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AN ADDRESS DELIVERED AT THE OPENING OP QUEEN'S UNIVERSITY, OCTOBER 16th,' 1801, BY CHANCELLOR FLEMING-. At the beginning of the session, when our professors have returned from their well earned holiday and students are again present from all sections of the Dominion, it will not be consid- ered ill-timed or inappropriate that on our re- assembly I should say a few words on a sub- je(5l of CGunnon concern to ever}- individual in the conunuiiity and to none more than to those conned\ed with educational institutions. The matter which I take upon myself to bring to your notice involves the consideration « of an evil to which it is impossible to shut our eyes, and in the removal of which every hon- est minded person is directly interested ; anc} this ia.t\ will I am sure be accepted as my reason for dealing with it specifically. Wherever there is a public evil, there is a public wrong to be righted; and it be- comes a duty, which we owe tp the coui- nmnity, to apply our utmost intelligence to dis: cover the proper remedy, and adt with energy in its application. The theme of my address is Piirty Government versus Parliamentary ■ Government, At the recent prolonged meeting of parlia- ment at Ottawa, there was brought .to light a series of transactions, which have giv.m a shock to the moral sense of many of our people. These revelations will little smprise those who are familiar with public aflairs in the United States. ' I believe I am correct in saying, that in Can- ada we have not reached the length which our neighbours have attained in what passes by the name of " politics." Methods and practices have, however, been introduced into our pub- lic life, in some respetits the same as theirs, and if our system has not yet reached the same development we may reasonably expect that if wfc continue on the path which they have followed and which we have entered upon, we shall in course of no long time arrive at the same goal. In a work recently issued from the press, " Bryce's American ('onunonwealth," there are twenty-thice chapters devoted exclusively to the subj(!Ct pf.government by party, and many of the other, chapters have a bearing on the same matter. Within the pages of this valu- able and instructive work we find a full and detailed account of the party system which prevails among our neighbours. The author descrilies at length the business of the pol- itician, the machinery of parties, how it works and what it effeut "the shrewd manager who knows how to han- "dle the " workers," how to combine pecuniary " interests, how to obtain monev and how to "spend it." The same writer in another place referring to the party organization, says: " Its W^ SUPPLEMENT. " memhers carry wards in their pockets, make " up the slates for nominating conventions, " distribute offices as tliey bargain together, "and — though they toil not neither do they "spin — wear the best of raiment and spend " money lavishly. And who are these men "? "The wise, the good, the learned; men who " iiavc earned the confitlenro of their fellow- " citizens by the purity of their lives, the splen- "donr of their talents, their probity of public •'trust, their deep study of the problems of "govennnent '.' No; they are gamblers, saloon "keepers, pugilists, or worse, who have made "a trade of controlling votes and of buying "and selling offices." An ecpially well-known writer. Dr. Goldwin Smith, remarks : " A national conflict every "four years for the Presidency, and the enor- "mous patronage that is now annexed to it, " must bring everything that is bad to the top, "and will end in the domination of scoun- "drels. The moral atmosphere is darkened " with calumny, bribery and corruption and all "their fat.xl effects upon national charaifter. "How can the political character of any na- " tion withstand forever the virus of evil pas- "sion and corruption which these vast faction "fights infuse." We have thus described to us the chara»5ter of the machinery which controls political affairs in the republic. Writers generally affirm that public life has become so foul that the best men and the finest intellects take no part in the business of the nation; that these have been driven off the field and politics have now to a large extent become a prey to unprinci- pled plunderers. It is well to know something about the road we are travelling, and 1 read these extracts so that we may understand whither we are going and what is before \is if we continue as we have commenced. So long as we travel smoothly and pleasantly we do not think of making enquiries concerning the way. But when we come to "bad spots," then we ask the next traveller we meet the condition of the road be- fore us. That is exactly our case in political affairs. We have stumbled on a stretch of rough ground; we enquire the chara(!;\er of the way we have to pass over, and those familiar with it tell us, that it becomes worse and worse, terminating in a quagmire. With this infor- mation, unless we are fatuously blind and criminally indifferent to our fate, we call a halt and consider as to the attempt we should make to find a better route. • The political path followed in the United States is "partyism," and we plainly see where it b^.