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JoHin HoruM amd CoLumiAM UmvBBnnn, Emtok i UNIVBRSITr EDITION UMITtD TO ONB THOUSAND NUMBIUD AND UOltTIKBO •m, or WHICH THIS n m /' wmmmmgi^mm D. O I i I ^ I n 1 D 2 i u I •8 I •8 8 S 2 S .J i CO imp THE HISTORY OF NORTH AMERICA VOLUME XI CANADJ AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA W. BENNETT MUNRO, LL.B., Ph.D. mmocTOR IN oonKHMnrr in uawauv mcirittrrri un wntiucTM iM MUTORr IN wiuuMs cmxni PRINTED FOK SUBSCRIBER^ ONLT Br GEORGE BARRIE k SONS, PiiiLA^EtnnA ///^ « I Copyright, 1905, by Geokoe Bamii tt Som EnUrtd at Suuiontrt" Hall, Lmdmu EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION Thb htstoiy of the United Sutet it to interwoven with the history of Canada that every American must possess a working knowledge of the prepress made by the Dominion if he would properly understand many of the important phases of the development of the United Sutes. It is, how- ever, from the Canadian and not the American standpoint that the account of the history of the British possessions in North America must be viewed if one is to have a correct estimate of the reciprocal influences exerted by the United States of America and the Dominion of Canada and a fair judgment of the policies and achievemenu of these two great governments. These statements will not meet with denial from either intensive or extensive students. Both classes of schokrs will admit, with more or less readiness, the importance of a knowledge of Canadian history co every dweller in the United Sutes and yet neither will take steps to bring that knowledge to the general reader, though some historians, indeed, will go so far as to admit our postulate that a knowl- edge of Canadian history is almost as important to citizens of the United States as a knowledge of English history. No student can acquire that knowledge either from the usual histories to which the general public has ready access, or from those which the students in institutions of learning are obliged to study. The information given in generu histories of the United States is inadequate and in school V I HMHI vi CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA histories, dealing with the same subject, of little extent or value. With these facts in mind, I determined to present in this history of North Ameaca a clear exposition of Canadian history from a Canadian standpoint. Such an exposition in fact as would not only give to Canadians a satisfactory retrospect of the progress made by their country but also give to Americans an adequate conception of the evenu whose sequential narration is as much a part of ths history of North America as is that of the United Sutes. I was particularly fortunate in securing the co5peration of distinguished Canadian scholars in making choice of an author for the present volume, and I believe that our selec- tion has been justified, for Dr. Munro has shown a nice judgment in the selection of points of stress, a happy faculty of expression and withal has written from the point of view of a Canadian to whom his country is a great and important unit in the sum of American progress. The volume, after describing the country where England and France were to contend for mastery, recounts the earliest voyages of which we have trace, and then with clearness and force tells the story of the several provinces that have now be.-n welded into the Dominion. In relating this story of the cradle days of his country the author, with keen appre- ciation of the picturesque, introduces that element of human interest created by unusual or romantic episodes so abundant in those years when French and English strove for mastery in the great Northland. But if the romantic is accent- uated in the cariier chapters of the book, which deal with discovery, colonization, and adjustment of dissimilar popu- lations to their environment, it is quite another phase of the subject that occupies the middle portion of the work. In this it is politics that are to the fore although the mate- rial and mental advance of Canada is by no means neglected. The politics of the middle period of Canadian history occu- pied the statesmen quite as much as the militanr events which marked the struggles between the An^o-Saxon peoples of this continent; but historical writers have at IDJTOR'S INTRODUCTION v8 a rule shown littk appreciation of the relative importance of political moveiuents in the governmental history of Canada. With politics Dr. Munro exhibitt exceptional fiuniliatity. He places before us the spirit of the various movements whose steps led to the present governmental structure of Canada. The exposition is luminous and clear. So, too, is that third portion of the history — that portion which embodies the presentation of the Canadian govern- ment of to-day and sets forth the sute of the people under its control and the bnd in which they live. I may, therefore, in conclusion recommend most hi^y this volume of Thi History of North America because of its vigorous style, itt clear grasp of the facu, and its accuracy of conclusion, all combined with a breadth and depth of learning which causes confidence to walk hand in hand with appreciation. Guy CARutTON Lu. yibiu Htpkins Univtnitf, mmmt mmtm mtmm iilH AUTHOR'S PREFACE Thi annala of the Canadijn people in of interest and importance from at least two distinct points of view. In the first place thejr have that natural interest and import- ance which every free peo|^ are wont to attach to the hist«T of their own land; in the second place they prasent what is perhaps the best extant material for the compara- tive study of French and British colonial systems in their political, social, and economic aspectt. It has been my «m, •» ftr as it has been practicable so to do within the limits of a single volume, to make this work at once a history of the Canadian people and a general analysis and comparison of French and British colonial policies as ex- empUfied in the nirthem half of North America. This JMter action has seemed to me to be justifiable not alone bemuse of the intrinsic importance ot the subject itself, but because, as De TocqueviJJe says, "the physiognomy of a government may be best seen in iu colonies." And no- where as in Canada may one study to such good advantage the logical working out of the Utin and Teutonic types of colonization and colonial administration. Believing as I do that history is not alone *« put politics" but a narrative as well of the social and economic life and development of a people, an endeavor has been made to give due prominence to these latter features. The volume, it nuy be said, makes no claim to origi- nslity either as renrds the matter which it contains or as regards the meuod of presentation. The greater part ix X CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMMRKA of the tource material* In the field of Canadian hittorj have been ao well worked over by careful investigaton that it •eemed needle« to glean where thejr have garnered. To such general works as thoM of Leicarbot, Charievoix, Ferland, Faillon, Gameau, Parkman, Christie, Suite, McMuUen, and Kingsford, as »^ell as to «ie special works of Harrisse, Cas- Ein, Martin, I-orin, Gravier, Dionne, Doughty, Turcotue, nt. Read, Lindsey, Edgar, Biggar, Pope, Willison, and many others, my obligations are great and obvious. Mill I have not hesiuted to go to the sources whenever the necessity or even desirability of so doing appeared. Had the symmetry of the series so permitted, the various woA* from which material has been derived would have been definitely indicated in footnote } in dus matter as in others, individual judgment has been obliged to defer to the opinion of the general editor and hia associates. Many kind friends have given dieerful assistance in the acquisition of material for use bodi in the text and in the illustrations: to all of these pateful acknowk^ment is made. WnXIAM BiMNITT MtJNRO. CiaiAridgt^ Mau, . CONTENTS EoiTOR'a Introooction v_vii AUTHMl't PeIFACB ij(_3j I iNTKOOUCrOKT J-iS njtiai tetoiM. OMgmhiad dhrWou. Tke Hnibaa .?^fe '«!."5f"«*o««**. St.LnncaMaadGf«t LakwbMu. tkOkumOif rmpmotmOmamL Set- OMMtt mmttHm OMBim vaOtv. Tk* MtUi bOm into dw Upper PnriBoa^ TbebHiaartV ^Jbha. TlwCtt- Bwt l wii i Bt rfAcnifahyth, ..Adi. BriiUiloMlte Tlw M a rth w Mi TanilMkt. Thifr oHBt aad ■tM& Tlw Pk«Mk-QMwfin doMBk DiMribotioa afOa MMfc TkaJnaA |w« i ii ua iid ipini. Th. Britfah nds. CoMHt bMNWP Ond aad Biiioa. II DnCOVBKT AND ExraOKATION I9-38 Hwjr tiM Smath's gnat to Joka Qdio*. PinI wnn, 1^7' The qimtiou of tlM CUnt kad&IL Sgom of £■. S i t irt M Oriwt'. amtioafc UawtHaty of Ae McSk VeBMao'soiocMiaaik DotAteofduirfeBaiaeaMe. Kc*. Mae &r the ulor ia w ti i hj f of Ftamce ia anttm of esplgn. ^ '^ *''^;?T "** *« NewfcoadlMd Meriie. gooMCMier. Hi.«nt«qrH«.iS34. B«k«i Gulf of S: ^fT"***- ^'T*' T"'^^ »««• *••«• M«>»i«l. HM aoeooat cc ha enhmtioes. The wiatar ia Gki GMtier'i (tneripdaa* ofladka lift, ayaialegyef Oei xi xi CANADA AND MUTtSH NORTH AMERICA The mMdafat RcHOM (or CurticrU niddai dcpaituic Tlw V "Canada." Cuto't third vojrue, i54i' Hb with Robenral and itt rctaltt. Di^utts. St. John'i. fourth voyage, 1543. Obtcurhy rcpiding h. De b Roeht attcmpti to colonise Sable laland. POBtpwri and Chamrin. The monopoly of the fiir Hade. Enhrgemciit of iU bcnefita. De QuHtcs lends an expkning cxpeditioii tinder Pontgnvi and Champlain. Champlain's fint voyage in 1603. The De Monts colony at Stc. Croix. At Port RoyaL "L'Ordre de Bon Tempt." The colony abandoned. The De Monts charter annulled. Champlain founds Quebec settlement £«• plores the Richelieu. Espouses the Hunm canic. Is impoeed "n by Vignau. Discovers Lake Champlain. Explores the Otttwa. The Huron country. The KicoUct miswwwrifs Georgian Bay and Lake Ontario. The De Caea mooopolpr. Dissensions in the colony. The Jesuits arrive. Active mis- sion work. Richelieu's influence. The Company of New France. Its powers and privileges. Champlain in charge at Quebec III The Era of Govbrnmbnt by CoMMBRaAL Companies, i 627-1 663 39-59 The first expedition sent by the Company of New Fnmcc. Difficulties with EngUnd. Guises of the tnmbie. Kirfce's expedition. The Company's fleet a^>tuied. Distress in Quebec. An English for tnk'ing oompany. Quebec snr- rendered. ChampiUin carried prisoner to Enghmd. Resloi»> ticm of Quebec and Acadia to Fntnce. The disputes over the seised fors. Resumption of operations by die Company cf New France. Champlain resumes ctmtroL His death. Estimate of the man. His eariy life. Was he a Roman Catholic } The effect of Jesuit influence. The RtUOmu. Great Jesuit leaders. Rdigious enterprise. M ai s o nne uve and Mademoiselle Jeanne Mance. Montreal founded. En- mity of the Iroquois. Administrative reforms. The Iroquois destroy the Hurons. French victims of the Iroquob. The colony in distress. Le Moyne's peace mission to the Onoo- dagas. Its temporary effect The Mdwwks hostile. Treadi- enr of the Onondagas. A general upriring. The defence of Long Sault The tribes abandon their attack. Conflict between the Sulpitians and the Jesuits. T«val and Queylus. Tension with die civil authorities. Theliqumr queMioa. Laval's despotic attitude. The Company surrenders its rights to the crown. The king's edict CONTENrg bS CMAFrH IV Umbiii Loun Quatorzi 61-94 Guada a rojral ptovincc EMabUshmcat of the Sovtnin CounelL Itt oompoHtkm and powm. Thx fint pfovinSd ffovmnwBt TlwOaudBkiiiiMiaaoriBVMdgatkiar Laval and Domcnil frad. Indiaa nidt. The fabwD ud tiia executive The fim mukr troop* in Ouada. Eipcditioa aguMt the Ira<|uoit. Mohawk lettlemcnti dcitroycd.' Ptaoa widi the Iroqaob. Icaait mbHoaa ataUUied among them. CokMiial eommetdal development. DisfaandmcBt of the <^gnaa-«alUret Raiment The military tcignkmct. Tcaa Talon and the eccWartical authority. The king' • domy. OpreroorFwoteaac Hit qualification ibr the poet. Revi^ of o^ofatioBfc Maniuette and Joliet OeMcnt of the MiMiirippi to the Atfcanm. La Salle itoeim leigniarial pant of La Chine. Afaaadooi it in fimw of eaploiatioii. ac^oB of Fort CatUBouL Its gnat to La Sailer The Pcnot-FRmtenac diCcuhk*. Reorganiation of the Own- dL Fromnac't qnanrel with Laval. The Uquor qu6 'on. AdmiaktiBtnre comicti. Uhdm Loum Quatorzi — (Continvbo) . 95-131 Le ToBti, HeannMB, and Lamotte-QKliUac. Niagaia port ««W«hed. La &dle'a expedition wert in the Gram. At ?^*^!S!^ ^^'I*''***^ •«•*'««'• Defcctiooofiomeof La Salle'i feUowcn. U Salle ictunu to Mootital. No newt of the Gri^. Retmnt weeL Hit loiact at Mackinac and Niagara. Search for De Tonti. De Tonti and the Iio- qw-:- . Hennepin on the MiiiiMippL Meeting of U Salle and De Tonti. A new e]q>edition. La Salle dcMxads the Miisiniimi. Take* poMCMOB of Aikauni coontry. Reaches ^moadiofdieMitsinimiL Chums and names Lonitiana. Returns to Mackinac Importance of the new discovery. La Bam qqwinted governor and DeMeulcsiatendant. Que- bec destroyed by fire. U Salle despoiled of Fort Cataraqw. Returns to Fiance. Leads an expedition to the Mississippi by sea. Ovcmils the river's mouth. Overland journey. Is ss sasi instf d. La Baire outgcneralled by the Itoquon. The inglorious peace of La Famine. DenonviUe succeeds La Bute. Trouble with English governor of New York. A settlement. Expedition against the Scnecas. The mas- sacre at La Chine. Montreal threatened by the Iroquois. Further friction with the English governor. Frontenac once moregovemor. His operations againrt tl» Ecgliih odonics. Tm raids of Sdienectady, Salmon Falls, and Quco shr CMADJ JUtD BUTUH MOUTH dMMUKd Bqr. TIm EncUth ti^M Poit RoytL Quebec. ItiwitMniwaL A pniodof ladiHi tmibla«.~Tlw imiMiBg o ' Foft Fimmmk. nuitiwiniiit of tha Om»- dagM. Acdva opc w t i oi M agtiait EoglUi cokMiw. AAin in Qpcbcc Doth of Piomcmc. N«w MMt whk tht Iio- quou. The ootpoats of New Pnace. Renewal of the war wtthEaykuid, i7ot. The Indian* indtad anintt the bglUi colonics. The maMacre at Oaerfteld. Kaid on Hnrer^ hill. Retaliation. Port Royal again taken bjr the Biitiih. The Nicholeon-Walker expeditiottt. Cantee of their M* ure. Inopadtjr of the leaden. Tremble with the Poaei at Detroit Treaty of Utrecht. Tcnitofial atyiattmant. Death of Louis XIV. VI ACRICULTUIIK, iNDUmtY, AND CoMMBRCI I33-I5S Paternalism the policy of the Prench government. ObUgatiaaa imposed upon the comnanies. Thdr n^lect of agrtenhura for the fiir trade. The land tenure system. How bad giania were made. Obligations of clearing and cultivating. Reia> tions of the seignior to the crown. Peal^r and homage. Seigniorial bmd giants. Rights and duties of'^seigniois. The se^nior and the fMnbiffv. OUintiMia of ««a/K«(rrr. Ju*> ti^wy ri^ts. The noUu/e, Effect of the system on agri- cultural devcliwmcnt. The homes of the seig n icws and the kabiUMU. Industry. Its beginnings in the colony. Prcnch policy in regard to cdonial indMtrics. Jean Tal«i the Col- bert of New France. How fiv rcqionsiblc for tardy develop- ment Commerce and trade. Monopolies. Imports and exports. Impostt and restrictions. Interml trade. The ntumurt di Mj. Character of these trados. The western posts. Lamotte-Cadillac, the founder of Detroit Omosilioa of the church to these poets and to their mtem of trade. Evidence of debouchment drawn ftom the Jesuit RtUtimu. How &r reliable. Colonial currency difficulties. The card money. Origin of this form. ^Vav in whidi it became a permanent fartor in the currency of tne colony. Defects of Louis the Fourteenth's colonial policy. VII The Conflict Time 157-188 Resources of New Fiance and the British colonies. Amicable relations after Treaty of Utrecht New coaiicta. Oswq;o post Troubles widi the Foxes. New France prosperous. Demoralisation followi. Acadian boundary in dispute. Bor> der troubles. Louisburg built The Acadiaas. Their COMTUm opporitioB 10 BiWA nk. Tkt Wv of tht oMrioB. IM amM. Tkt iMHiaa im w ttfcwak . rnMh aad ladku aUMit ' •¥«Mm agaiMt Lodibanr. thiinMln of tiM Ot COS^nMi, " ' t fftl w l NMttBMBl ■! l^M 1^ UBteoTAcofokicoMMNfam. HoUflafiiftifML cmkntioE to fit Rojrak. U Loutit iwit« dio m^dMBHifah. Ff«di aetWty ta\Sr tbt itm oi te pofaMi. Foit Ou Qhmm titiyjli ^^■•■fe * h WMfer WaAtogSTta *& •j;fa|»et«Att«qr. ThtPrndiibraiiiinf muofBiiddoek. Now cmpdgn aniM For Olhjr osmdilioM mImi tko FiwekDdbi ■«*«oek. Shiih^Vaiwttho oipcditkw. J !!!L^ loko Oooigo. Fmch mitiMMkr ii> gg^ofthoAodkM. W>,b.twoair» av of CMORM tfcof tit ithi6>-' VHI The CoNrucT Tnii— {Continue Fnpoicdacn at Fmaoo aad Gnat BtMa. Mnagtli of tko Fnadi and BritUi Amoikn < anhral of MontcaJa aad raiBforenncBtL |lf>- w^onumuknd. SUtlqr dcgiadod. F«n nnoBdefod. laaeth% of tho Bkbiih eoouMMw of tho pakan bjr Frawh allki. Pht dinMi *.:' neat. "IcaaawoEaglaBd." " r "liw btOaida. Now |ilaa ofcampaigBs. W«li»aad Tho French katfan. Admhyibatfoo pif^Mm. ^ •MackoaLmd^. Tho TiooiKtoop WWob of Howe. Abtretoaibie'i gRw bhmikn. Hitfli^ t FRnteaae optond. Tho Biitkh occary Foil dT^k^ « JT "^ *^^~'""*"*«'- MoBteatoi'i daBcaWoi i«, Mtirii colomee araotod £Mr Ao &ul Mraggk. Tfc m P«ig«»rfi7S9. Oqitnn of Fort Niagaia. Fkoach ^ks^ OB Oiwcga Atamdoa Ticaodcraia aad Ctmm 9^< Wolfe « Qj5d«^I«, difiSST^ rttaJTl K iBoraKa. Tho liattio of the Phdaa. Montcalm's vtm Optttfe of tho dtjr. Attempt of Do LMt to mSt f^L^^^'* ""^ Amhewt advaacce oo Monti^ Iti cqatnlation. Impottaaoe of the ^awipwit. i|f.at4 xvi CMdDA 4ND HUtaU NORTH 4MMUC4 IX AcAoiA aas-a37 TIm cuiy von of AcmUi. Fint MttkiMM. PMt lUfil bunicd. Claimt of Urn CafiMi uti Ficaeh. TIm La Toon, Alcmukr't colony. Scotch cokmjr at Pan KojraL Acada latoiwt to Fnnce. French cnbnjtatiow. Tanilorial Jk- fuu. DitputH among the French I w d w i. Ot ChaiaJMy ■ad La Tour. The licge of St. John. MadaaM La ToaT • dcftnctofthepott. De Chamtejr inaatcr of Acadia. Omjrt driven from Cape Breton. La Tour and Deny* recover thdr poets. The expedition of Lc Borgne. The Bagliih a^ ture the Mttlement La Tour's new move. France chdme Acadia. Ceded by the T-mtjr of Breda. French nile. Boundary difficulty with New Engkad. Saint-CMlfai'i Penobecot settlement. Androe's raid. Phippe takee Port Royal. Le Moyne takee Fort William Heaty (PMMi|nid). Aodia confirmed to the French. The French haiaet the New England coasts. PMt Royal uain te Ba|^ poaoao- sion. Acoifia confirmed to the BtitSh. lie Royale (CIib« Breton) confirmed to France. The rise of Loiiiwarg. Ita position and stiate|ical advantages. The Treaty of Utrecht AcatUa under British rule. Attitude of the Acrano. X Thb Aftbrmath op thi CoNqpuT, 1 760- «774 239-a59 Proclamation of 176). System of military adminietratiaa. Division into districts. The Treaty of Puis. Effect on dw British colonies cf French eapuUon from Camda. Emdue of Canadians. The cons|Nracy of Pontiae. Kege of De> ttoit Successes of the Indkns. Attack on Fort Du Qsesae. Bouquet's victoiy at Bushy Run. Pontkc abandons Detroit siege. Peace effected. Military administtatioii ends. The four provinces. Gvil government. Murray's administratioa. Hb difltcultics. Culeton'sgovemment Legal reforms. De- mand for an Assembly. The Q^iebec Act Proclamation of 1 7 G) repealed. Boundaries of the province. Roman Catholics relieved from mtrictions. Church lands settkd. Land pro- cedure established. An Assembly refined. A Legislative Council. Attitude of the colonists toward the Act Ametkaa Congress fosters Cantdian ditaffrction. Defensive meosurca. XI Canada DURING THE Revolutionary War 261-281 Events lenrting up to the Revolutionary War. The Stamp Act lu repeal. The Townshend Acts. Repeal of same, except tax on tea. The " Boeton Tea Party." Represeiva coMmnt xvii iigiiiiUuM«f 1774. rbM - M«MiMH -■- ™ii«in VMMt of Amhw bjrtlwB.- IhwrMidv Uwiiictoa, M Loid OofdMM^ ■f>ia !a coMraL lieuteBant- •tftudOWl Act of 179,. Ill piP»WoMr&«»A-l)T: XIII Thi Wa» or 1812-1815 297-318 Ssi'' Siioi?. -asL. '^'^ xviii CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA )i 'I » ,1 , . commerce. Futile Iq^don. Imptcnment. Right of leareli. Why the British actt had more effect United States declares war against Britain. Preparations bjr Oi n B^ w. The American plan of invasion. Britiah successes at Detroit and Queenston Heights. American naval successes. The cap- ture and burning of York (Toronto). Operations on the Niagara frontier. The expedition to Sackett's Harbor. Perry's victory on Lake Erie. Itt significance. Ptoctor abandons Detroit. Tecumseh's struggle at Moraviantown. Border ravages. Wilkinson's abortive campaign against MtMitrcal. American flotilla des t r w ed on Lake Champlain. Result of the 1813 campaign. The Chtuiptak» and the Skamun. The campaign of 1814. Attack on Lacolle. British operations on Lake Ontario. The Niagara peninsula. Fort Erie surrenders. Battles of Chippewa and Lundy'i Lane. Operations in the West. Attack cm Mackinac British flotilla destroyed on Lake Champlain. Prevost's in- glorious expedition against Phtttsbutg. British M~-U^y of seaboard strengthened. Washington in the hands of the British. Baltimore successfully resists. The Creek Indians on the warpath. Jackson's defence ^ New Oricans. Peace treaty signed. Its conditions. Effects of the war on Canada. Fin a ncial expedients. Economic depression. XIV Lower Canada under thb Constitu- tional Act or 1791 319-345 First general election. Constitution rf the Assembly. Racial 2n>o«t>on. The French Revolution. Frendi intrigues. The McLane episode. The Jesuits* estates. The questioa of an established church. The seignrarial tenure system. Conflict between the Assembly and the Ptcss. Lt CmuuIuh. Strained relations with the United States. Frictimi between Assembly and executive. Parliamentary disqualification of Jews. Artntrary seixure of Lt Cwuutun. aierbiaoke*s government. LoyaI>/ of the Roman Qttholic popubrtion. The Assembly votes supplies. Renewed fiic^ion between Council and Assembly. Canada Trade Act Unicm of the Provinces provided (ta. Revenue control a source of protracted conflict Canada and the British Reform BilL R^ineau's " Ninety-two Resoluti»" »»««n « •uccewive^M. induwnal and commemal centre of the colorrT It Ml! from thi. region that the timber was ^ cl«S' Ja k |*e land, were fir« „^ to yield S? ciy^uCneS:^ M.ntr«J,«.d before long the newcomeT4,^Th^r~ . The earliest aeitler^-for the mott part employ^ of tr.H. mg companies-were almost exclusive^ nSZ„. -ST f^« ^ u v"t ^*™'''** '"'* migrated to the colonv fn,m other than Norman poru. ATexaminatioS S'"t2 6 cdNjiM JMD amrtsH momth jmmcj ptrwh regtftcra of Qutbec, which have been ibom dUifcmhr ami accurately kept from the nuttet, thowt that Canattt began her hittory with an almost unmixed inAision of the M conquering blood of Normandie." After 1640, a raiall band of Angevina settled in Montreal, but there wcie ap- parently no women among them, and moat of their number married the daughters of the Norman settlers. Had the colony been left pemuuiently in the hands of the Rouen and Dieppe merchanu, it seems certain that its population would have been thoroughly Norman, but in 1663 the con- trol was taken from the company. At once an influx of settlers from other parts of France begui, small parties coming from Pieudy^ Poitou, and Gascony to take up lands in New France. This opened up a new phase in the hi»- tory of immigration) for, while the Norman element in the colony was strong, it was unable completely to assimilate the non-Norman settlers, who now began to arrive in larger numbers. Many of the newcomers were from niris and the surrounding districts, but these were for the most part government officials, priests, traders, and others, who did not take up lands. When the French regiments of regular troops were disbanded in the cotony, both soldiers and offi- cers married either colonials or women whom the king had sent out to New Fruice in considerabk numbers during the years 1667 to 167^. The colonial church registers show that more than haJf of these gavr Nomundy as their place of birth, so that Nonnan blood suffered no diminution in strength by this immigration. Of the total population of New France in 1680, estimated at somewhat less than ten thousand souls, it is probable that at least four-fifths were either of Norman birth or of Norman descent, or had married Norman wives. During the next three-quarters of a century there was a steady influx of settlers from various parts of France; almost every province contributing its quou. But Normandy sent many more than its share, and the Norman population in the colony increased with striking rapidity owing to the omoDucrour hJ^Wrth we. Th. Normtn mtlcn wtm oo Um lud more radUj than th. other immigiint., mu, ofwSm took up mkknce i„ the town. to^V««2; tottLde. /S whoith. colony pj^^ u„o EngliTKl. tlTSU^^ Jew went from the run! diMrictt. Thut it wm thtt th« Normtn element retained »• decuive ptedoain«fice down to .nd after the conquer. Thu. it iTdtaTX FiSS •peaking communitie. of Canada to this dav cmdof f Zo« Njrmwt of the aeventeenth century were a .t^Sh^d,rift7 «d .nduatriflju. «ock, admirably fitti for the Ski pkS Jfc u, njw land.. Their one' g«at defect SSiSn^ been ihar prochvity for disputing among themaelve^ wd throughout the whole of the FieSh rtgiL^S J^ nu^ the^dals of the e«iJ^iUgioS£niSS P««vwJ«l. The law couru were kept busy scttlinir the most trivial matters, for the long .ri^^Z ^7 X «on ample scope to indulge inlSkkering. Sail lS£ t both the I«dkn and Englid, w^n^S^ NomJ^J^, S^tS^S^" •!?^* fighter, daring to a &X «i oipsWe of endunng the most severe hanbWp.. BmS, the ■ra Of peace he was conservative, unambitious, and even unprtjre^ive Thi. w„ due. no doubt, toTtSiSl ^ UvJSr*' «»« , J^.^'n'Wstrwive system under Xh he S^ » T ^""^^.^^l New. was not such as S Sh.lL. **PP«*«»^ ft" ««on«nic «Ivance even had he been progressive. An unswerving loyidty both to at TtiS^rjnr ^ ^'«f!L«»»««el.ed'S^,2 a aH times, and the ngorous demands which both made on m his stniggfe for a comfortable subsistence. ^ fwl viif"*^ Md Lake basin westwani of the Ottawa Valley was prwsically unsettled at the time of Ae conquest. The Fie«A id established tSr^i^ po«. at several points, which were deemed to poss^ •twegic value or to be fcvoiably located for conSg 8 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA the fur traffic with the Indians. But at none of thote points did they ever make serious attempts to establish permanent settlements. It was always the policy of the French authorities to c« nfine the settled area in such way as to make the def-iice o: the rolony as easy and as inex- pensive as possible Hence, with vi e exception of a small tract of territory al' ,ig the southen shore of OtUwa River, Upper Canada, oi what is now Ontario, had remained practically free froui I^ic.ich influence. After the colony passed into British hands, settlers came opt in considenble numbers from Great Britain, and many of these pushed along into the Upper Province to carve out homes in the wilderness, choosii>g to do this rather than to settle among strong alien influences. But the great influx into this part of the colony came during the last quarter of the eighteenth century when the result of the Revolutionaty War in the British colonies to the south drove the Loyalists into Canada. Assisted by the colonial and home authorities these settled in thousands along the north shores of the Upper St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario and soon the vast wilderness became dotted with thriving settlements. As a class the Loyalists made most admirablt settlers, for many of them were drawn from the higher walks of life. Only men possessed of more than ordinary enterprise and courage would have left their homes along the Atlantic to endure the hardships of pioneer life in a new colony. These were the Pilgrim Fathers of Upper Canada; no colony has ever commenced its history with a more valuable asset. In them the thirst for liberty of thought and action was strong, and it was their immediate descendants, inheriting the qualities of their fathers, who fought and won the battle for constitutional government in the first half of the nine- teenth century. During this latter period the Upper Prtv- ince received large and valuable accessions of immigrants from Scotland. These settled at various points, but for the most part in the Lower St. Lawrence and Ottawa valleys. Some Highhmd regiments were disbanded in the tNTRODVCTORr was rapidly gaming economic and political visor F^r! thw poverty-stricken but virile race r,nl^, k^if' j " of her moi distinguished sons oSj^^.^" ''"'' '"'"! Doets ar» fn k. r j ^^wors, statesmen, and "kich, dnrine ths dd ^S™ I»l«nT 'rthweaftpartcjcalled ««W1 PftAVNCSt don by RBynnefMn, dwdlmg «» rhames ftreate, neett vnto BaymrfaCafleB. ^«wJD«NM/.x5So. ^S£^."rr>j--: INTRODUCrORT fecent inflow of •ettlera from the Uniteti « The .econd ei! it mIrE7lS!S V" •* 1!»^"' *■•"««• between Fiince «d BriSnTfr I! '^ ''^ *^ ««"*^ ««'«i centuiy from 1663 oTwnt« 2L;L^.r"" *''^« »"* To New Fnuice tL ttrui^ll « '' *" 8^» "n«i«- to New EnZd, to the SLTT ""^ ""*='' «»«« «»»» whUe'^Iew EngS"^5t*Sbl/l"Ti. ^I!! conquer of New Fm,c?^thT^r couwUl,^ '"^ «cqu.re permanently even a .maTirt St L^*- ^^ •** tonet to the wuth. After .hTJ^ ^ ^"^•* **">- «en, not a mSy one 1^' ^ ~''**" *«•»•• will be two diwinc. tyj^^o? civl^tioi "^ ""!.«^ '**^««" much the vi«o.5^f Britr^^rLn?^* *"** '^ not «, of Teutonic ovTr LatS mJS^S/^S ^'"" "• *** ^^"•"P** emment. The Ieco„d I^^^'^f colonization wd gov- .uzeiimy. T ISc^JJlT^'^'^^. '^ r""* °^ Britiah vc^ unequal in l^ronu^ti^n"."-??' C T.^'**' covenng more than a ct-nt,.r« f^ i ""* °^ *'*««» «.di.ti„V.iri.u,g^^,2j;^,£°j» '760 to 1867, ha. „' •elf^vemmentVk ^ SL^K "* ^^^ ^'" ^^^^ It CJMiOf dHD MUntM MOUTH JMMMKd p«bi riMt 1I67 IM bMn OM of MUdcd Md woaMBie g yt kni ii M i H undtr conMmiioii. With this dtvtloemtat hM com cooMlt^Kkm, wtMnufd fnuuKMH M4l dM Bvwtii ofaiMtionalMndaMiit. AMMygb b kmj and mnMdwtic ttttthte of tht motlwriaiHi, bar wide ud pomiam bmmts btpn to give the Domiaioa s^itt to comidnWoo aaont the nationt of the world. The aim of the succetditit chapter! will be to worlt out ia lone detail the hittorical •volution of dicae pcrioda. -m t,iy<^ "' ' V '*•-'•••.• »>i-. JACQUES CARTIER Fnm tht painting in tht Hotel dt VilU at St. MaUy France. CHAPTER II DISCOFERr AND EXPLORATION offlu. M^L. r "««"«1 by historians as markine the end And th^ ^' ^^ ""• '^ '''^"•"S °^ **« Mode™ P^ri^ And this for many reason.. For one thing the eraoffc«3»i decentnUization in the countries of W^e™ Eu^pl S hTbZ,'" ir" "'.!5l *" °^ politic ™c3t^ consciousness, and to pursue what may be looked ■>»»» .. we«n^!^ " . "*8 *° recognize. But Endishmen were not promment m navigation at this date. iSr ^" 19 ttaBaESSassaaasm ao CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA seafann of the fifteenth century were Italiana, for the citiet of the Italian peninsula were the great tnuiing entrtpSts of the age. Thence had come Columbus to Spain, and thence had come to England, about 1490, one John Cabot. On his arrival he settled in Bristol, then a flourishing seaport, and during his first years of residence there Cabot under- took some short voyages to European points. It was in 1496 that he approached Henry VII. with a petition for assistance in the project of a voyage to the west. The king granted him permission and supplied him with five vessels, promising him a monopoly of all trade with his expected new lands. Cabot left Bristol about the middle of May, and after a remarkably quick trip sighted land on the 24th day of June. The question of the Cabot landftiU has given writers opportunity for diflferences of opinion, as the navigator left no journal of his first voyage, and de- pendence has to be placed on maps alone. The Cabot Mapptmmdt^ supposed to have been drawn by his son Sebastian nearly half a century later, seems to indicate a point on Cape Breton Island, but a later map in Hakluyt distinctly nurks Newfoundland as the spot. At any rate Cabot seems to have coasted about the Gulf somewhat before returning to England. Whether his son Sebastian accompanied him on this expedition is not definitely known j the better opinion is, however, that he did not. On his return to England the navigator nude report to the king who out of his niggardliness rewarded him with the sum of ^50. In the following year father and son set forth on the second Cabot voyage, and of this trip more is known for Sebastian Cabot was a prolific if not always an accurate writer. This time the navigators turned their vessels north- ward seeking a northwest passage to the Indies, and coasted as far as the entrance to Hudson Bay. According to the narrations of Sebastian they reached a latitude where »» great icebergs abounded and the duration of the day was con- tinuous," — an obvious falsehood. Turning southward they proceeded as far as '' the latitude of Herculeum " (Gibralur). i .--^1 I I i 5. ? M o It c4 Z" < = ■« U4 Hp: I j DOCOrBRr AND BXnoHiTION at This would mike Viipnia the southern limit of tneir e> plo«t»n,, but the fact may wdl be doubted m^L^^: »«" • t^offMphy and his dates. After the mum ofX njo to Engl««l nothing more is heaH of Jo^Sii^. ^t C^!^ ?"" •^'**"" "8»^*'^8 •" ^ voyages of the Cabou w^ however, extremely unLisfactoiy/ vSy liS^ « to be found in the Bristol Anrhive., and mo« of wSj we know concerning the det«ls of Skr expZJtions Si come down to us from Sebastian Cabot thJi^ S^^ ;?„ i '^ T**"**"^"- I"vestigatorsrK»hc.m. vmced that the voyages were made,%re iot p3e5^ g^ aU the detjU. as given. Through the'^XJ, o? C^ «nd hi. son SebMtian, England established her "i,^ to oifer httle promise and no settlement followed. J-rance m the meantime had been concerning herself ^r.T '^J-'^r^ «-««"«« of her^n'iomSSc eS^f t"i;'"*^ explorations of any kind, but aboS^ to awaken to her opportunities. King Fiwds I rf forthS "^ "^^T ""•">^ ^'^ Charies v., 7lU::*nd for this reason, if for none other, desired to shared tl! temtonal spoU which seemed to belli tHL Lt of his southern neighbor. "I would (tin ,^»l,^u^ opam and Portugal. Therefore, in 1524, he is said to have dispatched Giovanni da Verrazano, a FtoUiJe riiw on a miMionofdiscovenr to the western seas. Oure^SlJl' Tl^S^ V f ^"^ °^ Verraxano's explorations^ll" ">e king after his return and on a map said to have been S^T'th'l'^d'" ^'««'- -•»« ^ ^ dl A^c^ mg to these documents, Verrazano expJored the whole A^nc coast of America fn,m the arohnas eo No^ Scoto, givmg to the territory the name New F«nc^ aa CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA H Down to about 1875 thi* evidence pasted unquettioned, but about thii time investigators began to express their suspicions that the letter was a forgery, and that the map was constructed from the accounts of other explorers. At any rate, there are no contemporary references in French history to any such voyage; little or nothing is known of Verrazano or his antecedents. In the instructions given by the French government to Carrier and other later ex- plorers tnere is no mention whatever of any previous explorations under royal auspices, and the whole episode has a peculiar isolation. Furthermore, the description of the country as given in the letter is very faulty; for men- tion is made of various features of narive life which no other early visitor to America ever noticed, while the most striking characteristics, such as the use of canoes, wampum, tobacco, and so on, are allowed to pass unnoriced. Addi- tional ground for suspicion is found in the fact that the letter and map do not harmonize in their descriptions of the coast line. However, old historical beliefs are under- mined slowly, and as yet the more prominent historians are disposed to give the navigator the benefit of the doubt and to express their belief in the genuineness of both map and letter. The Verrazano expedition was at the best a mere isolated voyage. Another decade was to elapse before France again attempted anything in the way of exploration. The war with Spain was occupying most of her attention, but the Peace of Cambray ended this conflict in 1529, and some few years later Jacques Carrier, a St. Malo seaman, took up the work. Cartier is described in the records of his time as a corsair, which means that he made a business of roving the seas to despoil the enemies of France. There is every probability that in this capacity he had visited the Spanish main, and it is not unlikely that he may have visited the fishing banks off Newfoundland. At any rate, Norman, Basque, and Breton fishermen had frequented these parts for many years; and as the English were now beginning to DtSCOrMRT JND MXnOKJTIOM ,, F>!Sf* "* '^" filing ground., a fomud declmtion of 5«W. T!^'8"*l.*"'*'*if Gulf region, wm thought de- ««ble. Ctnier shipped hi. crew in St. Malo durinE the •pnng of 1534 and with two .nuU veml. n«de l^llyTo near what i. now Cape Bonavi«a, N^efounZfd M^L, tiuT Ict^'p^''"' ^.'""H^i ••'• """« ^'uthwmward tiU he reached Pnnce Edward Ishuid. Skirtine northward ag«n, he entejed and named the Baie de. cSeurTr^ emeijpng, h«ded northward to Anticowi and outT/^S On gJST'V^T*^.^*'" * "rP'«* '^•'^"" °f ^he Gulf. On Ga.pe he had landed to take forn»l po.K.«on of the new country in the name of hit sovereign. «JnH „ ^*^° ™"'ig«to' wa« full of enthu.ia.m for a swond voyage m order that he might explore the great waterway which .eemed to lead into tlSculffand .uccSS m procuring a «cond commiwion. Early in 153c he Kt I*^*^ K*^**" *""* 'I,* *«* ^^^* "d « crew of ovTr ?^h ri '*T'- ^"^ °^ *•'"« '^^^ ^"^^" f«"n the jaU. of France, for a voyage of di«:overy Kerned to have zZnlai'^l!' !°' *•: •"""«* ^""'^ •«"»«"• P««^g again through the «nut. north of Newfoundland, he prJl ceeded wj^t«^,d and found him.elf in the channel of a gLt nver. As he ascended it, the channel began to nairow much to his chagrin, for he had hoped to fi^in Sis^°eT-' stemmed the current and m due course the explorer, found tJe^^'"!; t '"**" •*"^'^"*"* °^ Stadicona, which then occupied the present site of Quebec. Here Cartier decided to spend the winter, «,d widl this end in view he drew h., ships up mto the St. Charles. Using as inter- preters two savages whom he had captured at Gaspe in the SraH'^^ ^""^1 '^8*" coiJmunications ^ith tt mil f K^*^"v"* ""* ^'"^"8'' *"» J«™«« of settle- mem further up the stream. The French leader decidS but the Stadacona Indians vigorously objected, end^voring u H i 'i 14 CJNMJ M/D tUTiSH NORTH dMiUCd to point out all manner of dangers and difficulties, but with- out avail) for, with his smallest vessel and about half his men, Cartier made his way up the river during the last fort- ni^t in September. Near the point where the greatest of the St. Lawrence rapids bars the weMem waterway, Cartier found the little Indian village of Hochelaga nestling at the foot of a mountain and surrounded by a circular palisade. The natives received him cordially, and after a liberal dis- tribution of trinkets the French learned from them divers vague snatches of information about great lakes and rivers to the far west, as well as the existence of settlements of white men away to the south. But as winter was soon to close in, Cartier hurried back to Stadacmia, where he found that his men had, during his absence, completed a small fort and made preparations for the winter. This first recorded hibernation of Europeans in Canadian territory was an exceedingly trying one. The cold was un- usually severe; scurvy brok-; out among the company, and many of their number died; supplies ran out, and only the generosity of the sav^es prevented absolute survation. When spring appeared, the remnant of the company gladly began their preparations for the return to France. The events of the winter had dampened their enthusiasm for any further suy in the country. As there were not enough men to man the three ships, one of them was abandoned. Before leaving, however, Cartier very miserably requited the savages for their kindness during the winter by seizing and carrying off with him their chief, Donnacona, whom he wished to present to the king in France. It is little wonder that such acts of treachery led the savages to treat subsequent Euro- pean visitora with scant courtesy. By July, the navigator was back in the little harbor of St. Malo, and ^o^^n was en- gaged in writing for the king a journal of his experiences. This has come down to us and is usually cited as the Brtf Ricit. Within its pages one will find some interesting de- tails, but its contents v re not such as to impress the French king that mu».i. ^,rofit could ever be derived from lii Ducorur md MxnounoM ,, itcitti undertook to dcKribe. C«tier wm . iood iuiri«! tor M ,e^„ went in hi. d.^ lH.t l« WM Io*So£t'S h.. d«cnprion. are mn intewi compdli,^. H, w«Kw rfi;:tit«srLtt J' '"'^^ « ^^ iS^^i^ oi latitude* and dietancet aie reaMnablv accuxwe. Unfoiu tunately the longitude. «« «a,ed in two S«L« SuT food. TSe habit of «noking i. mentionlSrSSou?in, n«t atjjU cerjun that tob«xo «.d m,t .Se^f JLS w« u.ed. Mention i. n«de of Indi«, gnun. and\JS M« not indigenou., the question lie. between Cartier'/K- curacy and the powibUity of .eed of the* vegeiS«h.y£ been imported from the «Htth. ThetwoX«7ftt cona we,, rou^y fonified, and thi. fi« iuTiStrS; Aervmr^ rir»i^»!S2!^* ^•'y ««Iy. if ever, f,^ tteir vuiage.. On the other hand, the deKription given by vUtage. by the Jwuit miwionarie. later oi. If one tunuito the Kant vocabulaiy of native word, which CwSdcS «P dumg hU my, it will be found th« mo^^^SJ^tJ jrom Huron and not from Algonquin nwt.. For ^^^ Doji^conj^dacona, H^laji, imTien OiS^t' f Z?;, T^ ^^^ of the word "C«iada^^bn «Kan«a,"Tr. ^U^S bSl«„ r«..P!i?:?If'" -r^ ««le or no dl«i«:tion dTJT; "«•.***• •«»«'»«»thatthewordha.come down to u. u. what i. practically it. original form/ T?! ^SZ7JTf """""■'" ^y "^ "«"• condurivdy SI^^tfiL '"^ *"• *^*"' <»'^ Mthority maintain, th^ the tnbe.men were member, of the Algonq^un «e«. a6 CM ADM AND inmSH NORTH AMEMKA fi I % Not for Ave ynn did Cuticr ^ fetdi to America. I« lj«> , • Picard Ktgmor, Jean fnuifois de la Roque de R&i-t rval, interested the king in a scheme of cdoni Jtion SMt Mcurrd ius own appuintment a« viceroy of the country. The aervice* of Carti r re at once enKtted and die Breton tailor was given the .rxtnuiat title of ** Pilot and Capuin- general of New France." An expedition was to teve been sent to the St. Lawrer ce eariy in 1 541, Nit when spring arrived Rnbervst was not ready. It .vas decided th t Caitief with thref ihi;>i «h<«(tld v^ o«tt alone and await I at a > 'dezv<'U!t m Nev itiniiland. But when caches; t rende? otts He watted six weeks in vain u ly (k^tued to push up to Roben Canif fur hiii tardy fuprrior Stadacon < alone. -lerr and prepa ed to spt nd the made to fochdaga, h- ": \ and n his letum to Cap R ni' i' >rnt r thar vears the a#age^ aow bra. o sh ^ f^ SPT -ig Car assed with ' fact that < the open- uiuble to npor ccr V / despitt hostility. Wi gain for France, tppearance of Roberval. Early in June It harbor of St. John's, Newfoundland, s -lated viceroy. What Roberval had interval is not definitely known. The' that Roberval sailed from Honfleur a f^ vi 'ier had started, but failed to go up i.. tter, returning instead to France in the B«£ there is mre evidence that Roberval did not Si at all )d that he had come directly from he met Cartier at Newfoundland. As to w' at pa>sevj iietwecn the two on the occasion of their mr'-ting, wi- have the narrative of Hakluyt that after a jirited ir .erview Cartier hoisted sail during the night aii slipped off homeward leaving the viceroy to his own reso,..rccs. It WIS probably in no pleasant frat.'-.c of mind that Ro- berval laide his way on to Cap Rouge, where he took rr DISCOTEkr dMD MXHOminOM ,- poMCwion of Cwtier*! pon, sowed mm* mm mA rMe- ubK ««I eade.vo«d to mdw the pbce £^^1? TE «.mp.ny however. hi«l be«, f*cn,^frTT^i^l^ Fnwce «,d proved «, unrulv lot. But the viecmt C«U* procured oi Jer. The winter wm . terriWe one. Scurvr to. ffi»rd wilUijg .uccor. When ^Z^ZTSSU^ ^ made their way b«:k to Fnmce. LeIart«,S^^ ot 1543 to Kfcue RobervjJ, but then it no extant evidence to «.pp.rt h.. mtement. Of Cartier'. later HfelioTS known «ve that the king gnnted him a .nuU m«,or nei2 f.cr w'T^w'''*'* ^ ^'^ « comfort^Kithl^ 1557. W,th the exception of the Bn/Ridt. n«n«rf hS P^« or map. haa coae down to u.."