through the Cayuse e(uuitry. The Indians wished nothing of the
kind. They wanted peace and to be let ah)ue; for the Americans
to call the account balanced and ch-op the imitter. The failure to
agree had resulted in two or three skirmishes, one of them at least
a severe test of sti'engtii, in which the Indians had received the
worst of it, and in the other the volunteers had accomplished noth-
ing that could l>e counted a success. The Cayuses, finding that no
compromise could be effected, abandoned their country, and most of
them passed east of the Rocky Mountains. Notliing was left for the
volunteers but to leave the country also, which they did, and the
Cayuse War had practically ended.

The Cayuses, as a tribe, had no heart in the war. Joe Lewis
told them immediately after the massacre that now they must fight,
and advised them to send him to Salt Lake with a band of horses,
to trade for ammunition with the Mormons. He started with a
select band of aninuds, accompanied by two young braves; and a
few days later one of them returned with the intelligence that Joe
Lewis had killed his companion and decamped with the horses; and
this was the last the Cayuses saw of the scheming villain. Thus
matters stood until the spring of 1850, when the Cayuses were given
to understand that peace could be procured by delivering up the
murderers for punishment. At that time Tam-su-ky and his sup-
porters, including many relatives who had not in any manne) par-
ticipated in the massacre, were hiding in the mountains at the head
of John Day River. The Indians who desired peace went after

318

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

them, and a fight ensued, ending i;i the capture of nearly all of the
outlawed band. In this fight " Cutmouth John," an Indian well
known in Umatilla, while endeavoring to capture one of the mur-
derers, received the wound which gave rise to his peculiar appella-
tion. Only one of the five actually engaged in the bloody work at
Waiilatpu (so the Whitman Indians assert) was captured, and he
was Ta-ma-has, an ugly villain whom his countrymen called " The
Murderer." It was he who commenced the work of death at
Waiilatpu by burying a hatchet in Dr. AVhitman's In-ain. Taking
him and four others, several of the older men and chiefs went to
Oregon City to deliver them up as hostages. They were at once
thrown into prison, condemned and executed at Oregon City on
June 3, 1850; and even the ones who had escorted them, in view
of this summary proceeding, congratulated themselves upon theu'
safe return. They believed that Ta-ma-has should have been
hanged, but not the others; and to this opinion the few sur\'ivors
of the tribe cling to the present day.

CHAPIER XIX.

OREGON BECOMES AN ORGANIZED TERRITORY.

Neim Brought hy Emigrants in 18^7 very Disheartening — Letter of
Senator Benton— J. Quinn Thornton Sent to Washington to Urge
Legislation — Incidents of his Journey — Joseph L. Meek sent to
Washington after the Whitnu n Massacre — Ills Mid- Winter Journey
— Interesting Accoxint of the Contest in the Senate over the Oregon
Bill — General Joseph Lr^x Appointed Governor — Ilis Trip Over-
land — Organisation of the Goverment — Officers of the Old aitd New
Governments — Census of ISJfi — Discovery of Gold in California —
Beaver Money.

ALTHOUGH the treaty settling the bouuciary line was signed
and proclaimed in the summer of 1846, Congress, the foUovi^-
ing winter, failed to pass any act creating a government for the
people of Oregon, notwithstanding the fact that more than ten
thousand Americans were thus denied the protection of the General
Government. An appropriation, however, was made for mail ser-
vice to Oregon via Panama; an Indian Agent was appointed, also
a postmaster (iach for Astoria and Oregon City. One of these
officials, Mr. Shively, brought with him two letters for the people
of Oregon. One was from James Buchannan, Secretary of State,
expressing the deep regret of President Polk that Congress had
neglected them, and af^suring them that he would do all in his
power to aid them, iui'luding occasional visits from vessels of war
and the presence of a regiment of dragoons to protect the emigrants.
The other was from Thomas H. Benton, explaining the situation of
affairs at Washington, where it was dated in March, 1847. Senator
Benton's letter ran as follows: —

320

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

Washington City, March, 1847.

My friendp (for such I may call many of you from personal acquaintance, all of
you from my thirty years' devotion to the interests of your country) — I think it
right to make tliis communication to you at the present nioment when the adjourn-
ment of Congress, without passing the bill for your government and protection,
seems to have left you in a state of abandonment by your mother country. But
such is not the case. You are not abandoned ! Nor will you be denied protection
unless you agree to admit slavery. I, a man of the Houth, and a slaveholder, tell
you this.

The House of Representatives, as early as the middle of .January, had passed
the bill to give you a territorial government ; and in that bill had sanctioned and
legalized your Provisional Organic Act, one of the clauses of which forever pro-
hibited the existence of slavery in Oregon.

An amfndment from the Senate's committee, to which this bill was referred,
proposed to ;'.brogate that prohibition ; and in the delays and vexations to which
that amendment gave rise, the whole bill was laid upon the table and Ijst 'or the
session. 'JMiis will lie a great disupjiointntent to you and a real lu) . Jitj 'oady
five years witliout law or legal iiLstitutions for the protection of li .'■' ^ and
property, and now doomed to wait a year longer. Tliis is a strange aiid f..( imalous
condition, almost incredible to contem])late, and most criti al to endure! A colony
of free men, four thousand miles from the metropolitan government to preserve
them! But do not be alarmed or desperate. You will not be outlawed for not ad-
mitting slavery.

Your fundamental act against that institution, copied from the Ordinance of
1787 (the work of the great men of the South, in the great day of the South, pro-
hibiting slavery in a territory far less northern than yours), will not be abrogated!
Nor is that the intention of the prime nu)ver of tlie amendment. Upon the record
of the Judiciary Committee of the Senate is the author of that amendment, but not
so the fact. It is only midwife to it. Its author is the same mind that generated
the " Kire IJrand Resolutions," of which I send you a copy, and of which the
amendment is the legitimate derivation. Oregon is not the oliject. The most rabid
propagandist of slavery can not expect to plant it on the shores of the Pacific in the
latitude of Wisconsin and the Lake of the Woods. A home agitation for election and
disunion purposes, is all that is intended by thrusting this tire brand question into
your bill as it ought to be. I promise you this in the name of the South, as well
of the North ; and the event will not deceive me. In the meantime, the PresiUi i
will give you all the protection which existing laws can enable him to extend toyoo,
and until Congress has time to act, yoiu' friends must rely ii|)on you to continue to
govern yourselves t^s you have heretofore done under tli< iirovisions of your own
voluntary compact, and with the justice, harmony and moderation whi'^h is due to
your own character and to the hont.r of the American name.

I send you, by Mr. Shively, a copy of the bill of the late session, both as it
passed the House of Representatives and as proposed to be amended in the Senate,
with the Senate's vote upon laying it on the table, and a cony of Mr. Calhoim's
resolutions (posterior in date to the amendment, but ueverllu4( - ii father); also a
copy of your own Provisional Organic Act, printed by order •'• Senate; all of
which will put you completely in possession of the proceedings of Congret ^a
your petition for a territorial government, and for the protection and secu.', )f
your rights.

In conclusion, T have to assure you that the wame spirit wliicli has made nje i ';.
Mend of Oregon for thirty years— which led me to denounci' the joint occupation
treaty the day it was made, and to oppose its renewal in 18-8. anU to labor for its
abrogation uutil It waa tHnuiuated; the sane plr!t wb.ea l"d in-^ (o reveal the

OREGON BECOMES AN ORGANIZED TERRITORY.

3?,1

grand destiny of Oregon in articles written in 1818, and to support every measure
for her benefit since — the same spirit still animates me and will continue to do so
while I live — which I hope will be long enough to see an emporium of Asiatic com-
merce at the mouth of your river and a stream of Asiatic trade pouring into the
valley of the Mississippi through the channel of Oregon.

Your friend and fellow-citizen,

THOMAS H. BENTON.

The assurance contained in these letters that powerful friends
were laboring in their interests, was a cheering thought amidst the
disappointment of the unfavorable intelligence. It was felt that a
representative direct from Oregon would be able to accomplish
much, and Hon. J. Quinn Thornton, Supreme Judge of the Pro-
visional Government, had been, during the past year, frequently
urged by influential men, to proceed to Washington and lal)or with
Congress in behalf of Oregon. In particular had the lamented
Dr. Whitman requested him to do so, asserting that only the estab-
lishment of a strong Territorial Grovernment, one that the Indians
would recognize as powerful, would " save him and his mission from
falling under the murderous hands of savages." Mr. Thornton recog-
nized the importance of such a delegate, ii^id solicited Hon. Peter H.
Burnett, subsequently the first Governor of California, to undertake
the mission, but without success. The news of the state of affairs
at Washington l)rought by Mr. Shively, decided Mr. Thornton, and
on the eighteenth of October, 1847, having resigned his judicial
office, he departed on his arckious mission, armed with a letter from
Governor Abernethy to President Polk. Mr. Thornton was by no
means a regularly constitute<l delegate, since Oregon was not
authorized to accredit such an official to Congress, but simply went
as a private indiNndual, ^presenting in an unofficial manner the Gov-
ernor and many of the prominent citizens of Oregon. In fact the
Legislature, deeming its fui^ctions Infringed upon by this action of
the Governor, passed resolution.; embodying their idea of tlie harm
done the colony hy ':he officiousness of " secret factions." There
was not ready money enough in the treasury to have paid the pas-
sage of Mr. Thornton, even had it been at his disposal. A collec-
tion was taken up, contributions being made partly in coin but
chiefly in flour, clothing, and any thing that could be of service or
\vas convertible into money. A contract was. made with Captain
Roland Gelston, of the bark Whiiiony t-o convey Mr. Thornton to

322

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

■v,.

Panama, aud the vessel sailed at once for San Franci&co, and thence
to San Juan, on the coast of Lower California. Here the Captain
infonned his passenger that he must decline to fulfill his contract,
as he desired to engage in the coasting trade. From the perplex-
ing dilemma he was extricated by Captain Montgomery, command-
ing the United States sloop of war Portsmouth, then lying at
anchor in the harbor. This gentleman deemed the mission of Mr.
Thornton of sufficient importance to the Government to justify him
in leaviiiff his station and returning with his vessel to the Atlantic
Coat^; ^I*' accordingly tendered the delegate the hospitalities of
his cab» d set sail as soon as preparations could be made for
the voyaj.^. The Portsmouth arrived in Boston Harbor on the
second of May, 1848, and Mr. Thornton at once hastened to Wash-
ington to consult with President Polk and Senators* Benton and
Douglas, those warm champions of Oregon, as to the proper course
to pui-sut. By them he was advised to prepare a memorial to be
presented to Congress, setting forth the condition and needs of the
l)eople rt'hom he represented. This he did, and the document was
p^ esentetl to the Senate by Mr Benton and was printed for the use
of both branches of Congress.

There was still another representative of the people of Oregon
at Wa-sbington that session of Congi'ess — one with even better
credential^ than Mr. Thornton. Tliis was Joseph L. Meek, the
mountairjit^ei" and ti*apper, who had taken such a prominent part in
organizing the Provisional Government. When, about six weeks
after the departure of Judge Thornton, the massacre of Whitman
at Waiilatpu plunged the settlers into a state of mingled grief and
alarm, it was thought necessary to dispatch a messenger at once to
Washington to impart the intelligence, impress the authorities with
the precarious situation of the colony, and appeal for protection.
Winter had set in with all its rigors in the mountains. The terrible
journey made at that season six years before by Dr. Whitman, on
his patriotic mission, the same person whose martyrdom now ren-
dered a second journey necessary, was fresh in the minds of all,
and appalled the stoutest heart. Mr. Thornton had taken ihe
longer, but safer, route by sea, but time was too precious, too much
was at staJke, to admit of the delay such a journey would impose,
even if d;te veseel were at hand to afiord the means. Notihing but

OREGON BECOMES AN ORGANIZED TERRITORY.

323

regon
setter

the
iii-t in

eeks
tman

and
nee to

with
ction.
rrible
an, on
IV ren-
of all,
n the

much
mpose,
ig but

a trip across the thousands of miles of suow-bound mountains, plains
and deserts, would be of any avail. In the emergency all turned to
Joseph L. Meek as the one man in their midst whose intrepid
courage, gi'eat powers of physical endurance, long experience in
mountain life and familiarity with the routes of travel and Indian
tribes to be encountered, rendered him capable of undertaking the
task with a good prospect of success. Unhesitatingly he accepted
the mission, resigned his seat in the Legislature, received his cre-
dentials as a delegate from that body, and set out on the fourth of
January for Washington, accompanied by John Owens and George
Ebbetts, wlio decided to go with him and avail themselves of his
services as guide and director.

At The Dalles thej" '"ere forced to delay several weeks until the
arrival of the Oregon volu. teers I'endered it safe for them to proceed,
since the whole upper country was overrun by hostile Indians.
They accompanied tlie troops to Waiilatpu, where Meek had the
mournful satisfaction of assisting in the burial of the victims of Cay-
use treachery, among whom was his own daughter, and then were
escorted by a company of troops to the base of the Blue Mountains,
where they finally entered upon their long and solitary journey.
By avoiding the Indians as much as possible, and whenever
encountered by them representing themseh'es as Hudson's Bay
Company men, they reached Fort Boise in safety. Here two of
four new volunteers for the journey bectmie discouraged and de-
cided to remain. The other ^we travelers pushed on to Fort Hall,
saving themselves from the clutches of the Bannacks only by Meek's
experience in dealing with savages. It is needless to recount the
many hardships they endured, the sleepless nights and diuner-
If'ss days, the accidents, dangers, fatigues, narrow escapes from
liostile Indians and the thousand discomforts and misadventures to
which they were subjected. It is sufficient to say through all these
they passed in safety, never forgetting for an instant the impera-
tive necessity for haste, and never flinching from the trials that lay
in their pathway. The hearty invitation to spend a few weeks here
or there in the few places where they encountered friends and com-
fortable quarters, was resolutely declined, and with only sudi delay
us was absolutely required, they plunged again into the snowy
mountain passes with their faces resolutely set towards the rising

324

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

sun. They reached St. Joseph in but little more than two months
after leaving the Willamette Valley, having made the quickest trip
across the continent that had yet been accomplished at any season
of the year. Meek was now reduced to most embarassing straits.
Dressed in buckskin and blanket clothes and wolf skin cap, ragged
and dirty in the extreme, beard and hair long and unkempt, with-
out money or friends, how to get to Washington or how to conduct
himself when there, were perplexing questions. lie decided that
the best way to accomplish his purpose was to be "Jo Meek." By
assuming an air of great importance at one time, making a clown of
himself at another, and generally interesting every one he met in
himself and his mission, he succeeding in reaching Washington only
a week or two later than Judge Thornton, though his news from
Oregon was three months fresher. Meek was a relative of the
President, and was well cared for during his stay in the Capital
City. The intelligence brought by him, as well as his individual
efforts, did much to aid Mr. Thornton and the friends of Oregon in
Congress in securing the desired leg'slatiou.

In addition to the memorial. Judge Thornton drafted a bill for
organizing a Territorial Government, which was introduced and
placed up <n its passage. This bill contained a clause prohibiting
slavery, and for this reason was as objectionable to the slaveholding
force in Congress as had been the previous one. Under the lead
of Senators Jefferson Davis and John C. Calhoun, this wing of the
National Legislature made a vigorous onslaught upon the bill,
and fought its progress step by step with unabated determination,
resorting to all the legislative tactics known, to so delay its consid-
eration that it could not be finally passed by the hour of noon on
the fourteenth of August, the time fixed by joint resolution for the
close of that session of Congress. The contest during the last two
days of the session was exciting in the extreme, and the feeling in-
tense throughout the Union. The friends of the bill had decided
upon a policy of "masterly inactivity," refraining entirely fi'om
debate and yielding the floor absolutely to the "filibusters," who
were therefore much distressed for means to consume the slowly
passing hours. Though silent in speech they were constantly
present in force to prevent the opposition from gaining time by an
adjuurumeut. The bill was then on its second passage in the Sen-

OREGON BECOMES AN ORGANIZED TERRITORY.

ate, for the purpose of concurrence with amendments which had
been added by the House. On Saturday morning, August 12, the
managers of the bill decided to prevent an adjournment until it had
been disposed of, having a sufficient majority to pass it. The story
of that memorable contest is thus told by Mr. Thornton, who sat
throughout the scene an earnest spectator : —

I re-entered the Senate Chamber with the deepest feelings of solicitude, and yet
liopeful because of the assurances which had been given to nie by the gentleman I
have named [Douglas, Benton and Hale.] I soon saw, however, that Calhoun and
Butler, of Houtli Carolina ; Davis and Foote, of Mississippi ; and Hunter and Mason,
of Virginia, as leaders of the opposition, had girded up their loins and Ijuckled on
their armor for tlio battle.

When I explain a little the reader will not be surprised that I felt very nervous.
The bill had previously been in the Senate and having pas.sed went down to the
House where it was amended, and now it had come back for concurrence. The
debate when the bill was lirst in the Senate was one of thrilling inter(!st. " Tliere
were giants in those days," and the Held on which they fought and measured
strength with each other was one in which no man could be at a loss to find a foe-
man worthy of his steel, since here might be encountered such mightj' men as
Douglas and Benton, Webster, Calhoun and Corwin. The last named gentleman
having gotten the Hoor in the debate on tlie Oregon bill, the Senate adjourned. In
this manner it became known at once throughout the city that Mr. Corwin would on
the next day, after tlie preliminary business of the morning hour had been disposed
of, address the Senate on that bill— the provision in it taken from the ordinance of
1787, prohiliiting shivery being the point of his departure, and human rights the
subject of his address. At an early hour the gallery was literally i)acked full of the
elite and beauty of the capital, most of them being brought hither by an unconquer-
able desire to witness the triumph of right over wrong and of reason over passion
which they felt sure would be achieved by their favorite orator's burning words
consuming to ashes the sophisms relied upon by the advocates of slavery to defend
the most gigantic evil that ever cursed a nation or stained its escutcheon. On the
floor of the Senate were diplomatic representatives from every Court in Europe,
already imi)atient to drink in the Inspiration of the wonderful eloquence of an
orator who liad no equal in some respects and no superior in any.

The preliminary business of the morning hour having been hurried through,
Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, rose to his feet ; and during two hours commencing with his
saying "Mr. President," and ending with the close of his wonderful address, no
other sound was heard save occasionally that of one who seemed to catch at his
ureath, and no movement could be seen save in the varying muscles of the faces of
the listening hearers as the orator's matchless manner, melodious voice, and ready
command of most apt language alternately melted the heart into pity or kindled it
into resentment, while, with inimitable skill and unequaled power, he portrayed
" the sum of all villainies."

This description of the effects of the address does not of course appiy to such of
his hearers as were the advocates of "the patriarchal Institution." The faces of
these seemed at times to be as much blanched with fear as would that of a nervous
woman on being suddenly confronted by a death's head. At o*her times the face
was equally white, yet the compressed lips, and the flashing eye and a peculiar ex-
pression of the countenance as clearly as language could speak, showed that the
heart was a burning volcano of the most fiery passions in the throes of a terrible
eruption.

326

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

When Mr. Corwin closed his lueinorable speech, there seemed to be quite an in-
terval before those who heard gained their self-recollection, and a motion was made
for the adjournment of the Senate. As, with others, I was slowly and thoughtfully
retiring. Father Hiohie, the most venerable journalist in the United States, a life-
long advocate of slavery, and at that time editor of the government organ, nervously
laid his hand upon my shoulder, and with lips as white as paper and ((uivcring with
emotion, he said: "A few speeches such as that would sever the bonds of this
Union!"

With such a scene as this fresli in my memory, the reader will not he surprised
if on Saturday morning, tlie 12th of August, 1848, I felt, after my interview with
Mr. Benton, Mr. Douglas and Mr. Hale, anxious for the results of the day's pro-
ceedings on the bill returned for concurrence in the amendments made in the
House.

The friends of the bill, led by Mr. Benton, having taken their position, waiteil
calmly for the onset of their adversaries, who spent Saturday until the usual hour
of adjournment in skirmishing in force, as if feeling the strength of their op|x)-
nents. When the motion was made at the usual time in the afternoon for adjourn-
ment, the friends of the bill came pouring oiit of the retiring rooms, and on coming
inside the bar they voted No with very marked emphasis. I ought, perhaps to ex-
plain that when many of the friends of the Oregon bill went into this room to rest
upon lounges, and to smoke and chat and tell anecdotes, they left behind a trusty
cori>s to oliserve the niovciiients of the enemy, and through a vigilant page stationed
at the door to give notice when it was necessary, to rise and rush inside the bar to
vote No on all motions for adjournment.

This state of affairs continued until after night when Judge Butler, of South
Carolina, being the colleague of Mr. Calhoun, resorted to a sort of legislative fili-
bustering with a view to thrusting aside the Oregon bill, under a motion to go into
executive session for the purj.ose of enquiring into the conduct of Mr. Benton, who,
he alleged, had communicated to Dr. Wallace, tlie reporter of the New York Herald,
sonje things that had been said and done in secret session. During his remarks,
Judge Butler diaracterized Mr. Benton's conduct as ueing "(/(V/owoz-afe/c." This
word had only been i)ronounced when Mr. Benton si)rang to his feet in great anger,
and advancing rapidly toward Judge Butler with his clenched list and violently
gesticulating, said: "Voulie, sir! You lie!! I cram the lie down your throat !! I"
Both men wore long hair that age had made as white as wool, and yet they were
only kept from viv.lence on the tloor of the Senate Chamber by (Jen. Dix, of New
York, Mason, of Virginia, and others, who, by placing themselves lietween the
venerable Senators, prevented them from coming to blows. Thus restrained. Judge
Butler said to Mr. Benton in a very loud and angry tone, " 1 will see you, sir, at
another time and place." Mr. Benton inunediately rejoined in great heat, "Yes,
sir, you can see me at any other time and in any other place; but you and j'our
friends will take notice that when I tight, I fight for a funeral."

Order being at length restored, the vote was taken on Judge Butler's motion to
go into executive session, and the real object of the motion being seen to be the de-
feat of the Oregon bill through the consumption of time, it was lost.

Gen. Foote, the colleague of JefT. Davis, then arose and in a drawling tone, as-
sumed for the occasion, said his powers of endurance he believed would enable him
to continue his address to tlie Senate until Monday, 12 o'clock M., and alth'High he
could not promise to say much on the subject of the Oregon bill, he could not doubt
that he would be able to interest and greatly edify distinguished Senators. The
friends of the bill, seeing what was before them, posted a page in the doorway open-
ing into one of the retiring rooms, and then, after detailing a few of their number to
keep watch and ward on the floor of the Senate, withdrew into the room of which

OREGON BECOMES AN OKGANIZED TERRITORY,

327

I have spoken to chat and tell anecdotes and to drink wine, or, perhaps, something
even much 8tronji;er, and thus to wear away the slowly and heavily passing hours
of that memorable Saturday night. Soon groat clouds of smoke fllk'd thf room, and
from it issued the sound of the chink of glasses aJul of loud conversation, almost
drowning the eloquence of the Misslssip])! Senator as he repeated the l$il)le story of
the cosmogony of the world, the creation of man, tlie taking from his side the rib
from which Eve was made, her talking with the " snake," us he called the Kvil One,
the fall of man, etc., etc. The galleries were soon deserted. Many of tlio aged
Senators piostrated themselves upon the sofas in one of the retiring rooms, and
8luml)ered soundly, while " thought^i that breathed and words that burned " fell in
glowing elo(|Ucnce from the lips of the Mississippi Senator, as he continued thus to
instruct and edify the few watching friends of the bill, who, notwithstanding the
weight of seventy winters pressed heavily upon some of them, were as wide awake
as the youngest, and they sat firm and erect in their seats, watching witli lynx eyes
every movement of the adversaries of the bill.

At intervals of about one hour, the speaker would yield the Hoor to a motion for
adjournment, coming from the opposition. Then the sentinel j)age at the door
would give notice to the waking Senators in the retiring room, and these would im"
mediately arouse the slumbering Senators, and all would then rush pell-mell
through the doorway, and when the inside of the bar was reached, would vote No
with a thundering emphasis.

It liai)pened, however, on more occasions than one, that a sleeping Senator, not
yet quite awake, even after getting inside the bar, voted "aye," then "nay," and
then "aye," and finally " nay " again, to the great amusement of those who were
sufficiently wide awake to see where the laugh came in.

Occasionally southern Senators toward Sunday morning relieved Gen. Foote
by short, dull 8])eeche9, to which the friends of the bill vouchsafed no answer ; so
that Mr. Calhoun and his pro-slavery subordinates had things for the mo.st part all
their own way until Sabbath morning, August 13th, 1848, at about 8 o'clock, when
the leading opponents of the bill collected together in a knot, and after conversing
together a short time in an under tone, the Mississippi Senator, who had been so
very edifying and entertaining during tlie night, said that no further opposition
would be made to taking a vote on the bill. The ayes and nayes were then called
and the bill pa.ssed.

President Polk affixed his signtiture to the bill within a few
hours after its jiassage. To have the Territorial Government fully
organized before the expiration of his term of office on the fourth
of the succeeding March, was earnestly desired by him, in view of
the circumstances attending his election. He appointed Meek the
United States Marshal of the new Territory, and delegated him to
convey the Governor's commission to General* Joseph Lane, then
residing in Indiana and unaware of the duty about to be imposed
upon him, for such, under the circumstances, it really was. With
that promptness of decision and energy of action so characteristic
of him — ({ualities which won him the title of the " Marion of the
Mexican War" — General Lane accepted the commission without
hesitation, and in three days had disposed of his property, wound

828

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLET.

up his business afFjiirs, and begun his journey to the far-off wilds of
Oregon. A small detachment of troops escorted the Governor and
Mai'shal, and after a journey of six months, by the way of Mexico
and Arizona, seven only of them reached San Francisco, two hav-
ing died and the others succumbed to the allurements of the new
gold fields of the Sierras. These seven were Governor Lane,
Marshal Meek, Lieutenant Hawkins, Surgeon Hayden, and three
enlisted men. At San Francisco they took passage on the schooner
Jean net te, and reacli(>d the Columbia after a rough passage of
eighteen days. Ascending the Colunil>ia and Willamette in small
boats, a distance of one hundred and twenty miles, they de1)arked
at Oregon City on the second of March, 184:^>. The following day
Governor Lane issued a proclamation and assumed the duties of his
office, having succeeded in instituting the (Tovernment just one day
prior to the close of President Polk's administration. Other officers
of the Territory did not arrive till several months later. The fol-
lowing is a roster of the first offioei's of the Territoi-ial Government,
and those of the Provisional Government at the time of its dissolu-
tion : —

PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

Governor, George Abernethy ; Secretary, S. M. Holderness ;
Treasurer, John H. Couch ; Auditor, Geo. AV. Bell (Public Ac-
counts), Theophilus McGruder (Territorial); Supreme Judge, J.
Quinn Thornton ; Circuit Judge, Alonzo A. Skinner ; Marshal, H.
M. Knighton.

TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. ' '

Governor, Joseph Lane; Secretary, Kintzing Pritchett; Treasurer,
*James Taylor ; Auditor, *B. Gervais ; Chief Justice, William C.
Bryant ; Associate J ustices, O. C. Pratt, P. H. Burnett ; Marshal,
Joseph Meek ; Superintendent of Schools, *Jas. McBride; Librarian,
*W. T. Matlock ; Territorial Printer, *Wilson Blain ; Commis-
sioner of Cayuse War Claims, *Alonzo A. Skinner.

One of the first acts of Governor Lane was to appoint marshals
to take the census, as provided in the organic act. The following
table shows the population as thus ascertained : —

'Appointed by Legislature, September X, 184B. '...■-■

OREGON BECOMES AN ORGANIZED TERKITORY.

320

less ;
Ac-
J.
H.

Males 21 years
aud over.

Females of all
ages.

Foreigners.

Total number of
citizens.

■s

a £

COUNTIES.

MalesuMder
21 years.

Males 21
and over.

Females of
all ages.

(jlackumas

401
340
4(i')

49
394
337

39
2! 15

3fl0
293
458
100
492
327

33
269
229

585
468
647

75
657
509

37
359
370

4
5

2;<

94
3
8
1

1370

1107

I'. 70

224

1353

1173

109

923

870

112

3
15

1
30

1393

Tualatin

1142

Chtvnipoeg

1082

fy'latson

Ol)y

Yanihill

1308

Polk

1174

Xjewis

14")

Linn

923

Benton

Vancouver

870
159

Total

2001

2523

3627

211

8795

298 1 9083

While Thornton and Meek were representing the people at
Washington, an event occurred tliat in a few years wrought a
marvelous change on the Pacific Coast. Captain John A. Sutter, a
S^\^SH, had come to Oregon in 18158 and the following year gone to
California, where he founded a settlement on the site of the present
City of Sacramento, which he named " New Helvetia," though it
was known far and wide as "Sutter's Fort." In the Oregon immi-
gration of 1844 was James W. Marshall, who went to California
the following year and entered the employ of Captain Sutter. In
the fall of 1847 Marshall and Sutter entered into a partnership to
do a saw-mill business, and Marshall went up into the Sierra
Nevada Mountains and selected a location for the mill at Coloma, a
place on the South Fork of the American Eiver. It was on the
nineteenth of January, 1848, that Marshall discovered gold in the
tailrace of the mill. As soon as this news was spread throughout
California, nearly every able-bodied man hastened to Coloma, work
of every kind being abandoned and much pr ^ "ly sacrificed. The
excitement was intense. The news of Marshall's wonderful dis-
covery was carried East by the various routes of travel, and hun-
dreds of emigrants learned of it while slowly plodding along on
the Oregon trail, and were thus induced to change their destination
to California. For several years thereafter ov^erland emigration
was almost exclusively to the gold fields of California. The intelli-
gence did not reach Oregon till August, seven months after the
discovery. There were then no regular means of communication

330

HISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

hetvv<'«'ii tilt' SiuTiiiucnto N'alh'V ami the Willjiiiietti'. Kvt*ry year
a few j»f(»j»I»^ followed the old Hudson's Hay Coiiipaiiy trail, some
one way and some the other, and uceasionally coastinir or other
vessels eani<' to the Columbia from San Fi'aneisiit; I tut the exeite-
ment of the ifold diseovery prevented the news from reaehini;
Oregon hy either of these I'outes, until it was tinally brought by a
vessel which came foi' a cargo of 5»u])j)lies foi- the San Fruneisco
market. The t-lTeet produced upon such an a<lventurous class as
were the early jtioneers, can well be imagined. There wfus at once
a rush for California, chiefly overland, as v»'s,sels were scarce, and it
seemed as though Oregon wouhl become depojtulated. Hut this
was only temporary. Family and busines.s ties were sti-ong I'liough
to hold back many and to hasten the return of otiiers. Not only
was Oregon not depopulated, but she foiuid in Califoi-nia tlie tiixt
outside mai'ket for hei- jtroduots she had ever enjoyed. It was for
her the beginning of actmd prosperity. Hesides the gold dust
l)rought back by retiu'iiing miners, California gold poi into Ore-
gon in a jterfect .stream, in exchange for grain, flour, ve !es, beef,
bacon, and food products of all kinds. Minei-s pushed fiirthei- noi'th
every yt'ar, until, in isal, they crossed the line into Southern Ore-
gon, and discovered ricii diggings. After the first excitement sub-
sided, emigrati()n again turned in the direction of Oregtm, while
great numbers, aban<lonnig the gold Helds. came noith to settle
in the beautiful valley of the Willamette.

The scarcity of money had always been a serious evil, increasing
yearly with the population. When, in the winter of 184H-J>, gold
<lust began to arrive from Califoi'uia, the material foi- such a
tnedium was at hand; but, thouirh the cjttld <lust was worth from
sixteen to eighteen dollars an ounce, returning miners could obtain
bnt eleven dollars for it, while much of it was lost in jifussing from
hand t(» hand. The Legislature f)romptly [)assed an act for the
" assaying, melting and coining of gold,'' but the termination of the
Provisional Government liy the arrival of (tovernor Lane, rendei-ed
the statute nugatory. Private enteiprise ste])ped to the front and
supplied the want by issuing what is known as " beaver money,"
somewhat after the mann(M' in which the "gold slugs" of Califoi'
nia were issued. These coins were of five and ten dollar denomi-
nations, bearing on the obverse side the figure of a beaver, above

siii<r

.1(1

I :i
oni
tain
•om
the.
the
eved
and

ORJCOON HK((iMKS A.N OlJ(JAMZKl> TKUKITORV.

;$.'} 1

which were tlu- letters " K. M. T. A. \V. II. C. S.,'' ami l>eiit'ath
" ( ). T., 1S41).'" Oil the reverse side was " Ore<j()ii F^xeliaui'e Com-
|>any, l.'?0 (rraiiis Nati\e (Jold, f) D," or " 10 j)wts., 20 ifruins, 10
1>." Tlie initial letters were those of the p'lltlellien e(»ni|>osiii<i; the
coiiipaiiy Killtoiirn, MaijriKlef, Tnyloi", Abernethy, Wilson, Rec-
tor, ('aiii)tl»ell and Smith. The workiiiaiiship on the coin was (iuit»'
creditable. The dies were made hy Hamilton CftJupliell, and t!ie
press and rollin>; machinery hy William Uectoi'. When money he-
came more pleiitifid, tiie heaver coins ipiickly disa^tpcared from cir-
culation, since they contained ahout eii:iit per cent, more i;old than
the national coins, and are now only lo he found as mementoes in
the possession of pioneers, in cahinets or amonj;' the collections of
numismatoloirists. Xo one was evei- pro.secuted foi- this infriiisxe-
nient of the constitutional pi'ohihition of the coining of money by
State (to\ t'l-nments or individn ils. *

t 11

CHAPTER XX.

OREGON AS A TERRITORY.

Organization of the Territorial Government — First Legislature — Towns
ill Oregon in 1850 — A Military Einsode — John P. Gaines Succeeds
General Lane as Governor — Lnharmony between Democratic L^egisla-
ture and Whig Officers — Thrre JVewspapers Enter the I^ield — The
Steamer '''•Lot Whitcomh^''— Oregon City and Salem Contest for the
Capital — Wreck of the -'■ General Warren'''' — Indian Troubles in
1851-2-3 — George L. Curry becomes Governor — Effortx to Form a
Stale Constitution --Colville Mines — Indian War of 1855-6 — Polit-
ical CoirqjUcations — Fraser River Exc'Uement— Oregon Admitted to
the Union.

OEEGON rcniained in the T'.n-ritori: 1 state for ten years, sufFer-
inL' all the e\'ils of partisan government and olitical strife.
The people early aspired to the rights and dignity of statehood,
and the (piestion of framing a constitution was ever present in pol-
itics. The adjoining State of California was av.;uitted into the
Union nnder phenomenal conditions, without passing through the
Territorial stage, and this did much to render the people of Oregon
discontented with a Territoi-ial government. But the most prolific
cause of discontent was- the length of time required to communicate
with the seat of government at Washington. All laws pa^ised by
the Legislature \\ere subject to disai)[n"oval l)y (-ongress, and it took
several months to learn wliether an act would not be thus rendered
void. The same delay occurred in filling official vacancies, in im-
parting instructions for the guidance of officers, and in transacting
all business requiring communication between the Territorial author-
ities and those at AVashington. It was certainly an unwieldy and
cumbersome form of government, and the people necessarily found
it irksome and repulsive.

to^

St
cu
ett
an
111

OREGON AS A TERRITORY.

333

Governor Lane called an election for the sixth of June, 1849, to
choosf a Delegate to Congress and members of the Territorial Leg-
islature, The total vote cast for Delegate was l'-43, of which Sam-
uel R. Thurston received 470; Columbia Lancaster, 321; James W.
Nesraith, 104; Joseph L. Meek, 40; J. S. Griffin, 8. The appor-
tionment of Councilmen and llepresentatives was made by the Gov-
ernor in his proclamation. The names of the gentlemen elected to
the first Territorial Legislature were as follows: Council — W.
Blain, Tualatin; W. W. Buck, Clackamas; 8. Parker, Clackamas
and Chanipoeg; W. Shannon, Champoeg; S. F. McKean, Clatsop,
Lewis and Vancouver; J. B. Graves, Yamhill; W. Maley, Linn;
N. Ford, Polk; L. A. Humphrey, Benton. Representatives — D.
Hill and W. M. King, Tualatin; A. L. Lovejoy, J. D. Holman
and Gabriel Walling, Clackanuis; J. W. Grim, W. W. Chapman
and W. T. Matlock, Champoeg; A. J. Hembree, 11. C. Kinney and
J. B. Walling, Yamhill; J. Dunlap and J. Conser, Linn; H. N.
^'. Holmes and S. Burch, Polk; M. T. Simmons, Lewis, Vancouver
and Clatsop; J. L. Mulkey and G. B. Smith, J3ent()n.

The Legislature asseni])led at Oregon City, July 10, 1849, and
held a l)rief session, in which they apportioned their future mem-
bership; changed the names of Champoeg, Tualiitin and Vancouver
counties to "Marion," "Washington," and "Clarke," respectively;
(U'cided what officers the various counties should have, and provided
for their election the following' October, and divided the Territory
into three judicial districts. In October the county elections were
held and the officers chosen qualified immediately. This Wiw the last
step in the comjdete organi^iation of the government under the
Oregon Bill.

The yar ISoO opened auspi lously for Oregon. A custom
house had bt'cn established at A-Loria, and regular steamer comnui-
nication opened ))et\veen the accessil)le ports on the Willamette
and San Francisco. Oregon contained then a do/en aspiring
towns — Astoria, St. Helens, Milton (one and one-half miles above
St. Helens), Portland, Milwaukie, Oregon City, Champoeg, Syra-
c»ise, Alban\, Marysville (Corvallis), Cincinnati, Hill^l.ro, Lafay-
ette, Salem, Lexington (on Clatsop Plains). Between Milwaukie
and Portland there was much rivalry, eacrh aspiring to be the head
wf pc!'uianfcnt navigation for ocean steamers; and this was shared

l:i

334

HISTORY OK WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

at times hy St. Helens, as well as other ambitious points which
never acquired mucli greater dignity than a mere name. It was
found that navigation to Milwaukie was not practicable in low-water
season, and even Portland was considered as too far up at one time,
owing to the troublesome bar at Swan Island. The steamship com-
pany decided to make St. Helens, or Columbia City (a new town
below the mouth of the Willamette), the terminus, ])ut were quickly
brought back to Portland by a movement on the part of the mer-
chants of that city to establish an opposition line. Since then, with
but one e.vce^^tion, the ocean steamship terminus has remained con-
stantly at the city of Poi-tland.

The military headquarters were at Oregon City in 1849-50, and
at that point the greatei' portion of the First Mounted Rifles were
stationed, the remainder taking post at N^mcouver, Astoria and on
Puget Sound. The regiment was commanded by (Colonel Loring,
afterwards txeneral, who achieved a reputation in Egypt, as Loring
Pasha. Early in the spring of 1850, a majoi'ity of the men suc-
cum]>ed to the seductive influence of the gold excitement and deserted.
Fully four hundred of them started foi- the Califoi-nia mines, and at
Eugene City fortified themselves so that the soldiers and citizens
who pursued them coidd not effect their captiu'e. They then
started soutii in small bands. Governor Lane was appealed to by
the commanding officer, and hastily collecting a company of volun-
teers he ])Ui'sued and o\'ertook a body of them in Rogue River Val-
ley, who surrendered to him without resistance. Of the four hundred
desertei^s, two hundred and sixty were thus captured, the remainder
succeeding in i-eaching California and losing themselves among the
miners.

In April, IHoO, (Tovernoi- liane ivceived notification that he had
l)een removed by the Whig President, Taylor, and Major John P.
Gaines apj>ointed in his place on the second of the previous October.
( )n the twenty-seventh of May, he wrote to the Secretary of War
that he was about to start for Rogue River, to make a treaty with
the Indians of that region, which he hoped to conclude by the
eighteenth of June, and this date he fixed as the termination of his
official duties. The new (rc^vernor had not yet arrived, and (xov.
Lane set out inmiediately. He came to an amicable understanding
with this turl)ulent tribe, and then j)assed into California to try his

OREGON AS A TERRITORY.

335

fortune in the nimew. It wsis during this time that the Cayuse hos-
tages were tried and executed at Oi-egun City, the uncertainty a-s to
whether he was still in Oregon or not pi'eventing the Secretary from
jissuming an} authorit}'.

The general election for county officers and nusmbei's of the L«'g-
islature was held in June. The new Tei'i-itorial officers ari'ived in
August, 8eptem))er, October and November — Governor (laines
assuming his duties on the nineteenth of Scj)t('mber, l)eing careful,
however, to draw his salary fi'om the date of his ai»poinf nient, nearly
a year befoiv. The other new officials wer*^: Edward Uaniilttui,
Secretary-; John McLean and William Strong, Judges; Amor\ JIol-
br«)ok, United States Attorney; John Adair, Collector <»f Custon.s;
Henry II. Spalding, Indian Agent; Joseph L. Meek retained the
office of Marshal. The Legislature assend>led in December; being
strongly Democratic in its composition, a want of harmony was at
once developed between it and tlie Whig Territorial officers. In
some respects this was the most im[»ortant legislative session ever
held in Oreg«>n. Hut little had been accomplished the previous
year, and it devolved u[)on this session to give Oregon a code *>f
laws, and legislate for the radical!) new state of aifairs brought
about by a Territorial form uovernment, and the great increase
in population and the sud<h'ii < .niticial awakening. It \>as<om-
|)ose(l of the leading and representative men of the Territory, and
ably perfoi'med its function.

Three newspapers spi-ang into being in ihe winter <>f 1<S5()-51.
On the twenty -ninth of Novend)er, IS.lo, the first nund«" of the
Wcs/i'rn S/ar ',{])\H'HVvd at Milwaukie, then a forii i(Uibh' rival of
Portland for metropolitan hon«»rs. Lot Whitcoiub was the pub-
lisher, .lohn Oi'vis A\'aterman the editor, and Waterman and W. D.
Carter the printers. On the fourth of December, Thorn J. Dryer
began the publication of the On'jfofimn at Portland . prospectus

for a paper at Oregon City had >)een iss\ied by Ivussell the fall

before, also by Asahel Bush, but as they had no material they were
compelled to delay publication. Mr. Bush was elected Public
Printer by the Legislature, notwithstanding the fact that he was
utterly without facilities for <lischarging the duties of the offi(!e, while
the S/ar and Onj^oiiiaii were ignored. In March his material
arrived, and the Hrst number of the Sla/esiffan was issued at Oregon

•'-I

336

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

City. Mr. Bu.sh was a representative Democrat, and the Statesman
for yeaiN. while un(hr hits control, vvas the mouthpiece and official
organ of the dominant faction of the Democratic party. The Star
was also Democratic, but did not enjoy such a generous proportion
of the "loav«-s and fishes" as did the official organ. The Oregonian
was a Whig paper of the most pronounced type, and Mr. Dryer
was a man »»f strong prejudice^i, energetic character and fiery dispo-
sition. He hatl l)ut one standard of measiu'ement — political opin-
ion. Everything that savored of Whiggery was good, while any-
thing in the lejist tainted with Democracy was vile. The papers
were full of politics and personal abuse, based upon political con-
duct — the Ongonian and Statesman presenting the most marked
antagonism. It was then the " Oregon style " of journalism had
its l>irth. and Nourished like the product of the mustard seed for a
series of veal's. Argument gave Avay to invective; intelligent dis-
cussion of jwlitical affairs there was none; the presentation of the
most trivial piece of news was done in such a manner that its truth
vvas made of secondary importance to its political effect, and even
the most common oi the social amenities were lost in the whirlpool
of political animosity. Whatever may })e said of other things as
compareil with juoneer days, there has cei'tainly ])eeu a vast and
most gratifying improvement in the chai'acter of Oregon journalism.
In the fall «»f 1S50, Lot Whitcomb l)egan, at Milwaukie, the
construction of a snuill steamer to ply upon the AVillamette and
Columbia, the pioneer of the great fleet which, in later years, bore
the whole inland conmierce of this I'egion. A pul)lic met'ting wjis
held in the hall of the House of Representatives at Oregon City,
early in December, at wliidi it was decided to name the steamer the
"■ Lot Whitcomb of Oregon,"' and a stand of colors was presented
to the enterprising owner. On ('hristmas day the little craft wjus
laiuiche<], amid the peal of cannon and the cheei-s of a great crowd
of people who had jissembled to witness the event, Governcn* (ilaines
formalh christenins her as above. This was followed by a strand
ball in the evening. When the salute was fired. Captain Frederick
Morse, of the schooner Merchantman^ which was then in port, was
killed by the bursting of a cannon The steamer, a month later,
made a trial trip, with a company of invit*^! guests, to A'ancouver
and Astoria. She then took li< i- place as a passenger and freight

OREGON AS A TERRITORY.

X\7

boat, and did excellent service. Captain Whitcoml) retired fi*om
the S^ar, and in June, 1851, Waterman tfe Carter moved it to Port-
land, and changed its name to the Oregon Weekly Tifues, being led
to take this step by the plainly apparent fact that Portland was the
coming metropolis of Oregon.

On the ninth of April, 1851, Samuel R. Thurston, Delegate to
Congress, while on his way V)acl< to Oregon, died on board the steamer
California, while between Panama and Acapulco, antl was biu'ied
at the latter place. The news reached Oregon a few weeks latei" —
a month prior to the general election at which his successor was to
be elected — and caused a general expression of sorrow from the
people. At its next session the Legislature bestowed his name
upon a county north of the Columbia River, now a portion of Wash-
ington Territory, and later defrayed the expense of bringing his
body to Oregon for burial. The general election was held on the
second of June, and General Lane, who had returned from the mines
of Northern California, l)ecame the Democratic candidate for Dele-
gate to Congress. He received 2,0i)3 votes, while only 548 were
cast for William H. AVillson, his Whig opponent.

There were other things than politics to interest the people in
1851 and 1852. Early in 1851, gold was discovered in Southern
Oregon; several thousands of miners crowded into the diggings on
the tributaries of Rogue River, and the town of Jacksonville sprang
suddenly into existence. This opened a new market for Oregon
products, and added greatly to the prosperity of the Willamette
Valley. In an effort to find a suital)le seaport for a base of sup-
plies for the new mines, the llmp(iua River was entered and several
towns laid out, the most important of which was Scottsl)urg. The
following year Douglas and Jackson counties were oigani/.ed, from
which Coos, Curry and Josephine were, in later years, cut off. The
mines in Northern California, at Yreka (tlien called Shasta Butte
City), and along Klamath and Scott rivers, also drew heavily upon
the Willamette Valley for sujtpoit. The discovery of gold in the
Rogue River region led to the innnediate occupation of choice loca-
tions in the valley by farmers, who raised hay, grain and vegetables
for the mines. Quite a number of these h)catioris were nuide in
1851, and in two or three years the best piirt of the valley was
occupied. In the Umi>(T[ua region, also, settlements, which were but

338

UISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

few prior to 1850, began to be more numerous, and in a few years
(juite a population was found in Southern Oregon, exclusive of those
<'ngaged in mining. The Indians of Rogue River Valley had shown
a hostile spirit ever since the first Americans passt^d through their
country, as has i)een shown in the narrative of se\'eral earl}- «!\'ents,
and numei-ous collisions occurred between them and parties passing to
and fi-o l)etAveen the mines and the Willamette Valley; several men
were killed in this way, and many pack an<l saddle animals stolen.
Brevet ]\Iajor (afterwards General) Phil. Kearney, while passing
through that region, on his way fi'om Vancouver to Benicia, with
two comj)anies of troops, was appealed to for aid in punishing the
Indians. They came upon the savages on the bank of the river ten
miles above Table Rock. Captain AValker took liis company of
infantrymen across the river, to get in the rear of the enemy, while
Captain Stewart dismounted his dragoons and made an attack upon
the raucheria. The Indians fled with the loss of several of their
iuim])er. The only casualty on the part of the troops was the death
of Captain Ste\\'art, a gallant officer who had won distinction in the
Mexican AN ar, who ^\ as shot with an arrow by a wounded Indian
after the battle was over. Later in the day a more severe battle
wa^ fought.

Kearney was soon joined l)y Major Alvord, who, witli a military
escort, was engaged in surveying a route for a military road through
Southei-n Oregon. AA^ith him was Jesse Applegate. (General Lane
happened to be passing through the coiuitry with a number of
others, and ujwn hearing the news at once hastened to the aid of
the military. The united force of soldiers and civilians then set
out in pursuit of the sa^•ages. In a short time they came upon a
party of them, who fled upon being charged, and escaped in the
chaparral, leaving one of their number dead on the ground. Late
in the evening another band was encountered and several were
wounded, while twelve women and children were captured. The
next day a long march revealed no enemy. The troops then con-
tinued their march south, and the civilians returned to their homes
and mines, or resumed their uninterrupted journeys. Soon after-
wards Governor Gaines went to Rogue River Valley and negotiated
a treaty with a portion of the Indians, assigning them a reservation
north of the river. Soon afterwards Dr. Anaon Dart was designated

OREGON AS A TEURITOHY.

