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^^1

SUPRL.E7V^ErST.

PARLIAMENWRy VS. PARjy GOVERNMENT.

AN ADDRESS DELIVERED AT THE OPENING OP QUEEN'S UNIVERSITY,
OCTOBER 16th,' 1801, BY CHANCELLOR FLEMING-.

At the beginning of the session, when our
professors have returned from their well earned
holiday and students are again present from all
sections of the Dominion, it will not be consid-
ered ill-timed or inappropriate that on our re-
assembly I should say a few words on a sub-
je(5l of CGunnon concern to ever}- individual in
the conunuiiity and to none more than to those
conned\ed with educational institutions.

The matter which I take upon myself to
bring to your notice involves the consideration

« of an evil to which it is impossible to shut our
eyes, and in the removal of which every hon-
est minded person is directly interested ; anc}
this ia.t\ will I am sure be accepted as my
reason for dealing with it specifically.
Wherever there is a public evil, there is
a public wrong to be righted; and it be-
comes a duty, which we owe tp the coui-
nmnity, to apply our utmost intelligence to dis:
cover the proper remedy, and adt with energy
in its application. The theme of my address
is Piirty Government versus Parliamentary

■ Government,

At the recent prolonged meeting of parlia-
ment at Ottawa, there was brought .to
light a series of transactions, which have giv.m
a shock to the moral sense of many of our
people. These revelations will little smprise
those who are familiar with public aflairs in
the United States. '

I believe I am correct in saying, that in Can-
ada we have not reached the length which our
neighbours have attained in what passes by the
name of " politics." Methods and practices
have, however, been introduced into our pub-
lic life, in some respetits the same as theirs,
and if our system has not yet reached the same
development we may reasonably expect that
if wfc continue on the path which they have

followed and which we have entered upon, we
shall in course of no long time arrive at the
same goal.

In a work recently issued from the press,
" Bryce's American ('onunonwealth," there are
twenty-thice chapters devoted exclusively to
the subj(!Ct pf.government by party, and many
of the other, chapters have a bearing on the
same matter. Within the pages of this valu-
able and instructive work we find a full and
detailed account of the party system which
prevails among our neighbours. The author
descrilies at length the business of the pol-
itician, the machinery of parties, how it works
and what it effe<its. He reveals the fact that
the machinery has many and costly ramifica-
tions, and that a great deal of money is requir-
ed to keep it in niotion. Where the money
comes from is another question. He points out
that " the politicians themselves belong to, or
emerge from a needy class" and the funds
generally nmst come from other sources than
the pockets of the men most actively engaged,
but from whatever source money may in the
first place be obtained, the startling conclusion
is irresistibly reached that "the whole cost
in the long run is thrown on the public."

At the first glance it is not easy to see that
this conclusion can apply to the party out of
power and in no position to help themselves.
The author, however, explaitis that its members
live oo- hope ; they hope that they will eventu-
ally succeed in overthrowing their opponents
and are buoyed up with the belief that the
minority of to-day will be the majority of to-
morrow. He points out that as a fund must be
raised meanwhile to carrv on the struggle, the
\assals of the party are assessed and sub-
scriptions levied on manufacturers, contradtors,
office seekers and expectants generally. Thus,

■71

QUEEN'S COLLEGE JOURNAL

claims are I'stablished on tlu" spoils which
sooner or later will como under the con-
trol of the party. When the victorious day
arrives, the expectants do not as a rule allow
their claims to he forgotten.

One thing clearly brought out hy the author
is, that enormous sums are expended by each
party contending for the mastery. Those, en-
t^iged in the conflict, maintain journals, em-
ploy writers, speakers, can\ assers and agita-
tors ; in faCt an army of professional politicians
finds employment in this kind of warfare.
The necessity of a party fund is apparent. If
money is the root of all evil, it is likewise the
main-spring of party activity ; the greater the
activity, the larger the demand on the purses of
those who have something to give, or something
to expedt.

Party organizations on both sides are on an
elaborate scale, and nothing is left undone by
each contestant to advance party interest. It
is civil war on a gigantic scale. There are
hostile camps everywhere. The nation is
formed into two divisions, each division con-
tending and struggling for. the supremacy.
The rank and file are drilled by the profes-
sional politicians, who manage the nomina
tions, dictate who are to be the candidates, and
generally direCt the contest so as to carry
the elections. The party managers are, for the
most part, men who make politics the sole,
or chief business of their lives, and who live
and flourish by the occupation. The list, not
seldom, includes ministers of state, or those who
expedl to be ministers, members of congress, or
those who expeCt to be members; it also com-
prises those, who make the party to which.they
are attached a stepping stone to power and
place ; and who if they do not at once attain
their ends, arc rewarded meanwhile if in no
other way by the excitement which is stimu-
lated by.contest.

The fullest and most painstaking enquirv
into the whole system leads the author to de-
scribe the general result in the following
words: "The tremendous power of party or-
"ganization has been described. It enslaves
" local officials, it increases the tendency to
" regard members of congress as mere dele-
" gates, it keeps men of independent character
"out of local and national politics, it puts had
"men into place, it perverts the wishes of the

" people, it has in some places set up a tyranny
"under the form of democracy."

This conclusion arrived at by the latest inde-
pendent authority is not disputed in any (juar-
ter. It is supported hy every writer of any note.
Albert Stickney in " Democratic Goverment,"
18H5, says: "The practical result of the pres-
"ent political system in the United States,
"which at first sight seems in form so thor-
"onghly democratic, has been to develop the
"most ingenious and remarkable tyranny
"known in all political history. The

"political life of the nation is a never-ending
"struggle for political power between rival
"factions — all of them brought into existence
"by the same cause, obeying the same laws,
"using the same methods, compelled, whether
"they wish to or not, to prostitute the power
" of public office to personal ends. The result
"is a new kind of tyranny — tlu^ tyranny of the
"election machine. Under this system politi-
"cal freedom for the citiisen cannot exist."

Henry George in " Social Problems,"
1890, writes: "Speaking generally of the
"whole country from the Atlantic to the Pac-
"ific and from the lakes to the gulf, ourgovern-
"ment by the people has in large degree be-
" come, is in larger degree becoming, govern-
" inent by the strong and unscrupulous. * -^
" Money and organization tell more and more
"in elections. In some sections bribery has
"become chronic, and numbers of voters ex-
" peCt regularly to sell their votes. In some sec-
" tions large employers regularly bulldoze their
" hands into voting as they like. In Municipal,
"State and I'ederal politics the power of
" the "machine" is increasing. In many places
"it has become so strong that the ordinary
"citizen has no more influence on the govern-
"ment under which he lives than he would
"have in China. He is, in reality, not one of
"the governing classes but one of the govern-
"ed. And he is beginning to accept the

"situation and leave politics to politicians, as
"something with which an honest, self-respect-
"ing man cannot afl'ord to meddle. ■•■ The

"type of the rising party leader is not the
"orator or statesman of an earlier day, l>ut
"the shrewd manager who knows how to han-
"dle the " workers," how to combine pecuniary
" interests, how to obtain monev and how to
"spend it." The same writer in another place
referring to the party organization, says: " Its

SUPPLEMENT.