-. it»adc^'n to he a positive evil ; and that it should now he re- placed by another system better adapted to the improved intelliRence and altered circum- stances of the ape. Within the present century, scientific methods have made concpiests over traditional method3 in nearly every sphere of life. In agriculture, in co'iimerce and in mechanical art the tra- ditinial spirit has disappeared, and given place to the scieiitific spiiit. We find that in spinning, weaving, printing, lighting, heating, telegraphing, travelling by land and sea, and in nearly every human engagement we can name, the scientific method has irrevocably supersed- ed traditional methods. Is the great questi(m we are now discussing to prove an exception ? Is the art of government to remain outside the pale of progress ? Surely parliamentary development has not reached its ultitnate stage, and public affairs for ever must be ad- ministered according to the principles of the prize ring. Heaven forbid ! Can we not dis- cern some small glimmerings of light, follow- ing perhaps the deepest darkness preceding the dawn ? Is it not the case that in modern times the power of tradition has been weak- ened and that its authority is steadily declining ? May we not, therefore, cherish the hope that it may be dethroned in political life; that we shall not always remain victims of a super- stitious belief in the system of government by part} ; an(J that this fair land shall not forever be the battlefield of gregarious politicians ? What this young nation wants is not endless political conflict with all its accompanying evils, but settled rest and peace. ()>ir people essentially democratic, and at- tached to representative institutions, will bear in mind that parliamentary government and party government are not identical, indeed, that they are totally distinct. True they have been so long associated, that they have come to be considered inseparable, but reflection will make it clear to us that the connection, even if it be historical, is accidental, and that it is an erroneous popular notion, that a con- nection between them is a necessary conse- v ernment net majority in the house, rep- reBents but oneand-a-half per cent, of the total number of voters on the list. As u matter of fact, the system of government i)y party enables a minority, fre(|uently a small minority, to seize and hold control of the af- fairs of state, ami award to its friends office, power and patronage with every one of the prizes of party victory. All outside the lines of the successful party are systematically ignored. Do not the facts prove that party government is opposed to the true theory of parliamentary government ? Is it surprising that in working out the party system the struggle becomes .so fierce, and tliat ways and means are resorted to, which shock the sensi- bility of even party men when they come to be exposed to the light of day ? What is the remedy for the state of things which now prevails ? It is not far to seek, and it involves no great constitutional change. We have simply to obey the law of perpetual evolution so that our parliament may become freerand better than it ever has been. We have only to free it from the trammels of party and obtain an assembly which will represent the people in fact as well as in name. Hither- to we have had the shadow, now let us have the substance. In all previous parliaments a part only of the electors, and not necessarily the best part, has been represented. Why should any portion be excluded ? Should not the supreme national assembly command the confidence and reverence of the whole people ? To obtain their confidence and reverence it is obvious that our parliament should represent the whole, and consist as far as possible of the wisest and best men the entire nation has to offer. - : This is the true conception of a parliament for a democratic people such as we are, and we must seek to obtain such a parliament if we wish to escape from the evils which at present beset us. Denouncing the politicians for the inevitable consequences of a bad system, as some of our people do, is an easy matter ; but it is folly to suppose that this alone will bring any permanent remedy. Politicians are human as we are, and they become pre- cisely what the people make them, or allow them to make themselves. If the people so will, and take the proper course to effect their purpose, t\\f! school of politicians which flour- ishes to-day wilj disappear. Having the clearest evidence that we have never had and never can have a perfectly con- stituted parliament under existing political usages ; having the best grounds for the belief that the system which pre\ails is hast- ening us to a condition of political subjection, to an oligarchy of the worst kind, such as we find in the United States ; being satisfied on these ]u)ints, every good citi/en nuist feel the responsibility resting upon him that lie siiould do his utmost to avert such a national cal- amity. The first important step is to take means t«i have a perfectly constituted parliament. In Canada we have accepted the great funda- mental principle that "the people is the source of all law and all power," we must therefore strive to constitute our parliament so that it will represent not a part, as now, but the whole nation. This step cannot be taken without effecting other changes which would tend to the common welfare ; the chief of which would be that a new complexion would be given to the government. We would no longer have a party govern- ment ; the executive would proceed from the national assembly and thus would be the \eritable focal point of the whole nation. The best and wisest members returned by the people could