330

Superintendent of Indian Affairs by the President, and he appointed
A. A. Skinner agent for the Indians of that region. In spite of the
treaty, trouble continued to arista between the incoming setth'rs and
the native proprietors. A detaclinient of tro()])s was stationed at
Port Orford, under the impression that it was tlie nearest practica-
ble route to the valley, though it was soon discovered that commu-
nication between those two points was difficult and hazai'dons.
There had ))een trouble at Port Orford, and a party of men had
been besieged on Battle Rock in that harboi-. An exjdoring expe.
dition from Rogue River Valley to the coast, headed b}' W. G.
T' Vault, had met with disaster; consequently, Lieutenant-Colonel
Casey led a detachment of troops up Coquille River, and severely
punished the hostile Indians.

Early in the summer of 1852, the Rogue River Indians began to
give signs of an intention to go on the war path, and Agent Skin-
ner arranged for a peace talk to settle all cause of grievance. A
company of men, conimanded by J. K. Lamerick, went to the Big
Bend, the scene of the proposed (conference. There they met a small
company, under Judge Elijah Steele, wlu) had come over fi-om
Yreka in search of two Indian murderers. During the progress of
the council a fight began and thirteen Indians were killed. The
next day, aiter a brief conflict, the Indians (expressed a desire to
make peace, and it was agreed that hostilities should cease. A few
weeks later the Modocs begran massacring emigrants who were
passing through their country around Tule Lake. Two companies
from Yreka, under Charles McDermit and Ben Wriglit, and one
from Jacksonville, under John E. Ross, hastened to the scene of
difficulty, buried the mangled bodies of two score emigi'ants, guarded
the incoming trains, and severely chastised the savages. In the fall
of 1852 it was decided to establish a military post for the protec-
tion of Northern California aui^ Southern Oregon. Major Fitz-
gerald accordingly built Fort Jones, in Scott Valley, and gai'risoned
it with his company of dragoons. He was soon succeeded in com-
mand by Captain B. R. Alden. The subsequent hostilities in that
regi(m are related in another cliaptei-.

On the thirty-first of Januar}, 1852, the steamer General If'ar-
ren was wrecked at the mouth of the Columbia River. She sailed
from Astoria for San Francisco on the twenty-eighth of January,

: II

I t;

340

niSTOKY OF WILLAMKTTK VALLEY.

find was safely taken to sea by the })ai' pilot, Captain (Teorge Flavel.
On the second clay out she niet with heavy weather and began to
make water so alarmingly that the captain, Charles TlK)mj>s(>n, put
about f»»r the pur]iose of returning to Astoria, as she had uia«h' but
slight progress. Captain Flavel was picked n\^ off the l»ar and
tottk the steamer across, ])ut when just inside she refused to nnnd
her helm antl (h-ifted u|)on Sand Island. She again floated into
deep water, wheii it was discovered that she would sink within a
f«nv minutes. As a last resort. Captain Thompson ordered the pilot
to beach the \'essel on C'latsop Spit. As soon as slu' struck, the sea
l»egan to l)reak over hei-. This was at seven o'clock in the evening,
and two houi-s later she broke in tvvo. The passengers and ci-ew clung
to the \\reck with the hope that it would lu)ld together until morn-
ing, but at about three o'clock Captaivi Thompson selected a crew
of ten men, and putting them in the only boat left, rei[Uesteil Cap-
tain Flavel to take conimand and go for aid. After a long and
exceedingly hazardous trip they reached Astoria, sent a volunteer
crew back to the wreck in a whale boat and followeil in another
one themselves. When they reached Clatsop Spit they were unable
to disco^ er even a vestige of the steamer. She had broken in pieces
and been swe]>t out to sea with the forty-two human >>eings who
had dung to her. The steamer Avas an unseaworthy hulk that
should have been condemned long before.

The immigration of 1852 wa** very large. The tide which had
turned towards California (bn'iug the few years immediately follow-
ing the discovery of gold, now set in towards Oregon again. Pra<--
tical experience in the mines had sei'ved to dispel, in a measure, the
glamoiu* surrounding them, and j)eople with their eyes turneil west-
ward beican to realize that the homestead the ujoverument srener-
oiisly offered them in Oregon was preferable to tlie hazardous occu-
pation of a miner. Many of them came with the intention of fii'st
locating a permanent home in the beautiful Willamette Valley and
then make a trip to the mines to " try their luck," returning again
to their laud claim when satisfied with their experience with the
I'ocker and sluice-box. The season was dry, and the great throng
of cattle and horses soon disposed of every vestige of gi'ass along
th(^ route, so that thousands of stock coming later in the simimer
famished and died, their putrid carcasses marking the routt' for those

OTJF.OOX AS A TERRITOUV.

H41

who rarne jifter. TIumv was much sickness, too. among the emi-
grants, <'ause(l l)y scarcitv of water and food, for the slow progress
mach^ l»y the enfeel»]ed cattle caused the supplies in many of the
wagons to give out long before the Columbia was reached, while
some emiixrants wiiosc stock all dietl had to struy-ffle alonj; on foot
with only such food as could be packed upon their backs. Wlien
news of the famishing condition of the emigrants reached the Wil-
lamette, the people held public meetings in various places, to receive
donations of money and supplies, and appoint commissioners to
attend to their pi'oper distribution. Flour and beef -cattle were the
chief form in which aid was sent. Headquarters were established
at The Dalles, and men went out on the route as far as the Grand
Ronde Valle}- to carry food to tliose who were suffering. This
movement of the |)eople was spontaneous and unselfisli in the highest
degree, and the men who gave their services did so without asking
or receiving an} reward whatever; and yet loud complaints w(?re
made l)y some of the emigrants because they did not receive as
large a share as they deemed themselves entitled to. At the Uma-
tilla Agency — then called " I'tilla" — -Sylvester and John H. Hall
interviewed the emigrants as tlu^y passed by, and took the name,
age, and former residence of those who had died on the route.
Their list, which must have been nearly complete, contained one
h\mdred and twenty-one names, neai'ly all adults, chiefly from Illi-
nois, Iowa and Missouri, and wa.s published in Portland on the
eleventh of December, 1852. It nuiy be found by refei-ring to the
ohi files of the Times, or Orcgojuau. Anctther list, taken from tlie
Sacramento Union, was pu])lished in tlie Z»//f.v, November 2(», 1852,
i^ivinij names of those wIk^ died in the California trains, but em-
l»racing the losses of tlie entire emigration east of F()rt Hall.

On the first of January, 1853, and for a day or two following,
occurred a disastrous flood in the AVillamette. Heavy falls of snow
in December were followed by copious warm rains, converting every
brook into a foaming torrent and the river into a rau-inij flood. Tlie
steamer Lot Whitcomh was wrecked near Milwaukie, but was after-
wards raised and n'paired. At Oregon City, the old Abernethy
store, McLoughlin's saw mill, the Island l)ridge, and other objects
were washed away. General Palmer''s mill, at Dayton, was carried
down the stream, a number of tenements at Linn (/ity started on a

IlISTOKT OF WriLLAMKTTE VALLKY.

voyage lo the Coliiiiihiji, and luucli damage was done all along the
stream. During the seven; weather which preceded the flood, large
numbers of cattle, hoi'ses and mules died on the plains east of The
Dalles. Many t>f them had been left there by the emigrants, to be
gi'azed during the winter, while othei-s belonged to men who had
already gone into the cattle Inisiness on tlu)se since famous bunch-
grass ranges. But a small percentage of the stock survi\ed.

The Legislature assembled at Salem in Decend)er, 1852, as did
also the Supreme Court, the Whigs having been convinced that Salem
was the leoal seat of <;overnment. The Democrats still nuiintained
a political ascendency, and when Governor (xaines addressed them
a long gubernatorial message at the opening of the session, they
declined to receive it, on the ground that as the Governor was not
required to sign acts passed by them, and did not even possess the
veto power, he was in no sense a portion of the legislative branch
of the government, and had no more right to inflict them with mes-
sages than any j)rivate citizen. Had the executive been of the right
political faith they ^\•ould, no doubt, have listened to a message
fi'om him as long as the moral law. During the session the subject
of a State constitution was much discussed, and a bill providing for
the holding of a convention passed the house, but died in the senate.

The question of a division of the Territory also received the
attention of the Legislature. Oregon at that time contained three
hundred and forty-one thousand S(piare miles, e([ual in area to the
six great States of hidiana, Illinois, Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota and
Wisconsin, by fai- too large for admission into the Union as a single
State. Through it ran the great Columbia River, dividing it into
neai'ly eipuil northern and southern parts, from the ocean to old
Fort Walla Walla, where the stream made a long sweep to the north.
The great centers of j)opulation were the Willamette, Umpcjua and
Rogue River valleys. The region north and w'est of the Columbia
was known as " Northern Oregon,'' and, during the previous five
or six yeai's, had become quite po[)ulous. Quite extensive ship-
ments of coal, lumber and fish wei-e being made from Puget Sound,
on which three saw mills had already been established. The chief
settlements in Northern Oregon at that time were: Pacific City and
Chinook, near the mouth of the Colund)ia; Vancouver, occupied by
the Hudson's Bay Company and a large number of employes,

OKKOON AS A TERIUTOUY.

UnittHl Stiitt's troops, nud many Aau'i'i<.aii.s who liiul .scttlfd in or
near t\w town; Foils Walla Walla, Okinagan and Colville, further
up the Coliunhia; Fort Nis(jually, on the Sound, belonging to the
Puget Sound Agricultural Company; Olynipia; New Market, or
Tumwati'r; Steilaeoom, and Port Townsend, on the Sound, and
many locations for agi'it iiltural purposes, especially along the Cow-
litz, where the little towji of Monticello was h)cated. Besides l)eing
separated by a natural geogi-aphical boundary, the interests of the
two sections were, to a large extent, different and often conflicting,
and, as Northern Oregon was in a hopeless minority in the legisla-
ture, it could accomplish nothing for itself in the matter of legisla-
tion. The people of that region greatly desired self-govermnent,
and their fellow pioneers of the Willamette were willing they should
have it.

The first steji taken was on the foui'th of Jxily, 1851, when a
public mcieting was held in 01ym]>ia, to consider the (^LUi'stion of a
conv(>ntion of delegates to memorialize Congress on the subject.
Another was held in Cowlitz Precinct on the seventh, and on the
twenty-third of August still another at Steilaeoom. Nothing defi-
nite was agreed upon. In September, 1852, T. F. McElroy and
J. W. Wiley founded the Columbian at (>lym[)ia, and l)egan tit uuce
to advocate a separate govermnent. On the twenty-fifth of the fol-
lowing Novend)er a convention of delegates assembled at Monticello
and prepared a memorial to Congress, which was forwarded to
Wjishington and presented ])y Delegate Lane to Congress. He
had previously prcxnired the introduction of a bill by the Commit-
tee on Territories t(i create the Territory of Columbia. This was
amended by changing the name to " Washington," and finally
pass(?d, receiving the President's approxal on the third of March.
The Oregon Legislature luul addressed a memorial to Congress
requesting such action as above, but it tlid not reach Washington
in time to be of service. The new Territory embraced all of Ore-
gon north of the Columbia River and the forty-sixth paralltO, with
Olympia as the seat of government. Major Isaac I. Stevens, of the
U. S. Engineers, was aj^jijointed Governor by President Pierce;
Charles II. Masim, Secretary; J. S. Clendenin, Attorney; J. Pattern
Anderson, Marshal; Edward Lander, Victor Monroe, and O. B.
McFaddeu, Judges. The Governor's prochimation assuming the

I I'M

! ill

.'U4

HISTORY OP WILLAMKTTK VALI-EY.

duties of his otticc was issued while he was crossing the Rocky
Mi)untaius, SepteiidxT '2d, IS");!

On the tifttH'uth of Marcli, 18515, less tliaii two weeks after his
inauguration, PiH'sidcnt Pieroe made a clean sweep of the Whig
otticials of Oregon, and a|)[)ointed Democrats in theii* i)laces, as fol-
lows: Governor, (reiieral Joseph Lane; Seci-etary, (leo. L. Curry;
Chief Justice, (ico. 11. Williams; Associate Justices, Matthew P.
Deady and Cyrus Olney ; Marshal, Jam<'s W. Nesmith; Collector of
Customs, John Adair; Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Joel L.
Palmer; Attorney, Benjamin F. Harding, (rovernor Lane reached
Portland, hy steamer, on the fourteenth of May, and was tendered
a pulilie reception in that city. He was nominated hy the Demo-
crats to succeed himself as Delegate to Congress, having for an
opponent, A. A. Skinner, of Jacksonville, the " People's Candidate."
The election was held on the sixth of June, Lane receiving four
thousand five hundred and si.xteen votes, and Skinner two thousand
nine hundred and fifty-one. General Lane soon departe<l again for
Washington, leaving the executive office in the hands of Seo'etary
Curry, who was later appointed Governor. In November, John W.
Davis was appointed Governor, and O. B. McFadden, Justice, vice
Deady removed. Deady was re-apjjoiuted in August, 1854, 7'!ce
McFadden resigned.

The Legislatiwe met in December, 18.").'], the government being
then Democratic in all its 1 tranches. During the session the coun-
ties of Coos, Columbia, Tillamook and Wasco were created. The
formati<Mi of a State constitution was a pet measure among the
leaders of the Democratic party, and they had but little trouble in
))assing a bill to test the opinion of the people on the subject at the
next June election. The Wiiigs were opposed to the movement for
the same i-eason that the Democrats favored it — the present strength
of th(,' lattei' at the polls, Avhich would give them control of the gov-
ernment and su[)[)ly fat offices for the leaders of the movement. At
the same time General Lane was endeavoring at Washington to
have Congress authoi'ize the peojde of Oregon to frame a constitu-
tion, but unsuccessfully. The election was held on the fifth of
June, resulting in a defeat of the measure by a vote of three thou-
sand two hundred and ten in favor of it to four thousand and sev-
enty-nine opposed, notwithstanding the fact that in other respects

OREOON AS A TKIMJITOKV

:ur.

the TerriLui'} gave ji large Deiiiocratic inajt>rity. 'I'lie greatest eou-
trast was in Jaeks )ii County, a great Deuiocratic stroiighdld, whieli
voted almost inianiinously against it. The secret of this was that
a movement was on fot>l in tliat regicm to have; a n(;v\' territory cre-
ated out of Nortln'rn California and Southei'n Oregon, and the ad-
mission of Oregon into the rnit)n woulil be fatal to the scheme.
Nothing daunted, the Democratic leaders and newsj>a[)ers at once
made that an issue for the next election.

Govt^rn<»r Davis resij^ncd and started for his hom<i in Indiana on
the fifth of August, 1854, and the executive duties again devolved
up<m the Secretary, (Tcorge L. Curiy. lie wa? afterwards ap-
pointed Governor, and B. F. Harding was appointed Secretary, V)e-
ing succeeded as Attorney hy W. II, Farrar. The Legislature con-
vened at Salem in December, and one of the first (juestions it con-
sidered was the creation of a county along both sides the Willam-
ette from above Milwaukie to its mouth, taking in portions of
Clackamas and Washington. A bill of a similar natiu-e had been
presented to the former Legislature, but too late in the session to
secure favorable action. The county seat of Washington was at
Hillsboro, and the peoj)le of Porthiftd, now becoming quite a city,
desired a county of their own. The peculiar shape of the proposed
county won for it the jocuhir name of "Boot," but tliough this may
have been extremely funny it did not prevent the bill for the crea-
tion of Multnomah County passing the House on the twenty-third
of DecemV)er by a vote of twenty-one to four. It also passed
through the Council. Later in the session another new county effort
came to grief. After much discussion in the House on a l)ill to
create Willamette Comity out of portions of Yamhill, Clackamas
and Marion, with county seat at Cham|)oeg, it was indefinitely post-
poned. A bill passed on the thirteenth of January, IH.");"), removing
the seat of Territorial Government from Salem to Corvallis and
the LIniversity from Corvallis to Jacksonville.

The subject of a constitutional convention occupied much time
during the session of this Legislature. The discussion was warm
and protracted. Action, at one time, took the form of appointing
a committee t(^) draft i>ne, but finally the controversy ended by the
passage of a bill to take the sense of the people on the subject at
the next general election. At the same time General Lane was

34r>

mSTOIlY OK WILLAMETTE VALl-EY.

seeking to liave Cuiigi-ess to ])ass a l)ill authorizing a State constitu-
tion to ))e f(inne(l V)y the p<'ople living west of the Cascades and
south of the Columl)ia, but without success, beyond passing it
througli the House. At the June election the State went strongly
Democratic, Geu(n'al Lane defeating John P. Gaines for Delegate
by a vote of six thousand one hundred and seventy-eight to three
thousand ni^e hundred and forty-three. Gaines was the candidate
of the American, or Know-Nothing, party, which had succeeded the
Whig organi/>ation as tlie opponent ol" DeuKJcracy. Notwithstand-
ing the great majority, the Constitutional Convention, a pet measure
of the Democratic leaders, was again defeated, and, as l)efore, by
Jackson County, which gave a Lune majority of one hundred and
forty-two, and against convention of four hundred and twenty-tw(».
The convention was defeated by a Vdtc of foui- tiiousand eight hun-
dred md thirty-fivt' to four thousand foui- hundi'ed and twenty, a
majority of four hundred and iifteen, or seven less than in Jackson
County. The opposition fought the constitution project fiercely, and
were aided ])y Deinocrats in Jackson who still cherished the idea
of a new Territory, and others who looked upon tlie State move-
ment as pi'emature.

In A[)ril Mr. Bush moved the Sfak'suian from Salem to Corval-
lis, a>i he had previously done from Oregon C^ity to Salem. Mucli
fun was made of the paper which was being carted about the Ter-
ritory " on wheels,'M)ut the publisher replieil that the Siatesnnin
was published at the seat of govenunj'nt, wherever that might
chance to be. Th<^ opposition to '-emoval of the seat of govern-
ment to Corvallis was very strong. Work had been commenced by
contractors on the [)ubli(' buildings at Salem, \vhicli was at once
discontimied. The matter was at once referred to the Secretary of
the Treasury by Governoi urry for instructions as to the cours(» to
pui*sue in regard to money to be e.vpended for puldie buildings.
Early in July he received instructions from the department not to
annul existing eonti'acts nor make new ones, and not to remove his
otH( J from Salem, as the rehtcation act was deemed inoperative
till acted upon by Congress. Conti'actors at once resumed work on
the l)uildings at I'alem. (iovernor Curry and Scu-retary Harding
promptly remo'-ed the'r olfit-es )>ack to Salem, in aci-ordance with
iustructions, and again Oregon had two capitals.

OREGON AS A TETilUTOnY

347

The incidents attending- the discover}' of gold, and the Indian
wars of 1855 to 1858, are related at length in subserjuent chapters.
On the second of November, 1855, the Pacific Telegraph Company
began stretching wires south from Portland. The first telegraphic
message in Oregon was sent over this wire from Oi'egon City to
Portland, on the sixteenth of November, 1855. It was as follows:

OHKfioN City, Fikhiy Iti, o i'. m.
First flaah from Oregon City to Portland. Coinplinients of tlie Pacilie Telegraph
Company to the editor of the Orrgonian. How are you, old fellow? (iive us your
hand, rieawe .send us the latctst news from The Ualles and Yakima country. [This
was just after Major Haller's defeat i»i Yakima.] Any news of interest from Pugct
Sound? The machine.^ work well. More to-morrow.

CHAS. F. .JONES.

In Septem1)er, Secretaiy Harding received instructions from
Washington not to disburse any money for public buildings not
located in Salem, nor for mileage or pay of membcr.s of Legislature
meeting at any place except Salem. This settled the (juestion prac-
tically,- and it became the general opinion i)f mendiers that they
must a.ssemlde at Corvallis for sake of legality, but nuist adjiturn
at once to Salem, for sake of their salaries. On the third of Decem-
ber both houses convened at Corvallis, and the first bill introduced —
on the sixth — was to relocate the seat of government at Salem.
The House passed it on the tenth, to take effect on the twelfth. It
was reported at once to the Council and an efport made to rush it
through, which failed for want of a (luorum. The next day motions
were made to amend, so as to sul)mit it to popular vote, also to
sub.stitute Eugene City for Salem, then Portland, Roseburg and
Albany, all of which were <lefeate(l. On the twelfth it was amended
to take effect the fifteenth, and passed. The House concurred in the
amendment the same day. The members at once journeyed t(»
Salem, accompanied by the S/d/csfJum^ and the s(!ssictn was reo])ened
on the eighteenth. On the night <»f the twenty-ninth the State
House — nearly completed — was destroyed by fire, togethei' with the
library and archives of the Ttirritory. It was conceded t(» be the
work of an incendiary. A bill was introduced into the House for
submitting the ([uestion of location of the capital to popular vote
at the ne.xt general electit>n. It passed Uiuster in both houses and
became a law.

Just before th<' session came to a dose, a bill providing for an
election, in April, of delegates to a convention in July, which should

348

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

frame a constitution, to he voted upon at tlie next general election,
Avas rushed through the House, under a sus^jension of the rules.
The Council was equally prompt in passing it. At the election
eight thousand four hundi'ed and forty-three votes were cast, and a
majority of two hundred and forty-nine were in favor of not hold-
ing a convention. The deh'gates elected never attempted to as-
semble.

At the general election in June the voters indicated their pref-
erence for a permanent seat of go\'ernment. The act provided that
in case no town had a clear majority of all the votes cast, a special
election should l)e held the first Monday in October, to decide
between the two I'eceiving tht( greatest nund»er. Tlie l)allots, as cast,
and canvassed in the different counties, gave the four leading con-
testants the following \'otes: Eugene City, two thousand si.\ hun-
dred and twenty-seven; Corvallis, two thousand three hundred and
twenty-seven; Salem, two thousand one hundred and one; Portland,
one thousand one hundred and fifty -four. Neither had a majority,
but Eugene City and Corvallis were the highest two, and between
them the final decision was to be made in October. So it was pid)-
blished in all tlie j)apers, and so it was understood universally. There
Wiis a sur[)rise in store for everybody. It was one of the provisions
of the act that the returns should Ite Hied with the Secretary of the
Territory within forty days, and at the e.K[)iration of that time he was
to canvass them and officially declare the result. The counties of
Wasco, Tillamook, Jackson, and Josejihine failed to c(tinply with the
law in this respect, and were omitted from the canvass. Corvallis
had received a large majority in Jackson County, and the loss of it
placed her behind Salem. The oificial result was certified by Sec-
retary Harding, as follows: Eugene, two thousand three hundred
and niimteeii; Salem, tA\<> thousand and forty-iiiiic; Corvallis, one
thousand nine hundred and ninety-eight; Portland, one tii(»usand
one hundn^ and tifty-four. In accordance with this, a special elec-
tion was called foi' the first Monday in Octobei', to decide finally
between Eugene City and Salem. It is needless to say tliat the
people genei-ally were very nmch disgusted, while the citizens of
Corvallis were greatly incensed. The sul)jeet was nuich discussed,
and it became known that the authorities at Washington held that
Salem was the seat of government by virtue of an act of Congress,

OKKfiON AS A TKHIMTOKY.

340

whicli act neitliei- the Legislature nor jieople had the power to
change; and that no money would l>e ])Hid for tlie construction of
public })uildings or rcuital of offices at any other point, or for the
expenses of a legislative session held at an>' place l)ut Salem,
(xeneral apathy followed, and \vhen the first Moixhiy in ( )ct()ber came
aroimd few people took the trouble to vote. Less than a hundred
votes were cast in the city of J'ortlani!, while in many places no polls
were opened whatever. Curry, Marion, Tillamook, Polk and
Wasco made no retni-ns to the Secretary. Of the legal votes ca-st,
Kngene City received two thousand five hundred and fifty-nine, and
Salem four hundred and. forty -four. (Jorvallis received one regular
vote, and three lnui(h'ed and eighteen irr<'gular ones, the latter be-
ing cast by the citizen-^ of that place, who did not propose to }>v,
t'heated out of their honors l)y a mei'e technicality, but who did
not open their polls in a regular manner.

According to the I'eturns of the special election Kugene City be-
came the seat of justice; ))ut the electi<in was ignored, and both
the Legislatui'e and the Supreme Court assembled at Salem in De-
cember. No salary would have been received by the meuibei-.s had
they met in Salem, and there was danger that Congress would de-
clare the session illegal. These difficulties were obviated })v re-
maining in Salem. The (piestion of a constitutional convention
again came l»efore the Legislature, and an act was [)assed providing
for the holding of one in iVugust, 1S57, provided the people so de-
cided at the |)r<'vious June election, at which time, also, delegates
were to be chosen. A great change had come over the sentiments
of the people on this (piestion, owing to divers causes. The people
of Jackson and Josephine counties had Mbandoned their idea of a
new Territory; the people generally had become tired of the crudi-
ties and annoyances of a teri'itorial government; and, finally, the
Territoiy had claims to the amount of several million dollars against
the Government for expenses incurred in the Indian wars, and it
was evident to all that they stood a much better chance of securing
these witji two Seiiatoi's and a Representative to talk and vote for
them, than simply with a Delegate who had no vote at'all. The
conse((uence of this revolution in popular sentinn-nt was a great ma-
jority in favor of a coiixention, the vote standing seven thousand two
hundred and nine to one th«»usaud six hundred and sixteen. Gen-

350

HISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

eral Lane wa.-* again the Democratic nominee for Delegate, and was
electeil, i-eceiving five thousand six hundred and sixty-two votes.
There wa^ uo reguhirly oi'ganized op[)ositit)U, since the Whig party
was di'ad. the American, or Knovv-Nothing luid become disorgan-
izwl, and the new lve[>ul)lican party had not been organized a.s yet
in Oregon. The oj>position concentiated on G. W. Lavvson as an
indepen»hM»t randidate, and gave him three thousand four lumdred
and sev»iity-oue vot'.'s, ;? minority of two thousand «»ne hundred
and ninety-one.

Tlie delegates convened at Salem on the seventeenth of August,
1857, and ««rganized by electing M, P. Deady, President, and C. N.
Terry, Secretary. Aftei- an animated session the convention ad-
journetl on the eighteenth of Septend)er, theii- work, {is a whole,
being adopteil by a vote of thirty-five to ten — fifteen membei-s ])eing
absent. The follouing gentlemen composed the ccmvention: —
Btiitou—oiAnx Kelsay, H. C. Le\v'is, II. B. Nicluds, Wm. Matzger;
Clatsop — ^Cyrus Olney; Columbia — John W. Watts; Clackamas —
James K. Kelly, A. L. Lovejoy, AVm. A. Starkweather, 11. Camp-
bell, Nathaniel Robbins; Coos —V. B. Marple; Curry — William H.
Packwo«Ml: Douglas — M. P. Deady, Solonum Fitzhuirh, Stephen S.
Chad wick. Thomas AVhitted ; /asYy^/z/wr— S. B. Hendershott, AV. II.
^i\iVm<\ Jackson — L. J. V. Duncan, J. IT. Reed, Daniel Newcomb,
P. P. Prim; Linn — Delazon Smith, Luther Elkins, John T. Crooks,
J. II. Brattain, James Shields, Reuben S. Coyle; Lane — Enoch
Hoult, W. W. Bristow, Jesse Co.\, Paul Brattain, A. J. Cainpl»ell,
Isaac R. Moores; Afarion — George IT. Williams, L, F. (trover, J.
C Peebles. Joseph Cox, Nicholas Shrum, Davis Shannon, Richard
Miller; Multnomah — S. J. McCormick, William IT. Farrar, David
Logan; Multnomah and Washington — Thomas J. Di-yer; Wash-
ington — E. D. Shattuck, John S. White, Levi Anderson; Polk —
ReuT>en P. B«Mse, F. Waymire, l^enjamin F. T^urch; Polk and Til-
lamook — A. D. Babcock; Umpqua — Levi Scott, Jesse Ap[)legate;
Wasco -C. R. Meigs; Vamhill—M. Olds, R. V. Short, R. C. Kin-
ney, John R. McBrid«'.

The ([uestions of slavery and free negroes had been piu-posely
avoided in the convention, and were engrafted upon the schedule
as special arti«-les, to be voted u})on by the people sei»ai'ately. The
constitution was opposed by some people because it did not pro-

OKKOOX AS A TEKHITORY.

351

hibit slavery, and l)y others Lecause it did not establish slavery.
The seat of government was also objectionable t(j some who were
opposed to Salem. A special election was held t>n the second of the
following Novendjer, and resulted as ftdlovvs: For constitution,
seven thousand one hun<b('d and ninety-five; against, thi-ee thousand
two hundred and fifteen. For slavery, two thousand six hundred
and forty-five; against, seven thousand seven huinhrd and twenty-
seven. For free negroes, one thousand and eighty-one; against,
eisfht thousand six huncb'cd and f(>rtv. The Territorial Letris-
lature convened on tlie eleventh of Decend)er, bs57, and held its
usual session. For the regular June election, 1858, full State
ti<;kets were nominated by tiie Democratic and Kepul^lican parties?
the contest i-esulting in a sweeping victory for the Democrats, as
follows; Kepresentatixc to '^'ongress- — L. F. (rrover, five thousand
eight hun(b'ed and fifty-nine; James K. Kelly, four thousand one
hundred and ninety. (loveruor — John W'hiteaker, five thousand
seven hundred and thirty-eight; E. M. Barnum, four thousand tw»)
lumdred and fourteen. Secretary of State — Lucien Heath, five
thousand seven iiun«h-ed and forty-six; E. A. Kice, three thousand
six hundred and fifty-nine. Treasurer — John D. Boon, I've thousand
six hundred and seventy-six; J. S. Jiramley, thi-ee thousand five
hundred and thirty-one; E. \j. A]>])legate, five hunih-ed and ninet}'.
State Printer — Asahel Bush, four thousand nine hundred and fifty-
eight; James O'Meara, four thoustuid fi\(' hundred and fifty-seven;
D. W. Craig, four hundred ami thirteen. M. P. Dcnuly, R. E. Strat-
ton, R. P. Bois(^, and A. E. Wait were chosen Justices of the Su-
preme Court. Aecoi'ding to the constitution a special term of the
newly ehn-ted State Legislature convened in Sak'm on the fifth of
July, foi' the puri)ose of electing two I Jiited States Senators. It
was composed of thirty-eight Democrats and eleven Republicans.
On the eighth of July the oath of office was administered to Gov-
ernor Wliiteaker l»y Judge Boise, and the machinery of the new
Government was put in operation.

The Legislature, elected Joseph Lane and Delazon Smith to rep-
resent Oregon in the Tnited States Senate, and adjourned after a
.session of four days. Soon afterwaids word was received tliat Con-
gress had adjourned ^vithout tiie House passing thcf enabling act
which had passed the Senate early iu May, and that Oregon must

352

HISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

reniuin ji IVn'itorv until the next session. For some time the proper
rourse to pursue wus svarmly discussed. There wei'e two full sets
of orticers and two forms of government. (Gradually it became the
t,'eneral <)[)ini<)n that the State officers shouhl remain tpiietand per-
mit the Territorial (foverninent to proceed unemban-assed. Under
the eonstitution the State Legislature should have met in Septemljer,
}>ut at the ap])ointed time only nine representatives and two sena-
tors made their appearance in Salem, and these adjourned after two
useless meetings. On the sixth of December the Territorial Legis-
lature again assembled and hehl its regular session. Soon after its
adjournment news was received that Oregon had been admitted into
the Union. Senator Smith and llepresentative Grover had gone to
Washington the fall l)efore, and when Congress* as.sembled liad
joined with Delegate J^ane (Senator elect) in urging the pa.ssage of
an enabling act for Oregon. It early pii.sse<l the Senate, but met
with bitter opposition in the House, being supported l>y the Demo-
crjits and opposed by the Republicans. Finally, on the twelfth of
February, 1S5U, it wtw passed by a strict party vote. It then
received the signature of President Buchanan, and Oregon Territory
was a thing of the past.

The following are the signatures of the Delegates to the Consti-
tutional Convention held in Salem, Septeni}>er 18, 1857:—

■^**^r

df^utjC ^ .^^(^-'nj^

^«^,^^.^^g^.^t-«'»— ^^ , .^^"^^^

^^.^^yLlj^

^a^zoo^.

-..J^/ji

C^<Ji-t4

^,^4^^.^^ A^

iil>*H.<^

^i^S^

/ ^^/

L^ , ' cf^ ' t^U^.,X3.;jJcx-x«_,V't^

^^^^'

<2-«-o*-

/1f^

;«■

♦

Out

by 1
men

any

of a

shov

fi pn

othe

liad

tlicr*

wert

settli

wan

mak

peop

in tt

selve

(lispj

liast<

CHAPTEK XXI.

INDIAN WARR OF 1853 AND \Hr>4.

Outrageu Committed in limjue River Valley- Voluniror Companies
Organised — General Tjine Takes Command — Defeat nf Lieutenant
Griffin and of Lieutenant Khj — Indians Defeated at Battle Creek —
Armistice of Seven Days — The Table lioek Treaty Incidents of the
'•'■Peace Talk " — The Grave Creek Massacre — Captain Miller Sent to
Escort Emigrants through the Modoc Country- - Expenses nf the War
Paid by the Government — Events of 185 Jf— The Snake River Massa-
cre — Expedition oj- Major Ilaller to Eort Boise.

TROUBLE was tipjain experienced witli the Indians in Rogne
River Valley in the fall of 18r)l{. It began early in August
by tlie perpetration of several murders in diffei-ent loi-alities by
members of several <lifF(!rent l)ands of the tril)e, aj»j)arently without
any preconcerted action vvhate\-er. Feeling uneasy at the pr»'sence
of a small band of these Indians, though there is no evidence to
show that they had been concerned in any of the nuu'ders mentioned,
a party of men attacked their camp, killed one buck and wounded
others, and carried the women and children to a stockade which
had been erected for the protection of the settlers, retaining them
there as hostages. A few days later tiie warriors surrendered, and
were kept with theii* families at the stockade, where, also, the
settlers were assembled for mutual protection. In a few days the
warriors rebelled, killed four of the men and wounded three others,
making good their escape. A state of war now existed. The
people collected at Jacksonville and at half-a-doy.en central points
in the settlements, and "forted up," while the Indians })usied them-
selves in destroying the a})andoned homes. A courier was at once
dispatched to notify Captain Alden, at Fort Jones, and that officer
hastened to Jacksonville with t^veuty men, all the force that could

354

HISTORY OF WrLI.AMETTK VALLKT.

1)6 spared from the post. Two o(»iupjini<'s of voluntecrH — ninety
men under Captain J. P. (roodall, and sixty under Captain Jacob
Rboades — were (trganized at Yreka and came over t«» aid the Ore-
gon settlers. Six companies (»f vohititeers wei'e raised in Southern
()reg()n, commanded by Ca[)tains II. L. AVilliams, J. K. l.americk,
John F. Miller, Elijis A. Owens, antl ^V. W. Fowler, the last named
being designed solely for the protection of Jacksonville. The other
companies all assembled at Camp Stewart and were organized into
a battalion, of which Captain Alden assumed command by request,
the effective force nund)ering some three hundred men. F^ach
volunteer was mounted, armed and dressed according to his own
fashion. It was a nondescript body of soldiery, but, none tlie less,
one well Htted for the work in hand.

Meanwhile, the Indians had also united and taken uj) a position
«>n Talde Rock, wliicli they fortified with considerable skill by
means of a ditch and a rampart of eailli and rocks. This, however,
they soon a])andoned, and retired into tlie mountains, and it took
several days to ascertain their whereabouts. A messenger was dis-
patched to Acting Governor Curry, soliciting aid in prosecuting the
war, )>ut before it arrived the war was over. Genei'al Lane heard
of the difHculty while at his home on Deer Creek, Douglas County,
and hastily collecting abojit fifty volunteers, he was soon with the
battalion at ('amp Stewart. Captain Alden tendered him the com-
mand of the fon-e, and he accepted it. Meanwhile, several collisions
had occui'red between the whites and d<'tached bands of >.avages.
Tiieutenant Burrell H. (triffin, with some twenty men of Miller's
company, had a fight with about twice tliat nund)er of Old John's
band, led Ity the diit-f in j)erson. The whites were defea'.ed witli a
loss of one killed and two w(mnded, including the Lieutenant. The
Indians subsequently admitted the loss of five killed and wounded.
This battle occurred near the confluence of Applegate and Williams
creeks. Two days before this, John R. Harding and William R.
Rose, of Lamerick's com})any, while on their way from Camp Stew-
art to JaoksonWlle, were fired upon by Indians when near Willow
Springs. Rose was killed and Harding so severely wc)unded that
he died shortly afterwards. Other incidents were the capture and
shooting of a suspected Indian by Angus Brown, the hanging of an
Indian child in the town of Jacksonville, the hanging of five Indians

INDIAN WARS OF EIOIITKEN FIKTY-TIIUKK FOtUJ.

355

upon one tree at jinotlKT point, and a nuniluT of t)tlM'r incidents
wliifli reflect no credit upon those cnLTfiired in tlieni, and serve to
show to what a pit<-h the feelings ol the people had hi'en ai-oiised.
A collision occurred a few days Uefore the arrival of (Jeneral
Lane, which showed that the campaign was to l»e soiuething more
than chiM's ]>lay. On tlu' sixteenth of August a detachment of
twenty-two men from Gooihill's company was sent out tinih-r Lieu-
tenant Simeon Ely, to reconnoitre. The next day, when al><»ut two
miles northwest of Tal)le Rock, the men ])icketed their iiorses in the
flat and sat down to enjoy dinner; sentries were stationed, hut
soon loft tlieir posts and gathered with tlx' rest around thesjuoking
viands. Just at this blissful moment there came a \ollev of bullets
fi'om a fringe of willows close by, that killed and wounded t<'n of
their number. I^eaving their horses they rusiied to cover, and gain-
ing a strong position amid the brush and fallen timber, they kept
the savages at l»ay. Privates Terrell and Mc(i««nigle set out for
help, and l)efore the enemy iiad coijupletely surroundeij them got
away and hastened to Camp Stewart, seventeen miles di«tant, where
Goodall's company was stationed. (Joodall and his men set out at
top speed, and in the shortest i)ractical time airived on the field.
J. I). Carly and five others were in the advance, and when the In-
dians saw tliem tlu'y decamped at once, carrying away eighteen
horses, blankets, etc. The casualties inflicted on Kly's men were
found to be — Sergeant Frank Perry and Privatt-s P. K<'ith, A.
Douglas, A. C. Colbourn, L. Stukting, and William NefT, killed
outright; and Lieutenant Ely and Privates Zebulon Sheets, Joiin
Alban and James Carroll, wounded. C'arl Vogt, a German, is said
to have been kilh'd at this fight, although his name is not to be
found in any official documents i-elating to the killed in the war.
The Indians had fallen back, and the main force under Captain
Alden came up during the night. an<l all camju'd on the flat. The
next morning the dead were buried with the hon()rs of war. Scouts
sent out reported that the Indians had retired a hnig distance into
the mountains, setting lire to the woods in their rear, and almost
obliterating their trail. It was decided by the council of oflficers
that it was nec(\ssary to return to liead(|uarters and recruit with
jerked beef and other frontier relishes, in preparation for still more
arduous duties. This was done, and they were thus preparing for

ar)()

HlSTOUy OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

a ram])}iign wlien (iferu'lHi Lane arrived, an descrilied above, and
aH,»iunie(l coiimjjvnd.

Tile colli jmn'u'S t>f Miller and Lamerick, conijx^ising a battalion
ill charge of Colonel Ross were ordered t«» ju'oceed down EvanH'
Creek to the -iupposed vicinity of the enemy. The regulars and the
two Califor'iia coni]>anies of Goodall and Rhoades, under Captain
Allien, \vei<^ ordered to proceed u]i Trail Creek to the battleground
where Ely was found by the Indians, (reneral Lane himself pro-
ceeded with Captain Alden's battalion. Scouts reported late iii the
day that t le Luliaiis had taken to the mountains west and north
of Evans' Creek. Karly on the following day (August 2.'{), the
line of manih was taken up an«l the Indian trail followed through
a very dirtii-ult country— mountainous, precipitous and )»ushy —
wdiere there was constant [)rosj)eet of going astray, as the trail left
by the xivnges was very dim and nearly obliterated by fire. On the
morning of the twenty-fourth a shot was heard, and scouts came in
tlirectly afterward and lejiorted the enemy encamped in a thick
wood lilled with underl>rush, ap[)arently imj)enetral)le to horsi-s.
(reneral Lane decided to attack instantly. The Hrst intimation the
-avages had of the approach of the enemy, was a \olley of biiljcts.
They were not stami>e(led by this rough salute, howe\cr, but, catch-
ing \lp tlK'ii' guns, eiitereil witli /.est into the tight, while the sipiaws
and other inipcdiincuta were sent out of hai'in's way. (^aptain
Alden was wonndefj early in the Hght, and his i-egulais had dirti-
ciilty in |)reserviiig him from the In<Iiaiis, who attem|»ted his cjip-
/ure as he lay upon the ground. I'leasant Armstrong, of ^'amlli]l
County, a much res]»ected gentleman who ha<l volunteered with
(ieneral Lane, was mortally wouiide(l Ity a bullet in the breast and
fell, it is said, e.vclaiming, " ,\ dead center shot!" The tight was
very warm, and lasted for an hour, when the pack trains nrrixol
with their guard. Leaving fifteen men to iruard the animals, (Jen-
eral Lane took command of tin- others, n<»t more than ten in num-
ber, and (d'dered a e*i.. ge. ^o drive the natives from their cover.
Being in advance he appntached within thirty yards of the nearest
Indians, when he received a severe bullet wound throuuh the risjflit
arm. Still exposing himself, he was forcibly rlragg( d behind a tree,
where he continued to direct tlie fight. He gave orders to e.vtend the
line of battle so as to pri'vent the Indians from outtlauking hi.s force

rXDlAis' WARS OK EIGHTEEN KIFTY-THKEE-FOUR.

357

mi-

lill
■itl.
:iimI
was
ivcd
!cii-
iniii-

afi'st

trt'f,
1 th.'

jiiitl feeling the loss of l)loo(l, retired U'Ui|jorarily to have his wound
attended to. At this juncture the In<lians, Iiaving found that Gen-
eral Lane was in command of the whites, l)ey;an to call to hhn and
to the soldieis, professing their readiness to treat for peace. Robert
^rctcaif, SuK-agent for the Indians, went tt) their camj), and through
iiiin aiiil others negotiations were conniienced, (Jeneral Lane having
retiiiiicd to the front, N<tt wishing to inform the savages of his
wound, the (leiieral wmt among them, having thrown a heavy coat
over his shoidders s(» as to conceal his arm. An armistice (»f sev«'n
days \v!us agreed upon, at the conclusion of which a final peace talk
should \h' held at 'J'al>le J{(»ck, wher'- a treaty was to l>e arranged,
the Indians delivei' up their arms, and a reservation l»e assigneil
them at Taltle Il<»ck.

During the following night Colonel Ross arn\('d with his bat-
talion, and Cliict Sam came in with alM)Ut half the waiiiors, with
wln>m he had been recoiinoitering for a permanent camp. It seems
that as soon as the engagement bi-gan. runners were sent (»ut by Joe
to a[)[)rise his brother of the state of alTairs, and hasten his return.
The distance prevented his arrival in lime to take j)art in the tight,
ami his braves had n<t opportimit} to display their valoi'. It, there-
fore, may have been pro^ idential that Ross' l»attalion ai-rived when
it did. The Indians owned to a loss of twelve killed and wounded.
J«»hn Scarborough, of the ^feka volunteecs. and Pleasant Arm-
strong were killed, and (reiieral Lane, ('aj)tain Alden. Privates
Thonuis Hays, !Ieni\ Fleshei and Oharl s Abbe were wounded,
th<; latter mortally. Captain Alden dietl two years later from the
result of his woinid, a llieneral Lane never (piite recovered from
his own hurt. .\s soon as the terms of the armistice were arranged,
the troops took up theii' nuu'<-h homeward and went into cam[) at
llailey's ( liyliee's) Kerry, giving the location the name «>f "'CJamp
Alden," in honor of the gallant Captain.

Reinforcements began to arrive from various ipnirters by the
time the forces returned to the valley. Among other things a
howitzi'r was sent by the authorities at Fort Vjuicouver, with a
supply of ammunitii>n. forty muskt'ts. four thousand cartridges, and
(tthev articles. Lictitemuit KatJt/-, since (ieiieral, was sent in chaige
of the howitzer, with seven men. Acting Governor Cm-ry made
proclumutiou for an armed guard to accompany the Lieutenant, and

358

niSTOUT OF WILLAMETTK VALLET.

forty-one nicu voluntcci-cd, led l>v J. AV. Nesniitb, with Lafayette
(n-ovcr as Lieutenant. Lieutenant (trover went in -tKlvance with
twenty men, .-tiid was joined at South rnijxiua, on Se|)teinl)er first,
l>y Judtr«' Matthew P. ])eady, who was on his way to Jaei<sonville to
hold court. Joel Palmer, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and
Samuel II. Cuh'er, Lidian Agent, also ai'rived. From Port Orford
came C'aptain A. J. Smith with his company of First Dragoons,
sixty strong. Owing to Palmer's failure to arrive at the time aj)-
})ointe(l, the |)eaee talk was post[»oned until Septend)er t"nth.
Judge Deady tiuis descrihes the scene which was enaete<l on the
day last api)ointt'd: —

The Mt'ene of Hue, I'uiuous " ja'aci- talk" lii'twccn ,lnso|ili [jUIIc and Inilian .Joseph
—two ini'ii who liad so lately met in mortal i-omliat -was worthy of the j)en of Sir
Walter Scott ami tiie pencil of 8alvator Koss. It was on a narrow hench of a long,
gently-sloping hill lying over against the noted hhilt called Tuhle U >ck '"he
ground was thinly covered with majestic old pines and nigged oaks, witii her.
there a I'lnmp of grccii oak Imslies. Alioni half a mile aliove the liright niouiitaui
Hiream that threadc<l the narrow valley liclow, sat the two chiefs in council. Lane
was in fatigue dress, the arm which was wounded at liucna Vista in a sling from a
frenh bullet wound received at Battle Creek. Indian Joseph, tall, grave and self-
poHsessed, won- a long, black rohe over his ordinary dress. Hy his side sat Mary,
his favorite child and failhful companion, then a comparatively handsome young
wonum, unstained with the vices of civilization, .\round these sat on the griiMs
Captain ,\. .1. Smith— now (jleneral Sndth, of St. Louis— who had just arrive', from
I'ort Orford with his (r( i. ))any of the First I)rag(M)ns; Captain Alvord, then en.
gaged in the construction ■>'. n ndlitary road through the rmpipia canyon and since
l)aynuisler of the \' . S. A. ; Colonel Mill .Martin, of l'nip(pia, ( olonel .lohn K. Hoss,
of .''^■'kMonville, and a few others. A short distance ahove us on the hillside were
some hundreds of dusky warriors in lighting gear, reclining ipdctly on Ihi; ground.
The day was licauliful. To the cast of us rose ahruptly Tahle Ko^ k and at its haxe
stood S'nith's dragoons, waiting an.xiously with hand on horse the issue of this at-
tempt to make peace without their aid. Alter a proposition was <liseussed and set-
tled between the two ehlelM, the Indian wouhl rise up and eonnnunieate the matter
to a huge warrior who reclined at the fool of a ; . .' ((uiti' near us. Thi-n the latter
rose up and ciimmunicaled the iiuitter to the host above him, and the,\ belabored it
back and forth with many voices. 'I'hen thi' warrior communic:<ted the thought of
the multitude on this subject back to the chief; and so the <liseussion went on unti|
an umlerstandlng was llnally reaidied. Then we separated — the Indians going back
to their niouiitaiu retreat, and the whites to the camp.

J. W. Ne.smith has left some additional ptirticulars of interest.
He says; —

Karly in the morning of the tenth of September, we rode toward the In<liun en.
eami'mcnt. Our party consisted of tlie followlMg per.sons : (leneral L'lne, Joel
I 'ahner, Samuel II, Culver, Captain .\ ..I. Sm lib, 1st Dragoons; Captain L. K. Mosher,
adjutant; Colonel .John Hoss. Captain .1. \V. .N'esmilh, Liculciuint A. V. Kautz,
H. U. Metcalf, J. I). MaMon, T. 1". rierney. After riding a couple of ndles we came
to where it w as too steej) for our horses to ascend, and dismounting, we proceeded

rxniAX WAKS of EIOHTEEN KIFTT-TirKKK-FOrU.

;i5i>

on f(H)t. Half 11 iniU; of Hcrambllng over rocks and through brusli brought us Into
tlie Indians' stronghold, juHt under the perpendicular clitl" of Tal)le Hoclt, where
were gatiiered hundreds of flerce and well-armed savages. The business of the
treaty began at once. Much tinu; was lost in translating and re-translating and it
was not until late in the afternoon that our lal)ors were coniplete<l. About the mid-
dle of the afternoon an I Julian runner arrived, l)ringing intelligence of the murder
of an Indian on .Vpplegate Creek. He said that a company <>r whites under Cap-
tain Owens luul that uu)rning captureil Jim Taylor, a young chief, tied him to u

confusion

grei

>ng

liuli

ind it seemed for a time as if they were aliout to attack (ieneral Lane's

party. The (reiu-ral addressed tlu' liuliaiis, telling tliem that Owens, who had
violated the arnustice, wa« a l)ad man and not "Ue of his soldicix. He added con-
siderable more of a sort to placate the Indians, any the whites agreeing to pay danuiges therefor in sliirts and
blankets.