" memhers carry wards in their pockets, make
" up the slates for nominating conventions,
" distribute offices as tliey bargain together,
"and — though they toil not neither do they
"spin — wear the best of raiment and spend
" money lavishly. And who are these men "?
"The wise, the good, the learned; men who
" iiavc earned the confitlenro of their fellow-
" citizens by the purity of their lives, the splen-
"donr of their talents, their probity of public
•'trust, their deep study of the problems of
"govennnent '.' No; they are gamblers, saloon
"keepers, pugilists, or worse, who have made
"a trade of controlling votes and of buying
"and selling offices."

An ecpially well-known writer. Dr. Goldwin
Smith, remarks : " A national conflict every
"four years for the Presidency, and the enor-
"mous patronage that is now annexed to it,
" must bring everything that is bad to the top,
"and will end in the domination of scoun-
"drels. The moral atmosphere is darkened
" with calumny, bribery and corruption and all
"their fat.xl effects upon national charaifter.
"How can the political character of any na-
" tion withstand forever the virus of evil pas-
"sion and corruption which these vast faction
"fights infuse."

We have thus described to us the chara»5ter of
the machinery which controls political affairs in
the republic. Writers generally affirm that
public life has become so foul that the best
men and the finest intellects take no part in
the business of the nation; that these have
been driven off the field and politics have now
to a large extent become a prey to unprinci-
pled plunderers.

It is well to know something about the road
we are travelling, and 1 read these extracts so
that we may understand whither we are going
and what is before \is if we continue as we
have commenced. So long as we travel
smoothly and pleasantly we do not think of
making enquiries concerning the way. But when
we come to "bad spots," then we ask the next
traveller we meet the condition of the road be-
fore us. That is exactly our case in political
affairs. We have stumbled on a stretch of rough
ground; we enquire the chara(!;\er of the way
we have to pass over, and those familiar with
it tell us, that it becomes worse and worse,
terminating in a quagmire. With this infor-
mation, unless we are fatuously blind and

criminally indifferent to our fate, we call a halt
and consider as to the attempt we should make
to find a better route. •

The political path followed in the United
States is "partyism," and we plainly see where
it b^.-. it»adc<l our neighbours. In Canada we
have not yet travelled so far, but if any-
thing be wanting to show that we are
hurrying on in the same dirciitioii, let^me rend
a few sentences from a good authority, the
Halifax Herald, the chief organ of one of the
parties in Nova Scotia. Within the last few days
(Oct. 12), that newspaper, in a leading article,
expressed these opinions ; " Those who are ac-
" quainted with the political methods of either
"party might, we presmne, furnish the public
" with an interesting experience of the use
" and abuse of campaign funds. '•' ■'• Party
"government is an institution in itself, recog-
" nized under the political constitution of the
"country. The organization of a party, its
" maintenance, and successful working all ne-
" cessitate large financial outlay. =•'• The

" money must be raised, and those who refuse
" to contribute their fair share only increase the
"temptation ever present to the party workers
"to obtain funds from those who have a finan-
" cial interest ir the success of one party or
" the other. It is useless to ignore existing
"conditions. The struggle between rival
"parties will continue. Funds for political
"purposes must be raised. It is, therefore,
"the duty of all good citizens to contribute
"according to their means; and if they fail to
"do so, the political organizations of rival
"parties must be thrown more and more into
" the hands of those who contribute to their
" support from corrupt or selfish motives."

I believe I am warranted in saying that in
Canada partyism is not yet developed to the
extent described in the United States, but re-
cent disclosures show the tendency in public
life, and it is perfe<5tly clear that if we adl on
similar principles and follow the same head-
long course we cannot fail to reap the same or
similar evil consequences.

We know that there are good men on both
sides of politics. It is not the want of men,
patriotic, public-spirited and able, that we
have to deplore, it is the malign influences of
the system by which they are enslaved. The
best men are dragged downwards by the party
maelstrom, and once within its vortex they

wmm

i
i

QUEEN'S COLLEGE JOURNAL.

become powerless to escape from its baleful
embrace.

The low tone of public life, which we Can-
adians have already reached, is evidenced by
the i'JL6\, that no ordinary man in his private
dealings, would do that which by a singular
obliquity of moral sense is considered un-
obje(5tionable in party ethics. It seems to be
well understood on both sides, tijat dishonesty
in almost any form only becomes an offence
when deted^ion follows; and if we judge our
politicians as described by themselves or by
the partisan press, there are few indeed of
whose public or private characiter it is pos-
sible to form an exalted opinion.

It is not necessary to go far a field for
evidence of the demoraliiiing tendency of the
political system practised in oiu' own land.
The proceedings of the last few months clearly
indicate that we have already made a most
disquieting progress in our downward course.
Can nothing be done to turn it in a right direc-
tion? The universal law is that there must be
progress. Nothing remains stationary. If we
permit the system to remain as it is, the pro-
gress will continue downwards ; and the ex-
perience of our neighbors teaches us that i
time rolls on we will make the descent at a
greatly accelerated speed.

We may one and all ask the question what
in this emergency are we to do ? We do not
want retrogression or degradation. We do
not desire to go from bad to worse. Our
object should be improvement and advance-
ment.

If this be oi'r aspiration there are certain
things which we must not do. We must not
fold our hands in despair and leave politics
and political affairs wholly to the politicians.
We must not close our eyes to the misdeeds
which have been brought to light m our own
land, or to the experience derived from the
United States. The past history of politics
in both countries will be of benefit to us if we
only determine to profit by it. We must not
listen to that school of politicians, who tell us
that government by party is the only means
of carrying on free institutions ; that it is im-
possible to attain to good government without
opposing parties. We must be prepared to
dismiss from our minds the dogma that party-
ism is a necessity, however ably or by what-
ever number the assertion be made.

Government by party has been practised in
the United States for a himdred years ; in
Hngland for two centuries ; in Canada it may
be traced from the first year of her legislative
existence. In all three coimtries it has been
tried and found wanting. I think, I cannot be
\M ong in laying down the axiom, that no system,
however dee|)ly rooted by long usage, how-
ever strengthened by prejudice, if founded on
evil or productive of evil, can be consideretl
a finality.

The party system divides a nation into two
halves ; in itself an evil. It is based on prin-
ciples which nurture some of the worst pas-
sions of our uiitme. It is productive, as
everyone must admit, of intolerable evils ; and
on every ground we are warranted in the
conclusion, that this system should not i)e held
as sacred, or unassailable and unalterable.

If that much be conceded to us, we may
venture a step further and consider if it be at
all possible to make a change for the better,
a wise and beneficial change. It must be
clear to everyone that we cannot continue in
the old way, shutting our eyes to what is
going on around us. Do not all the facts, all
the testimony from every quarter, establish
that the old way leads downwards to a lower
and lower plane of political demoralization ".'