^ tK JT^^ thermore, there u evidence that aefeial maps wSaied^n preparea by bim. A fearless and stuniy sea doe T>m.». u» a man of firm features, of strcns vet cultutJl ^^-T^ mtnce. Unfonuiutely tb^ portiait^ti^i'^^rv^n^TS; Francis I died in 1547, and with his death came the be- ffnnmg of the civil and religious dissensions wS «p^ all the energ.es of France for half a century I^'^SS vms AuT^ ^'i ^'"^ P"'"* °^ ^9i in those fifty years. A Huguenot colony csttblid«d itsdf in Florida 28 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA during 1562-1565, but the Spaniards funher south r^arded ha existence as a menace and wiped it out of existence. But peace retunwd to Fiance with the end of the century, and on January 12, 1598, the Sieur de la Roche, a noble- man of Brittany, was appointed lieutenant-general of the colony, with wide powers and privileges. (See C t rnmu - simu det Gtuvtnm— tt ImtttuUmU dm Ctmmb^ p. 10.) The usually accurate V. msor errs in giving 1590 as the date of De la Roche's commission {Ctnrtur f Fnntmacy p. 76). In return De la Roche was to transport settlers and to superintend the development of the colony. The new official made haste to assume the dutws of his post, but found that it was no easy matter to procure settlers. Resort was therefore had to the jails for coavicts« — poor material indeed out of which to construct the nucleus of a great colony. Not much is known of De la Roche's voyage nve what we may glean from Lescarbot, who is not alwajrs trustworthy, contemporary though he was. Apparently the expedition toik a southeriy route and made bu^ fint at Sable Island, a barren crescent of sand oiF the Nova Scotian coast. Here he landed part of his convict company, prob- ably because he would not venture to trust them on the mainland while he cast about for a suitable site whereon to found his colony. But a fierce storm swept him back to France, leaving the luckless convicts to their fate. These were not rescued till 1603, when many of tnem had died and the survivors were in a wretched plight. De la Roche, broken in health, fortime, and spirit died soon afterward. But there were others eager to try their handa at colo> nization. Among these were Pont^ve and Chauvin, the former a St. Malo trader who had already made trips to the St. Lawrence, the l»tter a rich merchant of Honfleur. Application was made for a monopoly of the trade for a period of ten years, on condition of transporting to the cdony fifty setders per annum or five hundred in ul. The application was granted, a number of colonists were col- lected, and onters issued forbidding other vessels to trade Jacquc* Manincttc. It w DIKOrEkr JND MXPLOUTIOM t^^ e^ ^r if** spring of i6oo (not , . a9 nav whi«.h h«iiLl-^ reached the mouth of the Sague- ~ 2.S*,;s:!r"'™ " "^ "^ "- •»• "-^ veiiel each ftom the teapwti of & M.U — j » 30 CJNJDJ AND BRITISH NORTH JMBRICJ Rl II 'I The latter was a captain in the navy, born at Brouage in 1567, and a personal friend of his own. He had rendered very signal service in recent operations on the Spanish main, and enjoyed the favor of the king as a result. Clear in his plans and vigorous in their execution, Champlain was an agent capable of performing the task in hand and his selection proved an exceedingly happy one. The three vessels sailed in 1603, those from St. Malo and Rouen to trade, that commanded by Pontgrav^ and Champlain to make further explorations; no colonists were carried. The traders remained at the Saguenay, while the explorers nude their way up the river to ancient Hochelaga, which they now found in ruins; savage warfare had turned the little settlement into a solitude. The explorers were not greatly impressed with the country, and, rejoining their comrades at the Saguenay, returned to France, ^i^wre, on arrival, they found that De Chastes had died in their absence. The death of De Chastes gave nutters a new turn, for the monopoly now lapsed. Champlain, however, was enthusi- astic in his desire to proceed with the exploiution of the new country, and succeeded in enlisting the support of Pierre du Guast (or Gua), Sieur de Monts, a prominent Huguenot of Honfleur, in his plans. De Monts had already visited the St. Lawrence with Chauvin in 1600; and if we are to believe Lescarbot, he had made a couple of trips at least since that time. That he had accompanied Champlain on his voyage of 1 603, as Roberts alleges in his woric already cited, is most improbable. At all events, die French king allowed De Monu to succeed to the trading righu of De Chastes. To quell the clamor of independent traders against this action it was provided that De Monts should take into his enterprise as many of these as mi^t wish to become partners. But this availed little, for the terms of entrance were made too severe. De Moms promised to transport one hundred settlers per year to the cdony, this number being subsequently reduced to sixty. Oifiitt, /fi04, fy m Autognpli mmp of Bifin't fooith Tojrag* to dw nocthwoi ii dttnorthimt, i6i5. Fnm 0$ tHgktml MS, m tk* BrUtk Mmumm. DUCOItnr MD EXnOtLATtOH J, Aftw aone dela^ « number of merchantt amad to the teiTO rf meinl^rrfup and a compuiy wu fona;! De Montt ttinaelfretuiunga controUing mteiwmhe remaminK ■!»«• being beM b)r mercbants of St. Malo, Rouen, wdRocbelle. Fiire vetMb in all, m out in 1604 for the colony, under Ae patronage of tbe new company, tbiee went to the it. Lawrence to trule, and tbe remaining two aouthward to bmweJf, Champlain, and Baron Biencourt de Poutrincoun, a young adventurer. The veml. rounded tbe Nova Scotiin penuwuk uito the bay and entered what later became tbe taven of Port Royal, now Annapolii. Not latiafied with this pbce a* • «te tbe party coasted along around the north- ern sboK of the Bay of Fundy till they reached the island at the mouth of a river which he called La Riviire des ttechemmt. This island he named Ste. Croix and after some hesitation decided to make this the site of their settle- ment. (Ste. Croix was not at the mouth of the St. John as Mr. Bigg^ urates in hi. R^fy TruSng CmpaJa h, IT A ?^^ ** •"^*'^ '^ •» *»»«* commenced Md soon die little colony was under roof. Poutrincourt was dMpttched with one vessel back to France while De Monts, Champlam, ud the rest prepared ro spend tbe winter at 5te. Croix, pe choice of a site was singulariy unfortu- nate, disease broke out among the company and the miser- abte ex^nces of Cartier and his followen at Stadacona. and of Roberval at Cap Rouge were repeated. And when Poumnwurt appealed in the spring it was with considerable relief tittt &e. Croix was abandoned and the colony moved IS!!?* ^^ *t ****" *"^- Hete the buUdii. wero re«rected and m tbe autumn De Monu saUed with Poutrin- court for France leaving the colony in Champbin's chanre. lUis wmter was passed with some comfort for tbe weatl^r u!* *!!L!7*f "^ *• "«"•*"« of ^ colony was now less exposed. lntbesummerofi6o6Poutrincourt once more •Ppwed and with him a new spirit. Marc Lescarbot. The Wter w«s a Parisian lawyer in search of adventure, a man I*: 3* CMSMDA AND MMtTJSH NORTH JMMRtCJ of wit and witdom, one of the jdeasantett figures in the eariy hiitory of New Fruice. He was to become not alone the wnil of the little colony but the moet readable chronicler of iu varying fortunes. The sumner was spent in ex- plorations up and down the coast and in cultivating the cleared lands about the settlement. Supplies were now mirth and good fellowship, saw to it that there was no dearth of jollity. But in the spring of 1607 tidings arrived that the king had deprived De Monu of his charter owing to the continued clamors of excluded traders. As the colony could no longer ho)ie for support from Dc Monts's company there was no alternative but to abandon the site and return to France, which the whole party reluctantly proceeded to do. On arrival in France the anairs of De MontsN com- pany were wound up and a balance on the wrong side was shown. De Monts himself had lost heavily and debated for some time as to whether he should not give up his fur trade with New France altogether. But Champlain con- vinced him that profit could be ma«fe even without monop- oly, especially if the trade were carried on in the Upper St. Lawrence regions. Poutrincourt, however, remained faithful to Port Royal, and decided to reisublish the settle- ment there as soon as an opportunity presented itself. And this, some few years later, he was able to do. In 1 608, Champlain and Pcntgrav6 set sail for the St. Law- rence, having on board the materials for their new settle- ment. The ktter remained at the Saguenay to trade while the former pushed on to the site of old Stadacona where at the foot of the towering precipice he laid the foundations of the new Qu^t*^* the first permanent European settle- ment in the territory of New France. Here the explorer and his men spent the winter of 1 608-1 609 and in the fol- lowing spring with a portion of his following, joined a party of Huron and Algonquin Indians who were on a foray ff t »« tiding. tJ ^SLnniJ^i!^ •*«- •el^ wfctw I» had! i^iin,,^ J^^^ 34 CAVdDA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA r with tome accuracy during the fint part of his trip. After the portage at Muskrat Lake, however, hit entries of lati- tudes became inaccurate owing to the loss of his astrolabe. Some thirty yean ago a farmer of this region turned up with a plow a small brau astrobibe bearing the date 1603 and of Parisian manufacture. Without doubt this was the lost instrument. On reaching Allumene Island, near the piesent town of Pembroke, the party came upon the Algon> quins with whom Vignau had spent his winter, and here it was at once made plain that the young Frenchman was an impostor and had never visited the regions which he had described. Bitterly disappointed, the explorer returned to Quebec, where in his magnanimity he allowed the lying Vignau to go unpunished. In France, the interest in the colony continued and Champlain found little difficulty in procuring the financial and political support necessaiy to the proper carrying on of his enterprises. When De Monu lost his interest in the colony, the good offices of the Comte de Soissons were secured, and on the latter's death, the Prince de Cond£ gave his influential support to the colonial schemes. The Bttle settlement at Quebec was prospering, and settlen were coming out year by year. The voyage up the Otuwa, while it had accomplished nothing tangible, had filled Champlain with a desire to know more thout the western country, and in 161 5 he determined to spend the summer in a thorou^ exploration of the Huron territories. In the same year four Recollet priests had arrived in the colony, and one of these, Le Caron, had already started to set up his altar among the tribes of the west. Accompanied by the sturdy interpreter, £tienne Brul^ and a few compan- ions, Champlain ascended the OtUwa, now &miliar to hin owing to his bootless Vignau expedition of two yean before, portaged across to Like Nipining and followed French River to Georgian Bay. Near the shores of this water the party found the Huron villi^es, with Le Caron already at work among the tribesmen. Adding some of the '^'^nnr JMD MXPLORJTJON IiMtians to his tmrtv th. — i ««« finally ««ciS^tjS^'o?S: V**"" -^^^^^ of Lake Ontario Arri^ '..° "* ^'*n». « tributarv «ng tome Iioquoit •ettl«n«I!. l.^ u *"* '^J*" of •ttack- ^h'ch they proceeded to^^^ SZ^^a"^ P"^*"^ biavejy, and the amiJanu^re 'fo^ "'"'f"^'' ^«?h» plain lamg beert^nd^^^Srtl'"u'^"'''<^'«^ •m,w^ The party retume?t^"u.Xr^K.''^ «« I«H,uoi, wa, dewrou. of re,„„,i,^ ^ ?f «*5 »»>««ce Champlaia B"« the HuroiM refui«J .TiT^ ^*' ^'»'«»ce to Quebec "tu'ned. M it caL, to Jh^^'^,^ J^ expedition B-y. whence Cham^laS.^coi^.i'* ^'^^^ ''^ G«>'P«« Huron, down the Otuwa » K^^ ** '"^ *•*■**« of i6i6. »wa to the St. Lawrence in the .pring On arrival at OucIim* ikK. t ri^n from the ^^^pS^fi^JZTt^ - »"« H taken a new tiin. 1^^?,^? ^"'^^ " f^nnee •ntodiagraccandTienJ? J^l^'^ ^ ftUen P«ter of colonial entoSSl^S!^ «hat some new .up. S France, he fin^ylSSjSl? ^/°^''- .*«"™»g Montmorend to MiunTS^ '?''•*"« *•* '>'« de •nd wa. able to ret^To OueJ^^I^ **^ ''*'' *"«"«. Champlain found ZlnlT.^ n'*^"* °" *«» ««"» go'ng badly. The mtl^ .» i^fe* '*«*•'• '««l been thing but their own profitt ^^J^ httk c.re for any- •«« progm. in the^";«ir*;r?"!r''3' there had be/n '•epnning.of indu^ry ^"^l^**./^ »« even the perjuaded that the merehanu oT S^ p **?"*»o»««ci wu r 36 CANADA AMD BUTISH NORTH AMERICA do great things for the infmnt wttlement. But against this tlecision the merchants protested vigorously and, failing to swerve the viceroy from his purpose, resolved to keep on trading in defiance of the new order. Champlain found it a hard task to prevent the rivals from coming to blows in the St. Lawrence country, and for a time was sorely tempted to throw up his plans in disgust, leaving the rival traders to fi^t it out among themselves and with the Indians. But the rivals fortunately soon made up their diflferenci . and agreed to unite their interestt in a single company. For a time matters went on pleasantly enou^ save for threatened attacks on the settlement at Quebec by the hostile Iroquois. Settlers continued to arrive in small numbers, and more priests were brouo;ht out to minister to the growing spiritual needs of the colony. Among those who came in 1633 was the lUcolKn Gabriel Saprd, who became the beim chronicler of colonial happening, and the first hi«uriH of Canada. Champlain spent the four years from 1620 to 1624 at Quebec, working earnestly for the upbuilding of the little settlement, providing for the settkm as they came, and ship- ping off to France those who seemed to be idle and twrth- less. In 1624, he retum«i to France, where he lanmed during the next two yean* leavii^ the cnteny in chvge of the younger Caen. Dwing this intoval aatxher chai^ in the viceroyalty occurred, MontOMMcaci becomii^ tked of his post and transferring it to his nefriiew, the Due de Ventadour. Unlike his p redecess ors, the mw viceroy had no worldly interesu at heart in assuming his new post. He was a young nobleman who had retired from the court to take holy onkrs, and the Christianization of New France became his one inspiring motive. Being a warm friend of the Jesuit order, his first care was to dispatch to the ccdony three Jetuit |mesu, Charies I^emant, Enemond Masse, and that giant both in body and wul, Je?n de Br6beuf. This was but the vanguard of the hosts of Loyola, who from this time onward came to the colony in numbers, ai^ oucorMMr jmd ExnoMjrtoM 37 mtmately connected themaeliw. i»*k .k the Abendci, to the 2^ LZ^^T*!' '° »^ »°«h, «„ong and nmong the HumnTI'nJT* the Iroquoit to the .outt of theco„tinen?wkh „« he^Sl" "* S" "^ '"Wemem. turned, not . Wte wm cro«*J " n ^ " **»* *'*• Jciuit Jed the wiF" In tK \."^* ft»ncn>ft,ubut a in the New World'they ^^^^"^"'K °^ *"«"'^'' ''"•"inion In d«ie cour«. ni. ^^i^^ ° P")' "^ unimportant oart that ct'z^ci^t^t::^^":^^^^^^ wg ro force hi Huwc^J^ll ""'^ **" *'}' """"P- •ettle»««i«,";jfSj««™««" T^ women, .«, chilZ, ^j'^^^l??;:''" T '"^ -^^ extending nearly a Kon of v^r. b • ^ """^ * *»'*«»y ftr f~« «ti.i«:ti"^S^rrj:;:^-' comply which h^ •n edict wa. ittuJ^JSS^t«^t"!l.!!? °" ^P^' »9«li WM oficialJy c^ rW «?• """***' Aiaociatet, or, as H CASdDA dHD MUTttH IfORTN dMMUCA If pncticalljr all the attributet of tovere^tjr, dw right to im- prove and administer the lands, to bettow tkles of nobility, to establish courts, levjr taxes, and |MOvide oAcials of gov- emment. The Company was given a perpetual monopoly of the fur trade and a moiM^wfy of all other trade for a period of fifteen years. In return it was agreed that the grantees should undertake to convey to the cokmy within one year from two to three hundred settlers and theraaftcr a like number year by year. The aua^ as given by Charievoix in Hitfirt dt U NmntlU-Fnma is erroneously suted as sixteen thousand. The Company was under ob- ligation to support the settlers until such time as they should become self-sustaining and to give them allotmentt of land. No Huguenot or other heretic was to be numbered among the colonisu, every settler had to be both a Frenchman and a Catholic, and for every settlement priests were to be provi^ and mainuined at the Company's expense. After fifteen years, it was provided, provisimi for the sup- port of the;;e might be niade by setting apart sufficient areas of cleared lands. Thus were the destinies of New France committed to the charge of a greirt commercial company. The capital stock was fixed at three hundred thousand livres, divided among shardidders drawn from various parts of France. Richelieu was the leading spirit in this organization, and Champlatn was a member, being retained in charge of afikirs at Quebec. It seemed u if a new era in the history of New Fnmce had b^pin. CHAPTER III conjunction with tome UwETSLlL^^^ T^\ '" Kirke tent one venel of hit i«T??lk^^™« ''■^ .»« v^ounpiaui letunied • iprnted refiinl. When 40 CdMJUtd AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA Kirke learned that the capttire of Quebec would entail some loM, he decided to awak the supply veaaels under Roque- OMOt, which were momentarily expected. Before long these ■ p nar ed and a brisk fight ensiwd, in the course of which the French ships were captured and put in chaige of prixe cm»8. After gathering in a number of French filing ships in ftim Girif of St. Lawrenix, the English vessels made their way home laden with booty. Qtwbec had not been assaulted, but the capture of the French convoy had reduced supplies there to a ftmine point, ud the winter of 1618-1629 was a weary and dishearten- ing one for Champlain and his little garrison. Kirke's suc- cess had akrawd Sir William Alexander, a Scottish baronet, who, some little time pieviously, had received from the king a giant of Acadia, and a protest was made against further (^rations against Quebec. But an arrangement was made between Kirke and Alexander, by which the twain united their interests into a company. The king readily granted it a mmiopBly of the fur trade of the St. Lawrence, with the right to seise any French vessels or settlements found in the region, and in the spring of 1629 the company sent out two fleets. One went to Port Roval, while the other, again mder Kirhe, «ttered the St. Lawrence and moved up once nmn to Tadettssac. Three of the vessels, under Lewis Ki^, brother of the commander, proceeded on to Quebec, where Champbin was requested to surrender his settlement. As the place was on the verge of starvation, Champlain had no alternative but to accede, and cm July 20, 1629, Quebec passed for the first rime into the hands of England. The French settlers were promised transportation to France if they desived it, but most of them preferred to remain. Lewis Kirke was left in charge of the new conquest, and the fleet returned to England, taking with them Champlain, who had availed himself of the n/Stt of truisporution. Arriving in London, Ch«nphun sought the services of the Fiench am- bassador, and betweoi them sufficient inlhience was exerted on Richelieu to induce the minister to negotiMe for the ^'"'MMMJiT Mr COMMMMajl COMPJNiMS ^, ^ SJTSTcLS K ^r'^' "J M it WM chimed tSt o'y «»^ the twdefor; „!1, "^granted hin . monop- once nw Lk dtt,STri.!^„P*'*"?: ^^ ^"^ ^"««* •em out with n^.Zl^tr^"^r?^^ ^ two ye«n, i6»7_i6a« «*.»^1.I!^' ^"""8 ^ next WM cJ««;i in^L vj,^!,^* P"8««jm m^^^ The l«,d twding wu aStJi « wiS. ,^ •etttement, « better under- « Q."e^«^^hr^T!i ^ '"'^'«»^*nd the buiJding, thretuTorS^ dS ^ire^''?^ It w« thu, on ,£ that 0^mpS!,,AT1^^';^^^J^!'P'-^i'-in^pl«.. wiTtiuci wT"*'"^ P«^ve,«ce^«diienjy » unden^^CttleTn::^ ST^^^ J^^^^Tr.^ of dificStie.^; ,uc! ^^„.SS'e2'i°„ "".'^ ■'" '''^ ^*« out hi. phu... In hi. »2?^T *"**«''ori«g to cany magnify CWultiS.orreSlrh"'''" •°"'^* ''"'^^ «° cominJ*e«, onl^ c^o^^f iet S? ^7 e^' °T of . ««ightforw.H. truthfulSdS A. .^Ir? " u «:« Pla-n, «d there .cem. to^ e;erv i^ JTn ? " "^'^ htt accuracy. The d^^^J^ eveiy reawn for tni«ting •how him i havTb^r W", '^"^''^ '" •»" ^W« Phenomen.. M^' Kln'g.7,:; ^fei.^^rl'^ the ,u.«K« a. to wlSher ci:!:^^^ J'* ^''^E': 4« CdM/IDA dND BlUnm NORTH dMUUCd Hufiwnoc In the bapdsinal reconb at Brouage thcfr is no record of Samuel de Champlainf and thk it a ntther curioua fact since tlw names of all Ronuui Catholic in&nts seem to have been recorded with extreme care and piccision. To be sure, we majr find record that both his fiither and modier were bapdccd in the ancient church, but this proves little regarding Champfaun himself. Otherwise it wouM be easy to prove the orthodoxy of Luther. The name ** Samuel" was at this date rarely be sto w e d on other than Hi^uenoc children, and, as is well known, Rochellc and its environs, including Brouage, were hotbeds of French Protrstantism at this time. The close association of the explorer with De Monts and the De Cacns,aU of whom were Huguenou, would seem to riiow that at least he was not an intolerant Romanist. On the other hand, it must be borne in mind that Champlun appean to have sou^t the ministrKions of the Jesuit Lalemant in his last hour!, that the Jesuit Le Jeune conducted his funeral services, and that by will he left his meagre fortune to the Jesuit Seminary at Quebec, which had been founded just before his death. Whatever the creed of his nativity, the founder of Quebec was un- doubtedly a loyal frwnd of the Roman Church in his hter days. Champhun's portrait, painted by Moncomet, shows us a sturdy, broad-shooldered frame with features in keep- ing. There is every reason to believe it to be an excellent likeness, and it has been utilized by the sculptor in the creation of che handsome monument which now graces the DuSerm Terrace at Quebec. To the post of governor of the colony, thus rendered vacant by the death of Champlain, the Company of New France appointed Charies Huauk de Montma^y, who arrived in Quebec eariy in 1636. In the meantime the commandant of the trading post at Three Riven, Chas- teaufort, had administered the affiun of the colony. The new governor was an ardent sympathizer with the Jesuit order; in fact, there seems to be smne reason for believing that even at this early date these busy clerics were be^nning A ^^«^M^ Mr COMMMRCUl COM,JJfiM» to oterciM mom biiMiiM Ja Am -' » ^ . number ,«m.TST5«^52-^T^ Thi. »• time M» ti.dm^^:Sr^ « ^ **" *^ ch. V the life of theSSetSSr JH^ Montmap,^ in « C«ttd. St be^JSTl^llf '*^" »» hope that were now -i»irituyiy^SS. i?! "'•^'^ " '^ "'""r «»UectinJfi,„d,X 4 1^!^^ home and aided tho« ■ccountt of i\- v: . tie. of a. -• .'*•***"• The* W9n of the a,un:h u.. .-^ibtotSTT^ " 2f ~*P°«« "eariFaaididaadlmiZr^"'^'*^- They hean latter year SehMtS S^ ^!!l ""*^ **3a. In this r'^ »T^^if^^2i^ the Ion, ligiout Frenchmen with theTiS^i • ''"^ "^ '*' heroiam in the wUd/of ^k a * J*^'* *»«Ky "id umei appeared, and their Li.L« • ^ <'.»«'ecimo vol- "•e«l tpproval of the Jwuit d2^?-l ** '~*' ">«' icattered themadveaXvS di^' Jt* >'*^i "*«•" e« peril, and enduri^ Tt^ m^^^'^J"!:^ ^f^' ""•tinted endeavor, to wXSi't^'" '" ^' "SLji 44 CdMlDJI JIMD BUrUM MOUTH dMtUCd crucifix wiMBvc tiwir bMt jmn to tiM cwMt of dviUsitka in the New World. Not even tlw moec ttnconpromiMi^ enemiet i^ RoaiMi«a will dcnv to them a high pbicc among the niaken of early Canadian hiatofy. It waa amid due dow of id^ioua fervor that Montnal came into being, llie modem mctropolia of Caiiada waa the oApring of a aomewhat groteaque devotional enthu- ■iasm, as one may dean from the pMes of the rather viMonary Faillon. Here we are tdd of the ecstatic aed which impelled two devout Frenchmen to obtain the grant of the island at the junction of St. Lawrence and Otttwa Rivers. This was to be made the centre of religious phi- lanthropy, for the plans invdved the establishment of a seminary, a college, and a hospitd. The Society of Notiv Dame de Montied was organised, and a beginning was made by selecting as the ornniao' of the new settlement Pkd de Cbomedey,Sieur de Maisonneuve, a gallant soldier from his boyhood and a fast friend of the Church. It was found that funds did not permit the establishment, for the time being, of the proposed seminary and collrae, so it was resolved to let these remain in abeyance. But the hos- piul was urgently needed, and to superintend it* er tabJish- ment the promoters chose Mile. Jeanne Mance, an anient young religionist of high character and motives. Some wedthy persons in France sun>lied the necessary funds, and in 1641 Maisonneuve, Mile. Mance, and a few score senlers sailed for their new home. When they reached Quebec the season was far advanced and Governor Mont- magny induced them to spend the winter there, hiding that before spring he would be able to induce the enthusiasu to abandon their original pbns and, tnttead, to settle on the isbnd of Orleans fronting Quebec. For he was a firm be- liever in consolidating the scttlemenu in order to minimise the danger from the Iroquois. But Maisonneuve declared that he wodd fdfil his mission even though every tree on the island of Montred were a hostile savage, and when the sfHring of 1642 arrived he beg»n his trip up the river. OOnMMMltT Mr COmUMCUl COMP4MIU 45 Fottwat fcvowd the m»mim.tmdmhiu ^ hrfyiM, „.._ About thh ri«, MoeSttTLT^l? !^T^ very "piiliilrr-iilS^^C^fSr^ |^jw«« or i»e fomBor, tbs btshep or wpaJoT^dM iT^.^ Sr^ of Mo^ JXZJ;^ wWck wu cSedin ,66? wLST^^T^) ^^^^^^^ MKMCOPV MSOUJTION TBT CHAIT (ANSI and ISC TEST CHART No. 2) jk /APPLIED IM/OE Inc 1653 Eqll Uoin SIrMt RochnUr. N» Yorti 14609 USA (716) «a2 - 0300 - Phon* (716) 286 - 5»8« - Fin CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA 'r n in both directions, there was opportunity for Urge profits. Very unfortunately, many of the officials of the company in the colony were diorou^ly dishonest and us^-d their posi- tions to their own personal gain. Furthermore, as there was more profit for the inhabitants in the fur traffic than in the cultivation of land, most of them took regularly to the woods, entirely neglecting their land grants. The opening year of D'Ailleboust's governorship was marked by an important event in the annids of Indian war- fare, the destruction of the Hurons. During the few years preceding 1648 the Iroquois, who had been devoting much of their attention to the French settlement at Montreal, had left the Hurons in peace. And this seems for the time being to have lulled the latter into a fidse sense of security. A party of Iroquois warriors proceeded during the summer of 1648 to the Huron country, where they destroyed the village of St. Joseph, murdering P&re Daniel, the Jesuit priest who was sutioned there, and taking a large number of Huron prisoners. In the following year a larger number of tribes- men returned to complete their bloody work. A dozen or more Huron settlements were attacked and laid waste with appalling slaughter. The Jesuits Lalemant and Br£beuf were taken and, after atrocious tortures, burned at the stake. The remnants of the Huron tribe were utterly demoralized and scattered in every direction. A few found refuge on Manitoulin Island in the Georgian Bay; some made their way to the remote west where they found shelter with the small tribes there; some offered to unite with their con- querors, who, in accordance with their fixed policy, gladly accepted this addition to their fighting strength, while a miserable remnant of a few hundred survivors were brought down to Quebec and s. Jed near the town at Sillery. Their land became a separate waste and the missions there came to a disastrous end. In more ways than one this extermi- nation of the Hurons was a severe blow to the French. It deprived them of their most &ithful Indian allies; it taught the western tribes the impotency of French protection; it ^'^'^'^'^^MENT Br COMMBRCUL COMPJNIES 47 gave the Iroquoii an unwholewme conceit in th«r «-. new governor found the colonvT. « T *•*""• The than he had antidpated EvXk " ^"^"'"' «™» the settlement, a^JT^Io .i^TtirdSe" '^'","* »'*k« nonoSt.Tei riwetet. Cfcw CtAVDi Bi MoMtta'cBii. teoamfc bomiqae cn hCout JttPalaii.iai>om de lefiu. AriC~PlllviLBGE DY ROY. T,tle-p,ge of ChampJain-. «xount of the nvan. of Can»,» M, origiMo/ in the N*^ York Public Library 1*' m OOFMRNMMNT MT COMMMMCUL COMfJUOMS ^^ •uMive power., iff «S*of^\SJ!r '*"'' P"" ^^^^«^ • «-!-« r«», «*«« .m«. j;:s: Onondaga, had it in mS7^ '^^^^ ""* ""''«'» *»» join ^t^»?'« '^ l«unched, and the JIln» »«-k_: "^ "••' progrwa a few dayCvt h.^]S -t^ri!!; *^?«««!^ to ruth the p««. WofnlT.'n^""''""*"!*^' for«K,k himfbut wkhAe LSSi£ 'i"?^.' '"«*«««« "d place a T>™opyT.^?L"^tJSd'"^rS^^ dunng the next few davt we «». ««! •' • * '»*PPen«* counu which have com? wH, Ar^*^- *^" -*=" •eem to be w paloablv o^J^i!^ v *? **"*"" ""«« doe. not pos!^. a Skh in Z^*^ ?" ** '»^«*»'^ who before heTTd:; t^fo iTo^c" ^2;""!??^ '°"« death .truggle of the«he«,e. o?5,e iS'sal^ii"^*''^ Parkman a bam for what i. JjI ? * "• P''" picture in the^ofenZ of hftSdff ' "^ "^^'' P" C«udian,choolboyKS£.»i'^'^ ^'^ ^doi. of hi. youthfj; -.inrti^i^t;? siricT'C 58 CdMMDd MUD BRITtSH ttOMTH dMBUCd The defendm wen in aU probabUitx •huglwered at tiMir hMtily improviaed poKi we have no Kcoid thtt anv of them returned to Montreal. Charieroix, in fact, does not mention the epiMde at all, and what we know of it dribbled Za^, ™ »»»f«cital of lome of thoee Huron, who de> •erted Dauiac before the attack commenced and who after, ward escaped from the Iroquois. One thing, however, DauUc and »»• «»enceitainly accompHdiednTie capture of the po« and probablv the torture of the few priMnert delayed the progren of the Iroquois, and this delay exasper- ated the restless savag^ who waited on the Ricfelieu, and the project of a general attack was abandoned. After some desultoiy skirmishes the Indians made their way homeward, end the colony was saft for the time being, fhe governor penned a despatch to the French minister crediting Dauiac with having saved the cotony, while a general Te Deum was sung m the chapels of Montreal and Quebec. The ?~IlS*'*J'£~u'!S^ °'" '^"^'= -culpture, prepared by the ^Mde "*e«» commemonwes vividly the dramatic But the dangers without were not the only burdens which the stnigghng little colony had to bear at this time: there were dissensions within. The settlement at Montreal had n»de little progress, and in 1658 the Society of Notre Uame had handed it over to the wealthy Seminair of Saint- Sulpice in Francr. The latter order forthwith sent out an energetic prelate, the Abb< de Queylus, to supervise the spiritual aiEurs of the new chaive. They retained Makon- neuve in charge of temporal a&irs. The appointment of Queylus boded no good to the Jesuits, and these latter were not slow in showing their resentment. It seems to have been intended that Queylus should in the course of time be made bishop of the colony, but for the present he was eiven ?Ak ! °K J'^'^i'n"' ""*•" ** «P'«°P^ juri«U«ion of the Archbishop of Rouen. It was soon apparent, how- ever, that he would never be acceptable to the Jesuits, and, as these were mfluential at the Papal See, the pren^otion i t OOnMHMMNT BY COMMKHadL COMfdHIU ,3 rfthtfiylpitiMvicw^^ »«VTI« b«cli b«w«n SdpkkM,. «d jLt.'^SS wideiwd, and tlmr uaMmljr i|ii.uTdi toon •CMdalSdrii £'!:sLLT/i "T^L^*^ lonrnSrtS^t me uitemtt of peace and order. W.Sp.%S^^ d>e order, no Jeaoi, could become . M^ But there waa nodiuif to prerent tbeir aecuring r « f~P*' ■«»*«»«'«• to giTe Mich a one the ap- t- .u. And thui it came to pa... The Jetuita to I«ett of thirty-aeven yeara of age, who bad Sn eduoS jl^Xn?' ,J]L"J5T* i ?!^ Anne. nSSSTS c^nfcli ::J^ ^^ ^'^^^ *•* »«««'"" of her Jeauit confea«»r, and Laval waa duly nominated Biabop of New P^**;, ^ ^ nominadon'bad to be conSSd^S lia^uT^^^J^^'^^^' When the nomination SSy wSrbl£n'^^'^»i'^ «i^ijed by the ultnuno^ ptrty. Which then had the car of Rome, that the aoDoint. ment dwjuld be arr«,ged in aome J^tS ST^ t"^'^ "« «« -t all dependent on LlLTh^ to.t«^iJSL"*'*"1"'!?**P'^«^~- Co^uen^; uittead of bemg confinned Bishop of New FranS Lawd w« made titular Biahop of Pet« in Arabkand W of'ZSSSl^r'*"^^^'"- TheA^JbiEJ Of Kouen regarded thia aa an infiringement on hit iuriadic- ioThul'' V^'i*" *• •ovenrfgnrbTneithrr r£ SrSLT- ! ^'*. /*'"" ''f »PI>oiiitment so long aa the appomtee waa mtiafied, and they gave their con«m ^ ,«LtllS!gtr" " "^ ^8»-Wch,of c^urache t^ i '♦ 54 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA ..ni!"? T^-*^ at auebec in 1659 and at once entered upon hif duties. Queylu., the SuJpitian vicar^nenU at Montreal, was at first disposed to accept the newTrelate as his supenor, but inHuenced by the Archbishop of Rouen, he soon assumed a hostile attitude, and a bitter quarrel en- sued between the vicars-general. In the end, ojeylus was ordered home to France, and Laval, now supremi in the ecclesMstical afEurs of the colony, prtxreeded to reoianize the priesthood on a missionary basis. Under this plan he retained the power of appointment and removal in his own hands, and guarded himself against the estoblishment of anv prescriptive claims to parishes which colonial priests miEht venture to set up; a practice which might in New France «mrd" " *'*' ^" ^°''''' *° ''«^"" *« 'P^^ 1 aS'T^ *»»«n«ons were not merely inter-ecdesiastical. found himself directly at vanance with Governor D'Arwnson on several poinu of etiquette. FoUowing the ultram^tane pretensions, the bishop claimed precedence on all pubHc occasions over the governor, on the ground that the repre- Tf I^mi*' ^"""^ "^^ "^""ked the represenurive of any earthly potenute. The force of this point did not, apparendy, apped to D'Ai^nson, who promptly vetS the ambitious prelate's claim, whereupon L latter th«S ened him with excommunication. The quarrel was soon ^i^t i!rT? ^>™P'°"»- The outcome TL squabble would undoubtedly have been disastrous to the go^ emor, for the Jesuit influence was very powerful at the French coun, and D'Argenson had scant baSing iS F«nce! Moreover, his work in the colony had been none toTsuc- Xl"h *"'* *t »"*?«," would not probably have exerted ^ .f 'L*°k'''? '^'" " °®«- *'"«»'«' »«>"We, however ^ Tn^- L'*"' *lP'"*r °f '^ governor's three-year nTi:-^?*'" ^P**"**"-' '661, his successor, the Baron Dubois d'Avaugour, arrived. We have the testUnony Sf S GOriRNMBNT Br COMMBRCUL COMFANtBS 55 dSJIZ?" *'"* n ' ^^^^y^> tlut Laval Ittd a.ked for DAigenwni recaU, but we have no other evidence of constant fnction with the head of the Church in the clny and very probably would have refused a aecond term eveJ ^d .uch been ofFe«d him. Some time previo^y S ^l„r"T i°T P'**^*"^^ to tl>i. effect. "I se^ no r^jon he declared, «for remaining here any longer. When I came to this country, I hoped to enj/y a lilde «po«, but I am doubly deprived of it^^lon thi L Cj by enemiei without and mceswuit petty bickerings within; and, on the other, by the difficulty I find in livinf I have only two diousand crowns a year for all my expenses, and I have found It necessary to incur debu to an eqiS amJ»unt." Later on, he wrote to the president of the Company asking h.m to chco« wmeone else for the post. «Iam deter! mmed," he declared, "to suy her* !k, longer. My horror of dissension, and the manifest certainty of becoming involved in disputes with certain persons with tleTtiu*!?..""''? '"« to quarrel, oblige me to anticipate On the whole, D'Argenson seems to have been 5 rea*M«ib e and tempeme official, who found himself involved in diffi! cultitt which were not at aU of his own seeking. The new governor, D'Avaugour, last of the Company governor, of New France, was a sturdy old soldier,^J to L^^ *f»nst the Jesuits, and on his arrival refused tr^«m? '''lu** ««««o'^ which Laval had h^o^rr"- ^* f *«">«"••«««« it clear that whUe not disposed to brook any of their domination. As his temper was easily roused a quarrel was not long dekyed. but It had not up to this time aaumed arfacute phase. It ^ the question of the liquor traffic which now made its ^Y onto the politiad stage of the colony to proveasoLS if J6 CASADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA of strife and tumult for generations to come. No other quettion m early Canadian hittaiy gave rise to such un- compromiMng bitterness or caused the undoing of so many ^t^u °?*"?*' ^ *** ^" *"«*« developed it was found that brandy formed the most efiective purelosing agent which the French possessed, and in consequence W quantiues of ,t were brought over annuaUy from Fianw. 1 he Indians soon developed an inordinate passion for the mtoxicant, and, when necessary, parted with laige quantities of valuable furs for a few gaUon. of it. TheTvie d«S UU he was drunk, and when drunk acted like a being pos- jewed of the devU. Every visit of the tribesmen to a French settlement and every arrival of French traders in which some violence was certain to be committed. N<5 mfrequently the Jesuit missionaries found their very lives endangered by the tumultuous revellers who when sober were docile enou^. Laval convinced himself that the Chureh could make little progress so long as the liquor »u t*'u"*T^»."?*'' *^" *^" •»•• *^^*1 in the colony, the bishop had induced the governor and Council to pro- hibit the trade under penalty of deaths the spiritual weapon ot excommunication was not considered sufficiently effective iJnV^ "^ **** ***** °'" **^ ""^^ D'Avaugour The new governor, as has been said, did not wish to openly aiitagonize the Jesuits, so, for the time being, he reluctantly pennitted the decree to remain in foree, and consented to the execution, a few weeks after his ai^val, of two traders convicted of the offence. But it was not long before D Avaugour had occasion to change his attitude. A woman of Quebec who had been placed under arrest for having given brandy to some Huron Indians was in dannr of suffering the prescribed penalty. It was felt by the Jesuiu that public opinion in France would strongly con- demn such execution and their superior, Lalemant, went to the governor to mtercede for the woman. This was too GOFBRNMENT BY COMMBRCUL COMPJNIBS 57 much for the iiawrible lyAvaugour. He wai not in fiivor of the dmtic «pil.tion., bu7if the Jesuit, demiSde? k rtey mu,t ««,d by it. logiaU con^^uence.: he wtld make no dutuiction of mx before the law. uSince." he «jd "you do not wi.h it to be a crime for thi. woSn, k o^Za * *=""V°' ""ybody." The result wa. a re^ JnAf -K "^i^u** *• '^"^"^ "P*" °^ the tiade once mSre^ and forthwith the carnival of drunkenne.. recommencS Even .„ Quebec and Montreal the ungodly reveUed toS: ously under the very eye. of the bi.hop in celebration of then- renored l.cen«. Laval wa. fiantk with an^n He ^tliT'""!""?'"""".' **"* ^°""<* that his clerical blow. ««,ed harmle«riy on the .houlder. of the lu«y trader.. To whom a depnvation of the office, of religion WTS^ SL ZtST'n T'^"«'!~- The hau^ty bidiop couS bear matter, no longer: in the autumn of 1662 he Kt ofF for France, there to lay the whole quewion before the kine The outcome wa. as might have been foremen. The whole mfluence of the host, of Loyok in France wa. at a n'r H'Kv"^*i*"^ Ae king w.. prevailed uportr^.«" Jlt^Tu °"'"- £^Avaugour wa. .umm^ed ho J* and the b..hop wa. a,ked to name a .uitable .ucce.«,r. IT JIIk • • ''"P*""" ^' deposed governor .ent to the French minitter a memorial in which he m forth the out- line of a plan for the tnui.formation of New France into a powerful military colony under the direct control of the crown. Thi. plan ^em. to have impressed Colbert, who n nT 1 ''^'^ or "1°"^*' «^", with the result that wt^ u n •"^"'°"' "^^'^^ « contained were won were l^'^ZA ^'^"^ °i *• governor the colonists were teiTonzed by a series of severe eanhquakes. The Jesuits Journal relat« that the shocks were w violent that fro, the chapel bell, pealed, and darkne.. came^ver the l1l?f/ /*"?: "'^^ "°*'°"»" ''"t" Lalemant, "was like that of a ship at «a, » much m that diver, persons lii s« CAHADA AMD BRITISH NORTH AMERICA i i,^ felt the same disorders of the stomach that they are accus- tomed to feel on the water." The superstitious beheld visions in profusion. "We beheld," narrates the !i»aie chronicler, "blazing serpents which flew through the a.r borne on wings of fire. We saw above Quebec a great globe of flame which lighted up the darkness and threw out sparks on all sides." It is not recorded, however, that any one was injured nor that any building was damaged, so that one may be pardoned for imagining that Lalemant's account of the phenomenon somewhat oversteps the do- mains of actuality. A few severe shocks such as have several times occurred on the continent together with a more than ordinarily brilliant meteonc shower probably gave basis for the whole portrayal. It may not have been the severity, but the novelty of the phenomenon which terrified the superstitious folk. The recall of D'Avingour marks the close of the Com- pany r^me in New France. The colonists were them- selves discontented with the existing system, and some two years before, had despatched a commissioner, Pierre Boucher, to represent to the king the tardy progress which the colony was making owing to the nigganlliness of the Company and the corrupt character of the oflicials whom it employed to look after its interests in Canada. The Company seems to have been stirred to momentary activity, for it sent to Canada, as its agent, Peronne Dumesnil, with the powers of con- troUer-genenl, intendant, and supreme judge. Dumesnil's inquiries in i66o soon produced a number of serious charges against the colonial Council. So bitter was the state of feel- ing, that Dumesnil's life was threatened. Boucher's repre- sentations and the disturbed state of aflairs due to Dumesnil's charges, together with D'Avaugour's memorial, seem to have had their effect on Colbert. In Februaiy, 1663, the stock- holders of the Company thought it well to anticipate royal intervention by surrendering its rights and privileges to the crown. This they were the more willing to do since the profits of the trade had been steadily declining owing M GOriMNMMNT Mr COMMMRCUL COMPANIES 59 to the Indkn trouble, and the prohibition of the liquor trade. The turrender wm accepted by the king in the foUowmg month. «Intte«l of finding/ recite, the E^ announcing the wceptance, "that thi. country i. .ettled a. .t ou^t to be after u> long an occupation thereof by oS ;"te^ r ^r J**™*** ''''^ *•»« '^' «o' only U Z number of .t. mhabitant. very limited, but that even tW are «veiy day «cpo.ed to be expelled by the Iroquoi," We have, therefore, rewlved to withdraw i. from the hand, of the uid company and to declare and order that all risht. of property, ju.tice and Kigneurie . . . and all and every other nght. gninted by Our Mo« Honored p,e«kcS -nd fa her by the Edict of April a,, 1627, be and the ^e are hereby reunited to our crown, to be hereafter exerciaed m our name by the officer, whom we duOl appoint in S Ill i v, 1 i E \ ) r CHAPTER IV UNDER LOUIS ^JTORZM Tmi Compuiy of New France having turrendered ht powers, rights, gnd privileges, the colony became a royal province. The company's administration had been equally disastrous to itt own stockholders and to the wide expanse of territories under its control. The few score of seigniories, scattered along tne northern slope of the St. Lawrence, most of them still uncleared, many of them quite uninhabited, bore ample testimony to the absence of zeal manifested by a commercial company for any permanent agricultural de- velopment. The tedious succession of brdls and dissen- sions, both civil a..d ecclesiastical, as amply testified to its administrative incapacity; while the marked decrease in the fur traffic during the final decade of its existence had served abundantly to show iu inability even to maintain its position as an exploiter of colonial resources. A dispirited and almost defenceless colony, a legacy of Indian enmity, an emi^y exchequer, were meagre returns indeed for the princely privileges which the king had phced in the company's hands nearly forty years before. It was not difficult, therefore, for Colbert to convince his sovereign that it was time for a change. Accordingly it was decided to provide the colony with a civil administra- tion modelled more or less roughly upon the system which had long been in existence in the provinces at homej a system, the main features of which had been worked out 6i if'" 6a CMNJDJ AMD BUTttH NOMTH 4MMMK4 STJJ^TJ^ i:!^^» «l»itmd to the miniMer during fc«w4 the colon, tfthe'lixL*d?^?r"c::t' m«je«y • orders, were given u reaMoa in Mipport of the m«^ jeiugn to cr«e . cokmid «lmin»trMion .JS „ Jj^^ able to de«l directly with .U merely locd maJin^^ v.«on w«, therefore, n«Mle for the /re«S, ShTSveiS^ "«•«» power., the «ln,i„iw«ive body of dS cJZT; new Dody was to have its headquarters at Ou^luJ ..