be chosen by parliament from its own members to sit at the same council board to guard public interests, administer the laws, and speak and act for the nation. In a paper published in Volume VII of the Royal Society proceedings under the heading " A problem in political science," I ha\e en- deavored to show that by the scientific ad- justment of votes and the application of sound principles, the true parliament could be constituted. I cannot here enter into any extended explanation of the proposition. I must content myself with the statement, that in my judgment it is perfectly practicable by the proposed plan, even if no better can be devised, to extend to every elector full and equal representation, thus removing the anonr alies I have pointed out. The details of the machinery cannot here be discussed. Indeed, it would be premature to (leal the n fer, woul state, any o c'xchc syster specij the pt mann( thepn might short ( the exj and ev count. and all room f( cost, it tory, ai calcuca greatly nient vv the iiit( which would h bill li()\ of small portant from th entirely I'artyi hufii in 1 [«intagoni nheri fin kntiditioi |<'«C(I VRV iviththe '.iHsed o erution.' •teonflid iiiarvello lion. (), n the pt'i nan reas ;ercnt ag abandi svpniJiMi'Sr. nople HO Bct their :h flour- we liave ctly I'on- poHtical for the in hast- bjfction, uh as we isfitd oil feel the le sliouUI ioiial cal- means to neiit. In rtt funtla- e is the we must arliament , as now, cannot be ;es which the chief oniplexion ent. We ^ govein- :eed from nUl be the ion. Tlie the people in its own icil board lister the on. VII of the le heading I have en- entific ad- ication of it could be into any losition. 1 ment, that cticable by tter can be or full and the anour lot here be emature to (leal with details in advance of principles; hut the machinery may be of the simplest charac ter, and being entirely national the cost would be made a direct chargt- on tlu- state, as the ost of taking the census or of any other public service is borne by the public exchequer. The practical working of the system would be conducted liy pul)lic oflicials. specially appointed and held responsible for the proper performance of their duties in tiie manner of other public officials. The cost of the proposed system of choosing representatives might be considerable ; but it would fall far short of the cost of the pres(!nt syst»'m, when the expatly simplified. The sessions of parlia- ment would no longer be prolonged through the interminable and profitle.ss discussions which proceed from party strife. There would be great economy of time and money; but however great this economy, it would be of small moment compared with the more im- portant benefits which would result generally from the overthrow of a peruicions system, entirely out of joint with the march of events. I'artyism has an historical origin. It was born in troublesome times, when the spirit of .mtagonism between classes was general, and when the masses of people were in a ruder cnndition than they now are. Asthe ages suc- < eed each other, the spirit of humanity changes with the advance of civilization. We have long [lassed out of the age of fierce and cruel per- secutions. We have left behind us the spirit of con6irt and destrmition, and have entered the riarvelions period of construction and produc- ion. Our lives are now more happily passed n the peaceful era of human justice and hu- iian reason. If we have left behind the belli- ;erent ages, would it be in advance of our time 11 abandon political methods in civil life, which eep alive the spirit of conflict and maintain isages which are opjiosed to true progress ? In itclligent communities at ttie present day lartyism can be viewed only as an anachronism. Consider for a moment the con-sequence if partyism were introduced into modem com- mercial life. Take a bank, an insurance com- pany or any large biiBiiieBS concern. Intro- duce the principle of partyism into the man- agement, what woultl follow? We should in each cane have a house divided against itself, and how long would it stan«l ".' Suppose till- directors of a railway company were divided, as parties are ranged in parlia- ment. The persistent endeavourof one- portion of the board wouhl be ,'n)wth of the ninetceth century. The jjreat primary oliject is to establish unity and promote amity, and thus remov*! far from ns tin; desolation which proceeds from " a kingdom divi(l(;d against itself." In my Innnble jiidj,'mcnt the MU'stion of parliamentary representation is caj>able of scientific treatment, and it is safe to say that if so treated, partyism, as it now exists, with its banefid influences and deinorali/inK effects, woidd irrevocal)ly be swept away. Tluire are few (piestions which more deeply atTect society and civilization. In the heat of part\ warfare it cannot lie dismsscil fruitfully, and it is only in the intervals between conflicts, or under conditions removed from the stru^f^le that calm reflection will avail. Iliis question is the great proi)leni of to-day ; it has the strongest possible claim on the attention of every well- wisher of his country who has the ({ualiflca- tions to consider it carefully and dispassion- ately. I fear it has small chance of being so considered by those who place |>arty triumph higher than coiuitry, or who regi>''' fealty l.o party more binding tlian the laws ot u e deca- logue. Such men are wanting in intellectual freedom to approach this subject apprecia- tively. Hlven