It is historically true, that the spirit and
force of party organizations have, in past
generations, been an essential, possibly in
some ca.ses, the chief factor in (iovernment.
At this day, the system is upheld by men of
eminence whose opinions deserve to carry
weight. There is indeed a traditional idea of
wide prevalence, that the party system alone
will suit a free people; and that the principles
upon which it is based are essential to purity
of government. Do the facts, may we ask,
establish that the party system has resulted
at any period of our history in purity of public
life, of has it effected the opposite residt ?
Has it been proven, that the contentions and
discords and conflicts of partyism are in any
way conducive to our national well-being ? Is
it the case that subjection to traditional party
spirit is indispensable to our freedom ?

Let every thoughtful man, whatever his
predilections, consider these questions care-
fully and dispassionately, and it will become
more and more clear to him, that the party
system of government, which we have inheiited

evils, bi
Our f
tached i
in mine
party g
that the
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The t

SUPPLEMENT.

ever his
ns care-
become
party
iherited

as the accompaniment of representative in-
stitutions, is no longer a necessity ; that its
usefulness has come to an end, that it han in
its latest development K'o>^'n to he a
positive evil ; and that it should now he re-
placed by another system better adapted to
the improved intelliRence and altered circum-
stances of the ape.

Within the present century, scientific methods
have made concpiests over traditional method3
in nearly every sphere of life. In agriculture,
in co'iimerce and in mechanical art the tra-
ditinial spirit has disappeared, and given
place to the scieiitific spiiit. We find that in
spinning, weaving, printing, lighting, heating,
telegraphing, travelling by land and sea, and in
nearly every human engagement we can name,
the scientific method has irrevocably supersed-
ed traditional methods. Is the great questi(m
we are now discussing to prove an exception ?
Is the art of government to remain outside
the pale of progress ? Surely parliamentary
development has not reached its ultitnate
stage, and public affairs for ever must be ad-
ministered according to the principles of the
prize ring. Heaven forbid ! Can we not dis-
cern some small glimmerings of light, follow-
ing perhaps the deepest darkness preceding
the dawn ? Is it not the case that in modern
times the power of tradition has been weak-
ened and that its authority is steadily declining ?
May we not, therefore, cherish the hope that
it may be dethroned in political life; that we
shall not always remain victims of a super-
stitious belief in the system of government by
part} ; an(J that this fair land shall not forever
be the battlefield of gregarious politicians ?
What this young nation wants is not endless
political conflict with all its accompanying
evils, but settled rest and peace.

()>ir people essentially democratic, and at-
tached to representative institutions, will bear
in mind that parliamentary government and
party government are not identical, indeed,
that they are totally distinct. True they have
been so long associated, that they have come
to be considered inseparable, but reflection
will make it clear to us that the connection,
even if it be historical, is accidental, and that
it is an erroneous popular notion, that a con-
nection between them is a necessary conse-
<iuence.

The tendency of events suggests that im-

portant changes must eventually be made in
the structure of parliament itself. Such
changes are needed in the direction of unity,
simplicity and strength. Our parliament is
supposed to represent the nation ; but as at
present constituted it practically comprises
but the representatives of two i)arties. The
theory of parliament is an assembly of persons
chosen by the whole body of electors with
supreme authority to speak and act for the
nation. The ideal parliament is the nation in
essence, but the system followed in the elec-
tion of members utterly fails to attain this de-
sired end. Under the party systems it is ab-
solutely impracticable to attain even an ap-
proximation to the ideal parliament. It is true
that parliament, formed by means of the existing
system, assumes the functions of a perfectly
constituted national assembly ; but its mem-
bers represent only a part of the nation, antl
those who support the administration of the
day, and keep it in power, form a still smaller
representative part. Take for example the
parliament formed after the general election
of 1887. The government had on this occa-
sion the largest support given td any adminis-
tration since Canada became a Dominion ;
and yet, including every vote polled for
governmen* candidates who were defeated at
the elections, the supporters of the adminis-
tration represented only J9 per cent, of the
whole body of electors. The oppo.sition mem-
bers represented j7 per cent, of the whole,
counting also the votes polled for the defeated
candidates on their side. Thus it becomes
perfectly obvious, that a large majority of the
people, whatever party may rule, has no part
whatever through representatives, in the ad-
ministration of public affairs. In the case re-
ferred to, 61 per cent, of the whole body of
electors had no share in the government of
the country. The administration was sup-
ported by the representatives of 39 per cent,
and it was opposed by those of 37 per cent, in
every measure carried in the house by a party
vote ; leaving as a net balance, the representa-
tives of only two per cent, of the electors to
determine legislation, to settle the policy of
the government, and to speak and act for the
nation with the whole weight and supreme
authority of parliament. I have presented
no extreme case. If we take the results
of the recent general elections (i8gi), it

QVEES'S COLLEGE JOURNAL.

will be found that the number of voten
cast for government candidates was only
33 per cent, of the electors, and the k<>v
ernment net majority in the house, rep-
reBents but oneand-a-half per cent, of the
total number of voters on the list. As u
matter of fact, the system of government i)y
party enables a minority, fre(|uently a small
minority, to seize and hold control of the af-
fairs of state, ami award to its friends office,
power and patronage with every one of the
prizes of party victory. All outside the lines
of the successful party are systematically
ignored. Do not the facts prove that party
government is opposed to the true theory of
parliamentary government ? Is it surprising
that in working out the party system the
struggle becomes .so fierce, and tliat ways and
means are resorted to, which shock the sensi-
bility of even party men when they come to
be exposed to the light of day ?

What is the remedy for the state of things
which now prevails ? It is not far to seek, and
it involves no great constitutional change.
We have simply to obey the law of perpetual
evolution so that our parliament may become
freerand better than it ever has been. We have
only to free it from the trammels of party
and obtain an assembly which will represent
the people in fact as well as in name. Hither-
to we have had the shadow, now let us have
the substance. In all previous parliaments a
part only of the electors, and not necessarily
the best part, has been represented. Why
should any portion be excluded ? Should not
the supreme national assembly command the
confidence and reverence of the whole people ?
To obtain their confidence and reverence it is
obvious that our parliament should represent
the whole, and consist as far as possible of the
wisest and best men the entire nation has to
offer. - :

This is the true conception of a parliament
for a democratic people such as we are, and
we must seek to obtain such a parliament if
we wish to escape from the evils which at
present beset us. Denouncing the politicians
for the inevitable consequences of a bad
system, as some of our people do, is an easy
matter ; but it is folly to suppose that this alone
will bring any permanent remedy. Politicians
are human as we are, and they become pre-
cisely what the people make them, or allow

them to make themselves. If the people so
will, and take the proper course to effect their
purpose, t\\f! school of politicians which flour-
ishes to-day wilj disappear.

Having the clearest evidence that we have
never had and never can have a perfectly con-
stituted parliament under existing political
usages ; having the best grounds for the
belief that the system which pre\ails is hast-
ening us to a condition of political subjection,
to an oligarchy of the worst kind, such as we
find in the United States ; being satisfied on
these ]u)ints, every good citi/en nuist feel the
responsibility resting upon him that lie siiould
do his utmost to avert such a national cal-
amity.