«i^ S^^TS^k"^ « "tomey^neid (fru,^)^ but aTt^ Uers of the CouncU might be continued in officeor chanZi As for its powers, the new CouncU was iriv«n u,ri.Au tion over aU criminal and civil offe^es^uS^; r^^^" *nd ordmances of the kingdom", its p^K^Tte^,^* VMDU lOVtt ^JTOUi *l to follow that in voBiM in tbt PariiaiMiit of Fkrit. Nevcfw thdeM, the king took occasion to expresaly ntttv* the r^ to rattrict the application of French bws and onUnancet to the cokmx or to enact new laws and ordinances for the colony alone if occasion should so demand. The Council was to have the supervision of police and judicial ornnisa- tion, being given power to cMablish mumr royal courts equipped with the necessary oficials and charged to take cognisance ions chitmu tt bmttumr ii pncubtn of all oflctMres committed within their respective jurisdictions, saving afcrs the right of a^teal to the Council. To the Council, I wise, was committed the duty of roistering royal edict* their receipt in the colony, and of arranging tot the i communicatim of their contents to the people. Wl necessary, the Council was empowered to carry out main principles enunciated in these edicts and to vary th application to specific cases by the issue of ordinances itt own authority. Tlie first governor under the new r^me wu M. Sal^ de M eomplMe ttnuinr to tiit cdonv, ami wm. in tldi Wfut, M thu Laval became, for the moaieiit, the tni* sLJ. vfii ^" WM girwi tke po« of Keeper of the Scata. ViUeray according to a contemporaiy wSer. fim came to New France in 1651 aa the vSeTof SJ™ U«««., who had taken him tical and other materials regarding colonial conditions as might be of service to the home government. Gaudais was likewise instructed to note the capabilities of the new coun- cillors and the general prospects of the new administration. Secret directions had been given him to note carefully the bishop's conduct and, if possible, to find out why Laval had been so anxious for the recall of D'Avaugour. This policy of assuming to give an official full confidence, while at the same time subjecting him to the cynosure of an administra- tive spy, was abundantly characteristic of French colonial policy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Du- mesnil directed the attention of both De Mesy and Gaudais to royal edicts issued some years previously, making provi- sion that all receivers of public moneys were to be excluded from office until they had made satisfactory account of all funds passing through their hands. Villeray and Bourdon he instanced as being ineligible under the terms of these edicts. De Mesy and Gaudais promised to give the objec- tions due consideration, with what sincerity may be judged from the fact that the appointments of the two were an- nounced on the following day. The difficulties with Dumesnil had just begun, and Gau- dais was soon given ample opportunity to observe the vindictiveness of the bishop and his friendsl In his later report to the king the details of the whole quarrel are recited in full, and it is from this document that one may hope to draw a fair narrative. On the 20th of September, only two days after the appointments had been announced, the Council met to hear the recommendation of the attorney- general that Dumesnil's papers should be seized and searched. The ostensible reason given was that Dumesnil had retained iiiii 1 66 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA it; some papers which should have been deposited with the public records} the real reason was a desire to get hold of some documents in his possession which were known to in- criminate certain members of the Council and their friends. This recommendation was at once adopted, and Villeray and Bourdon were commissioned to make the search and srizure. Taking a squad of soldiers, they proceeded to Dumesnil's home. Here, the soldiers held him in a chair, while the two councillors gathered together all the papers in the house. As time did not permit any examination of these on the spot, the whole, both official and private, were carried off. In spite of his vigorous protests, Dumesnil was neither ^ven an inventory of his documents nor allowed to call in witnesses to the proceedings. The documentary booty was securely placed under seal in Villeiay's house, and on the following day the Council ordered that for his violent oral abuse of the searchers Dumesnil should be placed under arrest. But before this arrest could be ef- fected, Dumesnil sought the intervention of Gaudais, who persuaded the councillors to suspend any drastic proceedings until the whole matter could be submitted to the home au- thorities. In the meantime, he asked Dumesnil to set forth his side of the case. This the latter did in a ponderous dusier of thirty-eight manuscript pages, replete with charges of dishonesty, malversation, and violence against Bourdon, Villeray, Ferte, and Tilly. The records of the Council contain no intimation of the high-handed seizure of Du- mesnil's papers} they do contain record that his petition was received on the 22d of the month. But Dumesnil would not let the matter lie; his attacks on the repuUtion of the councillors and his demands for the return of his papers became such an unbearable nuisance that the Coun- cil was deterred from insisting on his arrest only by the fear that such action would strengthen Dumesnil's case with the king; for Louis XIV., arbitrary as he could be himself, had little sympathy with high-handedness on the part of his subordinates. So recourse was had to a ruse which, in its ■^A UNDER LOUIS StJ/JTORU ^j concqMion^wu quite chancterittic of the men frjin whom it emanated. The last ships of the year wer; to leave Quebec for France toward the end of October, and it was planned to uke Dumesnil into custody the moment these were out of sight. News of the arrest could not, then, reach France for almost a year; in the meantime, the case would have been decided on iu other merits. But Dumeknil learned of the plan through a friend} and the day before the vessels sailed, he went on board one of them, engaging passage to France. The Council, in its chagrin, tried to hold the vessel in port, even ordering the guns of the lower fort to be trained on her to enforce compliance; but the ship passed defiantly out of the St. Lawrence, and in due course landed Dumesnil at Rouen. Proceeding to Paris, he made haste to lay his accusations before Colbert, who re- ceived them with no little surprise, for he had jutt received despatches from Gaudais in which no mention of the aifiur had been nude. The minister was satisfied, however, that Dumesnil's accusations were not wholly without founda- tion, and at once turned the whole matter over to the Department of Marine and Colonies for a thorough bves- tigation. How far this investigation was pursued, or if, as is most likely in view of the traditions of the department, the whole cahier was promptly pigeon-holed, cannot be ascer- uined: no further report on the case can be found among the departmental archives. That the charges contained a liberal admixturo of truth is beyond any reasonable doubt, but that the peculations were as extensive as Dumesnil claimed is hardly probable. The financial afiairs of the Company had been conduaed in a loose and unbusinesslike manner, so that much that was attributed to wilful malversation was, in all likelihood, due to wUful negligence. At any rate, Dumesnil remained in France, and the colony henceforth heard little either of his charges or himself. But the disappearance of Dumesnil from the stage of colo- nial intriguery, — it can scarcely be called "politics," by If ' ,' f I =1! I' 68 CANADA AND BRinSH NORTH AMERICA no means put an end to colonial broils. Quebec remained much as it had been, in the words of Laval, ** a little hell of discord." And to discord within was added danger without. The Iroquois, who had given the colony a short respite during the summer of 1663, waited only till autumn to recommence their forays. At Three Rivers a raid re- sulted in the capture of a small party of soldiers who were unfortunate enough to be surrounded outside the walls. At Montreal a party of Mohawks appeared to ask an exchange of prisoners, but before the negotiations had been completed the savages treacherously massacred the friendly Huron families with whom they had been quartered during their stay and took to the woods. As a matter of fact it was only the more western tribes of the confederacy, — the Sen- ecas, Onondagas, and Cayugas, — ^who desired peace; the eastern tribes, the Mohawks and Oneidas, desired a con- tinuance of hostilities, for the weakness of the French during the closing years of the Company regime had inspired them with lordly notions of their own prowess. The western tribes had their hands full with their own enemies still further westward, and one war at a rime was now their policy. So that the latter determined, since the Mohawks had treacherously broken ofF negotiations, to treat for them- selves, and an embassy from the Senecas and Onondagas was despatched to Quebec with this end in view. This embassy was ambushed and almost annihilated by a party of Algonquins, but the desire for peace was sincere and a second delegation took its pkce. At Quebec an interview with De Mesy took place at which the Indians were plainly told that if the conduct of their fellow tribesmen warranted peace they should have it: the French would make no defi- nite promises except that if Iroquois forays did not cease the governor would carry hostilities into their own country. For a time the Senecas and Onondagas desisted from hos- tile operations against the colonists, but the Mohawks and Oneidas continued their depredations. At regular intervals they raided the settlemenu upon the St. Lawrence and the ^ m'i ij| g <«:£ I 1 i^ 1 .2 ^^ 1 9 -3 S 1 Sccoi •j ^ 1 Ma ^ 1 § ■ — > r< UMDMR LOVtt ^JTOUM ^ Riclidieu,and unbiuhed nndl puties orFrenchmeiii then they wouM vuuth into the fbcots where purauit wu hope- le«t. No luge openuiom were attempted, but their per- •utrat fttitts iMtmt made the life of the colonic well-nirt intolenble. ^^ Meanwhile, within the palindet of Quebec all was not going smoothly. De M&y. it will be remembered, had been placed m office at the denre of Laval, and for a time Lit wbtennence had been complete. There were no longer duputes u to who should firjt receive the sacred bread, nor M to whether the troops should uncover at the elevation of the Host. Neither was the traffic in taiMlfme any longer a matter to cause discord, for within a fortni|^t after the pvemor's arrival an ordinance had totally pndiibited all liquor trade with the Indians, threatening dire visitations of the vice-regal wrath to thoee who disolwyed. Likewise when the bishop desired a change in the official sutus of Maisonneuve, governor of Montreal, De M% proved thor- oughly compliant. Maisonneuve held his anwintment from the Sulpitian^ who were seignion of the island -it Montreal. Laval, sharing the antipttthy of tlw colonial Jesuits toward the sister order, now insisted that Maisonneuve should uke his commission direct from the crown. The change was recommended and met with the approval of the minister. But the governor's patience soon b^ut to chafe under the overbearing dictation of his ecclesiastical colleague. In his CouncU he found that Vilkray and Bouidon were begin- ning to show a disregard (ot his ofHnions, which betokened reliance on a power more elective than his own. It did not take De M^ many months to discover that his coun- cillors w«e acting the pwtt of Jesuit agents rather than that of vice-regal advisers, for on eveiy sli^t difierence of opinion which chanced to arise between himself and Laval, he found that the ktter could count on the councillors to a man. His proud temper, bent but not broken hf his long walks in the straight and narrow path at Caen, now sprang once more erect. Quickly maUng up his m" 4 that the k:\ if 11^ ,1/ 70 CJMJDJ 4ND iUmtH NORTH JMilUC4 powidl wottU h«vt to be raconstitutwl* be mu word to Uv«l tbat tbe lervicet of VUleiiy, D'Auteuil, and Bounloii u nemben of the Soveidgn CouncU wouM be no longer required, thejr baving, m tbe notice read, « conducted tbem- •elvw in various ways against tbe king for tbe promotion of tbeir private and personal ends." As tbe edict creating the CouncU bad vested the power of anminting and i». moving councillors in the hands of governor and bishop jomtly, Laval was asked to acquiesce in this move. Fuiw thermore, it was suggested tbat a mass meeting of tbe inhabitantt be called in order that tbeir successors midit be elected. Here it was that De MHy erred. A governor of greater political experience would have raalised bow little support tbe introduction of the principle of representative government into the colonial system would be likely to receive from Louis Quatorxe. The suggestion gave Laval an opportunity which be was not slow to seise. His reply did not undertake any defence of tbe councillors nor did it even deny the right of tbe governor to dismiss them, but L«yal did make it dear that he would neither be a party to their dismissal without a prior invettigatioi. .lor to the selec- tion of their succesiors by popular vote. Uval asked that his reply be placed upon the CouncU records. Undaunted by the bishop's attitude, De M€$y determined to carry his plan through, and at once ordered his decree to be promul- gated to tbe inhabitants by " beat of drum." But the very isolation of his position soon caused the governor to feel l«s sure of his ground. He wavered sufficiently to ask advice from his confessor, who, like a good Jesuit, told him that It was not for a cleric to decide poinu of temporal policy. But whUe he did not proceed with the election of new councUlors, he refused firmly to reinstate those whom w V TfJ""''* *"** ™e«'ng» of the Council continued to be held by the remaining members, and these meetinn Laval regularly attended. As the post of attomey-geneill was vacant and judicial matters were being delayed, the governor named Chartier de Lotbiniire to the office. A VMDMH LOUtt nyjTOUM 7« month lattr Lotbtni^ wu mM to nai|ii aod Bomdon rettortd, whilt D'Autmul and VUknir wnc likswtot niiw ttattd u mcmben of tbt Couocil. Wlutt brouriit about the foveroM'a chai^ of mind wtU atircr be definitc^known. PoMiblx he waa overcome bjr ftar of the Cbuich, for he was before all thingi a re%ou« devotee. Or it may have been that the Jctuit tuperior, Lalemant, a man of uncommon ■enw and judgment, had succeeded in hit exertiona to bring about a compromiw. At anv rate, the councillora suddenly found themselves back in oOm and all went smoothly for a time. It was not long before troubles again occurred. When the new regime had been inaugurated in 1663, it had been arranged that Quebec riiould be raised to the deputy of a city, and that its local affiurs should be placed in the hands of a maywr and alderman (kbemm). The citisens were summoned to meet in the presence of the Council and to proceed to an election, and as a result one Repentigny, a prominent citizen, was selected u mayor, with Jean Madry and Claude Charron as aldermen. The concUiar records testify as to their election, but the officials do not seem to have entered flilly on their duties, for, tome time later, the Council decide that in place of a mayor the inhabitants should elect a syndic. To this post Charron was, accmd- ingly, elected, only twenty-one votes being cast. But this choice did not satisfy the bishop and his friends, so the quarrel i^gain b^an over a question as to the validity of the election. At this point the commissions of the five councillors, whose appointment had been for one year, ex- pired. De M£sy proposed the selection of new memben, while Laval insisted upon retaining the old. To break the deadlock the governor proposed that the bishop should draw up a list of any twelve colonists from which the govem«r mif^t make his selection, but this proposal Laval flatly re- fused. The governor had his choice between another quarrel and another backdown; he chose the former without hesi- ution. Villeny, Bounim, D'Auteuil, and La Feni were ■/ I I, 1 > ( #: 7» C4MMJ JMD BUTttH NOKTH JMMUCd ^tiSr"^ chcen f«« .«on, th. ^^, Immcdittily, Laval turnad tlw thmulan of tha Cliiircli »muthutm.pJ'H0t. From the Hpitt of tha town ««. denunciattont of the govamor and hii policv But tki. rime Da M^ „f«.cd SyiaR ««I JboS^'^J^^^ Jedmed to rdrnquiah their poat^ thay war. dapom^J Fiwce. Kinpford dadaret that Vfcy left t£^r ^weT.JTr'^' "f ^^A'^PPO" of thi. mtamant I minute of the Council in which it was stated that Villatav WM allowed to tiansfer certain money, then in hi. handL he having exprtaaed tha intention of leaving for ftma. rS- Tv^srAii^iin/'" ^^"«^ ^ «»-*- Da Miay WM a loyd ton of the Church, although hi. SL^«r^j *** *?»*" "i- policy, bSr thi. s;ipni.„* WMd«plyp.mfdtohim. The whole matter. moK»ver. l^^^ "Tf ."^^ of juwification from loui. in of Veruilto. De M^ wai without inauential fnend. in J-rance, while hi. opponent haj the .upport of hi. powerful at » .me wa. pving attention to the military need, of the mW?i^f'^'*". L° "»!* *** Newiince a clS! eraWe mihtary force with a view to inflicting exemplarv chawwment upon the Iroquoi.. To the command of S force the king had appointed M. Prouville de^. SS ^uT1;E^ '^ ^'7."f*y '^"" »»« empSSidto report upon the conduct of civil adminirtration inVhe colony. wi h'Trrf ""*"/. *e kina h«l tired of the «,«*: hie., h^ decided to lecaU either Lval or De M&y from 4e colony a. De T«cey .hould recommend. But befo" the commiMioner had reached the colony De M&y wa. uken dl «d died in a few week.. Before hi. ^^ h»d Mught a reconciliation with hi. ecdewutical advemiy UNDMM LOUtt ^JTOMU 73 tiKl ^utioa. Hhe went to rm among the pMaen." «7i.Pkri»Hii, •*aiMi the priem, mni^^SiumttZtiZg reoiMim over hie pnve." * ' ^ J>t M% ceminlj eem home memoriab to the king 'ji*^ '^j!!^'^ '^ '•"■''^ "^^ «*• •M»«' «»«»w trs extant. Charirrou made lue of them, and Colheit in hia uiMniettona to Tracejr gave the subatance of the govemor'a clrnrgw agamat Uie Wahop. But Pkrfcmaa aeilkrhed for tnem in vam, and Kuigtferd ventyica the Mwgeation that thejr were dettrojred in the vandalism of the fTeneh Revo- Jutton. Their km is ttnfemin8te,for onlv bv knowing both Mdea of the nse can its merits be properly judged. As it IS, we have the clerical side akmc. "^ *^ ' '^^^ "• " H.?fJlfftJ^ ''**'i*^ "f«~**J'» *^' '^ ««p«rienc«. His appeal to the people to choose their representatives at tte councU board, Md his ariHtreiy deportatkm of Bourdon and mray are suficient to show this. As Colbert wrote: "Such violrat conduct could never be approved by the king." Whatever the menu of the original <|uarrel, De MdsvTIc- ttundant opport;uiities for jealousy and friction it is to the credit of both Courcelles and Talon that, while they had their difierences, they never allowed these to develop into open quarrels nor to clog the machinery of colonial administration. With the thiid mem- ber of the colonial triumvirate, the still ambitious Laval, cordial cooperation was not so easily ensured. The out- come of the squabble with De M£sy had been accounted a Jesuit victory, but it was a hollow one at best. For it had served to make the home authorities suspicious, as was shown by Colbert's instructions to both De Tracey and Talon. Outwsrdly circunupect in his attitude toward the hierarchy, Talon closely observed the Jesuit manoeuvres, but apparently without discovering at the outset any serious basis for criticism, for after he had been several months in the colony, he was able to write to Colbert that if in times gone by die Jesuits had caused trouble, they had apparently mended their ways of late, and that he expected no diffi- culties with them. But before a couple of yean had passed. iMita UNDBR LOUIS ^JTOKtM 79 Talon hid ample cause to amend his opinions, for we find him in his hur despatches vigorously protesting against hierarchical meddling in purely civil affiurs, aiM recom- mending to the minister that he be given power to depwt the more obstrepr ous Jesuits from iSe colony, a request, it need hardly be added, which was not granted. But Talon was able to see, what former civU officials in the colony had not seen, that the most effective way to prevent Jesuit dominance in civil matter was to *7eaken them in their own spiritual sphere by giving to otka relwious orders a share in the missionary exploitation of tSe cwMiy. He therefore asked that some Ricollet priesti be sent to New France, and in response to this request four friars came out in i669i others followed hter. The ostensible ground taken by the intendant was that one order could not properly gamer the rich harvest of savage souls} the real reason was his expectation that a quarrel between the rival religious enthusiasts would be only a matter of time. And as a house divided against itself could not ttand, there would be an end to cletioilism as a dominant factor in colonial poli- tics. Laval was, however, not so easily entrapped. The shrewd ecclesiastic, while a titular bisht^, was still merely vicar apostolic in New France, and hence subject to imme- diate removal by the Papacy. And he knew well that the Pope would not countenance any conduct which would tend to weakm the Church throurii internal Mrife. So he treated the members of the RfcoUet order with a strict if reluctant courtesy, determined that if quarrels should arise tlM^ should not be of his making. Nor did the return to Montreal of M. de Queylus, his old enemy, move Laval to any show of resentment. The bishop's welcome to him was as hearty as it must have been insincere, and he went so &r as to record in his only contribution to the ytsmt RtlatuHs that the arrival of De Queylus had given him ** intense joy." Hence, Talon's expectations that the civil power would gain influence through dissensions in the Church were doomed to tempcHBiy disappointment. ^ t f .. if 80 CJNJDJ AND MRtnSH NORTH JMERiCJ That there wm ever entire harmony between the three, i ourceUe^ Talon, and Laval, no one wUl aswrt. But in view of the tempestuous course of colonial politics up to this time, the working of the administration wu giving good ground for congratulation. Courcelles was a gruff old •oldier, energetic and impulsive. LitUe provocation was needed to draw him into hostilities in any quarter. He f^ as ready to fight tiie Jesuit), as the Troquois, if the neces- sity arose. That the necessity did not appear was due largely to the moderating hand which Talon laid on bodi governor and bishop, and to the repeated injunctions of Colbert that there were to be no more interofficial squab- bles. So matters ran along with little unevenness down to 1672, when Courcelles solicited and received his recall to France on the ground of failing health. Little is known of U»e governor's personal history, but die estimate of Charle- voix may be taken as impartial enough. ««If he did not potsess the eminent qualities of his successor," writes that historian, ««he had but the least of his fiiults, and his pas- sions were much less violent. He aimed sincerely at good j hi» prejudice against the ecclesiastics and missionaries never prevented his showing them confidence on occasions when he deemed them necessary or useful, or his supporting diem m all the functions of their ministry. In fine, his experi- ence, his finnness, and die wisdom widi w*ich he governed, endeared him to die French and won the respect of the Indians." Just about die same time Talon simifauly solicited and received his recall. Various reasons have been given for the latter's action, the most plausible being diat from what he knew of the coming governor, he was led to fear disa- greements. Sincerely interested in every sphere of colonial development. Talon accomplished much for the colony during his brief sojourn especially in the promotion of in- dustry. In an era when repuutions were hard to make and easy to lose, he quickly made himself a deservedly honored name for probity, eneiigy, and sagacity. On die M J s WDM I ova HydTOME It roll of illustriout and public-tpuritcd Frenchmen who pvt the best yean of their lives in the cttablishment of a Bout- bon empre bejrond the teu, there i« no name more honored by Canadians than that of Jean Tabn, the ^ Colbert <^ New France." Laval still remained in the colonvt he had been definitely elevated to the post of Biriwp of Quebec in 1670, a promotion he had long earnestly desired. The closing years of the Courcelles-Talon administra- tion had witnessed a striking increase in both the popula> tion and general prosperity of the colony. This condition was in no small measure due to the policy advocated by Talon of sending marriageable giris from France to the colony. Louis XIV. had furnished the colony with con- stant accessions to iu nule population, but there were few wives for the men, and so the king, yielding to Talon's solici- utions, adopted the policy of sending out young women, demoiselles and peasant girls, who were speedily made wives. The king dowered each of the girls »eut over by his orders 1 moreover, early marriage was encouraged by a royal gift, and fines were imposed on celibacy, while bounties were granted to couples who possessed Urge families. With the increase of population and growing prosperity came renewed enthusiasm for exploration and the exploiution of the fur trade in new parts. It remained for this spirit to manifest itself in tangible results durins the opening years of the next governorship. Courcelfes's successor was Louis de Buade, Count Frontenac, a lieutenant-general in the army, who had served with much distinction in the wars at home. Fifty-two years old when he landed at Quebec, Frontenac had a mature, active, penetrating mind, a body stored with all but inexhaustible energy. These, during his two terms, 1673-1682, 1689-1698, he was destined to devote ungrudgingly to the interests of French power in America. No intenduit was sent out along widi the new governor, for the reason that Talon had not yet left the colony, although his request for recall had been granted. Some matters requiring his personal attention had i _^ 1 ta CdS4D4 AMD BUTttM NOKTH JMiMKA delmd hia deptrtiire. Some littk dme before, he had madt up htt miDd to endeavor to verify the report that in the &r we«a mat river led southward to a tak tea, and had ea- trutted thia tatk to Father Jacques Marquette and M. Joliet. a ct^ of Quebec. Their enterpriae he warmly com- mended to the new governor. Marquette had served as a missionarv at Mackinac, and, hence, knew the western cjjuntry weU. Joliet was a man of good education, especi- ally m the realm of mathenutics, having received bis tnio- ing in the Jesuit seminary. There it some doubt as to which of the two was the chief spirit in the enterprise. The Jesuit records attribute to Marquette the origin and Jeadmg share in the affiur, but Parkman, winnowing his •wrces with his usual acumen, prefers to follow the evi- dence of secular contempocBr> cils of the Gnmd Monarch or in an Indian powwow. On this occasion, a tactful harai^ue, translated for hun by Le Moyne de Lmigueuil, together wkh his patronizing manner and his libend distribution of tobacco and trinkets, seems to have captivated the savages, who forthwith promised to make the new spot their trading headquarters. Wurk on the buildings proceeded rapidly and was soon completed, whereupon Frcmtenac left a small nrrison in charge and proceeded to Montreal. The whcMe affiur had occupied less Uuui two months, and had been a coa^iatous siKcess. mtmimmtmMi^Ilm, li 86 CJNJDJ AND BRITISH NORTH JMERICd This must be attributed partly to the nrnterful ene»v of the governor himtelf, but partly alto to the ftct that a larw pirt of the force was made up of former soldiers from the disbanded Carignan regiment, a feature which permitted the best of organization and discipline. Fort Cataraqui having been completed, provision had now to be made for its maintenance. Very probably the new fort would prove a source of expense, and to this the kmg would probably object. Hence, some understanding was reached between Frontenac and La SaUe in this reganL for the latter soon received a grant of the post on condition that he would bear the expense of maintenance and repair. The pant mduded four square leagues of land, together with the islands fronting the post, the whole being gi^en to ,nn w Ji "'■ *^T'c1- ^' *" "°« "■»«' La Sdle was eniwbled, as a mark of the royal appreciation of his services. 1 hese matters having been arranged, the new owner pro- ceeded to Cataraqui, where considerable alterations to the buUdmgs were at once made and a substantial stone struc- ture wu erected and flanked with four loopholed bastions fi^TT^' T^ P°« no'' ««»«« to present an impregnable front agawst any Indian assault, and La Salle was m an excellent position to exploit a lucrative trade to his own profit. The enemies of Frontenac— and they were by no m«n, few— openly declared that in his ardent support of La Salle's enterprise the governor had no motive ™. Jj?" .» •?*?* «n t»»e profit*. And there was some plausibility m dieir charges. Frontenac was not a man of means; his salary was less than six hundred dollars per year, and his habits required huge expenditures. Further- more, while private commercial enterprise on the part of royal officials was never countenanced by the home authori- ties. It was weU known that many of them engaged in the fiir trade whenever opportunity of profit presented itself. I'errot, the governor of Montreal at this time, made open b«st of his success as a trader. People, therefore, coidd not explain the governor's inordinate zeal for the success VSDMIL LOUIS ^JTORU of La Salle's undeitaking on any public grounds. The new intendant, Duchesneau, who arrived in me cdony in 1675, wu impressed with this popular view. Whik we have no conclusive proof whatever that Frontenac ever participated in the earnings of the post, it may not be unfair to suggest that ** where there was so much smoke, there must have been some fire." La Salle commenced his operations, and soon Cataraqui became a thriving little settlement. Even during the first two years, the owner estimated his profiu at over fifbr thousand Uvres — a very substantial sum in thoK days. It was not long, however, before his success brought down upon him the envious opposition of many Montreal mer- chants, some of them quondam friends of his own. These set up the hue and cry that the new post was diverting trade from the colony proper and was injuring the older settlements to the profit of the new. Not less vigorous in their opposition were the Jesuits, for the rupture between Laval and Frontenac had now become an open one, and La Salle had identified himself with the latter. To explain how this new quarrel between the civil and ecclesiastical departments of adminittration arose, one must recall the circumstances under which Frontenac had been sent out to the colony. It wiU be remembered that during the adminis- tration of Coufcelles and Talon affiurs had run with unusual smoothness, and that tlus had been due, in no small degree, to the tact of die latter. But Colbert knew very well the imperious temper of Frontenac, and seems to have doubted whether any intendant would find it easy to work harmo- niously with the count and ttill retain any independence. At any rate, he decided not to ajqwint an intendant for the rime being, especially as Talon had not yet left the colony. Laval was in France at the time, so that the governor, at the outset of his administration, had absolute freedom in his administrative acts. Under such circumstances, the;c seemed to be no reason why cdonial afiairs diould not run along with the utmoM soMothness. But this they certainly Hi h 1- I M CANdDd JND MUTJSH NORTH JMMUCJ dWnotdo. There WM, to be fuie, neither bithop nor In- tembnt to of^ the govemor, but at MontiwlSere wu S^T^i** P*«»«.."^with him Fmntemu: «H>n mlLS L'^^nTr"'"- . V^ "^^ •••S" over uToK ZSi* "^ »«««.«cently been iwued, forttdding tnule with TiT^k^ r r " ^'^^ o«'«*nce WM especiaUr directed. The objectof the newreguktion wm to induce ilS. to come to the French aettlemenu to truie: bttTtSoSJ ^P^r,'^tk» were thre«ened, mow ofX ^^^.^TS PJ^httle ^tention to it. Thi. defiance wT^^lj ity, and ttray rumors reached him that Parrot was uninc d.e tnder, n« to tdte the prehibition too .eriouSyr^ knowmg that large pjutie. of the «^«^ * SSdoJS ^ontj^at ce««n reaton. to market their STaS to S?»rlr'?'^' Fronten«: detpttched two oflicen ^^to efiect the ai«« of the more prominent ofS Ptenot regarded thii a* an bftingement on hit iuriMlic- XJ^ JC"^^ '^^ *•= ofEceref^on .econd^ZSt •Mowed them to return to Quebec. To FrontewcX pioceedmg jeemed a grott i«^t to the royal aiSrity „ repreaenredbyhimrelf. Had he been po.«J«d Jf^lS mJitary foree, uem toldier that he wSH^S^nSS ^e reen h.« on hi. ^y to Mont.«i7o bring Tr^ ««nt commandant to hi. knee.. But fortoSrely foTS pe^of the colony he could do little but «.mmi. Pen« before him. Periot appeared. When two wch men mS compromise >• not the mott probable outcome. So aftoTa ^7«<«^y conference Frontenac h«l the M;«tSa^! J««d«t t^ „to cu.tody^«d with the returning .S. deponed him to France. The home .uthoiitie^u.uS bewildered by the wildly contradictory Korie. rf each .ide de^^uned to reprim«,d both. Fronimu: wu «ir^'SS conduct tomewhat le.. arbitreiy would be more ajH «! »fy the kmg. whde Perrot, having purged hi. conLpt by UMDMR LOUIS ^JTORU ^ • diort term in die Budlle, wu wat back to his poet at But the incident Mrved to convince the Fnach ■■{■Vt that Fnmtenac waa too apt to mwiae his power when left alone in its enjojrment, and it wu decided to appoint some- one to the vacant intendancjr. To this end Colbert selected Jacques Duchcsneau* fermerij rojral treasurer at Tours, and a man of enemr and firmness. Laval, «^ had been for some time in Fnuice, likewise hastened hraie, the bishop and the new intendant kNitaejrii^ in the same vessel On the vojrage out the two became good ftiends and their friend- ship boded no good to dM governor, as Frontenac wcU understood. And to fiudier weaken his gubenntorial hands an edict was issued by the king decreeing dutt hencefordi the appointment of councillors should rest widi the home and not widi die colonial authorities. At the same time die number of councillors was in: .rcMed fnm five to seven. Undoubtedly die change was Ufcdy to make for harmonv, but die governor reg^uded it at once xf the result of Laval's intriguerjr and was consequend/ not in dw best of humor when the btthop and die intendant reached dwcdony. The first cdlmon came m a matter of precedence at mass and at council meetings. In both cases diere is some pound for b elievii^ thtt Laval instated Dochesneau to make extnvagant daims to precedence of the governor. When the matter was referred to the mmister, Colbert upheld Frontenac in his daims to precedence in the church ser- vices, bitt tfenied him die ru^t to pmide in Council Both oficials w«e advised, at & same time, dutt the cdlony «*Mded better opportunides for die expenditure of their respective ener^ thui the stirring iq» of trival deputes. The occasMHi of the ^tcat atj fiml quarrel, however, was die old question of die liquor trade, whkh had alre^Uy brou^t D'Avaugour and D'Aigenson to pief. Despite the eneigy of the Jesuits, the trade had never been co^ietdj eliminated, and durii^ Lavd's absence in France k had re- vived remaikably. Brandy ww imported in large quaittities. i 90 CJNJDJ AND BRITISH NORTH JMMRICJ libenlfy diluted, and taken in ouioet to the western wttle. amiM. So extensive had the trade become that thow who engaged in it might be numbered by hundred^ and the enormity of the traffic appalled Laval on his return. Pro- tests to the governor proved futile, and in 1677 the hitbop despatched an agent to France to seek the personal inter- vention of Colbert in the matter. For this mission he chose M. de Dudouyt, one of his grand vicara, and intrusted him with a formidable dusitr of documentary pioofs. In due course De Dudouyt had an interview with Colbert in which he emphasized in vigorous language the disorden which liquor had been causing among the savages and the difficul- tiei which its use pbced in the way of missionary work. That die Church had a right to excommunicate those en- g»ged in the traffic he sought to prove by submitting the opinions of several Sorbonne professon, but thU to a man of Colbert's temperament was far from conclusive proof. To g^ve support to De Dudouyt's representttions, came a long despatch from Duchesneau, while Frontenac and his friends made equally vigorous pleas ir defence of the traffic , on *L* .^J^' .^" "'""^ **"y P°'"* °^ administi«ive policy they differed most decidedly. Hardly a Council meeting I»ssed without fnction of some kind or other. The coun- ciUors sometimes supported one . etimes the other, with ttie result that the meetings wert usuaUy stormy ones. Every autumn the returning ships carried home the inevita- ble eabim det Mianea to tax the rapidly exhausting patience Deed of grant to Midte! Di»y, written utd t^ned by Csrcficr de la Salle, original in the Greffe d'Adhemar, November t, 16(3. im tbi Cbattau dt Ramezay, Mtntrtal. f ! iU VKMit uovtt nyjmutMB •3 of kuig mi tBktimt. Th* Itttcr wwnmi^ Mpwvai, uA tkvHMMrf bod^blK tolittl? wammtt nnki dM MdMriMi coBtiiHML Tbt iaMbi^Ue Cdbttt nad dw long 4*. •pMdMt ilM witli clui|H Mtf fecrimiiiatiom,aii4 ntefSMd hk wirafai|i to aU coacwiMd. Bw tkt mkcncM of tkt gmt Hi i B i mr ftwB die* ia iMi, ud tkt ■ccwiiw of Mi •OB, g il gihy , ia Mi aHbich of the two wu at fiiuh is not within our provioGe to determine. The pn^ttbility is diat the shares to be pn^ofy cast on each would not be noticeably unequal, akhoi^ the hter testi- mcmy even of Frontenw's "«— ™- wovU aoMB ta dMv that the governor was intoitiaMe ' ^^myo -ital wherewith to make very substantial improvements to his trading post at Catanu]ui. During his visits to Paris he had likewise been successful in enlist- ing in his service a &ring spirit who was to become his chief lieutenant and fiuthftd companioi both in success and adversity — Henri de Tonti, better known as <*Tonti of the Iron Hand." De Tonti had lost a hand in battle and wore in iu fdace an artificial one of iron, which on severd occa- sions he used with wholesome eflfect on the heads of con- tumacious Indians, ins|Mring them with a dire dread of him. It wu La Salle's purpose to establish a poM at Niag^ura, and to put his new lieutenant in charge^ hy the autumn of 1678, be was ready to put this plan into tSkxt. Besides De Tonti he had had at his disposal a Franciscan priest, Pire Hennq^, mho had arrived in the cdony some years before, and had been as sigiied temporuily to duty at Cata- raqui. Of Hennepin's earlier life, venr little is known except such as may be ^eaned from his own writings. According to these be was born in Flanders in 1640, was educated for the church, and had come to Canada with a hungning both for advcmwrc and dw cure of souls. So in 95 t /\ 96 CJNJPd AND BRITISH MOUTH AMBRtCA the eariy winter of 1678, La Salle, De Tonti, and Henne- pin, accompanied by sevenl companions of leaser note, but among whom were Lamotte-Cadillac and La Fortt, set forth for Niagara. A couple of small vessels had been constructed for the enterprise, and these bore the voyageurs i" ^° I*""***- The opening days of December found Lake Ontario m a turbulent mood, and it was only with the greatest difficulty that the r^n of the great cataract was finally reached. Here a difficulty, not altogether unex- pected, aroae. The neighboring Senecas, always suspicious of New French undertakings, learned with iU-«oncealed dupleasure of the phm to build a trading post in their vicimty. That the post would be of great service in en- abling lu occupanu to control the western traffic was as well known to the Indians as to the Frenchmen, and in consequence, the former demanded a substantial payment before giving their consent to iu erection. But a visit by La Salle and his aides to the head village of the tribe, situated then near the present site of Rochester, foUowed by the usual grave deliberations, resulted in a dubious con- •e"^ The •'uUding of the post was begun, and in a re- markably short space of time the unpretentious structure was completed. As La Salle's pbns did not end with the erection of this post it was deemed advisable to set to work on a small vessel which might be used in navigating the lakes further westward. Late in January the keel of the little craft was hid, the place choaen for itt construe- tion being immediately above the faUs. The work, con- sidenng lu difficulties, proceeded with expedition, and by spring the vessel was ready for huinching. Of about forty- five tons burden, it was the most ambitious craft yet built for the inland trade, and iu dimensions filled the savages with awe; the voyageurs no less with pwidonaUe pride. Several small cannon frowned from its portholes, while from Its prow stood out a carved "Griffon," taken from the armor i he'riiq;* of Frontenac, and giving suggestion of the v««, 5 ; , ,a». Before the launching. La &Se, wkb OtMHotram, beUcvtd to Imm« beta thM of Nieoiai Pmot. fHrn tkt •r^imml in pttuukm tftkt WUtttuin Huttri:mJ Sacittf, f^i UMDiM LOUIS l^dTORIM n afewcoaipwiions had KtufiMd to Cktanqui to gpve hk pefMoal attention to tomt impoRaot aftin thnc and to re^enith hit tuppUca. But bj nkbummer he had muraed, •nd the vojrafe weatirvd on the new GrUm «w bcntn. As if angered bjr thia intnirion on her vii^ watctvLake Erie toiaed the littk ciaft in ominous fiuhioB, but the stiaitt wen aaleljr reached, and the remainder of the trip to Mackinac was made under pleasant skies. Here was already established the most westerij Jesuit mission— the old post of Marquette — and around it dusteicd a small Huron village, the rendesvous of the tm$nmn d$ iwr iriw opertted on the countiy tributary to the upper kkes. At Mackinac, all, imJudii^ dM Jesuits, extended to La Salle a welcome profuse enm^ to cloak its inrincerity. The arrif^l of the Qriffm gave an impetus to trade in the little hamlet: neighboring Indians cane in hundreds to nse on the Mfioating fort," and to baiter their peltiy for theoMi- modities which vessel had broaritt. In a short ttme she was heavUj laden with fitrs, and prepmtions for the return tnp were b^un. La Salle world have accompanied the valinbfe cargo to Niagara, but he had stiU piominett in hM mind the project of a post on the niiaois, and this he did not deem wise u> intrust to his lieittenants. Soheplaced the Grmm w chaige of a pilot, and remained wkh hia men at Mackinac until the prepuattoas for the trip to the lUinou could be coo^leted. toward the middle of Sep. tember, with many auagivings, he watched the Grmm set sul,and a fnr days hter,he with Hennepin and rdoMO others set off southward along the ^isooMin shwe. By the eariy days of November he had ctidad dM so^l. em shores of Lake Mich%M and had reached the moitth of the St. Joseph. Here he expected to find De Tonti, who, with some followers, was to have come down Uam n ^~**"^'**^ *• *»* pwcMded fiom MMdtinac. But De Tonti had not arrived, and La Salle was fcrcwl to wait, He devoted his time to the erection of a amaa post, to which he gave the nam* Fort Miami. After i ft ^ CdMdDd MD BUTISM NORTH JUUMKd wwlape Tond appeared, and the jounwy was ratomed. nvweediiig up the St. Joeeph, a portage waa nade acraea to the Kankakee, a tributanr of the Illinoiti descendiiw this the vojiageurs reached the lUinoia and followed that ttieani to a point where Ptoria now stand*. Tlua was the she of an Indian town, and La Salle determined to knd here and endeavor to tain, if possible, information reprding the nature of the country and the disposidon of the natives fiuther south. A^ the usual (Mvliminaty show of hostility, the savages gave the mwcomers the usual feast and parley, in the course of which every attempt was made to persuade the Frenchmen that to jMocced further was to invite certain destruction. The river was treacherous , it abounded with serpenU} the southern tribes were ferocious; thne and a dosen other dangers were presented to La Salle in vivid •tyle, but taken by him at a |»oper discount. Not so by some of his foUowen, however. After the parley die French leader took his usual precaudon of posting sentries, and during the n^t rix <^ these took 1^ to die forest, in- lending to make dieir way homeward. Alarmed at dw In^an recital of the danoers which lay bdrne diem, diese faint-hearted explorers had determined to run the chances of gettii^ b«:k to civilisttion rather than to push on to the cotain destruction Att La Salle's plans seemed to cmi- tomplate. Grettly chi^rined at this dispky of weakness. La Salle deckled to create a base near the Indian town, and to erect a vessel for the navigation of the waters to the south of it. When the Griffm had set sail fnm Mackinac, diMe in chnge bad been given orders to return widi new np- plies from Niagara to the mouth of die St. Joseph (Fort Miami). Mondis bad passed now, and as yet there was no ^ of dw returning cnfk. I^ Salle htgm to fear that ^ek^ met with misfortune. At any rate, the deby was w^anaaaXK since die was to have brougjit rigging, saik, and oA«r eqoipmoit for the new diip. But the undaunted ex- to proceed widi her constructioa wkhout UMDM lOtm miJTOUM 99 Aete. Bst w^k the work p n oowh d , dM mcMioii of thi iion-«rrival of dw Gb;^ bon hnvOy «■ Ut niod, and La Sdk decided to proceed eutwud to leMBdMtnttlu So heleft DeTonti in chaiM oT bit new poM,FoR Crtveceeur, where the veaeel was bemg comtnicted ud aet off. Before hit departure he instructed Hennepin to do fHiat he could in the way of exploring the tower lilinoia to its junction widi die MiMMippi. ' It waa the second day in March, when La SaUe, widi four Frenchmen and one Mohegan Indian, act fonh on hia toi^ trq>. La Salle'a o^erience had not only taudtt hun dw haiddype to be expected on such a trip, but hmr to odure then. The intrepid vovageur nught hare in. tnwed Ae errand to some of his suboniinaiea^bitt so many of his supporters had piaved him folse at rarious times diat he was distrustfol of aU except Oe Tond. Proceeding to Fort Miami, he struck across what ia now soudion Michigan, m die diiccdon of Lake Erie. Widi noddnc but !