those whose relations with poli- tical organizations are not close, so far as they arc partisans are they wanting in the qualifi- cations necessary to take a disinterested view of it? There are many men with whom party advancement and success have been the ruling njotives ; such men will naturally have a settled u^illingness to part company with old associations and the party spirit inherent to them. They will cling with tenacity to their deeply rooted habit of thought. They will extol the advantages of party government. They will reiterate that government by party is the only possible means of carrying on rep- resentative institutions. They will declare that the abolition of party woidd nwan an end of all order and progress, and would prove the beginning of general desolation. Certain it is that government by party will never be re- formed from within, and wn nniy be well as- sured that every honest attempt to efl'ect a change will be ridiculed as Utopian or branded as a mischievous iiuioNation. True partisans are not the men to yield without a struggle. They will never pull down their own ramparts and surniiiltr their own citadel. The strong- hold of partyism can only be :^app<'d and mined by the slow proc«!ss of |)ublic education, anil eventually demolished through the com- mon sense of the nation. Whatever the present political conditi<»n, we may rest satisfied that the great heart of Canada is sound. We may tlepend upf)n it that so soon as the nation comes to understand the true nature of the malady, and that a re- medy is possible and aj)plicable, from that moment j)arty government will be doomed. There is but one cure for the disease imder which we suffer. Laws may be passetl to pre- vent scandals btjgotten of party exigencies ; but ways will be found to elude them, let them be ever so stringent, so long as partyism exists. There is a rankling sore in the body politic. We may heal an idcer on the surface, but he ulcer is but one of the symptoms, ana so long as the tleep-seatee found r)f enlightening the masses and elevating public opinion to a higher level. It was written a century ago; '• the true cure for darkness is the introduction of light." Who better able to introduce light llidu those who have obtained its possession — the wise and the learned ? Who more fitted to purge politics of its evils than those whose li\es have been dedicated to morality and uprightness. In this young country it is only in harmony with nature that everj'thing should be in a condition of healthy growth. I lfn<.w of no reason why .our parliamentary system should not partake of the general improvement and advancement. At Ottawa a corner of the cur- tain has been raised sufficiently high to admit of our seeing evidences of fundamental defedts in governmental methods, and traces of grave ob.statflcK to our progressive well being. I ask should it not be the earnest aim of every Cana* dian with the true patriotic spirit to seek to eradicate these defects and remove every oh st.icit! which retards our growth and elevation as a peoph'. If this be a christian rnuntrv surely the en- tire moral code of Christianity should be bind- ing on all, and on none more than nur law- makers. It is of unspeakable importance that we .should find effective means to purify the fountain of legislation. It is a matter of public economy, public morality and public honour, aiul our hopes must rest on the three ^reat educational factors which I have named. In this question, is involved the first and last needs of the Dominion and we must appeal to our best teachers of all creeds and in all places to set about the task of lifting politics out of I)artyism into a loftier and healthier atmos- phere. True, there are enormous difficulties to be overcouje. but the task is as noble as it is necessary and it is rendered nobler even if more difficult by the fact that we shall look in vain for a precedent, %v other nation having led the way in any f-ac essful attempt to bring parliament up to t.^ true ideal condition. The scientific movement of the nineteenth century has accomplished marvellous success, it has been crowned with peaceful victories far more wonderful and far more glorious than military concpiests. If, in the new field, the calm voices of science and of reason can be heiird through the din of party strife, it may be that Canada will do souu!thing to accomplish her destiny, by establishing a precedent which all nations jjossessiug free institutions may follow. We remend)er the familiar phrase " Canada first." These two short words have a strong steriing ring about them. Let Canada be 'he first in a nun emeut towards a rectification of the national administration, and & recognition of happier political methods. Let the sons of Canada determine to be first in all that is good, to be in the front rank of the great family of British nations. What loftier ambition can we have than to elevate our country, and present Canada before all the nations of the earth, a bright example of vigorous, upright youth, in every respect worthy of the historic races from which we spring. A POLITICAL PROBLEM A PAPER READ BY OHANOBLLOR FLEMING BEFORE THE ROYAIi SOCIETY. I propose to direct attention to a scientific question within the domain of politics or civil governnient which appears to ine to be of great interest. It presents a problem which up to the present time remains unsolved. The institution of parliament, as we all know, is of ancient date. In England a gen- eral asse- ibly or council of the nation has been held immemorially under various names. Before the conquest three designations were at various times assigned to it : 1. Mycel Synoth, or great synod. 