Tilt' vdliiiitccrs wen- at oiicc (li,>^l)an(l«'(l and ivtiinicd t<> their
luniii's. It was frcrly predicted by a <'ertain cUins (»f p«;oj)le, who
wei'e .satitified witli iiotliinn' K>s tliiiii the (Xtei'iuiiiatioii of the In
diaiis, that the treaty wtnild j)r()ve a laihiie, and the) so cdndiieti'd
themselves as t«» render it siu-h as (|uiekly us possilih'. Uiiiing the
arnii.stiee and suhseipieiit to the siij;niiiLC of (ht^ ti'caty, these exter-
minators maintained their efforts to kill as many Indians a.s they

(•(tU

Id,

rei;a I'd less ot an\ restrietioli ulialevi'i-. Kevenm- was tlieii

motto, and they lived up to it. Not half of the outrages perpetratetj
«tn Indians were ever heard of throiiiih newspapers; yet there are
aceounts t^f se\ 'lai, and these are of a most eold-l»looded description.
We v.ill allude liuhtly to a fev; e.xamph's. Captain IW)lt ^\ illiams,
statii»ned with his eonijiany on the hanks of Rogue River, attempted
to kill two ehildi'en, the sons of Chief Joe, but (Jeuend Lane, with
the utmost haste, ordered his removal from the locality tt> another,
where there vsould be less opportunity for the exereise of his pi-o-
pensities. Of aiiotln'r outrage .Jutlge l)cad\ writen: —

.At (Jravf Creek I stttpped to feed my liorsi' anil get sonu'thing o eat. There wa«
a lu)uwe there called llif " JJatcs H<)U'«f," alter the num who kept it. It \Misa rougli,
wooden structure without a floor anci hod au liinnenHe clapboard funnel at one end
which served as a cliimney. There was noliousf or setll'incnt within ten or twelve
ndles, or more, of it. Tbcrc I lountt ( 'aptaiu .1 . iv. Lamcrick in command of a com-
pany of voluiilfcrs. It ^cems be had been sent there by ( ieneral Lane after tlie llglll
at Italtle Creek, on account of tlu: muiiler of souu> Imliaiis there, of wliich he and
oihers gave nie the followi 'f account: "Hates and some others had indu<'ed a
snudi party of pcaceal>le I ndiaus, wlio lielongc'l in ilint \ ieinily, to enter into an cii-
.ua^enunt to renuiiii at peace with the whites duiing the war which wn" M"ing on
at some distance from them, and liy way of ratillcation to this treaty, in\ itcd them
.1 partake of a feast in an unoccupied log liouse jus! across the road from the " Hiil)<4
House" ; and while they were parl^ikiug, uiuinaed, of lhl • jiliiHirtd lioHplliiHty tht;

ar.o

HISTOKT OF WILLAMETTK VALLEY.

door waj< suddenly fa>itened upon them, and they were deliberately shot down
through the erack* U-twii-n the lojjs hy their treaclierous lK>9ts. Near by, probably
a i|uurter ofa mile (his side of the ereek, 1 was shown a large, round hole into which
(he b<Mlie?< of these murdered Indians had been unceremoniously tumbled. I did
not aev tbeni. for they were covered with fresh earth."

It «U»e> in»t r«'(iuin' tlu* tliorouu:li investigution to wliit-b the
rt'fnrd^ »»f tlu-M' «'V('nt>i have Ix't'ii suhjccted by the ^\riter, to tlcter-
iiiim- r«uK'hisivt'l\ tluit whih' tlic winter as a class were content
with tht- treaty and ohedient to its ])ro visions, there was a eonsiih'r-
aide r,ijin«»rity who lost no t>i»i»oitunity to manifest their contempt
<»f the in>uiiui»^nt and tlu ir disregard of its ohligations. Nor were
the Indians idle. As soon as the report of the killings at (irave
Creek, at Apph-irsite and other places, had l»een hruited abroad,
and the nativt^s had beconii- convinced that they were individually
in as nmch danger as before, they l)egan committing outrages jus great
us tho>»' from which they had been suffering. It is unnecessary to
detail the many incidents which occurred. It is si-fticient to say
that thes»' mutual outrages were committed fioni time to time until
they resulte*! in a long and bloody war in 18r)5.

The Indians w«'iv settled on tli«' reservation at Table Rock,
where. als<». Captain Smith established a military i»ost, which he
calle<l •' Foit Lane": and this was foi- the next three yt ars the base
of all military operations in Southern Oregon by the regulai* army.
Captain Milh-r's comj>any of volunteers, one hundre«l and fifteen
strong, was not disban<led with the others, but was dispatchetl t<)
he Mixh"!- eountry by (Jeiieral Lane, where it di<l e.xcellent service
f«»r six wi-eks in protecting emigrant trains in that hostile region.
Two men were w«»undetl while engaged in this service. These
occurrenei'< eomplete the hi'.toi'y of what is known as the "AVar of
185."{." There is a >hort note to be aj)[teMded relating to the indebt-
e<ln»*?*.- which grew «)ut t)f tlie Avar. This was assumcil l)y the
I'nite^l State's. The must<'r-rolls and aoc»)unts of all the eight coni-
l)ani«'s an«l (ieneral Lane's staff (the (n-neral refused to accept
compensation f«»r himself), were made out and adjusted bv C-aptain
(to«Mlall, :l< inspecting and nuisteri .g offic r, r ling under orders
fioin <ten« nil Lane, at the close of the wiu"; and these p!>j»ers were
forwaitle-l ««• Captain Aiden at N\ ashijigton, and being presented
to Congr«-<< were promptly acted upon at the instance of that otHcer
and General Laue, iu his capacity as Delegate to Congress from

INDIAN WARS OF KIGIITEEN FIFTY- TIIRKE-FOtH.

861

Oregon Territory, Ivlajor Alvord, Puyiiuister of tlie I'nitecl States
army, under (ii'deis from tlie Secretary of War, [)ai<l off the volun-
teers, ill coin, at Jack.sonville and Yreka, in June and July, \^i)t).
The commissary and quartermaster accounts were at tlie same time
sent in draft to Governor Curry, and by him disbursed to the pro])er
creditors. The total cost to the United States was al)out )j^285,()()0.

During the year isr)4 ther<' wa.s consider.', blc trouble with the
Indians of Soalhern <.>re<;on, ♦•ausitig much troiiblc and anxiety to
the settlei'H, but never amounting to a state of war. Much of this
was caused by Tij)su Tyee, an unruly chief of a small band living
in the Siskiyou Mountains, lie wjis killed by Shasta Indians that
summer, much to the satisfaction of all parlies. In the fall Colonel
Ross disj)at<-hed a coiMj'jiny of volunteers, uiKh'r Captain Jesse
Walker, to escort emigrants through the Modoc country, where
they performed excellent st rvice, and effectually guarde(l the emi-
grants till all had j)assed through that dreaded region.

What is generally known as the "Snake liiver Massacre," (»c-
currred in tlie fall of iHai, and nearly added another to the long
list of Indian wars of the Pa"iHc Coast. For a number of years
immigrants had been accustomed to relax their vigilance nfU'V
entering the region dominated by the Iludsi)irs Hay Coinpaii} , as
Indians under the influence of that powerful organization had never
committed dej)redations upon them. After leaving Fort Jlall they
generally broke uj) into small pai'ties, whi'-h were strung along the
route for miles without any organization what<'ver. A party of
this kind, consisting of Alexander Ward and family of wife and
ten children, Mrs. William White, Dr. Charles Adniiis, Samuel
Mulligan, \N'iUiam Habcock, and a (irerman whose name is un-
known, were attacked by Indians on the twciititth of August, on
the south bank »»f lioise River, twenty-fi\e miles above I'ovt lioise.
The struggle was biief. Ward and his eldest son Robert, Dr.
Adams, Habcock, Mulligan and the txerman fought bravely and
were soon killed. iNoiinan Ward, a lad of thirteen years, wjus
wounded, but hid himself in the l)Ushes, and thus escaped death.
The (»lde>t daughter fled, but was pursued and overtaken ;«ftei- i-un-
niug some foiii- hundred yards. She fougiit desperate! \ to frustrate
the hellish designs of the savages, and so eurag« 1 them by her re-
sistance that she was shot thivmgh the head . ad killeil. (.>ne of

362

HISTORY OK WILLAMKTTK VALLKY.

the five \\'ii<r»»iis was iMinied at that point, ami the h^H\y of Miss
Ward mutilated with a red h()t ii'o)i. The other wt)nieii and chil-
dren wei'e captured, and tlie sav^ages started witli them and four
wag(»ns for their eanij), some half mile distant on the river bank.
After pntgn-ssing a short distance thiough thf thick brush, they
stopped and Uui'nt'd three more of the wagons. Here they selected
Mrs. White as a victim for the'r lust, and after they jiad abused her
in a most lion-ible manner, siic was dis])atched by a bullet wound
in the head. Mrs. Ward and three small children were taken with
the remaining wagon to theii- camp, only to undergo still greater
tortures. The wagon was burned, and with it the three children,
who were grasped by the hair and lu'ld acr«>ss the Iturnlng pile
until their cries of agony wei't' hushed in death; their mother being
comj)elled to witness their horrible sufferings. She wa- then sub-
jected to the same fearful ordeal endured by Mrs. W hite, and was
then killed by the blow of a tomahawk. The fate «»f the other
four children never was known.

The same day a party of seven men — among them Mr. Yantis
and a y«)Uth named Ammen — came to the scene and attacked the
Indians. In the tight young Ammen was killed, and the others
were comjielled to retreat, taking with them the wound«'ti Norman
Waid, whom they liad found in tiie brush. Two days later John
F. Noble left Fort Boise with a party of eigliteen men an<l tli-scov-
ered the bodies and e\ idences of the horrible details as above de-
scrilted. I ln'y saw im Indians, and after burying the mangled
IkhKu's thi-y returned. Tjic n(;ws was cairied in hast<' to The Dalles,
and Major Kaines at once dispal died Maj<)r llaller with a stn)ngde
tachment of troops to t)i< scene. Nathan ( )lney, Indian Agent,
raised a comj)any of thirty-seven volunteers and acconn»anied the
tro«»ps. When they reached Hoise Kiver they found the Indians
had retreated to the mountains beyond reach. A few days of cam-
paigning di.sclosed the fact that nothing could be accomplished, and
the force returned to Tilt Dalles.

The «'\citenient an<l indignation was great in the Willamette
\'all«'y. K\ (iovernor lohn I*, (iaines was known to be n»ur l'\»rt
lioi^ with two of his s«»ns, and it was rcporttnl that the\. jis well as
others, had also l)een kill(;d. Tliere was a demand f»»r punishment
of the jxrpetrutors, both a^ii au act of vcugeuuce and lK^^^Ul4e it was

IXDIAN WARS OF EIGHTEEN KIFTY-THREE-FOrR.

ana

necessary as a nu'asuiv of protection for tlie emigration the follow-
ing y«mr. At last Governor Cnrry issnetl a jn'oclaniati«>n calling for
two companies of volunteei's, to he armed, e(|uip[)e(l and mounted
at their own expense. A few days later he countermandeil it, the
high officials of the State Militia — lirigadier (leneral J. AV. Nes-
mitli. Adjutant (leneral E. M. Barnum, and others — having advised
him that a winter eani[>aign was not advisable. This brought out
a [»ul»lic indignation meeting in Portland, held Sej)tt'nd)er ;{(», and
adjourned to October "J, at whicii resolutions, strongly condemning
tlie (lovernor and his advisers, were |)assed. In this there was a
sj)ice of the same political feeling which tinge<l every important
movement in those days. T. J. Dryer was one of the counuittee
wliich drafted tin- rt'solutions, and being editor of the Oregonian
and an intense Whig, this was a splendid opportunity for him to
deal the Democratic administration a stinging blow. In this in-
stance he was in the right, f-.r, in cjuse a cam[>aign weiv deemed
necessary at all, the winter season was the best one in which to
make it. Because ot tin- snow the Indians could not retreat into
the mountains before tlie tulvaitce of troops, but must remain in the
valleys with their families, where they could be ejusily found and
attacked. In the summer, on tlie contrary, twice as many ti'oops
and twice the expense would be recpiired to pursue them through
the mountain wilds. It was chargecl by {\w Whigs that this greater
exi)ense was what the " (iovernment ring" desired, preferring a war
Wk'li "sometliing in it" t(» a shoi't and decisive campaign. The
([Uestion was taken into the Legislature the following January. A
majority of tlie co»: mil tee to which it was referred reporte<l in 'avor
of doing lutthing, wiiile the minority leported a l>ill j)rovidirg for
I'aisiug ti\e comii inies of \olunteers and pi'osecuting a war Mgainst
the Snake Kiver Indians. The niajority report wtis ad(->[)ted, and
the pro])os»'d war collapsed.

The following May, (iei;cral \V»)ol, comman(hint of the Depart-
ment of the Pacific, dis[)a(ched Major Ilaller with a strong (h'tach-
ment t)f troops to guard the emigrant route from Fort Boise. Mis
action was heartily j)raise(l by every owv, an<l he was in high feather
with the people of Oregon until his conduct, a few months later,
displeased them and lost hiui his jdace in j»ublic esteem, whether
justly or not the circumstances will show. When Major Ilaller

864

lIISTOFiY OK WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

reached Fort B(.)ise lie held a council with the Indians of that re-
gion. During its prt)gress four of the AV^innass Indians, the tribe
which had connnittcd the massacre, came in to see what was going
on. These were arrested as soon as the council was over, and tried
by military court. One of tliem confessed and related the cireuni-
stances, offering to conduct the troops to the hiding place of the
tribe. Soon after doing this he broke from his guanl and ran
toward the river, luit was killed by a bullet from St-rgj-ant Kille
hard's gun. Th<' other three were coiidemiu'd to be executed on the
scene of their crime. The next day the r«»nunaud mareh«'d to the
place of execution, and, afttT biu'ying in one gravt- the bt)nt's «»f the
murdered emigrants which had been dug u]» by c«»yotes, ereetetl a
gallows over the mound and hanged all three at one time. The
next morning they were cut down and buried, wliilr tlie gallows
wius left standing as a warning to others who might feel disposed
to murder miprotected i-migrants. The command then went into
camp on Big Camas Prairie and remained during tlie sunmn-r, re-
turning to The Dalles when the emigration had all passed through.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE OREAT OUTBREAK OF IWVi.

Inability of Indiann to form a Coherent Comhiinttion — liofjae River,
PiHjet Sound and ddumhia Hostilities Distinct and Sepantte—Iie-
hition of Whites and Indians in Rogue Hirer Vulleij- -Controversy
hetu^een General Wool and the Citizens — Incidents before the Outbreak
— TTie Lnpton Affair - Quick Revenge of the^ Indians — Massacre of
October 9th — Heroic Defense of Mrs. Harris — Great Excitement Pre-
vails — A Review of the Situation— Causes which Led to the War on
the Columbia — Indian Treaties nuule by Stevens and Palmer — They
Mislead the People by Publishing Incorrect Statements of what they
have Accomplished Discovery of Gold in, the Colville Region — Sauce
for the Goose not Sauce^forthe Gander -Murder of Mattice—Ilegira
from Colville and Walhi Walla — Murder if Indian Agent Jiolon —
lli'gula/rs invade the Yakima Country— Defeat of Major Ilaller —
Majirr Raines Calls for Volunteers — Governor Curry Calls for Ten
Companies- -General WooPs Opinion of Governor Curry's Conduct
— Another (^ause Assigned for the War — Excitement in Willamette
Valley The " Ongonlan " and ''■Statesman'''' — Wars and Rumors of
Wars Alarm the People.

THE j^ivatcst Indian war known on the Pacific Coast wan the one
— (»r, more j)r<>]»<'ily sjM'akint;, the three — which raged along
the C^>hind)ia, around Pugct Sound, and in the region of Rogue
Ikivcr from the fall of 1S55 to the summer of 185(i. No less than
four thon^iand warrioi^s were at times in arms against the whites,
and only a lack of hearty and intelligent co-operation on the part
of the hostiles saved the outlying settlements from total annihila-
tif»n, and the more populous communities of the Willamette Valley
from all the horrors of V)arlmric warfare.

Petty jealousies, ancient feuds, tribal antipathies, and a lack of
confidence in the honor of their allies has always prevented the

366

IIIHTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLKT.

formation or long oxistenfc of a strong ooml»ination among the abor-
igines of Ann-rica. Trcat-licry is the ])n'<Ii>niinating trait of the
Indian cliuractcr, jmd no one seems better aware of tliJit fact than
the Indians themselves. No nnitter liow extensive an alliance some
powerfnl and enlightened chief might he a])le to eftect, tril»al jealonw-
ies and distrust soon hroke in j)ieces his rope of sand. 'Die Indians
of America have been compelled to contend with tlie advancing tide
of (^aiicasian supremacy, tril>e l»y trihe, as the wave of civilization
reaihed and engulfed it and tlien rolled on to the next. In every
struggle tliey have made to hreast and heat hack this mighty flood,
they have found themselves opposed hy memhers of their own race,
who helped to render futile their impotent eiTctrts. Not infrequently
has it happened that, in the very heat o( the campaign, the treach-
ery of allies has dashed t(» earth the fondest ho[>es of some great
chief, whose voice had called to arms the warriors of neighboring
tril)es. King Philip, Teeumseh, Hhick Hawk, Osceola, Captain
Jack, Chief Joseph, Egan, and even Sitting Hull, each in his turn,
saw members of his own race raise their weap«>ns against him and
aid the white foe to crush him to the ground. Had it been other-
wise the picket tires of Caucji-sian civilization might even now be
burning on the summit of the Alleghenies, and the settlements on
the Atlantic Coast only preserved from annihilation by a continuous
line of fortitications from the St. Lawrence to the Gulf. A people
So warlike, so brave, so intelligent, and so numerous, lacked only
the ability to successfully combine to have checked there the ad-
vancing wave of con([uest, and, })ossibly, to have rolled it back to
the shore »»f the great Atlantic Sea.

The almost simultaneous beginning of hostilities by the tribes so
widely se])arated as those of Rogue River Valley and the I*lains of
the Columbia, was at the time, regarded as conclusive evidence of an
extensive and well-planned combination for the extermination of
the settlements ; and this has l)een the ]»revailing opinion to the
present day. T(> one who looks deep«'r than these surface indica-
tions, and studies the various causes which led to the beginning of
hostilities in the different regions, the <pu^stiou presents another
aspect. lie sees that totally distinct causes were in operation to
produce these effects, though, primarily, they sp'-ang from the one
great fountain head ol all our Indian wars — the aggressiveness of

THE OKKAT OUTBKEAK OF ElOIITEEN FIFTY-FIVK.

3«7

the hi^'her civUiziitioii nm\ thr riiitural rcsistunt'o of a wiirlikc p('(»|)lo
t(» the cncroachiiit'iits of a siipcrioi" rare. It was an ctTort, in the
one case, to expel white inti'U<h'rs fi-oiii the home of their aiieestnis,
superinduced l>y s[)eeial acts of ill-treatment hy the invach-rs; and in
tlie other case an attempt to ward off the same evils they saw had
Kefallen the triUes of otlu'r re<;ions. The oidy eond>ination was
amon<; the tribes livini; aion^ both sides of the Columbia, east of
the Cascade Moimtains, and this was l»ut an incoherent union, man-
ifested clwefly in a spasmodic and transient eo-operati(»n, bi'oui;ht
about l)y a connnunity of interest an<l a similarity (»f Lrrievaiices.
Had there been as thoroUi;;h a imion and as perfect a blendiiii^ of
forces as was imaj^ined, the conse([uences to the settlements in the
Willamette woidd have been fearful to contemplate. The u{)rising
aloui; Rojxue liiver was distinct, and bi'ou<'ht about by local
events, but occurriiii^ at the same time, the resources of the Terri-
tory were severely taxed to conduct campaigns in two regions so
remote from each other — where the machinery and organization of
two separate and distinct armies ha<l tt> be maintained. This con-
dition of affairs served, also, to divide the regular troops stationed
here ])y the Government into detachments so small that they were
totally unable to cope with the enemy. 'I'he outbreak along the
southern and eastern shores of Puget Souml, was, no <loubt, a re-
sult (if the hostilities across the mountains; or, to better define it,
the Indians of the Sound took advantage of this favorable opjjor-
tunity to make an attempt to l)reak ujt the settlements in their
midst, while warlike tribes living to the north, in British Columbia,
made hostile incursions in their war canoes, drawn hitlier by the
supjMtsed defenseless cttnditicm of the people.

The first outburst of war's destructive flame occurred in Kogue
River Valley, and was l)ut a continuation of that fierce race conflict
\>-hich began with the tirst advent of settlers into the valley, and
e'lded only with the extermination or removal of the nativi pro-
prietoi*8 of the soil. Here, more than at any other place, had race
[.rsjudice been develoj)ed to its extreme })itch by four successive
years of conflict, Indians were both despised and hated. The least
"insolence" on their part met with swift retriliution, while on the
other hand, indignities put upon them, even, in instances, to the
taking of life, went uncondeumcd by the better portion ci thi' com-

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23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580

(716) 872-4503

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368

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

munity, and by the more irresponsible and less morally developed,
were approved as being " good enough for them." There were
many wlio deprecated this condition of affairs ; but Avhen they led
to the inevitable outbreak, the relentless ferocity and barbarous
cruelty of the savages soon united the whole community in one uni-
versal demand for their extermination. When their property was
being destroyed, their families threatened with death, and all the
horrors of barbaric warfare were hovering over their homes, there
was no time for moral philosophy, no time to inquire into the causes
that had produced this terrible state of affairs. The natural instinct
of self-preservation and a spirit of vengeance for the death of neigh-
bors and frieiidn bound them together in a demand for retribution,
and that the savage perpetrators of these horrible deeds be either
exterminated or placed beyond the possibility of repeating them.
The officei's of the regular army, whose duty it was to protect the
people and keej) the Indians m subjection, were inclined to inquii'e
more closely into the origin of these difficulties, and in their official
reports frequently condemned irresponsible whites for precipitating
the uprising which they were called upon to subdue. It was so in
this instance, and Captains Judah and Smith and General Wool
were severely condemned by the people and press of Oregon for
their strictures upon the ante-bellum conduct of the white people;
though it was their dilatory action and half-liearted method of
conducting their campaigns which dre^v down upon them the
severest criticism. Much of this was undeserved, yet it must be
admitted that General Wool allowed himself to be governed too
much by his opinion of the causes which led to the wars and not
enough by the critical condition of affairs after liostilities had
actually been commenced. Believing firmly that the whites were
responsi})le for the outbreak, he considered that his duty only re-
quired him to defend the settlements from attack, while, on the
other hand, the people demanded of him an aggressive campaign.
This led to a lack of harmonious action between the volunteers and
regulars in the field, and to much abuse and misrepresentation.
Passion, pride and prejudice seemed to hold su<^,h perfect sway, that
newspaper editorials and communications, private cc^'respondence
and official reports all passed beyond the limits of reliability. Had
General Wool recognized the fact that, no matter what was the

.'IS

(jet

THE GREAT OFTBREAK OF EIGHTEEN FIFTY-FIVE.

369

origin of hostilities, tlie future security of the people required tliat
ii severe castigation be adniinis^ ered to the turbulent tribes, and had
he promptly entered upon the vigorous campaign he was afterwards
compelled to make, his name ^vould now be revered in Oi'egon as
is that of his successor — the noble Colonel AV'right. War having
once been begun with savages, it was folly to adopt a defensive
policy. Nothing but an aggressive campaign, ending in a complete
defeat and humiliation of the enemy, can ever con(|uer a lasting
peace with such a foe. General Wool should have known this and
acted accordingly. He was right in condemning the conduct of the
whites in drawing down upon innocent heads the vengeance of
savages, but he was wrong in jiermitting this to interfere with tliat
vigorous discharge of his duty as the commanding officer of this
department, which the proper protection of those innocent heads
demanded. A l)rief sunnnary of the events of the intercourse be-
tween the two races in the llogue River Valley, between the close
of hostilities in 1854 and tl'eir inauguration again the following
year, will show that the severe war which then began was caused
V»y the custom both the whites and Indians had of taking revenge
for the killing of any of their number, by attacking parties not only
innocent, but entirely ignorant, of the deed for which vengeance
was being exacted. This hab'fc, and especially its manifestation in
the Lupton affair, explain (xeneral Wool's strong condemnation of
the men whom he charged with responsibility for the war.

There were a few detached incidents in 1854, which could not
be said to be associated in any way with a design on the part of the
Indians to make war or commit outrages, yet they served to keep
ali\e tlie general feeling of insecurity and spirit of hostility on the
j)art of the whites. About the middh? of April Edward Phillips
was murdered in his cabin on Applegate Creek, anil an investiga-
tion showed that Indians had committed the deed for the purpose
of robbery. Though this should have been considered an individual
crime, as it would have been had the perpetrators l)een white men
— and such acts by white men were by no means rare — it was
charged to the general Indian account, to be settled, whenever op-'
portunity occurred, with any Indians who might be so unfortunate
as to be selected to balance the score. In September a number of
people were killed by the members of Tipsu Tyee's band. An im-

370

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

migi'ant named Stewart was murdered while passing with his wagon
along the trail. On the second of September an affray occurred in
the upper part of Bear Creek Valley, Jackson County, which re-
sulted in the death of a Avhite man and the wounding of two others.
A few days previously Indians stole some horses from B. Alberding.
The owner summoned his neighbors to assist in recovering them,
and a very small company set out on the quest. Following the trail,
they walked into an amljuscade and were fired upon. Granville
Keene was killed, and Alberding, J. Q. Faber and another man
were wounded. The party hastily retired, leaving the body of
Keene where it fell. On the following day a detachment of troops
from Fort Lane proceeded to the scene of the conflict and obtained
the much mutilated remains, but the Indians, of course, were gone.
The next event occurred on the twenty-fifth of September. On
the previous day Harrison B. Oatman, Daniel P. Brittain and Cal-
vin M. Fields started from Phcenix, each driving an ox-team loaded
with flour destined for Yreka. Camping the first night near the
foot of Siskiyou Mountain, the train started up the ascent in the
morning. When within three hundred yards of the summit, Brit-
tain, who was in the rear, heard five shots fired in the vicinity of
the men in the advance. Hurrying up the rise he quickly came in
sight of the teams, which were standing still, while an Indian was
apparently engaged in stripping a fallen man. Turning })ack, Brit-
tain ran down the mountain, followed by a bullet from the Indian's
rifle, but made his way unhurt to the Mountain House, three miles
from the scene of the attack. Six men hastily mounted and re-
turned to the summit. Oatman, meanwhile had escaped to Hugiies'
house, on the California side, and obtained help. He reported that a
youth named Cunningham was passing Oatman and Fields when the
attack was made, and that he wrs wounded at the instant Fields fell
dead. The latter's body was lying in the road, stripped, but Cun-
ningham was only found the next day, lying dead by a tree behind
which he had taken refuge. On the following day Samuel Warner
was murdered on Cottonwood Creek, not far from the scene of the
other tragedy, and most likely by the same Indians. These repeated
outrages produced a very considerable degree of alarm, but no
military measures of importance were taken, except by the officials
at Fort Lane, who sent forty mounted troops to the various scenes of
bloodshed, who returned without having effected anjrthing.

THE GREAT OUTBREAK OF EIGHTEEN FIFTY-FIVE.

371

The first overt act in 1855 was comrjitted by a party of Illinois
Indians, who crossed the mountains to Klamath River and robbed
some cabins near Happy Camp, and then pi'occeded to Indian
Creek and killed a man named Hill, or Hull, retreating to the head
of Slate Creek with cattle they had stolen from Hay's ranch. Tliis
was on the eighth of May, and on the following day Samuel Fijye
set out from Hay's ranch with a force of eight men, and coming
suddenly upon the culprits, killed or wounded three of them. He
then returned for reinforcements, and returning with them the next
day he found the enemy had taken advantage of the respite from
attack to visit Deer Creek and kill a man named Philpot, and
seriously wound James Mills. Settlers were thi'o\yn into a fever
of apprehension, and hastily gathered into a stockade at Yarnall's.
Lieutenant Switzer hastened from Fort Lane with a detachment of
twelve men, and soon discovered that the Indians had murdered
Jerome Dyer and Daniel McCae, on Applegate Creek, and escaped
eastward. They were followed, captured and taken to Fort Lane,
where they were placed under close guard, both for their protec-
tion from the eni'aged citizens, and to prevent them fi'om escaping.

The next event was what is known across the line in Siskiyou
County as the " Humbug War." This had its origin in a shooting
scrape between a citizen and a drunken Lidian", and consisted of the
massacre of eleven innocent miners, and the indiscriminate killing of
many innocent and inoffensive Indians by the whites of that region.
The only connection it had with Oregon was the flight of a baud of
Indians, among them the originator of the trouble, to Fort Lane,
and their pursuit by five companies of volunteers from the Cali-
fornia side. These made a demand upon Captain Smith for the
fugitives, but the oflicer declined to surrender them to any one ex-
cept the regular authorities, and though the exasperated volunteers
threatened to take them by force, they thought better of that rash
project and returned to California.

Our account now approaches the beginning of the war of 1855-6,
by some thought to have been the result of the incidents above re-
counted. It is truly difficult at this time to accord these circum-
stances their proper infiuence in the acts which followed. It is
evident that the people of Eogue River Valley, toward the end of the
summer of 1855, must have felt an additional degree of insecurity,

■M

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTK VALLEY.

>>ut that it was wholly in consequence of the murders which had
)))'e\ioiisly taken place does not seem probable, inasmuch as these
muidci's were committed outside the valley, and the most aggra-
N'ated ones ueai'l}' a year before. Their legitimate results could
liardly lia\e been suificient to stir up a geueral war against the
Indians, so we are left to conjecture the gi'owth of a public senii-
nient detei-iiiiued upon war. The vast majority of settlers, wearied
of constant anxiety, heartily and unaffectedly believed that the re-
moval of the Indians was desii-able and necessary. Whatever may
ha\'e l)een the e.xact status of the war party, and whatever the in-
fluence of the speculatixt' branch of it, it is clear there was no out-
spoken o|)position, such as would have been created by a general
sentiment in favor of peaceful methods. Almost the only outspoken
advocate of Indians' rights was compelled to leave the country of
liis adoption fi-om fear of personal violence. Whoever doubts the
acerbity of jjublic sentiment at that date, will do well to pause here
and digest that statement, comparing with it the tenor of the edito-
rial remarks to be found in the Jacksonville Sentinel at that time.
If such publications ma}- be trusted to gauge public sentiment, the
Fi'elin*'' of absolute enmitv against the natives must have increased
ten-fold since the signing of the Lane Treaty. This feeling of hos-
tility was sufficient to cause the following outrage to receive the
endoi'sement of a large portion of the community; and this was the
incident wlii(;h (leneral AV'ool so freely criticised and strongly con-
demned, and for doing which lie was so roundly abused l)v the press
of Oregon.

On the se\enth of October, ls.")5, a party of men, principally
miners and men-about-town, in Jacksonville, oi-ganized and armed
themselves to the number of a>>out forty (accounts disagree as to
number), and under the nominal leadership of Captain Hays and
Major James A. Lupton, Representative -elect to the Territorial
Legislature, proceeded to attack a small band of Indians encamped
on the north side of Rogue River, near the mouth of Little Butte
Creek, a few miles above Table Rock. Lupton, it appears, w^as a
man of no experience in bush fighting, but was rash and headstrong.
It is the prevailing opinion that he was led into the affair through
a wish to court popularity, which is almost the only incentive that
could have occurred to him. Certainly, it could not have been

THE GUKAT OUTBREAK OF KlftHTKEN FIKTY-FI V K.

and
rinl

plunder; and the mere love of fighting Indians, wL'ch <h'ew tin-
greater [)art of the force together, was, perhaps, absent in \m ease.
The reason why the particular band at Butte Creek was selected as
victims also appears a mystery, although the circumstances of their
location being accessible and their numV>ers small, possibly were
the ruling considerations. This band of Indians appear to have
behaved themselves toleral)ly; they were pretty fair Indians, b\it
beggars, and, on occasion, thieves. They had l)een concerned in
no considerable outrages that ai-e distinctly specified. Tlie attack-
ing party arri\"ed at the j-iver in the evening, and selecting a hi<liiig
place, remained until daylight, the appointed time for the attack.
The essential }>articu]ars of the fight wliich followed are. when
separated from a tangle of contradictory minuti:e. that Lupton and
his party fired a volley into the crowded encampment, following uj)
tlie sudden and totallv nne.\'i)ected attack bv a ch>se encounter with
knives, revolvers, and whatever weapon they were possessed of, and
the Indians were driven away or killed without making much re-
sistance. These facts are matters of evidence, as are also the kill-
ing of several sc^uaws, one or more old decrepit men, and a num))ei'.
probaldy small, of children. Captain Smith reported to the Gov-
ernment that eighty Indians were slaughtered. Others place the
number at thirty. The exact condition of things at the fight, oi"
massacre, as some have characterized it, is difficidt to determine.
Accounts vary so widely that by some it has l»een termed a heroic
attack, and others have called it an indiscriminate l)utchery of de-
fenseless and peaceful natives. To temporize with such occurrences
-toes not become tliose who seek the truth only, and the world
would be better coulfl such deeds meet at once the proper penalty
and be kninvn by their proper name. Lupton was mortally
wounded l)y an arrow which penetrated his lungs, and a young
man named She]>her(l was slightly wounded. As usual, tlie storm
of barbaric vengeance fell upon the heads of the innocent and de-
fenseless. Swift and cruel was the revenge of the Indians for this
great and unexpected otitrage which had been committed upon
them, and the massacre of defenseless settlers, unAvanied of their
danger, is one of the saddest pages of Oregon's pioneei- liistory.
Language can not too strongly condemn the act which precipitated
such a bloody scene, and much of the time and breath spent in

374

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

abuse of (jreneral Wool and execration of the Indians should have
been devoted to the denunciation of this l)rutal and unwarranted act.
Early on thn morning of October ninth, t^vo da} s after this affair
on Rutte Creek, several of the more war-like bands gathered aV)out
Tal)le Hock, and started down the river with their families, arms,
and other property, bent on war. Tlieir first act was to murder
William Goin, or Going, a teamster, native of Missoui'i, and em-
ployed on the reservation. Standing by the fire-place in conversa-
tion with Clinton Schieffelin, he was fatally shot, at two o'clock in
the morning. The particular individuals wdio accomplished this
killing were, says Mr. Schieffelin, members of John's band of
Applegates, who \vere encamped on Ward Creek, a mile above its
mouth, and twelve miles distant from the camp of Sam's band.
Hurrying through the darkness to Jewett's Ferry, these hostiles,
now reinforced liy the band of Limpy and Geoi'ge, found there a
pack-train loaded with mill-irons. Hamilton, the man in charge
of it, was killed, and another individual was severely wounded.
They next began firing at Jewett's house, within which w^ere several
persons in bed. Meeting with resistance, they gave up the attack
and moved to Evans' Ferry, which they reached at daybreak. Here
they shot Isaac Shelton, of the Willamette Valley, en route for
Yreka. The next victim was Jones, proprietor of a ranch, whom
they shot dead near his house. The house was set on fire, and
Mrs. Jones was pursued by an Indian and shot wdth a revolver,
when she fell senseless, and the savage retired, supposing her dead.
She revived and was taken to Tufts' place and lived "a day. O. P.
Robbins, Jones' partner, was hunting cattle at some distance from
the house. Getting upon a stump he looked about him and saw
the house on fire. Correctly judging that Indians were abroad, he
proceeded to Tufts and Evans' places. The former place the
Indians had already visited and shot Mrs. Tufts through the body,
but being taken to Illinois Valley she recovered. Six miles north
of Evans' Ferry the Indians killed two men who were transporting
supplies from the W^illamette Valley to the mines. The house
of J. B. Wagner was burned, Mrs. Wagner being previously mur-
dered, or, as an unsubstantiated story goes, was compelled to remain
in it until dead. This is refinement of horrors, indeed. For a time
her fate was unknown, but it was finally settled thus. Mary, her

THE GREAT OUTBREAK OF EIGHTEEN FIFTY-FIVE.

375

little daughter, was taken to the Meadows, on Lower Rogue River,
some weeks after, according to the Indians' own accounts, but died
there. Mr. AVagner, being away from home, escaped death. Com-
ing to Haines' house, Mr. Haines being ill in bed, they shot him to
death, killed two children and took his wife prisoner. Her fate
was a sad one, and is yet wrapped in mystery. It seems likely,
from the stories told by the Indians, that the unhappy woman died
about a week afterwards, from the effects of a fever aggravated by
improper food.

At about nine o'clock a. m. the savages approached the house of
Mr. Harris, about ten miles north of Evans', where dwelt a family
of four — Mr. and Mrs. Harris and their two children, Mary,
aged twelve, and David, aged ten years. With them resided T. A.
Reed, an unmarried man. Reed was some distance from the
house, and was set upon l)y a party of hostiles and killed. His
skeleton was found a year after. David, the little son, in all like-
lihood, was taken into the woods by his captors and slain, as he
was never after heard of. Mi-. Harris was surprised by the Indians,
and retreating to the house, was shot in the breast as he reached
the door. His wife, with the grcjatest courage and presence of
mind, closed and barred the door, and in (jliedience to her wounded
husband's advice;, brought dow^n the fire-ai'ms which the house con-
tained — a rifle, a double-liarreled shotgun, a revolver and a single-
barreled pistol — and began to fire at the Indians to deter them from
assaulting or setting Are to the house. Previous to this a shot fired
by the Indians had wounded her little daughter in the arm, and the
terrified child climbed to the attic of the dwelling where she re-
mained for several hours. Throughout all this time the heroic
woman kept the savages at bay, and attended, as well as she was
able, the wants of her husband, who expired in about an hour
after he was shot. Fortunately, she had been taught the use of fire-
arms; and to this she owed her preservation and that of her daughter.
The Indians, who could be seen moving about in the vicinity of the
house, were at pains to keep within cover and dared not approach
near enough to set fire to the dwelling, although they burned the
out-buildings, first taking the horses from the stable. Mrs. Harris
steadily loaded her weapons and fired them through the crevices be-
tween the logs. In the afternoon the Indians drew off and left the

37fi

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

stout-hearted woimin inistress of the field. She hiu\ saved her own
and her daughter's life, and added a deathh'ss j)age to the record of
the country's liistory. After the (h'parture of the savages, the
heroine, with her (Uiughter, left the house and sought refuge in a
thicket of willows near the road, and remained there all night.
Next morning severjd Indians passed, but did not discover them.

When, on the day of the massacre, a rider dashed int(» Jackson-
ville and tpiickly told tlie news, great excitement j)ri'vailed. Al-
most immediately a score of men were in th''ir saddles and pushing
toward the river. Major Fit/.gei'ald, stationed at Fort Lane, went
at the head of fifty-five mounted men, and these going with the
volunteers, proceeded along the track of ruin and desolation left by
the savages. At Wagiu'r's house sonu' five or six volunteers, who
were in advance, came upon a few Indians hiding in the brush near
by, who, unsusjjicious of the main body advancing along the road,
challenged the whites to a fight. INFajor Fitzgerald came uj) and
ordered a charge; and six of the "red devils" were killed, and the
rest driven "on the jump" to the hills, but could not be overtaken.
Giving up the pursuit, the regulars and volunteers marched along
the road to the Harris house, where they found the devoted mother
and her child and removed them to Jacksonville. A conqiany of
volunteers led by Captain Rinearson, hastily came from Cow Creek
and scoured the country about Grave ('reek and vicinity, finding
quite a number oi bodies of nuirdered men. On the twenty-fifth
of October the body of J. B. Powell, of Lafayette, Yamhill County,
was found and buried. James White and Fox had been pre-
viously found dead. All the houses along the Indians' route had
y)een robbed and then burned, with two or three exceptions.

It would be difficult to picture the state of alarm which pre-
vailed when the full details of the massacre were made known.
The people of Rogue River Valley, probably without exception,
withdrew from their ordinary occupations and " forted up " or re-
tired to the larger settlements. Jacksonville was the objective point
of most of these fugitives, who came in on foot, on horse or mule
back, or with their families, or more portable property loaded on
wagons drawn by oxen. In every direction mines were abandoned,
farms and fields were left unwatched, the herdsman forsook his
charge, and all sought refuge from the common enemy. The in-

THE OREAT OUTBREAK OF EIGHTEEN FIFTY FIVE.

877

dustries were brought to a standstill, ami tnide and coimiierce be-
came instantly paralyzed. All business and plciisui-e were forsaken
to devise means to meet and vaiKpiish the hostile bands. Nor was
this state of affairs eoniined to the Rogue River country. The
people of the AVillamette Valley caught the infection, and for a
time the depi'essing expectation of Indian forays racked many a
breast. Tiie Oregon papers of that date were full of matter calcu-
lated to show the extreme state of ap[)r('hension existing throughout
the State, caused by these events and outi-ages conuuitted at the
same time by Indians north of the Columbia. It will he. believed
that there was am|)le reason for such a feeling among those who
lived south of the Calapooias. The settlers on the llmp(pia and its
tributaries were obviously endangered. They retired to places of
safety until the Indian scare had settled down to a steady wai'fare.
At Scottsburg, more than a hundred miles from the seat of war, the
inhabitants thus took refuge. On Cow Creek on tlie twenty-fourth
of October, Indians made an attack <m some hog-drovers from Lane
County, who were traversing the road. H. Bailey was killed in-
stantly, and Z. Bailey and three others wt>unded. The Indians
bm'iied, on that day, the houses of Turner, Bi-ay, Fortune, Redlield,
and one other. Mr. Redfield placed his family in a wagon and
started for a place of safety, l)ut soon his horses \vere shot, and he
took his wife upon his l)ack and carried her to a fortified place, be-
fore reaching which she was wounded.

It should be remarked that the situation in Southern Oregfon
was even more serious than was thought possilde ])y those who
viewed these affairs from abroad, or through the distorting medium
of the newspapers. The people were beset on all sides l)y sa\ages,
tliey knew not how numerous, who might strike, they knew not
where. The extent of the Indian uprising was not at first under-
stood. The Indians were well supplied with anununition, and had
guns, rifles, revolvers and knives, as great in assortment and better
in quality than the whites themselves were provided with. Besides,
of the several thousand Indians who inhabited Southern Oregon, no
one could tell which band might dig up the hatchet and go on tlie
war path in imitation of those who were already so actively butch-
ering and burning. The Table Rock band, steadfastly friendly,
withstood the temptation to avenge their undoubted grievances, and

378

HI8T0RY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

remained upon the reservation, tlu!re))y diminii^hing the enemy's
force very considerably. The Coast Indians, formidable and
dangerous barbarians, as yet had not been influenced to join the
malcontents. To opposi; such an array of active murderers and in-
cendiaries, the General drover nnent had a snuill number of troops,
unfitted to perform the chities of Indian fighting by reason of their
unsuitable mode of divss, tactics, and their dependence upon ([\u\v-
termaster and connuissary trains. The formation of volunteer com-
panies and the enrollment of men, began inunediately upon 'Jie
receipt of the news of the outbreak. The chief settlements became
centers of enlistment, and to them resorted the farmers, miners, and
traders of the vicinity, who, with the greatest unanimity, enrolled
themselves as volunteers to carry on the war which all now saw
to be unavoidable. On the tv,v]fth of October, Jolm E. Iloss, Col-
onel of the Ninth Regiment of Oregon Militia, assumed command
of the forces already raised. Recognizing the need of mounted
troops, lie made proclamation calling into service men provided
with liorses and arms, and in two days had increased his command
to nine companies, aggregating five huiuh-ed men. Several of these
companies had ])een on iluty from the day succeeding the nuissacre,
so prompt did theii' memlx'i's respond to the call of duty. The reg-
iment was increased by the first of Novembei' to fifteen companies,
containing an average of fifty men each, or seven hundred and fifty
in all. It is justly thought remarkable that such a force could have
been so quickly raised in a country of such a limited population as
Southern Oregon. If we examine the muster-rolls of the different
companies Ave shall be struck by tlie youth of the volunteers — the
average age being not beyond tAventy-four years. From all direc-
tions they came — these young, prompt and brave men= — from every
gulch, hill-side and plain, from every mining claim, trading post and
farm of that extensive region, and from the s^'mpathizing towns and
mining camps of Northern California, which, also, sent their contin-
gents. Their animals were gathered from pack-trains, farms and
towns, and were in many cases unused to the saddle. But the exi-
gencies of war did not allow the rider to hesitate bet\veen a horse
and a mule, or to humor the whims of the stubborn mustang or in-
tractable cayuse. With the greatest celerity and promptness the
single organizations had hui'ried to the rescue of the outlying settle-

.jfTik^'^A

THE GREAT OUTBREAK OF EIGHTEEN FIFTY-FIVE.

379

menta, and in immy ciiscs preserved the livi-s of settlers nieiuieed })y
Indiiins. Captain Uineai'son, at Cow Creek, enrolled thirty-five
men on the day following the nui.^saere, and hy nightfall had
stationed his men so as to effectually guard many miles of the road,
leaving men at the Canyon, at Levens' Station, at Turnei-'s, and
a strong foi'ce at ITarkiiess and TwogexHl's Grave Creek House, and
sending others down (irave Creek and to (laleee Creek. By this
prompt display of force fhe Indians were overawed, and refrained
from exposing themselves by continuing their raids in the valley;
and the peojde, seeing such an armed force in their midst, began to
regain calmness and coniidence.

Having considered tiie various incidents Avnich led to the out-
break in iSoutlu'rn Oregon, we will leave the nuisVering hosts and
turn to the north to review the causes tf the war along the Colum-
bia. The totally different condition of affairs renders it self-evident
tliat hostilities here were beu:un without the sliifhtest reference to
what was being done to the south. Their concurrent hajtpening
was simply a coincidence, and there is no reason to sujipose that
either would not have occui-red had the other in any manner been
prevented. Among the Yakimas, Klickitats, Des Chutes, Walla
Wallas, Cayuses, Spokanes, Palouses, Snakes and kindred tribes,
the hostility to Americans was deep-rooted and of long standing;
and even the Nez Perces were beginning to imbibe the infection.
The cause of this has been made to plainly appear in the preceding
pages — the fear that the Americans intended to take their lands.
This was the great fundamental cause of the AVhitman tragedy in
1847, and was the secret of the ill favor with which a "Boston''
met in the eye of an Indian of that region. The Hudson's ]?ay
Company was nt)t included in this feeling of hostility to the Ameri-
cans, and even during the times of trouble a well-known employee
of that corporation could travel among the hostile tribes in perfect
security. The Bostons had not as yet taken up claims in that re-
•gion, and the Indians did not propose to permit them to do so until
the land was purchased and paid for. Brooke, Bumford and Noble
Lad a claim at Waiilatpu, and H. M. Chase on the Touchet. Wil-
liam C. McKay, son of Thomas McKay, and looked upon as a com-
pany man, had located on the Umatilla, and with him were Jones
E. Whitney and family. A short distance below them was the

380

HISTORY OF WIT,LAMKTTE VALLEY.

agency. Louis Raboin, ah old American trapper of French descent,
was living on the Tukannon. The only other settlers were a
number of French Canadians and half-breeds, former servants of
the company, and nearly all married to Indian women, the greater
numl)er living along the Walla AValla, These were the only settle-
ments in the Walla Walla region.

As early as February, 18.55, reports of a hostile spirit being ex-
hibited by the Indians east of the mountains, were circulated, and
trouble in the near future was predicted. One of the incidents
where this feeling was displayed was in the case of S. M, Hamilton
and T. Pierce, who, al)out that time, went to the Simcoe country
to locate a stock ranch. The Yakimas woidd not permit them to
do so, and informed them that Aia<n*icans could not st^ttle in their
country until the Government had bought and paid for the land.
In consequence of this feeling, \vhich was displayed by the varioiLs

tribes on different occasion?;, Governor Stevens, of

Washington

Territory, in his capacity of Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and
Joel Palmer, Superintendent of Indian Affair? for Oregon, started
on an extended trip through that region, intent upon forming
treaties with the tribes and extinguishing the Indian title to the
country. After a long confei'ence near Fort W alia Walla, they
concluded treaties the ninth of June, with seventeen tribes, by
which was ceded to the Government nearly all the region em])raced
in Klickitat, Yakima, Kittitas, Spokane, Lincoln, Douglas, Adams,
Franklin, Whitman, Columbia and Walla Walla counties, in Wash-
ington Territory, and a portion of Union and Umatilla counties, in
Oregon, excepting the Yakima and Umatilla reservations.

The area thus lost to the Indians was a little over t\venty-nine
thousand square miles, for which they were to be paid as follows:
The fourteen tribes termed the "Yakima Nation,'' including the
Palouse Indians, with Kama-i-akun as head chief, were to l)e given
$200,000. This wa.s to be paid in yearly installments — during the
first five $10,000, the next five $8,000, then $G,000 for five years,
and for the last five $4,000 — jiayments to commence in September,
1856. This left $60,000 which were to be expended in getting these
tribes on their reservation, for fitting it up and to aid them in learn-
ing the art of husbandry. In addition to this the head chief of
the nation was to have a house built for him, with ten acres of land

THE GREAT OUTBREAK OF EIGHTEEN FIFTY-FIVE.