^**S'^.f^ ! •"*^ W« of die geogtapl«rof d» lakes, hia akiU u focest travelling enabfedhim, after a trip of over dme hundred adles, to emetfs on the diores of Detroit River. Pushing across die neck of land to Lake Erie, a rou|^ canoe wm hasdljr consttucttd, and f^t ft irr Monday found dM litde pai^ tt Rh^HS. LaSaOe'scom- paniona were Utterly exhanaied and unable to proceed fordMT, but not so dMir leader. He halted oafy long eaoM^ to get fieA companions, and dien pwdMd on to Qttaiaqul ud down dM river to MomrsaL From dH Illinois to dw Ottawa Ae trip had been accoatpliriied in less dmn duee mondisi » fc*t wns ii r passed in dw whole aanala of Amer- ican exphmdon. Intk^ppfantT-rMff, t hiitj ae i e u , wi t h a cast-4ron ftame and a wroi^ht-inui wiB, La SaUe had «Hfaired sudi hardshipe and exhibited such foidtade and en- durance dutt he compelled admirsdon even fiom his most bitter eaemiea. A stay «»f a week in l^mtnal proved dmt La Salle ceuU, m aptte of hts heavy leaseatcomawid dM ceafideaee too CdMADd AMD iUTUM MOUTH JUHMUCd i ■' •ad capical of hk Incnds. On his wav he hwi found "• ty whrt»m of the Grifmi tlw had undoubtedly raundncd on hw trip down Lain Huraa. But new sup- fVM were obtained and the ratuni jouraqr to Cataiaqi^ was begun without delajr. La Salle had ahwid^ been called upon to auAr moio mreiBee than would bive auflced to enuh out tHe enteipriae of the ofdinaiy explonr. Natwc had dealt hint a Kunning blow when the turbulent bke en> gulM his vesseli now man aeoned to have taken a hand in the destruction of his |dans. For on anival at Cttanuiui, La Salle learned horn :vro newly arrived western traders that soon after his depertun fiRwi Crivecceur, the men whom he had left there with De Tooti had deserted almost to a man after havii^ fim wroiq^ sad havoc with the sup- plies. In a few days a few more traders arrived, Mndiw the additional news Aat the deserters had made their way to Mackinac, where they had seised some Am bdooging to La Salle. Picking up some recruits Atn, they rcprnted, the recreants had descended to Niapra and ^undetwl the post at that point. Here, according to the report, the band tad divided, part going to Albany, where th^ would be beyond the reach of French punitive power} iriule the r»- mainder, s«ne twelve in all, planned to surprise and plunder CttarMjui. These reports would have crushed out the hut spark of hope from a less determined man. La Salle had mUy a few men at Cataiaqui, and of these he could not be absolutely sure) they were as apt to prove as unreliable as had the deserters. Bik without hentatbn he decided to ambush the mcomers, and for dus purpose proceeded a short distance from Catara^ to a headhod, which canoes coming to the post from the west had to round. Herewith less than a dozen men he ky in wait. In a few days the ^undoers came in ^ht, their canoes were btkn with booty and itraggied alm^ at interval* to great as to pre- clude united resistance by the traiton. Each canoe was hak^intum. The occupants of one took to the shore and showed %ht, but they were soon overcome, thou^ not > " ;1 }'. 1^ Ktibett Cavrlier, Sirar de La Salk tiat nfc Mi ■oMd wiik MOM Mmihr laJiMt m Qnm Bay. Whm ^ IfMiiob had arpmdMd dM OiiMte eo«^ b^ oAftd kM mnkm m ni itti i ci . Witk dMiKiHtek «limnrd for kii oiTB mA^, ht kad fBM fefdl 10 Mtt dM iavad«»,badwuMdtlMidlM t^io IffiMb ««• dM ckiMrai of tho Fftoeh, and dM to atMck Ami would bt to briof down dM wImIo faco of Fmek powtr opM dM Fb* N^! tiOM. But k ra^pdnd SMra COfHU M|MMM dMR dMM to turn tkt intfrion firoai dMir pwpowt mh Dt Toad u^ hk mM irm ofdaiwl odF tMMwd, wkilt dtt Ifoqiwii pro. coodad to tht Imbt. Tke FMadHMB wm dk to obcjr: fead t^« Fiva ItaioM Mt laanwd hi tliafiMC«orFi«!udipiiakhrapoivcr,hkattea^ __ would have coat kkB hk life. Evta at k was, dte riak imt, and dw cfadk im Dt Toad be Om abordvo bat cMi|«ie attanpt to waid off tka fiuy of dtt IioqMk Ami hk waaMa flfiandi k by ao waam kw^BJicat. ftrrawhw tbc akodea, dM Fianckm a ii iv-A enndaufi to the liirel wkaace,% feOowkM dM dwa, dwy t »ekad aadlbw: •hmer w^ aaaM Wmtify Polawatt^^ >a! ktamriiiJ!^. Haaaapia bad baM lunrki| Ua axfai^"?; w^v:. bdkiu. Staidag dowa tka DKaok ateat dM dai '.« /t Ln h Ja kad aet of to kara dM Ata of tha Gr^hit he n«J m' aad dM Mkakaippi aad befM ka aaoaat. Hk pax./ W. aot aoae br, bowevar, b^MO dMy Ui 'm wtdi a paitf ot Sioas war- no« beadiag for dM upper DifaMk oa OM of tkek aaual wn^ But Haaaqaa ptnuadad dMai diat dM flBarde Ib> dtaaa had left dMk oU hooM^ aad dw war party turned hoBMward,tafctag the FrencbaMfl along widitfarro! fa the villafM of dM Swux, a .«d in what k aow d, ooidMra port of MiaaeMita, dM Ficach apaat dM whole irtmar, bat during dM foUowiag apriag Mcancpia aad hk fblbwen ■aaagad to intercept a paitj of Mamrr ^ im under Du um. Jomi^ theae, thejr aude dMtr wi^ to MtrMnaf Thk pracdcalfy ended Hean^'a o^kntioaiyfer a^ fti mrouimmmfjmuB to MomimIi mi4 los fbr Fmet. BiiiiUji tlbr Mi mAni kt Jht^ Iw piiUUMl hit Hitttr^iim dt It ~ ' ' TWi ht wu WflHI lW of m •fhii res MMMltMMtf jMiwrMr (iMji ■ Mav ■■■■■ the IImuu ^m. B. Boi upon BH 0WB COMni|i| ) lO hMV SMM S wtKUUj M At wy fMSf wc M60IMI aw gma. liidi nt ImvmAv m lM«WlllfM7.l faidw la ^it iVfaNMJIir XMmm> J^w^^ ^^HW fli^Hv •■ < 1697)1 1* ei'faM' dM, Mm kit fawirittaMiiou, trip lotlw dw IfiHiMippi ID As BifaMrfk^x^ll ^^^ «r»iiMit •ai lami «y !••» fidlwril Hb iiMAwk«r dM (Mtr of tk FiMcto w ^mm of dw bt OMt Witk te kiMMT." Owtaf dtt wamro f i6lo.iMi, U Mk 1— ■iwri at tpriaa to GManaid* AshopMiMtiicidaMS koaawMMi- fied 10 iai Do 1^ wko iiadjatt aado U» «^ dSn^ Rtvono after nvano kai ia ae wiit dditd dM aidar of bo^aad Imt ari^MaaaMr ditjr wcm iiiia fai MaacnMi oi^ y niaiag a ctmIi ai^powdoa awmpud. Aaiwaa wiaM dktai oaco ifMB OB dM wqr to dw nhiois. TUidaMLaMb ' dM ktea of baJMing a Tiwri, aadi iiHnwiatit w» > ^ ms poHtUo to aaviMM. Cvivooonar In kf 104 CJMJDJ JUtD MMtTUH MOUTH JMMRKJl ^J^^ ^'^^ *"*^*''^ ■«• *»« l««7. numbtrin. ■wly fifty, mowd on down the lUinott. ItwMFehrwwJI W««wMb«|«n. At they pnic M dod >p«|i tlw wt^Om pew wamer and the vajrafeitn fieir cnthMJMtic over the gr"^Tf?'«^*^^?r«»«i"«»«»8thebeBitt. Thelndkui. ■cemed fnendly, end tt the OKNtth of the Aikuttu La Sdk thou^it tefe to hnd «nong them «id to fcnwdly SS JW«on of the coumiy in the name of hit aomeicn. Tl«f •«« ignoiaw of the imiKKt of the ceremony, n^ on m admiiation aa with cheen and hauaa the ttmSZ of Ae Bo«riK«t ^ unfiiried to the ^phyn^^ST^S J^B di«coum the i«ty WKhed the ti^t whew, Bwdni "^ «. three channdt, the gre« ri-rWhSf^TS •«. Again the ceremony of poaaetaion wat perfenned. 2^^±/'*^v'^ «d with diout. of «bin?S; peity beatowed on the new cott«iy the name LowaMftL in ™ A ^°^ *^ •*■***««'» ^'^A^ claim to •n«»Amen«n onpire. For the pretent thii wat enough. had proceeded tome diatance before their icader'a hidi«^ aneonaumiik A.^. u-*__ "■■^* ""tlieito onconquenble frame five way before a aevem aamnk of ^"r»r£isL':t JSr^r^ whole •Wi^nce of htt iacomiet. and he now conrincwl him- ^Jf peltry of ,h, ^e^ y,^ o-gSTbe^ WBwFrence, theretofore. A ttiong pott on the lES Mdqtnrteri t an all-^rater niMe being thence Ma. fV T«..; —J ^^ "TOW .jraihble tothetea. De Tonti and «we compSJi ««•»», deapetched to begin the section of dua m tailed iMtnietiaB> MMv^t^ru. .1^ L-! , »» im I were, Pott,de- iM Identified the aite of the pott wfech waa gi*«i the UHDBR LOmt HPITOUM lOJ maw of Fort St. Lows, m having bMn dtrectljr oi^ente the|MCKiitviUa|eofUtica,IUnoit. It was complettd and ready for occupancjr in the spring of 1683. During all hi* variMi experiences of the past iMlMocen years, La Salle had cnjojred the wannest support of Gov- cmw Frantenac. Frantenac's successor was Le Fd>vre de la Barre, «^ w^ the new iMen^uit, De Meuks, readied (^cbec in August, i68a. La Banc was an old naval officw «^ had proved himself as capable in that capacity as he was afterward to prove himself manifestly unfit fw tbe duties of a colonial administnttor. He possessed none of the pride and arbitrary passions of his pr e d ecess or in office, but he lacked that personal energy whidi not even Frontenac's most pronounced enemies denied to be his chief attribute. Weak in decision, avaricious and as unscrupu- lous as he dated to be. La Bane can lay valid claim to a hi^ place among the list of incapiOiles who too often held in their hands die interests of France in the western hemis- phere. La Barre landed under ominous auspices. A few days before his arrival a disastram fire had convened the thriving town of Quebec into a few acres of ckurted mini. Still the jubifauit Jesuiu allowed this in no way «> mar the warmdi of their welcome. The recall of Fiontenac had been the joint and several work of two foctimis I ^Jesuks, whose httred of him knew no bounds, and a cUqne of Quebec and Montreal traders y/rho Utteriy opposed the gov- ernor's s^emes of western exploitation as likely to diven trade ftom die St. Lawrence route. Both these fiwtions made haste to gain the cars of die new officok and with apparent success. The qutmdam eneoaies of Frontenac basked in ^ sunshine of vice-regal fevor; his friends, ansong whom La Salle was perhaps die most prominent, were cons^pied, for the time being at any rate, to the coU shades of official disfiivor. La Safie's post at Cattnqui,r- Bow called Fon Fnmttnac— had loi^ been a diora in die iesh of these new favorites and they hastened to con- vince La Bam dttt so iasportaM a post should no longer tl 'n V ♦5 106 CJNJDJ JMD BUTttH MOUTH JMiMICJ be left in private hands. In conaequence, the governor was prevaiJed upon to declare that since La Salle had not fiil- lilled the conditions upon which the post had been gnmted to hun, the concession was now void. Two officers from Montreal were sent to the fort with oiders to seise it and all that it contained. When La Salle, at Mackinac, first kamml of La Barn's ■mval he had no reason to think diat the dnjwe of nv- enws would so completelj thwart his fdansTSo he had written frankly to La Bane, unfolding his (dans and asking for suppmt and assistance in their consumoution. But his letter remained unanswtred, and the news of die scisure was hu first intimadmi that he must now count upon offi- cial opposition rather than support. There was nodung to do but to return to Frtnce, there to lay the whole uaer before the authoritks in the confidence that his Mat ser- vices, as well as the inherent value of his phms we^ secure him justice. On his way down to Quebec he met another official en route for the lUinois with U Bane's oiden to seise the post there as well. On his arrival in France the iaciepid explorer was endMK •iMticaUy received by the idnm and court. Rr-al fiivors were gener«>uslv heaped upon hms in recognitten of his gicat •ervices to the kingdom. Befeie long he cmm forward wiA a pr'niosal to conduct an expedition to dtt moudi of Om Mi...«sippi by sea, and for this propose vessels and equip, ment were prompdy forthcoming. But U Sails, on arriv- ing in the Gulf of Mexico, miscalculated the location of the nver and sailed past its mouth. An endeavor was made *"I^ overland through the wtlderaess, but in the pathless ^'^ S.I "*2l •««»?» *»^ rivers, progiess was well-nigh impossible. The great explorer was a stem disciplinariM, «d his seventy, joined with the haidships of the aaich, drove h is followers to mutiny. At a lonely spot in die wil- *™*^^^** "tolcontents tnitorously assassinated his wsdcr, whenN^poB the whde pany betook diemselves back to civUnttion as best diey could. The majority mankged UMDMM LOUtt ^JTORU 107 to Mcmd dM MiMiMipiM and to mch CalMA^ where tlwy conccakd dwir craw until a c«Mifeanoa wu extorted. The d^utuic of FraotemK had been followed quickly bjrarecnideamiceof InM|uoieacttvh]r. Succcnful in their weaiem laida, dw confede ii cy resumed he hoitilkies toward ^eattice of the French in die cast. The Scnecaa, whoee nrritory ftomed Fort Frantenac, showed themselves p«r- ticulariy anrsasiTe, and La Barre decided dut they wouM have 10 be sowitf 7 chasdsed. Their mwti^ unAu^ itself in dw open plundering of the French tn^ iriiich La Barre had hew saiding up to the western For this dM governor was hamadf pardjr to bbuM, for hia ftiands had givan dw Seneeas to undeniaad dM dMjr wew at Ubertjr to phtndar craft belong, iag to U Salle, and dw savagea had not dMMght it -"" *»carBfoldi8dacdons. As aU Fraaehmei to dwaa, dMjr plundsrud wiAeui LaB arre's | i r i | wii ai i B iii procMded widi an Sipiif «4ridi l^addaaad hk own blusMrii^ friends, whae ktters were deafMtehad to ^ hang Mkti^ q>probation of the projaet. Tla mmmtgt mmmandiil warmly dw policy o{ iw al li a g «i iM^uois to saspoct dw Fnmeh arm, and aatt alaiig a fow hundred rsldlew to help dw ad^ am as many pri s aneii as possible m%ht be hoaM to Franet to man dw m^ pikT*. B«t La was note amawhoae actions iwad Ma waaia. Evan hiM were not long in hNMmag to tistrust his stncati» »AMht hisahtlity,fordM3rhad|powa used to man flUlktt MC thftf ahaa w^^^w ^^m ■■■■iTim '1— » ^^mm. . De Meuln, dw new miendaM, ^wwii worfciM in hanaoi^ widi La Barw, ^isasMd dw laMW^s sineafi^ of purpose, and wrote to the w i n is rsr dwt dwie woidd be nowartfLaBwiaMdiiaaidit. ««The aaw gavanmr," he wrote, ** wii w ai for as Fort Fronteaac, awll up soma son or|iac«,aia mafca fools of all cepeanwdT' Itdif nattakslaqgioshowdwe£»eMeules wwr^K, Widi nuttk haaahMll dkiw the ■oMmor inmtnriimfhti and to whoc tatiott 'h I W '■ J I08 CANADA AND BUTISH NORTH AMERICA force at Fort Frontentc, but when the time came for a move acroH the lake he bmn to queation whether he had not better make a final eflbrt to secure peace. So he arranged that a conference should be held with the Senecaa, and for thia purpoae croned the hke with a small force. The low, manhy site of Fort Frontenac, in the meantime, spread malaria among his forces there. Had La Barre been a man of experience in Indian dealings he would have known that his concession in going to the Indian territories to conduct the negotiations would unquestionably be icprded as a sign of weakness. The conference was held on the south shoic at a place called La Famine, for the supplies of the French ran out, and during the course of the negotiations the em- bawy had to live on scant rations. The Senecas phinly told La Bane that he could have war or peace as he chose; that the Iroquois neither wished nor feared war. But they would neither make reparation for their past acts in pil- laging French canoes nor promise to refrain in future from making war on the Indian allies of the French. As was expected. La Barre accepted the alternative of peace, though with much show of reluctance. Assurances were given by the French t!yit the Senecas would not be attacked, and, furthermore, it was agreed that henceforth political confer- ences should be held at La Famine and not, as heretofore, at Fort Frontenac. From the savage standpoint this was an advantage of no small importance. Such was the inglo- rious peace of La Famine concluded on the last day of August; on the f*OCCIDENT. # tebtion de laBaiede HT7D90N. ^ L£8 NAViGATIONS •0 ^Kmif t q|u pone foo nom. A AMSTIRDAM, Ttele-page rf aa carijr work rdating to Hmbon ky. f>«M tAt •rigimmt in lit HruMrJ Mtmtrial Uirmry, Nrw Oritmmt. i mat immu looa ^iMToui lOf I no CMMAf JMD BUTUH MOUTH JMMUCd colony WM expoMd. •» Notlung but a miracle," he dcclarad, **can nve it." Thi dangen were increiMag wm tnie, c*. ptm^jr H the Englnh wen now urging tiic Iioquoia to oppoM French iggreMion. As prominent in the nutto' u ^^^ ^. •* "H^ '^ll*^" '^'"■^ o^ New Yort» who, •Wwii^ hmwdf an Irish Roman Cfttholic, opposed die profwtt or Romuiiat New France with unntpectad vigor. OneofDeDeaooriUe's firat oficial acts was to open up a conespondence with the Uunt Irishman, assuring him of hM desire to be on amicable terms with the English authorities, and asking for coSperation in discouraging Indian raids upon colonial settlements. To the correspondence the New York gov««or leplied with studied courtesy, yet with firmness, that thelraquoM were masten of their own aAin, and that he would neither abet nor discourage them in their desinis ■pinst the French. To Oe Denonville's complaint that tte English were Aimishing liquor to the Indians, and that 'tV*'* ***" ^ missionaries and traden were endan- gered, Dongan answered inmicaily that ^EngiMi rum doth as little hurt as French bnutdy.aiHi in the opinion of Chris- tians IS much more wholesome." And so the diplomatic dud went on, while Ooi^u redoubled his intrigues for the extension of Endish inlumce westward. So persistem and successful were his eflbrts in this direaioa, that Louis XIV. was utgsd by De Denonville to protest to James II. against the govmor's conduct. Thoee who know the rdarions existi^ between the two monarchs at this time will readily understand why such a pretest was made and had iu eftct, Dongan being forthwith advised by his tojal master to be KM^gressive. Not only so, but the two monarchs meed toAeappointment of a commission to deUmit the respective •phcRs of inluence of the rival claimants j in the meantime, nwther party was to encroach on the claims of the other. Asit Mterward turned out, the French had no intention of icspect> uwthn agreement) it was merely a ruse to stay the hands of Dongan until preparations for the complete estabUshment of French power aimi^ the Iroquois could be completed. uNon Louu nyjirouM III in One* It WM not leaf btfera dMM prtMradoM dw dtspatdi of a kift fore* to Fott Fraa ■fun tlM MMwrr ifr Mt and dMv nvaft alfin wtri moned fifom dM wMt, and ipia wipondaj, amoM dMk number bring WM o nad vmmbm of dM wiUmMN Hkt La Forft, D« Toad, Donmajrc, Du LiMit, and Parrot, avw) me of dwm woitli a whok companf of rcguiar troops wiMn k came to figltting tha Iroquois in their own hoaass. Aoross the hike fton Fort Frontcnac a fuicral rendesvous was hai^ and here, bjr the aiddk of July, 16S7, Dc Deaonville ft>und himself in conunand of a s oaaew hat bstaro|eacous wmj of nearijr direc dMNisand men, whkc and red. The new gov- ernor had none of hit predccesj V« Muster 1 his preparations had been carried out in a way not at all unworthv of a Frontenac. Unlike the GreM Ononthio, however, he was prone to do ce p t ion an^ '.«d : 1 'h in aU his dealings w^ the savi^es, although h« v.^^ v . hy Mtorc diAonsst. WhUe at Fort Frontenac, he h«i .c4c«d and detained as many of die neighboring Indians as he could collect, under pmencc of a feMt, dus measiuv being desired to prevent news of his appraadi ftom being communicated to the Sonecas. As such it fiulod uttnljr duoiM^ the esoqw 9S one of dM pris- oners. In accordance wiu tbrir uhmI tactics, the Senecas despatdMd their women and children to ^acos of safcqr, stored thrir supplies in MniM, burned ^eir chief town, and prepared to stand or retire as occasion demanded. From his readeavous on the Uke, De Denonville began his march, De ToMi, Du Lhut, and Durantaye, wkh dwir bands of seasoned nuigert, leading the way. The distance to the Seneca villages, some twenty-two miles, was covered wMh- out incident, birt upon arrival the French found no trace of occupants. This, however, was only an Iroquois trkk, for hard by in ambush lay several hundred warriors. A fierce fire greeted the vanguard of the French and nMmmtarily threw it mto confusMm. But the mstn bo^ soon arrived on the scene, and the kavages made <»fi; Tht Seaeow had burned thdr chief villages, but toe i'rench a|^ed die twch its CJUI4M MtD UUTtm mHtTH JOtMUCM MMvtnlMnll AMMt 0( (RMI viilifN Mill mmHm. TlM«Miw«r — ^ ' i iii j i i. irliili iwiii iwM WW it of gNMi com 10 iMek k dMNk . dmofli tlM id^ of INMi comio kMk k doirik Albr mora tbui • iMtk kMl^Mi ipntt ia dMMO^hlf coMlMiag ik« work oT ^MinKtkw, Dt OnMavUk m4 hit omuo- ttmnd to Fort FnMttMK. Lowriag put of Mi fiNW ihm, tko tovtmor iraai wo wwi J wkk tiw iiwiiiiiii, mmI at Nii|Mi cnctod a MhMwMid fort out of Lo Adk** oM poM. Tho oMTwrr A Mr coMimiocI oa thitr way to MackiMet tht fomaor piMod tht mw foR in chufi oT a fuiiaett, aaddaaetiiM dM laka and rivor to MomraaL lybra, •uwi^of Tht tapa^tioa had ban bf oo BMaM a ( for tht Saaacaa had baaa taafht tho lai^ tht Franeh ana. N^htr had k btta a o for, at h bttr tumad out, Dt DtooaviHi had tttnod up dM Mtt without dettrajring tht waspt. For not aoio dMM a ONi^ of months had dapatd btforc tht Statcaa and dMir confodtiMot wwt wnaking vnn a nc t in tht »tfjr taviioaa of Montnal kaclf. During tht count of Ua optratiom, moreover, Dt Dt- nooviJlt had capturtd aomt Aftanjr tiadtn who wtic traf- ficking on tht hkt^ and thia brought down upon him tht wrtthofDoMn. Tht comsapoadenct bttwtta r)t Dt- nonvilit and Domui now bteamt amit acrid, and dw Engliah rapp«t of dM Iroquoia awia opta. Doepa do* Bunded dw d ta toB d on of dw ntw fon u NiMua and tht Ifoquoit MppoRwi diia dtmand. Bodi wert Imb titctual dian fcurvy and ahortagt of provi«onai k was radur dwaa dian tht picMura ftom dM Ei^iiiih and Indiana which cauatd the abandonment of dM poet in tht IbUowmg vtar (i6St). So bold had dM mvage ban^ of Iroqaeis now bacoBM that no aetdeoMnt in the cohmy was abaolMify aale ftom tttack. De DenonviUe would williiwtjr havt neg otiai ed a ptact wkh dM tribeamen, but dMar had not forgotten hit tieach- craut ki d nap p in g of mmh of their number at Fort Frontenac. The WORK was jret to coaw. Earijr in Ai^pist, 1689, ^ Five Nadoiu mustaied theiriHmIt avayaUt strengdi for an nniCToc o fr mouinoN tbt oMn (ANSI and ISO TEST CHART No. 3) ■^1 US Itt I Itt I HI I ■a I u MUM IM 112 116 ■ 2.2 1.8 11.25 iu ^ /iPPLIED tfvHGE I 1653 Eoit Hoin Strm RochMtv. Nm rorK I4C0> USA (7ie) «U - 0300 - Phon* (716) 288 - 5989 - Fm li < Ift O •^ > >a •< u •m K O H •» 4 u i 5 s SB • : o u H X H h CO I "? 2 s j Ei : s ^ : iJi >• •• u i Si 11 il I* ».«. 11 II -J? S^4 ill HP" lis III i 511 T a M Ij 15 'Wit i 1 t s r IJ o ^ 2 I '2 s: 1^ JS .9 M .s f 15 i UNDER LOUIS H^/JTORZE ««3 attack on the environs of Montreal. Under cover of a violent hailstorm the settlement at La Chine, about six miles from Montreal, was assaulted and burned, practically all the inhabitants to the number of about three hundred being either tomahawked on the spot or carried oflF captive. Many of these latter were put to death with the customary savage barbarities almost within sight of Montreal itself. The details as reported by Frontenac after his return to the colony are perhaps the most revolting in the whole wretched annals of Indian atrocities. There was a considerable gar- rison at Montreal, but those in command were so terror- stricken that no attempt at rescue was undertaken. For nearly two months the Iroquois roamed at will throudi the surrounding country, and with the approach of winter re- tired to their homes with their surviving captives. Why De Denonville did not dispatch a force from Quebec to make the Montreal garrison efiective for offensive opera- tions no one can now explain. The fortunes of the colony had apparently sunk lower than ever before. Since the departure of Frontenac in 1682, nutters had been going stwdily from bad to worse, and even before the catastrophe at La Chine the French government had decided on a change. De Denonville was now recalled and Frontenac once mon entrusted with the administration of aflUrs in New France. The sturdy old veteran, now past the Psalmist's span of thrw score and ten, was the one man in the service of France who could be depended on to ivstore the pre»- tige of French power in Amcica. His restoration at this critical moment is the one bri^t spot in the history of a decade throughout which blunder, incompetency, deceit, and cowardice darken almost every page. ««I send you back to Canada," wrote the king, » where I am sure that you will serve me as weU as you did before; and I ask nothing more of you." Various French writen have unstintingly bbmed the English authorities at Albany for having abetted the Iro- quois m their operations. The fiery Dongan had given "4 CANADA AND BRIIISH NORTH AMERICA place to the stubborn Androt, but the change had in no way weakened the firm attitude of official New York in the nutter of Frenc!. and Indian relations. But as Parkman and Kingsford have abundantly shown, this blame is more or less gratuitous. Recent events had given the Five Nations provocation for wreaicing vengeance on the French, and there was no necessity for any outside instigation. To be sure, the authorities of New York did not move a finger to restrain the savage fury, but it was no duty of theirs to undertake the thankless task of plucking French chestnuts out of the fire. The year of Frontenac's return, 1689, saw a change of dynasty in England. James II. had been ousted, and Wil- liam of Orange, the avowed enemy of all things French, was on his throne. Always a willing henchman of the great Bourbon, the last of the Stuarts had arrayed against himself all the enemies of France both at home and abroad ^ his deposition at this juncture boded no good for the continuance of amity between New England and New France. For it was well known that Louis XIV. would not long allow his deposed protege to remain in exile if military assistance could t^ct a restoration. Both countries saw the ap- proaching storm, and it was for this reason that Frontenac received a fervent welcome on his return to the colony. Frontenac's first care was for his old post at Cataraqui, but to his disappointment he found :hat the final act of De Denonville's administration had been its destruction and abandonment. But he forthwith decided that it should be rebuilt, if for no other reason than to impress upon the Iroquois the significance of his return. But other matters demanded his more immediate attention. Events had moved rapidly in Europe, and the mother country was already at war with England. Frontenac was anxious that no time should be lost in striking a few blows at the English colo- nies, and as he had no resources sufficient for large opera- tions, a series of border raids was his only opportunity. To this end, three small expeditions were fitted out, each made UNDER LOUIS ifJ/JTORZE "5 up of regulars, militiamen, and Indians, and these were to strike terror into a trio of English settlements. The party from Montreal, commanded by Sainte-Hfline, ascended the Richelieu, moved along Lakes Champlain and George and struck across to the hamlet of Schenecudy, which was at this time, 1690, the uttermost outpost of the New York colony. The unguarded settlement was sur- prised and burned} its peaceful inhabitants, almost without exception, being mercilessly butchered or carried off into captivity. The party from Three Rivers, with Hertel de Rouville at its head, set off toward the settlement at Salmon Falls on the Piscataqua, and there wrought like havoc. While en route home with his handful of captives, Hertel met, joined forces with the third band from Quebec, and the two parties proceeded toward the post of Casco Bay on the Maine coast. The garrison was enticed from the fort, ambushed, and most of its members slain or captured. From Frontenac's standpoint all three raids had been highly successful. They had been intended mainly to reesublish French prestige among the Indians, and this they succeeded in doing, for the savage made little distinction in point of achievement, between the courageous storming of a forti- fied stronghold and the merciless butchery of a defenceless hamlet. If anything, the latter achievement ranked the higher in the Indian mind, and this Frontenac knew well. Similarly, the French governor, immediately after his arrival, had taken measures to restore French prestii^ with the western Indians by the reesublishment of trading inter- course with them. For some years the route between Montreal and Mackinac had been rendered Impassable by the Iroquois; it seemed imperative that it should now be apin held open. So a large expedition of canoes, laden with supplies and guarded by a force of nearly two hun- dred picked men, was sent westward and made the trip to Mackinac safely. Here the goods were successfully bar- tered for peltry, and the return voyage began. Accom- panying the descending convoy were many hundred canoes. ii6 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA nuuuied by their Indian owners, who, as the su|^ljr of goods sent west had not been sufficient, were now coming to Montreal to dispose of their stocks of furs. It was autumn when the huge flotilla of canoes appeared above the rapids of L* Chine, and was enthusiastiolly welcomed by the people of Montreal. And there was reason for enthu- siasm, for upon the supply of peltry the whole prosperity of the colony depended, and not for years had such an enormous supply been to hand. By these two strokes Frontenac had reestablished French power among the Indians of both east and west, but his border raids seemed likely to cost him deariy. For it brou^t upon the horizon a new and greater dange-. The thiree raids of the preceding winter had thoroughly awakened the English colonies to the necessity of taking decisive steps against New France, and Massachusetts in particular was clamoring for nothing less than its complete conquest. With considerable sacrifice on the part of the Pilgrim colony a small expedition was despatched i^nst some of the smaller outposts in Acadia, and the capture of these accomplished with little diiiculty. The success of this modest venture fired the minds of the New Englanders with hi^ hopes, and preparations for a more pretentious expedition against Quebec were soon under way. A congress assembled at New York, in May, 1690, and on the initiative of Massa- chusetts the support of the various colonies was promised, while at the same time urgent requests for cooperation were sent to England. But the battle of the Boyne had still to be fought and won, and William III. was in no position to assist aggressive colonial projects. Nevertheless, the British authorities promised to do what they could, but to the colo- nies was left the main responsibility. The scheme as out- lined contemplated the employment of both land and naval expeditions, the former to proceed by way of Lake Cham- pkiin to Montreal, while the latter took the Gulf route to Quebec. But as the naval force could be got under way first, it was deemed best to send it against Fort Royal in I ;wfs Autograph letter of Rene Robert Cavelier, Sieur de Im Sille, written at Chicago, September i, 1683, as he was leaving the Illinois country for the last time, to the members of his colony at Fort Saint Louis of the Illinois (Starved Rock). UNDU louts /fJ/JfVUM 117 Acadia, whkb liad long been a havra for French privateeiB preying upon En^ith commerce with the coloaiet. D». fended hj len than a score and a half of men the poet wac eanlv taken bjr Sir William Phippe, to whom the command of the expedition had been intniated, and the ^nriaon waa bro^riu in triumjdi to Boaton. The land force, meanwhile, had been mobilisijtt at Al- bany, and under Winthrop, of Connecticut, aet off during the tummer toward Montreal But it had not gone ht before ditaenaiona brake out among its leaden. Winthrop was not in possession of the confidence of his men; sup- plies were deficient, and the Indian allies proved troubk» some to control. A combination of difficulties forced Winthrop to &11 back to Albany, leaving it to Phin» and his force to effect the conquest unaided. Phipps, how- ever, had waited in vain at Bosumi for expected assistance from England, and it was well on in August before he could decide to proceed on to Quebec. His voyage was a vlow one, and the first week in October was at hand before his vessels anchmcd in the river below the fortress. Frontenac, on the news of Winthrop's advance by way of Lake Cham- plain, had hurried to Montreal to superintend the defence of that phce, but the retirement of the colonials there had allowed his return to Quebec. Hwre he pushed on the preparations for defence with chaiacteristic v^r, and on the apprr... . " ' vsops had neariy three thousand men be- hind his . On the morrow of his arrival, Phipps despatches > ■■> .»«nger with a demand for a surrender, and requiring a dcnnite answer within an hour. **Tell him I will answer him out of the cannon's mouth," was the blunt reply with which the envoy was dismissed. The lateneu of the season precluded a siege, so that Phipps found an assault his only coune. Therefore, the troops were lantted from the ships and the assault from the eastern side of the town begun. It was arrange that a land assault and bombardment should take phuw contempo- raneously, but this plan miscarried, and the troops delayed I I H?f F. if h J,' lit CMfJDJ JND iRtrtSH NORTH JMMIUCJ Ktioii until after the fleet had been rcpulwd bjr the luperior Kunnery of the French. For this hwk of co&pttBtbn, Major Whalley, who commanded the shore forces has been madt to bear the blame. After a dajr or two had been spent in desultory skirmishing, Phipps called a council of war. The severe damage sustamed by the ships, the near approach of winter, the threatened shortage of supplies and munitions, all moved the council to advise an immediate retirement to Boston. The forces were consequently re£mbarked, and, after some days spent in refitting the ships, the whole expe- dition headed homeward. The jubilant Frenchmen chanted their TV Dtums., and erected in commemoration of their suc- cessful defence the Church of Notre Dame de Victoire. On its way home, the expedition encountered boisterous weather which scattered the ships and wrecked some of them. The English expedition had been repulsed, but New France was not wholly freed from her difficulties and dan- gers. Supplies ran very low, for the whole male population had been summoned to the work of defence. The pres- ence of Phipps in the St. Lawrence had shut oiF supplies from France, and the few vessels which had managed to elude him by sailing up the Saguenay did little to relieve the general shortage. But soldiers and habitants alike bore their time of enforced scarcity with grim fortitude, and the hungry winter of 1 690-1 69 1 was tided over. During' this winter the Iroquois, instigated, it was believed, by Peter Schuyler and the other authorities at Albany, ravaged the borders, and, when summer opened, Schuyler himself led a party of them to an anack on La Prairie. But the ener^ of De Valrennes, who had in charge the guarding of the ap- proaches to Montreal, stopped his advance and compelled his rapid retirement. For the next few years the colony had little rest. Not alone the Mohawks, but the Onondagas, Senecas, and Oneidas regularly organized their war parties and hung upon the outskirts of the colonial settlements, alternating their ardent professions of amity with treacherous descents upon CWDM LOVtt ^ATOUM 119 dttacbed bodks of uiuuned harvftttn. Evm wkh tb« stem oU FronteiMc at the helm the Iroauou seeflMd to ha nakiag good their boast that thcjr would leave the French no rett save in their graves. In the aid Frontenac was goaded to adopt a pJan of severe chastisement. He would fain have directed his punitive arm against the powerful Mohawks, but in view of his rather Umitcd militaiy re- sources, had to choose a weaker spot in the confedmcy. This was the countty of the Oneidas and Onondagu, a location easy of access from Fort Cataraqui. If the puni- tive expedition was to be successful the rebuilding of this post ccnild be no longer delayed. That objcctkms would be raised by the home authorities was very probable, for despatches to the governor had consistently emphasized the policy of concentrating the resources of the oAony rather than o( diffusing them over a wide range of territory, the mere defence of which would entail heavy expense. More- over, a powerful clique of Montreal merchanu now as ever opposed the esublishment of any post which might lead to the diversion of any part of the fur trade from Montreal. Frontenac, however, resolved to anticipate and forestall any interference from either quarter by quick ac- tion. So toward the close of July, 1695, ^ *^"< De Chir- isay with a strong force to effi»ct the work of reconstruction. Never was a mission more fiuthfully and successfully carried out. The project had been planned with secrecy, and the Iroquois were not at the spot to ofier opposition. De Chir- isay was able to utilize much of the old fort, and in the short space of eight days had completed the work of recon- struction and was on his way back to Montreal, having left in the fort a considerable garrison. When the Iroquois learned of this move their rage luiew no bounds, and their chiefs vigor- ously besought English assistance in an assault on the tort. But Governor Fletcher, of New York, would do nothing, and the Indians did not care to atuck any fortified post unaided. This preliminary step having been taken, Frontenac moved up to Fort Cataraqui with a force of over two m lao CANADA AND iUTUH MOUTH JMiUCJ tbouniHi men, mora than Ittlf of when wtn mUkkuncn from the teignioriet along the St. Lawrence and Richelieu. The trip occupied about fifteen ^va, and, after a abort bait at the fort, the force croned the lake and entered the mouth of Otwego River. This waa aaccnded with dificulty and on Aiigutt a, 1696, the ihorca of Lake Onondan were reached, and here a temporary baae waa erected. Without delay the land march to the Onondaga towna waa com- menced, Frontenac, carried in an armchair, accompanying the forces. But before the Indian villagea had been reached the bright dow in the weitem skies and the curiing columns of smoke showed that the savages had pursued their ancient tactics. The Onondagas had burned their town and had retreated southward. Strong parties were despatched to destroy the neighboring villa«s of the Oncidas, and every attempt was made to bring the fugitive Onondwas to bay, but without success. The expedition returned home with its purpose but half accmnplished. Frontenac, however, retorted the exploit to the king in glowing terms. Never renowned for immoderate mod«Ky, the old veteran's vanity seemed to grow with increasing years, and his report to the king on this occasion neither underrated the success of the expedition nor minimised his own part in it. <*71i^" (the Onondagu) he wrote, "were so terrified to see me march against them in person . . . that they did not dare to lay a single ambuscade ... but flew with their families twenty leagues into the heart of the forest." The fact that the Onondagas had not chosen to stand against a force fully four times their number hardly required as an explanation any abnormal terror inspired by the governor's presence. While Frontenac was thus engaged with the Iroquois, hostilities with the English had been proceeding apace. The operations during the years 1 693-1 697 are connected more particularly with the names of the two Le Moynes — Le Moyne d'Iberville and Le Moyne de Serigny — two of the nine illustrious sons of Charles Le Moyne, of Montreal. UNDU LOUtt ^JTOUM tu With ■ hmU naval forct tht Englidi poM at Ptmaqukl wu ■ttackcd and dcMmred, the EngUah MttkiMiia on tht •hMM cf NcwfottJiAand wet* laU waatc, mmI, fiaallr, the twobrothm procceM toFoR NcImmi on HmImm Bar and forced tht garriaon then to caphulat*. In i697,tht ftact of Rytwtck doaed tht war bttwttn Franct and EnfUnd, and each nation mtored it« conquttta in Amtrica. Amidst all thii itrain and itreat of nilitaiy pmi>ui«, Quebtc retained its air of gajrecx. Thtir aucccaaful itpulit of Phippe filled the townsmti. vith a tnicuknt self-aatiafiK- tion which did not Mibetdt for years. Frontenac himaelf, though now well up in tht aeventica, lent hia countenance and pretence to the various festivities iriienever he happened to be at the Chlteau de Saint-Louli. But all was not har- mony. The Jesuit enmity, so virulent during his first ad- ministration, still smouldered on. Saint-ValUer, although not nearly so aggressive as Laval, made no secret of his antipa- ^y to the governor and his policy, and in tht intendant, Cham^nv, he found an ever ready wf^orter. llie bishop bombarM the home authorities with protesu a^inst the liquor trade at the western posu, while Champigny launched forth his vigorous tirades against gubematoiial eztnvannce and generd mismanagement. But as the minister, P^t- chartrain, was a relative of Frontenac, this double assault had little eftct. During the year 1693 *« rupture hecame especially noticeable, for about this time the performance of a couple of amateur plays at the chlteau enraged the ecclesiastics. The rumor that Molidre's Tartmfe^ a satire on the clergy, was to be included in the anuueurs' leper- toire so stirred the Ushop that a marine lieuterk,.: named Mareuil, who wu said to be rehearsing the chiet ^«.t, wu promptly excommunicated, fiareuil made appeal to the civil authorities, and Quebec at once became divided into two hostile camps. After a serws of the usual tempestuous meetings and interviews, of charges and counter charges, of accusations and recriminations, the whole affiur wu sub- mitted in ponderous frteis vtrbmut to the king. As wu h 121 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA cuttonuuy, all concerned were admontthed with varying degrees of leverity. The demands of his position and his love of gayety rendered it increasingly difficult for Frontenac to live on his meagre income, and on several occasions he begged the minister to keep him in mind whenever a more lucra- tive post at home should become vacant. This the minister readUy promised, while the king, out of his own purse sub- stantially supplemented the governor's yearly allowance on at least two occasions. Previous governors had profited by their illicit part in the fur traffic, but Frontenac, ever true to his friends, gave all the places of gain in this regn ' v! to men like La For€t, De Tonti, Lamotte-Cadillac, who reaped all the rewards for themselves. The ministerial promise of promotion was still unfulfilled, when, in the autumn of 1698, the governor was stricken down with his last illness. On November 28th, the greatest of the Ononthios passed peacefully away. The enemy of the Jesuits to his death, his will desired that his bones be laid to rest not in their cathedral but in the little church of the R^ollets. " Devoted to the service of the king," says his eulogist, ** more busied with duty than with gain ; inviolable in his fidelity to his friends, he was as vigorous a supporter as he was a pertinacious foe." Parkman says: "A more remark- able figure in its bold and salient individuality and sharply marked light and shadow is nowhere to be seen in American history." De Callieres for the time being took the place of Fronte- nac. At the time of the change, negotiations for a perma- nent peace with the Iroquois had been in progress, and on Callieres fell the usk of seeing these negotiations through. But to do this was not easy. The death of Frontenac, for whom the Indians had a wholesome respect, had served to embolden the tribes, and it was only after a year of tedious parley that the calumet was finally passed and the hatchet buried. The conclusion of peace was a wise stroke for both parties ; their warfare had hitherto weakened them to ■# UHDEK LOUIS ^J/ATORZE laj the profit of the English colonies, and the conclusion of hostilities now checked the rapid advance of the English to a position of domination over the Five Nations. Calliires was not slow to recognize — as had Frontenac and La Salle before him — that the key to the whole situation, as far as the fur traffic was concerned, lay in the control of the Great Lakes. This being the case, Fort Frontenac, Niagara, and Mackinac had to be held at all hazards, and Calliires resolved in addition to esublish a new post at what is now Detroit. The Iroquois raised their usual objections, and the Montreal traders grumbled and bestirred themselves to opposition. But Callieres persisted, and the summer of 1 701 saw Lamotte-Cadillac and his followers firmly esub- lished on the straits. Cadillac had long wished for the opponunity, but had never been able, up to this time, to overcome the difficulties in his way. As most people had anticipated, the period of peace fol- lowing Ryswick was not of long duration, for in 170 1 the exiled James died, and Louis XIV. forthwith roused the irtf of Englishmen by recognizing as lawful sovereign of Eng- land a son of the deceased Stuart. This recognition came at an unfortunate moment, for the question of the Spanish succession had ahready brou^t France and England to the verge of hostilities. When the news of war reached New France, Callieres's first care was for his Indian alliances and for the strengthening of the Quebec defences. For the Iroquois had now become an important