2. Mycel Gemot, or great council. 3. Witenagemot, or council of the wise men. The name of "Parliament" was not given to the National Council in England until after the Conquest, when the French language was exclusively used l)y the dominant class, and French became the official language of the EngHsh nation. Parliament has greatly changed since its early days. It has grown and developed from centurj- to century, and it may be said to be still in a condition of growth and develop- ment. Whatever may have been the character of the meetings of the wise men before the Con- quest, or of the Parliaments which followed, the central idea of parliament at the present day, is an assembly of individuals representing the whole nation. The functions of Parlia- ment are to act on behalf of the nation as the supreme authority, and — representing the nation — it possesses every power and every right and every attribute which the nation possesses. The fundamental idea and giiiding principle of Parliament is, that it embraces all the separate parts which compose the realm, and in fact it is the nation in essence. This IS the theoretical and proper idea of Parliament, but it cannot be affirmed that t'.ie ideal Parliament hafe ever yet been realized. Indeed it may be held that the means taken to constitute Parliament cannot, in the nature of things, result in producing a national as- sembly in which every individual elector may be fairly represented and his voice heard. As a matter of fact, under the existing system, it is not practicable to have in the elective house every part of the nation represented ; some parts must necessarily remain unrepresented. Such being the case, the problem which science mzy be asked to solve, is simply this : to devise the means of forminf^ an elective assembly which practically as well as theoretically will be the nation in essence. What is connnonly known as the "Govern- ment" or the "Administration," and how it may be constituted, form no part of the problem, but are separate questions which I do not propose to discuss. I merely submit as a general principle, that the Government may be considered in the light of a committee of Parliament, or executive council to carry into effect the acts and resolutions of Parlia- ment and administer affairs to the approval of Parliament. Nations differ \n their social and political circumstances, but in all free countries, at least, it is generally recognized that the elec- tive assembly is of the first importance. The theory of the elective assembly, is that the whole people or such of the people as are duly quahfied to vote shall be equally represented. It cannot be said that hitherto this object has been even approximately attained. Its attain- ment may indeed be impracticable, but the question is of so much importance that it can- not be unworthy of grave consideration. May we not ask if it be possible to devise some means, by which the whole people of the realm may be brought to a central point, to a focus so to speak, in a deliberate assembly or Parliament. The question of electing representatives to SUPPLEMENT. II sit in Parliament has received the attention of many political writers and has lii' by assuming that the electorate consists of only two electors, that they are equal in all respects, in ability, integrity, in worldly means, in public spirit ; that they have each equal claims and equal desires to act as representatives, and each is equally willing to be represented the one by the other. Under such circumstances what course would be followed by the two to settle the question ? Would not the natural method be to cast lots ? Assuming that the two ele(5tors 13 QUEEN'S COLLEGE JOURNAL. were left to their, own resources, removed from ftll outside influences, would not this be the only rational means by which they could make a choice? There are doubtless some minds who would have an innate feeling against resorting to such practice ; the casting of lots being more or less associated with dice-playing, lotteries and games of chance, to which objections art; taken on good and sufficient grounds ; hut in the case presented there remains no way of reaching a decision except by lot. What other course could be followed ? A contest would not mend matters ; a trial of physical strength and endurance would be at once futile and in- defensible. If the object be to turn the two into a single representative unit, unanimity is essential, and while in agreeing in nothing else they could agree in casting lots. Is the prin- ciple of settlement by casting lots in itself ob- jectionable ? Was it not considered wise and ^ood in ancient times ? And would it not be equally good to-day .' It is certainly a time- honored usage for determining difficult ques- tions, and is exemplified in many passage.