The first important step is to take means t«i
have a perfectly constituted parliament. In
Canada we have accepted the great funda-
mental principle that "the people is the
source of all law and all power," we must
therefore strive to constitute our parliament
so that it will represent not a part, as now,
but the whole nation. This step cannot be
taken without effecting other changes which
would tend to the common welfare ; the chief
of which would be that a new complexion
would be given to the government. We
would no longer have a party govern-
ment ; the executive would proceed from
the national assembly and thus would be the
\eritable focal point of the whole nation. The
best and wisest members returned by the people
could be chosen by parliament from its own
members to sit at the same council board
to guard public interests, administer the
laws, and speak and act for the nation.

In a paper published in Volume VII of the
Royal Society proceedings under the heading
" A problem in political science," I ha\e en-
deavored to show that by the scientific ad-
justment of votes and the application of
sound principles, the true parliament could be
constituted. I cannot here enter into any
extended explanation of the proposition. I
must content myself with the statement, that
in my judgment it is perfectly practicable by
the proposed plan, even if no better can be
devised, to extend to every elector full and
equal representation, thus removing the anonr
alies I have pointed out.

The details of the machinery cannot here be
discussed. Indeed, it would be premature to

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VII of the
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I have en-
entific ad-
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it could be
into any
losition. 1
ment, that
cticable by
tter can be
or full and
the anour

lot here be
emature to

(leal with details in advance of principles; hut
the machinery may be of the simplest charac
ter, and being entirely national the cost

would be made a direct chargt- on tlu-
state, as the ost of taking the census or of
any other public service is borne by the public
exchequer. The practical working of the
system would be conducted liy pul)lic oflicials.
specially appointed and held responsible for
the proper performance of their duties in tiie
manner of other public officials. The cost of
the proposed system of choosing representatives
might be considerable ; but it would fall far
short of the cost of the pres(!nt syst»'m, when
the exp<!nditnre under two party organizations
and every accessory charge are taken into a< •
count. Moreover, the wh<ile would be ojieii
and above suspicion, and there would be no
room for improper practices. Whatever the
cost, it would render party organization nuga-
tory, and the gain to the public would be in-
calcucable. Legislation would certainly be
gr<>atly simplified. The sessions of parlia-
ment would no longer be prolonged through
the interminable and profitle.ss discussions
which proceed from party strife. There
would be great economy of time and money;
but however great this economy, it would be
of small moment compared with the more im-
portant benefits which would result generally
from the overthrow of a peruicions system,
entirely out of joint with the march of events.
I'artyism has an historical origin. It was
born in troublesome times, when the spirit of
.mtagonism between classes was general, and
when the masses of people were in a ruder
cnndition than they now are. Asthe ages suc-
< eed each other, the spirit of humanity changes
with the advance of civilization. We have long
[lassed out of the age of fierce and cruel per-
secutions. We have left behind us the spirit
of con6irt and destrmition, and have entered the
riarvelions period of construction and produc-
ion. Our lives are now more happily passed
n the peaceful era of human justice and hu-
iian reason. If we have left behind the belli-
;erent ages, would it be in advance of our time
11 abandon political methods in civil life, which
eep alive the spirit of conflict and maintain
isages which are opjiosed to true progress ? In
itclligent communities at ttie present day
lartyism can be viewed only as an anachronism.

Consider for a moment the con-sequence if

partyism were introduced into modem com-
mercial life. Take a bank, an insurance com-
pany or any large biiBiiieBS concern. Intro-
duce the principle of partyism into the man-
agement, what woultl follow? We should
in each cane have a house divided against
itself, and how long would it stan«l ".'

Suppose till- directors of a railway company
were divided, as parties are ranged in parlia-
ment. The persistent endeavourof one- portion
of the board wouhl be <lirect«!d to kej;|Mng the
trains in motion; while the other portion as
persistently would do their utmost to throw
obstacles in the way. Would the public reap
any advantage from the antagonism ? Would
the shareholders receive dividends?

Take this university. How long would it
prosper, how long would it maintain its
ground and be useful to the community, if
partyism gained a footing so as to cause con-
tinual contentions and strife among the trus-
tees, or th(; senate, or the council.

Ccmsider the conse<|uences if partyism were
alhiwed lo enter into the proceedings of the
great annual assemblies of the several religi-
ous denominations. Would it Ije justifiable
on any ground ? Would an\ one of these im-
portant bodies j)erforni its functions so speed-
ily and so well? Each one of these great
gatherings jiai takes of the character of parlia-
ment, and might with advantage in some re-
spects be imitated. An enormous amount of
business is brought before them, and ordin-
arily they do more in one week than they could
in ten weeks if part)' tactics, such as are dis-
played at Ottawa, prevailed.

Take a much humbler illustration. Take
an ordinary row fjoat. allow the crew to fight
among themselves, or suppose the rowers
determined to pull in opposite directions. It
is needless to say there would be much agita-
tion of the water, but little or no satisfactory
progress.

These several illustrations will bring out the
well established fact, that to the extent that
conflict is provoked, satisfactory results are
lessened ; and that under all ordinarj' circum-
stances, conflict is a wasteful expenditure of
force. This rule must apply to political and
national aPfairs as to everything else ; and
viewing the question before us from all points,
we are led to the concliusjon that there is
no logical justification for partyism in this age.

QUEEN'S COLLEGE JOURNAL

In onli'r to supersede part) ism,' It is not at all
necesiiary to broach ' y new doctrine, revolu-
tioiiiiry ill its rliararter. In rcalitv the op-
posite is tlif case. The desire is to maintain
the institution of parliament and make it more
efficient, more (urfect and more stahh'. The
design is to realize the ideal national as.seni-
l)ly in which every elector may have an e<|nal
voice. The aim in to maintain all that is );ood
in tin? parliamentary system of ^ovennnent,
and take awav all that is defective and bad ;
to remove the worn ont vestures of the past
which are ill adapted tn the >,'n)wth of the
ninetceth century. The jjreat primary oliject
is to establish unity and promote amity, and
thus remov*! far from ns tin; desolation which
proceeds from " a kingdom divi(l(;d against
itself."

In my Innnble jiidj,'mcnt the MU'stion of
parliamentary representation is caj>able of
scientific treatment, and it is safe to say that
if so treated, partyism, as it now exists, with its
banefid influences and deinorali/inK effects,
woidd irrevocal)ly be swept away. Tluire are
few (piestions which more deeply atTect society
and civilization. In the heat of part\ warfare
it cannot lie dismsscil fruitfully, and it is only
in the intervals between conflicts, or under
conditions removed from the stru^f^le that calm
reflection will avail. Iliis question is the
great proi)leni of to-day ; it has the strongest
possible claim on the attention of every well-
wisher of his country who has the ({ualiflca-
tions to consider it carefully and dispassion-
ately. I fear it has small chance of being so
considered by those who place |>arty triumph
higher than coiuitry, or who regi>''' fealty l.o
party more binding tlian the laws ot u e deca-
logue. Such men are wanting in intellectual
freedom to approach this subject apprecia-
tively. Hlven those whose relations with poli-
tical organizations are not close, so far as they
arc partisans are they wanting in the qualifi-
cations necessary to take a disinterested view
of it? There are many men with whom party
advancement and success have been the ruling
njotives ; such men will naturally have a
settled u^illingness to part company with old
associations and the party spirit inherent to
them. They will cling with tenacity to their
deeply rooted habit of thought. They will
extol the advantages of party government.
They will reiterate that government by party

is the only possible means of carrying on rep-
resentative institutions. They will declare
that the abolition of party woidd nwan an end
of all order and progress, and would prove the
beginning of general desolation. Certain it is
that government by party will never be re-
formed from within, and wn nniy be well as-
sured that every honest attempt to efl'ect a
change will be ridiculed as Utopian or branded
as a mischievous iiuioNation. True partisans
are not the men to yield without a struggle.
They will never pull down their own ramparts
and surniiiltr their own citadel. The strong-
hold of partyism can only be :^app<'d and
mined by the slow proc«!ss of |)ublic education,
anil eventually demolished through the com-
mon sense of the nation.