factor in intercolo- nial conflict, and since the repulse of Phipps the fear that another assault on Quebec might result diflSsrently had never passed out of the colonial mind. It was while vi^rously attending to these matters that Callieres was taken down with a severe illness, due to overwork, and died in the course of May, 1703. Althouf^ he had uken office only aJ in- ttrinty the zeal which he had shown from the outset had moved the king to continue him in charge. Odli&res had many of the great qualities of his predecessor in office, and while Charlevoix's eulogy that he was •* the most capable 124 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA general that the colony ever possessed and the man from whom it had received the most valuable services " is doubt- less not fully merited, still there is little question that, had he been spared, his administration would have accomplished much for New France. Callieres was succeeded in office by the Marquis de Vau- dreuil, who had already served some years as commandant at Montreal. Vaudreuil had married a Canadian, and the king hesitated to ratify the promotion on account of the colonial connections which he had thus formed. But Pont- chartrain overcame the royal scruples on this point. Vau- dreuil took the helm, with plenty of storm clouds on the horizon, and laid his course accordingly. The Iroquois alliance was strengthened, while the Abnakis were spurred on by the Jesuits to scourge the Maine settlements from Kittery to Casco. Vaudreuil had made up his mind that the winter of 1 703-1 704 should be utilized for a raid into the heart of New England. The governor would very gladly have directed his energies against Albany, but he feared, with reason, that the Iroquois might resent the move- ment of French troops through their territories. Toward midwinter a small force had been got together, and was given in chatiTe to Hertel de RouviUe for a descent upon the settlements of Massachusettt. By February, Hertel was on his way with a few hundred French and Indians, following the old route up the Richelieu, across the frozen lakes, and down over the highlands of northwestern Massa- chusetts. His destination was the little village of Deerfield, in the valley of the same name. Reaching the neighbor- hood of the hamlet, Hertel's men skulked in the forest until darkness came on, and then burst upon the unsuspecting settlement. The majority of the inhabitants, numbering nearly three hundred in all, were either massacred or carried off captive; the village, with the exxeption of a few hpuses, was given to the flames. The story of hardship and sufier- ing endured by these captives during that desperate march of three hundred miles back to Canada was narrated at length iir ^'Vr^r-i^ yfr»?jgfrr-«flK» J Document signed by Louis Joliet. From the tri^nal in pMtttitm of the Chicago Historical Soeirty. \a if ill 11 'h ril I vtn UMDBR LOUa ^JTORXM "5 by the Rev. John WUliama, the village putor, in his Rt- dtnui Captivt. Little wonder wm it that the yeomen of New Eng^d lodced upon Heitel de Rouville and his iol- lowers as the incarnation of iiendishness and hated both htm and his countrymen with an undying bitterness. That the soldiery of the most Christian king should find glory in the indiscriminate massacre of defenceless wrmen and children shows the destructive influence of partjnin warfare on military ethics. For the moment, Massachusetts could du little but nurse iu wrath. Governor Dudley asked that he be allowed to ransom the captives. During the sprii ; and summer of 1704 a series of communications passed between Dudley and Vaudreuil on the matter, and, as a result. Captain Sam- uel Vetch was sent to Quebec to arrange terms of ransom. Kingsford erroneously sutes this correspondence as hav- ing been carried on by Dudley and Callieres {Histtry »f Canada^ iiy 424), although he had previously noted (ii, 409) that Calliires died two years previously. In the course of the correspondence, Dudley complained bitterly of the French policy of oSering the Indians » bounty on everv English scalp {^bte Dtcumtnu^ ii, 426). The editor of these Dtat- ments adds: L'Merwain dlit iciy que Us Angkis payaumt futr Us cbeotbtrtt pntr Ut frutHniirs dt gturrt det stmmts trrisfiit plusftrtts qut nt pajaitnt Ut FroHfou — a retort which is as misleading as it is ungrammaticaL The New England legisktures ofiered bounties for the scalps of Indians, but never for those of Europeans. In the end some sixty or more c^tptives, most of them Deerfield survivors, were sent back from Qmada. As fcr the rest the parish registers of the little hamlet can only record that they were "carried captive into Canada from whence they never returned." Vetch was empowered to negotiate with Vaudreuil a treaty by which the respective colonies would agree to maintain an attitude of neutrality during the continuance of the war in Europe. But the French suspected that the » j I 126 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA \M- English proposal was merely a ruse to gain time, and refused to agree, although Vetch continued his negotiations at Que- hec for nearly three months. The raids, therefore, con- tinued and no part of the frontier was safe. In 1 708, a party commanded by Hertel de Rouville and St. Ours des Chaiilons moved once again toward Massachusetts. This time their objective was Haverhill, on the Merrimac. Under cover of darkness, on a sultry, August night, all the horrors of Deerfield were repeated. Well might honest old Peter Schuyler lament that "a war between Christian princes had degenerated into a savage and boundless butchery." The Deerfield raid had raised in New England a bitter thirst for revenge and an expedition from Boston under Major Benja- min Church had sought reprisal in the destruction of the French settlement at Grand Pri in Acadia; an attempt against Port Royal had followed but miscarried. The Haverhill raid now goaded the colony to more drastic meas- ures. Thus did the French policy of pttite guerrt prove a boomerang. The English colonies sincerely desired peace; they had neither heart nor facilities for border forays and they would combine for substantial ofiensive operations only under the severest pressure. This the French had now been unwise enough to apply. In the new scheme for wrealcing revenge on the very capital of New France Vetch was the prime mover. During his long stoy at Quebec he had kept his eyes open and knew well enough the meagreness of the military resources of the colony. The Massachusetts authorities lent a willing ear to his representations of French weakness, and, in 1709, he received authority to proceed to England with a view to enlisting the support of the home authorities in his project. Energetic, sanguine, and ambitious. Vetch proved himself the man for the mission and the British ministers readily granted him their support. Vessels and men were promised at once and the colonies were requested to muster their forces. These were to rendezvous at Albany and march overland toward Montreal, while such vessels as the colonial i/NDM LOUIS m/JTORZE "7 governmentt could get together were to be concentrated at Boston in reidinest for the British flotilla when it should appear. Together, the fleets would then sail for Quebec. The land force at Albany was plact > under the command of Colonel Nicholson, and in due course was able to pro- ceed and take up its camp on Wood Creek, between the Hudson and Lake George, where it awaited news that the naval expedition was ready to cooperate. But the summer wore on, and the flotilla which was to have been despatched from England early in the spring did not ap- pear. It was early in October before word arrived that, owing to European entanglements, the British government had not been able to keep its promise, and that the fleet could not be spared till the following spring. Mean- while, the land force at Wood Creek, impatient and wasted by dysentery, fell back on Albany in disgust and disbanded. The colonies were greatly chagrined, but not discouraged. Assistance had been delayed, but since it had been promised for the following year the authorities determined to keep the project well in mind. For a new attempt, however, not a soldier was to be mustered or an ounce of supplies secured until the English vessels arrived. Toward midsummer, 1710, six men-of-war, with an imposing array of trans|>orts, sailed into Boston harbor. At once idl was bustle in the colony; men were hastily mustered, supplies were hurriedly collected, and the expedition headed for Port Royal in Sep- tember. Here, with a half-starved garrison of two hundred men, Subercase, the French commandant, was /breed to capitulate without a shot in defence of his post. The season was now too far advanced for any operations against Quebec, so the fleet returned to Boston and thence home to England, arrangements having first been made for its return in the following summer to complete the work. It was at this point that the home authorities began to show a new and, to the colonies, an unaccounuble eagerness for the prosecution of the project. Perhaps the reason for this sudden discarding of its customary lethargy may be found ■HaHMIiili it 128 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA in the attitude of the «dmiiiistnitton toward the courae of the war in Europe. These were the jreara of Marlboroush'a proweu on the continent} the jreart of Blenheim, RaniiJiet, Oudenarde, and Malplaquet. The Tory miniatert of Queen Anne could not but view with serioua misgivings these triumphs of the great Whig general, for the unbounded popularity which they gained for him in England would undoubtedly make him a factor in politics on his return from his campaign. At any rate, a scheme which would even indirectly serve to lessen Marlborou^'s prestige would be warmly welcomed in official circles. Hence it was that the Massachusetu plan to conquer New France found sudden fiivor with the government. Operations in America might take the eyes of Englishmen off the conti- nent. Not alone this, but they would form a very reason- able excuse for drawing off a portion of Marlborough's force and thus weakening him. Countenance is lent to this hypothesis by the fact that the officers selected for the expedition against Quebec included General Hill, brother of Mrs. Masham, the queen's favorite and the bitter enemy of Marlborough, and Sir Hovenden Walker, one of her firm friends, both bitter Tories, but without any particular fitness for command. This time there was no delay. The fleet put in an appearance, and the various colonies of New England vied with one another in their eagerness to have men and sup- plies in readiness at the earliest possible moment. Under Nicholson a land force was again concentrated at Albany and began the march toward Lake Champlain, and soon afterward the naval expedition, comprising in all over ten thousand men of all ranks and conditions, set sail for the St. Lawrence. The absence of pilots was its first difficulty. No one among the New England navigators knew the river, so Sir Hovenden Walker commanded the services of a French pilot taken from a lall vessel captured in the gulf. On the trip up the St. Lawrence, fogs were encountered, the vessels got out of their course, and their signals were John Cunpbell, fourth Earl of Loudoun, commander-in-chief of the British forcet in America in 1756. Frtm an original drawing, now in iht New Tark Public Ubraty, Lenox Branch, after wkick an engraving was published in //Oj, I H js? CWDM LOUtt ^JTOMU 119 nitttndtntoodbjroncuiodMr. Accordii^toMmtaecouaiSi the Fftneh pilot wu trraclMfoiMi accordiag to otbm. Walker wucrimiaalljrncilifBiit and inconprnat. At an v late, a part of the ikn wcM on tiM rocks near the Em Islandt. Eight or ten vetMb, all of then traneporta, were wrecked on the ihoals, and tome eight hundnd lives were lost. Oiailevoix and those writers n^ follow him place the loss well up into the thousands, but the didal icconb do not bear out these estimates. The check was a serious one no doubt, but not necessarily Atal to the exp^ltion. None of the men-of-war had bera injuml, and over nine- tenths of the original force had escaped. But Hill and Walker magnified the disaster and proceeded to call a coun- cil of war. Despite violent oppositbn from the colonial officers accompanying the expnUtion they decided to aban- don further progress and return to Boston. Bj the end of September the colonial forces had been hnded there and the fleet saUed for home. The whole aflUr stands as a disgraceful testimony to the incapacity, if not the g^ cowaidice, of those in charge. Nicholson, in the meantime, had been making good progress when the news of the naval fiasco reached him, leaving him no alternative but retirement. The activity of the British had thorouriily alarmed New France. A force had been concentntedon the Richelieu to oppose Nicholson, but the French had little hope that it could do more than retard his advance. All the remaining forces of the colony were concentrated at Quebec, where the work of strengthening the fortificaticms was pushed on day and night. TTie coUapse of the expedition was a great relief to the authorities, and the devout manifested their gratitu^ in religious exercises. But the deliverance from the British in the east was followed by the threat of danger from the wf^st. The Outagamis, or Foxes, who occufned the western shores of Lake Michigan, and thus controlled the long portages between that hJce and the Mississippi, now showed signs of restlessnen. Owii^ to their contact ^-g^ r« ) 130 CIMf Af 4HD MUTttH NOMTM JMiUCJ witli the Iroquoit thejr bad letmcd that barter couU bt car* ricd on more advantueoutly whb tbe Britiib at Albany tban with the French at Montreal, but ao long aa the new French poet at Detroit renained in existence, the French were likely to retain their control of the trade. Tbe Foxes therefore undertook to deMrojr the post, which at this time was garri- soned by only a handful of traders under Du Buisson. But the latter learned of the plan, rallied the friendly Otuwaa to their assistance, and took the offensive against the Foxes, forcing them to his terms. These were hard enough, for the tribe was broken up, and those Indians who had escaped the ferocity of Du Buisstrn's savage allies were handed over to the latter as slaves. But the security of the post was assured, and with it the control of the western trade route, while the lesson impressed upon the Indians of the west in general was not soon forgotten. In Europe the War of the Spanish Succession had dragged out its course. Defeated on the Danube, the Fo, and the Tagus, Louis Quatorze wu now sincere in his suit for peace, and a change of ministry in Great Britain enabled him to sue with success. And despite his signal defeats, his sacri- fices — thanks to the incapacity of British diplomacy during the doling years of Queen Anne's reign — ^were compara- tively small. As far as America was concerned, Britain recovered tbe Hudson Bay territories, Newfoundland, and ** Acadia conformably to its ancient boundaries," while the French reuined Cape Breton with power to fonify it. The Five Nations were recognized as prot^g& of the British crown and were not to be molested. The terms of this, the Treaty uf Utrecht, signed in 17 14, left abundant room for future difficulties, for the ^ancient boundaries" of Acadia were neither defined nor satisfactorily h the conclusion of the war, the long reign of the Grand Monarch of France drew to its close. Sowing in the wmd he had reaped the whiriwind. An exhausted kuif jlom, an empty treasury, a populace impoverished, and pdit- jcaBy hopeless} the seeds of a future revolution scattered broadcast diroughout the realm: these were the nmerings of a wasted lift, a profligate reign. Outliving two geneiSI tions, Loujs XIV. left a sadly weakened regality to his great-grandson, a child of five, and the Due d'Ori6ws assumed control as regent of the kingdom. M ■- ,\ 1^ I f< l\ } i ^i .11 1 CHAPTER VI AGRICULTURE, HfDUSTRT, JND COMMERCE Ir there h any one word which may lerve to give the keynote of French agricultund, industrial, and conunercial policy in the New Worid, that word would teem to be M paternalism." From first to last the French government endeavored both to advance and to control all the economic activities of itt colony by the free use of official machinery. If New France never became materially prosperous it was not throu^ any kck of governmental encouragement or parental care. But those who sought to foster infant colonial growth were too cold and unbending: and the colony proved discouragingly unresponsive. The attempt to force the economic enterprise of the country into re- stricted and narrow channels discouraged private initiative. Of this latter there was, to be sure, never very much, but what there was clamored in vain for fieer and broader scope. In this respect the early colonial policies of France and En^and stand out in sharp contrast. The An^o-Saxon colonist possessed of himself a more abundant stock of individual enterprise, and a more complacent self-reliance than his GaUic nei^bor, but apwt from this he was allowed to shape his economic destinies under much less hampering conditions. It is in the ever-present paternalism that we find the true explanation of the tardy economic develop- ment of New France, just as in the omiparative absence of it we find a reason for the ra^ afpieultural, induwial, «33 !' , / ^; 134 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA and commercial dv'velopment of New England. Fiance never lost sight of her designs to found in America a power- ful military colony; all other &ctors in colonial development were warped into agreement with this idea. England, on the other hand, was wise enough to recognize that, in the long run, military prowess rests with that land which has devoted itself most successfully to the art' of peace. It will be remembered that in the charters of the early trading companies, to the care of which the colony had been consigned, provisions had been made for the trans- portation to New France of cci-tain annual quotas of settlers and for the maintenance of these during the first few years following their arrival. The charter of the Company of New France, for example, placed upon it the obligation of transporting to the colony several thousand settlers to whom the Company was under further obligation to make grants of land and to maintain them until such rime as the lands had been cleared and made to afford subsistence. During the thirty-five years of its existence this Company had brought out to the colony only a small fraction of the number agreed upon, nor had it properly fulfilled its obliga- tions toward those whom it did bring. To keep up a pre- tence of performing its duties, however, it granted some sixty tracts of land en seigtuurU to various individuals, both in France and the colony, but few of these tracts, however, were taken possession of by the grantees. Of the colonists who arrived during thi: period only a small number took up land for purposes of tillage, the majority settled in Quebec, Three Rivers, or Montreal, and soon either en- gaged in trade or were employed by those who depended on trade for their livelihood. As a matter of fact the fur traffic offered so much greater opportunities for profit than pioneer agriculture could hope to present that, without offi- cial encouragement, little progress in this direction could be hoped for. And this encouragement it was in no wise to the interest of the Company to extend. The greater the number of settlers engaged in the fur traffic, the larger \\ JORICULTURM, INDUSTRY, AND COMMERCE 135 would be the supply of peltiy ofiered at itt warehoutea, and hence, the larger the anntul dividends. The pecuniary interest of the Company lay in mercilessly exploiting the transitory resources of the colony, not in furthering at it* own cost royal designs for the agricultural development of New France. When, in 1663, the king withdrew the administration of tue colony from the hands of the Company of New France and announced his intention of supervising its military and political wel&re, it might have been thought that an end would be made of the exploitation of colonial resources by commercial companies. But not so, for in the very next year we find the Company of the West obuining the exclu- sive control of the fur trade, the exclusive profits of mines, forests, and fisheries, and the exclusive right of making land grants. It was expected that there would now be rapid progress in the clearing and development of the agri- cultural lands along the St. Lawrence. But when more than a year had pa^d and the Company showed no desire whatever to devote attention to anything but the fur trade. Talon was moved to warn the minister that any hopes which might be held in this connection were doomed to disappointment. "If His Majesty," wrote the intendant, " wishes to nuke anjrthing of Canada, he will never suc- ceed unless he withdraws it from the hands of the Com- pany. ... If, on the contrary, he looks on this country as suitable for the fur trade alone ... the profit which will result therefrom is not worth his attention and deserves very little of yours ... for the Com- pany will profit much, to the utter impoverishment of the colony." It was periiaps as a result of this very timely warning that General Die Tracey was instructed to report on the whole matter to the king, which he did shortly after his arrival. In anticipation of royal action based upon this report, the Company asked that in future all grants should be made by the intendant on such conditions as might seem reasonable to him. This request was readily granted, and . » ! I f i .1 136 CANJDJ AND BRITISH NORTH JMMRICJ ftom this time down to 1674, when the Company lost its privileges, lands v -re granted by the intendant, but in the Company's name. And from 1674 onward, lands were granted only in the name of the king by his lepresentatives in the colony. Since 1663 1** k»g l^d spared neither care nor expense m his endeavor to further the development of the colony. Rwognizing that what it needed most was population he had readily acceded to Talon's suggestion that the officers and men of the R^ment de Carignan-Saliiies, which had been sent out to chastise the Iroquois in 1665, should be induced to take up lands in New France and become per- manent setUers. Many of the officers were given seigni- ories along RicheUeu River where the danger of Mohawk um»ds seemed greatest, and in these seigniories the soldiers of the disbanded regiment were induced to take up lands. Nor did the royal paternalism end here. Both officers and soldiera must have wives, and, as these were not obtainable ui sufficient numbers within the colony, several shiploads of women were sent out at the king's expense. As to the character and source of tlKse imporutions writers have found room for difierence of opinion, but there is no doubt- ing the royal sincerity of purpose. The discharged soldiers were a very acceptable addition to the sparse colonial popu- lation and served considerably to increase iu military effi- ciency. Unfortunately the good soldier too often made an indifferent agriculturist. Nor were the non-mUitary addi- tions to the population during this period aU that could be desired. They came in considerable numbers, but in quality fell far below expectations. Contemporary writers speak of them as a miserable crowd, and one of these expressed the opinion that fewer immigrants of better quality would be mn-h more accepuble. But Talon during his term as mtendant was importunate in his requests. Settlers, more settlers, was the gist of his despatches, untU Colbert reminded fcim that It was not the intention of the king to depopulate trance m order to people his colony. JGUCULTUME, INDUSTRr, dSD COMMERCE 137 As the Mttlers flocked into the countiy during the cloeing ye«r« of the seventeenth and early years of the eighteenth centuries, lands began to be granted in Uvish fashion. Almost eveiy settler who had possessed any standing in France was granted a seigniory, while others had to be content perforce with smaUer holdings obtained from the seigniors. And as the demand for these holdings grew brisker with the increasing influx of settlers, many of the seigniors seized the opportunity to exact a fri* i'tntrity or initial payment, from applicanu for Uuids within their sei- gniories. This, however, was contnuy to the intentions of the authorities, and in the jfrrhs of Mariy (1711) the king positively forbade this pnurtice. Henceforth the sei- gniors were bound to concede farming lands to all settlers who demanded such, subject of course, to the payment by the latter of the customary seigniorial dues and the rendition of the accustomed seigniorial service. In &ct, provision was made that in case a seignior refused to concede lands to applicants, the governor and intendant mi^t step in and make the concession, in which case the seigniorial dues thenceforward went to the crown and not to the terdy seignior. From time to time the authorities put eflective pressure on all holders of seigniories in order to secure the settlement of their lands. Where sufficient progreu had not been made in clearing and popuUting seigniories, threats of revoking the seigniorial grant were ma«k, and in some cases were actually carrwd out, lands being taken from the grantees and reunited to the royal domain. It was under the seigniorial qrstem that practically all the lands of the colony were granted. Occasionally, grantt in /rmu aleu (free and common socage) were made, and in a few inttances granu mjraiu aumSme (frankalmign or mort- main) were made to religious bodies. But in the vast majority of cases granu made by the Company or crown were held mfitfot tn stigiuwru. As to the extent of these grantt there was no fixed rule; chey varied from a few acres to many square lei^ues. As a gmeral rule, however, they I ■ 'f ,;: i t »38 CANdDA AhD BRITISH NORTH AMERICA usumed ui oblong (hape, with a luurrow frontage on the river and extending several leagues inland. The obligations of the seignior to the crown were not burdensome. The grantee on receiving his seigniory was obliged to repair to the Chateau de St. Louis> at Quebec, and uiere render his fealty and homage to the governor as representing the king. Next, he deposited and registered a map of his seignioty with the proper officials. The only financial burden upon the seignior was the necessity of paying a muUtion fine amounting to one-fifth of the value of the fief on every change of ownership other than inheritance in direct suc- cession. In most cases the king, in granting the seignior- ies, reserved the right to take from the land such timber as might be needed for the royal navy and to appropriate such lands as might subsequently be found desirable as sites of fortifica ions or for other military purposes. The obliga- tion to render miliury service does not appear as an express provision in any of the grants; its insertion was rendered unnecessary by the fact that all, whether landholders or not, were liable to be called upon for service at any rime. Lands within the seigniories were granted by the sei- gniors, under two different forms of tenure. In a few cases these sub-grants were made tn arriirt fitfy that is to say as a sub-seigniory to be holden of the seignior under much the same obligations as those by .rhich the dominant seignior held of the crown. At this point sub-infeudation seems to have ceased: a sub-seignior never parcelled out his lands in smaller seigniories. In fact grants tn arriirt fief were quite uncommon. The greater portion of the small holdings obtained from the seigniors were held en een- she and the tenants were officially called censitairei. But the colonial settler disliked this term, and in his own par- lance he invariably used the more general term habitant. With but very few exceptions no grants en censive were made by the crown direct ; these were almost invariably nuuie by the seigniors within their seigniories. The nearly uni- versal practice was for the crown to grant out tracts of land JOUCUITUHE, INDUSnr, AND COMMERCE »39 M ungmtmrU and for the wknior to sub-grut the burger portion af this tn cttutvt. These *n ctnsiv* hoMingt vaned contidenibly in extent but they invariably assumed the same shape, that of a parallelogram with a frontage of a few acres on the water and a depth about ten or fifteen cimes u great. This peculiar arrangement of the holdings appears to have resulted from the (ksire of every settler to have access to the river, which, in the earlier days of the cdony, formed the gr«t highway of communication and tnmspon. The rights of the seignior over his etntitairtt were numer- ous and more or less complicated. Some were pecuniaiy, some judicial and some were purely honorary. Prominent among the first of these was the right to receive the annual payment known as the ctns tt rtntts. The former, amount- ing in most cases to but a few sous per acre, was paid in cash ; the latter was usually paid in produce and formed a real burden. Grain and poultry were for the most part the forms of produce used in paying the rtntts^ the ansitairts gathering about the seigniorial manor-house each autumn after the first snowfall to make delivery of their respective dues. Then there was the payment known as the Uds tt ventesy a mutation fine of about one-twelfth of the value of the holdmg which became due to the seignior whenever the land changed hands. Transfers for a consideration below the true values of the lands in order to defraud the seignior of his proper share were prevented by a proviso of the system which gave him »he right to step in, on giving due notice of his intention so to (k>, and preempt a holding at the alleged transfer price. Again, there was the Jroit dt **."*' ?"" ^^ "^* enjoyed by the seignior to erect a grist mill within his seigniory and to compel ctnsitaires to bring their grain thither to be ground, paying, of course, a certain toll for this service. During the greater part of the French regime, however, the burden rested upon the seigniors rather than upon the etnsitaires for royal ordinances compelled the seignion to erect the mill for the convenience of their ctnsi- taires whether there was a chance of profit at not. As a h '■ 1 _ i 1 ' 1 ••I' 1 1 • I r 1 :! {' 11 W: : i ■ I 140 CJMDJ JND MUTtSH NORTH AMUUCd matter of hety mott of the wigniorM] millt wen nm at a loM, for the toll exacted, amounting to rouneenth of the r'n ground, did not auffice to pajr the wages of a miller, lome caaet a tetgnior sou^t to reduce expenses by at- tempting to run the mill himself with the usual result that the tinsitaim obtained miserable flour and were loud in their complainu to the authorities. In addition to the foregoing pecuniary ri^ts, the seignior had the privikge of exacting from his tenants a certain number of days' labor during the year. This was known u the mviti and, while both common and harsh in France, was never exacted to any burdensome extent in Canada. The colonial authorities intervened in 1 716 to prevent the exaction of this foreed labor in seedtime or harvest, and in the following year seriously considered the matter of abolishing the right. The exaction, however, continued in force down to die close of the French regime, but in most cases it was in the form of a money payment in lieu of the personal services. Finally, the seigniors possessed a number of less important privileges for most of which they stipulated in making their sub^nnts. For example, the seigniors usually reserved the right to take from the lands of their eetuitaires such wood and stone as they mi^t require for the construction of the seigniorial manor house or mill; the right to hunt over the cintitairtf lands ; the right to share in the fish caught in the waters fronting the seigniory, and occasionally tlM exclusive ri^ to establish ferries across the rivers of the seigniory. Most seigniors received from the crown the ririit of administering justice within their se^ories. In Fiance the possession of z fUf invariably carried judicial jurisdic> tion with it, but in Canada this was not the case. Here the grant of a seigniory conveyed no rig^t of administering justice among the censitaires of the seigniory unleu such right were expressly conveyed in the title deed obtained from the crown. This was usually, but by no means mvariably the case. As a general rule seigniorial gnuits conveyed the right of high, mean, and low jurisdiction Spectment of card money. Frtm tht originalt m tht Ckattau di Kamtxay, MtmlrtaL m I MaxuLTuu, mm/tnr, md coMMutct 141 (iMMr, wmmu tt tmmjmikt) wUdi faiiplM dM tkt Mi- fi^Qr aiglbc MaAWi a cewt to trict cogriiun of an ( ftidiif,aii4lktlik». Occ aria wJIy , Iwirtm, wiarioit iww graoMd tiM i%|m of MMu or lew jwMietiM «d^, <■ wyeh evflot dMir jwUcMl NOft WM MM Ifayitd. ^aoMW of ftct Mi|Moriil JMdoowM laidy ■■■wiml OMopt vtfjr minor omm smI aoi oAm dMa. TUt in a immii was diw to dw ■paiMMM oTdw poHxion and tlw pandvo povwnr of tha coleaf, bacauM of wUdi Ikdt profit couM ba had ftom fines, ftaa and odMr inddnta of jwia- dictkm aAar tba raquind jptynmu kad baaa oMda to dM couR ofikJab. Not that dM paapla wm diaindiaad to litwttioa, for difimnt intaadanta lapottad to tha auAoritka die chronic Iki riemaa e a of dM k»iikmt, Btrt their di^ittai were to trivial dM dwk adJaeta wM t gave te pacuniarT tha aarijrt dona npdhM ori^MdjoriaAedoa rofu coort waa in aU rojral coorta. Theaa had not over tha a^iuorfad eowta hut cases as wra. Hanca, whanev lished witto convenient djaianta, rwott was had to it. In this waj dM topi courts gndnalty ohtahMd and aaai^ed or^n-i jurisdiction in even Ae most n nfan por mnt caases. TL n thoa were caitain ri^Ma, mmv or lest honoimnr in dieir natmc, which dM tei|iiior enjojrod. AnMng odMr diii^ he couM require dM umitmm on Uajrdi^ of aadi jrear to asaamble to plant a Majrpole at dM doer of dM teignioiial nmori he aught dnnand tha aaoat dtsnaUe I^Kc in dM pariA dutrch and pracade n c a in Aa adonnis- nation of the sacnunents. Likewisa, he waa lagvded aa being eatided to a general defcruica from his emhrnrn^ but dM manner in which dria maaifesMd itself depended. <4>vioasijr, i^on his own sodal nmk and waaldk' writen have used the terras <* Miliars*' and ttrnddesse** as q^nonjniious. In Fnmce it mqr be nearer correct to use them to, but in speafciag ^ CaiM^ dus use (rf'dM temu is quite I' I H i n ti h 142 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA misleading. In France, the seignior was always a member of the Hobltsse; in the colony, he was by no means such. In fact, not one Canadian seignior in fifty had this rank. From time to time the French king, in recognition of meri- torious services performed by certain seigniors either in mili- tary expeditions or in the defence of the country or in advancing the civil interests of the colony, granted patents of nobility to them. Furthermore, some of the immigrants to the colony, especially among those who came out with the intention of taking government service and among the officers of the disbanded Carignan-Salieres Regiment, were already members of the noblesse in France, and these, of course, retained their rank in Canada. On the whole the design of creating a feudal aristocracy in the western domin- ions of France was not attended with any marked success. Those who received rank in the nebUsse were undoubtedly for the most part worthy of the honor, but they were also for the most part very poor in worldly goods and found the struggle to maintain their dignity a very hard one. In fact, dire poverty seems to have been one of the chief attributes of a Canadian aristocrat of the old r^me. From time to time both governors and intendants deplored this fact and cautioned the king against increasing their numbers. Governor de Denonville, for example, wrote in 1685: "Above all things, sire, let me say that the tubUsse of this colony are a most beggarly lot, and that to increase their number is but to augment the number of drones. What this new country most needs is sturdy workmen to wield the axe and handle the hoe. The only resource of the H(Alesse is to take to the woods, trade a little with the In- dians and for the most part adopt their vices. . . . They are all wretchedly poor and so. helplessly in debt that th^ could not get credit for a single crown piece." Only a year or two later the governor again reminded his sover- eign : " I had rather see good habitants come to this colony, for a habitant who can and will work can get along very well here, while gentibhemmes who do not work can never JGRICULTUKE, INDUSTRT, AND COMMBRCB 143 be anything but psupen." After both De Meules and Champigny bad repeatedly emphasiz-d the desirability of granting no more patents of n'-biJity. the king promised acquiescence. But he foiled to >;:ep his promise, t.ir patenu continued to be issued at variour intfirvals do\7n o the close of the French r^me. The tot ! number of m ole families was, however, never very large. Gw»»i»iiC.r C^uleton esti- mated that at the time of the British conquest there were not more than one hundred and fifty in all, and of these the majority returned to France as soon as the Treaty of Paris was announced. Yet it is noi to be imagined from the foregoing that all the members of the noilesse were in per- petual poverty; many of them were signal exceptions to the general rule. Unfortunately, many seigniors were well to do until the king bestowed patents upon them in recc^nition of their industry and thrift, but thenceforward they became too proud to work and soon dissipated what means they had accumulated. Such was the system under which the rural population of New France was organized. Whatever may have been the political and miliary advantages of the system from the standpoint of a Bourbon despotism, it was not conducive to sound and rapid agricultural development. This is abun- dantly shown in the extremely primitive methods of agri- culture which prevailed in the colony down to the close of the French rigime and by the continued backwardness of agricultural Lower Canada in comparison with her sister provinces so long as the seigniorial system was permitted to exirt. Eveu at the present day, although l>«lf » century has passed since the Act of 1854 swept away the last vestiges of feudal tenure, the province has not fiilly recovered from the eftcts of its long existence. It is not to be inferred that the existence of the seigniorial system of tenure was the sole cause of tardy agricultural development. The lucrauve fur trade drew off what was perhaps the best and most progressive element of the population) dw exaction of the tithes and the strict insistence by the Roman Cathdic 5 ; ft'.' r; I ri li 144 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA Church on the observance of a laige number of fast dayt and holy days by abstention from labor; the generally low standard of education in the colony; these and a number of other circumstances contributed more or less directly to the same end. But the land tenure system was, neverthe- less, the most important clog upon progress. As the earlier settlers receiv«l very generous allotments of land no attempt was made at the outset to clear any considerable portion of each holding. TTie eensitairt pro- ceeded, usually, by preparing a few arpents lying next the river, and upon them he erected his house and outbuildings. From year to year the cleared space was extended back from the stream and it was only after a genera :ion or more that the whole tract was made ready for the plow. In fiict the work of clearing the holdings proceeded so tardily that from time to time ordinances had to be issued by the author- ities at Quebec threatening to give the seigniors power to revoke grants unless a reasonable area had in each case been put under cultivation within a reasonable time. Once cleared, the lands were put under cultivation in nther rough fashion. The implemenu were primitive, and in many cases the babitantt wrere too poor to procure their own horses. Quite often a number of them on the same or neighboring seigniories clubbed together to use the same team; sometimes, again, the teams of the seignior were rented by his censitairet. At the soil was rich, one plowing a year was usually deemed sufficient. Roution was not practised extensively since the area of cleared knds on the holding of the avenge cenntain was not sufficiently la^ conveniently to permit of this. Nor did even the principle of allowing some part of the holding to lie fidlow each year find much favor, especially during the earlier part of the old r^me. Manuring the land was resorted to commonly enough, but without any attempt at systematic fertilization. In consequence the lands soon became exhausted under the incessant cropping without rest or replenishment of the soil. As early as 1682, the intendant, De Meules, wrote that no *Ct4aa, >Aw«c H^inAificwatCium. "'•^•■oif wian t» I'fcs. ■**■■>•■ comcMM 10. ncJi 4*UrccU!|M*&(kken *i MMKtiMi 4tna. N PbitM feraM<.n bfonit unuUn pan annc It ca- . Aon O lardm ia ficu ic dtm- pltifi. P UcuiCae Q Pbct 4t4c6iaft Chimplain'i chitcau at Qjiebec. Fram a ctpftrfUu pMisbtd m /6/j, mow M tie Nrw York Public Lihraiy, Lttux Sramet. L w h m I 1 i ! 