^ in Holy Scripture ; indeed the uniform voice of Scripture goes to show that decisions thus ob- tained are not only wholly nnobje(5tionable in themselves, but that they were considered to have been overruled and diredted by special providential interposition. I shall cite but one example, the selection of an apostleto taketheplaceof Jiidaslscariot. An account of this eledtion by casting lots is given in the "Adts of the Apostles," Chap. I, verses 15-26. It is stated that about a hun- dred and twenty persons were called upon to seledt one of their number. They proceeded with deliberate wisdom to follow a usage re- ■garded by them as a means of obtaining the divine mind. They determined by lot who should be the twelfth apostle, and thus they made a selection to which a cheerful acquies- cence was unanimously given. I have assumed a case of two eledtors, and pointed out the course which might be follow- ed — indeed, the only rational course which could be followed. If the principle laid down be sound, could it not be applied in other cases? Let us assume that the eledtorate consists of twenty voters, what could be done in this .case ? If individual voters in the elec- torate were equal in all respeifts, as in the first case referred to, the question would be a very simple one, as it might be settled by casting lots for one of the twenty equally eligible per- sons. It may be taken for granted that under the circumstances no one would object to make the seledtion in this way, as being the simplest and best mode oi making a choice. It would remove antagonism and promote unanimity ; and, by the very adt of casting lots, each one of the twenty taking part therein would be an assenting party to the choice made. Men as we ordinarily find them are, however, not alike; they differ n ach in their qualifications, and their opinions are not the same ; we nmst therefore consider cases in which equal eligi- bility and uniformity of mind in the whole eledtorate is not the rule. First, let us suppose that among the twenty eledtors, five votes favor the choice of A , an- other five B, another C, and the remainder D. We should thus have A,B, C, D each equally desired and preferred as the representative of the twenty. (A+B+C + D)^4 would therefore be the representative unit of the whole. We cannot, however, take one quarter of A , B, C, and D, and combine these quarters so as to form one individual, but we can reduce the four to one by the principle of casting lots. One of the four can be seledted by what may be termed the "Apostolic" method, and the person so selected would be recognized as chosen by the twenty eledtors as the common representative of the whole. Secondly, let us suppose a case in which there is less diversity of opinion ; two groups of rive sledtors each favor A , one group of five prefer B, another C. The selected men would thus stand A, A, B and C, and the representa- tive unit of the'whole would be (2 /I + fl + C) t- 4. As in the previous case, this complex would be reducible to a single individual by casting lots, and it is obvious that the probability of the lot falling upon A , would be as two to one. Thirdly, suppose three groups of five eledtors desire to be represented by A and one group by B. In this case we should have (3 /I + /?) -j- 4, as the representative unit : in seledting one of by lot, there is a undoubtedly a possibility of the lot falling upon B, but the probability of A's being chosen would be three times greater than the probability in fi's case. True it may be said that there should be no possi- SUPPLEMENT. 13 bility of B's being chosen in a constituency where three-fourths of the electors desire A . We must, however, bear in -' 'nd that the objedt is not so much to have particular sec- tions of the country, as to have the whole na- tion, fairly represented in Parliament. If we look a little further, if we take four constitu- encies precisely similar to the one under con- sideration, according to the mathematical theory of probabilities, there would be return- ed out ut the four, three members in sympathy with /I and one memb" in sympathy with fi- Again, if we carry the matter still further if we take into consideration every one of the con- stituencies into which for convenience thj whole nation may be divided, it would be found as a general result that the representatives re- turned to sit in Parliament would colle<5tively represent the nation and fairly embody the reason contained in the whole community. There is one peculiarity of the system sug- gested which may be noticed ; in every case the election of a representative would be effected deliberately and without conflict. It would be accomplished in fact with unanimous assent. Each individual voter would con- tribute toward a common result — a result which would be reached on principles equally just and fair to all, and thus command general acquiescence. These results are attainable only by bring- ing to bear, on matters of doubt or difficulty, the principle of settlement adopted by the Apostles. That principle cannot be objected to on scientific grounds, and those who hold the belief that .mundane affairs are over-ruled and directed, should have no difficulty in ac- cepting it as a means of promoting harmony and advancing the common good. The be- . lief in a Providence, who takes cognizance of the affairs of men, is the foundation of all religion ; conununities therefore, the social fabric of which is based on Christianity, should have no hesitation in leaving matters of the highest moment to the arbitrament of an infinitely wise Providence rather than to the settlement of men with all their individual interests and selfish views, all their prejudices, all their passions, and all their errors of judg- ment. I have so far, for the purpose of the argu- ment, assumed hypothetical cases ; it remains to be considered how the principles laid down may be applied practically. Let us take for example the election of a single