381

enclosed and . plowed, and he was to be paid $500 per year for
twenty years as a salary. To the Indians generally this was a glit-
tering temptation, hut Kama-i-akun was hostile to the transaction
and used his influence against it without avail. From that time
until his death he was never friendly to the whites, and later with-
drew from the war-path against th.^m only for want of followers.
Fourteen chiefs in all signed this agreement, ann)ng whom was the
unwilling Kama-i-akun. The Walla Wallas, Cayuses and Uma-
tillas, were to be paid $100,()()(t for their l)irth-right, with a twenty
years' annuity of $o(»0 to tlie head chief of each of those tribes.
But for the blood stain upon their hands of a murdered \\'^hitman,
the Cayuses would not have sold their country to the whites. The
Umatillas, knowing they were not guiltless in that affair, and looking
to the reward offered for compliance, placed their names to the treaty.
The Walla Wallas, too weak for resistance, reluctantly joined in the
transfer of their homes, and thirty-six chiefs from among the three
tribes signed the conveyance. Peu-peu-mox-mox, chief of this last
mentioned tribe, was sullen and would not talk. He remembered
that his own son had been educated at the mission; had visited
California by invitation of Captain J. A. Sutter; had been as wan-
tonly and maliciously murdered while in that gentleman's fort as
liad been Dr. Whitman among the Cayuses; and he no longer
courted their friendship or believed in their promises. A special
clause was placed in the treaty giving this chief })ermission to build
a trading post at, or near, the mouth of the Yakima River, which
he could occupy for five years and trade with the whites. He was
to be paid his first year's salary on the day he signed the treaty, and
the other chiefs had to wait. A h(nise was to be built for his liv-
ing son, around which Hve acres of land were to be plowed and en-
closed, ?'.nd he was to be paid annually $100 for twenty years. In
addition to all this, Peu-peu-mox-mox was to be given, within three
months, "three yoke of oxen, three yokes and four chains, one
wagon, two plows, twelve hoes, twelve axes, two shovels, one sad-
dle and bridle, one set of wagon harness, and one set of plow har-
ness." None of the other chiefs received promise of like privileges
or payments, and it is a striking evidence of the necessity that
existed for obtaining the influence of this evident leader among the
tribes at the council. The two treaties were signed on the ninth of

382

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

June, 1855, at Camp Stevens within the limits of what now is
Walla Walla City. Then Stevens and Palmer opened negotiations
with th(; Ne:z Perces, who had been present since the gathering of
the tribes at this great council. On the eleventh of that same
month these old and tried friends of the An'oi-jcans, who had been
one of the strong powers to influence the other tribes to cede their
lands in the two treaties of the ninth, conveyed their immense do-
main to the Government, withholding a rather extensive reserve.
Their territory, about one-fourth of which was retained, included
over eighteen thousand sipiare miles; and they were to be paid for
it in annuities through a term of twenty years, a total of $'200,000.
In addition, the liead chief was to be paid $500 per year for twenty
years, and the tribe was to receive other l^enefits tending toward
civilization. Fifty-eight chiefs signed it, among whom were Law-
yer, Looking (irlass, and Joseph. At the close of this coimcil at
Walla Walla Governor Stevens started for Colville, accompanied by
a few Americans and a body-guard fi'om this tribe. The Indians
in that region refused to sell their lands. The Governor passed
over the Bitterroot ]Vrovuitalns and concluded a treaty with the
Flathead Nation on the sixteenth of July, by which they ceded
over twenty thousand scpiare miles of territory to the Government,
less a reservatiim. The tribes constituting the Flathead Nation in-
cluded the Flathead, Kootenai, and Upper Pend d'Oreilles. In
addition to the $200,000 there were to be a $500 salary paid to the
head chief of each of those tribes annually for twenty years, and the
other usual advances to the nation for educational and agricultural
purposes. Over this nation the Catholic missionaries had an almost
unlimited control, and, had they opposed it, no treaty could have
been efPected. From among the Flatheads, Governor Stevens passed
Vjeyond the Eocky Mountains to treat with the Blackfeet.

When the treaties had been signed at the. Walla Walla council
and Governor Stevens had started north, Joel Palmer returned to
The Dalles, where he induced the Wascoes, Des Chutes, and John
Day Rivers to cede their lands to the Government, on the twenty-
fifth of June, for $150,000. Payment was to be divided into annu-
ities that would reach that amount in twenty years, with salaries to
chiefs and advances for improvements similar to those contained in
the other treaties. The land ceded by these tribes, from M^hich

THJE GREAT OUTBREAK OF EIGHTEEN FIFTY-FIVE.

383

should be deducted their reservation at the eastern base of Mount
Jefferson, included over sixteen thousand square miles.

Each of these treaties contained the following clause: "This
treaty shall be obligatory upon the contracting parties as soon as
the same shall be ratified by the President and Senate of the United
States." It is thus seen that neither the Avhites nor Indianu were
bound by the provisions of the treaties until they had been so rati-
fied, and tiie usual dilatoriness of Congress postponed that event
until the eighth of March, 1859, Nevertheless Governor Stevens
and Superintendent Palmer caused to l>e immediately pul'iished in
the Oregon papers an official announcement that tliey had "con-
cluded treaties," by means of which they liad extinguished the
Indian title to all the country except the reserves, whose bounda-
ries they gave, and notifying the people that the actual settlements
and improvements of the Indians must not be molested until such
time as they were officially removed to the reservations, whicli, of
(jourse, though they did not so state, could not be done untii the
treaties were made binding upon the contracting parties by formal
ratification. Mr. Palmer expressly stated in a notice dated July
10, 1855, that all the country east of the summit of the Cascade
Mountains, and from latitude 44" north to Kettle Falls, excepting
the reservations, was " open to settlement." Such was not the case;
and for thus giving the people an incorrect idea of what had been
accomplished, Governor Stevens and Superintendent Palmer are
justly chargeable with a large share of responsibility for the hostil-
ities which followed. The Indians did not so understand it, and
their views were correct. The effort which had been made to ac-
quire their lands in this wholesale manner had caused universal
dissatisfaction among them, and deepened their ill-will toward the
Americans. The chiefs had signed the treaties reluctantly, and their
conduct, though acquiesced in, was not approved by their followers.
In such a frame of mind they would not submit to any infringement
of their rights under those documents, and, until their terms had
been compb- ^ " ''.i, did not propose to permit any settlements to be
made on me ceded lands. They even determined to exclude the
Americans from the privilege previously enjoyed of passing through
the country. Ihe people were thus led by this injudicious con-
duct of pompous officials, to claim rights they did not possess and
which the Indians would not admit, and trouble naturally followed.

384

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

Only a few days subsequent to the signing of the treaties at
Walla Walla, an event occiiiTed which placed the relations between
the whites and Indians in a still more precarious and strained con-
dition. This was the reported discovery of gold at the junction of
the Columbia and Pend d'OreiPe rivers, thirty miles from Fort
Colville, a post of the Hudson's Bay Company. The discoverers
were fonr P'rench Canadians who had gone on a prospecting trip to
that region from French Prairie the preceding March, induced so to
do by one of their number, a half-breed named Wau-ka, who had
found color on the river. Small parties began leaving for the
mines, and as reports of the richness and extent of the diggings be-
came circulated, the number of these' adventurers increased. Wells,
Fargo & Co. sent an agent to examine them, and his report was to
the etfect that the mining ground was very extensive, but the gold
so fine that it could not be panned or cradled to advantage; sluices
and quicksilver would be required; also that the water in the river
was too high for successful mining at that season Exaggerated re-
ports, however, continued ti find their way into piint, and, in a few
weeks, travel to the Colville Mines became quite extensive. Parties
from the Willamette Valley went by way of The Dalles and Sinicoe
Valley at first, and later through Walla Walla and the Palouse
Country; while those from the Sound crossed the mountains by the
Natchess Pass, and headed direct for the mines. In the frame of
mind in which ihe Indians tlieu were, this was more than they
could stand. The treaties had not been ratified and were not yet
in force; every inch of the country belonged to the native pi'oprie-
tors as completely as before the signing of the compact. Not a
plow nor a hoe, not a cow nor a dollar of money, had they received ;
and yet the whites were streaming through their country and talk-
ing and acting as though the Indians had no rights in the matter
whatever. General Wocl charged these men as interfering' with
the Indian women, and thus precipitating hostilities; but that
charge was never sustained, though such conduct as that has been
one of the most fruitful causes of trouble between the two races.
It is not necessary, however, to account for the war in that manner,
since there was ample cause without. The ideas the Indians enter-
tained on the subject of white occupation, have been explained.
The Yakima tribes, under the leadership of Kama-i-akun, now de-

THE GREAT OUTBREAK OF EIGHTEEN FIFTY- FIVE.

385

termined that no white men should reside in, or pass through, their
country until the treaties had been ratified and the purchase price
of their lands been paid. This determination they made known
on several occasions. About the middle of July a man named Mc-
Cormick, who had a claim on Klickitat River at a point known as
" St. Charles City," was driven from his place, and spent a day and
night in a treetop on the bank of the Columbia, when the steamer
Mary came along and took him aboard. The Indians sent word
that whites would not be permitted to settle on their lands until
they had been paid for. About the same time Pierre Jerome, chief
of the Indians of Kettle Falls, refused to permit A. F. AVilson, the
man whom Wells, Fargo <fe Co. had sent to inspect the mines, to
go from Colville to Pend d'Oreille River, saying that Americans
would not be permitted to pass through or mine in th6 couutiy
until the land was paid for by the Government; also that all the
tribes named would hold a "big talk" in August on the subject.
This great council was never held, but that, in some way, the
various tribes alouu; tlie Columbia arrived at a mutual under-
standing of what they would do in certain events, was made
evident by their conduct a few months later.

The people, as has been shown, had not been notified that, as
yet, the treaties were not in force, and that they liad thereby ac-
quired no rights they did not previously enjoy. On the contrary,
they looked upon the hostile position assumed by the Indians a**
utterly unjustifiable, and in direct violation of rights conferred by
ti'eaty. This idea appears prominently in all contemporaneous
writings and in subseipient discussions of the war and its causes,
esj)ecially in those evoked by the unfavorable reports and comments
of General Wool. Looking at it from this stand-point, they were
nuich excited in August when the Statesman published a rumor
that seventy men had been killed in the Colville country, though
this was promptly contradicted. A few days later, when the news
of the murder of Mattice was received, they became still more so,
and charged the Indians with violating treaty obligations. Mr.
Mattice was a resident of Olympia, and with Judge Yantis and
others, crossed the mountains in August on his way to the mines.
When near the Columbia, Mattice became separated from his com-
panions and soon fell in with a Spokane Indian, whi> traveled

386

HISTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

with him. Not long afterwards four Isle de Pere Indians overtook
them and sliot Mattice, boasting to his companion that they had
already killed three Bostons that day. News of the tragedy was
taken to Colville by the Spokane and did not reach the Willamette
\alley until late in September. Much apprehension was felt for
the safety of a score of ttthers from Puget Sound, who were known
to be passing through the hostile country. The agent of tlie Hud-
son's Bay Company at Fort Colville, Mr. McDonald, on the twenty-
sixth of August, sent a messenger to the mines notifying the Amer-
icans of the death of Mattice and that the Indians were combining,
and advising them to leave the mines unless they w^ere prepared to
defend themselves against large numbers. Many had previously
started upon their return, disgusted with the mines, and now nearly
all of the remainder took McDonald's advice and returned by the
way of Walla Walla, reporting the Indians along the route as being
very sui-ly and threatening in their conduct. Whitney, at McKay's
place on the Umatilla, was warned by Stick-as and Umhowlish,
two Ca>use chiefs, that it was unsafe for him to remain, and was
told that they had given Dr. Whitman a similar warning before his
death. lie hastened with his family to The Dalles, and the few
other Americans in that region did the same, or took refuge with
the friendly Nez Perces. The French and half-breed settlers re-
mained, being considered Hudson's Bay Company men, and soiLe of
the later arrivals from Colville, among whom M'ere McKay and
Vic. Trevitt, only passed saffely through by representing themselves
as employees of the company.

In the absence of Grovernor Stevens, the Secretary, C. H. Mason,
discharged the duties of executive. On the twenty-second of Sep-
tember he addressed a communication to Major G. J. Raines, com-
mandant at Fort Vancouver, informing him of the murder of Mr,
Mattice and the reported death of a number of others, and request-
ing him to dispatch a military force to tlie Yakima country to
punish the aggressors and protect the small parties of minei-s travel ■
ing through that region. A. J. Bolan, Indian Agent for Washing-
ton Territoi'y, a man who had great influence among the Yakimas
and for whom they entertained great respect, started for that region
from The Dalles as soon as he heard of the first hostile acts, and as
no word was received from him for a number of days it was feared

THE OBXAT OUTBREAK OF EIGHTEEN FIFTY-FIVE.

387

he had been killed by his wards. Governor Mason had hardly
dispatched his letter before intelligence was received at Olympia
that two citizens of that place — Walker and Jamison — had been
killed near the Natchess Pass. He at once made a requisition upon
Captain M. Maloney, commanding Fort Steilacoom, for a detach-
ment of regulars to proceed to the Yakima country and pnnish the
perpetrators of these murders and protect the straggling parties
passing through. Lieutenant W. A. Slaughter was detailed for
this duty with forty men; and departed on the twenty-seventh of
September with forty days' rations. Mason addressed a second
letter to Major Raines on the twenty-sixth, infurniing him of the
new developments, and requesting him to send a military force to
co-operate with Lieutenant Slaughter. To this Major Raines re-
plied as follows:- —

Governor— Your letter by Mr. Pearson I have the honor to iicknowledge, and
have ordered into the field a company of eighty-four men from Fort Dalles, O. T.,
all mounted, and with provisions on pack mules for one month, to proceed without
delay and sweep through the Yakima country to the points you indicated, co-oper-
ating with the force from Steilacoom ; also, to inciuire into the safety of Agent
Bolan, who has now been absent an unusual length of time ; a respectful attention to
whose views are enjoined— if alive— for there are grounds to fear otherwise. I shall
approve of the action of the commanding officer at Fort Steilacoom in the premises,
and only regret that the forty men under Lieutenant Slaughter were not a full
company. I have also located an officer and twenty men at the Cascades.

This expedition was placed under the command of Major G. O.
Haller, a brave and expeiienced officer who had just returned from
a successful campaign in Southwestern Idaho against the Snake
Indians who had murdered the Ward family the fall before. Pre-
vious to his departure the fate of Agent Ri)lan was settled. Nathan
Oliiey, Sub-agent in Oregon, had dispatched from The Dalles a
trusty Indian to bring him intelligence of the missing man. He re-
turned with the startling report that seventeen men had been killed
(never substantiated), and that Bolan had l)een murdered. The
Agent had threatened the Indians with punishment by the troops
unless they refrained from molesting the whites who passed through
their country. When he left t() return he was followed by several of
them, and a son of Show-ah-way, an influential chief, shot him.
His throat was then cut, and the murderers shot his horse and burned
the two bodies together. About the same time, Werbaanahan, a
Cascaded chief, came into the settlement there and reported that

38S

HISTOUY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

five buiKlred Yakinms and Klickitats were within fifteen miles of
White Sahnon, and at once the military detachment located there
end»arked on the steamer Wasco and proceeded to the mouth of
tljat ri\('r, only to find their presence there useless, and at once
returned.

On the third of Octolter, Major Mailer's force, t-onsisting of one
hundi-ed and seven, rank and file, started north from 'J'he Dalles,
drairging with them a mountain howitzei". News of this movement,
of the death of liolan, and tlie White Salmon canard, reached Port-
land at the same time and created much excitement throughout the
Valle}-. 'J'liis force marc-hed north, and on the sixth encountered a
strong body of Indians on Simcoe Creek. By a (hishing charge the
savages were dislodged fi-oni the brush along the stream, bnt the
fortunes t>f battle soon turned, and tlie trf>ops were forced to take
refuge on the crest of a neighboring hill, where they were inmie-
diately surrounded by the enemy, whose nundter was estimated at
one thousand warriors. A courier succeeded in slipping through
tlie envii oning savages, and after two days of fatigue and danger,
reached The Dalles with intelligence of the precarious position of
the troops. Lieutenant Day at <'nce started to their relief with
forty-five men and a liowitzer, but soon met the troops in full re-
ti'eat. Unal)le to maintain their position, they had forced a passage
through the enemy's lines and fought their way out of the country,
losing, in the whole fight, five of their number killed and seventeen
wounded.

On the ninth Major Raines nnide a recjuisition upon Governor
Mason for two companies of volunteers, and addressed a communi-
cation to Governor Geoi-ge L. Curry, of Oregon, containing the
following language ; —

Aw cuiiimanding officer, J have ordered all the United States disposable force in
this district into the field immediately, and shall take the command. As this force
is questionable to subdue these Indians — the Yakinms, Klickitats, and may be some
other smaller bands — I havj the honor to call upon you for four companies of vol-
unt«ers, composed, according to our present organization, of one captain, one first
lieutenant, one second lieutenant, four sergeants, four corporals, two musicians,
and seventy-four privates. This number of companies is just enough for a major's
command, and would authorize that officer also. We have only arms enough at
this post for two companies, so it is advisable to have two of the four companies
come armed with rifies, or such arms as can best be obtained. We have plenty of
ammunition, however. As celerity is the word, we want as many of the volunteei-s
as can be immediately obtained, to rendezvous at this post, and i)roceed with the
troops to Fort Dalles. They can be mu3te."ed here.

THE OHKAT fUTBKKAK OK KKillTKKN FIFTY-FIVK.

3S1I

(lovcnior Mason at once issued a proclamation for two com-
panies, wliicli were speti»lily filled, (rovernor C'urry did better.
Instead of four companies he called for eight — one each from Mult-
nomah, Clackamas, Wasliington, Marion, Polk, Yamhill, Lane and
Wasco — and a few days later added a company from Benton and
another from Frei.'ch Settlement, in Marion County ; the last l^eing
designed for seout and guide duty. Just why this was done is not
perfectly clear, hut it was charged at the time that he proposed to
render the regulars auxiliary to the militia instead of the reverse,
and therefore desired companies enough to require a colonel, who
would outrank Major Raines. It was also charged that speculaticm
was an impoi'tant factor here as well as in Southern Oregon, and
that ever since the gloi-ious trip of the year before " to tight the
emigrants," the powers thiit were, and tlieir friends, 'looked upon
an Indian war as a l)onaii/a of considerable proportions. This may
be doing the memoi'y of the executive and his advisers an injustice,
but certain it is, even if that element was not then present, it cropped
out later, and with sufficient pr<miinence to give color to the suspi-
cion of its existence from the very beginning.

It is proper here to give another version of the cause of hostili-
ties and the reason for this rather wholesale calling to arms by
(Tovernor C-urry. (reneral Wool, in a lett<'r to the National Intel-
ligencer^ under date of April 12, IMiiG, detailed the situation in
Oregon from his stand -point. This is one of the letters which
drew down upon his devoted head such a storm of indignation,
which will be more fully referred to in its proper place. In it hj
says: —

It is said that tlio Yaivinuis liaving become dissatisfied with the treaty made
witii tlieni the surniuer liefore l)y Governor Stevens, determined on war. This was
hastened, as it would seem, by some miners forcibly varryiug away and ill treating
some Yakima s(|uaws. Tlie Yaltimas, according to their own story, complained of
this wronjj to A. .1. Holan, .Siib-lixlian Agent, who was at that time in tlie Indian
country, and demanded redress. An altercation took place, when the Indians
threatened revenge. The agent, in turn, threatened to send against them troops of
the United States. It was under such circumstances that the agent and the Indians
separated. The former, however, was followed and overtaken by the Yakimas,
when they demanded to know if he intended to send the troops of tlic United
States against them. On answering them in the affirmative, as the Indians saj%
they killed him, and afterwards, as reported, some miners on their way to tlie t'ol-
ville mines. * * * fhe Major, however, partaking somewhat of the
alarm pervading the country, increased and stimulated by political demagogues,
called upon Acting-Governor Mayon for two companies of volunteers, which was

300

HISTOKV OF WII.LAMF.TTK VALLKT.

promptly and fa voriil)ly roHimiided to; and upon Governor Curry, of Oregon, for
four (iompunies, whicli he refused, Iteeause, as he said, the Orenonians would no*
serve under United States olHcers. At the same time he ealled into the Territorial
service two mounted re^fiments — one to serve against the Indians of Waslilngton
Territory, and the oilier against the Indians in Southern Oregon. Of the former,
no part of it, in any sense of the term, was necessary to defend tlie inhabitants of
Oregon against tlie 1 udians in Washington Territory, east of the Cascade MountainB,
from whom they had no danger whatever to apprehend. * * * guch have
been the results of one of the most unwise, unnecessary and extravagant expedi-
tions ever fitted out in the United States, and for no other reason than to plunder
the treasury of the United States and to make political (capital for somebody. It
could not have been projected for the defense of the inhabitants of Oregon, nor for
the protection of Oregonians in Wasliington Territory, for none resided there. What,
then, could have been the object? Notliing luit a crusade against the Tiidians, and a
long war to enrich the country. If such was not the object. Governor (,'nrry. Instead
of sending his troops against the Indians of Washington Territory and beyond his
own jurisdiction, would have sent them all to Southern Oregon, where the war
raged, and no where else in his territory. Tlie Oregonians say that the war is a
Godsend to the country. * * ♦ It is said by intelligent men that the
expenses of Governor Curry's army will amount, in scrij), to three or four millions
of dollars. If Congress should foot the bill, some Governor of another Territory
will make a bill of ten millions. I do not know how the ((uestion will be con-
sidered. One thing, liowever, is certain, tliat it is an example which, if counte-
nanced by the United States Government, may, when leati. expected, lead to no less
embarrassing than disastrous results.

In the "River of the West," the author, who evidently was in-
spired by the communications and reports of General Wool, thus
speaks upon this subject: —

But when at last the call to arms was made in Oregon, it was an opportunity
sought and not an alternative forced upon them by the politicians of that Territory.
The occasion was simply this: A party of lawless wretches from the Sound
Country passing over the Cascade Mountains into the Yakima Valley, on their way
to the Upper Columbia mines, found some Yakima women digging roots in a lonely
place and abused them. The women tied to their village and told their chiefs of
the outrage, and a party followed the guilty whites and killed several of them in a
light. Mr. Bolan, the Indian- Sub-Agent for Washington, went to the Yakima vil-
age, and, instead of judging the case impartially, made use of threats in the name of
the United States Government, saying that an army should be sent to punish them
for killing his people. On hia return home, Mr. Bolan was followed and murdered.
The murder of an Indian Agent was an act which could not be overlooked. Very
properly the case should have been taken notice of in a manner to convince the
Indians that murder must be punished. But, tempted by an opportunity for gain,
and encouraged by the somewhat reasonable fears of the white population of Wash-
ington and Oregon, Governor G. L. Curry, of the latter, at once proclaimed war,
and issued a call for volunteera, witliout waiting for the sanction or assistance of
the General Government.

Though the camas incident may have occurred, it has not been
established by proof; and even if an actual occurrence it was but
an incident and not a sole cause of trouble. For this contracted

THE GKKAT niTHKKAK OF EKiHTKEN FIFTV-FI V K.

891

and superficial view, General Wool, who was a stranger and un-
familiar with the relations the whites and Indians had previously
sustained toward each other, may, perhaps, he considered excusable.
He probably acted " to the best of his knowledge and belief." His
course waw certainly better than the other extreme ad<»pted by
(Governor Curry.

The excitement and panic created in the Willamette \' alley can
hardly l>e ap[)reciated at this distant day. News of the terrible
straits to which Major Haller wa.s reduced, and of Major Raines'
call for aid, was followed two days later by intelligence of the ter-
rible niassncre in the Rogue Rivei* Valley, already described. It
was at once ass<'rted, and generally believed, that all the Indians in
Oregon and Washington had combined to wage a war of extermina-
tion against the settlements. The Orcgonian especially was a panicy
paper, filling its columns with all the absurd rumors which menda-
cious schemers or timid idiots might invent or conceive. Other
papers seconded the hot-headed Dryer in his efforts to create a \var
feeling among the people, with the exception of the Statesman; and
this exception was caused by the simple fact that Bush, its editor,
always esjioused the negative of any question upon which Dryer
had pronounced in the affirmative. It was somewhat anomalous
and parad*)xical in this case, since the Statesman was the apf)stle of
Democracy, and the Territorial (Tovernment was completely in the
hands of that party, which would, conseciuently, control all appoint-
ments and the It^tting of all contracts — as sul>se(iuent events 2:)roved
that it did. On the contrary the Oregonian, a.- .iie organ of the
Whig, or American, party, could hope for no benefit for itself or
friends, save such as might come indirectly, V)ecause the " war was
a Godsend to Oregon.'' By warmly advocating the war, and then as
hotly criticising its management by the Democratic officials and con-
tractors, \\'hile not forgetting at the same time to be-stow unlimited
praise u{)on " the brave men in the field," the Oregonian made
itself extremely popular. This was an astute piece of journalism,
and it may be said that the Oregonian here laid the foundation for
its subsequent greatness and prosperity.

To enumerate the various rumors which flew about the \'alley,
racking the nerves of the timid and rousing the martial ardor of the
more warlike, would be impossible. The same evening the start-

35)2

HlfHTOKY OK WILLAMKTTK VAl-LKT.

ling intelllgent't' vvjw hrouglit into Portland thnt Major Haller was
defeated, a rumor was spread tliat the ('aseades was threatened and
thnt six hundreil Indians were opposite St. Helens. Hastily a meet-
ing was called, excited and warlike speeches made, a committee of
safety appointed "to keep an eye on the Indians in and aV)out the
city," and another to enroll the names of volunteei-s. Quite a com-
pany was raised before the canard was explode*'. Throughout the
whole valley there was a general prejiaration for defense, extending
from the simple inspection of tire-nrms to the l)uildingof stockades,
according jus the panic took deep or shallow hold upon the in-
dividual. The Metho<lists of Tualatin Plains, in Washington County,
apparently more exposed to annihilation l)y lightning than attack
by Indians, constructed a stockade around their church, and pre-
pared for a defense of their families within the protecting wall of
pickets. The following extract from an editorial in the Statesman
of October 25, two weeks after the excitement began, throws much
light upon the subject: —

* * * The idea that Indians are going to attacli tlie Willamette towns
or settlements is groundless and silly in the extreme, and it requires more patience
than we possess to treat it solierly and without ridicule. * * * Upon what
are all these "dread alarums " based ? Upon silly rumors, dreams, and crazy imagina-
tions of excited and halt-crazy brains. And how rapidly have they all been exploded
in their order ! First, The Dalles and Cascades were to be immediately attaclced ;
next, 8t. Helens ; then Major Haller was about to be out off; Lieutenant Slaughter's
command was, without doubt, murdered ; and also Governor Mason, who followed,
with Stuart, Trevitt, Barnhart and McKay, and several others, too numerous to
mention, who had not been heard of for twenty-four hours or so. They have all
finally turned up unharmed, except Haller's command, which sustained a loss of
five men. » * « Upon the heels of the above list of rumors followed
some other members of that innumerable family to the effect that three or four
hundred Klamaths were at the head of the Santiam, armed, and threatening an
attack upon the neighborhood, Salem, Albany, and probably Corvallis. No Indians
could be found there ; and then rumor located a still larger and more dreadful band
on the Calapooia, with the intention of sweeping the country and burning Eugene
City. But nary Indian was found there, and we heard nothing of madam j-umor
for two or three hours, when she came in breathless and reported the Tillajriook
Indians as being in an awtul flz, and about to blow out Lafayette and Yamhill. A
party started over to Tillamook to surprise the red rascals and head off their dire in-
tentions; in due time they returned, without any scalps, and not very nmch fright-
ened for their lives. They probably conveyed to those Indians the first intelligence
they had of the combination of all the tribes against the whites. * ♦ #
Now, nothing remains of the rumors from that quarter (the north) but the report of
a combination of tribes, and a purpose of giving battle to the whites. We have
noticed that in times past, upon the occurrence of Indian hostilities, it is at once re-
ported that there is a combination of all the tribes in the section where the dis-
turbance exist« ; and we have not;.ced, also, that when it was over and the facts

•niK (IHKAT Ol'TBUKAK (»K KKJMTKKN K1KTV-1I\ K.

;v.»;i

obtainahh', that tlicri! wnn no jjeiicml coinhination, ami do invcoin'crtod purpoHC of
war. Thcro may lieu ntnu-ral comhinatioii of trilnH iiortli of ii«. Wt' hope not; and
we have Heen no evidence that sucli is the (;aae, an<l do not lielicve that it Ih.

The tro(t])M under tlie cornniand of Major Kiiincs were portions
of the 4th Tnfiuitrv. Ininiedintcly upon rcmving the Majctr's re-
port of the condition of uffuir.s on the Cohunbia, as well as intelli-
genee of th(! Rogue lliver conif)lications, Major General Wool, com-
inandant of the Military Division of the Paeifie, with ]iead(|Uarters
at San Francisco, forwarded all the troops iit his disi^osal, together
with stores, annnunition, etc. He also made a re(pusition upon the
(iovernnient for reinforcements, in response to which the 0th Infantry
was sent to the Coast; but owing to the insufficient means of com-
munication and ti-avel, the regiment did not arrive until the follow-
ing spring.

CHAPTER XXIII.

THE FALL CAMPAIGNS IN THE SOUTH.

Governor Curry Calls for Two Battalions of Volunteers — Siege of
Galice Creek- — Battle of Hungry Hill — -A Poor Commissariat, and
Jealousy betweeti Regulars and Volunteers Cause Disaster — Organi-
zation if the Two Battalions — They Arrange with the Hegtdars for
a Joint Campaign — The J^'irst Meadows Campaign — Invasion of
the Rice Settlement — 3[assacre <f Peaceable Zhnpiiuas in fjooking-
Glass Valley — Attack on the Camj>» of Jake and John- -The Siege
on Applegate Creek — Fight on Murphy Creek — Close of the Cam-
paign for the Winter.

THE narrative now turns back to the Rogue River Valley, whose
stirring events will he considered while Major Raines and
Governor Curry's troops are preparing for their expedition against
the Yakimas. Upon tlie news being r(>ceived at Corvallis, the tem-
porary seat of Government, tliat the flame of war had burst out
afresh in Southern Oregon, Governor Curry, immediately after his
proclamation for troops to fight the Northern Indians, issued a
second call for volunteers to (piell the uprising in the South. He
called for two battalions, to be designated as the " Northern Bat-
talion " and "Southern Battalion." The former was to consist of
five companies, two from Lane County, and one each from Douglas,
Linn and Umjiqini, and was to rendezvous at Rosel)urg and elect
a Major to command it. The latter was to consist of four compa-
nies, all from Jackson County, to assemble at JiU'ksonville, and also
choose a Major as commander.

While the work of organizing the forces was going on, the Indian
maraude' i retired to the neiijhborhood of Grave Creek, Cow Creek
and Galice Creek, on each of which were important settleiuents.
On the morning of the seventeenth of October the r.nited bands of

THE FALL CAMPAI(iNS IN THK SOUTH.

395

Limpy, George, John and Tenas Tyee made an attack on the head-
quarters of the volunteers on Galice Creek, and the fight ensued
which has been celel)rated as the " Siege of Galice ('reek.'' Cap-
tain AVilliani B. Lewis, in command of a company of about thirty-
five men, was stationed at the creek. (Jn the day mentioned Ser-
geant Adams was fired upon by liostiles, who appeared in strong
force on the hill overlooking the houses used as headf[uai*ters.
Several volimteers who were standing near were also fired upon,
and Private J. W. Pickett was mortally wounded by a shot through
the body, and died during the day. The heathpiarters consisted of
two board houses, situated some twenty yards apart, and about an
ecpuil distance fi'om the stream. Some four or five men took a
position in a ditch which had been cut for defensive purposes; others
took shelter within a log coi'ral adjoining one of the houses, while
within the latter the remainder were installed. The enemy were
hidden })ehind natural o})structioi)s in all directions from the de-
fenses. Very soon the men were diiven from the ditch, and took
refuge in the tiouses. While retreating toward the house. Private
Israel D. Adams was shot and fell, mortally injured, near the house,
being assisted into it by Private Allen Evans, who, while thus en-
gaged, received a severe wound in the jaw. The Indians imme-
diately occupied the ditch to the number of tvventy or more, and
kf'pt up a fire on the houses, within which the volunteei-s were erect-
ing defences by digging up floors, piling up blankets, etc. Umpqua
Joe, a fri(Viidly Indian who was taking j>art with the whites, had the
misfortune to be wounded; and a bullet penetrated the thin walls
of the house and struck Private Samuel Sanders in the head, killing
him instantly. Several attempts were made by the enemy to set fire
to the houses, and Chief Gcorcje particularlv distinuniished himself
by attempting to throw )»urning faggots uj)on the rot)fs. The en-
gagement lasted nearly all day, the Indians at ni<.';Iiitall retiring from
the scene. When they had disappeared, the volunteers went to work
to strengthen their defences by extending their ditch, at which they
occupied themselves nearly all night. In the morning some Indians
appeared, and seeing from the preparations that the whites were
ready to receive them, fired their guns, i*etreated, and were not
again seen on Galice Creek. Besides those mentioned, Benjamin
Tufts, severely wounded, died on the twenty-eighth of November

3<.)<)

lirsToUY OF WILIiAMKTTK VALI.KY,

following. Captain Lt'wiri, First Lientt»nant W. A. Moore, and
Privates John P^rixson, Lonis Dunois, and Milton Blaeklidge were
wounded. How great the Indian loss was could not be determined,
but common opinion was that it was about etjual to that of the
whites.

A ieAV days subse(]uently, and while the whereabouts of the
Indians was unknown, an opportune circumstance revealed their
place of a))ode. Lieutenant (since General) A. Y. Kaiitz, o^^ the
regular army, set out from Port Orford with a guard of ten soldiers
to explore the country lying between that place and Fort Lane.
Leaving the river near the mouth of Grave Creek, he ascended the
neighboring hills and, nuich to his surprise, came upon a very
large band of Indians. xVs they proved hostile, there was no re-
source but to run for it, and losing one man by the savages' fin^,
the men escaped to Fort Lane. Having now been made aware of
the Indians' exact whereabouts, Colonel Ross and Captain Smith,
combining forces as well as the mutual jeah^usies of j'egulars and
volunteers would permit, began to plan an active campaign. All
the dL'posable troops at Fort Lane consisted of eighty-five men and
four oftx^'ers. These set out on the twenty -sev ith of October, and
on arriving at the Grave Creek House were joined l)y Colonel Ross'
command, of about two hundred and ninety men, besides a portion
of Major Martin's force from Deer Creek. From this point the
combined forces moved, on October thirtieth, to the Indian camp,
arriving at daybreak at a point where Captains Harris and Bruce
were deployed to the left, while Captain Smith, with the regulars,
took the ridge to the right, with the expectation of ai-riving in the
rear of the position. Captains Williams and Rinearson followed in
Captain Smith's tracks. The country not being perfectly known
by the whites, several mistakes followed in consequence, and Harris
and Bruce came directly upon the Indian encampment, and were in
full \'iew of the savages, before any strategic movement could be
made, and no opportunity for surprising the enemy offered itself.
The time was sunrise, and Captain Smith had gained his rear posi-
tion and had built fires for his men's refreshment, at the place where
Lieutenant Kautz had been attacked. By these fii'es the Indians
were warned of the party in their rear, and prepared themselves
accordingly. The regulars descended into a deep goige, climbed

THE FALL CAMPAIGNS IN THE SOUTH.

397

up the other side and directly ^vere engaged with the Indians, vvlii*
advanced to meet them. From the crest of the hill for a mile or
more in tlie rear of the Indians, was a dense tliicket; on the right
and left were precipitous descents into a goi ge illled with pines and
undergrowth, in which the nati\es concealed themselves almost per-
fectly from the view of the \vliites, who possessed no resources suffi-
cient to dislodge them. The I'idge being hare on to[), the men were
necessarily exposed, and sonu^ casualti(<s resulted. Movements were
made tt) get in the rear of this new position, hut sm-h attempts were
futile. Several charges were made by the I'egulars, but ineffectually,
althougli the men were for considerable periods within V'l: or twenty
yards of the hostiles. The latter fought ])ravely and stea lily, pick-
ing off the whites b}' a regular fire from their rifles, which were
pitted against the inferior weapons of the troops, or at least of the
regulars, two-thirds of whom had only the " musketoon," a short,
smooth-bore weapon, discharging inaccurately a heavy round bullet,
whose range was necessarily slight. About sunset the comnuinders
concluded to retire from tiie tiehl, and encamped for the night at
Bloody Spring, as it was then named, some distance down the hill.
On the following morning Lieutenant (xibson, of the regulars,
with ten men, proceeded up the hill to the battlefield, to secure the
dead body of a private of his detachment, and when returning with
it was pursued l)y the savages, \vho came down and attacked the
camp in force. No damage was done exce].)t the Avounding of Lieu-
tenant Gibson, and after a time the savages were driven off. No
further attempt against the Indians was made, and after advising
with their officers, the two connnanders decided to remove their
troops from the vicinity. The total loss was thirty-one, of whom
nine were killed, and twenty-two wounded. Several of the latter
died of their injuries. The volunteers killed Avere Privates Jacob
W. Miller, James Peai'cy and Henry Pearl, of Rinearsoi''s company;
John AVinters, of AVilliams'; and Jonathan A. Pedigo, of Harris'.
The wounded were Privates William II. Ci'ouch, Enoch Miller and
Ephraim Tager, of Rinearson's; Thomas Ryan and AVillian; Stamms,
of Williams'; L. F. Allen, John (Tolds])y,'ThonuiH Gill, C. B. Hin-
ton, William M. Hand, William I. Mayfiehl, William Purnell and
AVilliam White, of Mairis'; (■. ('. Goodwin, of Hruce's; and John
Ki'imedy, of Welton's. The latter died on the sev<'nth of N<»vem-

398

HISTORY OK WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

her, and C. B. Hinton, in endeav^oring to make his way alone to
tlie Grave Ci-eek House, lost his road and perished from exposure.
This fiifiit is known by the several names of the "Battle of Bloody
Springs," "Battle of Hungry Hill," and " Battle in the Grave Creek
Hills," and was prac-tically a defeat.

Inclemency of the weather and inadetpiate clothing and accoutre-
ments are ascribed as reasons for the failure of this campaign; but
moi'e especially an utter failure of the ccjinmissariat. The commis-
sary and ([uartermastei" departments were at fault, nor do they ap-
pear to have l)een efficiently aihninistered at any time (hiring the
war, although their expenses (duly charged to the United States)
were pre])osterously great. P^igures are at hand to show that the
expense of tlie latter department exceeded, for a time, eight hundred
dollars ])ei' day I And this for transportation alone. A large
number of Mexicans were borne on the rolls as packers, whose
daily pay was six dollars, and who had the care and management
of about one hundred and fifty pack animals, \v'hich were used in
carrying supplies from Jacksonville or Crescent City to the seat of
war. Tliey belonged to the volunteer service, and were entirely
distinct from the trains by whicli the regulars at Fort Lane were
supplied. It was to this mismanagement the failure of the cam-
paign was attributed, and apparently with considerable justice. As
was customary at that date, a great deal of blame Avas cast upon
the volunteers for their alleged failure to properly second the efforts
of the Government troops. This t;hai"ge is i'(;torted Uj)on Captain
Smith's soldiers by counter-cliarges of similar tenor; and as neither
side in the controversy is supported by any but interested evidence,
we can not, at this date, satisfactorily discuss the (piestion. The
matter, however, is connected with the in\ariable tendency to an-
tagonism, which shows itself on evei'y similar occasion.

These preliminary engagements were followed by a complete
organization of the hastily collected companies as designate*! in the
proclamation of Governor Curry. John K. Lamerick was aj)])ointed
Acting Adjutant General for the Southern ]iattali(.)n, and reached
Jacksonville a few days subsequent to the battle of Hungry Hill.
About a dozen companies, of from twenty to eighty men eacli, ap-
plied to be mustered. Of these four— Bruce, Williams, Wilkin-
son, and Alct>ru's — were mustered at Vannoy's Ferry on the tenth of

THE FALL CAMPArONS IN' THK SOUTH.

399

November, the others being disbaudeil. Tlie Itattaliou elected
James Bruce Major, liis oidy competitor l)eiiig Captain 11. L.
Williams. The Northern Battalion perfected its organization some-
what earlier at Roseburg, electing William J. Martin Major on the
twentieth of Oct<.)ber. M. M. McCarver, Aviio had been appointed
Quartermaster General, established his headtpnii'ters at li()sel)urg.
Major Martin's force consisted of live companies of one hundred
and ten meu each, considerably in excess of the number assigned in
the prodanmtion. The company from Douglas County was com-
manded by Sajuuel Gordon; Jonathan Keeney was in command of
the one from Linn, W. W. Cliapman WJis Ca})tain of the Umpcpia
company, and Joseph Bailey and — — Buoy of tlie two from Lane.
Major Martin estaldished headcpiarters at Camp Leland, seven miles
north of Grave Creek, and stationed detachments of his men at suit-
able jxiints for the general protection of the whole region north of
Rogue River — in Cow Creek Valley, Camas Valley, the Canyon,
North Unip(^ua, and at Scottsburg. Detachments of the Southern
Battalion were stationed at Evans' Ferry, Bowden's, on Grave
Creek, and other points.

This disposition of the troops effectually prevented the Indians
from reacliing the more important settlements, and the savages, find-
ing all avenues closed to the eastward, left Bloody Sj)rings and
pa.ssed down Rogue River, taking refuge in a region almost inac-
cessible l)ecaiise of its steep mountains, deep gorges and dense
underbrush. The two 1 >attalions were mutually independent, though
expected t(» co-operate. Their commandei's arranged with Captain
Smith for a joint campaign againt the Indians, whose location on
Rogue River had been discovered. Major Fitzgerald and his com-
pany of dragoons had been ordered to report for duty at Vancou-
ver, much reducing the force of regulars at Fort Lane. Captain
Judah, who was stationed at Fort Jones, was sent, by Captain
Smith, to accompany the volunteers with all the troops which could
be spared from those two posts. Here was the most unmilitary
spectacle of three separate and distinct commands starting out upon
a campaign, with no conunauder-in-chief and no definitely outlined
plan of operations.

The line of march was taken up by Major Martin, Major Bruce,
ami Captain Judah t>u the twentieth of November, the latter taking

400

IITSTORT OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

with him, with infinite difficulty, a clumsy mountain howitzer. A
day or two later they encamped at the mouth of Whiskey Creek,
and found traces of Indians. Proceediusr down the river the next
morning, keeping along tlie high lands back a mile or two from the
stream, they found the Indians in strong force in the woods border-
ing the river. It was deemed proper to ci'oss to the south side of
the stream, and for this purpose Major Bruce proceeded with his
))attaliou down the river, being then near the mouth of Jackass
Creek, and attempted to cross. There was no discipline whatever.
The commands were but newly organized, and each pi'ivate con-
sidered his judgment as good as that of his officers. The men were
scattered out over the bar, some engaged in constructing rafts and
others in prospecting foi" gold. No effort was made to k(^ep them
in order by their officers, though they were almost in the presence
of the enemy. The consequence was that when the Indians began
firing upon tiiem from out of the dense thicket on the opposite
bank, the men made a wild rush for shelter in the forest al)ove the
bar. Although some of the officers made a vain effort to halt them
and form a line, they preferred to take the advice of a fleeing Lieu-
tenant and " break for the brush." While this was being done the
commands of Martin and Judah lay upon the hill above and several
miles distant, while the latter trained his piece in the direction of the
enemy and awoke the echoes with its harmless bang. After con-
tinuing this amusement for some time the martial toy was strapped
upon the back of a lusty mule, and the three conunands marched
back to their camps at Vannoy's Ferry, Foi't Lane and Camp Le-
land. Thus ended the First Meadows Campaign. AVilliam Lewis, of
Kenney's comi)any, was killed, five other volunteers were wounded,
and one Indian scalp was taken home l)y the retiring troops.

The various companies were now detailed for guard duty at the
more exposed places, and no regular campaign was again under-
taken until spring. Though comparatively inactive, thciy served as
a bulwark of safety to the settlements along Rogue liiver antl the
Umpqua. There were, however, a few war- like incidents l)efore
the close of the year, which served to show that the Indians were
still hostile, and that the spirit of promiscuous extermin.ition had
not forsaken the whites. The flrst of tiiese was the descent of some
twenty or thirty Indians upon the Rice Settlement, at the mouth of

THE FALL CAMPAIGNS IN THE SOUTH.

401

Looking Glass Creek, eight miles south of Roseburg. The hostiles
burned Rice's house, captured some fire-arras, and did other damage.
A small company of men, commanded by J. P. Day, went from
Deer Creek to the scene and engaged and defeated the Indians on
the second of December, killing three. The stolen guns, horses,
etc., were re-captured. Castleman, a member of the company, was
slightly wounded. The Indians were probably Cow Creeks who
had not formally joined the forces of Limpy and George on the
banks of Rogue River. Some few of the peaceable Umpquas
resided in and around the pleasant vale of Looking Glass. When
war broke out on Rogue River, these inofEensive peo})le were gath-
ered in Looking Glass Valley, occupying a rancheria on the creek,
where they lived at peace with all the world, and ignorant and
careless of everything outside of their own little sphere. In an evil
hour certain white people of that vicinity, who imagined that they
were dangerous neighbors, organized themselves into a company,
and fell suddenly upon the helpless little community, and scattered
them to the four winds. Several men and an old squaw w ere
killed.

The people on Butte Creek, in Jackson County, had, with the
first alarm of war, sought safety in a camp of log houses on Felix
O'Neal's donation claim. Alcorn's company was recruited among
the hardy settlers thereabouts, and subsequent to their return from
the First Meadows Campaign, were posted in part at this fortified
camp. Jake, a well-known chief of a small band of Indians, with
his braves, had long inhabited that portion of the country and had
refused to go on the reservation. On the night of December twen-
ty-fourth Captain Alcorn marched to their rancheria and camped
within a mile of it, in the cold and snow. At daybreak the next
morning the troops moved within rifle range, and began to shoot.
This they kept up until the natives were killed or dispersed, their
loss being eight " bucks " killed, and the remainder wounded. One
squaw was wounded in the jaw, and two men were captured. A
similar affair, similarly managed, occurred at the same date between
a detachment of Captain Rice's company and the Indians of a ranch-
eria four miles north of Rogue River, and just below the mouth of
Big Butte Creek. The Indians were taken by surprise, and after
several hours' fighting, eighteen males were killed, twenty squaws

402

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

and children captured and the rancheria burned. On the same day
twenty men of Bushey's company set out on a j*cuuting tour to the
neigh})orhood of Williams' Creek, where a [)()rtk)u of Old John's
band were busying themselves in many a hostile ^vay, niucli raised
in self-esteem by the partial success of their bold leader since the
war began. On the fourth day a detachment of seven men came
upon the camp, and immediately attacked it, killing three braves
and putting the others to flight.

Toward the last of December some scouts, near the forks of the
Applegate, discovered that a body of Indians had taken [)ossession
of two deserted miners' cabins, and had gone into winter ( quarters
there, preparing themselves for a state of siege by excavating the
floors and piling the dirt against the walls. A l)ody of sixty or
more from Sterling went immediately to watch the cabins and
prevent the Indians from escaping, while wonl was sent to various
military companies. Captain Bushey arrived, and finding the
position too strong for his small force, awaited the arrival of
others. Capt. Smith sent Lieutenants Hagen and Underwood with
twenty -five regulars and the inevitable howitzer; but the mule .
carrying the ammunition was so heedless as to fall into a dee^p
creek and be killed, while the powder wus ruined. More ammu-
nition was sent for, and Lieutenant Switzer, with sixteen regulars,
brought it on a mule. The regulars then Hrtd a shell, which
passed into or through a cabin and killed, as the records say, two
savages. Before the howitzer's arrival the Indians had killed one
man and wounded five. After the shell was fired, the regulars
postponed fui'ther operations until the morrow, as night was near.
When they arose the next morning the birds had flown and their
cages were empty. A much regretted event t)ccurred during the
day; this was the killing of Martin Angell, of Jacksonville, who
set out to accompany the regulars to the scene of the siege. When
two and a half miles from Jacksonville, Angell and Walker, who
were about two hundred and fifty yards in advance, were fired on
by Indians concealed in the brush beside the road. Angell was
killed instantly, four balls passing through his head and neck. On
the same day (January 2) Charles W. Hull was hunting on the
divide between Jackson and Jackass creeks, and becoming sepa-
rated from his friends, was waylaid and murdered by Indians.

THE FALL CAMPAIGNS IN THE SOUTH.

403

After it was found that th«' Indians had made their escape from
the cabins, the regulars returned to the seclusion of Fort Lane,
while Major Bruce, who had arrived upon the held, set out a few
days later, with a portion of Rice, Williamson and Alcorn's com-
panies, to follow the trail of the fleeing Indians to the west. The
scouts came suddenly upon a single l)rave, who ran -at the top of
his speed directly to his camp. The savages, warned by the shout-
ing of the pursued, j)repared for a fight, and for quite a while re-
sisted that part of Bruce's command which came into action, killing
one man, Wiley Cash, of Alcorn's company, and seriously wound-
ing Private Richardson, of O'Neal's company. Some ten or twelve
horses, left unguarded by the whites, were taken by the Indians,
and several more were shot. This fight occurred on the twenty-
first of January, the locality being Murphy's Creek, tributary to the
Applegate. Only twenty-five men participated at first, but Lieu-
tenant Armstrong came up with a small reinforcement, and after a
most plucky fight succeeded in saving the lives of the detachment.
The total number of Indians engaged, under the leadership of John,
was pfobably about fifty. No further active campaign was made
until spring.