Whatever the present political conditi<»n, we
may rest satisfied that the great heart of
Canada is sound. We may tlepend upf)n it
that so soon as the nation comes to understand
the true nature of the malady, and that a re-
medy is possible and aj)plicable, from that
moment j)arty government will be doomed.

There is but one cure for the disease imder
which we suffer. Laws may be passetl to pre-
vent scandals btjgotten of party exigencies ;
but ways will be found to elude them, let them
be ever so stringent, so long as partyism exists.
There is a rankling sore in the body politic.
We may heal an idcer on the surface, but he
ulcer is but one of the symptoms, ana so
long as the tleep-seate<l disease remains it will
again break oat in another spot or appear in
another form. The true physician directs his
attention to the source of the ailment, and
by proper treatment removes the first cause
of the evil and thus purifies the whole system.
In this national matter in order to succeed,
the same course nmst be followed ; and
whenever the mind of the nation becomes
satisfied that it is the only effective means of
getting rid of our political evils, then, and
not till then, will partyism be dethroned.

How is the mind of the nation to be reached
on this cardinal problem '? The national mind
is made up of many individual minds, each
one of which is a minute fraction of the whole.
These fractional parts must in the first place
be moulded and instructed by men of recti-
tude, whose powers have been matured by
study and observation, men who are watchful
of the highest interests of the people. What

SUPPLEMENT-

( laHH better (jualifieil by th«- naturr of their
railing ft)r tliis nolile and patriotic duty, tliaii
teatlii-rs, ixitb lay aiul rU-ricai, thnniKhout tho
land. ()i)vi()UHly we must look mainly to thi«
scliool, tho colleg*! and tlu' pulpit for tb«'
am'ncit's to enlighten and cU-vaff tlir individual
mind, and, thronuli flic iiidividMal, tbt- tollict
ive mind of the nation. We nuist ftrBl form
private opinion, from which piiMic opinion
wdl slowly and surely form itsi-lf.

It may be objected that miniHters of tlu-
j;oHpel should not UHuldle with politics. If
polities, deneneratiuf; into paityism, tiave be-
come vicious and imjiure, so much the more
is it the imperative duty of derf^ymen to em-
ploy every proper means to promote a sound
and healthy moral tone foi the henetit of the
community. Is not Canada a christian land'.'
Does not the census inform us that, with the
exception of a few tribes oi Paf^an Indians antl
a few hundred Jews, we are from sea to sea
all christians? On what f,'round then should
the christian teacher be debarred from assum-
ing all the duties of his office ? Can he indeed
throw off the {i;rave responsibility which rests
upon h" ? Can he neglect the high duty of
using < y oppc-tunity to restore public lif»;
to a healthy and more upright character?
Merely party issues in which no moral elemei '
is involved should be absolutely excluded fro
every pulpit discourse ; but a great cpiestion,
such as this, in which the public morality, the
purity, the honour and the lasting welfareofthe
whole nation is involved, should be fearlessly
dealt with by every clergyman in. the land.
The influence of the pulpit has been and
always will be great, and no better or more
effective means can l>e found r)f enlightening
the masses and elevating public opinion to a
higher level. It was written a century ago;
'• the true cure for darkness is the introduction
of light." Who better able to introduce light
llidu those who have obtained its possession —
the wise and the learned ? Who more fitted
to purge politics of its evils than those whose
li\es have been dedicated to morality and
uprightness.

In this young country it is only in harmony
with nature that everj'thing should be in a
condition of healthy growth. I lfn<.w of no
reason why .our parliamentary system should
not partake of the general improvement and
advancement. At Ottawa a corner of the cur-
tain has been raised sufficiently high to admit

of our seeing evidences of fundamental defedts
in governmental methods, and traces of grave
ob.statflcK to our progressive well being. I ask
should it not be the earnest aim of every Cana*
dian with the true patriotic spirit to seek to
eradicate these defects and remove every oh
st.icit! which retards our growth and elevation
as a peoph'.

If this be a christian rnuntrv surely the en-
tire moral code of Christianity should be bind-
ing on all, and on none more than nur law-
makers. It is of unspeakable importance that
we .should find effective means to purify the
fountain of legislation. It is a matter of public
economy, public morality and public honour,
aiul our hopes must rest on the three ^reat
educational factors which I have named. In
this question, is involved the first and last
needs of the Dominion and we must appeal to
our best teachers of all creeds and in all places
to set about the task of lifting politics out of
I)artyism into a loftier and healthier atmos-
phere. True, there are enormous difficulties
to be overcouje. but the task is as noble as it is
necessary and it is rendered nobler even if
more difficult by the fact that we shall look in
vain for a precedent, %v other nation having
led the way in any f-ac essful attempt to bring
parliament up to t.^ true ideal condition. The
scientific movement of the nineteenth century
has accomplished marvellous success, it has
been crowned with peaceful victories far more
wonderful and far more glorious than military
concpiests. If, in the new field, the calm voices
of science and of reason can be heiird through
the din of party strife, it may be that Canada
will do souu!thing to accomplish her destiny,
by establishing a precedent which all nations
jjossessiug free institutions may follow.

We remend)er the familiar phrase " Canada
first." These two short words have a strong
steriing ring about them. Let Canada be 'he
first in a nun emeut towards a rectification of the
national administration, and & recognition of
happier political methods. Let the sons of
Canada determine to be first in all that is good,
to be in the front rank of the great family of
British nations. What loftier ambition can we
have than to elevate our country, and present
Canada before all the nations of the earth, a
bright example of vigorous, upright youth, in
every respect worthy of the historic races from
which we spring.

A POLITICAL PROBLEM

A PAPER READ BY OHANOBLLOR FLEMING BEFORE
THE ROYAIi SOCIETY.

I propose to direct attention to a scientific
question within the domain of politics or civil
governnient which appears to ine to be of
great interest. It presents a problem which
up to the present time remains unsolved.