1 1 ^ m [ft i Wk 1' i JOUCULTURM, ttiDUtnr, dMD COilMMRCM 145 fiunOy could h<^ to nise more gnin than tuficed for its own needs. Somewhat lator Catdopie, in hit lengtfaf repoit, declared that ^if the toil were not better cultivated in Europe than here, three-qiattert of the people wouM starve." Maize throughout the whole of the Ftendi em formed the principal crop, but wheat, oats, and other grains were grown in considerable quantities. Scnne attention was given to the cultivation of roou and vegetables, whik large quantities of hay were annually taken from die rich mea^w lands along dw banks of the St. Lawrence and its tributaries. In the raising of cattle slow prepress wu made. Horses, homed cattle, and sheep were sent out to the colony by the paternal king and distributed with a view to assisting the baUtantSj but the cattle-raising industry, while not unimpor- tant, hardly fulfilled expectations. One very great diffi- c-ilty with which the baUtant had to contend was the scarcity of labor. The incessant military operations drew off brge numbers of those who mi^t odierwise have been available for work on the land, and it was only with the utmost difficulty that, in many years, the harvest couM be garnered in. Even women and small children had to be preMed into service in the fields on such occasions. The houses of the seigniors w«e, fcnr die moM part, comfortable and substantial one-story structures. As a rule, these were built of wood, but many of the more wealthy built substantial manor houses of stone. The main build- ing was usually long and narrow, surmounted by ktfty gables and with a very steep roof. On the gnnuud-fiomr were two or more living rocmis, partitioned off by boards, fiv lath and plaster were practically unknown. Above, on die spacious attic flow, were the bed chambers. Numerous h^^i-peaked dormer windows thrust themselves out from die loof to afibrd l^it to these diambers. The main building was usually flanked by a wing in which were the kitchen and storehouse. Around this manor house clustered tlM bams, stables, and other oudiuildings. Even in the houses oi dw •eigniors the foratture was exttemely muf&t, A I mmm "ill ft 146 CJNJDJ AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICd carpet, a rough hewn table, tome coane chain, a chest of drawers, and in the comer the spinning-wheel; these, with a long bench or two, formed the furnishings of the main room. Many of the more opulent seigniors had, however, brought their goods with them from France, in which case their dwellings presented internally a more luxurious appear- ance. The main room of the manor house was usually utilized by the seignior for holding the seigniorial court whenever he happened to avail himself of his judicial privileges. The dwellings of the habitants were usually small but snug cabins, built o\ timber, and provided with wide over- hanpng eaves. Rarely were there more than two rooms within; one of these being a general living room and kitchen, the other a chamber. The furniture differed little from that of the seigniors, for in worldly goods there was no wide divergence between the two classes. A spacious hearth with its long crane and large <*bake-kettle" was the most striking feature of the room. Here the blazing fire cheered the long winter evenings. In industrial development there was but little progress outside the household. Spinning, like weaving, was a do- mestic matter, every cabin possessing its wheel and most of them having a hand loom, in which the rwi^ homespun or itoffes of the habitants were made. A few seigniors managed to wear finer fabrics imported from France, but the majority of the higher ranks of society clad themselves like the habitants. In some of the religious houses a finer grade of cloth was made by the inmates, and to these young girls were often sent to learn how to spin and weave. As wool was not plentiful in the colony, the authorities e couraged the growing of flax to increase the supply of ra materials available for the manufacture of fiibrics. Within the household a considerable part of the grain was ground in hand mills or sometimes in rough Indian fashion. Seigniorial mills were erected slowly, and for a long time their work was very ineflicient. The habitants made JOUCULTUU, INDUSnr, AND COMMUCS 14; constant daimt that the grain could be more tatufiwtimly ground at home. In 1732, the king shipped out a number of ftnning mills, and these were distributed among the seigniors in the districu of Montreal and Quebec, and by the use of these appliances results were consi^rably im- proved. But the milling ^.idustry, usually one of the first to develop in a new agricultural ccmntry, made exceedingly discouraging progress. Talon, during his intendancy, made vigorous attempts to esublish a few manu&ctures, but without apparent success. Thus he proceeded to lay the foundations of a shipbuilding industry by constructing a vessel at the royal expense as an object lesson to the people. But the lesson was not learned, for it was forty years or more before the next ship left the stocks at Quebec. Again, he dispatched prospeaors to search for minerals in the western countries, and these were rewarded by the discovery of rich copper mines on the shores of Lake Superior. But the distance from Quebec was too great and several generations passed before any serious attempt was made to develop these deposia. By persuasion and promise of reward as well as by example, the Colbert of New France tried to interest others in the promodon of industrial enterprises. One individual was induced to begin the manuftcture of potash and soap} another began the making of tar; a third esublished a small tannery, and a fourth commenced the manu&cture of hats and shoes. With unconcealed pride the worthy intendant sent off samples of their wares to the king who commended heartily the good work. One of Talon's final acts was the esublishment cf a small brewery, designed not alone to keep the baUtant^ money in the colony, but to assist in the diminution of drunkenness by subttituting for French brandy a less intoxicating liquor. After Talon's tfeparture, however, industry fainguished for lack of practical encouragement. Succeeding intendants plied the king with requestt for asnstance in the way of trained artisans and mtmey grants. **Send me some tileis. Ill 148 CdMJDd AND BRITISH NORTH dMERlCd fcrickmaken, and potten," wrote one. MSend mt into, workers to work our minei," begged hit tuccetMr. A thtni, IBM specific in hu demands exprened a desire "diat Hk Maiesty would send us aU softs of artisans." As a matter of &ct, however, it was not the policy of the king to develop the mdustnes of t»?e cobnv in wich wise as to create com. peutors with industries at home. Flour mills and tanneries might be safely encounged but it was not the design of the f rench government to make New Fiance industradly self, •ufficient. Rather was it thought best that the ^ny should provide at once a source of raw material for FiancJ and a market for her manu&ctured goods. Even in the cksmg days of the old r^ime, Montcalm expressed this doaruie with undiminished vigor. ^Let us beware" he wys, "how we aUow the esteblishment of industri^ in Canada or she will become proud and mutinous like the Englirii colonies So long a. Fi«m* is a nursery to Canada, let not the Canadums be aUowed to trade but kept to heir hbonous life and to their militaiy services. They wjl be less wealthy but more brave and ftithful to us." t)^A^ T^^T^. *° ?"**"' •»"* if they represented the Ideas of the liberaUynninded Montcalm in the later half of the ei^teenth century, what must have been the attrtude towanl industrial development of his narrower predecessors of the seventeenth? tnermore, be found m the restrictions which the French government placed on immigration to the colony. As thf mo« Christian king had no derire to buUd up .^colony rt heretics, only those who were suunch in the fiuth were al- lowed to settle in New Fnmce. A number of Huguenot Z!J A? "T^ .*?* ~'°"J^ ^^ •«»»«' to ti3e, for most of the colonial importations came fiom the old Huguew not««portofRochelle. But, by the police regulatioiJof the colony, these were not aUowed to remain over winter without special permission from the intendant, and under no cireumstance. were they allowed to take up permanent ^OUCUlTUU,INDUnHr,JNDC0MMMRCM 14, »««eace. /»P«Med be God," writes DenonyUle,u»|,« i, not m heretic in this cdonT." He might hare iwed that there WM M ioim tipi of induitrid uid conuneidd mm* atofbereqr. The Huguenott were extremely protregBve artw«M «id tiideri,Md their mlgredon to the i^would have intradaced therein a vigorooa and enterprising stock. New Englaad was colonised hj religious refugees, ^d to a glorious outcome, as her histoiy abundantly shows. Fiance, howew, preferred to keep from her colonies the only cbm of settlers who earnestly desired to mignte thither, preferring a population of unpragressive and impoverished chuidimeS to a colony of prosperous heretics. If ever there was a communitjr free from portive heterodoxy, it was the New France of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The feet, while It may solace the ardent clerical writer, wrings scant admration from the student of economic history. In trjde and commerce, the spirit of restriction and mo- nopoly dominated every bruch of activity. Down to 1674. the successive companies to whose cham the commeidal development of the colony had been ^mmitted guarded Aeir pnvi^ps most jealously. The Company of New l!^ ?"!?* *5! ^•*" '632-1663, allowed 'no one to pro«ed to Canada except on its vessels, and no tradins couW be done except through its storehouses. And wen rW/r^*™* »««>P°»7, "^ compwatively Ught expenses, the heavy shaeUes kept gross expansion withm narrow lim- itt, and ntt profits suiiered greatly at the hands of pilferimt ^f^' ^i^3 to his retirement from oflke £1168? pany of the West Indies possessed a monopoly of the tnde dunng the fim eleven of these years, but Colbert controlled Its operstions with a firm hand. Under the auspices of his able agent, J«n Talon, every dfcrt was madTro increase t!^"'*^ ^«^,^««*» especially to the French West i^tfc fiA "^ " !/^7v* ^ *w freigMed at Quebec with fish, gwn, and timber by the xeateSTintendant and . f if 5 150 CJNJDJ AND MUfUM NOkTH JMMUCd ■em off to the W«t ladiei, where the cum wu to be ex- changed for sugar. Thi., again, was to be taken to France, there to be exchanged for goods suited to the Canadian market. But, try as thejr might, the trade would continue only so long as the royal treasury continued iu pecuniary support. "^ ' When, in 1674, the charter of the Compuiy of the West Indies was revoked, trade was declared open to all subjects of the king, yet all the heavy shackles were not removed. Merchants not resident in the colony were allowed to trade with the Indians only through some colonial merchant: and under no circumstances were they to trade above Quebec, and there ttade was allowed during ceruin months' only. No one, whether resident or not, was permitted to trade with the English colonies, nor could anyone visit these without a special passport, which was not easy to obuin. None but French goods could, under any circumstances, be brought mto the colony j any foreign goods found in the country were subjf -t to immediate confiscation. Imposu on trade were no er levied by the Company, but by the ofEciaU of the c.own or farmers of the revenue, as the ««e might be. Both import and export taxes were levied. Among the articles subject to the former were wines, bnindy, and tobacco, which were taxed ten per cent. For a long time these had been the only commodities upon which im- posts were levied at importation; but, as colonial expenses grew, other imports were taxed at entry. In the case of exports, furs were the chief articles taxed. Export dues upon beaver skins amounted to twenty-five per cent of their value, and upon moose hides, ten per cent. Other skins were taxed m proportion. The export taxes proved so re- munerative that in some years the farmers of the revenue paid as much as four hundred thousand livres for their privi- teges. There were, however, no internal taxes, and freedom from the tatlU was a great boon to the colonists. In a few caws, special assessments for local improvements were hud upon them, but these occasions were tare and the amoonu J-1 joucnruRi, wDmnr, jnd commucm 151 involved were uivaiiaUjr Haall. Ordinwily, their oob bur- dens were die teigaiorial duee lad the Hoe. Tiy> htter* amounting to one-twemjr-«xth of die produce of even holding* went to the %appim of the Chuich, and to collec- tion WM sanctioaed bjr die civil authorittea. What traden found much more oi^hcmivc ^an the taxes was the Mrict regulation of prices maintained by the au- thoritiet. Everjr commoditjr had its price fixed by mdi- nance* of the Council, and no one m^t either mII or buy below or above this on pain of fine. The comparative inehuticity of these schedules seriously hampeied natural trade and drove it into illicit channels. It was not long before many of the Indian tribes found that diey could exchange their furs much more profiubly with the I^ch and Eng^ merchanu, for these were undo- no such ham- pering regdations. It was for diis reaswi that so much of the western tnuk was diverted to Albany. Nevertheless, the Frendi by their superior knowk<%e of Indian dipk>> macy, their practice of nuddng bvish gifts to tribal chiefs and the influence of their Jesuit missionaries, managed to hold their share of the peltry traffic despite their great economic disadvantages. From first to laM the fur trade was the economic backbone of New Fnwce. It was throudiout two centuries more important tlun all other branches of commerce put together. Fascinating, adven- turous, dangerous, yet withal profitable { it not alone absorbed almost the whole enterprise of the colony but in sapping the life blood of all other branches of economic activity, it kept them if a state of chronic debility. The giant octopus swallowed, with insatiabk avklky, almost all t^ enterprise and energy which might have diverted themselves into channels more permanendy beneficial to the colony. There were two meAoth by which the fur trade could be carried on. One was by going to the Indians to buy and sell) the other was by having the Indians come to the French. From the outset to the end, the individual traden much |»eferred the former method, but from first to last tiw ISa CJHADJI dUD BMTUH MOUTH dMMUCJ •"t^oritkt lought to eitd»IWi tht htter. It wm to tlUi did tiwl. Thwt liren, ua Qutbw:, and to thm mil «». mw ewm At cwioe «odlht of tht |«4Imm from the north •nd wctt. Eytiy tnMkr flWiiWitJiidl liit booth, ud fbr »«««««»« ow fi«n Mo^ tieal in order to wayla/ the aavagea aa ther came down the wwted at the fcir. Usually they were aucSatfiU in inter- S3lj/t:rr*^'*V!«.'*'*^ them with brlSSr. •ecurwl the best fura at the lowest ntes. The colonhd ofioal. launched forth their ordinances apinst this S^ tWlve. boUly in the p«h of the t««c, moving foSS «dfimher up toward the hunting pounds! In^nTw numhrr. of them ton«tt«r tbc Jatuitt caimot bt accoumod imputkl chioi^ dm. To ^ whok tpMm thtjr wm imcompiominaiiy oppoMd, and to umuam thtt thdr avntivM wm not cdk ored m cooMQiMncc is to gram their tcttimoBT dii«r«M consi^ratioo from that propcrfy accorded conteowonuy evidence. It miut be adaaitted, however, that the traden at the wcatera poats were in the field for high profits, and that, m eonaequence, thejr were not ovencrupuloua in their "««»* ^^f***"*""! theae. Sone of them, monover, were not men ««om we might rtaionably expect to put into practice thoee prindplea of h.,neatjr, tobrietjr, and chaatitv whKh Aeur t rri w iaa rica l fompatriott aougltt to eaferee AnodMT mode of atteo^Ned teguhtioa was to isi. •<- Uceaaes to a limited number of €mrtun A Mr each vear. Usualfy the number putted was twcntj^ve, and for each license a considendile pajoMnt was exacted. But that thia system efictcd little is shown bjr the statement in one of Duchesneau's dispatches that mon dum e^ huadied men out of t population of less than ten thousuid aoub had taken to dw wilderness to trade. Lands were abaadooedi wives and children were deserted) debts were left unpud) the ftsdnation of die tnific seemed to grip every vuorous young man in dw colony. In fi^t, the exodus, I^ite stringent interdictions, seems at times to have amumed the character of an (Mgaidsed nmvement, and the adventurous Du Lhut is said to have eftcted a general combination of ue young men of Moittreal to follow Um into the forests. Ofioi die Murviirr dt kit remained in dw woods for yean at a time, retumii^ to dvilinnion whenever they diougitt the chances of pumshmem were smallest. Forhalfaceo- tuiy diey held in dieir huMb die destinies of the great West and su^ilied die East wkh the sinews afikc ot peace and war. 154 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA The system of currency deserves notice. It gave the authorities both of New and Old France much trouble. Early in the course of commercial development it was found that the "balance of trade" was constantly against the colony, and that, in consequence, specie currency was n' sooner shipped out to C . i than it made its way back to France. Consequently, i. • was a perpetual scarcity of corned money in the colony, and as a result traders had to use skins and grain as circulating media and standards of vnlue. In the course of time the Council was forced to recj^ize existing conditions by making these commodities legal tender at their market prices. But these were at best clumsy expedients, and soon the French government under- took to provide the colony with a coinage which might circulate m the colony at a value one-quarter below that possessed by it in France. Prices almost immediately ft>se twenty-five per cent and most of the new coins foUowed their predecessors to France. By accident the authorities, in 1685, introduced a new circulating medium, the famous "card money." In that year, through mishaps, the money wherewith to pay the troops in the colony did not arrive, and some temporary expedient had to be found to tide over matters until the appearance of the ships in the following spring. The intendant, De Meules, for want of better material, u^k a quantity of ordinary playing cards, cut Uiese into quarters, had each quarter stamped with the fleur-de-lis, and, after the signatures of the governor and himself had been appended, issued them to the troops in payment. An ordinance was simultaneously issued order- mg the tradesmen to accept them and promising redemption at their face value when the vessels arrived. The experi- ment was disastrously successful, for succeeding governors and intendants, whenever they lacked funds, resorted readily to new issues, promising to redeem these by the issue of biUs of exchange drawn on Paris. Matters went weU enough untU these bills failed to be redeemed promptly, whereupon the circulating value of card money quickly feU. AGRICULTURE, INDUSTRY, AND COMMERCE «5S At diflerent timet during the fim quarter of the eighteenth century, the French government tried to buy up the depre- ciated card money at half its face value, and met with some succen in this direction. But before the redemption was finished it was found necessary to reissue the peculiar cur- rency, and in the closing years of French regime issue followed issue until the country fairly floundered in the slough of depreciated paper. The redemption of this fiat money was one of the difficulties which, on their assumption of control after the conquest, the British authorities had to face. "The physiognomy of a government," wrote the ngt De Tocqueville, "can be best judged in its colonies. When I want to study the spirit and faults of the govern- ment of Louis XIV., I must go to Canada; its deformities are there seen as through a microscope." A survey of the agricultural, industrial, and commercial organization of New France under the Bourbon kings may well serve to show the truth of this assertion. Rarely, if ever, has a sovereign had the interests of a colony so much at heart as had Louis Quatorze. According to his light he strove earnestly to advance the welfare of New France. But his light was too often so faint as to mislead rather than guide. His paternalism was of the sort that serves to stunt rather than to develop; to starve rather than to nourish. hi CHAPTER VII THE CONFUCT TOIM Thi condittioii of the Peace of Utfccht was wricoued heartily bjr the inhalMttiitt of New Fnuice. For neither in numben nw reiourcet could the colonj ocpect to cope with the Britidi coltmies to the aouth, which, if peiaiMnc in their opeiationa, most eventually gain the i^per hand in Anoka. Nc one knew this better dun Governor Vau- dreuil, and, during the eariy yean succeeding dK pnce, he bent his energies to the task of strei^iening his cdony. It was an uphiU task, for in a report to die French minister he gave die total number of die popuhdon cap^ of bear- ing arms at less than five thmuiuMl, and even diis number mduded aU die male population between die ages of four- teen and sixty. The r^ular forces then stadtuied in die arfony numbered, according to diis report, a liule over six hundred effective men. That die Brkish colmiies could musttr at least ten times this numbtt was the firm convic- tion of the governor, and he emfdiansed Ae urgency of def' - additional troops to New France and die en- ci .. i:. .It of em^nttim to die colony by every available ■t > But dwse iraprntunities had but litde effect at V« . .. The r^ent seems to have had for the colony utde of that constaitt care which the old king had manifest^ even in his most d^enoate days. Furdiemofc, wkh the b«g«««ung of die R^ency, a change took plMe in the sys- tem of reports. The piactice ydwNo had been for dw iS7 raf I 'i' ^: I ill' 158 Ci#AW/)^ A/fD BRITISH NORTH AMSRICJl pvernor and each of his aubordiiutes to write every year a long despatch, giving a general summary of the year's events and containing recommendations of all sorts. Henceforth «ch matter was to be dealt with in a separate despatch by the governor or intendant; while subordinates were now (o make reports and recommendations only through one or other of these officuls. This was done in ordefthat eac" commun.cat.on might be referred to the proper authority in France, for the regent seems to have had little of the d«ire this nature '° **""* ^"^'^^ *" communications of For a time after the conclusion of the peace of 1717, the relations between New France and the British coki.'^ were fairly amiable But difficulties soon arose Va^ dreuil had obtamed from the Senecas permission to erect a fortified post on the southern bank of Niagara River and to this Governor Burnet, of New York,ob^ wilhl^e ^ow of justice; for the Treaty of Utrelrht had conced3"o R-rvfT*"-, •!?^'** l^ iuzerainty over the Five Nations. But Vaudreuil paid no heed to Burnet's protests, except to declare tlut the temtoiy was avowedly French. The Brit- ish accordingly took steps to retaliate by the establishment of a post on Lake Ontario with the admitted object of di^n- ing the fur trade from Fort Frontemu:, just across the lake. Permission from the neighboring Indians was obtained, uid in 1724 the post at Oswego was established. VaudreuU wrote urgently to the home authorities, requesting that he be given permission to expel the British by fwe; but before a reply could be had, the eneigetic governor died. Dunng his long gubernatorial term of twenty^ne years, he had served the colony fiuthfuUy and well, with a clear «r! ception of Ks needs and an unusual zeal in carrying his no^FrencV^"' ^'t ^^ ""^'^ «"P^- -^ ^"«J^ mortal ^^ '^""^^ ^"' ^"^"^"^ °' ^"^ noiT^d^S/r"'"' T ^"l"'"' ^"^"» ^ ^^- nois, described by some historians as an iUegitimate son THB COMFUCr TIMB 159 of Louis XIV. For this allegition there wenu, however, to be no foundation. The fimiily was a prominent one in France, and was destined to figure prominently in Bona- partist history, a descendant of Claude de Beauhamois, a younger brother of Charles, becoming the mother of Napo- leon III. The new governor was a naval officer, in the prime of life, and vigorous in thought and action. One of his first acu was to reiterate Vaudreuil's protests against the esublishment of the British post at Oswego; but the shrewd Burnet courteously pointed to the French action in estab- lishing a post in disputed territory near Niagara. So the matter dropped, for neither of the home governments was at all anxious to precipiute a conflict. Cardinal Fleuiy, who controlln' the policy of France at this time, was earn- estly desirous tor peace, while Walpole, on his accession to office, was equally earnest in the same direction. There were, however, outlets for French wrath other than along the British colonial frontiers. The western Indians, more especially the Foxes, had on various occasions interfered with French trading parties tn nttu to the Mississippi; it was now decided to visit them with exemphuy punishment. To this end a strong force was mustered in the Illinois country; the allies of the Foxes were detached from them, and after a tedious campaign the tribe was broken up and its remnants driven wenward beyond the bounds of inter- ference. To the colony as a whole the thirty years of peace came as a valuable boon, and rapid strides were made in population and wealth. Giles Hocquart, the untiring in- tendant, lent his encouragement to every branch of eco- nomic activity, and with ^>od results, as were soon seen in the general prosperity. But with prosperity came a renewal of gayety in the colonial centres of population, too often degenerating into license; for the degeneracy of the French court and of the noble cUuses at home codd not but find some echo even at a distance of three thousand miles. In Quebec one begins to mark a decided increase of official dishonesty and corruption, which not alone demonUMd the ' h I U 1*5 m : l6o CJNJDJ AND BRITISH NORTH JMMRICJ adminiatntion, but sapped colonial reaourees and laid the foundation* of that weakneu which wrved to render the ul- tinute conquest of New France lets difficult than would otherwise have been the case. In Acadia, matters had been, since the conclusion of the Peace of Utrecht, very fkr from tranquil. By the provi- sions of the treaty. Great Britain was to possess Acadia "conformably to its ancient boundaries"; but what terri- tory "Acadia" comprised was a matter upon which the authorities of the two countries held widely diflering views. Great Briuin interpreted the term "ancient boundaries" as including a considerable portion of the present Sute of Maine and the whole of what are now the provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. The French, on the other hand, declared that the cession included only Nova Scotia and the Maine territories as far as the Kennebec. The colonial authorities of each monarchy held firmly to their rcspeaive interpreutions. In this the French had the de- cided advantage, for they continued to maintain their preca- rious hold on the New Brunswick territories, and possession m this case formed nine-tenths of the law. One of the main features of French diplomacy in territorial disputes had always been the control of the Indians who might happen to occupy the lands in contendon, nor were their efforts to this end now lacking. Jesuit missionaries were sent into the Indian settlemenu of New Brunswick while an especial effort was made to secure the fast alliance of the Abnakis, who inhabited the Kennebec country. Periiaps their most efficient agent was Father Sebastien Ral6, who made his headquarters at the Abnakis village of Norridge- wock, on the banks of the Kennebec, about seventy-five miles from the sea. Here for many years the zealous priest had divided his energies between his religious duties and the welding of a firm bond of friendship between the tribesmen and the French. The lusty savages of Noiridgewock were earnestly impressed with the necessity of hating the Brit- ish no less than the Evil One, and with no slight degree m. ii' fHff CONFLICT rmg i6i <^ tiiccew. The British in MuMchuactts were, however, fully alive to the probable consequences of thn pdicy, and Govemw Shute was immipc in endeavming to counterKt it by the despatch of Puritan ministws to the Abnakis set- tlements. Prominent among those was Jose|^ Baxter, who hastened to indulge in a vigorous thecik^ dud widi his Romanist adversary, in the course of which, however, he found himself outmatched. But more effective in support of the British claims was the gnulual advance of their settlemenu into the disputed regions. Of this encroachment the French emissaries made the most with their savage flocks; the Abnakis were ruthlessly incited to drive out the Puritan missionaries and to vent their resentment upon the advancing settlements. In this work Vaudreuil lent his assistance hj the dispatch of numerous parties of Indian warriors from the Montical district. For three years (i 72 i-i 724) the northern frtmtiefs of New Engfawd experienced all the horrors of warfare, while the hard-pressed settlers clamored urgently for assist- ance from the authorities of MassachusetU; for the latter cdmiy comprised the Maine settlements within its jurisdic- tion. Assistance was slow in comLig, however, for the Massachusetts Assembly was constanuy at issue with the governor, and on this, as on many otiier occasions, sub- peii^i^ to the oidi • praaUw that th* Acadans tboitld never M Btkml to tt^ up wma tpfaiM ckhcr French or la^uis. In matt of the Mttfe. nentt the oficiab marlM • frovriM spirit of indepc»d«ic« among the pet^, who, kItji^ on tkeir niuBencal Mm^^^ and fullf infemacd of the tveakneso of Annapofa, now began to be opcniv wditiout. Ih.- Fit nch emiuariet canned on their work bddhr, and proclAine^, with very little atteapt at Mcrecj, the French intention t*< recover Acadia* and that with die aniatance of the Arad'aiit thenadves* whenever the quicicening match inish colonies dull &11 into English hands." It was at this turn in afiairs that a new issue appeared to precipitate Europe into a general conflict. The death of Charles VI. in Austria had extinguished the male line in the House of Hapsburg, and, according to the ordinary rules of succession, the throne must have passed to another line. Before his death, however, Charles had effected with the chief European powers a convention known as the <* Prag- matic Sanction," whereby the succession in Austria was guaranteed to his daughter, Maria Theresa, despite the es- tablished rules of descent. To this convention France had been a party. But no-.' when, on the death of her father, the young queen attempted to take quiet possession of the Austrian throne, she found herself opposed by rival claim- anu in sevoral quarters. France, forgetful of her solemn promise to the deceased king, championed the chums of a Bourbon prot£g£, the Elector of Bavaria ; while, to add to Maria Theresa's misfortunes, Frederick II., the young I'ing of Prussia, trumped up a pretext for the ruthless seizure of Austrian Silesia. Faced by the combined resources of France and Prussia, Maria Theresa would soon have been com- pelled to purchase continuance on her Other's throne by the cenion of valuable territories to her enemies, in which case France would in all probability have gained possession of the Austrian Netherlands. It was this i)m brought Great Britain into the field; for, although she had no immediate interest in the domestic afiairs of Austria, her ministers were not prepared to allow further French aggrandizement in Europe without opposition. Parliament ^t assisted the Austrian cause with subsidies, a little huer with troops, and by 1743 the vrhnim of western Europe was envekq>cd in the ccmflict. l66 CAHADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA t I 1^: - lit Af usual, news of the outbreak of the war reached the French in America before it became known to the authori- ties of New England; and the authorities at Louisburg made immediate preparations for the recoveiy of Acadia. A little fishing settlement at Canso presented the nearest and easiest prey, and to the capture of this the Louisburg commandant, Duquesnil, directed his efibrts. His expedi- tion met with little resistance from the fourscore fishermen who made Canso their headquarters; the place was de- stroyed and the prisoners were shipped off to Boston. Duquesnil's next efibrts were directed toward the capture of Annapolis, which was stiU the only fortified British post in Acadia. Its dilapidated walls sheltered its usual xanty garrison of perhaps one hundred effiective men, and at this time a slight reinforcement which had recently arrived from a)ston. During the course of August, 1 744, the environs of Annapohs were reached by a considerable force from Louisburg, accompanied by bands of Indians. It was ex- pected that the force would be largely augmented by Aca- dians, but these for tte most part held aloof from active participation, although they gave information and supplies without reserve. Several half-hearted attacks were made on the fortifications, but with no success; the operations resolved themselves into a siege, whUe the French com- mander awaited the arrival of artillery and supplies from Louisbuig. Time passed, and these fjuled to appear. Instead, there amved from Boston a smaU reinforcement for the gamson, and toward the end of September the besiegers betook themselves back to lie Royale. The capture of Canso and the atuck upon Annapolis must be regarded M gross blunders on the part of the French authorities. It was by no means certain that the British colonies wouM have taken advantage of the opening of war in Europe to begin hostUities in America. It was by French choice that the sazure of an Austrian province by a Prussian monareh wu nude the occasion of a colonial conflict. As it was, the French operations in Acadia alarmed and exasperated THE CONFUCT TIME 167 the luthorities of New Englaiid, driving them to a acheoie of retaliation aa succetaful a* it waa aadacioua. The governor of Masnchuaetta at thia time waa the fiery lawyer, William Shirley, and under his inspiration the pro- posal of an attack on Louisburg was forthwith p«it forward. Shirley, although he knew absolutely nothing of the arts of war, had unbounded omfidence in his own capacity to map out a successful campaign ( and in his desire to proceed at once with the organization of an expedition against Louis- burg, he had the vigorous support of the mercantile and fishery interests, which sufiered most severely at the hands of French privateers, whose rendezvous was the sheltered harbor of Louisburg. But Shirley could do nothing without the f^ssent of the General Court, or popular assembty, of his colony) and as absolute secrecy was one of the indis- pensable requisites to the stwcessfiu issue of the ^an, his task was not an easy one. Nothii^ daunted, however, he assembled his legisktors and swore them to secreor. With true Puritan caution they deliberated for days, and had not come to a decision when news of the project leaked out. It was said that one of the members, whose piety outran his discretion, prayed so loudly for Divine guidance in the attainment of a decisicm, that eavesdn>M>ers overheard him. At any rate, the pfam was diackiaedi it at once aroused opposition as being foolhardy, and the wavering membert forthwith refused assent. But Shirinr waa not diwarted. The arrival of die fog»- tives from Qtnso with reports that Louisburg wm under- garrisoned with mutinous trot^ps, and that siqpptiea then were runnii^ short, together with renewed danww froM the fishing pMtt gave the petievcring governor a pictett for reconvening hn AssemUy. By a majorky erf one vo«e the scheme waa put throi^, and in a few ^ys Ae colony was adow with aurtial enthusiasm. Aid was asked from the other cohwues, but only Connecticut and Rhode Idaad responded eous terms; in foct, a mutual restoradon of all conquests was demanded. But as this meant the restoration of Louisbuig, England was at first reluctant to acquiesce. But as Massachusetts and the other New England colonies were heartily tired of border warftre and clamored for peace, the position of the home authorities was an exceedingly difficult one. To sur- render Louisburg would be grossly unfair to Massachusetts after its brilliant exploit; France, however, would make peace on no other terms. In the end, Louisburg was re- stored, much to the disgust of the colonials. Only absolute necessity could condone this action, for it at once reopened the whole Acadian question and placed it where it had been before the outbreak of the war. For the ei^t years succeeding the conclusion of the Peace of Aix-Ja-Chapelle, nominal peace existed in America. But it was a very hollow truce at best. Both parties wcie firmly convinced that a desperate conflict alone could ulti- mately settle the questions at issue between France and Great Britain in North America; hath were as equally convinced that this struggle could not be long delayed. The questions at issue one may group generally under two main heads, — those which concemeid Acadia, and those which had to do with the western territories. When the treaty of 1748 was drawn up, it was felt that some proBouncenent upon the interpretation of the term m 17a CJ/fJDA AND BIUTISH NORTH AMIUJCA ' I • I ' "Actdk" should be nudei for, akhoudi thirty-four jtm had pasted since the Peace of Utrecht had ceded to Great Britain " Acadia conformably to tu ancient boundaries," both sides held as firmly as evr to their respective contentions as to how far these boundaries extended. It «ras decided, therefore, to provide in the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle that a joint comminion should meet in I^uis in an endeavor to reach some agreement, or to efiect at kast some compio- mise between the conflicting claims. In due course the commission assembled, but it did not take many sessions to make it clear that neither France not Britain was willing to concede sufficiently to remfer any compromise possible. So the commission, after a few stormy sederunts, broke up, leaving the whole matter just where it was. Thus, as far as Acadia was concerned, the French had lost nothing. With Louisburg back in their hands and their old claims stUl intact, the old tactics of intrigue among the Acadians were once more brou^t into ^y. The British government about this time, however, awoke to the ftct that, unless some strongly fortified post could be estab- lished in Acadia to serve as a counterpoise to Louisburg, the French prop^anda would continue; therefore the de- cision was reached, in 1 749, to fortify Chebucto. /u vahie as a safe harbor had been made manifest by the D'Anville episode of three years previously} it was now taken in hand by British engineers, and, with the expenditure of a large sum, made a post of considerable strength. Halifax, as Chebucto was henceforth called, became, instead of Annapolis, the British headquarters in Acadia, and soon gathered under the shelter of its fortificarions a thriving popuktion of several thousands. The establishment of this new fortress led the French emissaries among the Acadians and Indians to redouble their efforts, and 11 j pains were spared to make it unsafe for unprotected British settlers to venture beyond the immediate precincts of the fortified po«s. Likewise, attempts to induce emigrarion to lie Royale were renewed and with some degree of success, for T.I. ~ -"■-««'■ M s s s X % 2 3 -^^-^-•-^-■' --- B . «? f' ^H'- ' ^ V BH *ij H' ' 11 M 5 H I • V si! iMKIiiJI^Kaui na coHrucT mu. m to lMf« Mt tia i M of f fndi MBJMuiM m4 (AuidoBtd dwfar Sdll dMfs rawtinwl Mtify ttn ikoMMid* is 1751 vgfimid ot am tlwwMml tM MffMMMMM ACMiM iMHHfti Aniwpofa could iMiiiiuiiiin w m n CT Ofor ibm popolatioa lo wiMjr KiMani wm po ifccdy ckWf and il was tlM afaa of dtt Fimdl miMiwrki to aaiw diiofi w uaeoinfiirtahit for thi BriiMi dM ria^ woidd ind k the than acctpi dw harrii aktnntivo of ktvpiag up in expen- sive HiiHwtfT Mi^lMMncM in the colonv. Abmmk dM nuuijr esuMinei iriM Mfved the Bounon CMee in um wwk of tdninc iqp kodi p e nceAi l mhImv md nIhiiIcn invMn againtt an a uA ottar iiHMdi nnw dMn no iaoaM caote mt haticdf p a ina|w nc 'noai ■noraif was tnc AbM iM Loutrai Tkat tUs viforaaa darie ds veia d dM bulk of hn cneifpa* give dM BcidA audwri ri a a eveij co n crivable troiMe haa beoi ahnndandy psovod bjr FsritflMn, «ritaae invesd|pNieM of dM docunMnti ai^ cow s sp ondi mc e fsladng to Afadiaii affiurs u diis period have sarvad u jdacc Um t;uJi of hit wnou s cnaig^ aajronn an MNaoao* iit*Bs{. im i«uuuv a I ei^lok waa UM bunting of t.^ I>t:kAaMhn at Basiibassin by Us Micraac ai- .i.-M^tMi fst- m 175a The Bikadi aodMritieahai ^^ ji<4;^ r.'* a^ taUnb a gtfrison dMic, in oidar bmmv cftctua: )' tv cc^.tiat the nonhua pan of dM Acadfan paniniaia, but ' ^ i.anin 1 tiMt if a ijuiiaou weaa peatcd at BeMnassiB dM clainMd hf dM Flcnd^ niftlMf nocdk Fatnag to Mdnce dMOi to do dMs» bis faiw est five to ^ setdeoMBt and hid waste tbe surrowidbig disoic*, thus cosap^ng m^'^rvtiiw. Tbe Biktsh ssiablishsd a (L. Mi post on tbe apot, ^'itk m hot baste a §enm of Fmcb traopa was sent horn Canada to entt and fMtify a peat at B*a«B^ir,'on dM Ficatb aide of the d i t pund bw. TIm rsspactive garrison HMHMHtmaMi 174 CAS ADA AND BK17ISH NORTH AMERICA La^ "H!? "P°" '^^^ °'^'' "">« Aadi«n question r.2ul ^""f * "? P°«' W|ty. whUe . me« accident might nf »!i *"*'p^""«\"' Nonh America, but dw the nation, of we«ern Europe m a general war. The Acadian question had become a matter of European concern. But It was not out of the developments in Acadia that rte conflic. was eventually to precipiute itself; for while both countries looked upon their claims to the miiritime ter! St uThe're^r'^T' '° ■^"" °^ '^ '"g^*"* '«="»i°n. IZ «r»K ""*''' moreimportanf iuue between them lS.L u^^ temtones. Ever since the time of Frontenw, the French authorities in Canada had been Euioof * r" *" t ''^'"*^" °^*« Ohio and*^ Mississippi. It wa, to this end that trading posu had been successively esublished at Cauraqui, Ni^ra, Detro^T Mackinac a:;^ even on the lower «lte„ ,fTe Ohio By pnonty of possession the French had ceiaiinly made good their rlain»s to the territories westward line wK w^fJ* 5*.v"r^T. ^«"'-' ^° *»»« ^°^" Ohio, butt^. ward of this their claims were ve^r dubious. Nor had^y of the governors down to ,748 made any serious attem« Lake tne and the upper waters of the Ohio. It remained fo the Comte de la Galissonniere, , succeeded Suir- ^^!ZT' °^ ^"f*^ '" '74,. -m to grasp the Zl t^7„^^ , rr'^'*^'^'^"*^**'" °f *Ws wedg; of terri- F«„'c^V° ^* ''^ '"""' ''"^P' '" '^'^ *"«i°" «f asserting l^JJ*^ J*^ '^"^ "'8«^"^y °<" ™'ne'««e advances in this direction, the more so as English traders were nrw ^ne- ^«ng from Virginia and Pennsylvania into the rejon^and the assent of the royal authorities, Galissonniire, durinf HMitti rHS CONFUCT TIMS >7S 1749, despstched one of hit muted lieutenants, Celoron de Bienville, to the territory in question, partly with a view to finding out its possibilities and partly to take a formal pos- session of it in the name of the French sovereign. Bien- ville performed the latter part of his task with vigor, dotting the country with leaden plates, bearing the insignia of France, in token of possession. On his return, he rt> ported that the territory would be invaluable to the con- tesunt first establishing its chums, but that, owing to the influx of British traders into the region, only the immediate occupation of the territory would secure it to France. But Galissonni^ was recalled before any measure looking to the possession of the territories could be devised. His successor was La Jonqui&re, an older man, but not inferior in vigor and ambition. La Jonquiire had instructions from his superiors to spare no means, short of war, to drive the British from Oswego and to establish French suzerainty in the west. The authorities of Virginia and the other British colonies were not less alert and active, and encour- agement was freely given to those who sought permission to trade along the headwatere of the Ohio; in fact, a com- pany known as the Ohio Company had already been formed under Virginian auspices to exploit the region. La Jon- quiere was now fuUy convinced that France and Great Britain would sooner or later come into collision, and, in order that French troops might be moved to the upper Ohio with rapidity, a new fort was erected at La Presentation, now Ogdensburg, on the St. Lawrence, and the old posts at Cataraqui and Niagara were repaired and strengthened. But amidst these miliary activities La Jonquiire had, throu^ his private avarice, made himself many enemies, among them, leaders of the Jesuit order. Consequently he found that his military activities were made the basis of all man- ner of complaints to the home authorities on the part of these opponents, who charged openly that his zeal in the west was prompted only by a desire t j esttblidi lucrative trading posts for the benefit of his own friends and to his Hi 176 CMADd AND BRtrUH NOMTH JMilUCJ own penonal enrichment. WhUe the governor had verr probabty a genuine desire to wrve the bett intemtt of htt •overeign in the west, be gave grounds for the cfaaiges bv the fact that, although his salaij was it.Mg«tfiftiit, he nanaged during his dMNt say in the cokmy to anaas a large fortune. At his own reqiwst he was iccalled in 1752, but, broken down by morttScation at the outcome ot hk plans, he died at Quebec before his successor could arrive The new representative of the French crown in r.n.^ , the Marquis Du Quesne, had been wcU coached byGaS- •onni^ as to the true interests of Fruice in North America, and nme out to the colony with the firm determinarion to see these thorou^y saftguaided. Du Chiesne wm not without abilityi he possessed a dogged will and an mcom. promising spirit, which augured well for a meedy dadi with any opposing interest. Furthermore, the home gov- emment had given him explicit instruaions of an agncssive nature which brae unmistakably the earmarks of Gain- sonni^, and these instructions he lost no time in carrying into efeci. TTie erection of a chain of posts to cooam Lake E rie— which the Frmch fully controUed—wkh the Lerfwaters of the Ohio was at once decided upon, and ^qwrations fate self-confidence, his blunt untactfulness,his sneering underestimation of the difficulties of forest warfare, as well as his characteristic notions as to the superiwity of regulars over militiamen — all these pre- saged difficulties, if nothing worse. From the very outset, the expedition found itself hampered by want of transport focilities, for it had been expected that these would be fur- nished by the colonists of Pennsylvania. But the Quakers had no heart in the whole affair, and even the mi^ty in- fluence of Franklin did not suffice to obtain m<»e tlum a I 1 1 r I iW i > lla CMfJDJ 4ND iUTUM HOMTH MMMUCd ■ofctir of tht MCCMuy canvtjrMCM. Even afktr a coB- Merabk ponton of the bagpfe huA been kft iMUod fer UiM icuaa,tlit expedition wm Kill overburdened and midi ^ WB7 widi cnqwrKing sloiracM. Thui th«« wm no dewA or time fitr bickcfinp between tbc i^ular and colo- iubI oMccr^ who aeem to have deqpteed CKh other with miitiul cofdialitjri whik the iaceamt drilling and diKipUning of the militiamen, upon which Braddock imiited withun- pwdonable obetinacjr, woiv out their tempera and exhaueted theirmhuaiami. ^Agpinat aU this, WadUngton, who Mrred on the general atatt, protested Mvenuousijr, but to little avail. I *«^'*R»"'»f of • ""toy J«irf «h« expedition had reacb^ the Monoi^^aheh not ht (torn For Du Queuie and passed the stream in safctjr. Braddock had ftdlyuttci- pated opposition u this point, and had taken aU neccssaiy precautbns to protect his force. But not a Franchman appeared. TTiis lack of opposition, howevmr, was no inten- tional overmght on the part of the Ou Quesne nrrisoni for, on the receipt of information as to BnuUock's adirance, Contrecanir, who commanded the fort, had detached a strong force under Beaujeu to meet the advancing English at the ford. But the Indian auxiliaries delayed the detach- ment, >o that the advance guard of Braddock's command was encountered by Beaujeu about a mik befoic he reached the ford. Most historians have charged that Braddock, through lack of precaution, allowed hi* men to be surprised in ambuscade. Nothing could be further from the truth. If there was any surprise, it was at feast mutual) Beaujeu was in full march toward the river and had |»epaKd no ambuscade. But immediately the two forees came into touch, the French and Indians quickly dispMcd themselves behind the trees, whence they poured forth a destructive fire into the compact British repments. The Virginia militiamen, equal to the situation, souf^t simifer shelter and miriit have saved the day, had not Braddock, enraged at this breach of European military etiquette, forced them out into line formation, where they were mowed down by Tjw coMrucr rau 1I3 ■cores. VoUmeraMilMfyuidBii^Mlvatefafifflafy eKtctmA mMAu i to dw MM^kM kanaod vwjr of tkc dwlttt«4 FnttBlMMa imI latiaM. In dM wltolt anmb of ■akanr Mnoi j tlww b ■owcthr • mn m n iatunf af tenoua hliiniiiriM or of mora w n irt rirTttWT biiwiiww th« phis drannds of a critical Not •vcB dM fiiriout cibrts of WmMmma wM bmig ovdnr oat of the impMiUdad dum. Tiio pfeifiil terib of tiw im t mA ing rout, dM ftvomd rMvnt, in which Dr dHocI t hfandf ImSSt was that doinu dM htlttr-tfrt ^Tf ana>,giUM,an4 p^wa mmj hara ha p aaw d ovtr. On doek*a dhathf Coloaal Dunhar attccaeM to dM cooMmnd and HMHMgad tolaad tha pidahk band of atrM|^ back acroN tha fivntkr of PMuajrlvaaia. On tha naach aida, the Auhing Beuujeu nMt his end, a serioiia Uowi in tank and fik, however, their total Ion was comparativaljr ti^^ In VinrMa* whence tha lar|Bst coatr&irtiona in mwtia and suniBes had come, the dM preparttions For rsnewing waa hitteify Mt| but buoyant Dinwiddie iti not allow chagrin to say his larttions for rsnewint dM fiiht at dM earlieat poaiiUa qq^ortunitjr. In the nwantiwM, however, dM eneifatk govonor found ymaelf fullr occu^ wkh dM task ot protecting his own ftoittiers, for the calamttjr on the Monoi.