CHAPTER XXIV.

THE YAKIMA, WALLA WALLA AND PU(iET 80UND CAMPAIGNS.

Troops Concentrate at The Dalles — Conjiict of Author Itij — An Incident
at Vancouver — Block House Built at The Cw-iK/es — Efforts to Equip
the Volunteers Regulars and Volunteers March North from The
Dalles — Plan of the Campaign — The Eight on the Banks of the
Yakima and at the " Buttes " — Burning of the Catholic Mission
Ends the Campaign — Efforts to Treat with Peu-peu-mox-mox — Pre-
lude to the Walla Walla Campaign — Eort Henrietta — Regulars
Refuse their Aid in a Useless Winter Campaign — Unjitnes9 of the
Volunteers far such a Campaign — Colonel Kelly Marches Against
the Walla Wallas — Capture of Peu-peu-mox-mox Under a Flag of
Truce — A Night of Suspense and Excitement — A Fruitless Ante-
Breakfast March — Battle of Walla Walla — Killing of Peu-peu-
mox-mox and other Prisoners — Ears and Scalp of the Chief Ex-
hibited in the Willamette Valley — The Situation after the Battle-
Killed and Wounded — Great Excitement la the Willamette when the
News is Received- — Oregonian Editorials on the Situation — General
Wool Condemned — His Opinion of the War ami the People^ s Opinion
of Him — Governor Stevens Prefers Charges Against General Wool- -
Incidents Attending the Return of Governor Stevens from the Black-
foot Country — The Charges of the Irate Governor Pigeon-holed —
The Situation During the Winter — Unpleasant Experiences of the
Volunteers — Reinforcements sent to Walla Walla^ Colonel Cornelius
Resumes the Offensive — Harse Meat Causes a Mutiny— No Enemy
Being F'ound, the Command Abandons the Walla Walla Country —
Farewell Courtesies of Kama-i-akun — The Volunteers Disband
Without Official Recognition of their Services — Honors Received

YAKIMA, WALLA WALLA AND PUOET SOUND CAMPAIGNS. 405

from the People — Tino Coin,pame» rained to Guard the Colmnhior —
Rpfrnin of the '* Ilorne-fed Volunteer''' — The Political and Specula-
tive Aspect of the dnuipaign — Oovemor CuiTy goes to Washington to
Couiiternet the Infueuce of General Wool^ and Secure an Apj)rop?'i-
atiou to Defray the E.vpenses of the War.

THE ten companies called for by Governor Curry for service in
the north were quickly recruited, and hastened to the general
rendezvous at The Dalles, Colonel J. W. Nesmith in command.
The regulars also concentrated there, commanded by Major G. J.
Raines, of the 4th United States Infantry. The conflict of authority
began at once. Major Raines notified Governor Curry that he stood
ready to muster four companies into the United States service, to
be commanded by officers of their own selection. This was the
number he had requested. He said that he could not take the re-
sponsibility of enlisting a larger force, deeming it not required, nor
could he arm and equip any of them unless regularly mustered into
the service. His proposition was rejected, and the effort to place the
volunteers on a war footing was continued. The two companies
called for by Governor Mason were quickly raised, one at Vancouver
and one at Olympia. Both were mustered into the regular service,
the former under the command of William Strong and the latter
of Gilmore Hays. The acting executive of Washington Territory
pursued an opposite course to that taken by Governor Curry, and
sought in every way to sustain and aid the regular army officers,
instead of opposing them and endeavoring to conduct an independ-
ent campaign. To offset the supposed superiority of rank of the
commander of the Oregon regiment, he commissioned Major Raines
as Brigadier- General of Militia in Washington Territory. This
conflict of rank, however, cut V>ut a small figure, the two commands
acting entirely independently, though co-operating, to a degree, in
the first camjiaign.

While these preparations were progressing, an incident occurred
at Vancouver which called for the services of Captain Strong's
company. There was a village of a branch V)and of the Klickitat
tribe at the mouth of Lewis River, opposite St. Helens, which was
a source of apprehension to the people. A number of the warriors

406

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

were known to have crossed the iiiountaius to join the hostile
Yakinias; autl us a precautionary measure, a party of thirty men
from Vancouvei- went to the rancheria and escorted the thirty
remaining wai'viors and their families back to that city, where they
were disarmed and instructed to remain in peace. This party was
headed ))y T. H. Smith, Special Indian Agent. On the eighth of
November the captives, to the numbei" of one hundred and fifty,
stampeded for the Yakinui countiy, and were pursued by Captain
Strong's company and a few regiihirs. In about ten days they
were all brought back, except Umtux, the chief, who had l)een
killed in some mysterious way, no one being able to tell " how it
happened." At the same time a bh^'k-house was built at the Cas-
cades by Captain Wallan, who mounted upon it a six-pound cannon
and garrisoned it with a detachment of ten men from his company.
Colonel Nesmith had command of the Oregon volunteers by
virtue of his rank as Brigadier General of Militia; l)ut soon after
the companies reached The Dalles an election was held for line offi-
cers, in accordance with instructions from Governor Curry. This
resulted in the choice of J. W. Nesmith, Colonel; J. K. Kelly,
Lieutenant-Colonel; A. N. Armstrong, First Major; M. A. Chinn,
Second Major. Colonel Nesmith's election was almost unanimous —
the vote standing five hundred and eighty-three to foi'ty-one — and
undoubtedly his equal could not have been found in the Territory.
With infinite difficulty and persevering energy he secured arms,
ammunition, horses, supplies, etc., and was pre[)ared to move al-
most as soon as the regulars, who encountered no such difficulties.
An application to Major Rainer^ for arms and equipments was re-
fused, on the gi'ound that he wa^ uot authorized to issue them to
any but troops in the United btutes service. Major Raines was,
however, very anxious thist something should be accomplished, and
partially supplied them under the militia law of the country, which
entitled every Territory to draw a certain amount of arms and am-
munition from the Government. Still they were not readv to take
the field. Major Raines, as a last effort at a compromise, offered to
muster the whole force into the regular service, with Colonel Nes-
mith in command as Major, and equip them from the Government
stores, but the offer was declined. He then began his march into
the Yakima country with the regulars, informing Colonel Nesmith

YAKIMA, WALI.A WALLA AND Pl'OKT SOUND OAMl'AIONS. 4(>7

that if liis c'uinmand \va> deft'titcd by reji-scni of its iuf«^rior huiuIrts,
the hhuiu' would ivst with the volunteers, who, by refusiug to be
mustered into the service, [)revented themselves from V)eing ecjuipped
ami takinu' pai't in the eampaign. A few days later Colonel Xes-
mith was so far prepared with a portion of his command as to feel
justified in taking the tield for a short eampaign. He accordingly
hastened to overtake Major Raines with some four hundred men,
leaving the remainder at The Dalles under eomnuaul oi Major
Chinn. The volunteers and regulars were united on the thii-d of
November, and continued the march together.

The plan of the campaign embraced an invasion fi'om two di-
rections. Kesid<s the force marching north from The Dalles, Cap-
tain Maloney was instructed to enter the Yakima country by way
of the Natchess Pass with his company of the 4rth Infantry and
Captain Hays' comi)ahy "f volunteers, and to form a junction with
Major Raines. The movements of Captain Maloney's command
will be detailed later. It is sufficient to say that this force did not
participate in the Yakima campaign, though its supposed move-
ments served to complicate matters considerably, and caused much
needless anxiety. As the united foi'ces passed through the Indian
country they found and destroyed, or used, al)out ten thousand
pounds of pi'ovisions the enemy had secreted, chiefly dried salmon
and camas. On the morning of the eighth of Novem!)er Captain
Cornelius, with seventy men, made a detoin- to the left from the
night's camp on Simcoe Creek. Towards evening the main bod}-
reached the Yakima and went into camp, the regulars some tAvo
miles in advance. Major Raines soon discovered Indians in the
bushes on the opposite bank of the stream, and opened upon them,
, at the same time dispatching a courier to Colonel Nesmith. The
latter dashed away to the front at the head of sixty men, where he
found the regulars and Indians passing leaden compliments with
the river flowing between them. He at once commenced searching
for a ford, found it, crossed the stream, and dislodging the savages,
followed them ineffectually until they took refuge in the direction
of the " Buttes " to the northeast. He then withdre-w and went
into camp. Lieutenant Phil. Sheridan, at the head of some twenty
United States dragoons followed the force utider Colonel Nesmith
across the river, and gallantly joined the successful ad\ance. That

408

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

evening Captain Cornelius reached Ne8mi':h's camp, having been
engaged during tiie greater part of the aftei noon with a large body
of Indians, in which three of his men and several horses had re-
ceived wounds.

On the morning of November 9, the entire force moved in the
direction of a gap in the hills through which flows the Yakima
River, at a point known as the "Tv.^o Buttes." The advance guard
consisted of companies commanded by Captains Cornelius, Hem-
bree and Bennett. These drove the Indians from their lurking
places in the bushes along the river until all — some three hundred —
had fallen back and taken posses"ion of their rude fortifications
upon the " Buttes." At first a howitzer was tried, but, for want of
sufl&cient elevation, it failed to reach the enemy. Then Major Ilal-
ler and Captain {now General) Augur with their commands, aided
by a force of volunteers, charged up the rugged, broken face of the
mountain, the Ii;dians fleeing down the opposite side. The savages
had made no resistance ; consequently no one was hurt. That night
the whites camped at the base of the "Buttes," and tb»^ Ir^dians re-
occupied the abandoned heights; but in the morning they were
arain dislodo-ed with a loss of two killed. The captui'e of their
entire force at this time only failed through the misconception of
orders by Lieutenant D. B. Hannah. The Indians at once aban-
doned that section of country, and there was no more fighting, save
a little skirmishing with a few straggling bands in the valley. At
night the troops bivouacked by the Atahnum River, some two
miles east of the Catholic Mission.

Up to this time no communication had been received fi'om Cap-
tain Maloney, and fears were entertained that the entire force of
Indians had gone in the direction of the Natchess Pass for the pur-
pose of overwhelming him by numbers. Colonel Nesmith, with
two hundred and fifty men, among whom were Phil. Sheridan and
his dragoons, started on the morning of November 11, with a view
of rendering assistance t'> Captain Maloney if he needed it, or at
least to open communication with him. A violent hiiow storm set-
ting in, he was forced to return ; and, af*:er an absence of three
days, his tents were pitched at the «>ld Catholic Mission, where the
main force under Major Raines had preceded him. While stationed
there the troops "accidentally" burned the mission building, a rude

TAKIMA, WALLA WALLA AND ^TTGET SOUND CAMPAIGNS. 409

structure formed of poles and mud. On the fifteenth a council of
war decided unanimously that the reduced commissary supj)lies
warranted an immediate return to The Dalles, and the line of
march was at once taken up. Thus ended the Yakima camj)aign.
While the troops were first assembling at The Dalles an effort
had been made to placate the great and influential chief of the
Walla W^allas, whose signature to the treaty had been secured only
after gxeat concessions to him individually, and whose former
friendship for Americans had been changed to hati'ed by the un-
provoked murder of his son at Sutter's Fort, in California, a few
years before. The chief cause of anxiety was the small party of
Goveiuor Stevens, which, in the event of the joining of the Walla
Wallas and Cayuses in the war, would be cut off from any avenue
of return which did not lead through a hostile country. It is
doubtful, however, if he would havd been molested had the subse-
quent campaign in that region not b 'en undertaken. To accom-
plish the desired end Nathan Omey, the Tndian Agent, started from
The Dalles with five hundred dollars in silver and some presents of
goods to pay Peu-peu-mox-mox the first installment due him under
the treaty. He was accompanied on the journey only by Ta-be-bo,
a haJf-breed, and A. P. Woodard. On their arrival, October 12,
at Old Fort Walla Walla, near the mouth of the riv^r of that name,
they were cordially received by James Sinclair, who, with three or
four men, had charge of the fort as representative of the Hudson's
Bay Company. Peu-peu-mox-mox was sent for and told that the
promised money and goods awaited him, but he returned a sullen
and defiant reply. He repudiated the treaty ; said he would accept
neither presents nor money from the Government, and wanted the
whites to leave his country. A council between the Agent and
Sinclair resulted in a determination to abandon the fort. The sur-
plus ammunition, stored there by the Hudson's Bay Company, was
taken out in a boat and dumped in the Columbia River, to prevent
its falling into the hands of Indians. Then the settlers, the Hud-
son's Bay men, and a number of miners who had reached this point
from Colville, started for The Dalles, leaving the hostile country
east of the Cascade Mountains untenanted, save by a few old em-
ployees of the company who were married to Indian women. Nar-
■ cisse Remond, who enjoyed immunity from molestation because of

f *

k i

f n

410

HISTOkJr OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

his former connection with the Hudson's Bay Company, was com-
missioned by Mr. Oluey to remain and report upon the conduct of
the suspected tribes. Tliis wliolesale abandonment of the country
was accepted by the Indians as an invitation to do as they pleased
with what had been left behind. They burned the Umatilla Mis-
sion, in which had been stored a quantity of supplies by Governor
Stevens, plundered McKay's house and other places, drove the cattle
of Brooke, Bumford and Noble away from Waiilatpu, and took
possession of and pillaged Fort Walla Walla. This was done ])y
Yakima and Palouse Indians, assisted by certain factions of the
Walla Wallas, Cayuses and Umatillas. Howlish-Wampoo, head
chief of the Cayuses, endeavored m vain to prevent the Yakinias
and Palouses from driving tlie cattle away from Waiilatpu. T-'<-
Walla Walla affair was the work of Peu-peu-mox-mox and his foi-
louers. On the whole these acts can hardly V)e considered as a
sufficient cause for an im'asion of their country by the forces of
Governor Curry, at an expense of millions of dollars to the Gen-
eral Government. If })rotection of the settlers in the Willamette,
along the lower Columbia and on Puget Sound, was desired, that
object could have been more effectually accomplished by guarding
the lines of appi'oach. By leaving these open and invading the
Indian country, they not only invited the danger they apprehended,
but showed that on the part of the leaders, at least, the war was
an offensive, and not a defensive, one. Even if an invasion were
in any event to be feared, it certainly could not be made until
spring, the routes through the mountains being, with the aid of a
few troops, sufficiently guarded from approach by the icy hand of
winter. Furthermore, this conduct on tlie part oi the L lians was
not known until after the campaign had been decided upon and a
force dispatched from The Dalles to begin its execution. The
rescue of Governor Stevens from possible attack l)y the disaffected
Walla Wallas or Cayuses, then, could l)e thv only excuse for stand-
ing an aruK'd force into the Walla Walla country; Init thif ^i< - 1
in itself by no means req^nred so long a campaign — continuing
some months after the Governor's return — nor the employment of
so large an army at sucli an enormous outlay. The safe return of
His Excellency could have been accomplished at a comparatively
trifling expense.

YAKIMA, WALLA WALLA AND PUGET SOUND CAMPAIGNS. 411

Without waiting for the information expected from Mr. Remond,
Governor Curry decided to invade the Walla Walla country in
force. He dispatched two companies on the seventh of November
to reinforce Colonel Nesmith in the Yakima country, and at the
same time sending orders for him to proceed directly to Foi't Walla
Walla, where he would be joined by one hundred and fift}' men
from The Dalles. The reinforcements lost their way, and failed to
reach Colonel Nesmith until they met him on the seventeenth in
the Simcoe Mountains, on his way back to The Dalles. It was
then impossible to obey the Governor's instructions, and Colonel
Nesmith continued his homeward march to The Dalles. Mean-
wliile, on the twelfth, Major Chinn started with two coin[)anies for
Fort Walla Walla, along the south bank of the Columbia. On the
night of the seventeenth they encamped at Well Springs, where
they were joined by two couriers from Narcisse Reniond with intel-
ligence from the Walla Walla country, the substance of which has
been previously given. This information caused Major Chinn to
abandon the march for Fort Walla Walla, and to proceed to the
site of the burned Catholic Mission on the Uu'atilla, to await rein-
forcements, for which he dispatched a courier. He there erected
defensive works, and on the t\venty-first sent anothc^r courier asking
for two more companies and some artillery. He thus describes Fort
Henrietta: 'We have an abundance of timlier and water, and
tolerable grass for stock. We have picket<^'d in with large split
timber one hundred feet square of ground, and erected two bastions,
of round logs, on two of the angles; and from the rails found here
made two corrals for the horses and cattle. This, as a defeice, is
good against any body of Indians."

Considerable excitement v 'as created Pt The Dalles by the intel-
ligence brought iu from Mnjo.' Chinn. It was at once assumed that
his command was in a perilous ?ituat'.on, and must be immi^diately
reinforced to preserve it from disaster. The companies of Captains
Munson, Wilson and Cornoyer, consisting of some one hundred and
seventy-five men, were at once sent forward, accompanied by Lieu-
tenant-Colonel James K. Kelly, who was to take command of the
whole battalion. Application was made by Colonel Nesmith to
Major Raines for two howitzers and artillerymen to man them,
stating that he had preferred a similar request to General Wool, at

I
I

412

HISTORY OP WILLAMETTE VALLET.

Vancouver, but could not delay action for a reply. In this letter
lie quoted, with telling effect, a few lines which had been addressed
to him by Major Raines, as he started upon the Yakima campaign,
reproaching him for obstructing the movements of his allies and
permitting them to encounter the enemy unaided. General Wool
had arrived from San Francisco a few days before, bringing sixty
regulars, two thousand stand of arms, and three hundred tons of
stores and ammunition. He was in ill-health, and did not visit the
seat of operations at The Dalles, but remained at headquarters in
Vancouver. ITr* received the reports of his subordinates as to the
caus3 of hostilii.( ' the present situation, and came to the con-
clusion that there \. no necessity for a war and no need of a win-
ter campaign. With the regular troops to occupy the Columbia
there was no danger of invasion of the AViilamette, and all that was
required to end the war- was for the volunteers to return home and
disband. Such was the opinion of the commander of the depart-
ment, and it must be confessed that he was, in the main, correct.
Such a line of conduct would have saved the lives of a score of
brave volunteers and the Government many thoiisands of dollars,
though, to be sure, not ?o profitable to the contractor and those
whose patriotism was confined to questionable dealings with the
commissary department. With troops stationed at The Dalles,
Cascades, Vancouver, and suitable points on Puget Sound, no attack
need be feared from the Eastern Indians until spring, even assum-
ing that they were disposed to risk an invasion of the settlements
at all. A whole regiment of regulars was on the way and would
arrive in ample time to participate in a campaign in the spring, if
one should prove to be necessary. It was certainly the duty of
Governor Curry to recall Major Chinn and disband the volunteer
army, or, at least, the greater portion of it. If necessary, the safe re-
turn of Governor Stevens could have been provided for by sending
him an armed escort to accompany him home after he had reached
the friendly Nez Perces. General A\'ool, consequently, refused to
furnish howitzers, or to participate in the proposed campaign in any
way, and withdrew his forces to winter quarter at Vancouver,
including the Washington Territory volunteers.

The absurdity of undertaking a winter campaign so far away
from the base of supplies becomes still more apparent by the fol-

YAKIMA, WALLA WALLA AND PUOET SOUND CAMPAIGNS. 413

lowing quotation fi-om the report of Colonel Nesniith of the condi-
tion .of his command upon their return fi'om only three weeks' cam-
paigning in the Yakima country:

Many of the men were frost-bitten on the late expedition, and can hardly be
said to be fit for duty. An insjiection of horses has been had at camp, and about
one-fourth of the whole number were found fitted for present duty. About one-
half of the men composing the whole command desire their discbarge. I have
given a few discharges upon the written report of the surgeon, stating that the men
were unfit for duty. I have, also, granted furloughs to a few of the men who have
urgent business requiring their personal attention for short periods ; and am now
anxiously awaiting orders for the disposition of the remainder of the command.
* * * * The right column, which was under my immediate command,
suffered intensely during the campaign, for want of tents to protect them from the
inclemency of the weather. My recpiisition for tents is still unfilled. There is
much,justifli)ble complaint on the part of the men, by reason of their exposed con-
dition.

On the twenty -eighth he .,r warded to Colonel Kelly the com-
panies of Captains Bennett and Cornelius, increasing the force in
the field to four hundred and seventy-five men, besides two com-
panies under Major Armstrong, in the vicinity of the Des Chutes
and John Day rivers. He then started for the Willamette Valley
for a temporary absence, leaving Captain Farrar in command at
The Dalles, but soon after reaching Portland resigned his commis-
sion and retired to private life. While preparations were being
made for this campaign the Orcgonian editorially commented upon
the selfishness, greed and want of patriotism on the part of the
people, who demanded enormous prices for everything furnished
for the use of the troops.

Colonel Kelly reached Fort Henrietta on the twenty-ninth of
November, and learning that the Indians were in force in the
vicinity of Fort Walla Walla, determined to march upon them
without delay. His command moved on the fifth of December in
two divisions. Major Chinn, with one hundred and fifty men and
all the baggage, proceeded to the mouth of the Touchet River,
while Colonel Kelly, with two hundred men, unincumbered, moved
up the stream for the purpose, as his subsequent report declares,
" of attacking the Walla Wallas," who were supposed to be en-
camped there. As they proceeded up the Touchet, Captain Cornoyer
and a few of his company of scouts marched a long distance in ad-
vance. Suddenly, while approaching the summit of a hill, several
Indians appeared in his immediate front, advancing from the oppo-

414

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

site side of the crest. In an instant the Captain's gun was leveled
upon the one in advance, but, before he could fire, a flag of truce
was disfovered in the hand of the savage; and the Captain's com-
panions cried out, "Don't shoot! don't shoot! it's Peu-peu-mox-
mox!" A parley followed; but, while it was going on, the Captain
discovered a band of about one hundred and fifty Indians on horse-
back, advancing in the direction from which the chief h.tid come.
In a twinkling his gun again covered Peu-peu-mox-mox, who was
told that if his followers continued to approach, his own life would
pay the forfeit; and, at a signal accompanied by a peculiar cry, the
advancing party halted as if by magic, every one of -whom dis-
mounted and stood by his horse. The Chief asked if Nathan 01ney>
the Indian Agent, was with the soldiers; and on being told that he
was, expressed a desire to see him. He stated that he wanted no
fighting; that he had determined at first to make war on the whites,
but, after reflection, had concluded that it was not policy for his
people to do so; that he was willing to make all amends that lay
in his power for what his tribe had done; and was anxi(jus to se-
cure a permnnent peace. The Captain sent one of his men back to
report, asking Colonel Keily to come with Olney and meet the flag
of truce paity. Accordingly, the volunteers were halted in plain
sight of the little s(juad on the hill, while the parties indicated, with
John McBean for interpreter, went forward to meet the redoubtable
chief.

Considerable time was consumed in the conference ; and, as it
passed, gradually the main body of both Indians and volunteers
approached the central group until all were together, the soldiers
surrounding the flag party with the main force of Indians on the
outside. Finally, the entire body moved toward the Indian village,
until it was discovered that the trail they were following passed
through a dangerous canyon, when another halt was made. A
portion of the troops had already entered the canyon, among whom
was Captain Cornoyer, who, on turning back to learn what caused
the delay, found that fears were entertained by some of the officers
that treachery was intended by Peu-peu-mox-mox. Captains Cor-
noyer, Bennett, and others were of a different opinion ; they said
treachery on his part would cost him his life, and he knew it. " Put
him in my charge," said Captain Cornoyer, " he will then know that

YAKIMA, WALLA WALLA AND PUGET SOUND CAMPAIGNS. 415

the first gun fired upon our ranks will be a signal of his own death,
and there will he no danger. Let us go to their village to-night,
and the peace he promises W'ill be a certainty, for we will have them
all in cmr power." This advice was not taken. Colonel Kelly and
Nathan Olney insisted that if his professions wi-re in good faith,
they could be carried out the next day just as well as to run the
risk of a dangerous j^ass that evening; and it was determined to
move V>ack on the trail a shoi't distance and cam[», supperless, for
the night. The flag of truce riulians were taken with them, under
close guard, as disarmed prisoners, held as hostages for the good
conduct of the others until the ne.\t day, the chief l)eing informed
that he must so remain with them or his village would at once be
attacked.

That night the cam)) and its vicinit}^ were the scene of stormy
councils and of stormy elements. The volunteers were tired, hun-
gry and dissatisfied, while the iidiospitable elements, shedding their
fleecy cai'pet of snow ujwn the ground for the soldiers to lie upon,
made them angry and almost nuitinous, in their belief that it was
the prisoner's fault that had pluced them in their disagi'eeable
position. " Shoot the damned Indians !" was a cry fre(|uently
heard from different pnrts of the camp, and the captives became
restless and ill at ease, l)elieving that their lives were in danger.
The chief requested to be given his freedom, and some of the oflScers
were in favor of permitting him to go, while others were not.
Finally, an Indian apj^eared on an adjacent hill who desired to talk
with the chief, but would not come in ; and Captain Cornoyer went
(mt to talk with him, accompanied by several, among whom was
John McBean, the interpreter. The interview was unsatisfactory,
as the Indian seemed only desirous of being heard by the captive
chief, cind talked in a very loud voice. What he said was not
made clear to the Captain and his associates, and, concluding that
all was not right, they took the loud-voiced messenger back with
them a prisoner into camp. At different times in the night In-
dians came around upon the hills and shouted communications to
the chief, who told his captors that his people were becoming
fi'ightened for their own safety and his. Morning revealed the
fact that the camp had been surrounded during the night by a
cordon of mounted Indians, who evidently had listened to the

416

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

threats, dissensions, and unfriendly talk in the volunteer earap,
which was enough, in combination with the fact that their chief
was a prisoner, to make them fear treachery on the pan of the
whites.

All existing evidence goes to prove that this great Walla
Walla leader came to sue for peace in good faith ; that his ad-
vances were received with mistrust ; that he was taken prisoner
while under a flag of truce, to make sure that he would do what he
affirmed a willingness to do ; and that the actions and talk in camp
that night made both him and his followers fear treachery from the
whites, whicli caused the Indians to alter their plans. This change
in policy was evidently made known to Peu-peumox-mox by
those who shouted messages to him from the surrounding hills.
In doing this they used the Cayuse tongue, a language unknown to
the inter]>reter, and one not in general use, even by the Cayuse
tribe themselves, Nez Perce being the common language of all
these Indians. The next morning the captive chief, in ])ur8uance
of the new plans, secured a delay in moving, by urging that his
people needed time to prepare breakfast for so many men. Shortly
before noon the march was taken up, the dangerous canyon passed,
and the village reached ; but no smoking repast or cordial welcome
awaited them. The village was deserted, and as the hungry and
disappointed men gathered around the still smoldering camp-fires,
they knew that a battle must be fought. Straggling Indians could
be seen on the surrounding hills, and three of them, one a son of
the captive chief, came within speaking distance and demanded to
see the prisoner. The son was persuaded to enter the camp, upon
assurance of safety, and when he did so the father told him he
wanted his people all to come in and make peace. The young man
went away saying that he would do as requested, but nothing fur-
tuer was heard from him ; and, finally, Colonel Kelly proceeded to
march his hungry command "to the mouth of the Touchet, with a
view of going from thence to some spot near Whitman's Station,
where I had intended to form a permanent camp for the winter."
His report continues thus : " On the morning of the seventh, com-
panies H and K crossed the Touchet, leading the column on the
route to Whitman's Valley, and when formed on the plain were
joined by Company B. A few persons in front were driving our

YAKIMA, WALLA WALLA AND PUGET SOUND CAMPAIGNS.

417

cattle, and a few were on the flanks of the companies and near the
foot of the hills that extend along the river. These persons, as
well as I can ascertain, were fired on by the Indians." It is as-
serted, however, by members of Company B, that one of the flank-
el's of that company, a man called " Jont," fired the first shot, which
was returned by the savages. Companies A and F were detailed
to guard the baggage, and the remainder of the command made an
immediate attack upon the enemy. The Indians were pui'sued a
distance of seven miles across the hills and up the Walla Walla
River, a running fight being kept up, until they made a temporary
stand on Dry Creek. They again fled ; but four miles beyond Dry
Creek they made a determined stand, near the cabin of a French
Canadian named " La Roccpie," where a desperate battle occurred.
Their line extended from the hills across the flat to the river.
Along the stream was a thick o-rowth of cotton wood and under-
brush, while the flat wt\s covei'ed with sage brush and sand knolls.
These all furnished a good screen for Indians on foot, while mounted
ones lined the hillsides. The report says : —

When the volunteers renehed this point there were not more than forty or fifty
men, heiiiK those mounted upon the fleetest horses. Upon these the Indians poured
a murderous fire from the hrushwood and willows alonj? the river, and from the
sage bushes along the plain, wounding a number of tlie volunteers. The men fell
back. 'I'he moment was critical. They were commanded to cross the fence which
surrounds La Rooque's field and charge upon the Indians in the brush. In execut-
ing this order Lieutenant Burrows, of Company H, was Itilled, and Captain Mun-
son, of Company I, Isaac Miller, Sergeant-Miijor, and G. W. Smith, of Com[)any B,
were wounded. A di.-<patch having been sent to Captain Wilson, of Company A,
to come forward, he and his company came up on a gallop, dismounted at a slough,
and with fixed bayonets pushed on through the brush. In the course of half an
hour Captain Bennett was on the ground with Company F, and with this accession
the enemy were steadily driven forward for two miles, when they took possession
of a farm house and close fence (Teliier's), In attempting to carry which Captain
Bennett, of Company F, and Private Kelso, of Company A, were killed. A howit-
zer found at Fort Walla Walla, under charge of Captain Wilson, by this time was
brought to bear upon the enemy. Four rounds were fired when the piece bursted,
wounding Captain Wilson. Tlie Indians *' ->n gave way at all points; the house
and fence were seized and held by tlie vo rs and the bodies of our men were

recovered. These positions were held by itil nightfall, when the volunteers

fell slowly back and returned unmolested, to camp around the cabin of La Bocque
during the night.

While the battle was progressing, there was enacted a scene
which furnished General Wool with material for one of the most
telling of his reflections upon the spirit evinced by the people in

418

niSTOKY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

the conduct of the war. This was the killing of Ptii-peu-niox-mox
while a prisoner, held in duress in defiance of the rules of civilized
war which guarantee the sanctity of a flag of truce The details of
this affair, as related by several eye-witnesses and )t:ntici|)nnrs, were
as follows: The surgeons had decided to use Lallocipic's cabin,
where the Indians had made their tirst stand, as a hospital foi' the
wounded. Near it the unfortunate Lieuteiuuit J. M. Burr()vvs lay
dead, and several wounded were being attended to. The cuinhatants
had passed <»n up the valley, and the distant dett)nation (tf their
guns (.'ould V>e heard. The flag of truce prisoners were there under
guard, and every one seemed electrified with sujipressed excitement.
A wounded man came in with his shattered ai'm dangling at his side,
and reported Captain Bennett killed at the front. This added to
the excitement, and the attention of all was more oi- less attracted
to the wounded man, when some one said, "Look out, or the Indi-
ans will get away!" At this, seemingly, every one yelled, "Shoot
'em! Shoot 'em!" and on the instant there was a rattle (»f musketry
on all sides. It was over in a minute, and three of the five pris-
oners lay dead, another was rendered insensible by a blow, but re-
covering in a few moments was shot to end his misery ; the fifth,
being a Nez Perce, was spared, and the fact that they were able to
control their excitement sufficiently to make this nice disc,riminati(.)n
shows there was a " methotl in their madness." Some of the wit-
nesses say the shooting was caused b}' an attempt on the part of
the prisoners to escape, but the greater number state that a refusal
by Peu-peu-mox-mox to be tied led to a struggle which ended as
above. The men were angry and preferred the excitement of the
fight to the unjileasant duty of g:uarding Intlians, and took the first
good opportunity which offered to rid themselves of their incum-
brances. Only one had an opjioitunity given him to fight for his
life. This was a Willamette Indian named " Jim " or " Wolf Skin,"
who had a knife upon his pereon. Drawing this he fought des-
perately until he was laid low with a blow on the head from a
musket in the hands of a soldier who had approached him from
behind. The dead prisoners were scalped in true barl)aric style.
This was not the end ; the scalp and ears of the great " Yellow
Bird " were taken to the Willamette Valley jis trophies of war,
though at this late date it is difficult to conceive how the ears of a

YAKIMA, WALLA WALLA AND PUOET SOUND CAMPAIGNS. 419

slain prisoner, who had been captured under a flag of truce, could

be looked upon in the light of honoralile trophies of war. There

is no question about this tact, and there are living in Oregon to-day

many before whose eyes these trophies were displayed. The Ore-

gonian of January 5, 1850, records the fact tliat on the thirty-fii-st

of December Dr. 8haw, Assistant Surgeon O. M. V., arrived in

Portland, having in his possession the ears of Peu-p;'U-niox-inox,

accompanied by Mr. Story, of Company A, who displayed th(i same

chief's scalp. It can well be imagined with what telling effect

General Wool related this incident in his official report, his various

newspaper communications and [)rivate letters.

The battle was renewed the folhjwing day and lasted four days

longer. The incidents, as reported by Colonel Kelly, were as

follows: —

Eurly on the morning of the eighth the Indians appeared with increased forces,
amounting; to fully six hundred warriors. Tiiey were posted as usual in the thiclt
brush by tlie river — among tlie sage bushes and sand Unolls, and on tlie surround-
ing liills. Tills day Lieutenant Pillow with Com|)any A, and Lieutenant Hannon
with Company H, were ordered to talte and liold the brush skirting tlie river and
sage bushes on tlie plain. Lieutenant Fellows with C -nipany F was directed to
take and keep the possession of the point at the foot of the hill. I-ieutenant Jef-
fries with Company B, Lieutenant Hand with Company I, and Captain Cornoyer
with Company K, were posted on three several points on the hills with orders to
maintain them and to assail ihe enemy on other points of the same hills. As usual,
the Indians were driven from their position, althougli they fought with skill and
bravery. On the ninth tliey did not make their appearance until al)Out ten o'clock
In the morning, and tlien in somewhat diminished numbers. As I had sent to
Fort Henrietta for Companies D and E, and expected tliem on the tenth, I thought
it best to act on the defensive and hold our positions which were the same as on
the eighth, until we could get an accession to our forces sufficient to enalile us to
assail their rear and cut off tlieir retreat. An attack was made during the day on
Companies A and H in tiie brushwood, and upon B on the hill, both of which were
repulsed with great gallantry by those companies, and with considerable loss to the
enemy. Companies F, land K also did great honor to tliemselves in repelling all
approaches to their positions, although in doing so one man in Company F and one
in Company I were severely wounded. Darkness as u'-l ?losed the combat, by
the enemy withdrawing from the field. Owing to the Inor laency of the night the
companies on the hill were withdrawn from their several positions. Company B
abandoning its rifle pits wliich were made by the men of that company for its pro-
tection. At early dawn on the next day the Indians were observed from our camp
to be in possession of all points held by us on the preceding day. TTpon seeing
them Lieutenant McAulifT of Company B gallantly observed that his company
had dug those holes and after breakfast they would have them again, and well waa
his declaration fulfllled, for in less than half an hour, the enemy was driven from
the pits and fled to an adjoining hill which they had occupied the day before. This
position was at once assailed. Captain Cornoyer with Company K, and a portion
of Company I, being mounted, gallantly charged the enemy on his right flanls,

420

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

while Lit- uteimiit ftlcAuUIT' witli Cuiiipauy B diMriiouiited, rushed up the hill in
fttce of u heavy lire and Mcattered them in uU dlreetioiiii. Tliey ut once tied in all
direutionH to return to thiH buttletield no more, aud thus ondt'd our lon^ contented
tight.

The bravery of the volunteers tuul their ^ulluiit conduct in
charging and dispersing tlie enemy time after time, is worthy the
highest [)raise. Veteran troops coukl not have done better service.
The report says that it was learned from friendly Indians that the
battle was {)articipated in by Walhi Wallas. IJmatillas, Cay uses,
Palouscs, and Stock Whitley's band of Des Chutes ; and that after
their (h'feat some of them went to Grand R<»nde and othei^s crossed
to the north side of Snake River, while Stock A\'hitley, disgusted
with the manner in which the others had fought, took his baud to
the Yakima country to join Kama-i-akun. The Indians were pur-
sued a distance towards Snake River, and much jirovisions and
cattle were captured. Nai'cisse Remond aud the other French
Canadians on the Walla Walla, appealed for protection, and were
escorted to the temporary camp where they were exempt from
danger of molestation. The report concludes : —

We have now the undisputed possession of the country south of Snake River,
and I would suggest the propriety of retaining this possession until such time as it
cun be occupied by the regular troops; » * * but I would suggest the
propriety of following up the Indians with all possible speed, now that their hopes
arc l>Iighted and their spirits broken. Unless this is done they will perhaps rally
again. I must earnestly ask that supplies may be sent forward to us witliout delay.
For the hwt three days none of the volunteers, except the two companies from Fort
Henrietta, have had any flour. None is here, and but little at that post. We are
now living on lieef and potatoes, which are found en cac/te, and tlie men are be-
coming much discontented with this mode of living. Clothing for the men is much
needed ixs the winter approaches. To-morrow we will remove to a more suitaiile
point, where grass can be obtained in greater al)undance for our worn-out horses.
A place lias been selected about two miles above Whitman Station, on the same
(north) side of the Walla Walla, consecjuently I will abandon this fort, named in
honor of Captain Bennett of Company F, who now sleeps beneath its stockade, and
whose career of usefulness and bravery was here so sadly but nobly closed.

The losses sustained by the volunteers in the five days' conflict
were comparatively slight, only twenty being injured in any way.
The list is as follows : Killed, Captain Charles Bennett, Company
F ; Lieutenant J. M. Burrows, Company H ; Private S. S. Van
Hagerman, Company I. Mortally wounded, Privates Kelso and
Joseph Flemming, Company A ; Henry Crow, Company H ; Joseph
Sturdevant, Company B. Wounded, Captain Lyman B. Monson,
Company I ; Captain A. V. Wilson, Company A ; Captain Davis

YAKIMA, WAM.A WALLA AND PUORT rtOTJND CAMPAIO.VS. 421

Lnyton, C'oiiipany 1 1 ; PrivatcH Casper Snook, T. J. Payne, F.
Cral)tree, Nathan Fry, Isaac Miller and A. M. Addington, Com-
pany II ; J. H. (rervais, Company K ; G. W. Smith, Company H ;
Franklin Duval, Conii)any A; and Sergeant Major Taaac Miller.
The loss of the Indians was placed by Colonel Kelly at aVxnit
seventy-five, his report stating that thirty-nine bodies had been
found by the volunteers. It is difficult to understand the reason
for such a marke<l contrast in the losses sustained by the two sides,
especially since the volunteers acted on the offensive and the In-
dians only fought when protected by natural defenses. The ten-
dency to over-estimate the loss of the defi'ated enemy is not confined
to ()reg(»n ; it is as widespread as the earth's green carpet. The
total footing of the estimated loss of the enemy reported by the
comnuuulers of the opposing forces during the Rebellion, was far
in excess of the actual number of killed, wounded and captured in
both the Confederate and Union iuinies, including the deaths from
disease, to which can be charged fully fifty per cent, of the mortality
of war.

News of the l)attle of Walla Walla reached The Dalles at the
time Genei'al Wool was removini; the re"ru]ars to Vancoiiver. The
courier who l)rought the first intelligence had left the scene of con-
flict while the fight of the second day was raging, and, consequently,
could only say that a great l)attle was in progress, several voliui-
teers had been killed, and the result was yet in doubt. Adhering
to his determination to let the volunteers conduct their operations
— needless, in his opinion — unaided by the regular troops, the com-
mander apparently paid no attention to the startling intelligence of
the courier, who took passage from The Dalles upon the very boat
which conveyed the troops to Vancouver. Not so the people. Ex-
citement was raised to a high pitch, and many uncomplimentary
remarks were made about the indifferent conduct of the troops.
The Oregonian was especially bitter in its denunciations, calling
attention to the circumstances of the courier and troops being upon
the same steamer, in the following language: —

It looks bad, to say the least, that a steamer should be loaded with U. S. troops*
coming out of the Indian country at the same time that news was being brought
down of a severe and bloody conflict of five days' duration, between the volunteers
and a large body of Indians ; particularly so when the volunteers were nearly out
of provisions, short of ammunition, and entirely destitute of other necessary articl«a

422

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

to carry out the war; and, withal, far in the Indian country, and, for aught any-
body linew, surrounded by the enemy and in danger of beins? cut ol!" entirely. Are
the peoi)le, the civilians, to protect theniselveG and defend the country from barba-
rian n\araudei8, while those who have contracted for that service remain idle and
listless in their winter quarters, eatiug, drinking, and making merry?

Also appeaivd the following reirarks on the state of the war: —

How goes on the war? We answer, that the U. S. troops, who are paid for fight-
ing, and who have been sent here at the expense of the General C-overnment to pro-
tect the people, are all housed up in good winter viuuitvis, eating, drinking, and
making merry, while a few bare- footed, half-starved volunteers, who came here at
their own expense, are in the field fighting the battles of their country. In every
fight north, they came out first best. Thus goes the war. Volunteers can go bare-
footed, can sleep without blankets, eat their liorses, if need be, while the " carpet
knights" [he would have called them " Dudes" in tlii.^ age of more ample epithet-
ical vocabularly] of the regular service must be well fed, well shod, and ivell
blanketed, and have howitzers, withal, or they can not take tlie field. The car-
casses of one hundred and fifty dead Indians at Walia Walla plains show how goes
on the war.

Ml'. Dryer, thinking Colonel Kelly's estimate of the number of
" good Indians," made at Walla Walla, too modest, multiplied it
by two. It was a little reckless under the circumstances, but such
was the style of that paper when under that enthusiastic gentle-
man's management. These uncomplimentary remarks were bnaight
to the attention of General Wool, and the old veteran replied to
the effect that he professed to do his duty :is he unde'-stood it ; that
the people of Oregon might say what they pleased, it was not t' ^
first time he had had dogs barking at his heels. This was too
much for the Oregonian; it smote General Wool hip and thigh;
said he was in his dotage, was an old woman, had insulted ^he
people and called them dogs. The object of these fierce tirades
made no I'eply, yet it may well be imagined that they only served
to make him more set in his purpose to pay no attention whatever
to the movements of Governor Curry's army, but to act entirely
upon his own resi)onsil)ility at his own chosen time. He had
decided to occupy the India.i country with a strong force in the
spring, and was awaiting the arrival of the 9th regiment to enable
him to do so. In January he ordered Captain (now General) Ord's
company of dragoons to San Francisco, and was abused foi- send-
ing troops out of the country and depriving the people of the pro-
tection they had a right to expect frt)m the Government. These
complaints were soon silenced by the arrival of the 9th regiment, six
buudr^d of whom were lauded at Vancouver the last week in January

YAKIMA, WAF.r.A WALLA AND PUaET .SOHND CAMPAIONS. 428

by the stt^amers Orcij;on and Republic^ two hundred more being sent
tothc So'ind. The San Francisco papers published interviews with
theCxenend, who had icturned to that city, in which he was made to
state tliat tlic troul)le>» in Oregon were caused in V>oth cases l)y the
whites, and that ahmg tlic Columbia there was no war other than
that created by the unwarranted conduct of Governor Cun'y in
sending Oregon trooj^s into Washington Territory, at great expense
to the Govei-nnicnt, to attack Indians from whom the people of
Oregon had no reason to apprehend any danger to themselves
whatever. This drew out two columns of the "Oregon style"
from the exasperated e<litor of the Oregonian^ was severely com-
mented upon by the other papi^rs, and caused much indignation
among the people generally. It was at this time General Wool
wrote the letter to the National Intelligevcer, which has been
referred to, giving a history of the cause and progress of the war,
and laying ])articular stress upon the killing and mutilation of
Peii-peu-mox-niox. It was several months before a copy of this
reached Oregon, but when it did another baptism of wrath was
showered upon the gray hairs of the Mexican hero. On the ninth
of Fel)ruary the Oregon Legislature addressed a memorial to the
President, recpiesting the removal of General Wool from command
of tliis department. About the same time, Governor Stevens, who
had returneil in safety, addressed a lung conununicati(m to the Sec-
retary of War, stating his personal grievances and preferring charges
against (ireneral Wool. lie made it appear that his innnediate and
safe return was the great ([uestion of the hour, and in neglecting, or
refusing, to provide for this the commanding officer had been
guilty of a most heinous crime. General Wocd had taken the view
that Governor Stevens' party was ai >■ to look out for itself ; that
if the executi\ e of Washington T( 'iitorv did not r«'turn to the seat
of Government for si.\ nu)nths, the material interests of tjie Terri-
tory would not be in the lejust jeopardized ; at least the necessity
of his immediate retiu'n was not great enough to justify him in
making an invasion of the Indian country in the dead of winter.
Governor Stevens' opinion of his own importance seems to have
been sonu'what great<'r than this. From this letter of tl^ Governor
are gleaned tiie incidents attending his return journey. At the
Hellgate b« wes met by fourteen Nez I'erces, among whom were

424

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

Spotted Eagle, Looking Glass and Three Feathers, who, after a
brief council, invited him to go to their country, where a large furce
of braves would escort him to The Dalles. They united with his
party, and all crossed the Bitterroot Mountains on the fourteenth
of November, passing through three feet of snow, and reached the
Coeur d'Alene Mission on the twenty-fifth. Here he heard con-
tradictory and vague rumors of the events happening below, and of
the condition of affairs, nothing appearing certain except the fact
that the Walla Wallas, Cayuses and Uinatillas cherished a hostile
spirit, rendering it dangerous foi' him to attempt to ])ass through
that region without a strong escort. He pushed on to the Spokane
country, where he held a council with the three tribes oi Spokanes,
Coeur d'Alenes and Colvilles, Mr. McDonald, Hudson's Bay Com-
pany agent at Fort Colville, and the Jesuit Fathers stationed at
that point, being present. The Indians were much excited and
were wavering between peace and war. " After a stormy council
of several days,'' so says the comnumication, "the Spokanes, Cceur
d'Alenes and Cclvilles were entirely conciliated, and promised
they would reject all ovei'tures of the hostile Indians, and continue
the firm friends of the Avhites," He augmented his party, and
made a forced nuirch to the Clearwater, at La[)\vai, where the Nez
Perces were assembled. He was tiiere infoi'med that thtf Walla
Walla country was occu[»ied by hostile Indians, and it would be
unsafe to attempt a passage through unguarded. While nego-
tiations were in progress for a body guard of one hundred and fifty
braves to escort him to The Dalles, news was received that the
hostiles had been driven out of the country by the volnntters ; and
the next day he started with sixty-nine well armed Nez Perces, and
reached Walla Walla without encountering any opposition. There
he found the Oregon volunteers encamped, also the French settlers
before alluded to, the friendly Indians, and B. F. Shaw, Colonel of
Washington Territory Militia and Special Indian Agent. The
Governor placed him in command, with instructions to fortify and
maintain his gi-ound in case the Oregon troops should return home.
He then disbanded his Nez Perce auxiliaries, and continued his
journey to the seat of governnuiit at Olympia. The communica-
tion concludes with the following specific chai'ges : —

YAKIMA, WALLA WALLA AND PUGET SOUND CAMPAIGNS. 425

Mr. Secketaky— Major General Wool, cotnTnanding the Pacific Division, neg-
lected and refused to send a force to the relief of myself and party, when known to
be in imminent danger, and helleved by those who were not less capable of judging,
to be coming on to certain deutl), nnd this when he bad at his command un efticitnt
force of regular troops. He refused to sanction the ugreenunt made between Gov-
ernor Mason and Major Raines for troops to be sent to my assistance, and ordered
them to dislitmd. It was reserved for the Oregon troops to rescue us. The only
demonstration made by Major Haines resulted in showing his utter incapacity to
command in the field. As has heretofore been said, his expedition wgainst the
Yakimas effected nothing but driving the Indians into the very country through
which I nmst juiss to reach the settlements. I therefore j)refer chiirges 'igainst
General Wool. I accuse him of utter and signal inciipacity, of criminal neglect of
my safety. I ask for an investigation into the matter, and for his removal from
command.

Until this epistle saw the light, it was the general opinion
that Major Raines iintl Colonel Nesniith had acconiplishtd consid-
erable when they invaded the Yakima countiy and compelled
the hostile bands of Kamai-akun to evacuate it; but Governor
Stevens, viewing it simi)ly in the light of the effect it had upon
him j)ersonally, and not with regard to the punishment of the In-
dians or the safety of the people generally, charged Major Haines
with "utter incaj)acity," because he drove "the Indians into the
very country thi'ough which I nmst pass.'' lie also accused General
Wool of "utter and signal incapacity," h cause of a "criminal neg-
lect of my safety." It is no won(1 tliat neither the President nor
the Secretary of War paid the ii ..~i attention to such frivolous
charges so gravely made. Nor did a mciuori.il voted by the Ore-
gon Legislature on the ninth of February, asking the removal of
General Wool, receive any better treatment.