The institution of parliament, as we all
know, is of ancient date. In England a gen-
eral asse- ibly or council of the nation has
been held immemorially under various names.
Before the conquest three designations were
at various times assigned to it :

1. Mycel Synoth, or great synod.

2. Mycel Gemot, or great council.

3. Witenagemot, or council of the wise
men.

The name of "Parliament" was not given
to the National Council in England until
after the Conquest, when the French language
was exclusively used l)y the dominant class,
and French became the official language of
the EngHsh nation.

Parliament has greatly changed since its
early days. It has grown and developed from
centurj- to century, and it may be said to be
still in a condition of growth and develop-
ment.

Whatever may have been the character of
the meetings of the wise men before the Con-
quest, or of the Parliaments which followed,
the central idea of parliament at the present
day, is an assembly of individuals representing
the whole nation. The functions of Parlia-
ment are to act on behalf of the nation as the
supreme authority, and — representing the
nation — it possesses every power and every
right and every attribute which the nation
possesses. The fundamental idea and giiiding
principle of Parliament is, that it embraces
all the separate parts which compose the
realm, and in fact it is the nation in essence.

This IS the theoretical and proper idea of
Parliament, but it cannot be affirmed that t'.ie
ideal Parliament hafe ever yet been realized.

Indeed it may be held that the means taken
to constitute Parliament cannot, in the nature
of things, result in producing a national as-
sembly in which every individual elector may
be fairly represented and his voice heard. As
a matter of fact, under the existing system, it
is not practicable to have in the elective house
every part of the nation represented ; some
parts must necessarily remain unrepresented.

Such being the case, the problem which
science mzy be asked to solve, is simply this :
to devise the means of forminf^ an elective assembly
which practically as well as theoretically will be
the nation in essence.

What is connnonly known as the "Govern-
ment" or the "Administration," and how it
may be constituted, form no part of the
problem, but are separate questions which I
do not propose to discuss. I merely submit
as a general principle, that the Government
may be considered in the light of a committee
of Parliament, or executive council to carry
into effect the acts and resolutions of Parlia-
ment and administer affairs to the approval
of Parliament.

Nations differ \n their social and political
circumstances, but in all free countries, at
least, it is generally recognized that the elec-
tive assembly is of the first importance. The
theory of the elective assembly, is that the
whole people or such of the people as are duly
quahfied to vote shall be equally represented.
It cannot be said that hitherto this object has
been even approximately attained. Its attain-
ment may indeed be impracticable, but the
question is of so much importance that it can-
not be unworthy of grave consideration. May
we not ask if it be possible to devise some
means, by which the whole people of the
realm may be brought to a central point, to a
focus so to speak, in a deliberate assembly or
Parliament.

The question of electing representatives to

SUPPLEMENT.

sit in Parliament has received the attention of
many political writers and has lii<ewise been
investigated at length by many celebrated
geometers, who have recorded their dissent
from the practices followed. Under the pres-
ent system, members are elected by a part of
the community only, while their election is
opposed by another part. It is ciuite true that
the intention is to have the majority of the
people represented, but even this is not a
necessary result of the existing system ; more-
over it does not follow that tlie majority of
members returned will hold the views and
opinions of the majority of the; people on any
subject. It may happen and frequently does
happen, as a direct result of the present
system, that legislative power is placed, not in
the representatives of a majority, but in those
who represent a minority. Sir John Lubbock
gives an apt illustration of this result. He
supposes a cotmtry in which there are 1,200,000
electors who vote with party A, and 1,000,000
who vote with pyty B. Now if the two part-
ies are evenly distributed over the whole
country, it is clear that, under the ordinary
system of representation, the weaker party
will be utterly swamped. To use a familiar
illustration (he remarks) whenever you drop a
bucket into the sea, you will bring up salt
water. In such a case therefore the 1,000,000
will be practically unrepresented. But we
must carry the matter a little further. In the
House so elected, let the majority bring for-
ward some bill of an advanced character and
carry it by two to one, i. e., by the votes of
members representing 800,000 electors and
against those representing 4(X),o<x) ; in such a
case it is clear that the minority in the House
would have with them also the r, 000,000 in
the countrj- who were left unrepresented ; so
that in fact the measure would represent the
wishes of only 800,000 electors, and would be
opposed by those of i,4(X),ooo. Thus he
points out that the result of a system " of
Government by majorities, is, on the contrarj-,
to enable a minority of 800,000 to over-rule a
'!!?iority of i,4oo,(X)o."

This illustrates only one of the many defects
in the present system, but it is quite sufficient
to show that the principle of Representative
Government, which is itiherently good, has
not been realised. It is obvious from the
very nature of the system practised in electing

members, that, in every Parliament, not the
whole but only a part of the electors are rep«
resented, and that the representatives of a
minority may frequently over-rule a majority
of the people.

Take the present Parliament of our own
Dominion, and in doing so we have a case in
which all will acknowledge that the Adminis-
tration at the present moment is supported by
a large working majority of members. At the
last General Election (Feb. 1887) the total
number of voters on the lists in all the con-
stituencies where contests took place was
948,524. Of this number the votes polled for
one party were 370,342 and for the other 354,-
714. That is to ssy, 39 per cent, of the whole
represents one party, and 37 per cent, the
other party in Parliament. As the representa-
tives of the 37 per cent, are swamped in Par-
lia?uent and are in no way recognized in the
administration of affairs, it follows that 39 per
cent, of the eledtors through their representa-
tives have complete control, and the remain-
ing 61 per cent, have pracStically no voice in
the government of the country. Moreover, as
the election of members representing the 39
per cent, of votes was in every instance oppos- ,
ed by the voters w lo number 37 per cent, of
the whole, it follow s that on all questions set-
tled on strict party lines. Parliament speaks
and acts in its decisions by the members who
represent but two per cent, of the whole body
of electors. This is not an accidental but a
common and, indeed, a necessary result, of
the present system, which must continue so
long as we follow the ordinary method of elect-
ing members to sit in Parliament.

The question presented is this : Is there any
means whatever by which a national assembly
. can be formed approximating more closely to
the ideal Parliament?

Let us begin the inquir>' by assuming that
the electorate consists of only two electors,
that they are equal in all respects, in ability,
integrity, in worldly means, in public spirit ;
that they have each equal claims and equal
desires to act as representatives, and each is
equally willing to be represented the one by
the other.

Under such circumstances what course
would be followed by the two to settle the
question ? Would not the natural method be
to cast lots ? Assuming that the two ele(5tors

QUEEN'S COLLEGE JOURNAL.

were left to their, own resources, removed from
ftll outside influences, would not this be the
only rational means by which they could make
a choice?

There are doubtless some minds who would
have an innate feeling against resorting to
such practice ; the casting of lots being more
or less associated with dice-playing, lotteries
and games of chance, to which objections art;
taken on good and sufficient grounds ; hut in
the case presented there remains no way of
reaching a decision except by lot. What other
course could be followed ? A contest would
not mend matters ; a trial of physical strength
and endurance would be at once futile and in-
defensible. If the object be to turn the two
into a single representative unit, unanimity is
essential, and while in agreeing in nothing else
they could agree in casting lots. Is the prin-
ciple of settlement by casting lots in itself ob-
jectionable ? Was it not considered wise and
^ood in ancient times ? And would it not be
equally good to-day .' It is certainly a time-
honored usage for determining difficult ques-
tions, and is exemplified in many passage.^ in
Holy Scripture ; indeed the uniform voice of
Scripture goes to show that decisions thus ob-
tained are not only wholly nnobje(5tionable in
themselves, but that they were considered to
have been overruled and diredted by special
providential interposition.