- gahda had left these open to the full Airy of the enemy. The second expedition, dnt against Niagpua, had in the meantime effected ks remleavous at Albany. Aboitt oim thousand five hundred militiamen made up the force under the personal comnand of Shiriey, who now for dM firat time obtained dM loauMou^ opp«tuntty of showing his skill as a tactickn. The cxpedkion proceeded throu^ the valley of the Mdttwk and across OM portage— near the present site of R«ne, N. Y. — to Oswqp>, on the southern shore of Lake Ontario. It was Shirley's intention first to secure possession of Fort Frontenac acroas the lake, whence a trip of five days bf canoes would take his force to Niag- ara. But on arrival he found that the astute French had, from the papers captured among Braddock's baggage, learned *MCMCOrr MXKUTION TBT OMIT (ANSI and ISO TEST CHART No. 2) ki |M m ■■■ ta |U in Hi ■u lit IB |A0 U 1-25 iu I HhIs ■ 2.0 1.8 1.6 /1PPLIED IM/OE Inc 16SJ Cost Main StrMI RochMttr, N«« Yortt U609 USA (715) ♦a2 - 0300 - Phon. (716) 288 - M8S - Fo. I I 184 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA of hi, intentions and had taken the precaution to reinforce J-ort Frontenac in such way as to make its capture an ex- tremely difficult matter. Nor could Shirley veiy well pro- ceed to Niagara with the garrison at Frontenac in a position to cut oif his communications by way of Oswego. There was therefore nothing to do but abandon the main objects of the expedition, for the time being at any rate. So SWrlev set his men at the work of converting the defenceless t«d- he left this in chaige of about seven hundred men and with the rest of his force retu*d to Albany, whence he pushed on back to Boston and resumed his civU duties. From every point of view Shirley's expedition was an utter failure and a rude shock to his unbounded ambition. The net result of the whole operation had been to leave an inad" quate garrison m a perilous position, where it could be besieged more readily than succored, and to invite the crowning disaster of the foUowing year! tJ'^'V'' *""*^''' 1°*^."°"' ^''*"y •>**• "'^^'^i" been made the starting pomt of the expedition against Crown Point. Composed likewise entirely of militiamen, it had as its com- mandant William Johnson, then commissioner of IrZn with the aboriginal population of that colony. In fact it was mainly on this account that he had bien given die command. He was, indeed, able to gather around his ex- pedition a considerable force of Indian auxUiaries, who ren- dered him very effective assistance during the course of his operations. In all, he was able to muster nearly th!^°L„! sand warriors, both white and red, including many of the nulitjamen of iMassachusetts and New York^ It had bien hoped that Crown Point could be taken before the Fre^J codd learn of the project and send reinforcements, bu7"he capture of Braddock's papers and the slow progr^s mde eL&r °l ^"- ^''J' *"«'''' to Lake Chalplain had SL P K^' authorities at Quebec to send a large force down the Richelieu, under the able leadership of Dieskau. It was n * TH£ CONFUCr TIME i«S the end of August before Johnson reached the foot of Lake George, by which time Dieskau had reached Crown Point and pushed on down with the intention of atucking his opponent's rear. Encamped at the foot of the hdce, Johnson learned of Dieskau's approach, and detached a force of a thousand men under Colonel Ephraim Williams to thwart the French plans. But Williams, less than three miles from the main camp, fell into a well-laid ambush which Dieskau had speedily prepared. A sharp encounter cost the Massachusetts colonel his life and sent his shattered force in headlong rout back to camp. Dieskau was not slow to follow up his advantage, and in the afternoon of the same day assaulted Johnson's camp on the lake. But the latter's forces had utilized the intervening hours well in preparation for an immediate attack, and repulsed it with heavy loss to the attacking force. Dieskau hinself was wounded and taken prisoner, while his force retired to Crown Point and to their neighboring fortress of Ticonderoga. Had Johnson followed up his success, these French posts on the hke might have been secured, but this he foiled to do, pre- ferring to await reinforcements. When these arrived, winter was at hand and it was decided to defer any further ofiensive operations until the next spring. Meanwhile, the forces had been employed in the erection of a fort near the site of the camp at the foot of Lake George. This was named Fort William Henry. When it was completed, a garrison was left in charge, and the surplus troops were marched back to Massachusetts and New York to be dispersed to their homes. The authorities in England regarded John- son's worit with favor, gave him a grant of money, and made him a baronet. The whole aiSair, however, was a failure enlivened with one incidental success, which, how- ever brilliant, gave the British cause no tangible advantage whatever. Of the four expeditions, that against Fort Beaus^jour In Acadia had the least difficult task before it. For this exploit Shirley had mustered several New England regiments at ! t • :' l86 CASADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA Boston, whence they were transported to Annapol»- From there, after a short delay, the expedition, accompanied by part of the regular garrison, sailed up the Bay of Fundy to within sight of Beausejour and effected a landing without opposition. Colonel Monckton, of the regular troops, com- manded, with Winslow, of Massachusetts, as his chief sub- ordinate. The fort was in charge of Duchambon de Vereor, who owed his position, it seems, more to his influence in high places than to any merit of his own. With him was the indefatigable Le Loutre and his horde of Micmacs, but expected reinforcements from Louisburg had not arrived and the garrison was in no condition to withstand success^ fully the superior numbers brought against it. After a sharp cannonade, the besieged agreed to capitulate and were forth- with transported to Louisburg, under parole not to serve for the si»ce of six months. The fort was rechristened Fort Cumberland. The British were now in possession of the disputed territory, and one of the four expeditions had achieved its object. The capture of Beausejour had raised the difficult prob- lem as to what should be done with the Acadians. Many of these had served in the French ranks; not a kv, had been found among the surrendered garrison; while all were known to be as disloyal as they dared to be. It was there- fore decided that all should be required to take the oath of Jlegiance and then for the future held to its responsibilities. But this most of them stubbornly refused to take, although the majority had been born under British rule and on British soil. What was, then, to be done? To leave a disloyal population in possession of a province where the British hold was none too secure would be an invitation to con- tinual friction if nothing worse. Shirley, for his part, was thoroughly convinced that nothing short of expulsion of the Acadians would ever solve the Acadian quesoon as far as ii.eat Britain was concerned; while Governor Lawrence held much the same view. A recommendation to this effect was accordmgly despatched to the home authorities, with i.^ ;&£'_ -.t^JJ* THB CONFUC TIMM j$j the ultimate result that it was decided to adopt the extreme measure of expatriation as the only solution of the whol^ problem. Nor was the carrying out of this decision ezi<, . For if the Acadians were to know what was contemplated, they might assuredly be expected to defend their homes with vigor. Arrangementt were therefore made for the despatch of several detachments to the various settlements in order that the designs might be carried out before any concen- trated movement on the part of the people could take place. On arriving at Grand Prf, Chipody, and the othrr Acadian hamlets, the respective commandants of these detachments summoned all the male inhabitants of the community into the parish churches, alleging that important orders were to be communicated to them. In most cases the people promptly acceded} and when securely within the building found that they were held there under guard until arrange- ments for the deportation had been perfected. All were allowed to gather what they might of their personal effiscts; and these, with the Acadians themselves, were placed on board a number of vessels and transported from Acadia and dispersed here and there among the British colonies to the south. In these they were given lands and were more or less favorably treated by the people among whom they came. Some few made their way to the French provinces, but the number permanently expatriated ran well up into the thousands. In the history of civilized warfare the student will find few more harrowing episodes than that in which a prosper- ous people were ruthlvssly torn from their homes and dis- persed among strangers in a strange land. Yet, withal, sympathy with misery must not be permitted to bwloud or bewilder judgment. That the Acadians were not the peace- ful and loyal folk which the sympathetic and generous Long- fellow has with the pen of his genius pictured them, is beyond all doubt. For the widespread existence of rank sedi- tion among them, unprincipled meddlers of the Le Loutre type were doubtless primarily to blame; yet the rank and «#f '. f:;f i iM cjNje::,j jnd mutism north aukuca file who foUowed to willingly could hanlly hope to escape the consequence of their disaffwtion. From the British authorities for twoscore years they had received the utmost consideration; they had reciprocated by manifestations o( very .IMisguised hostility on every possible occasion. To the New Englandor of the twentieth century, as he scans his early local histories, streaked page by page with the blood prints of butchering raiders both white and red, it is difficult to see how the expatriation of the Acadians can appear other than as a comparatively humane measure. That it was a nuliury necessity was the unanimous opinion of those who represented British interesu in the Mew World at the time, and tt IS not unnatural that the British authorities at home should have trusted the judgment of those most familiar with the facts. Doubtless there were some needless hardships which might have been avoided by more careful attention to the details of embarkation} the separation of members of the same family from one another was not a necessaiy incident of the general policy. But for this we must bhune only those whose lot it was to execute the painful task, not un- forgetful, however, of the difficulties and dangen attendant upon Its execution, and of the fact that the military ethics of the eighteenth century were not those of the twentieth. The expatriation was an extreme measure, justifiable only on the ground that, with States as with men, self-preserva- uon IS the first law of nature. On the whole, the campaign of 1755 had brought but scant credit to the Brit.. , arms; on the Monongahela, on the Lakes, and in the Lake Champlain region the French had held their opponents most successfully at bay. Only in Acadia had matters been even temporarily improved. Fecuharly enough, the two parent Sutes were as yet nomi- nally at peace despite the bitter conflicts in their respective colonies. By the end of 1755, however, it had become apparent that the struggle could be no longer locaUzed and formal declarauons of war were issued early in the foUowine year. * r^ M CLA^..4Qi.^At^U)f9r9i ^;^. Letter from Montcalm, dated Augutt 17, 1757, addrened to Lutbiniete at Fort Carillon on Lake George. fre«» /** trigmaJ in tbt Emmtt CoiltclUH. «■ p m i le Frederick proved hinudf able to hold the whole military power of France in constant check, and throu^bout the war gave Louis XV. scant opportunity to reinforce adequately the French contingents in America. It was this, together with naval superiority, as will be seen, which served most of all to turn the scales of military fortune in Britun's fiivor. Politically speaking, Great Britain entered the final stage of her great duel undn most serious handicaps. George if., old and phl^matic, had an unfortunate in&tuation for his German Duchy of Hanover: where its security was con- cerned, the salvation of Great Britain or of her growing colonid interestt was a matter of minor importance; and this pervernon of military perspective was likely to aSket 189 wm I/' «' 190 CJNJDA AND BUriSH NORTH JMMMJCJ injurioiwly the conduct of campaigni. The Duke of Cum. beriand, the younger ion of George II., held the pott of comiiMnder-in-chief of the wmy, but at Fontenoy he had •ignaJIy fiuled at a critical moment to dUpIay militaiy genius, nor did the nation put trust in his qu.Jitics of leadership. The prime minitter, Newcattle, a bluff and blundering old aristocrat with little statesmanship and less enthusium, had surrounded himself with a coterie of colleagues, most of whom were on the ume plane of mediocrity as himself. As far as official Britain was concerned, there was hardly a promise of military or political genius. Since 1 748, more- over, matters had drifted sorrowfully j the army had been reduced in numbers) the navy had been neglected; polit- ical corruption had honeycombed every biwich of both services. France, to be sure, did not present a state of aifiurs in very marked contrast. If anything, political affairs were worse than they had ever been; two centuries of neglect had sapped the ttrength of the monarchy; the same period of arbitrary taxation, perversions of justice, centralization of aoministration, and general misgovemment had weakened the nation in every way. But, despite her growing senUity, J ranee was now about to put forth her utmott energies; for those who misgoverned her were not ignorant of the gravity of the ttivggle and of the enormous issues which it was to decide. In miliury matters, at any rate, a degene- rate and undeserving monarchy has seldom found itself as faithfuUy and ably served as were the Bourbons during the Seven Years* War. * n A'/"" f • America was concerned, the superiority of the British colonies in point of population was counterbalanced ^the various strategic advantages possessed by New France. The French in America held decisive control of the Missis- sippi nnd Ohio valleys, as well as the great water route by way of the Great Lakes from the wettem territories to the ****! ?".S* northern frontiera of New England their hold on Lake Champlain was deemc* secure, while the frowning THE COt/nJCT TtMi 191 nunpam o( Loiusbun dBciently guarded the Atlantic big))- wav to Canada. Tm Britith coloniea, on the contrary, were expoaed at almoat every point; . e wtn few fron> tier poata of importance, and even t} . .4ongeat of these could (^er little resistance to serious Mtack. The An^o- Saxon pushed his j^ettlemenu out on the frontiers, where he could not be efiectively |mitected and where he invit'-< disaster. From east to west the British frontier in Amer- ica was vulneralle at alnrast every point. Moreover, the whole adult male population of New France was organised for war, whereas in the more peacefully inclined British colonies to the south it was often found well nigb impos- sible to enroll militiamen for aggressive action. Penn^l- vania was in this regard a model of apathy, and even the raidins of its own borders did not always suffice to rouse the oTd Quaker colony to a sense of iu obligatrans to Great Britain. From the standpoint of military leadership, France found herself, for the time being at any rate, much the more admirably served, for the arrival of Montcalm had infused new vigor into her colonial military system. A soldier by genius and training, selected on his merits and on these done, he was particularly well fitted for the all-important part which he was defined to phy in this and succeeding campaigns. That France ultimately lost her American possessions was due in no wise to faulty generalship, for in Montcalm she had indoubtedly die »blett strategist of the whole war. Under ordtnar< circum inces. Governor Shiriey, of Massachusetts, mi^ hav. idted for a high military post, even if usage o|^>osed tht .atrusttng of vital interests to a colonial oflker. Fw, a kh ai ^ not a soldier by profession, Shirinr had displayed >~^ mk gci.us for organization, especially in connection ' r^t expedition i^;ainst Louisburg in 1745. But ii expedition to Oswego, Shirley had utterly failed to ^ M Us qualities of leadership in any way approximue- ui wganizing ability, so that even in his own colony k& sem of prestige I 19a CAMJIDd MtD MUnWi NOMTM AMFUCd hni bten Mriout. At ua ntt, in the allotttnc of com- OMndt the iioaie authoriott kft bim completNy out of comkknukNi, the chief coamand bcti^ ikpuMd to the Eari of Loudoun, w^ Qeneralt Abereronbie and Webb aa his ehieft of maS. Theae appointments were abundantly chancteristie of the ministers who ma>'e them, for it maj wdl be doubted wheth.T a mora indiSeient trb were ever inflicted at a single blo;ir upon the British forces in any part of the world. AlthoHfh this supersession was a with- ering blow to the ftithAii Shirley, he went .1*f THB CONFUCr TBtB 197 opponents should give him the opportunity for aggressive action either southward or elsewhere. And for this he did not have long to wait. Loudoun had little heart for an attack on Ticonderoga with the forces at his disposal; moreover, he had convinced himself during the winter's activity that the capture of Louisburg was much more to be desired than the ousting of the French from Ticonderoga. So he decided to leave a portion of his forces to maintain the .. /M f*0 in the i^ons of the upper Hudson, and with lae rest to set sail from New York for Halifax. At the latter point he proposed to await reinforcements from Eng- land and, escorted by a strong squadron, to move on the island fortress of the gulf. But the early months of sum- mer came and went while Loudoun lay at New York await- ing convoy, and it was the end of June before he trusted to fortune sufficiently to set off with what ships he had. Halifax waj reached safely, and Loudoun found himself at the head of nearly eleven thousand men. But a strong French squadron lay within the landlocked harbor of Louis- burg, and Loudoun was not the man to attempt a blow unless the chances were decidedly in his lavor. So he pursued his usual course of waiting for naval support, until the middle of August, by which time he was able to convince himself that the season for effective operations was too far gone to admit of the execution of his plans. Sheltering himself under the advice of a council of war, he reembarked his force for New York just in time to be out of sight when his long-awaited naval reinforcements arrived. All in all, it is doubtful if a more inglorious campaign has ever found its way into the military annals of any people. But this was not all. The miserable venture had stripped the upper Hudson of its quota of defenders, so that Montcalm was given his opportunity. Had supplies been to hand, he would doubi have descended on the British lines with that prom iS which /as his wont, but it was July before the incomp«tentt at Quebec forwarded him sufficient munitions and supplies to make any aggressive action possible. In the lU m. 198 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA f iW. I r«E-»v r'J- interval^ however, he found his energiet fully taxed in the uncongenial usk of humoring hii Indian aUie*, to whom the season of enforced inaction grr-v intolerable. But by ntid-summer he surted with nearly eight thousand m» n, an unwieldy host representing all degrees of c'.vilization and savagery, from the gilded officer of the Royal Roussillon to the painted Indian of the Ottawa valley. But for a decisive st.ake there \m nothing lacking; an adequate flotilla of bateaux and canoes had been provided, and the trip to the head of Lake George was quickly nude. The British outposts v/ere skilfully surprised and captured, so that no tidings of the French approach reached Fort William Heniy until the attacking force was almost within striking distance. Fort William Henry was built in the form of a ba>- tioned square with earthen embankments, surmounted by a rampart of heavy timbers. Or its exposed flanks an attempt had been made to strengthen it further by long trenches. Within the post was a garrison of some two thousand men, mostly militia, comnunded by Lieutenant- colonel Munro, of the Thirty-fifth Regiment, a brave and able Scotch veteran. Fourteen mUes away, at Fort Edward, where the portage touched the Hudson, General Webh with a force of some cwo thousand men had his heacf- quarters. Webb had made up his mind to move his com- mand up to Fort William Henry on the first intimation of a probable French attack, but the swiftness of Montcalm's descent had forestalled him. A rough survey of the fort convinced Montcalm that any attempt to carry it by ass7.ult, even with his overwhelming force, would be xutwhi: and costly; moreover, he had ample artillery for a siege. So he did. exactly what Abercrombie should have done in the following year when he found himself in a like position. Without delay, he sent a portion of his forces around the British rear to occupy the road leading to Fort Edward and thus effectually to frustrate any attempt which Webb might make to succor his subordinate. Then he opened a vigor- ous bombardment, not, however, until he had formally rHE CONfUCT TIME 199 demanded from Munro the surrender of the port, a <^^ j which the Utter refuted in no unceruin langu^e. With hit forty-odd gum in position, Montcalm made woe««J havoc among the timber battlementi^ yet for a fuU week the garrison gave forth no sign of weakening} on the con- trary, they showed their dogged courage in a couple of energetic but unsuccessful sorties. It was only when smallpox broke out within the lines, and when the artillery ammunition was aU but exhaurted, that a councU of war decided to accede to the French terms. Thv ^ were ttat the garrison should be escorted safely bac'.: to Fort Edward, while the victors should possess themselves of the fort and its contentt. It was arranged that the prisoners should marr.i off the next morning; in the meantime, Montcalm detailed a re^ment of reguUr troops to assure them pro- tection against the fury of the savages. Those who were presumed to be in auth mty among the Indian auxiliaries had given Montcalm their solemr assent to these terms of capitulation, but the latter ' .v the savage character too well to impose any great trua m such formal assurances. The pity is that his weU-timed measures were not carried out as he seems to have desired. It had been arranged that the prisoners should be carefiilly guarded during the afternoon and evening of the day on which the capitulation had been signed, and that on the foUowmg morning they should march out to Fort Edward under a French escort. Some of the captured garrison, however, fearing violence in spite of these assurances, tried to get away unescorted before daybreak, and these had not gone far before they were captured by skulking savages and ruthlessly tomahawked. That this was the outcome wa» no fault of the French general, for those who undertook to get clear of the French lines in this manner did so at their own risk. But for his failure to provide an adequ^e escort for the main body of the captive garrison, when this set off later in the day, Montcalm has much to answer. Knowing, as he did full weU, the extreme difficulty of rettrainmg hit li^t. aoo CJNADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA alliet, he should have taken paint to provide tuch an escoit u would have made an assault on its charge beyond possi- bility, instead of intrusting the usk to a paftry two or three hundred. At any rate, the march toward Fort Edward had hardly begun before the Indians surrounded and began to harass the slow-moving column. Such accoutrements and equipment as nuuiy happened to have with them were taken by the savages; those who resisted were promptly stricken down, and in the general m&6e which followed the escort was cowed a- J powerless. The number of men, women, and children who were dragged out from the column and either massacred or carried off by the savages numbered well up into the hundreds; the remainder made their way in terror to the fort. Montcalm and his officers rushed to the scene in hot haste and did all they could to restrain the Indians, but the havoc had been already wrought. To his eternal credit it must be said, however, that he spared neither money nor eneigy in his endeavors to obtain the release of those whom the savages had captured, in which endeavor he was, how- ever, only partially successful. To the trench general the whole afiair was a heart-breaking occurrence, for which he never could forgive himself; he never ceased to regret his own connection with it. The memory of that awful morn- ing filled New England, from the Hudson to the Atlantic, with a deep and revengeful bitterness, and many a Canadian and Indian during the next two years sued in vain for a life before the bayonet of the victorious British colonial. The French had no apparent desire to attack Fort Ed- ward, if, indeed, the capitulation on the lake would have permitted such. Nor had they an apparent desire to main- tain themselves in their newly acquired position. So they raied Fort William Henry to the ground, made bonfires of the timber ramparts, and left the place a wilderness. This done, the whole army moved back to Ticonderoga. The sur of French power in America had reached its zenith; it was now to begin its wane. For three years the French S-. tHi CONFUCT mtB aoi bad outienertUed and beaten tbeir rivala at almort every point* and tbe fortunet of Britain in tbe New World had reacbed tbeir lowest ebb. But tbe tide was now about to turn, for in the political chang^ which took place in Great Britain at tbi« time tbe salvation of her colonial interettt was being worked out. , « . . u With the opening days of 1758, the direction of Bntuh military afiairs was taken from the bands of Newcastle and confided to the rising young statesman, William Pitt. ♦*I know," said the young minister, "that I can save Eng- land, and I know that no other man can." As subsequent events served amply to show, this was the soberest of truths \ for Pitt possessed a genius for organization and an eye for tbe selection of men such as nature has rarely combined in one man. Himself a young man, he placed his confidence in young men much as did the first of the Bonapartes when he astonished Eur. pe with the power of regenerated France some decades later. Like Napoleon, Pitt cast seniority, precedent, and privilege to the windu, and proceeded to select bis generals with an eye only to their individual ca- pacities for the task in hand. Englishmen of tbe old school stood a^iast at his disregard of miliury tradirions, but m the armies of Great Briaun his earnestness kindled an out- burst of patriotic ardor which soon spread to tbe nation at large. One of Pitt's first oflBcial acts was prompUy to re- call tbe blundering Loudoun. Had tbe minister been given bis own way, Abercrombie would have been similarly dealt with-, but the political difficulties in the way of this seemed too great, and Pitt had to content himself with appointing, as Abercrombie's second in command. Lord George Augus- tus Howe, one of the ablest and most dashing officers of his day. Pitt r^btly judged that Howe would be tbe guiding spirit of any command to which he mi^t happen to be attached. Abercrombie and Howe were to attack Ticon- deroga and expel tbe French from the region of Lake Champbun. For the expedition a^st Fort Du Quesne, Ktt selected Brighter Fori>es, a Scotch officer of merit and aoa CANADd AND MRtTISH NORTH AMMUCA energy, while the proposed UMult on Louitburg was ia- tnitted to Colonel Jeffirey Ambertt, who wm now nused to the fink of major-general. Amhent was known as an extremely cautious i 'Beer, but he had the tenacity of a bulldog, and in the continental wars had shown conspicuous ability to overcome difficulties. With him were to be sent three brigadiers, Charles Lawrence, who had already served with brilliancy in the attack on Fort Beaus^ur a few yearv previously; James Whitmore, who proved a steady and reliable officer; and James Wolfe, the youngest and most promising of the three. Of good military ancestry, young Wolfe had entered the army while yet a mere boy, and had acted as adiutant at Dettingen when he was but sixteen. By personal merit he had reached the rank of lieutenant- colonel when he was twenty-two, an almost unprecedented rise even in times when promotions came quickly. In the annals of the Seven Years' War the name of Wolfe is the most deeply written; his selection stands forth as the most conspicuous tribute to Pitt's tare genius in the selec- tion of men. Britain, for the first time in numy decades, found her interests in America committed to men of vigor and worth. France, with very good reason, continued to place her hopes in the gifted Montcalm, for the achievemenu at Oswego and Fort William Henry had given him a tow- ering prestige alike in Old as in New France. Under him were De Livis, Bourgainville, De Ramezay, and Bour- lamaque, a quartette of able and experienced officers, loyal in their support and confident in the capacity of their commander-in-chief. But from the civil authorities of New France, Montcalm received little either of support or en- couragement. Governor Vaudreuil was a native of Canada, having been bom there during his father's term as governor, and he sha-ed to a laige extent the natural disinclination of the colonial toward the regular officer. This antipathy, it is only fair to add, however, was never so conspicuous in New France as in the English colonies, where it led on THt pONfUCT TIMi a03 imm than oat occmkhi to serious dificukks. VaudnuU, moicovcr, wss proud and egocistkt he upired to comaMnd the situation; and the inttances in which his meddlesome interference shackled Montcalm's hands were not few. In the end the stMer usually had his way, but often not with- out a severe tax on his own patience. Clustered about Vaudreuil were as corrupt a coterie of oficial paruites as ever preyed on a luckless colony. There was the intcnd- ant. Bigot, who has been mereikssly pilloried by historian and novelist as the most insatiable rasod of the lot. TIm^ in truth, he was, for as a public plunderer he has had fe* peers in the whole range of colonial history. The com missaiy-general, Joseph Cadet, erstwhile a Qyebec butcher but now through his peculations become one of the riche men in the colony, was but little less active in his raids o* the public tieasunr. Neither the critical needs of Uie colw nor the honor of his sovereign proved any restraint on b unbounded avarice. Little less conspicuous on the infamo roll of official (wlferen were Pten«— whose wife was t avowed mistress of the intendant^ — ^Varin, Martel, Deeek naux, and a dosen others. All vied with one anothe the neferious work of converting public resources private fortunes. It is not a matter of wonder that Mt «« calm found supplies most difficult to procure { a ma/ ot less resouree would hardly have been able to take the irid at all. The king found that supplies in the color cost him ten times their price in France, yet so faithful!) d the troop of official jackals stand by one another in covering up their depredations that little could be done by way of remedy. Montcalm protested with all his vigor to the minister of war that the loss of the colony was being nuide ceitain hf those to whom its civil administration had been given in charge, but to no avail} for the time being, the culprits found ample shelter in the exigencies of the war. Taking all in all, Montcalm had scant ground for optim- ism. The recent harvests had been poor, owing mainly to the absence of the btUtanU on military service, while the V I : a04 CdNADJ AND BUTUH NORTH AMUUCA British commaiMi of the mm rendered it increasinglj ««<»- cult to procure •u|q>liea from France. The total popula- tion of the colony was Kmicwhat leu than eighty-five thousand loult, of whom len than fifteen thousand could be put in the fold even for a short time. The ragular forces numbered only ei^t regiments, together with a few companies of artillery. In point of numbers, Montcalm kne\ full well that his opponents had the advantage of at Itast tvs ^ to one, yet he did not relax his seal, although be now b^an to look with misgivii^ on the final outcome. Writing to the French minister early in 1758, he expressed the fear that *« barring some unexpected good fortune, Canada must fall in this or the next campaign," but he aaed throughout as if he felt absolutely confident of suc- cess, and thorou^y inspired his subordinates with the same spirit of optimism. As has been pdnted out, Pitt had in mind offensive operations against Canada along the four time-honored lines; the objectives being Louisburg, Ticonderoga, Fort Frontenac,and Fort Du Quesne, respectively; and althourii these operations were conducted for the most part contem- poraneously, they may be best described each by itself. For the atuck on Louisburg a formidable array of regular troops was despatched early in the spring of 1758, under the convoy of Admiral Boscawen's fleet of forty armed vessels. General Sir Jeffrey Amherst was in command of the land forces of the expedition, being given as well general charge of all the operations in America. Boscawen was a rough and unpolished sea dog, but he could be counted upon to rival in aggressiveness those who directed the land operations, and this was much more than could be con- iid>ntly predicted concerning most of his naval contem- poraries. For the spectacle of sailor thwarting soldier had bPen presented to the eyes of Britons with rather tedious frequency during the preceding campaigns. Calling at Halifax, the expedition took aboard a quou of regulars and militiamen stationed there, and proceeded THi CONFLICT TIMM MS on to Lottiabiirg, arriving thert in tiM opming dajn of Junt. TIm MDunkirlc of the NoRhf" u FicndUBcn dc> li^tted to call the fortma, ms now mueli mora ationdx fortified t' ui in the dare when the iturdjr F^ppcrdl led bit yeomen of New Engfauid ag»init its ramparts, for since 1748 many million* of francs had been ungni^i^x be- stowed ao8 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA wai the gallant Howe, who had been shot through the heart at the first volley. The overpowering damper which Howe'a death placed on the whole expedition is not easy to imagine. The soul of the army seemed to have vanished, and enthu- siasm gave place to consternation; for the expedition had come to recognize in Howe the real leader of the operations, and few there were who had any confidence in Abercrom- bie's unsupported direction. The taking off of one man seems to have been the undoing of the whole project. Another day brought the force to a position on the northwest of Ticonderoga. The French fort itself was a substantial stone structure, but Montcalm had not trusted to this alone. Across the peninsula he had erected a zigzag parapet of tiuiber and earth, and behind this the French were to make their first sund. To render an assault on this parapet difficult, Montcalm had covered the ground for some distance in front with felled trees, intertwisted boughs, and all sorts of obstacles. Behind the intrenchments were his trusted lieutenants, L^vis, Bourgainville, and Bourla- maque, with about three thousand regulars and militiamen, most of whom were seasoned veterans. While the French position had been well protected against an assaulting force, it was very far from being impregnable. No one knew better than Montcalm himself that a few heavy guns would make short work of his parapet; in feet, the sagacious Frenchman had for some time debated the advisability of abandoning the position and taking up a position at Crown Point. In trusting that his opponent would attempt to carry Ticonderoga in assault, the French general took greater chances than sound military tactics ordinarily al- lowed, but he probably expected that, if driven from Ticon- deroga, he could still fall back to Crown Point. But had Abercrombie made proper disposition of his forces, any such movement would have been beyond the range of possibility. There seems no complete explanation for Montcalm's de- cision to stake practically the whole issue of the campaign on the chances of defending a comparatively weak position. Map of Lake Ocurge and surrounding country. From tkt coUectton »f Gtorge BarrU, Jr. r ' ■ i III m fix M^.'' THE CONFUCT tIMB ao9 exctpt that he reckoned well with the chance of hiving a blunderer in front of him who would either attcnpt an assault and be repulsed, or who, if he attempted a siege, would neglect to adequately cut off Ticonden^ from Crown Point. Abererombie had taken plenty of artillery from Albany, but had left it all at his landing place six miles back. There was nothing especially blameworthy in this; in Act, there would seem to be no reason why he should have exposed his heavy guns on a forest trail until he had placed his army in secure position and had decided whether die French posi- tion was to be stormed or besieged. To enlighten himself on this point, he directed his engineers to report on the strength and vulnerability of the French position. It is a rather striking commentary on the efficiency of the British engineer corps at this time to find that the ** chief engineer" accompanying the expedition was an untried youth who had been appointed to a lieutenancy less than six months before. This optimistic stripling reported that the parapet could be carried by assault; and as Abererombie had in some way or other possessed himself of the notion that Montcalm was likely to be reinforced, he eagerly accepted this opinion as a basis of action. On the morning of the 8th of July the first assault was delivered, the whole force moving on the parapet in a compact bayonet charge. As mi^t have been foreseen, the solidarity necessary for such an onslaught was rendered almost impossible by the broken ground and the obstacle* mentioned, while the defenders of the parapet poured such a fusilkde of musketry into the disordered ranks that the assailing forces, after attempting to reply with volleys, finally fell back, foiled. Had Abererombie been capable, he would have accepted this conclusive proof of his error and would have changed his tactics. Had he ordered his guns broi^t up« — a matter of a few hour* only, — the position was still open to siege. But to have sent his decimated forces again and again over the same ground when every assault meant meroless slau^ter wa* 110 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA :v«'^ « pertittence in error which cannot be adequately explained except on the joint grounds of ungovernable stubbornnen and blind disregard of the value of human life. The six successive assaults between noon and nightfall of that indo- rious day cost the British, in killed and wounded, upward of two thousand rank and file, yet no results were achieved. Even yet a siege was still open. With the guns at his disposal, Abercrombie could probably have pounded the French fortifications into d&ris within a few days at most, or, at the worst, he might have cut off his opponents' com- munications and surved them into submission within a fortnight. Even Abercrombie's acquaintance with civil conditions in France and Canada should have convinced him that to count on a scarcity of supplies within any French position was to reckon with a practical certainty. But Abercrombie was not only a blunderer, he was a craven. With his effective forces still outnumbering his opponents four to one, with Montcalm obviously in no posi- tion to uke the oflfcnsive, he thought of nothing but the rapidity with which his own retreat could be effected. His demoralized forces were hurried back down the lake and were occupied during the autumn with work upon a new fortress to uke the pkce of old Fort William Henry. Montcalm, on his part, could hardly convince himself of the outcome. "Never," he wrote to his mother, "has a general been placed in a more critical position. God alone has delivered me." The two minor operations of 1758,— the expeditions agamst Fort Frontenac and Fort Du Quesne,— may be passed over briefly, for the issue of the main struggle was not to be decided by the success or failure of expeditions against the western posts. Some of the colonial officers had been desirous that an expedition should be sent across the Mohawk valley against Fort Frontenac at the same time as the expedition against Ticonderoga. But Abercrombie promptly vetoed this project, as he deemed every available man needed urgently for his own operations. But now that TH£ CONFUCr TIME ail these had failed and hit forces were again unemployed. Colo- nel Bradstreet, who had successfully provisioned Oswego before iu fall, and who had rendered very signal service in the more recent operations, urgently insisted that he be allowed to tmdertake the capture of Fort Frontenac. A council of war supported him, and, taking about three thou- sand men, he was soon on his way. Passing by the ruins of Oswego, he crossed Lake Ontario at its junction with the St. I^wrence, pounced on the fort, denuded as it was of most of its garrison owing to the pressing exigencies of the French in c^er quarters, and eficaed its capture with- out much difficulty. About a hundred prisoners were se- cured, together with a small quantity of stores; the fort itself was demolished. It was not thought wise to rebuild Oswego, but the authorities s^preed on the advisability of having some post west of AllNuiy, if only for the purpose of holding the Iroquois in alliance, the disasters at Oswego and Ticonderoga having rudely shaken their fidelity to the British cause. Consequently a post, hereafter known as Fort Stanwix, was erected on the portage between the headwaters of the Mohawk and the lake, and this Brad- street g^soned, on his return, with about a thousand men. The success at Fort Frontenac was of some importance, for it not only somewhat rehabilitated British prestige with the Indians, but it broke a strong link in the chain of French communications between Montreal and the Ohio valley. The fourth expedition — that against Fort Du Quesne — had been intrusted by Pitt to Colonel John Forbes. With him were Washington and Bouquet, the latter a capable Swiss officer who distinguished himself in the later Indian wars. The force at Forbes's disposal numbered well up into the thousands, his men being, for the most part, Vir- ginia and Pennsylvania militiamen. Forties decided not to follow the route taken by Braddock in 1755, but to move directly westward throu^ southern Pennsylvania. Owing to his cautious methods, his prepress was exceedingly slow, for he never moved widiout esublishing secure baises as he r IK. 1 1 I I r aia CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA went — a procedure which contrasted very markedly with that adopted by hit unfortunate predecessor of three yean before. The French garrison at Fort Du Quesne was small, and Vaudreuil had sought to strengthen it by the despatch of Indian allies to its assistance. But th<; savages lent themselves very reluctantly to the tedious routine of garri- son duty, and it required more influence than the French commandant could exert to prevent them from making off homeward. Forbes and Washington knew the Indian dis- position well enough to conclude that the longer the attack could be delayed, the greater the chance of getting the savage auxiliaries of the French out of the way. Hence, the British expedition moved leisurely, and it was September before their final base was esublished, some fifty miles from the fort. At this point the rash impetuosity of one of the offi- cers accompanying the expedition, Major James Grant, came well-nigh thwarting the entire project. Grant, with a thousand men, was intrusted with the task of reconnoitring the fort; but his incautious bravado led him to provoke a fight with the garrison, in the course of which he was badly worsted and sent scurrying back to the main column with wenous loss. But this success did not materially better the French position, for, meanwhile, the news from Fort Fron- tenac had reached the Ohio valley, and the Indians made off, leaving the meagre garrison at Fort Du Quesne to de- fend itself as best it might. The commandant deemed his force too small to offer any creditable resistance, and, on the approach of Forbes, retired to Presqu'lle, whence he made his way down the river to Montreal. When Forbes reached Du Quesne, the partly ruined fort was temporarily reared, and in the following year it was entirely rebuilt and rechnstened Fort Pitt, the surrounding hamlet being given the name Pittsburg. To the present day, the mem- ory of the "Great Commoner" is perpetuated in the name of one of America's most flourishing centres of in- f**^\ir^"" ^l*'" **** ^"*'''' •'**' possessed themselves of the Western Gateway, and the yeomen of Virginia and nmum ll t rui coNnwT nma aij Pfennsjrlvuiki fek tliemMlvct freed fiom the tcourie of border warfiue. Thua, with the exception of the operations at Ticon- deroga, the whde campaign of 1758 h»d been a succesaion of disaster* to the French arms. In Europe, moreover, the (lower of the army had been worsted at Minden, while their fleets had been driven tram the seas by the brilliant victories of Boscawen and Hawke at Lagos Bay and Qj^ibenm. Ca n a d a, however, was seemingly secure, for the route by way of Lake Champlain wu yet strongly guarded and Quebec was deemed impregnable to any force which might be brought aninst it. Both combatants reco^zed t&it the future of French empire in America would hinge on the ability of Montcalm to beat off his opponenu at these two points. To justi^ his sovereign's iMpes in this direction Montcalm strained every resource, but he had scant hope of success. Espedally was he chasrincd at the continued malfeasance of those in charge of ue supplks, for he had convinced himself that Bigot, Cadet, and the other corrupt officials at Qtiebec would welcome the lots of the colony to France as a possible cloak to their pecuhuions. Vapdivuil had not sunk so low in the slough of adminatiative iniquity, still he could not have been unaware of the course which things were taking. Montcalm implored the home author- ities for reinforcements, but Frederick of Prussia, by his prodigious powers of recuperation, was kee|Mng the armies of France in Europe fully employed. Even had it been possible to spare tro<^ (tarn the continental ccmflict, the British command of the seas would have rendered their truisporution to America a matter of extreme danger. So that all Montcalm received during the winter was the anur- ance that the king relied on his zeal to save the cdony with the forces already at his disposal. During the early spring, however, a flodUa of supply ships eluded the Britidi fleet aiid managed to reach Quebec with a goodly store of muni- tions. But for this most welcome assistance, Montcalm would have found his situation OMSt jMtcarious. i JBMMIIU 214 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA In England, enthusiasm was at its height, and prepani> tions for the despatch of over twenty t o-jsand men were made during the winter months of i - 5 jj- 1 ; 59 . Tb« British colonies in America were likewise bf sought to dc their share, and most of them responded with r acr/ty. Msssa.