The condition of affairs up to this time had been much compli-
cated T)y the hostile attitude of Indians living along Piitret Sound.
When Major Haller started from The Dalles upon his infortunate
invasion of the Yakima country, it will be remembered that Lieu-
tenant W. A. Slaughter undertook to go from Ft. Steil-Moom
through the Natchess Pass with forty men, and form ." ' iiction
with him. Haller was defeated and Slaughter fell back to White
River, where he was joined by Captain M. Maloney with seventy-
five men. On the twenty-fourth of October Captain Gilmore Hays
joined him with a company of volunteers from Olympia, and the
whole force took up its march for the Natchess Pass, expecting to
co-operate with Major Raines and Colonel Nesmith. who were about
to invade the Yakima country in force. A few days later, having

426

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLKY.

been informed by courier that Major Raines would not start for
some weeks, his provisions beginning to run low, and tlie lateness
of the season threatening soon to blockade the mountains with
snow, lie deemed it judicious to return to Ft. Steilacoom, especially
as the Sound Indians \vere evincing a hostile spirit, and the invasion
of warlike tribes from British Columbia was feared. These North-
ern Indians, like the Saxons, Danes and Norsemen of old, were ac-
customed to make long coasting voyages in their inunense war ca-
noes, and ipvade whatever region they might see fit. Puget Sound
Indians and, after its settlement, the whites, were fre([uent sufferers
from these [)lundering raids, AVhile returning, IVIaloney and Hays
were attacked by Indians on White liiver, and a severe engage-
ment followed, resulting, as reported, in the death of one regular,
the wounding of one volunteer, and the killing of forty Indians.
The force continued its retreat to Ft. Steilacoom. The greatest
alarm prevailed among the settlers of that region. They hastened
to points of safety with their faiiiilies, and built stockades and
block-houses for their protection. Many of the abandoned cabins
were destroyed by the Indians.

This was the condition in which Governor Stevens found things
when he reached Olymjiia on the nineteenth of January. Three
days later he issued a call for six companies of volunteers to serve
on the Sound, and three companies to be recruited along the Co-
lumbia for service east of the mountains. He also made arrange-
ments with Captain Gansevoort, of the I'nited States steamer Active^
to cruise on the Sound l»elow Seattle, on the lookout for Northern
Indians; and requested Governor ]>ouglas, of the Hudson's Bay
Company, to keep a vessel ci-uisiug in the vicinity of Victoria, and
warn him of the approach of war canoes. A few days later the
Indians attacked Seattle, burned and destroyed everything in King
County, except Seattle itself, and the little settlement of Alki.
About this time the force under Colonel Wright ari'ived from San
Francisco, and Lieutenant-Colonel Casey was sent to Puget Sound
with two hundred men. The organized forces on the Sound were
divided into three battalions — "Northern," "Cintral" and "South-
ern" — whi(di established separate head(piarter>. and constructed a
chain of block-houses from Yelm Prairie to Bellingham Bay. The
central position of the regulars was at Muckleshoot Prairie. The

YAKIMA, WALLA WALLA AND PUGET SOUND CAMPAIGNS. 427

naval forces were stationed at Seattle, ami were commanded at this
time by Cai)tain Swai-twout. Thus was the Sound guarded while
Governor Stevens was making prepai-atious ior an invasion of the
country east of the mountains. A return to the Oregon volunteers
left in winter camp at Walla Walla is now necessaiy.

The Oregon troops held possession of the Walla Walla country
during tlie winter, occasionally moving, for convenience, to a new
camping ground. Though the route to The Dalles was open and
comparatively free from danger of attack upon trains of supplies,
but limited (quantities of those necessaries reached the front. The
troops depended cliiefl}' upon meat, i)rocured by killing caj>tured
stock, and, at times, b(nng I'educed to an uninviting fare of horse
meat. The officers of the commissary department were too busy
running up big l)ills of ex[)ense for the Government to pay, to give
much attention to the suffering men in the field. Warndy clad and
bountifully fed at The Dalles, how coulil they be expected to ap-
preciate the necessities of the ragged and half -starved v(jlunteers,
bravely enduring the rigors of winter in the enemy's country?

Soon after the battle of Walla Walla, Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly
proceeded to the AVillamette Valley temporarily, and during his
absence an election occurred to fill the vacancies caused by the res-
ignation of Colonel Nesmith and Major Arnisti'ong, in pursuance
of instructions from head(piarters. This resulted in the choice of
Captain Thomas R. Cornelius, Colonel, and Ca[)tain N. A. Cor-
noyer, Major. About the middle of January Governor Cui'ry issued
a proclamation calling for five companies — one each from Linn,
Marion, Polk, Yamhill, and Clackamas — to take the place of those
disbanded, also forty men to ivcruit Cornoyer's company of scouts
from French Prairie. These were in due time recruited, mustered
in, and marched to the camp at Walla AValla. The French settlers
and friendly Lidians were sent to The Dalles, and on the tenth of
March Colonel Cornelius marched with his entire command in search
of the enemy. In two days they reached Snake River at Fisli-hook
Bend. On the opposite side was an Indian village, whose inhabi-
tants, thinking the stream could nt)t be crossed, were very insulting
and defiant, until the most demonstrative one was laid low with a
bullet. At the same time the volunteers launched the boats they
had prepared, and the savages fled in terror. They were pursued

428

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

by scouting parties, who overtook them as they were about cross-
ing the Columbia near the mouth of the Yakima, and succeeded in
killing one of them and capturing some horses. On the fourteenth
the entire command moved up Palouse and Snake rivers, and en-
camped three miles above tlie falls. Here they remained several
days and were reduced to the necessity of subsisting upon horse
meat. So poorly was the commissary department administered,
that even in their winter camp they had l)een for weeks at a time
without receiving supplies; and now that they were on the move
their chances for being fed upon regular rations were much less.
A few days of Cayuse diet were all the fresh levies could stand.
They had heard of some of the privations, including the ecpiine
provender, which the men at the front had endured; but it was as
a " tale that is told," and made slight impression upon their minds.
Here, however, was the actual reality exjjeiienced in their own
proper persons, and the impression was on their stomach and more
vivid and lasting. They mutinied, and declared an intention to
march back to The Dalles at once. They were told of the disgrace
of turning back in the face of the enemy, of the hardships of cold
and hunger the veterans had endured, and were promised a remod-
eling of the bill of fare as quickly as possible. They finally con-
sented to give the commissary department one day of grace, and be-
fore that time expired provisions arrived and the mutiny was at an
end. The command marched to White Bluifs, on the Columbia,
without encountering any Indians. On the sixth of April they
crossed to the west side of the river at the mouth of the Yakima,
and followed the stream down to a point opposite Fort Walla
Walla. Here a limited amount of supplies was received, and the
homeward march to The Dalles was taken up by way of the
Yakima country.

About the sixteenth of April, the force reached the mouth of
Satas Creek on the Yakima River, and went into camp. A divid-
ing ridge only shut out from them a view of the valley of the reser-
vation, where they had found plenty of cattle the fall before.
Since leaving the Palouse Falls, one-half their subsistence had been
upon horse meat and they yearned for the fresh meat of the
Yakimas. In the morning Captain Hembree, with five or six men,
croBsed the creek, and commenced ascending the bluffs to the north.

YAKIMA, WALLA WALLA AND PUGET SOUITD CAMPAIGNS. 429

He was going a short distance to see if any beef cattle could be
discovered, and, while passing to the right of a hill, the volunteers
in camp discovered some forty loose horses galloping around the
opposite side of it towards him. Suddenly, as those hoi*ses reached
a point between the camp and the Captain, every one of them was
found to have an Indian rider ; and the next instant, with a savage
yell, the \akiraas charged upon the little squad of whites. Cap-
tain Hembree fell from his horse, and in a minute was scalped and
lifeless. Two of the assailants were shot by him in the brief
struggle, and another was killed by one of the soldiers, all of whom
broke through the lines and escaped. The Indians carried off their
dead, but afterwards acknowledged the loss of two braves in the
death struggle with the white chief. Upon the instant that the
attack was discovered the alarm was given in camp, and Major
Cornoyer, with a few hststily gathered men, dashed across to the
rescue. They had hardly started when tiring was commenced on
the south side of the creek by the Indians, who were making a
general move to 8tamj)ede the soldiers' horses. Captain Hembree
was found stretched upon the ground, naked, mutilated, dead. The
effort to stampede the horses failed, and the Indians disappeared
as suddenly as they had come. That day Major Cornoyer, in com-
mand of several companies of the regiment, followed the enemy,
and an engagement ensued that resulted in driving the Indians
from their fortified stronghold, and the killing of six of them with
no loss to the whites. The ensuing day saw the line of march for
The Dalles resumed by the entire force, bearing with them the
body of the gallant Hembree. Without incident, other than the
killing of two Indians who were met in the trail, the volunteers
reached Klickitat Valley, and camped to recruit their stock, and
received orders for mustering out of service. While occupying
this camp, April 28th, a band of some fifty hostiles made a dash
upon the grazing stock of the commauvi, and stampeding them,
captured three hundred and ninety head of horses, which left the
Oregon volunteers dismounted. The regulars at The Dalles came
to their assistance, but having no orders to pursue the enemy,
Kama-i-akun was left to fall back slowly to the north unmolested.
Thus ended the campaign, and the volunteers who had so
gallantly fought in the field and endured uucomplaiaingly so

430

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

many unnecessary privations, were mustered out, with the excep-
tion i»f the company from Clackamas, and found their way home-
ward without even' a word of thanks from the Governor, at whose
call they had h-ft their homes and business. They were poorer in
purse, poorer in ilt'sh and poorer still in their faith in humanity,
but they had gained a vast finid of experience. The people,
however, were more generous in their conduct. The citizens of
Yandiill gave a grand bampiet to the volunteers from tliat county,
at Lafayette, on ihe fifteenth of May ; and the Washington county
troops were entertained at Hillsboro on the thirty-first. Governor
Curry called for two companies to guard the south side of the
Columbia, and on this subject the Oregonian remarked : —

None of those in the field were willing to vohmteer for the re((uired service,
showing too plainly tliat tlieir previous liardsliips had talien from them uU desire
to run iiii.v risk l)y u second campaign. Colonel Cornelius and his command have
done all tliut it wa^ possible to do; they nobly responded to the call; they left home
when their services were needed ; they endured tlie exposure and fatigue of a cold,
inclement winter ; they were left (by somebody) to i)rovision themselves. « » «
Tliey are left to thank themselves for the imjwrtant services ren<lered the country.
No executive otHcial is jiresent to welcome them back, and, in the name of the
people, thank them for having so nobly done their duty. They arrive and are
mustered out like so many heatlien.

The two companies were raised and left Portland on the four-
teenth of June for The Dalles, commanded by Captains Wilson and
Wilbur.

The mal-administration of affairs in the commissary department
was the subject of much controversy at the end of the campaign.
Frequent complaints had been made during the winter, ])ut the fol-
lowing somewhat disconnected and incoherent, but easily compre-
hended, conununication, sent to the Oregonian from The Dalles on
the twenty-first of April and signed "A Horse-fed Volunteer," wsis
the signal for a war of words and printer's ink: —

It hns become my painful duty to announce, through your paper, to the citizens
of the Willamette, the treatment the volunteers have received, and tlieir apprecia-
tion of the same. Six months ago they volunteered in good faith, to fight their
country's foe. They expected to meet with ordinary hardships and privations, but
they did not expect to starve, to eat poor old niares and^ colts. « ♦ » our
business has been neglected, on account of which we have sustained heavy losses,
our property has been sold to pay taxes, and all by the well-wishers of the Willam-
ette; and now, when discharges are called for, the (governor says "The country
must be protected," and that, too, by us. If we had been treated as we should have
been, we would willingly remain in the field till the close of the war. }3ut since
the congregated wisdom of Oregon Territory convened at Salem, decreed that a

t^.nr- -mwifet.

YAKIMA, WALLA WALLA AND PUGET SOUIJD CAMPAIGNS. 481

Cayiise horse was worth a» much as a volunteer and should receive the same pay ;
notwlthstaudlnfj, the pack mnsters, last winter, would load them down to the
guards, one-half with oats mid the other half witli whisky, neither of whieh ever
reached the half-clad, half starved volunteers, and (he quarterinnster jxilitely pmm-
Ises to pay to a transcendentally /xifriofic Jew $J4 00 per dozen for hickory shirts,
which cost that noble man from ^3.")i> to|4.(K); the volunteers to pay $2 0) for each
shirt. Now there are boys here who have the lilood of '"« coursin;^ throuj?h their
veins with railroad velocity, who say the country must and shall be protected, Init
they can not, and will not. endure such treatment; that they will come home and
take the desj)erate chances with the citizens, at least till they can settle their ac-
counts and outfit themselves for a new campaign, not being willing to trust to the
Departments for the same.

The discussion was v(n'y warm and was conducted on a political
basis. Early in the campaign, the previous Novenil)cr, the acute
sense of propriety possessed by Mr. Busli, editor of the Statesman,
and other leaders of tlu^ Democracy, wassJiock(^d by the knowledge
tliat a few Wliigs and Know-nothings held positions in the army.
There was a loud outcry at this infringement of the undisputed
right of the party in [)(»ssession of the governm<;;nt to hold all the
offices and enjoy all the emolinnents and pei'fiuisites. Spirited
conununications apjuared in th(^ Statesman, in which the nK>tto,
"To the victors belong the spoils," was frequently quoted as hav-
ing the authority of law and the gos[)el. A. M. Belt, Surgeon
Genei'al, was specially singled out for attack, and the (jrovernor was
informed that coniftetent surgeons were to be found in the Demo-
cratic ranks. Finally, a petition was circulated through the Valley,
which received so many signatures that the Governor did not dare
to longer remain unmindful of the wishes of his political support-
ers. A clean sweep wjis made in evtsry office occupied by a Whig
where the executive possessed the appointing power, from the ob-
noxious Surgeon to the officers and clerks in the commissary de-
partment, contractors, and mule drivers, and a good Democrat given
the position. This done, they dee[)ly lamented the fact that many
of the commissioned officers in the field were Whigs, but, being
eleot^ed to their positions, (toidd not be removed except for cause.
Too much attention was paid to politics and securing the spoils, to
provide for the wants of the men in the field. When the contro-
versy arose the officers at The Dalles reported to the Governor that
there had always been an ample .supply of provisions on hand, but
that they could get no escorts for their safe transportation to the
frout. This Colonel Cornelius denied, and demanded a eouit of

432

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

inquiry, which Governor Curry declined to order, taking care in
his letter of refusal to state that the failure of supi)lie8 could not be
attributed to any fault or carelessness of Colonel Cornelius, and to
highly compliment him for his conduct during the campaign. Thus
the officer was molliiied and the dangerous breakers of an investi-
gation were avoided. Governor Curry then sailed for the East to
look after an appropriation by Congress to defray the expenses of
his war. The subject had already come up, and General Wool's
report, the character of which can be surmised fi-om his previous
conduct and expressed opinions, had caused the National Legisla-
ture to refuse to appropriate anything whatever.

•i,* !> I..; ■ ,' ,.

CHAPTER XXV.

CLOSING SCENES OF THE WAR ON ROGUE RIVER.

Reorganisation of the Volunteers — Appointment oj" General Lameiich —
Removal of the Table Rock Band to the Coant Reservatioih — The
Flag of T'ruce Incident — Battle of Eight-Dollar Mountain — Cam-
paign to Big Meadoios — Battle at the Bar — Fort Lamerick Built
in Big Meadows — Massacre at Gold Beach — The Regulars Assume
the Offensive — They Chastise the Indians at Different Places — Coun-
cil of <>ak Flat — Battle between Chief John and Captain Smith —
The Volunteers drfeat Liinpij and George — All the llostilei iSurren-
der and are Taken to the Coast Reservation.

DUKING the winter of 1855-6 there was no fighting in South-
ern Oregon. The volunteers lay all winter statioued at all
the strategical points for the protection of the settlements from raids
by the Indians, who remained secluded in the mountains. The ab-
surdity of having two battalions with inde|)endent commanders was
soon recognize;!, and on the seventii of December thev were united
and regimental officers elected. R(ibert L. Williams was chosen
Colonel, W. J. Martin, Lieutenant-Ct)lonel, and James Bruce, Major.
The regiment, which was designated the " Second Regiment of
Oregon Mounted Volunteei-s," consisted of the coni[)anies of Cap-
tains Bailey, Buoy, Keeney, Rice, O'Neal, Wilkinson, Alcorn, Gor-
don, Chapman, and Bledsoe, aggregating on paper nine hundred
and one rank and file, the effective force being inuclj less. In Feb-
ruary Major Bruce and Captains O'Neal, Rice, Alcorn and Wilkin-
son preferred charges against Colonel Williams, alleging intentional
inactivity, etc. They were based upon the connection Colonel
Williams was supposed to have with a clique of speculators, whose
pecuniary interests lay in the direction of an indefinite prolongation
of the wax. The same speculative and politicaJ complications ex-

484

HI6T0HT OJ WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

isted here as we have seeu were so prcKluetive of harm in the oper-
ations along tlie Colutnljia, and it is unnecessary to refer to theji
in detail. It is enough to say that the war was declared a " God-
send " by those who were of the ruling political faith and had any
hold upon the Government; and the consequence was, that more
than one man of influence would have been sorry to see it ter-
minated too (juickly. The outcome of the charges was the ap})()int-
ment of J. K. Lamerick as Brigadier-General \o take supreme com-
mand »>f the forces, Colonel Williams being thus relieved of the
responsibility, though retaining his command. In Fel>ruary two-
thirds of the men received their discharge, and new companies were
enlisted, commanded by O'Neal, Sheffield, George, Bushey, M. M.
Williams, Wallan, Robertson, and Barnes. The companies were
composed chiefly of discharged men, who re-enlisted almost unani-
mously. On the eighteenth of March regimental officers were
elected, John Kelsey becoming Colonel, W. W. Chapman, Lieuten-
ant-Colonel, and James Bruce and W. L. Latshaw, Majors of the
two battalions.

Subsequent to the events just detailed, a transaction of con-
siderable importance took place. This was the removal of Chief
Sam's baud to the reservation west of the Willamette Valley. The
Table Rock band took no part in the massacre of the ninth of
October. On the contrary, the members of that band crossed the
river to Fort Lane, and besought the protection of Captain Smith
from the violence of the white settlere, which, but foi- such protec-
tion, would surely have befallen them. During the succeeding
months they remained under the immediate care of Captain Smith
and Agent Ambrose, and gave not the remotest cause for 8Us[)icion
on the part of the whites. Finally, when the Bureau of Indian
Affairs decided to remove all the natives from Southern Oreg<m,
the Table Rock band was sent to the permanent reservation about
Yaquina Bay. Such was the state of public sentiment that a
guard of one hundred soldiers was deemed necessary in order to
protect them on their progress northward. And this, notwith-
standing the fact that by their friendship for the whites, they had
incurred the enmity of all the hostile Indians on Rogue River.
The people of the Willamette Valley, jealous of the removal of
warriors into their neighborhood, and scarce undei'standing the

MM^m^^ff'^ww

m^fH

CL08INO SCENES OP THE WAR ON ROOrE niVER.

situation of affairs, hpM public meetings to consider the question of
raising an armed force to resist their coming ; but the excitement
soon calmed, and the Indians found a final home by the shores of
the Pacific. A few days later — about th(i middle of February,
Chiefs Linipy and George, with thirty mounted warriors, went to
Fort Lane with a flag of truce, desiring to have a talk and secure
possession of some squaws. As soon as their pi'esence was known,
there was great excitement, and the volunteers prepared to attack
them. Thoy were, however, notified by Captain Smith that he
recognized the flag of truce and would guard its sanctity ; and the
result was the warriors were permitted to depart in safety. The
indignation of the people was intense, and the regular army, from
Genei-al Wool and Captain Smith down to the sutler, was anathe-
matized. The ^SV«//W/ discharged fiery editoi'ials, similar to those
the Oregonian was about the same time directing at General Wool,
and with no better residt. All this abuse of the regular army be-
cause its commanders insisted upon tlischarging their full duty and
not being governed in tlieir conduct by passion, prejudice or
speculation, served only to delay and reduce the amount of Govern-
ment appropriations for the exp mses of the war, and proved very
costly indeed for the contractors.

Hostilities began in earnest towards the end of March. On the
morning of the twenty-fourth word was received at the headtpiarters
of General Lamerick, at Vannoy's Ferry, that two men had been
killed while in camp at the base of Eight-Dollar Mountain, and
another man mortally wounded in the same vicinity. Captain
Hugh O'Neal hastened with his company to Fort Hays, where was
but a small garrison, and arrived just in time to be driven into the
fort with the loss of one man. The Indians besieged the fort till
morning, and then retired southward, capturing a pack train, and
killing one man and wounding another. Here they were overtaken
by Major Bruce at the head of several companies. The foremost
of these engaged the enemy while yet the remainder were dis-
mounting. All horses were left at the foot of the hill which it
was necessaiy to ascend to find the enemy ; and a long I'ne of
battle, reaching several hundred yards along the side of the moun-
tain, was formed, and the troops advanced up the rise. The battle
was a lively one ; the rattle of rifles and revolvers was almost con-

486

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLKT.

tiuuous, and frequent attempts were made by each party to charge
the other. All sought cover, and there was little chance for life
for the man who neglected thus to protect himself. At this inter-
esting juncture a shout was raised that the Indians were making
off with the horses, left at the foot of the hill. A number of the
savages, spying the condition of affairs ran tastily to the npot and
mounting some and le»iling others, escaped with some fifteen of
the animals belonging to Abel George's Yi'eka company. The
most of the fighting for a time was done by M. M. WiUiams and
about a score of his ])ravest men, who stood their ground valiantly,
and only retreated when the Indians had nearly or (piite surrounded
them. Alcorn's men and othei-s fought well, also, but a gi-eat
many either ran away during the fight, or else could not be brought
into it at all. Over two hundred men were within sound of the
firing, but not one-half that number took any part in the fight, and
probably not over fifty engaged in it with energy and resolution.
A hundred or more Indians held with determination the hill and
the thick woods, and successfully barred the way. Against this
force the volunteers effected nothing. They soon began to retiry,
and gaining the base of the hill, mounted and returned to Fort
Hays, hardly yet sensible of a defeat. The Indians withdrew in
their characteristic manner, and the battle of EiglitD(^llar Moun-
tain was ended.

Early in April, General Lamerick determined upon a rampaign
to Big Meadows, the rendezvous of the hostiles. Tli. Southern
Battalion, under Lieutenant Colonel Chajmian and Major Bruce,
started on the fourteenth of April and mairhed down the south
side of Rogue River, halting at Peavine Mountain On the sev-
enteenth, Colonel Kelsey and Major Latshaw march('<l from Fort
Leland, on Grave Creek, with the ^'orthern Battalion, and pro-
ceexied to the Little Meadows of Rogue River, some twelve miles
from the camp of the other battalion. Chapman and Bruce then
joined him, raising the force to five hundred and thirty-five men.
They camped two miles north of tlie river, on a high terrace, a
breastwork of pine logs enclosing the encampment. Scouts located
the Indian "amp on a large '»ar on the south side of the river and
three miles further down. Several days were spent in reconnoiter-
ing, and then it was decided to make an attack. General Lame-

CLOSING ar.CVlT.H OF THE WAR ON ROGUE RIVER.

487

rick ordered Maj<M' iJiucc to cross the river and cut off the retreat
of the Indinns, while Colonel Kelsey was to move on the north side
until dii'ectly opposite the camp, and then attack it from across the
stream. Hoth detaclinicnts started out to execute thcvse orders, but
when tilt' liver wa*i reached Bruce 's men refused to cross in the two
canvas lioats bi'ought f<>r that purpose. This is a fair example of
the difficulties the officers had to contend with. Every volunteer
thought himself as good as his superior officers, and refused to obey
all orders he did not deem judicious. Under such circumstances
it is no wonder so large a force accomplished so little.

Major Bruce being thus compelled to remain on the north side
of the river, concluded to move down .stream and join Colonel Kel-
sey at the 1)ar. Meanwhile, this commander had reached a point
on the <leclivity nearly op|>osite his objective point, and started di-
rectly down hill, following a ridge which afforded comparatively
little oV)stru<'ti()n to his advance. The detachment was formed in
line of battle, and rushed down and took position on the bank of
the river facing the Indian encampment on the bar, and opened a
brisk fire upon the enemy. The savages were thrown into confu-
sion by tiie sudden attack, and did not return the fire for some time.
The women and children, the formei' carrying heavy pa<;ks, soon
left the camp and passed up the hill toward the Illinois River,
while a gi'eater part of the males sought shelter in the edge of the
fir woods behind their encampment, and watdied the movements of
the whites. Major Bruce arriv^^d with his command, and taking a
position on the left, began firing at the enemy, who, however, were
in positions of comparative safety. Desultory and ineffectual firing
was kej>t up all day, but no means of crossing the river being at
hand, nothing could be done to complete the victory. It is sup-
posed that (juite a number of Indians w«>re killed, while the only
loHH to the whites was the mortal wounding of Elias Mercer, and
the severe wounding of John Ib'iiry (Mifl . In the evening the
whole force went into camp at the Big Meadows, six miles below
the forn.'M' camp. On the follow ing morning Colonel Kelsey and
Major Latshaw^ w^ith one hundred and fifty men went to a point on
the river two miles l>elo\v the bar, with the expectation of cro-ssing
to the south side. At the same time Lieutenant-Cohmel Chapman
with one hundred men marched to the liattle-grouud of the pre-

438

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

vious) day to engage the enemy if still there. The former found
Indians scattered along the shore, who showed fight, consequently
the detachment did not cross. Lieutenant-Colonel Chapman found
no Indians at the bar, and returned. Major Bruce had gone in
another direction with one hundred men, and he also retnined with-
out having accomplished anything. On the twenty-ninth the regi-
ment encamped on the bar from which the Indians had been driven.
Scouts soon ascertained that the Indians had abandoned that region,
and it being impracticable to follow them, the regiment broke camp
on the first of May, Ive companies taking permanent station in Big
Meadows, which was called " Fort Lamerick," and the others re-
turning to Fort Leland. The chief accomplishment of this cam-
paign was to add greatly to the bill for supplies which the con-
tractoi-s were running up against the day of settlement.

In the Spring of 185G a new complication was introduced into
the troubles in Southern Oregon. The Indians of the coast had
remained peaceful, though those living at and below the mouth of
Rogue River were urgently solicited to join the hostiles. Their
relations with the settlei-s and miners had been none too pleasant
for a year past, and several incidents had occurred to intensify the
natural feeling of race antagonism. Ben Wright, of Modoc fame,
was the agent in charge of the Indians in that region, having his
residence at Gold Beach at the mouth of Rogue River. At Port
Orford, thirty miles north, was a military post known as "Fort
Orford," and garrisoned by Captain Reynolds' company of the lUl
Artillery. During the winter, and at the instance of Agent Wright,
a volunteer company of thirty-three men, under Captain John Po-
land, occupied a strongly fortified post at Big Bend, some fifteen
miles up the river, wliere they served to separate the hostiles from
the Indians below. About the first of February they abandoned
this post and returned to Gold Beach. Wright, observing the grow-
ing discontent of the natives, put forth every effort to induce them
to go to the temporary reservation at Port Orford, where they would
be safe from the attack of ill-disposed whites and the solicitations
of hostile Indians. It has always been supposed that it vvas owing
to the intriguing of one man that this effect was not brought about.
This man was an Indian of some eastern tribe — Canadian, it was
said — and had been with Fremont on his last expedition ten years

CLOSING SCRNKS OF THE WAK OJJ ROGUE RIVEB.

43y

before. Enos, called by the Indians "Acnes," had become a con-
fidant of \N^ip:ht's to thr extent of knowing his plans for the peace-
ful subjugation ot the Indians. Enos laid with the braves a far-
reaching [)l!in to destroy utterly the small colony of whites; and
this done, tt> join the V)ands of savages who were waging war, and
to defeat and drive from the country the invadere who so harrowed
the Indian soul.

The first step in Enos' portentous plan was to slaughter Wright
and the settlers along the coast. On the evening of February 22,
having completed his arrangements, Enos, with a sufficient force of
his Indians, fell upon the scattered settlement at the south side of
the mouth of the river, and finding Agent Wright alone in his
cabin, entertKl it seen, but unsuspected, by him, and with an axe or
club slaughtered this hero of a liundred bloody fighta. So died,
perlia[)s, the greatest of Indian fighters whom this Coast ever knew.
Concluding this villainy, the Indians sought new victims, and dur-
ing the night killed mercilessly, with shot or blows, twenty-four or
twenty-five persons, of whom the list is here presented as given by
various authorities: Captain Ben Wright, Captain John Poland,
John Geisel and three children, Joseph tSeroc and two children, J.
H. Braun, E. W. Howe, Barney Castle, George McClusky, Patrick
McCollough, Samuel Hendrick, W. li. TuUus, Joseph Wagoner,

Seaman, Lorenzo Warner, George Reed, John Idles, Martin

Reed, Henry Lawrence, Guy C. Holcomb, and Joseph Wilkinson.
Mrs. Geisel and hei- remaining children, Mary and Annie, were
taken prisoners. Aftt'r suffering the worst of hardships at the
hands of the Indians, they were delivered from them at a later date,
and now live to recount with tears the story of their bereavement
and captivity. A large portion of the inhabitants had gathered on
that fateful night at Big Flat to attend a dance given there, and so
failed of death; and on the morrow these .set out for the village, and
on arriving there found tin; fearful renuiins of the butchery. The
corpses were burietl; and the remaining population, numlxjring,
perhaps, one hundred and thirty men, scantily supplied with fire-
arms and ])rovisions, sought jtrotection in a fort which had been
constructeil in anticipation of such need. Here the survivors gath-
ered and for a time sustained a state of siege with the added horroi-s
of a possible death by starvation. Theii- only communication from

440

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

without was by means of two small coastim* schooners which made
occasional trips to Port Orford or Crescent City. The Indians sur-
rounded them and commanded every apjjroach by land. Meantime,
the savages were not iille. Every dwelling and every piece of
property of whatever ilesci'i[)tion that fire could touch was desti'oyed.
The country was devastated, and, lieside the fort besii^gcd, only the
station of Port Orford remained uihabited. The buildings at Gold
Beach were all burned, and an estimate of the [)r()j)t'rty destroyed
along the coast fixes the danuige at 8r_'.">,00(). Subsecjucnt to the
first attack a nuud«er of other persons were killed by the Indians,
these being Henry Bullen, L. AV. Oliver, Danitl Richardson, Adolf
Schmoldt, Oliver Cantwell, Ste|)hen Taylor, and George Ti-ickey.
By an unhappy chance H, I. Gcrow, merchant; John O'Brien, miner;
Sylvester Long, farmer; William Thompson and Richard Gay, boat-
men, and Felix McCue, were drowned in the breakers opposite the
fort while bringing j:M and pro\ isions from Port Orford. Captain
Davis and Henr}- Defremany succeeded in swimming ashore and
reaching the fort.

Messengers from the beleaguered settlers succeeded in reaching
Port Oi'ford and Crescent City. At the former place. Captain
Reynolds, who only had twenty-six men, did not dare go to
their aid and leave the place uni)rotected. The unfortunate party
mentioned above at once started witii provisions to their relief. At
Crescent City was Captain Jones with a company of regulars, who,
as he was under marching orders from (leneral Wool for a concerted
movement of all the troops against the hostiles, was not at liberty
to go to the relief of the settlers at (iold Beach. The volunteers
in Rogue River Valley, whin appealed to, also declined to go,
alleging a fear of leaving the settlements exposed. A company of
volunteers was formed at Crescent City, connnanded by Captain
G. H. Abbott. On the eighth of March Lieutenant-Colonel
Buchanan arrived at Crescent City from San Francisco with a
company of regulars under Ca[)tain E. O. C. Ord, afterwards
Major-General, and with Jones' regulars and Abbott's volunteers,
marched northward. Abbott was some distance in advance, and
encountered the Chetco and Pistol River Indians, losing one man
and having several wounded. When the regulars arrived, and
rescued them, they were surrouuded by Indians and sheltered be-

CLOSING SCENES OF THE WAR ON ROGUE RIVER.

441

hind logs on the beach. The whole force remained in the vicinity
a few days, until they had severely chastised tiie savages and
destroyed their village.

On the twentieth of March Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan
arrived at the mouth of Rogue River, having left Ca[)tain Abbott
at Pistol River to keep open communications with Crescent City,
the base of supplies. Operations began by an assault upt)n the
Makanootenai ranchcria, about ten miles up-stream and four or six
below Big Beml. Captains Ord and Jones took the town, killing
several Indians and driving tlie rest to their canoes. One man,
Sergeant Nash, was severely wounded. A few days later Ca})tain
(now General) Augur, with a small detachment, reached the mouth
of Illinois River and found some ten or twelve Indians belonging to
John or Limpy's band, and fough* them. The Indians strove des-
perately and live of them fell deail before the conflict was decided.
Captain iVugnr, after the tight, found it necessary to return toward
Gold Beach. Captain Smith set out from Fort Lane al)out this
time with eighty men — fifty dragoons and thirty infantrymen. All
went on foot, and marclied down Rogue River, up Slate Creek to
Hays' farm, from thence to D('er Creek anil thence down Illinois
River to the Rogue, and encamped a few miles further down that
stream, having come to their destination.

Negotiations had been in progress for a few days, thanks to the
exertions of Superintendent Palmer, and it was hoped that an
agreement would be reached with the Coast Indians, who were now
much scattered. Enos, with quite a nundjer of his followers, had
joined the up-river bands, who were lying on the river above the
Big Bend. Others had gone to Port Orford and placed themselves
under the protection of the military. On the twenty-seventh of
March a party of i-egulars were fired upon from the brush while
proceeding down the banks of the Rogue, whereupon they charged
their assailants and killed eight or ten, with a loss to themselves of
two wounded. On April 1st, Captain Creighton, with a company
of citizens, attacked an Indian village near the mouth of the Co-
quille River, killing nine men, wounding eleven and taking forty
squaws and chihlren prisoners. These Indians had been under the
care of the Government authorities at Port Orford until a few days
before the light, and hud left that place because some meddlesome

442

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

whites had represented to them that it was the soldiers' intention
to kill them. A party of volunteers intercepted several canoe
loads of Indians near the mouth of Rogue River and killed eleven
males and one squaw ; one male and two squaws only escaped.
On the twenty-ninth of April a party of sixty regulars, con-
voying a pack-train, were attacked near Chetco by the remnant
of the band of savages of that name, supposed to number about
sixty, but probably less, and two or three soldiers were killed or
wounded. The battle ended by the defeat of the natives, who lost
six braves killed, and several wounded. In the month of April
three volunteer companies opei'ated on the coast, and did much
service in spite of their being badly armed and equipped. These
were the Gold Beach Guards, the Coquille Guards and the Port
Orford Minute Men.

Besides tne regulars who were now hemming in the savages and
cutting them off from all avenues of escape from the mountain
fastnesses in which they had been so secure, the volunteers played
an important part. Fort Lamerick had been built at Big Meadows
by Major Bruce, who occupied it with a force of two hundred men,
and was later reinforced by the entire body of volunteers. General
Lamerick being present and in command. Hemmed in on all
sides, without resources and with no hope of assistance, the liostiles
began to feel their inability to cope with the forces now operating
against them.

On the twenty- first and twenty-second of May, Superintendent
Palmer and Colonel Buchanan held a conference with the Indians.
This is officially known as the " Council of Oak Flat," the locality
being on the right bank of the Illinois River, some three miles
above its mouth. Nearly all the regular troops were present,
amountinsf to about two hundred. Almost all the liostiles were
present, and most of them agreed to surrender on a certain day.
Not so, however, with Chief John. This undaunted chieftain said
to Colonel Buchanan : " You are a great chief ; so am I a great
ciiief ; this is my country ; I was in it when these ti'ees were very
little, not higher than my head. My heart is sick fighting the
whites, but I want to live in my country, I will not go out of my
country. I will, if the whites are willing, go back to the Deer
Creek country and live as I used to do among the whites ; they cau

CLOSING SCENES OF THE WAR ON ROGUE RIVER.

443

visit my camp and I will visit theirs ; but I will not lay clown my
arms and go to the reserve. I will tight. Good bye."

Tilt result of thi^ negotiations Wius the agreement of a great
many Indians, notably the Coast bands, to give up their arms.
On or bi'f*)re the twenty-sixth of May they were to assemble at the
Big Meadows, several miles from the Big Meadows occuj)ied by
the volunteers, and be escorted thence to Port Oi-ford. Ord's com-
pany had been sent to Port Orford to escort a ]>rovision train to
the command at Oak Flat. Reynolds' company was sent out to
meet the same train, as its safety was very imp )rtant. On the
twenty-fourth Captain Smith left Oak Flat with his eighty dra-
goons anil infantrymen to proceed to Big Meadows and perform
escort duty when the Indians surrendered. He encamped on the
north side of the river, near the place fixed upon for the surrender.
On the twenty-fifth the chief in command moved down the Illinois,
and leaving Jones' company at its mouth, went across the Rogue
with Augur's company, and set aliout opening a trail for the
passage of the surrendei-ed Indians with their guard, who were
expected the next day. On the evening of May twenty-sixth
Colonel Buchanan was on the north side of the river, tome few
miles from the mouth of the Illinois ; Captain Ord was about ten
miles west of Oak Flat, with the train ; Jones was at the month of
the Illinois ; Reynolds about ten miles below that point, on the
Port Orford trail ; Smith at Big Meadows ; anil the main body of
the Indians were on the bank of the Rogue, about five miles above
Smith. The twenty-sixth passed and no Indians came in, but
Smith was informed that they were delayed by slippery roads, and
would be in sometime the next day. During the evening of the same
day, Geoi'ge, a well-known chief, caused it to Ijecome known to
Captain Smith that an attai'k was meditated on his camp. He
instantly set about moving his command to a nmch more secure
position between two small creeks entering the main stream from
the noi'thwest. He occupied an oblong elevation some two hundred
and fifty yards in lengtii, and about twenty in width. Between
this mound and the I'iver is a narrow liottom called " Big Meadows,"
but which was not the same locality designated by the volunteers
as "Big Meadows," and whereon stood Fort Lamerick. The latter
locality is several miles further up the river, and further removed
from the stream. The top of the elevation on which Captain

444

HISTORY OF WILLAJrETTB VALLET.

Smith was uovv eiicamped foi'med a plateau of size sufficient for
one company to encamp upon, and was of slight elevation. Directly
to the north is another elevation of equal height and within rifle
range of the first. Early in the morning of the twenty-seventh the
savages came in from all directions and soon the north mound was
covered with them. A l)ody of forty warriors attempted to enter
camp, hut wei-e halted on the spot and told to lay down their arms
at a certain place. There being a howitzer planted so sis to rake
that ap[)roach, the Indians felt it 'best to retire. At ten o'clock in
the foi'enoon the Indians made a sudden rush from l)oth sides ; but
they were re[)ulsed by the howitzer and infantry. John developed
all the tactics and strategy of a consummate general in his nuinage-
ment of the battle. His method of attack was by means of small-
;irm lire at long range, charges by the larger bodies of V)raves, and
unexpected attacks l)y smaller mnnbers. who sought to gain the
mound by scaling the steeper i)oi-tions where the guard was weak.
Only thirty of Smith's men had arms adapted to long range shoot-
ing, the musketoon of the dragoons being useless except at close
quarters. John's men, on the contrary, possessed excellent pieces
and shot effectively from long distances. At nifjht the Indians
drew off and encamped. Smith occu|>ied his men in constructing
rifle pits and building with his camp ecpiipat: tempoi'ary defences,
and in procuring water from the river for his thii'sty troops. On
the following morning the Indians again opened tire and continued
the battle. Old John put forth all his efforts to seizes victory, as
there was every chance that reinforcements for Smiih would soon
arrive ; but in spite of his generalship and personal bravery the
assaults were successfully repulsed. About four o'clock in the
afternoon the Indians formed in two bodies with tlu^ intention of
attacking both flanks simultaneously. Just at th(> critical moment
of their attack. Captain Augur's company was seen advancing. In
conjunction with these Smith charged and dispersed the enemy,
John and all the rest escaping into the woods. Suiith's loss was
twenty-nine in killed and woimded, the most of whom were hit by
bullets from the north mound. The loss of the Indians is unknown.
To prevent any like attempts for the future, Buchanan concentrated
his forces at the Big Meadows on the thirtieth of May, and re-
mained there until the greater part of the Indians had surrendered.

0L08INO 8CKNES OF THE WAR ON ROGTTE RITER.

445

While Captain Smith was thus contending with John, the vol-
unteers, some miles up the river, were fighting Limjiy and George.
Major Latshaw left Fort Lamerick on the twenty-seventh with two
hundred and thirteen men, and marched twelve mih's down the
river, and the next day skirmished with the Indians of some
rancherias still lower down, killing some and taking fifteen prison-
ers. On the twenty-ninth, the day following John's defeat by Cap-
tain Smith, more skirmishing was done, and II. C. Houston, Ser-
geant in Keith's company, was hadly wounded. On the following
day fighting took [)lace on the south side of tlu' river betw(!en a
party of voliuiteers and some Indians, and Private Cooly, of Wal-
lan's company, was wounded in the thigh and hand. On the thirty-
first Major Latshaw, with one hundred and fifty men, moved to
Buchanan's headt|uai'tcrs, at Big Meadows. They found here that
Limpy and George had surrendered, with their bands, on May
twenty-ninth, the day following their fight with the volunteers. On
the fifth of June General Lamerick moved down the rivei' and en-
camped at Big Btud, where the regulai-s were lying. The next day
a combined movement was made down the river by three com-
panies of regulars an<l Captain Bledsoe's company of volunteers,
and an Indian encampment was destroyed, some twenty or more
natives being killed or drowned in endeavoring to escape. Two
volunteers were wounded. The main bwly of the Indians were en-
camped on the river about fifteen miles below Big Bend, but their
cabins were found deserted when the attacking party arrived. The
remaining acts of the citizen soldiery can be briefly told. Major
Bruce headed an expe<lition down tlie coast to the country of the
Chetco and Pistol Ri\er bands, and killed three males and took fifty
prisoners. On June twenty-sec<md Maj()r Latshaw, with Keith,
Noland and Blakely's companies, marched from the mouth of the
river via Fort Lamerick to Camas Pi-airie and Deer Creek, and the
troo})s going to Eugene City were there disbanded. General Lam-
erick, with Barnes" company, proceeded to Port Orford with orders
for this organizatiim to be mustered out on July first. Captain
Bledsoe, with his men, remained in service for a short time subse-
quently.

On the twentieth of June Chief John sent five of his braves to
Buchanan's head -quarters to announce that theii* leader would sur-

446

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

render on the same terms as had Limpy, George nnd other chiefs,
but lie wished the wliites to guarantee safety to Enos, who was an
object of particuhxr aversion to the vohuiteers. Previously, the
chief had refused all overtures of peace, saying that war suited him,
and that in s|)ite of the desertion of all the other Indians he would
remain in his l)eloved country and fight. By the first of July all
the known hostiles had surrendered save a few about Pistol liiver,
and John's own band. Sated with une(jual combats, John surren-
dered to the regular army, an eseort of one hundre(l and ten soldiers
being sent out to accompany him and his little Itand of thirty-five
to Port Orford.

The objects of the war were now accomplished. The last band
of hostile Indians had surren«lered. On the temjxtrary reservation
at Port Orford were gathered about - ■ thousand three hundred
Indians of various tribes, and including all the surviving members
of the bands which had begun and carried on the war. The Coast
Reservation was fixed ujtou as their future abode — a tract seventy
miles loug, lying upon the coast of Oregou and extending from
Cape Perpetua to Cape Lookout, and from the Pacific Ocean to the
western water-shed of the Willamette. liy the first of kSe[)tember,
1856, two thousand and seven hundred Indians had been removed
there. Enos, too, was there for a time, but his restless liabits got
him into difficulties, ami he made illicit expeditions to various parts
of the State, and beiug <letected therein was denounced by certain
nervous people as a fire-brand who was seekiii.: to again spread
the flames of war. There is a tradition in Curry county that Enos
was hanged ui)on Battle Rock at Port Oi'f<»rd; but the Indian then
executed was one of four C«Hpiille Indians hanged for the murder
of Venable and Burton. The fate of Enos is unknown.

CHAPTER XXVI.

THE ATTACK ON THE CASCADES.

Colonel Wright Afsumen Command of the Rcfjidars — His lyintrudiona
from General Wool — lie Starts for the Wolht Walla Coantri/ with
a Stronif Force— Fears of an Attack on the Cascaths — The Atiack is
Matle on, the Ttci nty-Si.eth of March, ISuG — Details if the Affair —
Colonel Wriyht Conies to the Rescue from The Dalles, and Lieuten-
ant Sh(r/(lan frotn Vancouver — Indians Captured and Ilamjed —
List of Jyilled and Wounded — Intelliijence of the Attack Creates
Great Kxciteuwnt in Portland and up the Valley — Two Vidunteer
Companies go to the Rescue — Panicy Rum -rs Distract the Peopile —
All Quiet on the Sandy.

WHILE the oomniand of Colonel Cornelius was hunting for
Indians along the Snake and Columbia rivers, the people
living in fancied security in the valley experienced the di'ead alarms
of war. VV^hen the i)th Infantry arrived the entire force of regidars
wa.s placed under the conunand »»f Colonel George Wright. He
received general instructions from his ^^nperior, who remained in
San Francisco, to occupy winter (juarters until a successful move-
ment could be made in the spring, and then to establish a military
station in the Walla Walla country, not for the purpose of making
war upon the Indians, unless compelled so to do by their own con-
duct, but for the protection of the Indians in their rights from un-
lawful intrusion or conduct of white men, and to insure the safety
of all such as might lawfully reside in the Indian country. This
action was taken in view of the fact that the treaties had not yet
been ratified by the Senate and were not in force, and consequently
the rights of the Indians were more liable to be Infringed than those
of the whites. lie wjis to establish and maintain peace. In pur-
suance of this policy he moved a strong force to The Dalles, and set

448

niSTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLET.

out for the Walla Walla country on the twenty-sixth of March. At
that time the Oregon volunteers were campaigning about the mouth
of Snake River, and all was <iuiet below them.

Previt)us to this the po-^sibility of an attack upon the Cascades
Settlement by the Klickitats, had been antieipatiHl. On the fifth of
Mareh the steamer lf'as,o\VM Hred upon by Indians while opposite
the mouth of Hood River. The day before they had burned the
residence of E. S. Joslyn, on the Washington side, and the Wasco
had on board Lieutenant Davidson and forty men on their way to
the scene of the ti'oubU', when sht^ was tired upt)n. She reliu'ned to
the south side of the stream. Soon the Mary came down the river
with Major Ilallcr and lifty men, and a lamiing was made, but no
Intlians could Ic fouiitl. From this and other indications the peo-
ple living at the Cascades feared they might be attacked, and nuide
preparations to take refuge in time of danger in the block-house
which hail Ix'cn erected. TIkt,' was at that time a railr(»ad under
construction from the Lower to the Tpper Cascades, on the Wash-
ington side, t(t l)e used as a freight and passenger j)<»riage bt'tween
the Lower and L'pper Columbia, and (piite a foi'ce of workmen
was employed. Tht! block-house was at the Middle Cascades, while
the majority of the workmen were at the upp.^r landing, a store on
the river bank serving as hea(l«[uarters at the latter point. The
folk)wing very accurate account of thi' attack was written by L. W.
Coe a few days afterwards, addre^ised to Putnam Bradford, wh(\
with his brother, Daniel F., was constructing the railroad, which
was simpV a wooden tramway: —

On WedtU'Hday, March 'US. nt al>oiU 8:30 a. m., after tht' men liad gone to tlieir
work on the two lirid^et* of the new railway, mostly on the hridge near KuhIi's
houHe, the YakhnaH eiune down on IIS. There was a line of them from Mill Creek
above uh to the liijjr point at the liead of tlie fails, firing »lnuiltaneousIy on the men ;
and tlie flrst notice we liad of tlum was the l)nlletH and the crack of tlieir guns.
Of our men, at tlio tlnst fire, one wax kille<l and several wounded. I will give y«)u
a liHt liereinafter. Our mtn on Heeing tlie IndijiiiH, all ran for our store through
a shower of liullets, excej)t three who started down streiim for tlie middle Idock-
house, distant one and a liidf miles. Hush and his family also ran into our store,
leaving his own houHe vacant. The Watkins family cnme to the store after a Dutch
boy, wlio was lame from a cut in tlie foot,— had l)een shot in tlieir liousc. Watkins,
Finlay and Baily were at work on the new wareliouse on the island, around which
the water wa« now high enough to run about three feet deep under the l)riilges.
There was grand confusion in tlie store at first; and JSinclalr. of Walla Walla, go-
ing to the railroad door to look out, was shot from the hank above the store and in-
stantly killed. Some uf ue then oommeQced getting the guns and riilea, which

r:.^^
'-<\^

At
ith

HLOCK HorSK AT THE CASCADKS.— Ske I'a(M8 UH, 4<">2.

THE ATT4CK OK THE CASCADES.

449

were ready loaded, from behind the counter. Fortunately, about an hour before,
there had been left with us for trunsportutiou below, nino United .StateH (<overn-
raent rifles witli eartridj^e boxes arul ammunition. Tliese saved us. As the upper
story of the house was abandoned, Sniitli, the cook, having come l)elow, ami as the
stairway was outside wiiere wedarenotj^o, tiie stovepipe wa^^ hauled down, the hole
enlarged with axes, and a party of men frawled up, and the ujjper part i>f the house
was Hoon secured. We were snrpriseil tluit the Indians hud not rushed iuto the
upper ilory, as there was nothing or nobotly to prevent them.