I shall cite but one example, the selection
of an apostleto taketheplaceof Jiidaslscariot.
An account of this eledtion by casting lots is
given in the "Adts of the Apostles," Chap. I,
verses 15-26. It is stated that about a hun-
dred and twenty persons were called upon to
seledt one of their number. They proceeded
with deliberate wisdom to follow a usage re-
■garded by them as a means of obtaining the
divine mind. They determined by lot who
should be the twelfth apostle, and thus they
made a selection to which a cheerful acquies-
cence was unanimously given.

I have assumed a case of two eledtors, and
pointed out the course which might be follow-
ed — indeed, the only rational course which
could be followed. If the principle laid down
be sound, could it not be applied in other
cases? Let us assume that the eledtorate
consists of twenty voters, what could be done
in this .case ? If individual voters in the elec-
torate were equal in all respeifts, as in the first

case referred to, the question would be a very
simple one, as it might be settled by casting
lots for one of the twenty equally eligible per-
sons. It may be taken for granted that under
the circumstances no one would object to make
the seledtion in this way, as being the simplest
and best mode oi making a choice. It would
remove antagonism and promote unanimity ;
and, by the very adt of casting lots, each one
of the twenty taking part therein would be an
assenting party to the choice made. Men as
we ordinarily find them are, however, not
alike; they differ n ach in their qualifications,
and their opinions are not the same ; we nmst
therefore consider cases in which equal eligi-
bility and uniformity of mind in the whole
eledtorate is not the rule.

First, let us suppose that among the twenty
eledtors, five votes favor the choice of A , an-
other five B, another C, and the remainder D.
We should thus have A,B, C, D each equally
desired and preferred as the representative of
the twenty.

(A+B+C + D)^4 would therefore be the
representative unit of the whole. We cannot,
however, take one quarter of A , B, C, and D,
and combine these quarters so as to form one
individual, but we can reduce the four to one
by the principle of casting lots. One of the
four can be seledted by what may be termed
the "Apostolic" method, and the person so
selected would be recognized as chosen by the
twenty eledtors as the common representative
of the whole.

Secondly, let us suppose a case in which
there is less diversity of opinion ; two groups
of rive sledtors each favor A , one group of five
prefer B, another C. The selected men would
thus stand A, A, B and C, and the representa-
tive unit of the'whole would be (2 /I + fl + C) t- 4.
As in the previous case, this complex would
be reducible to a single individual by casting
lots, and it is obvious that the probability of
the lot falling upon A , would be as two to one.

Thirdly, suppose three groups of five eledtors
desire to be represented by A and one group
by B. In this case we should have (3 /I + /?) -j- 4,
as the representative unit : in seledting one of
by lot, there is a undoubtedly a possibility
of the lot falling upon B, but the probability
of A's being chosen would be three times
greater than the probability in fi's case. True
it may be said that there should be no possi-

SUPPLEMENT.

bility of B's being chosen in a constituency
where three-fourths of the electors desire A .
We must, however, bear in -' 'nd that the
objedt is not so much to have particular sec-
tions of the country, as to have the whole na-
tion, fairly represented in Parliament. If we
look a little further, if we take four constitu-
encies precisely similar to the one under con-
sideration, according to the mathematical
theory of probabilities, there would be return-
ed out ut the four, three members in sympathy
with /I and one memb" in sympathy with fi-
Again, if we carry the matter still further if we
take into consideration every one of the con-
stituencies into which for convenience thj
whole nation may be divided, it would be found
as a general result that the representatives re-
turned to sit in Parliament would colle<5tively
represent the nation and fairly embody the
reason contained in the whole community.

There is one peculiarity of the system sug-
gested which may be noticed ; in every case
the election of a representative would be
effected deliberately and without conflict. It
would be accomplished in fact with unanimous
assent. Each individual voter would con-
tribute toward a common result — a result
which would be reached on principles equally
just and fair to all, and thus command general
acquiescence.

These results are attainable only by bring-
ing to bear, on matters of doubt or difficulty,
the principle of settlement adopted by the
Apostles. That principle cannot be objected
to on scientific grounds, and those who hold
the belief that .mundane affairs are over-ruled
and directed, should have no difficulty in ac-
cepting it as a means of promoting harmony
and advancing the common good. The be-
. lief in a Providence, who takes cognizance of
the affairs of men, is the foundation of all
religion ; conununities therefore, the social
fabric of which is based on Christianity,
should have no hesitation in leaving matters
of the highest moment to the arbitrament of
an infinitely wise Providence rather than to
the settlement of men with all their individual
interests and selfish views, all their prejudices,
all their passions, and all their errors of judg-
ment.

I have so far, for the purpose of the argu-
ment, assumed hypothetical cases ; it remains
to be considered how the principles laid down

may be applied practically. Let us take for
example the election of a single representative
in a constituency of 2,000 voters. It is desir-
able in the first place that each voter, or group
of voters of one mind, should have perfect
freedom of choice in the nomination. Sup-
pose, in order to accommodate every shade of
opinion, it be arranged that each hundred
voters of one way of thinking name the person
whom they would wish to represent them.
This would separate the constituency into
twenty groups of voters, who would each nom-
inate whomsoever they most favored. It does
not necesarily follow that there would be twenty
persons nominated in the constituency, as two
or more groups might nominate the same per-
son ; a circumstance which would increase the
probability of his selection exactly in proportion
to the number of groups making him their nom-
inee. On the twenty nominations being made,
the next step would be for the person nominated
to proceed on the principles above set forth,
to seledt one of themselves.

If unable to make an unanimous choice,
they might, as in the case of the twenty elec-
tors choosing a representative, sort themselves
into smaller groups and, by the application of
the principles set forth, proceed to reduce the
number of voting units, and finally, by the
apostolic method, determine the selection of
one person. The person so chosen would be
held to be the common choice of the whole
2,000 to represent the constituency in Parlia-
ment.

In the carrj'ing out of such a system, there
would be, as in ever}- system, a number of
possil)le contingencies for which provision
would have to be made^; these I have not
deemed it necessary at present to enter into.
My object has been briefly to suggest leading
principles by which, as it appears to me, the
central idea may be realized. If the principles
submitted be sound, I venture to think that it
is not impracticable to devise proper ma-
chinery to elect representatives who, when
brought into one deliberative gathering,
would, so far as such a thing is possible, be a
mathematical concentration of the whole elec-
toral body — would in fact constitute an as-
sembly which would closely approximate to
the ideal Parliament.
^ Referring to the present system an eminent
writer asks ; " Is government only possible by

QUEEN'S COLLEGE JOURNAL.

the conflict of opposing principles?" The
familiar expression, " government of the people
by the people " cannot be held to mean
government of the whole by a part or by the
conflict of hostile parts. It must be obvious
the united energy and wisdom of a »vholo
nation directed towards one end can only be
fully realized, v.-hcn the supreme j)owt!r is
vested in a Parliai.ient chosen by the whole
people, and fairly representing the whole
peoi)le. Thin is the great problem for solu-
tion and it is manifest that if such a Parlia-
ment is ever to be constituted, the people, in
choosing members to represent them, must in
some way be brought to act not in contesta-
tion and conflict, but in concert and in con-
cord.