representative in a constituency of 2,000 voters. It is desir- able in the first place that each voter, or group of voters of one mind, should have perfect freedom of choice in the nomination. Sup- pose, in order to accommodate every shade of opinion, it be arranged that each hundred voters of one way of thinking name the person whom they would wish to represent them. This would separate the constituency into twenty groups of voters, who would each nom- inate whomsoever they most favored. It does not necesarily follow that there would be twenty persons nominated in the constituency, as two or more groups might nominate the same per- son ; a circumstance which would increase the probability of his selection exactly in proportion to the number of groups making him their nom- inee. On the twenty nominations being made, the next step would be for the person nominated to proceed on the principles above set forth, to seledt one of themselves. If unable to make an unanimous choice, they might, as in the case of the twenty elec- tors choosing a representative, sort themselves into smaller groups and, by the application of the principles set forth, proceed to reduce the number of voting units, and finally, by the apostolic method, determine the selection of one person. The person so chosen would be held to be the common choice of the whole 2,000 to represent the constituency in Parlia- ment. In the carrj'ing out of such a system, there would be, as in ever}- system, a number of possil)le contingencies for which provision would have to be made^; these I have not deemed it necessary at present to enter into. My object has been briefly to suggest leading principles by which, as it appears to me, the central idea may be realized. If the principles submitted be sound, I venture to think that it is not impracticable to devise proper ma- chinery to elect representatives who, when brought into one deliberative gathering, would, so far as such a thing is possible, be a mathematical concentration of the whole elec- toral body — would in fact constitute an as- sembly which would closely approximate to the ideal Parliament. ^ Referring to the present system an eminent writer asks ; " Is government only possible by 14 QUEEN'S COLLEGE JOURNAL. the conflict of opposing principles?" The familiar expression, " government of the people by the people " cannot be held to mean government of the whole by a part or by the conflict of hostile parts. It must be obvious the united energy and wisdom of a »vholo nation directed towards one end can only be fully realized, v.-hcn the supreme j)owt!r is vested in a Parliai.ient chosen by the whole people, and fairly representing the whole peoi)le. Thin is the great problem for solu- tion and it is manifest that if such a Parlia- ment is ever to be constituted, the people, in choosing members to represent them, must in some way be brought to act not in contesta- tion and conflict, but in concert and in con- cord. If it be one of the first of political desiderata to have no large minorities left unrepresented in the national assembly, if appears to me es- sential to seek for some means of securing the co-operation of the whole body of the electors in the election of members to sit in the High Court of Parliament. To obtain this result it is obviously expedient to adopt a sjstem which necessarily does not develop animosity or provoke hostility ; the aim should be to promote friendliness and agreement in a matter which concerns all alike. It cannot be denied that the whole community is con- cerned in having in Parliament, not men of extreme views, but moderate-minded men of good common sense and good conscience, capable of representing the more enlightened electoral mind. By electing representatives on the principles laid down, these desirable objects would undoubtedly in a large measure be attained ; every step would be deliberately taken, free from the excited and heated feeling which so frequently accompany ordinary elec- tions. In every stage of the proceedings there would be a tendency to return only the best men. At the very first step it is obvious that a candidate must be a person respected and supported by a hundred electors. It is pre- sumable that no hundred electors of any class or race or creed would deliberately put for- ward a base or unworthy or even an inferior individual ; it is not to be supposed that they would choose one of the least intelligent or least honest or least reputable amongst them as their representative in the candidature. As a rule, electors of one mind would arrange themselves into groups of one hundred, and each group would select some man, who, on his merits as a citizen, would creditably rep- resent them, or who as a statesman would commend himself to their favor. In their turn, those selected by the hundreds would follow the same course, selecting generally the best, the worthiest and wisest men until t.ie final choice was reached and a member select- ed to represent the constituency in Parliament. It can scarcely be doubted that if such a system could be put in force, the tendency would be upwards from first to last, and that there would be drawn to the legislature ac- complished statesmen, men endowed with wisdom and patriotism, practical knowledge' and experience. The inevitable effect would be to allay the spirit of faction and remove political rancour. In a higher degree than imder the ordinary method of electing mem- bers, the system would attract within the pale