Our men soon gnt some shots at the Indians on the liank above us. I saw Bush
shoot an Indian, tiie first one killed, ho was drawiu',; a l>ead on Mrs. Wiitkhis as
she was running for our store. H> dropped instantly. Alexander ami oliiers
mounted into the gable under the roof, aiui from lliere was done niost of our tiring,
it being tiu" best place of ol)servatlon. In tlie meantime, we were barricading in
the store, making port-iioles and firing when op|»orluiiity presented. Hut the In-
dians were soon very cautious aboLit exposing lhemselvi-». I took churKe of llie
store, Dan Bradford of tiie second Hoor, and Alexander of the garret and roof.

The steamer M<iri/ was lying in tiie mouth of Mill Cnek, hu<1 the wind was
blowing hard down stream. VViieti we saw Indians running toward lnr and iieard
the shots, we supposed she would be taktMi ; and as she lay just out of our sight, ami
we saw smoke rising from lier, concluded siie was burning, but what was our glad
surprise after a while to see her put out and run across the river. I will give an
account of the attack on her hereinafter.

The Indians now returiu-d in force to us, and we gave every one a shot who
showed itimself. Tliey were nearly naked, jjalnted red. and had guns and bows
and arrows. After a wlule Finlay <'ame creeping arouiul t lie lower point of the
Island toward our house. We halloed to him to lie down Itehiiul a roi'k, aiul he
did so. He called that he could not get to the store as the bank ai)ove us was cov-
ered wili» Indians. He saw Watkln's bouse burn while there. The Indians tlrst
took out all they wanted- bliinkets, <lothes, guns, etc. By this tiiiu- tiie Imiians
liad crossed in canoes to the i-laiid, and we saw them coming, as we supposed, alter
I'Inliiy. We then saw Watkinsand Haili y r,iniiiny: around the river side towartis
the place where Khilay was, and llu' fiidi nis in lull i-liasenfter them. .V" our own
nu'ti came around the point in full \ lew, Haiiey was -hot t>, rough tlie arm and leg.
He continued on, and, pliinning into the river, swam to the front of our store and
came in safely, excejit for his wounds. He narrowly eseaned going over the falls.
Klnlay also swam across and i;'! in unlianiird, which was woiidiTMil, as there wim»
a shower of Inillets around ibiiii.

Watkins next came niniiing :i..)und the point, and we called to him to lie down
behind a rock, but before he could do so he was shot in the wrist, tlie ball going up
the arm ami (ail aliove tin elbow. iU- dropped behind a rock jiisl us the piirsiiing
Indians came rollowlm; around the point, liut we gave Ibern so hot arecepii'>n from
our house tliat they ba(ke(I out and Icit jioor Watkins where he lay, VV«' cailetl to
Watkins to lie still and we would gel him oil'; luit we were not aide to do so until
after the arrival from Tlie D.illcs of the steamer ,l/'/'V/ with tr<K»ps— two days and
nights afterwards. During tliis time W.itkiiis fainted -ever.il times from wiakness
and exposure, Ihi' weather lieiiig very cold, and he was stripped down to his under-
clothes for swimming. When he fainted he would roll down the sti'cp bank into
the river, and the ice-cold water rcviviinr liliii, he would crawl hack under tire to
his retreat iK-hind the rock. Meiintinie, his wife and children were in the store, in
full view :ind moaning pilcously at his terrible situation. He dietl from txliaus-
lion two (iavK alter he was rescued.

The Indians were now pitching into us "rl^ht smart." They tried to hum us
out; threw rucks uad tlrebrauds, hot Jruus, pitch wood — •verylbiug uu to the roof

460

UISTOUY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

that would l>ura. But you will recollect that for a ^^ilort distance back the bank
iucliiifd toward tho iiouse, and we could nee and !<ho»)t tlie Indiann who appeared
there. So they hud to throw I'roni such a distance that the larjrent rocks and huij-
dle« of tire ditl not quite reach uh; and what did, gcin'raliy roiled off the roof.
iSonietiniert the roof j?ot on ttre, nn<i we cut it out, or with cups <if l)rine drawn from
pork barrilH, put it out, or with long wlicks shoved oil' the lire halls. Phe kitchen
roof troiihlcd UN the most. IIuw they did pepper us with rocks; sonic of the big
ones would shake the house all over.

There were now forty men. women and children in tin- house — four icoincn and
eigiiteen men that could tiuht and eighteen wounded men and (children. The
steamer H'a.^co was on the Ore^jon side of the river. We saw her ^team up and
leave for 'I'lie Dalles. iShortly sifter, the stcunu'r Mnn/ also left. .She had to take
Atwell's fence rails for wimkI. So patwed the day, during wliich the Indians luid
burned lnn;an's two liouses. your saw-mill and houses, and the lun>her yards at
till' mouth of Mill (.'reek. At dayli){lit they set lire to your new wareliouse on the
island, making; it as li);lit as di<y around us. I suppose lliey rcseiNcil thiH hi'ilding
for ni(;ht that we mit;ht not ^et Watkins oil. They did not attack us at nifilit, hut
the second morning commenced a» lively as ever. We hud no water, hut did have
about two dozen ale and a I'ew bottles of whisky. Tlicse j-ave out dnring the day.
During the nighl, a Spokane Indian wlio was traveling with Siiieluir, and was in
the store with us, voluntetred to get a |iail of water Ironi the river. 1 t'onsenled,
and he stripped himself naked, jumped out and down the Liank, and was liack in
no time. By this time we liMiked for the steamer from The Dalles, and were greatly
tlisapiM»inted at her non-arrival. We weatliered it out <lnring the day, every nuin
keeping ills post, ariil never relaxing in vigilance. Kvery' moving oliject, shallow,
or siwjiici.'iiH liusli on the hill rectivi'd a sliot. The Indians must liave tliought
the house a bomltshell, 'l\i our ceaseless vigilance I ascriiie our safety. Night
came again : we saw Slieppard's house burn ; Bush's house near by wuh also tired,
Hiid kept us in light until about four a. .m., wlieii darkness returning, I sent ttie
Spokane Indian for water from the r' -r, and lie filled two barrels, lie went to
and fro like lightning. We also sllppe • ;»oor JiiiueH Sin<!lair's body down the slide
outside, us tile corjise was (|uile offensive.

I'he two steamers now having exceeded the length of time we gave them in
which to return lioni The Dalles, we made up oi!r minds for a long siege and until
relief came from below. We could not account for it, luil supposeil the niiitli rtgi-
nient liad left Tlie Dalles for Walla Walla, and had proceeded too far to return.
The third moiiiing dawned, and lo! (he ,Vf (/■.(/ ami the ir'Mco, blue with soldierH,
and tow ing a fhit-bout witli <lrago'in horses, hove in in sight: "irfi a hallo <(h we
yaw.

As the steamer landed the Indians fired tv/enly or thirty shots into them, hut
we could not ascertain with any efl'ecf. The soldiers as they got ashore could i.ot
tie restrained, and jilunged into the woods in every direction, while the liowltzern
sent grajie after the retiealing redskins. The soldiers were soon at our store, and
we, I tliink I moy any, exjiericneed (|uile a fe»'ling of relief on opening our dooix.

During this time we hail not heard from lielow. A company of dragiMins under
("olonel Steptoe went on <lown Dan went with them. The Itlock-liouse at the
Miildle Cascades still luld out. Allen's house was biinnd niid e\ery otiierone be-
low. (Jeorge W, Johnson's, S. M. Hamilton's V. A. Chenoweth's, the wharf bout
at Caseudes— all gone up. Next in order conies the attack on the .Va/7/. She lay
in Mill Creek, no fires, and wind hard ashore. Jim 'I'hompson, John Woodani,
and Jim Herman were just going up to tlie boat from <>ur store, and iiad nearly
readied her us they were fired upon. Ileinian asked if tliey had any gunn. No.
He went on up (<> Inmun's liuuse, the rest Httiyiug to help get the 8teainer out.

THE ATTACK ON THE CASCADES.

451

Capt. Dan Baughman and Thompson were ashore on the upper side of the creek
hauling on hnes, wlien tlie flrinj? from tlie Indians bfcame so hot that they run for
the woods, |)a.st Iiunan's housi-. The fireman, .lames Lindsay, was shot tlirough
the shoulder. EngineLT BudtminstL-r shot an Indian witli liis revolver on the
ganit-plank, and little Johnny Chance wont climliing up on tiie hurricane deck,
with an old dragoon pistol, killed his Indian ; hut h" was shot tlnouiih t!ie leg in
doing so. Dick Turpin, half crazy, proi)al>ly, taking the only gun <ii the steam-
hoat, Jumped into a flat Itoat lying alon;rside. was shot, and Jumped overhoard and
was drowned. Fires were soon startetl under the lioiler and steuui was riii-<ing.
About this time, Jesse Kemjiton, sliot while driviuK an ox team from the saw-mill,
got on hoard; also a half-hncil nanu'<l "Bourlion," who was shot throuy:li tlie luxly.
After sufHcient steam to move was raised, Hardin Ciienowetli ran up into the pilot-
lu)use, and, lying on the floor, ttirneil the wheel as he wius directed from the lower
deck. It is ahnost needless to say that the pilot-house was a target for the In<iians.
After the steamer was fairly hacked out and turned around, hedhl toot that whistle
at them good. T<iot ! toot I toot I it was nuisie in our ears. The steamer pielced up
Herman on the hank ahove. Inman's family, Sheppard, and Vainlerpool all got
across the river in skifl's, and hoarding the Mori/, went to the Dalles.

Coloiu'l (ieorge Wriyht and the ninth regiment, Second Dragoons, and Third
Artillery, had started f<u' Walla Walla, and were out live miles, camped. Tliey re-
ceived lU'Ws of tlu> attack at eleven I". At., and hy daylight were liai'k at Tlie Dalles.
Starting (hiwn, they ojily reached Wind Mountain that night, as tlie Man/'n lioiler
was in had onler, hecause of a new Hrenutn the day before. They reached us the
next morning at six o'clock.

Now for t)elow. ( ieoriic .Fohnson wait ahont to get a boat's crew of Indians, when
Indian Jack came running to him, saying tiie Yakimas had attacked the block-
house. He di<l not believe it, although he heard the cannon. He went up to the In-
dian village on the sarul-bar toget his crew; saw sonu' of the Cascaiie Indians, wlio
said they thought the Yakimas had ciime, aiul (ieorue now hearluu the muskets,
ran for home. K. W. Haugliman was with him. Bill Murphy had lelt the block-
house early for the Indian camp, arul had nearly r<'t'i:ned before he saw the Indi-
ans or wxs shot at. He returned, two others wilii him, and ran for (ieorge Jfihn-
son's, al>out thirty Indians in chasi-. After reaching Johnson's, Murphy rontlnued
on and gave Hamilton i,n(i all below warning, and llie families cml>ai kid in small
boats for Vancouver. The men would have barricaded in tlie wharf-boat but for
want of ammunition. There was coiisidiralile government freight in th<' wliarf-
boat. They stayrd about the wharf-boat and scliooner nearly all day, and until the
Indians commenced tiring npnti tiu'in from the zim- house on the bank. They
then shoved out. Tommy I'rice was shot tliroujih the leg in getting- the boat.s into
the stream. Floating down tlu'y 'net the steamer /ir//c with I'iiil Sheridan and
forty men, sent u\\ on report of an express carried down hy Indian Simpson in the
morning. (Jeorgeand those with him went on i)oard the steamer and volunteered
to serve umler Sheridan, wlio lauded at ({tMirLre's place and found everything
burm>d. The st<>amer returned, ami the Indians pitcin <l into Sheriilati, Inught
liim all day, and drove him with forty men ami ten volunteers to below Handl-
t^m's, notwithstanding he had asuudi cannon one soldier killed.

The steamer /;'//»■ returned tite next day ithird of the attack ) and brought am-
munition for the block-house. , our partner, liishop, who was in I'ortlamI, came
up on her. Hteamor Ftm/ititn, with volunteers from i'firtland, cntrie .'it the ranie
time. The volunteers remaiiu'd at the I, owi'r Cascades. SluMlilau took his com-
mii'l.and with a bateaux loaded with ammunition, erossetl to Itradford's Island
on the Oregon side, where they foumi most of tlie Cascade Indians, tiny having
been advised by Cu-urge Jobusuu tu gu ou there the lltbt da) of the attack, i liey

462

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

wen; crtwslnjf and rwroHHinjr all thf time, ami Hherldaii iiinde them prlsonera. He
|)reK«i'(l a Ixtut's crew, and aw they towed up to the head of the Inland nnd ahove,
Haw irreat nuniherw of IndianH on the Wnslilnpton Territory side and opposite them.
Slieridaii expe'led tliein locrosMand tl>rJit liim.nnd between tliein and tlie frienrlly(?)
Indiiins in lii- eliarire. tliouirht lie lind his* hands full.

.lust then Sheridan discovered Steptoe and his drauoon infantry and volunteers
|'(l^nin^' down from tlii' Miii'ji. siirprisirifj; completely the IndianH, who were cooking
heef and watchine SluTidan aerons tlie rivt-r. Hut on the sound of the l)Uirle tlio
Indians tle<l like deer to Ihc woods, with the loss of only one killed— "old .loanani.''
I?ui lor llic linirle tliey ouuht t" have captured tifty.

'rheiiiinli retrimi'Ut arc luiildintr a lilock-house un the hill ahove us, also at
( tcorL'e li)linson's, Kiitl will hereafter kce)» a stromr •orcc here. Lieutciiant HIsHell
and twelve men who wer< -<tHtione<I at the I';. per Cascades, were ordered away, and
left for The Dalles ivi'o days In fore the attack was ma<le upon U"'.

'{'he Iniliiins Sheridan took on the islanti were closely iruardetl Old C'henowith
ichitf) was lirouyht up before Colonel Wrijrht. tried. a'i<l sentenced to he hun>r.
The Cascade Indians, lielmr under treaty, were adjudi/ed iruihy of treason in tlirht-
inR. Chenowi'h died iraine; was hun^r on the upper side of Mill Creek. I acted aa
Interpreter. He otVercd ten liorset), two sipiaWH, and a little •^oiiiethinir to evc-y
"lyi'c." for his life ; said he was afraid of the jrrave in the uiound. and lieLr>re<l to he
put into an Indian tlead hotisc He jrave n terrltle warwhinip while the rojie was
iH'in;.' put around his neck. I tliouirht he expeeteil the Indians to conu> and i*: '(le
him. Tlie rope did mil wurk well, ami whib- hanu'invr I;,' nnittered, " W<ih' nikn
kiniHH Icitftii im iiinliKiai ;^' i I'm not afraid to die. I Me was then shot. I was plad
to see he old devil killed, beintr satlsfleil that he was at tlie bottom of all troid)le.
Hut I can not detail at too I'rent lenirth.

The ne\t day Tef-onieoc and Cap. Jo were humr. Cap. .To said all the Cascad*
Indians were in flic tli^bt. The next day Tsy, Sim Lasselas, and Kour-flnjrered
.lolinuy wcr<' huuir. The next day Chennwitli .Mm, Tumalth, and Old Sk<'in were
buntr, and K.-uicwuke sentenced, but reprieved on Ihescaftbld. IS' im- in all were exe-
cuted. Manaha Is a prisoner at Vancouver ami decorated wilh l>all and chain. Tlie
rest of the Cascade Indians are on your island, and will In- shot if seen ofl' of it.
Such arc Coliiiicl Wriirhl's onlers How, \Vati(|Uin. I'dcr. .Mabooka .lohn, Kotyue^
and mavbe more of them. Isiive trone with, the Yaklmas.

I foruot to I 'ntion that your house at the L«>wer Cascaties. also llisbop's, wa«
burned : also t.' account for ('a|it. Dan iiituifbman and .Jim. Thomjisdi), They put
liack into the mountains, muiI at nijrht came down to the river at Vandcr|)ool's
place, fished up un old lM>al ai;d ero«s«><l to tlie Oregon side. They coiu'«'alcd tliem-
selves in the rocks on the river bank opfMmlle, wHtp thoy eould watch us ; jind at
Tilcrht went back intr> the >iiountains to sleep They c4inH' in safel>' after the troops
arrived.

Wp do not know how many Indians there were. They aiiack^d Ittc block-house,
our place, and drove Sheridan all at the same time. We think there was not less
than two or three hnn<lre<l. When the attack was made on us three of ot^r e4»rpei>-
ters ran for the ndildle block-house, overtooK the ears at the salmon house, cut tho
mules loo^c. and. \vi(h (be car drivers, all kcpi on. They a"re not ti.ed i,» until
tln'y irot to the sprint! on the railroad. Iml from Iberi' liicy r ii the ^a'.mtlcl of Ind-
icts and arj-owslothe fort. Little Jake was killed in the run. Several were wounded.
I append a lis! of killed and wounded. Hut this is a lon^ letter; but knowiuK.Vou
w(udd be anxious tt) bear all the particulars. I have endeavored to ^ive you a tru.>
description. Dan is writln^r to others at home, and has read tliis letter. We have
Ifot to work a^rain builditiK and trans])ortiuK' ; are K<>iiiK '<> build a saw-ndll as soon
liM we can We liad but few pour s|itH!iluc'Us ot men here during tbi tlttht. Kt'iierully

THK ATTACK ON THE OASCADEK.

4r)8

all behaving well. 'I'li' ii' wu.s, however, one notable exception -a i)er8on who ar-
rlveii at the store but a It'W iiiiiiuteH In't'ore the fight eouiniciK^ed, aud wlioHe naiiif
i will yivf \nii ill piTsim. Am a little afralil to go to Hoc 1\ C'reeli to ll.sli, in laut
have iiail no tinii' hi lar. Don't tliink I shall havo much tiahing thiaMununer.
Wish you wtTf Imi-k.

Kn.M;ii~(>e<)i-;^e (JrlwwoM, B. W. Brown ami wife, Itilled at thesaw-inill, bodien
fouml s(ri()jn'.l iialii<l in Mill (loek; Jinuny VVatliiiiH, driving team at mill; Henry
Hanar, shot in \Vutkin»* house, body burned; Jake Kyle. (Jorman boy; Jacob
NVIiite, sawyer at mill ; I'onrbon, htilt'-breed, died on the Mary going to The Dalles;
Jaiiu'H , Sinclair, of the flud^on'- I'ay Company, W'lilla Walla; Diek 'I'urpiii, i-olored
eook on the steamer Mini/: .Norman Palmer, driving teani at mill ; (.'alderwixul.
working at i.iill ; three United .Stati's soldiers, mime.s unknown; (Uiorge VVatkina,
lived four days; Jiicob Uousli, carpenter, lived six days.

\VorNi)i;i>. — KlftclKM- .Mmpliy, arm ; J. Lindsey, shoulder; Tommy I'riee, thigh ;
.MoHiil, railroail, hainl ; .M. Bailey, leg and arm ; two soldiers, I'nited .states army ;
I'. tSnooks, Itoy, le^ ; Jesse Kemplon, shoubhT; M. Kyle, (ierman ; .lolmny Chance,
leg; J. Algiii, slightly.

Tlu' I'DiidiU't of CoK)nvl Wright in tlii'^ tiffiiir was liiglily pnii.sed
l)y the pri'.'^.si and pcoj)!*'. Although in canni, on hiw way to \\ jilhi
Walhi, when the coiiriir lnoiight him ut'wx of tht' attat-k just be-
fort' nii(hiight, he at one" rou.-ii'd hi.s nifii and innrcht'd the wholf
ctoninmnd, iiifantr\, artilli'iy and dragoons hack to Thi' Ualh'.'?,
loaded all of them ht> could possil.ly i-rowd u|»)n the sitt'iinK'r.» and
barge, and ha.stent'd to the ro.sfUe Th<'y u<'ii dclayetl by the con-
dition of tlie boilers, Imt \vli( n they linally reached the scene of
action Colonel Wright and Colonel Ste[itoe led the tnajps in per-
son in a charge Iteiore wliit^h the enemy tied li ie nheep. No less
gjillant was the conduct of liit'Utenaiii I'hil S!i«?ridan. l he new.s
reached Naiicouver late in the evening of the attack, and at tivt'
next morning he started up the ri\er with fort} dragoons and a
few volunteers. His coinluct while tlu're has been related.

Tlie intelligence reached Portland late on tlii' nighl of the
twenty-si.vth, and rreated gicii cxciti'inent. A [uiblic nieetbig wa«
called, and a compan\ of volunteers orijani/e<| the next d/iv. I he\
were refused the use of 'reriiioci.al arms by those who had them
in ciiarge, and having pick d up twenty pieces of vui'ioiis dem-ripi-
tions, started earl\ in the iiioining of the twenty-eighth, un the
steamer /'as/iion. The eumpanv was forty sti'<mg. and was com-
manded hy Captain 1-. .1. Powell and Lieutenant A. M. v*>t»'\vart.
PiHH-uring arms ami ammunition at X'ancouver, .iftcr nnicit delay,
they arrived at the Lower Cascades too late to be of any assislance
to Lieut<'naut Sheridan, and but a short time before the ijidians

454

HISTORY OF WILLASrETTE VALLEY.

were scattoi-ed l)y Colonel Wright. Later, a ooiiipany of sixty-
eiixlit men, eoininanded by Ca[)tain iS. Coffin and Lieutenants R. N.
McLaren and J. M. Breck, went up on the .steamer Jennie Clark,
ami, finding everything (piiet, returned to the city. A second
])ul»li(' niei'tiiig was lield in Poitluiid on the twenty-eighth. \\\
times of excitement there are always to be found plenty of men
who seem to find pleasure in intensifying the panic by inconsider-
ate language, lugubrious prediction.s and rash conduct. People of
thi.s character having conceived the idea that Portland was in
danu'ei' of attack, though just why they were never able to explain,
called a meeting for the purpose of taking measures to defend the
city. 11. W. Davis was appointed tt) the connnand of the forces
to bi' raised, aiul two hundred men enrolled their names in response
to a VA\\\ for Volunteers. Before the cc»m[»any was fully organized
rlie absurdity of the whole proceeding became apparent, and the
nuitter was (piietly drojjped.

The latest exhibition of an.xi<'ty was tlie departure from Portland,
on the fifth of A|iril,of a mounted company of twenty-five rangers,
under Capti.in W. iS. Hin-kley and Lieutennnt L. J. Powell, who
.'uadi a f.uitless scout in the ilireetion of the Sandy, in seai'ch of
Indians who might harbor evil designs uj)on the peace and wt-lfare
of the city. Not finding any, they returned, and the [)eople, now
relieved of all an.xiety, again abandoned them.selves to "the sweet
vicissitudes of^pleasure and repose."

( IIAPTER XX VII.

CAMPAIGNS OF COLONELS WUIUHT. KrKPTOE AND SIIAW.

AihUt'iiiiml D>'fi'tif>t'H lit thi (^nsradcK — Colonel Wright Inmtilei^ the, YfiJc-
iiiia Coiiiitrif -III- Fn'ih to Neffot'iiite lolth Kaiiia-i-ukun, and Ue-
turnx to Till l)((lli H -PliiDi* of (ioi'eniiir Stenfii/t — //e Sttuis the
ISci'oiid lii'giiiient into tho Wdlla W'ulln Comitry in two Battalions -
Vunij)oHitioii of the liiifinient- — Battle of Grand lionde — Battle of
Burnt Hirer — liilli'il aud Wound nd -Colonel Shatn Arertf a War
with the xW.r Percex -Colouil Sf.<.j''<- nent to Walla Walla to Build
a Fort His Proclamation that the Indian Treaties were not yet in
Fmce — (roreruor iSferens f; "'te.i the Trihn* to Hold a Coauril at
Walla Walla — The Council >!i. I ii friendly one -Lack of Harinnny
between Stevrn.t mnl Steptoe — Stevens Attacked hy the Indiann and
w RcKcaeil hySfiptoe -A Block-l.oiixe Built and Garrisoned and
Troops liffi/rn to The Dalles A'olnml Wright I.caih an Kvpedition
to Walla Walla- He hidds a Council anil Ananges a I'eace upon the
Grounds of Mutual Forgiveness for the '-Late Cn pleasantness'''' —
Got'M'nor Stevens' Treaties and his Gjdnion oj Wright's Treaty -
Northern Indians Invade Paget Sound- JC rectum of Fort Willa
Walla- Situiitit'o if ajfairs in the fndian Country -Colnnel Step-
toe^s Defeat in the J'alnuse Country II it* Disastrous Hi treat South
(f Snake Ii'ivce .\ U.coril of Heroism ond Cowardic -Colon l
Wright Chastises the I ndians at Medical l^tke -The Sjmkanes, i'ak-
iiiias a •III Palonxis Sue for Peace and Surrender I'nconditionally
J/osfages Taken and Tuulve Indians Hung The Walla Wallas
Tamely Sahmit to the Hanging of Four of their Nuinher.

THE |)inj)(»s((l niovriiK'iit into tilt' AN'mH.i Walla fouritrv, so
suddenly iiilt-rnipJtMl In {\w attack upon tlie CaM-adt^, wjw
abandoned hy (Jolonrl \\'niilit, whost- forws eaunud for a tiuu' at
The DuiU's. Two block -houses were built at the CaH<a<les, one at
the Upper landing and one at tlie Lower, which »vcrc well gar-
riHoned and proviaioned. A large block-house was also built at

456

IIISTORT OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

Vancouver, in the rear of tlie barraiks. Having thus fortified
those points acainst attack, and having a strong force at The
DalKs, Colont'l W liglit movrd north into the Vakinia country, ex-
pecting t(» form a junction at the Natchcss I'ass witli Cohniel
Casey, whom he had (tnh'red to move with two con)i»anies across
the mountains to meet liim. His olijci-t was not to make an attack
upon the Indians, Imt, in pursuance of the instructions of General
Wool, to meet Kama-i-akun in council jiml agi'ee upon the l)asis
of a lasting peace lie moved iioith early in May, and on the
eighth met the Indians near the Natchess River. He undertook to
negoliate with them, hut failed utterly to accomi)li>h anything.
On the ele\ent!i, having ascertained that at lea>>t one thousand
wai-riors confronted him, representatives heing present from nearly
all the disaifected trihes, he dispatched a courier t() Tiie Dalles for
reinfoi-ccmeiits. Three companies at once moved to his aid, liaising
his etTective force to tv.;> hundred and iifty men. Thi-re he re-
maine(i for several weeks, vainly endeavoring to hold a council
with Kama-i-akun. A few Indians \ isited his camp from time to
time. mor<' for the ptu'pose of keeping posted on his movements
than anything else, but no chiefs came near him. He constructed
a fort on the hank of the Natchess, where the sti'eani was two
hinidred feet wide ; and the Indians, lia\ ing heen reduced to living
upon their horses and what salmon could he caught, moved away.
Colonel Wright then returm-d to The Dalles, having accomplished
nothing of impoitance, ludess it wa.s to more Hinily settle the In-
dians in their previous opinion that the settlers and the trooj)s
were distinct pcoph s, and the hitter woidd not aid the former to
tight tliR-ni.

?vleHnwhile, the two coniymnies, called t)ut l>y (loverhor (^tirry,
had taken station at The Dalles, and (Jovernor Sti'veiis was jire-
paring for a camj)aign (tn his own accotuit. He was fearful that if
something was not done at once to Inuidtle tlie llosllles, they woidd
cx)rruj)t the Nez Peices, Spokanes, (\»lvilles and Cieur d'Alenes,
and a most powerful coinhination he formed against the whiteH.
Quiet had heen rest(»red on the Soinid, the last sign of war lieing a
brief ))attle on the i\es(|uall\ early in Apiil, between Indians and
Caj>taii» MaxoiTs company. Consecpu^ntly, (iovenior Stevens began
eai'ly in May, while Colonel \N'right was in the Vukima country, to

CAMPAIGNS OF V.OLONELR WRIOHT, RTT:PT0E AND SHAW. 467

organize a forrp to accomplish his purpose of making a proper dis-
play of power where it would have the de.sii-ed effect. His ideas,
plans and iiu venu uts are fully detailed in the following extracts
from letters aiUlressed l»y him to the iSecretary of War, at Wash-
ington. D. C On the twenty-third of May Ik; wi'ote : —

Two liundrfd horHcmeii on the Nutehess, well supiilicd, nioiiiiti-il niid uiulcr a
vijjoroim oHlrcr, at tliis jiiiicturc, will, with tlu' oiMTiitlon of tlu? rejjuUir tiMojm,
drive liim (till' vni'iny) ncnisH tlu' I'oluinhiii. TIiIm force I iiiii now orpaiii/.iii^ at
Canip MoiitKoniery, and it will lie ready iii ten days. In this \ iew the Walla
Walla country niUHt he held; eonmiunioation In- estahlished witli the Nez I'eree
au.xiliarieH, and the eni-niy restrieteii to the <;ountry north of the Snake, and on the
immediate hankH of the Colurnhia, north of the Snake. I am organizing a force of
two hnndred men to occupy the Walla Walla. One hundred men are already at
The Dalles. They will move with one hundred days' jirovisions, and some to spare
for tile Nez I'eree auxiliaries and tlic troops which may he concentrated there from
the Yakima country. Tlie Yakima and Walla Walla conntry firmly held, the
passes well watched over the Cascades, the main force of the enemy on the Snake
and L'pper (.'olumhia, we nuiy then he ahle to disliand the hulk of the remaining
volunteers on the Sound. This most favoralde view of the progress ot the war,
which can not he developed in a shorter period than four to six weeks, will jirac-
tically keep in service all the volunteers for their six months' term of service, and
nniy render it necessary to extend the term on the i)art of those oecujiying tlie
Wallu Walla. * * Thus, to transler f he war from the settlements on the
Sound and the ('olumliia Hiver to the interior, to strike sucli l)lows as o])portunilie8
may oflL-r, an<l to he in readiness to prepare for a vigorous winter campaign, I shall,
in ten days, he ready to move over the Natehess with two hundred horsemen and
one hundred and tilty pack animals, and to the W'alla Walla witli two hundred
horsemen and one hundred tlays' provisions.

Under date of June Sth, he says ; —

The two exi)editi(»ns rcferreil to, one over tiie Cascade.s into the Yakima
country, the other from The Dalles to the Walla Walla, are nearly ready for the
movements. Holh exjieditions I deem of vital eonseiiuenee, in view of the present
condition of things in the interior. All the information which I have received,
goes to satisfy ne.-, that unless the most vigorous action is at once taken, all the
trihes from the i'ascades to the Hitterroot will he in the wai', a portion of the Nez
Pi;rei's alone excepted. I shall tt)-niorrow pusli to The Dalles, and urge the Wallu
Walla expi'dition forward with all )iossil)le dispatch. I trust it will l>e in season.
The troops all reached 'I'he Dalles on yesterday, hut it was supjiosed that a portion
of the animals whi<h were taken on the emigrant trail from tlie Willamette to I'lie
Dalles, will he a day or two hehind. If the troops reach the Walla Walla hefore an
overt act has heen committed, 1 am certain tliat the comljination can he hrokeii up,
and that the Nez I'erees and the Indians on and in the iieiglihorhood of the
Spokaiies will remain friendly.

July 7th, the (Governor details additional events as follows : —

The force from the Round, under the Immediate command of IJeut. Col. IJ. F.
Shaw, moved from Camp Montgomery on Wednesday and Thursday, June 11th
and 12th, and crossing the mountains with the loss of only one animal, camped on
tb«« WeuasB uu the tweutielb. At that point Lieutenaut-ColoDcl Shaw received

458

niSTORT OF WILLAMKTTK VALLKY.

ordorn from me •<> push to the Wulla Walla, unite IiIa foroe with that moving from
The DalluH, and take vominitnd of the whole. The force fnun The DalU>M moved
from the eamp five miles Inyond the Den ChiiteH Ulver, on Wednesday, June 2'>th,
and was expected to reaeh the Walla Walla on the fourth of July. Each column
numbered nearly two hundred men. The whole force conKiHts of three hundred
and fifty enlisted men, and al>ont one hundred <|uarternui.stcran*t Indian employee.
From the Walla Walla, Indian supplies will In- pushed to the Nez Perces and
Hpokanes, and an i>scort will accompany them, should the simple presence of a
force in the Walhi Walla valley l>e n>>t suftlcicnt to insure tiie safety of the train,
protecteil, as it is e.x|VM-ted it will !»♦•. by Indian auxiliaries. Letters have lieen
received from Lieut. I'ol. Wm. t'niig, utivnt of the Nez Perces, of the twenty-ninth
of May and eighth of June, s|>eakin^ mon> favoralily of the condition of things in
the interior. Kama-i-akun, at a<-<>uncil held with the Spokanes on the twentj--
flfth of May, when-in he nrite<l that trilic to join the war. received a ne>;a(ive t() his
|)ropositi(Ui. The S|K)kani's, however, h«rl»or the hostile Cayust^s. which has caused
nu! to he soM'.cwhat apprehensive of the sinct-rity of their prof4'ssioiis. I was at
The Dalles from Saturday, June 14ih, to Monday, Juhe .'iOtli,p'ltin(/lhe exi)edition
od'and collecting information in relation to the Indians. At that time the hostile
bands were nmch scattere<l. Some three hundred hostilcs were at the head of John
Day's River; a larue camp of hostilcs, supp<».«ed to be Walla Wallas under the s(mi
of I'eu-i)eu-mox-mox, were at Fort Walla Walla. The ("ay uses were on the
Hpokane. The Klickitats and Yakinias were on ibc I'isclioiise lliver, antl probably
snuill parties at Priest's Hapiils. The larjte camp reported by Lieutenant-Colonel
Craig, in his letter of May -7th, an<t com|M>scral tribes, in-
cluding the Snakes, I have no information that they luive moved from the place
where they were when (.'olonel Craig wrote. There were Snakes with the |)arty at
the head of .lohn Day's Uiver, and tlie fon-e was increasing. It is proposed to
strike the party at the head of John Day's Hiver, liy a force of about one hundred
and seventy-five men, consisting of one hundred volunteers of Oregon, under
Major Layton, and seventy-five volunteers of Washington, under Captain Ciort".
The plan was to move from Well Springs on the thirtieth of June, wldch point Is
on the endgrant road, some eiglity-five milcH fnun The Dalles.

The force which thi;.-! invjulcd the Walla Walla country was
known officially a.s the "Secoml llegiineiit W. T. Aloiuitctl Volun-
teers," and was under the command of Colonel B. F. Sluiw. The
Lietitenant-C'olonel was William ('rait;, the old mountaineer who
was living among the Xez I\-rces, and had organized a conqtany «tf
sixty of these friendly Indians to c<»-o|ierate with the vohinteers.
They wt're led Uy Sj>«»tt«Ml Kagle. (icorge Blankcnsliip and 11. J.
G. Maxou were Majoi"s of the first ami second Kattalions. There
were six companies of vohuiteers, aimnuiting t<> a total of three
hundred and fifty men, one each raised by II. J. G. Maxon in
Clarke County ; by Captain Achilles on Lewis Kiver ; by B. L.
Henness in Thurston County, and by Bluford Miller and M. P.
Goff in the Willamette Valley. The two Oregon companies, re-
ferred to in the Governor's letters, as commanded by Major Lay-

CAMPAIG^fS OF COLONELS WniOIIT, STKPTOK AND finAW. 459

ton, were those calltMl ont by (iovcrnor Curry, to guard the
Colunihia.

Immediately after fjoiiiij into camp on Mill Cieek, two miles
above the present eity of Walla Walla, one hnndre(| nude packs of
Indian supplies were sent with a liirht escort to the friendly Nez
Perces, under the charu'e of A. II. l{<»l»i<', as spei-ial a<r<'nt. On
the fourteenth of July C'olonel Shaw moved with one hundred and
sixty men and ten days' rations, to attack a hand of hostiles who
were reported as concenti'atin<; in tin- (Jrand Ifonde X'alley. lie
was guiiled throiii^di the Blue Mountains l»y Captain John, a Nez
J*eree chief. The following account of his movements is taken
from his official rei>ort : —

We arrived in tlu' (iraml Uundt' Valley on tlie t-veiiiiiK of tiic Hixleentli, and
camped on a l>rancli of tlu- (iraml Uimde Hiver in the tirnl>er, Hendin^ H|iii'H in ati-
vance, wlio retiirnctl and reported no (waU sifjn. On tlie morning' tif tlie seNcn-
teentli, ItMivin;; .Major l>lani(en.sliip of tlie Central, and Captain .Miller ol' the Soutli-
ern haltaliiiiiH, ansisled liy Captain Dehaey, to take np the line nf mareli for the
main valley, 1 proceeded ahead to reconnoitre, aeeoinpanicd hy Major .Ma.xon, Mi-
chael Marehmean, Captain .lolm, and Dr. ItiirnH. Alter proeeediiiKahout livemilcH
we ascended a Unoll in the valley, Iroin which we discovered dii.st ari.HiiiK along the
timher of the river. I itnniediately sent .Major .Ma.xon and Captain John forward
t<> reconnoitre, and retinned to luirry up the coinniand which was not far distant.
Tl)e connnand was instantly fornie<l in onler; Captain Miller's company in ad-
vance, supported liy .Ma.xon, Meniicss and Powell's companies; leaving the pack
train in ehar^^e of the guard under Lli'utenant (Joodwin, with a di-taclimenl of
(ioll's company under liieutcnant Wait ; and liieutcnant William's company in
reserve, with orders to follow on after the connnand.

The whole command moved on <|uietly in this order, until within half a mile of
the Indian village, where we discovered tluit the pack train had moved to the left,
down the (Jrand Konde llivcr. At this momunt, a large hody of warriors came
forward, singing and wlioopiug, and one of them, waving a white man's scalp on
a pole. One of them slgnilled u desire to speak, whereupon 1 sent Captuin John
to meet liim and formed the command in Uneof hattle. When Captain John came
up to the Indians, they eried'out to one another to shoot him, when he retreated to
the connnand, and 1 ordered the four companies to charge.

The design of the enemy evidently was to draw us into the lirush along the
river, where, from our expoj^ed position, they would have the advantage — they no
d ;ul>i, h.ving placeil an amhush there. To avoid this, I charged down the river
t« ward the pack train. The warriors then split, part going across the river, ai d
pi rf, down toward the pack train. These were .soon overtaken and engaged. The
chcTge v-itH vigorous and so well sustained that tliey were l)roken, dispersed and
slain Liclore lis. After a shor'. time, I sent Captain Miller to tlie left ami .Major
Maxon to the right, the latter to cross the strcum and cut them of!" from a point
near which a large hody of warriors liad collected, apparently to light, while I
moved forward with the coimnands of Captain Henness and Lieutenant Powell to
attack them in front. The Major could not cross the river, and, on our moving
forward the enemy tied, after Uriug a few ^aa, part taking to tiie left, and part
coDtiauing forward.

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,V4

460

HI8T0BT OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

Those who took to the left fell in with f'aptalu Miller's company, who killed
five on the spot, and the rest were not less suecessful in the pursuit, which was con-
tinued to the crossing of the river, where the enemy had taken a stand to defend
the ford. Being here rejoined by Captain Miller and by Lieutenant Curtis with
part ot Maxon's company, we tired a volley, and I ordered a charge across the river,
which was gallantly executed. In doing this. Private Shirley Ensign of Henness'
company, who was in the front, was wounded in the face vSeveral of the enemy
were killed at this point. We continued the pursuit until the enemy had reached
the rocky canyons leading towards Powder river and commenced scattering in ev-
ery direction, wlien, rtnding that I had but tive men witli me, and the rest of the
command scattered in the rear, most of the horses being completely exhausted — 1
called a halt, and fell back, calculating to remount the men on the captured horses
and continue the pursuit after niglit.

I found the pack train, guard and reserve, encamped on a small creek not far
from the crossing, as I had previously ordered them to do, anu learned that a body
of the enemy had followed them up all day, and annoyed tlunn, but had inllicted
no danuvge beyond capturing many of the animals which we had taken in charge,
and left behind.

I learned, also, that Major Maxon had crossed the river with a small party, and
was engage<l with the enemy, and wanted assistance. I immediately dispatched a
detachment under Lieutenants Williams and Wait, sending the man who brought
the infornuxtion l)ack with them as a guide. They returned after dark, without tlnd-
Ing the Major, but brought in one of his men whom they found in the brush, and
who stated that one of the Major's men was killed, and that the last he saw of them
they were lighting with the Indians, At daylight I sent out Captain Miller with
seventy men, wlio scouted around the whole valley without rtnding him, but who,
unfortunately, had one man killed and another wounded wliilst pursuing some In-
dians I resolved to move cami) the next <lay to the head of the valley, where the
emigrant trail crosses it, and continue the search until we became certain of their
fate. The same evening I took sixty men under Captain lienne^s, and struck upon
the mountain and crossed the heads of the canyons to see if 1 could not strike his
trail. Finding no sign I returned to the place where the Major had last l)een seen,
and there made search in dillerent directions, and finally found the body of one of
his men (Tooley)and where the Major had encamped in the brush. From other
signs it became evident to me that the Major had returned to this post by the same
trail by wliich we first entered the valley.

Being nearly out of provisions, and unable to follow the Indians fnuii this
delay, I concluded to return to camp, recruit for another expedition in conjunc-
tion with Cai)tain Gotl", who had, I presumed, returned from his expedition to John
Day's Kiver.

I should have mentioned previously that in the charj^e, the comnumd captured
and afterwards destroyed about one hundred and flfty hcu'se loads lacamas, dried
beef, tents, some Hour, coffee, sugar, and about one hundred pounds of ammunition
and a great quantity of tools and kitchen furniture. We took also about two hun-
dred horses, most of which were shot, tliere being but about one hundred service-
able animals.

There were present on the ground from what I saw, and from information re-
ceived from two scjuawa taken prisoners, about three hundn l warriors of the Cay-
use, Walla Walla, Umatilla, Tygli, John Dcy and DesChutes tribes, commanded by
the following chiefs: 8tock Whitley and Bim-mis-tas-tas (DesChutes and Tygh) ;
Cbiuk-iab, Plyou, Wic-e-cai, Wat-uh-stuartih, Win-im-suoot (Cayuses) ; Tah-kiu
Cayuae, the bod of Peu-peu-mox-ixiox (Walla Walla), and other oblef* of lew Qot«.

CAMPAIGNS OF COLONELS WRIGHT, STEPTOE AND SHAW. 461

led
on-
mcl
ith
■er,

The whole command, officers and men, behaved well. The enemy was run on
the gallop fifteen miles, and most of them who fell wore shot with the revolver.
It ia imijossible to state how mitiy of the enemy were killed. Twenty-seven bodies
were counted by one individual, and many others wo know to have fallen and been
left, but were so scattered about tliat it was impossible to get count of them. When
to these we add tliose killed Ijy Major Maxon's command on the other side of the
river, we may safely conclude that at leasi forty of the enemy were slain, and
many went off" wounded. AVJien we left the valley there was not an Indian in it ;
and all the signs went to sIdw that they had gone a great distance from it.

On the twenty-first instant we left tlie valley by the emigrant road, and com-
menced our return to camp. During the night Lieutenant Hunter, of the VVash-
ington Territory volunteers, came into camp with an e,Ki)ress from Captain Gofl'.
I learned, to my surprise, that the ('aj>tain and Major Luyton had seen Indians
on .John Day's River ; had followed them over to the head of Burnt River, and had
!iad a tight with them, in wliich Lieutenant Eustus and one private were killed,
and ■<onie seven Indians. They were shaping tlitMr course for the Grand Ronde
Valley, and had sent for jirovisions aiul fresh horses. I immediately sent Lieuten-
ant Willianjs back witl) all my spare provisions and. horses, and continued my
march. On Wild Horse ("reoK I came across Mr. Fites, a pack master, who had
been left in camj). who informed me, to Jny extreme satisfaction, that Major Maxon
and his command arrivi'd safe in camp, and were then near us with provisions and
ammunition. TIk'^sc I sent ou imme<liately to Captain GofT.

I learned that Major Maxon had l)een attjicked in the valley by a large force of
Indians on the day of the llirht; had gaineil tlie brush and killed many of them;
that at night he tried to find our camp, and hearing a noise like a child crying,
probably one of the captured s<iuaws. had concluded that my command had gone on
to Powder River, and tliut the Indians had returned to the valley by another can-
yon. He niove<l his position that night, and the next day saw the scout looking for
him. but in the distaixe thouglit it was a t)and of Indians hunting his trail. C'on-
ceivirg himself cut off" from the command, he thought it best to return to his (iamp,
thinking that we w<uld be <m our way back to Grand Ronde with provisions and
ammunition.

The force under Cjiptain F. M. P. Goff, seventy-five men, and
Major Layton, one Imndred men, had moved up the John Day, and
crossinir tlie Blue Mountains reached the vicinity of Burnt River on
the twelfth of July. Owing to severe illness of Captain Goff, he
was forced to remain in camp until the fifteenth, with a portion of
his command, while the remainder of the force, under Major Lay-
ton, was scouting in search of the enemy. Layton's scouts reached
the heatl of Burnt River on the fifteenth and camped, when Ideu-
tenant John Eustus, with two men, proposed tiscending a neighbor-
ing bluff to get a view of the surrounding country. They were
advised not to attempt it, but determined to do so, and, tis they ap-
proached the summit, were fired upon by ambushed hostiles, the
Lieutenant and Daniel Smith of Company K being killed. The
third ma!i made a miraculous escape, and was met in his wild flight
by comrades; coming to his assistance, before he reached the camp

462

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

that lay in plain view below. Lieutenant Hunter, at the head of
his command, charged up the hill, drove the Indians off from it, re-
covered the bodies of the dead soldiers, and then fell back to camp.
The next morning found them suri'ounded by the enemy, and a
skirmishing engagement followed thi'ough the day, which resulted
in nothing decisive except the wounding of one soldier named
Cheney, the wounding of one, and killing of three Indians. On the
seventeenth, as Captain Goff approached the battle gi-ound with
liis company, the hostiles disa])peared, and, on the eigiiteenth, the
line of march in the direction of Grand Ronde was resumed. Form-
ing a junction with Major Maxon, both forces moved to the general
cam[) on Mill Creek.

In the battles on Burnt Iliver and in Grand Ronde Valley, the
following casualties occurred: Killed, Lieutenant John Eustus, and
privates Daniel Smith, William Holmes, of Comj)any K; William
Irven, William F. Tooley, of Company A. Wounded, James Che-
ney, of Company K; Thomas Conio, of Company A; Shirley En-
sign, of Company C; William Downy, of Company D; T. N. Lilley,
of Com])any 1.

When Colonel Shaw reached Mill Creek, he found Agent Robie
there, having l)een ordered out of the Nez Perce country with his
goods, and having made a forced mai'ch of one hundred miles to
reach a place of safety. From this it was apparent that the war
party in that tribe had gained the ascendency. The danger which
(Governor Stevens had feared was imminent; but Colonel Shaw
acted 2:>romptly in the emergency, using the prestige of his recent
victory at Grand Ronde to the l)e8t possible advantage. He sent
the Nez Perce chief. Captain John, to his countrymen at Lapwai
with intelligence of recent events; and ciiarged him to convey to
them the following message: " I am your friend. I have not come
to fight you, but the hostiles; but, if you beat your drums for war,
I will parade my men for battle." This news and message was
enough. The peace party again gained control of the tribe and the
threatened danger was averted. Had the Nez Perces gone to war,
every tribe between the Cascade and Rocky Mountains would have
joined in a war of extermination, and the settlements on Puget
Sound, in the Willamette Valley and in Southern Oregon would
have been hemmed in and threatened, if not actually attacked, by

CAMPAIGNS OF COLONELS WRIGHT, STEPTOE AND SHAW. 468

a cordon of warriore extending from California to British Colurab'a
until a sufficient force of troops could be sent to their relief. What
horrors might have resulted, appals the mind to contemplate.

Colonel Shaw remained in camp on Mill Creek to hold the key
to the Indian country and retain the advantages gained by so
great a sacrifice. Meanwhile, Colonel Wright had returned to The
Dalles from his fruitless expedition into the Yakima country, and
proceeded to carry out his previous design of establishing a
military post in the AValJa AValla country, which had been so
hastily abandoned when the attack was made upon the Cascades.
He assigned this duty to Lieutenant-Colonel E. J, Steptoe, placing
at his disposal a battalion of two hundred and fifty men. It was
then determined to do what should have been done in the first
place — to notify the people that the treaties were not yet in force,
and every one must remain out of the Indian country until the
pending treaties were ratified, except the servants of the Hudson's
Bay Company and others who, like that corporation, had made
special arrangements with the Indians. Before starting, therefore,
Colonel Steptoe made the following announcement : —

Fort Dalles, O. T., August 20, 1856.
The undersigned, having been designated to estiiblish a military post in the
Walla Walla country, and with a view to prevent all misunderstanding on the sub-
ject, believes it proper to make known the following instruction he has received
from the Pacific Military Department:—

"No emigrant or other white person, except the Hudson's Bay Company, or
persons having ceded rights from the Indians, will be permitted to settle or to re-
main in the Indian country, or on land not settled, or not confirmed by the Senate
and approved by the President of the United States."

These orders are not, however, to apply to the miners engaged in collecting gold
at Colville mines.

[Signed] E. J. STEPTOE,

Brevet Colonel U. 8. A.