If it be one of the first of political desiderata
to have no large minorities left unrepresented
in the national assembly, if appears to me es-
sential to seek for some means of securing the
co-operation of the whole body of the electors
in the election of members to sit in the High
Court of Parliament. To obtain this result it
is obviously expedient to adopt a sjstem
which necessarily does not develop animosity
or provoke hostility ; the aim should be to
promote friendliness and agreement in a
matter which concerns all alike. It cannot
be denied that the whole community is con-
cerned in having in Parliament, not men of
extreme views, but moderate-minded men of
good common sense and good conscience,
capable of representing the more enlightened
electoral mind. By electing representatives
on the principles laid down, these desirable
objects would undoubtedly in a large measure
be attained ; every step would be deliberately
taken, free from the excited and heated feeling
which so frequently accompany ordinary elec-
tions. In every stage of the proceedings there
would be a tendency to return only the best
men. At the very first step it is obvious that
a candidate must be a person respected and
supported by a hundred electors. It is pre-
sumable that no hundred electors of any class
or race or creed would deliberately put for-
ward a base or unworthy or even an inferior
individual ; it is not to be supposed that they
would choose one of the least intelligent or
least honest or least reputable amongst them
as their representative in the candidature.
As a rule, electors of one mind would arrange

themselves into groups of one hundred, and
each group would select some man, who, on
his merits as a citizen, would creditably rep-
resent them, or who as a statesman would
commend himself to their favor. In their
turn, those selected by the hundreds would
follow the same course, selecting generally the
best, the worthiest and wisest men until t.ie
final choice was reached and a member select-
ed to represent the constituency in Parliament.

It can scarcely be doubted that if such a
system could be put in force, the tendency
would be upwards from first to last, and that
there would be drawn to the legislature ac-
complished statesmen, men endowed with
wisdom and patriotism, practical knowledge'
and experience. The inevitable effect would
be to allay the spirit of faction and remove
political rancour. In a higher degree than
imder the ordinary method of electing mem-
bers, the system would attract within the pale
of Parliament men in generous sympathy not
with a part only, but with the whole people.
Thus might be constituted an august body
which as closely as possible wovdd be a true
mirror of the enlightened mind of the nation
to reflect its opinions, its wisdom, and its
virtues.

In a Parliament so constituted, perfe(5t
unanimity on all questions, perhaps on any
question, is not to be looked for, and each sep-
arate question would have to be settled, as it
arose, by the voice of a majority. Hence it
may be said that as every question would in
tile end have to be determined by a majority,
the Parliament as proposed would be no im-
provement on the present. It will, however,
readily be seen that there is a wide difference
between a parliament representing the whole
people, deciding questions by a majority of its
own members, and a Parliament in which a
part only of the eledtors has any voice. The
proposed assembly would not consist of men
placed in their seats in diredt opposition to a
large number of the people, but a Parliament
formed through the co-operation and assent of
the whple body of the ele(5tors, to promote
their common welfare; it would approxi-
mately be a microcosm, so to speak, of the
the nation. In and through this Parliament
^ each and every eledtor would have an equal
voice in public affairs.

The proposal is to substitute in our Parlia-

•

SUPPLEMENT.

it
it
in

mentary elections the principle of co-operation
for the principle of antagonism, and by this
means to choose representatives, who when
brought together in a deliberative assembly
would realize the true idea of Parliament — a
'* Witenagemot or great council of wise men,"
representing every part of the realm, and im-
bued with the spirit of the whole, 10 ac^ in the
name of the whole, and speak the voice of the
united nation.

If such a Parliament be an object to be de-
sired ; it it be a fundamental principle that all
who bear the taxation should share in the re-
presentation ; if it be the sacred right of every
fledtor to have a just and proper representa-
tion in Parliament ; ^hen it must be recognized
as a paramount duty, and an (jbject worthy of
the highest efforts of the progressive statesman,
to find some means by which such a legisla-
tive body may be realized. A complete solu-
tion of the problem may be remote, but as has
been stated. Parliament is a growth and de-
velopment, and in all matters into which the
principle of growth enters, the element of time
must also enter. The question vitally concerns
all free communities, and any change must in
the nature of things be preceded by a deliberate
and impartial enquiry. I have ventured to sub-
mit a scientific solution : it may not be the best
means of attaining the desired end, and I offer
it with all diffidence merely as a contribution
to the general discussion, in the hope that it
may not be wholly barren of utility., I cannot
but think that if the stridtly scientific habit of

mind be brought to oear on the question, some
practical method of solving the problem will
slowly and surely be evolved. Whatever the
solution, I humbly think that it must he based
on principles which will not beget the conflicts
and contestations which result from political
adtiN ity under the present system.

It is held by the most eminent political
economists that by co-operating two men will
do more work and do it better than four men,
or four times four men a(5ting in opposition.
Is not the rule of universal application ? Can
there be co-operation without harmony ? Can
there be antagonism without discord ? And
are not discord and harmony in the state lijc-
ened unto disease and health in the human
body ? This much will be conceded ; the
chronic feuds between tribes and races which
characterized the history of the hum, in family
in a less advanced stage of civilization no long-
er exist. War is manifestly not the normal
condition of society in our time. Is it not
therefore an anachronism to perpetuate hos-
tility in the internal affairs of a nation ? Is it
not in the highest interest of the state that
each meitd>er of the community, in every mat-
ter which concerns him as a citizen, should
have the fullest opportunity of adding up to the
injund^ion, " Live peaceably with all men."
If the age of belligerency has passed away, is
it not eminently fit and proper that we should
seek the removal of the last vestiges of a
belligerent age whicn still remain in our pol-
itical system ?

.-er.

its

hien

kent
It of
Ute

1 V I

- 1

EXPLANATORY NOTE.

To the Editor Queen's College Journal :

If you append my Royal Society paper to
the address I delivered on " University Day "
I would desire to explain as follows : —

The objedl of my paper, " A problem in Poli-
tical Science," was simply to demonstrate
that Parliament could be formed so as to re-
present truly the whole nation.

I do not wish it to be thought that I have
given the only solution to the problem. I mere-
ly wish it to be understood, that having estab-
lished the possibility of constituting the
national assembly with scientific accuracy, I
felt warranted in urging that an effort should
be made to abolish government by party and
substitute government by the whole people.

I do not doubt that features open to objec-
tion in the solution presented in my Royal
Society paper can be elhninated or that
better meansmay be devised, of attaining the
desired objedl. If a " will " become apparent
in the public mind, a "way" will not be

wanting.

Sandford Fleming.
Ottawa, 0(5\. 20th, 1891.