of Parliament men in generous sympathy not with a part only, but with the whole people. Thus might be constituted an august body which as closely as possible wovdd be a true mirror of the enlightened mind of the nation to reflect its opinions, its wisdom, and its virtues. In a Parliament so constituted, perfe(5t unanimity on all questions, perhaps on any question, is not to be looked for, and each sep- arate question would have to be settled, as it arose, by the voice of a majority. Hence it may be said that as every question would in tile end have to be determined by a majority, the Parliament as proposed would be no im- provement on the present. It will, however, readily be seen that there is a wide difference between a parliament representing the whole people, deciding questions by a majority of its own members, and a Parliament in which a part only of the eledtors has any voice. The proposed assembly would not consist of men placed in their seats in diredt opposition to a large number of the people, but a Parliament formed through the co-operation and assent of the whple body of the ele(5tors, to promote their common welfare; it would approxi- mately be a microcosm, so to speak, of the the nation. In and through this Parliament ^ each and every eledtor would have an equal voice in public affairs. The proposal is to substitute in our Parlia- • SUPPLEMENT. 15 it it in mentary elections the principle of co-operation for the principle of antagonism, and by this means to choose representatives, who when brought together in a deliberative assembly would realize the true idea of Parliament — a '* Witenagemot or great council of wise men," representing every part of the realm, and im- bued with the spirit of the whole, 10 ac^ in the name of the whole, and speak the voice of the united nation. If such a Parliament be an object to be de- sired ; it it be a fundamental principle that all who bear the taxation should share in the re- presentation ; if it be the sacred right of every fledtor to have a just and proper representa- tion in Parliament ; ^hen it must be recognized as a paramount duty, and an (jbject worthy of the highest efforts of the progressive statesman, to find some means by which such a legisla- tive body may be realized. A complete solu- tion of the problem may be remote, but as has been stated. Parliament is a growth and de- velopment, and in all matters into which the principle of growth enters, the element of time must also enter. The question vitally concerns all free communities, and any change must in the nature of things be preceded by a deliberate and impartial enquiry. I have ventured to sub- mit a scientific solution : it may not be the best means of attaining the desired end, and I offer it with all diffidence merely as a contribution to the general discussion, in the hope that it may not be wholly barren of utility., I cannot but think that if the stridtly scientific habit of mind be brought to oear on the question, some practical method of solving the problem will slowly and surely be evolved. Whatever the solution, I humbly think that it must he based on principles which will not beget the conflicts and contestations which result from political adtiN ity under the present system. It is held by the most eminent political economists that by co-operating two men will do more work and do it better than four men, or four times four men a(5ting in opposition. Is not the rule of universal application ? Can there be co-operation without harmony ? Can there be antagonism without discord ? And are not discord and harmony in the state lijc- ened unto disease and health in the human body ? This much will be conceded ; the chronic feuds between tribes and races which characterized the history of the hum, in family in a less advanced stage of civilization no long- er exist. War is manifestly not the normal condition of society in our time. Is it not therefore an anachronism to perpetuate hos- tility in the internal affairs of a nation ? Is it not in the highest interest of the state that each meitd>er of the community, in every mat- ter which concerns him as a citizen, should have the fullest opportunity of adding up to the injund^ion, " Live peaceably with all men." If the age of belligerency has passed away, is it not eminently fit and proper that we should seek the removal of the last vestiges of a belligerent age whicn still remain in our pol- itical system ? .-er. its hien kent It of Ute 1 V I - 1 EXPLANATORY NOTE. To the Editor Queen's College Journal : If you append my Royal Society paper to the address I delivered on " University Day " I would desire to explain as follows : — The objedl of my paper, " A problem in Poli- tical Science," was simply to demonstrate that Parliament could be formed so as to re- present truly the whole nation. I do not wish it to be thought that I have given the only solution to the problem. I mere- ly wish it to be understood, that having estab- lished the possibility of constituting the national assembly with scientific accuracy, I felt warranted in urging that an effort should be made to abolish government by party and substitute government by the whole people. I do not doubt that features open to objec- tion in the solution presented in my Royal Society paper can be elhninated or that better meansmay be devised, of attaining the desired objedl. If a " will " become apparent in the public mind, a "way" will not be wanting. Sandford Fleming. Ottawa, 0(5\. 20th, 1891.