Five days before the issuance of this proclamation, Governor
Stevens, having conferred with Colonel Wright as to his plans,
went up to the Walla Walla camp for the purpose -of mustering
out the volunteers, whose term of service expired on the eighth of
September, as soon as Steptoe should arrive to relieve them. He
also proposed to hold councils with the tribes and agree upon
terms of a pei'manent peace. When he arrived at Colonel Shaw's
camp, on Mill Creek, near the present city of Walla Walla, he
sent out runners to all the tribes, inviting them to attend a general

484

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

council in the Walla Walla Valley. Colonel Steptoe arrived on
the fifth of September, and went into camp, five miles below the
proposed ooimcil ground. What occuri'ed there is related by
Governor Stevens in a letter to the Secn^tary of War, and, in
perusing it the reader is cautioned to keep constantly in mind the
strong prejudices and marked egotism of the author. The events
related are no doubt correct, but inferences drawn and opinions
expressed fall short of doing full justice to the regulars, or repre-
senting tli(Mr conduct in the proper light. Throughout the whole
war, as lias been amply shown by previous events, he acted as
though every one, including the officers of the regular army, must
bend to liis ideas ; everything must be measured with his tape line ;
liis idea of co-operation was for the regulars to be guided entirely
by him ; when they failed so to do he freely charged them with
incompetency and willful misconduct, and in that spirit this letter
was written. It says : —

On the evening of the tenth, the Indians being all in except the Yaklinas, and
none friendly except a portion of the Nez Perces, and orders having lieen given to
all the volunteers to go home the next day, I made a requisition ujjon Lieuten-
ant-Colonel Steptoe for two companies of his troops and his mountain howitzers,
and to my surjjrise, learned from Ills answer that he had moved his camp to a point
on Mill Creek some seven or eight miles above my camp, and that his orders from
General Wool did not allow him to comply with my requisition. I say to my sur-
prise, for in my interview with Colonel Wright at Vancouver, referred to in my
report of the fourteenth of August, I understood, as I went to the inten.r in my
capacity simply of Superintendent of Indian Atrairs, that in effecting the objects of
the council, I was to have the co-operation of the military force he was about to send
there ; a co-operation which the good of the service most urgently demanded. I
had already raised nearly two hundred six months' men to strengthen the command
of Lieutenant-Colonel Shaw, under a proclamation issued immediately after the re-
ceipt of the news of tlie battle of Grand Ronde, and I had four months' supplies to
subsist them. This proclamation was revoked on my arrival at Vancouver, and the
troops raised under It disbanded. In Interviews held afterwards with Colonel
Wright at The Dalles, I dwelt upon theolijects to be gained by the council ; referred
to the effect of the presence of his troops there, and left him witli the belief,.that It
was an arranged and agreed on thing between the Colonel and myself, that I v«8
to have the countenance and support of the regular force in the Walla Walla to
carry into efTect the beneficent designs of the council. Colonel Wrii?ht stated that
other duties would prevent his accompanying me ; that he had entire confidence la
Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe, the officer in command, and his presence would be un-
necessary. Accordingly, previous to Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe'a reaching the
valley, I sent him two letters, each urging him to camp near me ; my object being
to show the Indians the strength of our people, and the unity of our (M)uncils ; and
I also wrote Captain D. Russell, on his way from the Yakimas with three com-
panies, to the saine effect. On the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe in the
valley, I urged him persoually to camp uear me. The rsquisitiou was refused and

CAMPAIGNS OF COLONELS WRIGHT, STKPTOE AND SHAW. MiO

I was therefore obliged to countermand the order seudiuif lioiiii' the voluiitoerM
whose terra of enlistment had all expired, and of which only GoiT's company, sixty-
nine rank and file, remained, a portion of whom were on tlujir way down, and had
to be called back. This force only remained to guard my camp.

The council opened on the eleventh &ud continued on tlio twelftli and thirteentli,
when so alarming was tlie condition of affairs, that I det'iiiud it my duty, on the
morning of the thiriucnth, to address a confidential note to Steptoe, advising him
that one-half of the Nez Perces were unquestionably hostile; that all the otiiei'
tribes were hostile, with a very few exceptions, and that a company of his tro<)])s
was essential to the security of my camp ; and at his suggestion 1 moved my party,
train and supplies, with (jofT's company of volunteers, to tlic vicinity of liis camp.
I met Karaa-i-akun and liis followers on my way tliere, anil it is pn)l)ably owing to
:^o one being advised of my intention to move till the order was given an hour i>c-
fore I started, that I was not attacked on the road. Kama-i-ukun liail unijuestion-
ably an understanding, as subseipient events showed, witli all llic Imiians, except
the friendly Nez Perces (about one-half the nation), and a small number of friendly
Indians of the other tribes, to make an attack that day or evening iijion my (^anip.
He found me on the roarl to his great surprise, and had no time to perfect his ar-
rangements. I had learned in the niglit that Kama-i-akun liad encamped on the
Touchet the night before, and that he would be in this day. The council reopened
on the sixteenth ; all the Indians were camped near, Kama-i-akun and his banc^
being only separated from the council ground by a narrow skirt of woods in the
bottom of Mill Creek; and was closed the next day, all my ettorts, both to make an
arrangement with the hostiles, and to do away with the disaffection of the Ne/.
Perces having proved abortive. On the eighteenth, at a separate (council with the
Nez Perces, all, both hostile and friendly Xez Perces, advised the sub-agent, Wm.
Craig, not to return to the Nez Perce country as his life would be in danger, and
they were afraid he would be killed. At the conclusion of this council, in a brief
address to tlie Indians, I expressed my regrets that I had failed in )ny mission ;
that no one said " Yes " to my propositions, and now had only to say, " Follow your
own hearts; those who wish to go into war, go." My propositions were uncondi-
titmal submission to the justice and mercy of che Government, and the rendition
for trial of murderers.

In the afternoon Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe informed these Indians that he
came there to estsiblish a jjost, not co fight them ; trusted they should get along as
friends, and appointed the next day, a little after noon, for a special conference.
The Indians did not, however, come to see Steptoe at the time appointed. They
jireviously set fire to his grass, and following me a« I set out about eleven o'.'lock
on my way to The Dalles, they attacked me within three miles of Steptoe's camp
at al>out one o'clock in the afternoon. So satisfied was I that the Indians would
carry into effect their avowed determination in the councils in their own camps for
several nights previously to attack me, that, in starting T formed my whole party
and moved in order of battle. I moved on under fire one mile to water, when
forming a corral of the wagons and holding the adjacent hills and the brush on the
stream by pickets, I made my arrangements to defend my position and fight the
Indians. Our position in a low open basin, five or six hundred yards across, was
good, and with the aid of our corral, we could defend ourf^elves against a vastly
superior force of the enemy. The fight continued till late in the night. Two
charges were made to disperse the Indians, the last led by Lieutenant-Colonel
iShaw in person with twenty-four men ; but, whilst driving before him some one
hundred and fifty Indians, an equal number pushed into his rear, and he was com-
pelled to cut his way through them towards camp, when, drawing up his men, and
aided by the t^amstei's and pickets, who gallantly sprang forward, he drove the

4<J6

UlSTOUY OF WILLAMKTTK VALLKV.

IndlaiiH buck in full charge upon the corral. Just before the charge the friendly
Nez Perces, fifty In number, who had been assigned to hold the ridge on the south
side of the corral, were told by the enemy, they came not to light tlie Ncz Perces,
but tlie whitest. "f!o to your camp," said they, 'or wc will wipe it out!" Their
camp, with the women and children, was on a stream about a mile distant ; and T
directed tliem to retire as I did not require their assistance, and was iVnrt'ul that my
men might not be able to distinguish them from hostiles, and thus friendly Indians
be killed.

Towards niglit I notified Lieutenant-Colonel Bteptoe that I was flgliting the
Indians; that I should move tl»e next morning, and expri's-st'd the opinion that a
company of his troops would be of service. In his r('i)ly he stated that the Indians
had burnt up his grass, and suti'gested that I should return to his cam|i, and place
at his disposal njy wagons, in order that he might move his whole conmiand and
his supplies to the Uuiatilla or some other point, where sustenance could be found
for his aninuds. To this arrangement I assented, and IJeutcnant-C'olonel Steptoe
sent to my camp liieutenant Davidson, with detachments from tlie '•omi)anies of
tlragoons and artillery with a mountain howitzer. They reached my camp alwut
two o'clock in the morning, cverytliing in good order, and mosi of the men at the
corral asleep. A i)icket had been driven in an hour and a half before by the
enemy: that on the hill soutli of the corral, Imt the eiieiiiy was immediately dis-
lodged and ground pits being dug, all the points were held. The howitzer having
been fired on the way out, it was believed nothing would be gained by waiting till
morning, and the whole force immediately returned to Tiicutenant-Colonel Step-
toe's camp. 8oon after sunrise, Ihe enemy attacked the camp, but were simju dis-
lodged by the liowitzer and a charge l)y a detachment from ytei)toe's comiiiand.
On my arrival at the cam J), 1 urged Lieutenant-Colonel 8tcptoo to build a block-
house immediately ; to leave one company to defend it with all his supplies ; theq
to march below and return with an additional force and additional supplies, and
l)y a vigorous winter campaign to whip the Indians into submission. I placed at
ids disposal for the building, my teams and Indian employes. The l>lock-house
and stockade were built in a little more than ten days. My FrMlian storeroom wan
rebuilt at one corner of the stockade. On the twenty -third September, we started
for The Dalles, which we reached on the second October. Nothing of interest
occurred on the road.

In the action of the nineteenth, my wliole force consisted of Golf's com])any of
sixty-nine rank and file, the teamsters, herders and Indian employes, numbering
about fifty men. Our train consisted of about five hundred animals, not one of
which was captured by the enemy. We fought four hundred and fifty Indians,
and had one man mortally, one dangerously, and two slightly wounded. We
killed and wounded thirteen Indians. One-half the Ncz Perces, one luuulred and
twenty warriors, all of the Yaklmas and Palouse, two hundred warriors ; the great

bulk of the Cayuses and Umatlllas, -— -: — warriors; of the Walla

Wallas and Indians from other bands, were in the fight. The principal war chiefs
were the son of Ouhi, Isle de Pere and chief Qultomee; the latter of whom liad two
horses shot under him, and who showed me a letter from Colonel Wright, acknowl-
edging bis valuable services In bringing about the peace of tlie Yakiujas. 1 have
failed, therefore, in making the desired arrangements with the Indians in the
Walla Walla, and the failure, to be attributed In part to the want of co-operation
with me as Superintendent of Indian Affairs on tlie jmrt of the regular troops, has
its CJiuses also in the whole plan of operations of the troops since Colonel Wright
assumed command. T state Iwldly, that the cause of the Nez Perces becoming
disaffected and finally going Into war. Is the operations of Colonel Wright east of
the Cascades -operations so feeble, so procrastinating, so entirely unequal to the

CAMPAIGNS OF COLONELS WRIGHT, STEPTOK AND SHAW. 461

Idly
oiith
rces,
'heir
lid r

iHU8

emergency, that not only has a moat severe blow been struck ut the credit of the
Government and the prosperity and character of this remote section of country, but
the impression has been made upon the Indians that the ])i'ople and the soldiers
were a different people. T repeat to you officially that when the Indians attiicked
me, they expected Colonel Steptoe would not assist me, and when they awoke
from their dei'^sion, Kama-iakun said, "I will now let these people know who
Kama-i-akun is." One of the good efleets of the fight is, that the Indians have
learned that we are one people, a fact which had not previously been made apparent
to them by the operations of the regular troops. Is, sir, the army sent here to pro-
tect our people and to ])unish Indian tribes, who without cause, and in cold blood,
and in spite of solemn treaties, murder our people, burn our houses, and wipe out
entire settlements? Is it the duty of General Wool and his officers to refuse to co-
operate with me in my appropriate duties as Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and
thus practically to assume those duties themselves? Is it the duty of General
Wool, in his schemes of pacifying the Indians, to trample down the laws of Con-
gress; to issue edicts prohibiting settlers returning to their claims, and thus for at
least one county, the Walla Walla, make himself dictator of the country?

Early iu November the regulars again marched into the Walla
Walla couiitry, Colonel Wright taking command of the expedition
in person, and camped on Mill Creek on the .site oi the city of
Walla Walla. Here he held a council with the tribes and agreed
upon terms of peace. He promised them immunity from punish-
ment for their past conduct, and that the treaties should not be en-
forced until duly ratified by the Senate and promulgated by the
President, until which time no white man would be permitted to
settle in their country without their permission. Thus ended the
war. That this did not meet with the approval of Governor Ste-
vens can well be imagined. He had always maintained that the In-
dians had bound themselves by solemn obligations, which the}' had
deliberately broken, and for which conduct they were deserving of
severe chastisement. It is one of the simplest rules of equity that
a c(jntract must be ecpially binding upon both jiarties to be valid.
Governor Stevens knew this ; and yet he insisted that these treaties
were in full force with the Indians while as yet they were not bind-
ing upon the Government, being as yet unratified. Had he, as the
Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Washington, and his associate
oflScial iu Oregon, Joel Palmer, acted prudently, and, instead of
hastening to notify the people that the Indian title had been ex-
tinguished by treaty, cautioned them, that, as yet, the treaties were
but blank paper, and no rights whatever had been acquired under
'hem by the whites, the whole difficulty, with its attendant train
of bloodshed and expense, might, perhaps, have been averted. It

468

HISTORY OK WILLAMETTK V ALLEY.

is not n'vtaiii that siicli would hjivo l»<*tMi the case, hut heyond a
• louht there would have l)eeii oue [M)wei'ful disturbing element ab-
sent. The Governoi' relieved his feelings in another of tiiose long
letters to the Secretai'v »>f War, none of which seem to have influ-
enee<l the Depai'tnient to remove, or even een^ure, (Jeneral Wool or
Colonel Wright. He closed his epistle with the following [)ara-
gra})h: ''1 now make the direct issue with Colonel Wright; that
he ]nui made a concession to the Indians which he had no authority
to make; that l>y so doing, he has done nothing but to get the sem-
blance of a peace. | This was, in a measure, true; for the Indians
still entertained theii- bitter feelings against the Americans, and
exhibited a very defiant spirit); and that by his acts he has, in a
measure, A$!akened the influence of the service having the authority
to make ti'eaties and having in charge the frien<lly Indians. | Gov-
ernor Stevens himself was responsible for \\eakening the influence
of the treat) -making power, by emleavoring to enforce treaties he
well knew were not in etTect. | He has, in my judgment, abandoned
his own <luty, which wa>* to reduce the Indians to submission | to
Governor Stevens |, and has trenched upon and usurped mine."
It is well enough to let the matter drop; the war was ended, and the
people had a large bill against the (leneral (irovernment, which was,
finally, after experiencing the usual vicissitudes and jn'ocrastina-
tions of C$ngressional action, paid in a somewhat modified form.
It was subsequent to this affair at Walla Walla, and after all
the volnnteei's had been disbamled, that the long dreade<l invawion
of Noilhern Indians occurred on Puget SouikI. Information was
received by Captain S. Swartwout (fn the eighteenth of November,
185H, that Northern Indians were committing depredations in the
vicinity of Steilacoom, and he at once set sail from Seattle to inter-
cept them. Learning at Steilacoom that the Resei'vation Indians
had defeated these Northern intruders in battle, killed two of them
and captured one canoe, Swartwout [)ursued the retreating savages
down the Sound. Parsing Port Madison, where they had commit-
ted ravages, he continued on to Port Gamlde, where, on the twen-
tieth he fcmnd them encamped in force. An effort to open a peace
talk was fruitless, as they Avould not permit a boat to land. Ac-
cordingly, Lieutenant Young was dis])atched with three boats, forty-
five men and a howitzer, to escort an interpreter, wdio w>us to offer

( A.MI'AKiNS (»!• ( ol.oNKI.S \V ItlOll'l", s'|'i:i'T( tK AM» SII.WV

4f.9

tlieiii |t(fiif(' if tlit'V would .'iliMixloii tilt' SouikI. They rcfnswl to
iic<'('|)t the t<'nns, ,111(1 iiisnltiiiirly chnllcnyerl the niai-iiu's to fight.
Lieutenant ^'oull^• returned on hoard, and (\'i))tain Swartwout de-
terinine(| to attack them in the niorninu'. Duriny,' the night the
ship was moved in shoic, and anchored with hei* Itroadside l)eanng
npon the camj), only six hundred yards distant. In the morning
Lieutenant Semmes went in the first cutter to the <'onsort Steamer
Traveller^ which was anchoi'ed a1>o\ c the camp so that it could be
raked Uy the tiehl pieces on ]>oard. From there he landed with
Lientenant Forest and twenty-nine sailors and marines, wading
waist deep to reach the shore and cai'rying a howitzer in their arms.
With them went the intei'pretei' to carry a final projjosition of |»eace.
Instead (»f heing daunted 1>y the formidal»le prepai-ations for their
subjugation, the Indians refused to accept the terms offered, and
taking shelter heliind trees and h)gs jxtinted their guns at the little
party on the beach. The Traveller at once opened tire upon them
from her field guns, the first discharge being simultaneous with the
first volley fired by the savages. Instantly the ship [)Oured a ])roa<l-
side of round sh»)t and grajje nito the cani|) and woods where they
were concealed, while the howitzer on the l)each also sent in its
compliments. Unthn- covei- of the guns, the little paity made a
bold charge and dr(»ve the Indians from their camp into the woods,
(^wing to the density of underbrush and fallen timber, it was im-
possible to follow them, and, after destroying the camp and pro[)-
erty of the niaraudei-s and disabling all but one of their canoes,
Lieutenants Semmes and Forest returned on board. During the
day the giuis played upcm the woods \\ herever an Indian could be
seen, and it was thought the execution was considerable. On thi'
part of the assailants, one man was killed and another wounded.
The next day the Indians sent two of their chiefs on board to beg foi'
mercy and offer to surrendei' unconditionally. They said that they
had lost twenty-seven of their numbei', besides many wounded, that
their proi)erty and canoes were destroyed and they had been with-
out food two days. They were all supplied with food, taken on
board the ship, and carried to A'^ictoria, promising never to return.
Never after that were the white settlements molested In maraudinn'
savages from the north, though the aborigines of the Sound have,
frequently suffered from their hostile incursions.

470

niSTORT OF WILLAMKTTK VALLKY.

There was iiuvv a semblance of peace everywhere. The volun-
teers had all been disbanded, and an ample force of regulars was
stationed in Southern Oregon, on the Columbia and on Puget
Sound. A strong force o"cupied the Walla Walla country, and
endeavored, while the treaties were being ground through the
official mill at Washington, to stand as a bulwark between the
two races, and prevent either from infringing the rights of th i
other. A snuill saw mill was taken up in the spring of 1857, and
lumber cut for the erection of bari'acks and officers' quaj ters, which
were built within the present limits of the city of Walla Walla.
In the command of this post was Lieutenant- Colonel E. J. Step-
toe, the garrison consisting of several companies of the 9th In-
fantry. The Indians were atill in a hostile frame of mind, and
the presence of the troops in their country was distasteful to them,
the feeling extending to, and affecting, the tribes as far north as the
Spokanes. This feeling is revealed in a letter wi'itten April 15,
1857, by Father A. Hoeken, of the Flat Head Mission, addressed
to a brother priest. A paragraph of that epistle says : —

Father Ravalli labored as much as he could to pacify the tribes which reside
towards the west, namely: the Cayuses, the Yaklmas, the Opclouses [Palouses],
etc As our neophytes [Flat Heads and Cceur d'Alenes] hitherto have taken no
part in the war, the country is as safe for us as ever. We can go freely wherever
we desire. No one is ignorant that the Black Gowns [Catholic prlestsj are not
enemies— tliose, at least, who are among the Indians. Almost all the Coeur
d'Alenes, in order to shield themselves from the hostilities of thfe Indians, and to
avoid all relations witli them, are gone bison hunting. A few days since, Father
Joset wrote me that Fatlier Ravalli had already written him several weeks before.
I fear a general rising among the Indians toward the commencement of spring.
Let us pray, and let us engage others to pray with us, to avert tliis calamity. I
think that it wUl be well to add to the ordinary prayers of the mass, the collect for
peace.

The outbreak did not occur as predicted, owing, possibly, to
the efficacy of the worthy missionaries' prayers, but apparently due
to an absence of a sufficient provocation which might serve as a
pretext for war. That not much of a provocation was required
was made evident the following year.

In the spring of 1858 Palouse Indians stole some stock from
the troops at Walla W^alla, and on the eighth of May Colonel
Steptoe marched north, with a force of one hundred and fifty men,
intending to visit Fort Colville, and on his return to capture the
thieving Indians. This expedition met with signal disaster,

( AMI'AKJ.N.S »»K (OI.ONKI.S WKKIIIT, SI i;i'T(»l': AND SHAW. 471

through most tiiiniilii.iiy carHh^ssni'.ss. One hundred luides weiv
detiiilod for the pack tr.-uu, and when these were loachui it waw
found tli.tt there w.is no room for the sur[)hiH ammunition which
had Im'cii set (»ui. riiis was taken baek to the magazine, and the
eomniaud iiiMiclied with only the anununition carried in the ear-
ti'idge l»oxes of the iiicii. Such eareh-'ssness invited the disaster
which followed.

Steptoe crossed Snake River, near the mouth of the Ali)owa
wh<'n he was joined by a friendly Nez Perce chief named " Timo-
thy," and three of his warriors, ('oi, ", lincr noith, he ap])roached
foui' lakes lying north of Pine Creek, the liulians gradually collect-
ing ill givat numlxM's. Here he wax informed l>y them that he
must leave this region and retuni t > Walla Walla, or they would
■Attack him. Camping at the lak»^s for tli' night, the comnnind l)e-
gan its reti'ogra(h' march at three o'clock on the morning of the
seventeenth of April, the Indians continually hovering on its flanks.
Ste|)toe held a conference with Saltees, a Cour d'Alene chief, Kathei-
Joseph acting as intei'[»reter, being assured that no aitack nould be
made upon him. The chief then shouted something to his fuUow-
ers, when one of the friendly Nez Perces, riamed Levi, struck him
on the head with a whip, saying, " What for you say 'no fight' and
then tell your peo[)le ' wait awhile' i Voii talk two tongues.'' A bout
nine o'clock in the morning, as the command approached Pine Creek,
near the present town of Rosalia, passing down a natural "wash,''
it was fired uj)on by Indians secreted in the timber across the stream,
and occui)ying elevated positions (m the flank. Lieutenant Gaston
prompttly charged and cleared an opening to the highlands south
of the creek, Iteing followed by the entire force. The howitzer
was unlimbered and discharged, killing no one, but serving, by its
noise, to somewhat intimidate the assailants. By charging them,
the enemy wew cleai'ed awa}', and the I'etreat was resumed with
the pack irain in the van, the flanks and rear being covered. Lieu-
tenant James Wheeler was on the right, Lieutenant William Gaston
on the left, and Captain O. H. P. Taylor guarded the rear, each
with a company. Chai'ge after charge of the enemy wjis repulsed,
rur-n falling continually and being left to the tender mercy of the
savages in man}' cases where it was impossible to carry them away.
At last many of Lieutenant Gaston's men used their last round of

)

472

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

ammunition, and he sent an orderly to Colonel Steptoe, who was
with the train in the van, asking that the command be halted until
more could be issued ; but the request was not gi'anted. Captain
Taylor's company next fired its last shot, and this fact, as well as
the fall of Gaston, was communicated to the superior officer. He
then ordered a halt. The contest in the rear was now a desperate
hand tc> hand struggle. Both Gaston and Taylor lay on the ground,
their men fighting stubbornly for possession of their bodies. Among
them was a private named DeMay, who had been an officer in the
French army in Algiers and the Crimea, and was an excellent
swordsman. Clubbing his musket he made a- furious onslaught
upon the assailing savages, and as he was borne down by numbers
he cried, " Mon Dieu, Mou Dieu, mine saber!" At last the Indians
were driven back and the body of Captain Taylor was rescued.
So demoralized had become the main body of the troops, that the
call of Lieutenant Gregg for volunteers to go to the assistance of
the hard-pressed rear guj.rd, was answered by only ten men. He
then led a charge, but soon found himself alone and rode back with-
out uttering a word. To save the retreat from becoming a com-
plete rout, which would have resulted in the utter annihilation of
the force, Colonel Steptoe went into camp and threw out a strong
line of pickets. The Indians encamped near by, apparently will-
ing to bide their time, feeling certain of their victims. Every
avenue of escape was guarded but one, and that one was a difficult
pass which they supposed the soldiers could not travel. The Nez
Perce chief was then their savior. When the night was well ad-
vanced, liaviug cached the howitzers and left their surplus stores to
engage the attention of the savages, so as to delay pursuit in the
morning, the troops mounted and followed Timoth}' in single file,
as he led them through the unguarded pass.

The woimded of each company were placed in charge of some
of their comrades, a few of them being so ])adly hurt as to l)e
utterly helpless. These were tied upon pack animals. Two of
them, Sei'geaut Williams and Private McCrosson, suffered such ex-
cruciating agony from the motion of the animals, that they begged
to be killed, to be given poison, or a pistol with which to end their
misery. Both of them succeeded in wriggling off from the animals
they rode in different places ; and their comrades, cutting them

CAMPAIGNS OF COLONELS WRIGHT, STKPTOE AND SHAW. 47.'»

free from the lashings, left them lying on the ground, and rode
away into the darkness unmindful of their pleadings for something
with which to end their misery and save themselves from the toi •
tures of their cruel pui'suers. One by one the wounded, such as
could not take care of themselves, were left behind, and the men
hastened forward, intent onlj upon putting the swift curi'ent of
Snake River between themselves and the t ruel enemy in their rear.
Seventy miles were traversed in twenty-four hours, when they
reached the river near the mouth of the Alpowa, where lived
Timothy's band of Nez Perces. Summoning his people, the chief
placed the warriors on guard in the rear, while the women ferried
the exhausted soldiers, with their animals and effects, across the
stream. It took a day to accomplish this task, and then they
moved (m to the Pataha, where they were met by Captain Dent,
with supplies and reinforcements. Here, also, they were overtaken
by a war party of Nez Perces under Lawyer, who desired them to
return and give the Indians battle ; Init they desired no more fight-
ing for the present, and the march to Walla Walla was continued.
Two officers and sixteen men were left upon the fiehi or along the
line of the retreat, while more than a score of those who found
safety by crossing Snake River, were severely wounded.

Intelligence of this disaster was conveyed to General Clark,
successor of General Wool in command of the department, and he
ordered all available troops on the Coast to assemble at Walla
Walla, for the purpose of administering to the Indians such a
castigation as would teach them the power of the Government.
This force was placed under the command of Colonel Wright. A
l)a8e of operations, named " Ft)i't Taylor," was established on the
south side of Snake River, near the Tukannon, and on the
twenty-seventh of August Colonel Wright moved forward with
six hundred and eighty soldiers, thirty Nez Perce allies, and two
hundred packers, herders, etc. On the first of September he en-
countered the hostiles near Medical Lake, and whipped them
severely. They were diiven from the timber and hills by the
howitzers, and a charge by the troops, and attempting to make a
stand on the open plain, were mowed down by the fire of the
steadily advancing troops, who were armed with long range guns
for the first time in their encounter with Indians. When they

474

HISTORY OF WILLAMETTE VALLEY.

broke, two hundred dragoons, under the coiiuurtud of Major
William N. Grier, swooped down upon them, and they fled in a
panic, the companies of the dead Taylor and Gaston taking grim
revenge upon the fleeing savages who had slain their commandei-s.
How many were killed is not known, as all but those who fell
during the la<t charge were carried from the fiehl. Seventeen
bodies were left upon the ground, which was strewn with blankets,
robes, guns and the miscellaneous paraphei'nalia of Indian war-
riors. Not a soldier was killed in the battle.

P'oui' days later the command reached Spokane River, six miles
below the falls, 'laving driven the hostiles before them for fourteen
miles, killing many of tliem. This was the end ; the Indians fled
in terror, and dared not again offei* battle to such a terrible foe.
Colonel Wright pushed on toward the C»eur dWlene Mission, and
was met by Gearry, chief of the Spokanes, who asked for peace.
The stern avenger told the suppliant chief that he came to fight,
not to make peace ; that he had force enough to Avhip the com-
bined tribes of that whole region ; that he otfei-ed no terms of
peace, the Indians, men, women iuid chihlren, must come in and
trust to his mercy ; otherwise he woidd exterminate the tribe. On
the eighth Wright captured nine hundred and eighty-six liorses
from the Palouses, and, knowing how vital they wei'e in Indian
warfare, he ordered evt^ry one of them to be shot. This was more
than they could endure, and the concurrent appearance of a
brilliant comet in the heavens, made them think C'olonel Wright
was a scourge sent l)y the Great Spirit, who hung his flaming
sword in the sky as a sign of his anger. Tiiey sued for peace.

Councils were held with the various tribes, at which, u))on the
demand of Colonel Wright, the men who had ct)mmenced the attack
upon Colonel Steptoe were delivered up for punisiiment, and hos-
tages were given for their future good conduct. Twelve of the
guilty ones were hanged, among whom was (jualchien, who had
killed Agent Bolan in 1855. His father, Owhi, second chief of
the Yakimas, was a prisoner, and attempting to escape near Fort
Taylor, was killed by the guard. On the seventh of October the
bones of those who fell in Steptoe's battle were buried at Fort
Walla Walla, and Wright then held a council with the Walla Walla
tribe. So great had become the fear of him, that when he called

thori
July
to aett
1858
compa
quite a
Was bi
I^ane,
recomn
penses
claims-
coming
«equenc

CAMPAIGNS OK COLONELS WRIGHT, 8TEPTOE AND SHAW. 475

for all those who had taken part in the battle to stand up, thirty-
five warriors promptly rose to their feet. Four of these were
selected for execution, and their hanging was witnessed by their
people with fear and trembling. This was the end, and until chief
Joseph and his small band of Nez Perces broke out twenty years
later, not an Indian of all those tribes went again upon the war
path against the whites.

Colonel AVright was promoted during the civil war to the rank
of Brigadier, and commanded the Department of the Pacific. His
energy, watchfulness, and sterling patriotism kept down the ever-
rising flame of trea.son, and held the Coast loyal to the Government
throughout the bloody struggle. Pie became very dear to the peo-
ple who had so long relied upon ' him for pi'otection, and it was a
day of mouiTiing when the sad news came that he had found a
watery grave. With his family and staff he was engulfed in the
stormy watei-s of the Pacific, when, off Crescent City on the thir-
tieth of July, 1855, the Brother Jonathan carried her human cargo
to a resting place beneath the billows.

The financial history of these Indian Wars presents considerable
of importance to interest the reader. It has been mentioned that
the demands of the war of 1853 were paid in full two years later,
through the action of General Lane and others. The accounts
growing out of the Walker expedition in 1854, " To fight the emi-
grants," as some facetious ones have termed it, were paid subse-
quent to the War of the Rebellion. The act of Congress which au-
thorized their payment, was based upon a previous act apjjroved
July 17, 1854, entitled "An act to authorize the Secretary of War
to settle and adjust the expens.^s of the Rogue River War [of
1858]," which was extended to cover the case of Captain Walker's
company. The claims growing out of the last Indian war achieved
quite a history. In the summer of 1856 the matter of these claims
was brought before Congress by the Oregon Delegate, General
Lane, and being ref«-red to the Committee on Military Affairs, a
recommend .u was made favorable to the payment of the ex-
penses of the wars in Oregon and Washington, the two sets of
claims — arising fi'om the Rogue River and the Yakima wars — be-
coming mingled in all Congressional and official reports. In con-
sequence of this reconunendation Congi'ess, on the eighteenth of

470

HISTORY OF WII.KAMKTTK VAIJ.KY,

August, passed un act, one of whose provisions is: " Be in enacted^
That the Secretary of War be directed to examine into the amount
of expenses necessarily incurred in the suppression of hostilities in
the late Indian war in Oregon and Washington by the Territorial
(rovernments in the maintenance of the volunteer forces engaged, in-
cluding pay of voliuiteers, and he may, if he deem it necessary,
direct a commission of three to report these expenses to him," ett\
In consetjuence a commission, consisting of Captain Andrew tl.
Smith, previously many times mentioned in the account of the wars,
Captain llufus Ingalls, now General, and Lafayette (xrover, of Sa-
lem, Oregon, was apjminted t(- make the examination. They began
work in October, 18r)H, and after spending more than a year in a
careful investigation of these claims, "traveling over the whole
field of operations occupied l)y the volunteei's, during hostilities,
and becoming thoroughly conversant with the matter," made their
report to the Secretary of Wai-. According to their examination
the sum of ^4,44V),04lMV^ w.as due iis the expenses on the part of
Oregon. The muster-rolls of companies represented an indebted-
ness, after deducting stoppages for clothing, etc., of $l,40i>,(i44.r)8;
while scrip had been islsued to the extent of $:i,()40,344.H0 in
payment of supplies, etc., furnished. This aggregate was exclusive
of claims for spoliation by Indians, and included only what were
thought to l>e the legitimate expenses of maintaining the volunteer
force in the field. The report and acccmipanying doc uments were
transmitted to Congress, and on the eighth of Keln'uary, 1H59, a
resolution passed the House of Representatives, providing that it
should be the duty of the Third Auditor of tli^e Treasury to exam-
ine the vouchei-s and pai)ers connected with the subject, and make
a report in the December following of the amount due each indi-
vidual engaged in the :uilitai'y service of the two Territories during
the war. The resoiuton also provided that he should allow the
volunteers no higher pay than was recei\-ed by the ofticers and sol-
diers of like grade in the regular army, including the extra pay of
two dollars per month conferred by act of Congress of 1852 on
troops serving on the Pacific Coast; that he was to recognize no
company or individual as entitled to pay except such as had been
duly called into service by the Territorial authorities; that in au-
diting claims for supplies, transportation, etc., he was directed to

CAMPAIGNS OF COLONELS, WRIGHT STKPTOE AND SHAW. 477

have a due regard to the number of troops, to their period of ser-
vice and to the ))rices which were current at the time and place.
On February 7, I860, R. J. Atkinson, Third Auditor, made his re-
port. It was an exhaustive and voluminous document, and it re-
duced the grand total of the claims of various sorts, acted on by the
three commissioners, from $6,011,457.36 to $2,714,908.55, a reduc-
tion of about fifty-five per cent. This estimate was taken as a basis
for these claims, and by a subsef^uent act of Congress a sum of
money to correspond was appropriated to pay them.

APPENDIX.

The following lists of pioneers who came to Oregon before the
territorial government was formed, March 8, 1849, and whose
names do not occur in the lists printed on pages 226, 232, 246, 248,
249, 275, 283, 288, 301 and 303, have been gathered from various
sources, chiefly from the records of the Qregon Pioneer Association:

1831.
Allan, George

1832.
Smith, J. H.

1838.
Crate, Ed.

1840.
Abernethy, Wni.
Black, Henry
CapleH, ChasiO. a'';l

Hezekiah.
Cook, Amos.
Cosper, .7. I.
Bmlth, Alvin T.

1841.
Biirnior, Franklin
Baum, L.
Flett, John

1842.
Ekin, R. H.
England, William
Force, G.C. and Jaw.
dirty, Henry
Holman, Geo. P.
Hutchins, Chas.
Lewis, Reuben
Moss, S. W.

Hhadden, Thos. .1.

1843.
Barzerin, Louis
Black, George
Boyd, L. T.
Boyer, Thomas
Carson, A. J.
Chambers, E. J.
Fendall, E. E.
Gilmore, S. M.
Hatch,U. C.&P.H,
Hembree, W. C.
Hobson, Richard
Holman, D. 8.
Kaiser, P. C.
Mack, N. P.
Payne, Martin
Sitton, Natlian K.
Smith, B. F.
Straight, Hiram A.
Wilson, John
Woods, J. W.

1844.
Brown, Thomtus
Burton,J. &H. H.
Carliu, John
(Uirry, George L.
Gerrish, John J.

Gilbey, Henry H.
Hawley, J. H.
Hewitt, D. K.
Jeffries, E.
Lock, A. N.
Nelson C.8. & J.C.
Olds, R.
Parri8h,S. M.,A.J.

and E. E.
Ramsdell, Thos. M.
Rise, Preston
Rowland, G. L. and

L. L.
Shaw, G. W, & T.C.
Smith, Simeon
Snowden, S. D.
Stillwell. M. D.
Stump, C.
Terwilliger. James
Thorp, E. E.
Walker, John
Wliite, (;. and J. E.

1846.
Baijer. G. H.
Bacon, J. M.
Bacon, P. A.
Bayley, D. T).
Barlow, William

Bayard, C. C.
Blaker, J. H.
Bozarth.C.C.undJ.J.
Bumim, W. G.
Burch, B. F.
Caplinger, H.C. and

J. C.
Cogswell, Jolin
Cole, W. D.
Comfort, Edwin B.
Cooley, Jackson
Cornelius, A. H., A.

M., G. B., Sam.

and T. R.
Cosgrove, Hugli
Cox, Gideon and P.
(Vow, E. .J.
Cully. Thomas
Davidson, A. F.
Davis, Reuben
Day, W. P.
Delaney, David
Dixon, \Vm. F.
Doak, A. J.
Doley, David R. S.
Engle, Sam.
Foss, Oo. W. and

.Joseph H.

478

APPENDIX.

Foiter, John
(Jfaiier, Alonzo
(jriirriHoii, L. It.
Oraiil, Roubt'ii
(Irayer, Jacob
Hall, B. F.
Hamilton, A. R.
Hampton, J. D.
Hem hive, N. A.
HeiulorHon, VV. I
Hern, N.
Hij.'ginw, W.
Hosford, ('.
Howland, J. A.
Hussov, Al.
Ingles, \V. S.

Voss, J. H.
Walker, C. C. anil

Elias
Whailey, A. W.
Whf-eler, Wm.
White, J, S.
Wilev, R. E,
Willey, R. E.
Williams, C. A., J.

J. and J. L,
1846.
Alhri<rlit, Jolm
Allen, J. C.
Andei-Hon, Levi
Bonnev, B. F. and

Jackson, Georj^e W. Bridfrform, D.

JoflVies, S. M
Johnson, \V. C'aiev
Killin, B.
Lovens, Thomas
Lloyd, A. G.
McCoy, Joliii
McMillan, J. H.
Markliiiin, Alfred
Meldnmi, Jolm, J.

W.. and J.
Moi'fian. K.
Morris, .1. ^I. and

James M.
Newman, Jtilin W.
Noiile, Henr\-
Nortluii), P. "G.
O4)orn, W. T.
Parker, Sanmel
PcnthuKl, R.
Perry, Francis
Phillips, John
Pollock, Tliomas
Polly, H. B.

Bridires, J. H.
Brown, Alvin ('.
Buckingham, H. ('.
Byrd, L. A.
Camphell, S. L.
Carter, Talbert
Chandlers, J. W.
Church, J. 8.
tMark, Jason Ij.
Clayton, Jesse
{."lozpore, J. H.
Collins,F.M. & J.L.
Cove, A. 8.
Cox, (i. rt. and Jos,
Crum, Wm. II.
Crump, Turner
Currier, J. M.
Dunl)ar, R. O. and

W. R.
Durham, John M.
Eliot, William
Garrison, Rev. A. E.

and John M.
M.

Pugh, John M. and Guthrie, David

N. Porter Hart, Horace

Read, Thomas M. Hatton, Mark
Rinearsou, J. Ij. and Henderson, Jno. H
M. P. J. J. and Robei

Rogers, C. and J. W. Hosford, Aceneth
Ruge, Thomas Hunsaker, J. T.

Ravage, Williaui Jenkins, ttteplien
Hcoyfgln. W. A. Johnson, Jacob

ScottjPriceandRod- King, W.

ney,
Scroggm, S.

Kirk, Wm. R.
lialto, Isaac

Shannon, Davis and Lanilier-on, Lemuel

Wt'slcy LaiKJctield, A. J.

Sheperd, William I-arsen, Andrew
Shirley, James Lewis, I). R.

Binnnon-<, Archibald Martin, F.
Smith, Geo. J), and Miller, Wm.

Jenning-"
.Sol. Richard
Stophens, James B.
Stewart, Daniel
Stump, David

Murch, (Jeo. H.
Perkins, Wm, F.
Ram.Hby, Maxwell
Richanlson, B. M.,
E. and ^, (.'.

Taylor, J. and Wm. Ravage, Jno & M.R.
Umphlet, Slanlev Shane, Carlos W.
Vaughan, Wm. t. Shelton, Dr. T. W.

Shrum, John W.
Smith, F.R.&Jas.D.
Thomson, R, R.
Townsend, David &

Thos.
Vanbibber, L.
Whitaker, Anthony

1847.
Allen, G. M.,J.W.,

R. ('., T. B.
Althouse, Samuel
Anderson, James
Ajiperson, .lolin T.
Bailey, John
Baker, J.N. &W. II.
Beal, Jacob, Jos.,

and Philip
Becks, Jacob
]}ewley, J.F.
Bird, John
Blair, Prior F.
Blanton, Wm.
Bon ney, Alzin C.

anil (jeo. F.
Boston, John
Braly, J. C.
Brijvgs, Elias it Isaac.
Brisl)'nc, John
Brisky, John
Brown, (ieorge J.,

Henry &W.C.
Brvan, Ed.
Jiurch, S. T.
Burkhart, S. C.
Butler, (lieorge W.
Byl)ee, J. F.
Carey, (i. W.
Carter, C. M.
Caslleman, I. J.
Caywood, T
Chapmsm, William
Chattield, W. H.
CofHn, S.
Coleman, James
Cone, G.A.&O.H.
Cook, A. P. & A.R.
Cox, Joseph, Thos.

and Wm. H.
Crosby, C. B.
Davidson, J. E. and

T. L.
Davis, Lemuel E.&

T. W.
Diamond, John
Diller, W. H.
Dimiek, George W.
Downer, J. W.
Downing, John
Durham, Albert -A.

and George H.
Elliot, F. N.
Eoft", Geo. and J. L.
Friendly, J. R.
Fudge, W.
Geer, Cal. and R. C,

Gilbert, Geo. and

Riley.
Gilborin, A. J.
Graves, G. W.
Greman, J. W,
Grim, J. W.
(Uiild, B. C.
Hall, L. S.
Hibbard, K. L.
Hill, Henry
Hines, John W.
Hodges, D. R.
Hubbard, C.
Huddlcson, C. M.
Hughes, (t. H. and

J. '!•.
Hulin, Lister
Hunsaker, Dan and

T. H.
Hunt, G. W.
name, W. E.
ritr, S. W.
Jack, R. A. it W. A.
Jennings, l-;d. J.
J<)lly,Wm.&Wm.B.
Johnson, A. L., G.

W., H.A., J.C,

L and W. W.
Jory, H. 8.
Keeiie, 1). M.
K.ely, J. M. it J. W.
Kinzey, Terry W.
Kinder, F. P.
Kinney, A. W. and

Samuel
Klum, Charles K.
Lande.«s, Felix and

George
Laughlin, Lee, R. R.

and William
Lay ton, John
Leabo, Jacob
Lee, Dr. N. li.
Lock, W. S.
Long, Edward
Luelling, A. (two)
McBride, T. A.
McCaw, William
.Me(.'hrisnian, Win,
McClain, E. C.
McClaren, James
McComas, J. T.(two)
McKay, James
McKinney, Wm.
McHurne, W. H.
Martin, Jacob
Mathews, S. F.
Mattoon, Abel and C.
Maxon, S. P.
Maxwell, T. O.
May, Harney B.
Merchant, Andrew

and William
Merrill, (ieorge and
Lyman.

Al'PKNDIX.

479

Moyer, Hotiry
McMiteith, Thomiis
Mttore, M. 'i".
Moivlv, .Joliii
Parks; J. W.
Poarw, A.
Pi'ttvjohii, TiewiH
Pittciif,'(;r, \V. 1).
Pollv, Pftcr
Ponjndi', L. H.
Port'tT, Joliii 15.
Powell, John

Prettyinaii,

Pl-ico, JaiiR's
l{ain water, A. M.
Richardson, Mat hew
Richie, George
Rolierts, Rev. Win.
Roth, Charles
Rowell, J. M.
Saltniarsii, A.
Selioll, (i.W., Peter,

!'eterB.& W.T.
Sport, R. V.
Shanihrook, George
Sliort, R. V.
Smith, Joseph(two),

J. T., ^'elson &

William.

Spores, Jacol), John

and J. M.
Stanton, A.
Stephens, Thomas
Stay, Solomon
Taylor, Christopher

and L.
Thompson, Fra A.
Tomi)kinH, David D.
Torrenee, C. M., I.

and W. J.
Townsend, J. W.
Tapper, O.F.&R.S.
Vanl)U)l)er, William
Vanj^han, F. G., (i.

VV.,and J. F.
Walling. A. <;., A.

VV.,Jr., &J(J.W.
Warren, Henry
Watts, F. A.
Wheelan, Jason
Whitcomb, J. H.
Whitney ,Jas.,Robt.

and William
Wilcox, Carl D.
AVilkins, M.
Willis, G. W.
Wills, R. C.
Wilson, Tlionuus

Woods, A. O.
Young, Dan'l&J.L.
Yocum, Jesse

1848.

Adams, Br. W. L.
Armitage, G. H.
Atkinson, Rev. G.H.
Hall, Isaac
Riisket, (J. J.
Rauer, Andrew
Real, John
Brooke, Ijloyd
Branson, B. B.
Bristow, S il.
Burns, D. M.
Callison.J.T.&Robt.
Catlin, Cliarles
Cleaver, J. W.
Clea%'es, Benj. and

James F.
Conser, Jacob
Cox, Solomon
(•rooks.B.W.&J.T.
Dickens, John
Dorris dleorjre P.
Eastham, Wni. F.
Eggman, F. J.
Gibson, L. D.

(Joodell, W. N.
Greenwood, J. W.
Hannu, S.

Hendricks, C.i&T.G.
Holcomb, Almou and

W. L.
Hold, Henry C.
Kelly, John
Kellogg, Joseph
Latourette, L. 1). C.
Lyman, Horace
McAllister, H.
Miller, Chris. & J. D.
Musgrove, W. H.
Patton, W. T.
I'orter, Steven and

William C.
H()l)ertH, A. H.
Russell, William
Shedd, Franci.i
Shelley, Jas. W. and

M ichael
Starr, Milton L.
Trullinger, J. C.
Vaudevert, J. J.
Watt, Ahio S.

Since the preceding pages wei'e printed, there has been discov-
ered an old assessment roll, or rather census, of the population of
the Willamette valley. Just when it was made is uncertain, hut as
it gives the amount of wheat raised in 1842 ])y the Hudson's Bay
Company, and contains but two or three names of the immigrants
of 1842, it was probably compiled in the fall of that year, before
the immigrants had located in the valley. Most of the names in the
list are incorrectly spelled, and instead of reproducing the list a
summary, giving the correct spelling of names and other points of
interest, by Dr. William C. McKay, is given.

Came from California in 1885 with Ewing Young — Wm. Mc-
Carty, Pierre Stanislaus, Banjainin Williams, Ewing Young, Jos.
Gale, John Quannau. Rocky Mountain Tra})pers — Chas. Campo,
J. B. Pichette, Francois Barnier, Baptiste DeGean, Antoine Bonne-
faut, John LaiTison, Baptiste Ducharen, Gideon Senecal. Retired
Hudson's Bay Co. employes — 38. F<)lix Hathaway, ship carpenter,
came to in })rig in 1832. Dr. William Bailey, came from California
in 188(3; George Gay, same. See page 226. American Immigrants
- JefF Brown, 1839 ; Geo. W. LeBreton, in ship Chenomas with Capt.
J. n. Couch, in 1842; Charles Roe. in 1840; Sidney Smith, in 1839;

480

APPENDIX.

Adolph Chamberlain, in 1842; Thomas Moison, George Davis, in
1842; Jno. Hofstetter, in 1842. Jean Kaptiste Pairroult, Canadian
trapper of H. B. Co. Raised first fruit trees in Oregon, at Davidson's
Landing. Came in the Ihnqnm in 1811 — Louis LaBronte, Sr.^
Michel! Latramltoise. Came overland with Wilson Price Hunt's
party in 1812 — John B. Duboy, Jo&eph Gervais, Etinne Lucier and
son Joseph See page 157. Francois Rivet, came with Lewis and
Clarke in 1805 and settled among the Flatheads. Thos. J. Hub-
bard, born in Hoboken, N. J., and came with Wyeth in 1834. Jno,
Turner, a survivor of the massacre of Smith's party on the U mpqua
in 1827. See page 194, where his name should appear with those
of Smith and Prior. Pierre J. Uraphraville, an Oregonian, discov-
erer of Colville mines in 1 854.

The wealth and population of Oregon indicated by this list were
as follows: Livinsr south of the Columbia were 250 males and
171 females over 18 years of age, and 397 children, a total of
818. Besides these, ()0 living at the Cowlitz farm are mentioned,
but nothing is said of the number at Vancouver. Property con-
sisted of 6,770 acres of land inclosed, 33,(>98 bushels of wheat,
18,197 bushels of other grain and potatoes, 2,860 horses, 4,101 head
of cattle, 139 head of sheep and 1,975 head of swine. The Hud-
son's Bay Co. is separately credited with 10,000 bushels of wheat,
1,000 pounds of butter, 7,000 sheep, 2,000 cows and 2,000 horses.
These statistics show that there was much property and population,
calling for the organization of the provisional government, which
was effected in the spring of 1843.

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