-husetts as of old came to the front with its ccntributiun c/ nearly seven thousand, while even the phlegmatic and ijimilitary Pennsylvania did itself justice, for the first time in its history, with its modest array of two thousand. All in all, a formidable host of nearly fifty thousand men of all ranks, regulars, volunteers, and marines, were to follow the plan * of campaign which Pitt had marked out for the final effort in the struggle. The strategy of the campaign of 1759 was distinctly pre- Napoleonic; that is to say, it distributed the available force to various points, giving each division its own objective rather than concentrated the whole array on several points in succession. TTiis was the "orthodox" strat^y of the eighteenth century, and was characteristic not alone of the French wars, but of the Revolutionary War as weli. It remained for the great Corsican to teach Europe the effi- ciency of a sequence of single blows struck with full force. Of the great strategic points held by the French at the opening of the war, three, Louisburg, Fort Frontenac, and Fort Du Quesne, had been secured by the British. But three or four still remained in the hands of the French. Their post at Niagara might still serve as a base of opera- tions against Fort Pitt. At Ticonderoga the fleur-de-lis of the Bourbons floated defiantly. British interests in America could not be permanently made secure until the French had been expelled from both these points. Pitt went even further: nothing short of the capture of both Quebec and Montreal, together with the entire expulsion of France from her North American possessions, would definitely guarantee the security of New England. Since France had little respect for frontiers, the entire elimina- tion of frontiers seemed desirable. Consequently the plan iii- rHB CONFUCT TIME lis of campaign for 1759 comprised three expeditions, one against Niagara, one against Ticonderoga and Montreal, and the third directly against Quebec. The first had a compara- tively easy task, for Montcalm found it urgently desirable to withdraw most of his troops from the west for the defence of more vital poinu in the east. It set out from Albany, five thousand strong, under the command of General Pri- deaux, who was ably supported by Sir William Johnson. Johnson now, as when he had vanquished Dieskau four years before, was hi^ in influence among the Iroquois, and rallied a considerable number of their tribesmen to the sup- port of the expedition. Moving along the old route to Oswego, Prideaux left Colonel Haldimand to restore and defend the old post, and he pushed along the southern shore of the lake by boat and canoe until within striking distance of Niagara. Pouchot, the French commandant there, de- cided to defend his post, trusting to the arrival of assistance from Detroit and Mackinac. Although subjected to a vig- orous siege, he held out very bravely foi two weeks. Mean- while, the French in the west had rallied such traders and Indians as could be quickly mobilized and had descended to Detroit, whence, with the garrison of that post, they hurried to Pouchot's assistance. On the approach of this force, Johnson, who w?8 now in command, Prideaux having been killed during the siege, moved out to meet them. Disposing his forces with a shrewdness bom of long expe- rience in forest warfare, Johnson turned the flanks of the French and sent them in utter rout back to Detroit. Pou- chot had now no alternative but surrender, and Niagara became for the first time a British post. French communica- tions with the western countries were now cut oflF. While the siege of Niagara was in progress, a band of batitants and Indians under La Come, a partisan, had ascended the St. Law- rence from the French fort at La Presentation — Ogdens- burg — with the design of surprising the British force under Haldimand, which had been left to restore Oswego. The alertncM of the commander, however, frustrated this attempt. 2l6 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA l\ The expedition against Ticonderoga was given in charge to General Amherst with a force of about thirteen thou- sand. Amherst's instructions were to push through to Montreal as fast as possible, then f descend the river to Quebec in time to cooperate witi. the forces there. Montcalm himself was at Quebec, devoting his whole energies to the defence of his capital, but he had left French interests on Lake Champlain in capable hands when he in- trusted them to his brilliant subordinate, Bourlamaque. With the latter were four thousand troops, considerably more than Montcalm himself had had at his disposal when he repulsed Abercrombie's misguided host of the preceding year. Amherst moved down the lake, effected his landing, and faced the historic parapets, now, if anything, stronger than before. Bourlamaque nude no stir within, and the British scouts reported the position unoccupied. But Am- herst was not given to any rash action on such information, and rightly concluded that the French had withdrawn within the stone walls of Fort Ticonderoga, knowing full well that no British commander would repeat an assault on the outer works and that an artillery bombardment would speedily render them untenable. Amherst proceeded with the preparations for a siege, but during the night Bourla- maque, acting under instructions /rem Quebec, blew up his fort and retired to Crown Point ten miles further down the lake. Had Amherst pushed on rapidly he might have fellen on Bourlamaque's rear and caused him heavy loss, but now, as always, his extremely cautious nature impelled him to follow slowly. When he reached Crown Point, he found that Bourlamaque had halted only long enough to destroy the fortifications there and had betaken himself to lie aux Noix, where Richelieu River leaves the lake. Again Amherst delayed, spending valuable time in repairing the abandoned French posts when he should have hastened on to assist Wolfe before Quebec. It was September be- fore he faced the French position at lie aux Noix, only to find that a small French flotUla was in a position to assist THE CONFUCr TIMS ai; vigorously in repelling any attack which he might make. Accordingly he waited until his men could construct a few armed sloops to assist his operations, a little saw mill at Ticonderoga being pressed into service for this work. The monotony of several weeks was relieved only by the cour- ageous exploit of Major Robert Rogers, who pushed around the French rear and destroyed a number of French and Abnaki settlements on Lake St. Francis, returning safely but with some difficulty. Toward the middle of October, Amherst had his sloops in readiness, and mounting some of his smaller guns, set off for lie aux Noix. Encounter- ing the French flotilla he demolished some of the opposing vessels, but found that Bourlamaque had utilized his time effectively in strengthening his oosition. As the season seemed too far advanced for a p.-otracted siege, Amherst decided to withdraw his forces into winter quarters, espe- cially since the news of the fall of Quebec hsul just reached him and there was no longer any urgent need of aggressive action. As matters bter showed, however, it would have been much better had he kept Bourlamaque and L^vis fully employed during the winter months: his failure to do so gave the French their opportunity to attempt the recapture of Quebec. Amherst's dow progress had thrown on Wolfe the onus of carrying the city alone, and it is to the immortal credit of the young general that in the hour of his overwhelming responsibility he was not found wanting in courage or con- fidence. Very early in the spring of 1759, Wolfe and his troops, escorteid by the fleet of Admiral &iunders, had made their way to Halifax, whence, after a short delay, they had proceeded up the gulf, calling at Louisbuig to pick up a part of the garrison stationed there. Wolfe counted in his command somewhat less than nine thousand men, regulars and colonial militiamen, when, late in June, his transports and coi)voy anchored off the Isle of Orleans in full view of the towering heists of Quebec. The city, for the most part, rested on the summit of a high ridge, two hundred feet ai8 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA aix)ve the water's edge^ that pan which hy on the shore had been abandoned. Just east of the city a considerable stream, the St. Charles, empties into the St. Lawrence, while six miles further east the turbulent Montmorenci hurls its waters down the cliflF. Between these points the shore is rather low, rising precipitously a short distance back from the water's edge. West of the city, towering cliiB overhang the water for miles, and here a small force could undoubtedly hold at bay many times its own number. The Isle of Orleans, a few miles below the city gave no special strategic advantage, and Wolfe was allowed to dis- embark here without opposition. The low-lying shore at Point Levis, directly across from the city, was likewise at his disposal, for the French had convinced themselves that British batteries stationed there could do little damage to the city twelve hundred yards away. To hold the shore between the St. Charles and the Montmorenci, Montcalm had made every conceivable preparation. Every available able-bodied man in the colony had been pressed into ser- vice, and these, with the regular troops, numbered about sixteen thousand. As Montcalm deemed the lines east of the city, known as the Beauport shore, to be the most vulnerable, he sutioned only smaU bodies of troops on the cliffs westward and left but a small garrison in the city, concentrating the bulk of his men and guns between the Charles and the Montmorenci. The mouth of the former river he took care to have securely blocked. Bourgainville was given chai^ of the district west of the city; De Ra- mezay commanded within the city itself, while Montcalm assumed personal charge of the Beauport lines. These had been laboriously intrenched, while heavy batteries had been carefully placed at frequent intervals. Wolfe was not slow in concluding that to carry any part of the position with a numerically inferior force was a task of great difficulty. There seemed little to do but to encamp his forces on the island, to establish batteries at Point Levis, and to harass the French as much as possible until the TKM CONFUCT TIME 319 arrival of Amhent should give the Britidi the advantage in numbers. During July, however, Wolfe concluded that a position east of the Montmorenci might be seized, and this a portion of his force accomplished. Some batteries were put in position, but they did nut serve to drive the French from their positions across the river. On the western bank of the Montmorenci, just where it -.umbles into the St. Lawrence, Montcalm had established a strong redoubt, and this Wolfe decided to assault from two quarters. The forces stationed east of the Montmorenci were to ford the shallows, below the falls, while troops were to cooperate with them direct from the Isle of Orieans. It is doubtfiil whether Wolfe confidently hoped for any tangible result from this operation, but his spirited soul chafed under the continued inaction and he felt that if an assault failed here it must fiiil anywhere. The assault was well delivered, and the French were driven from their redoubt. But when the assailants attempted pursuit, a hail of musketry from the crest of the ridge above decimated their ranks. With signal gallantry two regiments attempted to scale this ridge, Imt were mowed down by scores, and Wolfe very wisely withdrew them to the island, protectl < "heir reem- barication as best he could. This fiiilure disiieartened the whole expedtti dislodge them, as a warning to New England that no tres- passing on the rather extensive territorial claims of the French would be endured. The English were harried out of the Penobscot repon and sent back to Plymouth. There the authorities were stirred to actkm, and the despatch of a punitive expedition wa» proposed. But the two colonies of Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay were extremely jealous of each other and found it imposnUe to work together in the natter. A miserably feeble force was sent by Plym- outh al»mJiZcTr^^ Adnot venture a conSict, but withdrew to Port RojSl S 2rrk??n!"*^*^/^ *« king- Awiatance W^Mon ^iHJ H^ T"»^5 Po« « the mouth of the St. M« ^LT *** ^P!:?8 <»f '643. The defender, of the ^ g^tly «pul«d an anault, but De Chami«y'. f™e V^ rirSr^ -"IrP^^onged «.geuur4ve «JS ^^JmfcgjuTOon bring marred into .ubmiMion. InS Jfcmma La Tour took a bold cow». Slipping thrxwS the beweger. camp he made hi. way to Boiiin!%be^ there im« only too pkawd to take a hand in the trouble. «.?«f "^•"^^' "^ '**«^ **«y demanded^ ^JL «°*rif<»Pen«tion, fitted out a wnaB fiodUa of ship, and placed them at La Tour*. dinonL \m theae the latter hurried back to hi. pott Xre he\iS gtrfied to find the garriaon «ill holdii^;:?^** ^ wrth the Engluh flotilla m clow pur.uit. If La Tour bul o^; S!i*? '^,![!^l*^ ''"•^ '^*' •>*»« been wttled once and for aU by the capture of Port Royal, but the Em- hd, aU«. of the doughty Freadwum reffl to unS after lo«hng their vend, with fur^-die pri« of^' m«tance,-diey«offferBortonr^ P™* °f *eu- Far from being ended, the quarid hwl hut bennt and a. both contemnt. redi«d &., „,gem i^eiST/lSp mm rt !* h ^!* il: h ajO CJNMJ AND BRITISH NORTH AMBPICd Jf*"*"***; »*. ach claims to the restoration of Acadia were advanced, and the English king consented to the appointment of a commission to ii dCADU «33 Jewmfan the merits of the mafter. Nothiiig rndted, howew, ind ^min drifted m umU the two coiimrke foundthenttehreeetwwonEuropewiquettioM. ToEiw. hurf the jtruggl* wm m inglorious ooet when it ended^lii ifc.^ Tmtjr of Biedt ceded Acadia back to JFtrnwre, «nd bjr the end of the following year the French had take? possesion of the colony. Temple retunied to England, Where be claimed fren the crown reimbursement for his expenditures m the colony, but received nothing. The c««oii was ht England a serious blunder. AowJia wu »pidly becoming an EngUsh colony, but during the next torty-five years that it remained in the hands of Fiance the colony became thoroughly French in eveiy respect. Con- sequenUv, when England again assumed possession as the Iluctt^fi. '*~^* *^*^ "^ ^ """^ «•- "^ With the restoration of the colony to Fnmce the first census was taken, and from it we glean that the popdation of A«d« numbmd slightly less £an four hundiS\ouS. urtbeseneariy three hundred and fifty were settled at Port Royd, tte remainder were for the most part at the post on the Penobscot. The new officials sent out to the colony mdeavored earnestly to increase the immigration froi^ France thither, and it was not long before new arrivals i>egwi to estabhsh themselves around the Basin of Mines, the commencement of those unfortunate settlements which were destined to be so ruthlessly broken up three-quarten of a centuiy later. The first French governor of Acadia after the restoradon WM Huben d Aubigny de Gnmd-Fontaine, a man of much energy and ability. He was instructed to live on good terms with the English colonists to the southward, and dunng his three yeara* tenure of office managed to do so. His •uccessor was Chambly, a former officer in the R6ri- ment de Cangnan-Saliires, whose name is perpetuated by the town on the Richelieu. For some time,\&irt nn H J ' 134 C41UM dND BtUnSH MOMTH /imUKJI aloag MMMthiy cnoti^; jovemora changMi M ftcqticm iii- ccrvaitf but found IMr \.o do outs^ tbe r^^yJar raudat of eAcul duties. Scttkrt canw in ^inall sunafacn, aoioag tkm tlie Btron de Saim-Cutin, an advert aro..* qurit with • marked tMtc for forest life, wh) rcroRHnenced the settle- ment M the Penobscot, whae, in liM course of time, he beame embroiled with the advancing Eiidish scttkrs. The tamm dificuify was that the Treaty of £«ia had not attemfMed to define the boundaries ^r'^ween Nf-v jbi^^ 4 and Acadia, '*ith tb« result i h« the h w Engiand s^iSon- ties stiU ImU to their ai that the Penr strict was within the- ^here of intsence. It was ! owevrr till 1688 that maCMTS reached .n acute stage. t at jp Governor Androa, who had charge of the inten ( i Ei^^and, made his way to Sair.i -Cabin's settioK ., =. without opposition, and pLiiderc? the ph -. Thx^ ( mm. were prompt with their reve«ge, or theif ; lencf th the Indians of the Acar ^^a and Mai*. e regioxis 4S sui lent to stir up the savages > onslao^hii^ m At New England bor- ders. For many y dmons againtt both New Fra; c and Aca< The New £b|^< ! and Middle colonies a|^m^ d (kleptes to meet convemion at New Yurk at mean;^ of combating the common jerl mignt be deviiec. It wu agreed that no assistance nighi be h^ for from England} so there seemed no ^r rive S.J' to ndertake single-hsntfed whatever atftnsi peraii. mij. • be deemed advisable. Thus it was th^ unng th summer of i6qo a small expedition of seven ve».jels, ndcr the co tiand of Sir William Phipps, set oitt from ] ston to efft the capture of Port RoyaL The fhce, be ng in no ccHid' n lui defence, was promptly iir*«* dCADU 135 taken ind pUhpd. The inhrfMtMt. w«. cdW upon lo Englith ^ WM hottted over tile place. A .^ p,rt of nuppt t force was detached to dettnw Saint-CattiiiVDOM on the PtenobKoti and when this had been accompUahed! the whole force returned to BoMon, taking with themDe !2zri;i^?5r''"!.^'™" "'■^^^'^ -.d ««• uxty •oW««» who had formed the garriton at Port Royal. The ^JSK^'^JUVl "?i_'?^ 8«>«« before the French rwumjd Aeir Bourbon aUegiance, and for the next few jreara devoted themaelm eneifcticaUr to the bloodv work ofnidingthefaHitieiiofNewEnglind. "^^^^ '~« Two yean after Phippi't capture of Port RoyaL the New finglander. rebuik Fon WiUi«n Hemy at^niS; tS tune conatnictuif a pretemkNia atone •tmcturerThTcoet wa« borne enttrefy bv Maaaachuaetti, and a Miriaon of about tnjri!;!rr^" '^'^-^chdetelSSl to attack the foit at the Mflieit poanbie opportunity, and three vea- ?el. under U Mojme d'lbervilklSriSSiehed^^ S'lltUr?" . '^''- But on arriving near Sefort, pibemlle found an Engiidi frigate in thS harbor and re! fRun^ from „y attack. It waa not dU four yeara later (1696) tha» he again returned to the taak of n^ucins the •«w, thM umt with aucceaa. After putting to f isht two .gl.th fngate. which be eocountiied ij the^y rf ndy, die djMhiiy young Frenchman made hia w/y to naquid, foUowed by a flotilla of Abnakia' canoet. After . anak but brief cannonade the fort aurremfered, on con- dition that the garriaon should be aUowed to^arch out unbanned. The French did not attempt to hoM the po!^ In the foUowmg year, the Peace of Ryawick put anlnd to FrenX " ~"'™»«' Acadia in the poaaeaaion of the The P«ce of 1697 wat a very precarioua one; within five years the W.r of the SpanUh Succeuion .»un obced Acadia in the throea of conflict. French priv- 'm^ Ill 1 936 CJNJDJ JND iRtnSH NORTH AMMUCd out fiom PoR Rmral, scouifed the New England couts, whik the fleet of MamchuMtt^ commanded by the Muff old Puritan Ben Church, harried die Acadian coast aettle- mentt on the Bay of Fundy. A* usuid, the French, aided as the^ were by the Indians, showed themselves more adqic ax ft Mt jmtrrty and once again the Ne> En^and cdonies woe driven to attempt operations on a iarge scale. In the autumn of 1709 a force under Nicholson set forth from Boston, and aain Port Royal, after a vigorous defence, went uto Eng^ hands. This time it wem to remain. The name of the post was chai^ to Anm^oUs) the de- fences were repaired and a stroiw garrison left in cAaige. Saint-Castin, with his horde of fidians, made a fieree attempt to recapture the |^ce durii^ die course of die year following, but widMut avail; Acadia had forever passed out of die control of Fiance. Three years hter (17 13), when die war closed in accordance widi the terms of the Treaty of Utredit, die Bridsh possession ct' Acadia was confirmed. France, however, was alkwed to retain lie Royale (Cbpe Breton^ with die rig^t to erect fortifications. As has been pointed out elsewhere, this was the cardinal emv of British ^piomacy in connection with die terms of peace, fie Royale was die gateway of die St. Lawrence, and its po*. session by ^ French dqprived die Britidi of any stiat^ advantage which dieiracquttition of Aca&ou^odierme have givea dMB. At Loui^uig die Frendi ^arad neither Mila«r money in dieir eftm to coostmet dtt sttw^est fortress in America, and ftom beaeadi the ramparts of that tamif^M Aeir privatcos wroq^ mccssant damage to jZ" ^ "^^ rfj^ng, in peace as in war time. It was chasafo ceittre ftom whi^ an active p ropa ga nda was cob- tinualfy carried on aoMMig dw Acadians, wiA dw resttk dttt Acse new honesdy acnpted BrkMi saaenin^. During the great peace which hMted for forty yean after the Treaty of Utrecht, British eokwiaatioa made pncti- cril^aoywgnss in Acadia. A smaU gunkoB at Anm^olis, wiA detac^meats at scattered points dseiriwre, served to iT \i '1 »'«»«i 1**^ CfcMipliin't 4»p of New FniKc^ phUMmkI fa) i«i }, A! litnuy, Lt» JC'i-T^J^-"^^'^*'-'^^'^'^ ^ ri 'V I; m^ W ^"M • t* 1 * ;i'V . i ■ 1 Hi i. MHaiailillililAi JCMU *37 nuintm tlK imblance 1 * 4 1 .>!f«^ 1 ' m \; f .1 1 \^ m n f CHAPTER X THE drmiura or the com^est, 17*^^-1774 M^ '^ " ?^. 'W concernol, the capUulatton of Momrnl iMjr be iud to h.ife doMd the nilitaiT «veiitt of the Seven Yem' War. It now becwne incumbwit upoo the victon to nuke MBe provinoa for the "^■ninittmlon of the newly •cquiied dooniiis, and this General Amhent. •cung iin«te Inwuctionf from ho«e, « o^ do. To thw end he amnfed for the divkion of the con- quered territoijr into three &trict^ and over each he placed !fTf!I?[J?*'4!^.'^ *** V«^ ■Jminiwation of the dMtnct. Theae three diatriett oentrad at QiMbec, M«ittBal,MdThwe Rimt,aad wen phced i«ap«Sv^ Cdoodftuton. la each Strict, moreover, pw^Sowae made for tte einhK a hment «rf courti of jiuttce, eadi com- owora tiiem wioottt the mterventioa of iuriea. nMrv»w n^mm.nT^ •«» dWHigh hm^ in certain caaet, to the 5«»«M*«Hn-chief. In approving tfaia nratem, the Brit. Mh government espreaaly decfaucd it to be • war meantre ooly,to remain in feree nntil the condimon of peace ahould allow die ewabfa h ment of a dvU government. And wiaeir ««g»for. whifc Q|^ had been won, the w« in E^ JiU drapged on, and diere waa no guanuitee that, in the fittd <><«po«tM» of terntoriea on the GondoMon of peace, Qutada would not be hmrfed b«4 tt, her former «»eST?2ve 239 kl- 1 240 CAMADA AND MUfttH NOJiTH AMBUCA oigtnisedttlieKfefe, a pennanent civU administnition wouM l»«ve been premature, apart akogether from the other w^htj ctrcumstance that the colonv was inhabited hj a populatton ^ich was hostik to the Bntish. That the war was not cmicluded in Europe as weU as in North America was due more than aught ebe to the death of George II., which occurred during the year 1760. In his last Aiys, this king had been cxmmely anxious to briiw the costly conflict to a close, and in this he was warm^ seconded by Pitt. And with reason, for the struggle had given Britain more than even Pitt would have dared to hope for in the gloomy days of 1 756 and 1 757. The statesman who had undertaken to *^u.yt En^and" had made her salvation a bitter lesson to her ancient enemy beyond the ChanneL But the death of Geome II. and the accession of his smi, George III., thwarted effiwtually any prospect of «n immediate peace. The reason is to be found primarily in the character and ambitions of the new king. The first two Georges had taken little interest in the internal pditics of England; both were Hanoverians at heart and Germans in tongue, caring more for their continental principality than for Great Britain. George III., on the other hand, was, as he was too wont to proclaim from the housetops, **a Britcm bred and bom, gbrying in the fact." But even this vaunt^ pride in his birth and heritage was eclipsed I7 his desire to be monarch of Britain in fiurt as wdl as in name. Coming to the throne with h^h ideals of kin^ poww drummed into his stubborn head by an ambitious mother and a med- dling tutor, he was not sbw in showing plainly his aversimi to following in the apathetic footsteps of his sire and puiA- sire. But to any immediate consummation of his ambitir the pe^rie at large were so heartily tired oS the war as to be aospfy satisfied with the territMial accessions. In the history of the North American continent few events have had such fiw-reachii^ consequences as the expulsira of the French tx the close of the Seven Years' War. For upward of a half century the presence of a dangerous foe, powerful out of all praportiui to her efibctivc numbers, had been periuips the stnmgest of the varuMis ties «^ch bound the British colonies on the Atlantic seaboaid to the motherland. Causes of friction there were in abun- dance, and to the cdonists the yoke of the Lords of Trade and Plantations often seemed to bear heavily. But with the aggressive colonies of France, Mganized primarily for war, pressing mi their northern and wettem frontiers, sepa- ration from the mother country was the last thing which any colonist would have desired. Now, however, this M^l mri jnttuuTH or thm coNm/ur 243 . i.!jpMM)d. FiwdftwBallnMrMiaanftr.BritUi pratcctioa and rapport no kmgn Mcmtd dw inlitpeiwiMc nquiito of ndfttact. Gritvaacct wm, dMralbn, miicli kn conptaccatlj bomt and were no longer r^vdod m the price of a necceeafjr aanatance. And, uMRover, k was, k should be remembered, ^ enoroBoiM expendhun incurred Iw the motherland, both in acquiring and holding her new con- quests, which first impelkd Brkish stateemm to discuss the question of raising atleastapartofthecoetbfthe imposi- tion of taxes upon thoee «donies to whom the main braefit hadaccrued. It was, therefore, the expulsion of the French from Canada wkkii broug^ the seccssiMi of the Mnten colonies ft» the first time within the ruige of political pos- sibilities} it was dM eflorts of Britidi statesmen to make the colonkts pay for dttir new-found securitv that nve die latter dmr first Item in dM long list of grievances expressed in die Dedaradon of Independence. The announcMBent in Canada dutt the cohmr had been definitdy ceded to Great Arkain was die s^nal for dM emi- r on of a coBsidersble pMtion of the population. After capituhtMB of Montreal, in 1760, there had been an exodus of die milkaty forces and of government officials. Some dvilnns went also, but not a great manj, for theie were not hckii^ those who hk dwt in some wav or other France would evemuallj receive back her Canadan eokmy and sttisfy Great &itain wkh adequtte compensadmi else- where. Just how great the exodus of 176^1764 was in point of numbers is difficult to mj, for the statMcal data ate not of the best. It maj, however, be esdaaated at about twenty thousand, or sajr twenty-^ve per cent of die total ptqiubtioB. But k was not alone because of ks num- bers diat diis hcska weaken^ the colony) thoee iriw emi- gTMed indited oe best elemems of the populttkw: weahhy merchants, seignrarh and trsdersi in foct, those iHm could best afford to go and h^mmb Ae eekmy couU lout aiwd to ^are. Those who remained were c o m p r is e d widiin the three settlements of Montreal, Qu^ec, and Throe Rivera} I a44 CMUAtf MMb MUnUI NOMTH dMMUKd ia tki Hnall hunlm and in dM NifnieriM aioiif Ike St. Lmv^ IMC*, St. M«tricc,aiia JUdMlira, and in tlw fottifiad poM ■long tiw Omt LOm md cooMctiag riven. In all of whM ii new Ontario there was not a aiiMde wttleneMi ftofli Montraal to Oetfofe waa an anbtolMa wildaiiim. The British fovernnent had no immo than catored into seotfe p oss e s sion of its new domain when a new daiyr,as idanaing as it was nnfereseen, prasentod itHrifon the western firontien. This wasthe«*Con^inM7of Pamiaci*'a|enefBl rWi% of the tribesmen in 1763 intended to mark their die- pieasure with the new Older of thii^ estaUished by the Paace of Fsris. The dominancf of Britain in Nonh America was viewed bv the Indian chieftains with no sli^ disfrvor and forabundant cause. The vivacious Frenchman had always tNttwittod the staider Saxon in the contest for tribal confi- dence, and it was only na^u.vl that the Indian should view with misgivings the enforced depaitui* of his old friends. But there was a weightier reason for Mvage antipatbyt In- di n policy was not usually moulded by lil» and dislike of national traits. So long as the dud between Saxon and Oaul continued, the cmteaianta vied with eadi o 'i';: in their e*-^. ness to secure Indian allmnces. To this end the chteftains were tMaered,fiked,«nd pampered with coflstdeiaH . on- diture in the way of presents and a more conrideial]. rf 1,.^ or patience onthepartofaUwhohadtodeal >♦ th« vaciUutog, and, too often, evasive allies. For w -'e -m the gretf coniict IndLin auxiliaries proved their vdiu :c the respective contestants m more than one impoitant occasion, ^ value of their services was undoubtedly ovw. nttmated by both sides, and the dSsrts spent in securing their assistance was out of pn^ortion to the return afiirded even when such efibrts culminattd successliiily. Now that tte Mvg^ was over, this cajoling jie to s decisive end; the British colonists now thm^ of the Indian only ts a treacherous humb«u|. Elaborate courtesy now gave place to contemptuous indiflerence or even to open rebuA whenever Indian chief and British oficud came into cmtaa. Nor ■lili ■^aggm^g. THB JrtMMJTM or TMi COM^J/MtT saj •w dM aU. Now tlMt tbe WW WW dcarad of Praadi offmrntaon^ Mttlen from Um coJonkt aJooi tlw Atlwttk *«b€«jl bMM to «rW bejromi dM AlkglHiiiw into dM fcitik hods of th Wm, tiewlx but raitf^ forcing tiM la^mu dwpcr into die AutlMr wildcncM. And tNt witbotit much ragsrd for the Minp or ridtts of dM tribM coneantd. It was not aMonidiiiur dioi, dmt wkh die cxccpdoa of a fow tribe* such as die ^wnen and Tuacaroraa who had always been firm in dicir allmncc widi the Britnh, aU the Jjeatwm tribes remainod knral to the vanqnidied French. Durmg die last few deoMlvs dM tribes of die Iroqtioia Confedeiacy had, to a constdeiaUe dense, loec die pre- dominance which dic]r had fomeri/ enjoyadi anong dw western tribes, dM Ottawas were now piomft die foseaoet in point of milaary power and political ininence. This tnbe occupied the territory around Oetrtrit and had at ks head an ambitious and able chief in dw person 1^ die ftmotts Pontiac. While Pontiac had no oflcal headship over the other tribes ai die West, he was not long in acquirim an influence over them which enabled him to make hn coun- sels elective over an enormous nu^ of savage popdation. Htt onm cause for amagonnm was, of anirse, dw general dwlike which die Indian manifeaied toward die new rdgime, u alrendy explained, but he had an additional reaMm in a penonaJ pique against Ma|or Gladwin, dw British com- inander at the Detroit post. During dw course of 176a >^^ O.tawa chief did his best to create opposition to dw Bii'jsJi advanw and to wdd dw various tribes into a cmn- IHndwnsive confederacy for a general tttack on dw frontier posuofUw West. Pbntiac succeeded in enlisting dwsym- patJ les of many of dw tribes, yet widi remariable secrecy, for although occanonal hints of impending damwr reached the authorities at the diftrent posts from time to time, none of dw garrisons had any authentic mfermation of dw general conspiracy. That Pdntiac wwked oitt the details of attack upm the different posu k not probaUe, bM tbtt If 246 CMd'yd AMD MUTttM NORTH MtEUCd thnc WM tome gencnl aUotmem of ofiensivc tiskt the dtffncnt triba is byroad a iloubt. The moit dUBciilt undcrttkini, tbtt of icducu^ dM fort M Detroit, PMdac menred for his own tribe. Detrok was now garriMoed hj a d rtachmew <^ somewhat more than one hundred s form die council into a massacre <^ the unsuspecting prri- son. The source of this providei^al mfenaatioa has never been es t ab l is h e d. A docen different amtemporaiy chrani- deis give as many diffierent sources. At all events Gladwin was put Ml his |uard{ the council wu held, bitt in foil siriM of the garnson itiefm up with loaded muskets and hftedin| bayonets ostensMy for their daily drilL The Ot- tawa defend his foOowcrs dkmed nosignof^comfituiei the council proceeded in harmony and the Indians departed kavii^ Ghdwin serioi^y to doi^ dM oe^bility of Ids m- fermadon. I can find no bnis for the story diat during the council, Gladwin threw back dw chief's Manlnt and di»- doeed a concealed musket. However, it was but a few days before Pottiac threw offhisgmse of frioMUdpt httfoUowen murdered oudying setdm, surveyors, and tnderh foUowiM this up with an assauk on the fort itsdf; whidi wu as vigoiw ously delivered as it was coungseu^ repdkd. Under dM pntentc of negodadons IVmtiac obtained dw despatch of two Arkish offeers to his camp, and, hoWng dieee as hosttgss, recommenced his attack. But die defenders w«c fortunate in the po ssessi on tiS a cou^ of small armed rissils on dw river, and diese not only wcMried the tanks of du> bcsiegen, but enabled the garrison to keep ks hider supplied. 80 dw mwHi fcffi*rr'T-~^:-*.^.!fcM.' „jiji.}-M4.^'^ YWi dmuuTH or tmm com^mst 347 ambitiottt Otttwan wm coattnt, pcrfoicc, to MoAKdi • pvtkd a^ «4kl^ owtiw to dM vadlbtiBf tniH of Indfan dumwtcr, k raquind att Sit mfwnoe to — t-— ^t McMwhik, tiw odMr tribM 1m4 beca doiiv tlwir iwpect- ive fuu. The pom at SanAnkjr, St. JoMph, Miuni, Pmqii'Ik, Lc B(Buf,V«iiaiifo,aiid MiHrilimarMiMr w«« naccoHv^ aMauted, and i^ ■tran^cm or foict, or botk coabiiMd, came iitto dw pbiimmou of dw tifliea. &» np- idly did one aaauilt fellow another that ten poets who attacked widdn ais wedut all save Detroit with aucccM. The luae enpk^ed hj dw trbesmea in their capture of MfrhilioMckioac hM becooM clastic as an instance of In^an attatafntk Earijr in June, the umuspectit^ ganisoo, not havii^ heard ci An attacks upon the other poets, acc^ted an iavitttiea to wkness a gane of heiosae between two parties of aUmP'swa Indians, the pame to be pbjrnd outside the fert. While the game wm bemg co n t es t e d with a qpiik which attracted dM whole attention of the onboking furi- •on, a number oi squaws bearing concoakd weapons made dieir way with^ dw fart. Prninttty the baU was duowa widiin the pafisadesi in rushed the cemestants,and quid% obtainiM the wc^^ms carried if the wooMn, OHide short work ofthe unprepared whHes. For w e ek s , howewr, dw cour s f s eus d^mdew of Detroit held dw poet, and an earnest eAirt was made to send icUef fimn Niagara. But dwt fivt cooM nare but a scam feree, aaddwhwklen expedidon which it forwarded lata in May, under Ueoieaant Cujrler, was s«r|ffised and citt to piecca hj Pondac's fane just as it was about to rsadi ks dssdoa- don. This swxengrsa^nuseddwprssdge of the Ottawa (Aief among dw co nfa d era ie t , and even dw Swwaees were moved to renounce dwir ancwm fikadddp.aad to nvage wkh merdhsss baibuMea the unprotected ftmden of Ptan- •ylvania. A sscond relief force from NkiPfla reached De- troit Its arrival was, howerer, no iwariaed hiswing, far k was not siJkiendy strong to raise dw siege, and ks leader, DahcU, induced Gkdwfai to vcnturs a ni|^ attack upon u CjUtdDJ AND BUTttH NOMTH MtMMKJ Ae beuenn* camp. Tht wwjr Pontiac had hia trutted apka on tbe alert, and the ^hn was disckiaed to him, with Oe reauk that the aortie waa repubed with heavr bea and the demoialiscd defendera thrown back in diaoider within the paliaadea. With the exception of Detroit, the onljr pott of cmaa- ously no volunteer 'srce could be raised for oMMitttt HWOM tribes whose avowed objea waa Ae matosMiaa of Ae oM rigime. Nevertheleaa, Amhertt asade the bett of httmeana, and tt once ami^ for the sending of two o^aditions to relieve the thrraf ad peats as well as to 2**"' - J " * ^ '* ^ roviiw bands which aow ovcfraa we grett western tnrteorias. Tha first of these expa&kma stt oat ftom PUhddphtt towaid the middle of July, and ^ **"'?"^ ^ Coh»ael Hemy Boofttat. Its el^. iv« wn Fort Pitt. On kwrnkig of Booquet's aMfoadi tha Dekwaraa aad dMir alliaa sTMiiimil their ^ ami ^n^^^^ WW UtEUUTH Of mt COM^Etr 149 ■dv«ic«dtgriii«tI»«ywiof«xp«dkioii. TkttwooHM lato confict m Aiwim 16, 1763^ at Bushy Run, or« m k IS sometiiiMs cdktC E%e HiO. 11» fidit wm one of uw niott obstuiM IB dM sands of coafikt bMsfi 1^ red men in North AoKrica, but in the aid Booqaet's ^c- toiy was decisive^ the ptmnu «i my slowly, and it was not tiU the foUowmg summer that the auihorides were able to concenawe a force of about twelve hundred men at ^fsn. FoMiac had abandoned the siege of Detroit during «• *•««•, <;*^nitg into the west in eider to revive the •"far of h» Wbww, atill, w«i *e ofwiing of the spring ofi76*.hewisi»positioBapimbutm»dera • ^ for the VKtat]r «f Bouquet had hwi a dtsquiettng^Zii&ence OB mmy of hi.ailies,a«d these dsscited in famp numbers. CoBsequendy, when Bndsmet appMMhed, the Ottawaa did not venture hmde, but retramed iMo the western wiMsiw flsss, wtewe he could tmmfft to rnuiyiMi his tt the mMm nppnwuiiii|. It is iMi nh «» •ft« worfd Ittve been necessHy in ei4er cibetudiy to crush the CMiMentes had not fir WiHiam JohMaa,f4ise ii iBiMHIl w ith the ladimmwiiin—w, devoted Ms enetmss to "^i»iiiM^ the 9mm, Oacater another of these tendnud M fUHMMioa^ As variew Mms wesa rasMfud aad rrgarrisMsditad in (ha aiasiag iwm of ilqmNi, it^c, ^a. tiae WiMeif buried ifet hatchet wMi duTbniafides ia a imd peac* cmMcti at Detraii. The Mat chief fivad but • few yc»s after dMdeee of hostiiitiNi iai7te,fcewas ttwAwoushr assassJMiid by a member of the OBaais tribe. Evaa before Om eedKct M caasid in dw waa tones, dM eondasiea wt Ai Ptme^ of Hm ted die British Mverameai to rtilUidba««towadM__ which had Ibeen sMrifaliaM it *f M«ir aniBind reriiiar autumn of 1763, a rayal pfodaaMdoa 9m M% PMdiiV the feroHd In the I :T.aig^.- ->->,--. if|.j-|iij aso CJNJIhl AMD BlUTttH NORTH dUMUCA .: I curving up tiie newly acquired domain bto the four pnnr- inces of Quebec, Eaat Florida, West Florida, and Gnunuia. The latt three were conttructed from the acquisitioitt in the Sotfthi the first named was intended to embrace the domains in the north which had been held bv France. An attempt was made,bthe proclamation, to ddimit die boun- dary of the new province, but with results which disclose the picvailing ignorance concemii^ the {riiysical geografdiy of tile New World. As nearly as one can make out bom the misleading delimitation, the boundary was to be : east 1^ Saguenay River to Lake St. John, thence to Lake Misnssini [probably Mistassini]} soudb by the height and led to a reaction which, in repfaicii^ dM old i BUB THB JFTUMjITII OF THE COMnyUT 251 French Gvtl L«w,hH pvpctuatMl duK qmcm ia dM piov- ince to tht pfMem dqr. Under the prmriMOM of dw prachuattkm, Genml Mur- riXWMCoamiHMMMdQomnororQ^dwc. HeprocMded '- form hit council, of seven neaA««, with the chief JMtioc to M prendtag ofioer. One of hie fint aete wae to kmc u ordinance eetaUiehiag a ejrMeai vS rauna for the adninie- tnttioa of the new ^iri^tudence. To thb aid, jueticee of the peace were appointed ia ^ various districts, while a fjrscm of higher courts, coosistii^ of Kii^s Bend^ Coo- non Pleas, and Chancetj divisions, was constituted to deal wkh ■ore serious causes and widi appeals. As hsd been foresen bjr wmof in the colony, ^ nMet diseoursaing Mdieoider ensued. The judges were Britons, dw juries F wnchawn, and neither could understand dw odwr widi- out an intupieiM. The juiy qratem was not viewed htndijr bf dw Meteai, who lost sight of its advantages in his averdon to compu l so r y service in u^Mt to hkn was an """^g"^ w« gji«-H t d and tadious process. EspcdaUy jm Oers a hopeless entaasbaent whenever qussdons re- btiag to land tenuR canw up for a^udicadoo, for dw fat^ dal offctals found dwnwelvas utteriy unable to apply dw precepts of Ea^ishbw to such cases. Hence, beforo dw new Older of AMgi hid existed two awadks. Governor Munav was compelled to enact, widi dw advice of his council, that uia all actions rdadve ta the ttnun of land and the r%his of inh e ri t sn ce, French hnvs and usmbs shaU be observed as dw rule indecision.'' ^^ FuithemMNre, nwst oS those «Hm> were given judicial and polidcal posts were new arrivals fiom £teun, and were not always sdected on their meiks in idatioo to dw tasks in hand. Many w«e ignoiant, avaridous, and filled widi a •upreme confidence in aU dungs English, which was mated Mdy hf their equal if not pemn comempt tat dl tlui^ Ffoidi. As BMMt of dwm received no sabries, bitt wen allowed to (Atam dwir remunenttion fima foes, dwtc was an exce ll ent opportunity fot extortion which ma^ «d the .>»,.».,^.^..^...,,.,.,^-.. II ?^ it »§M CdHMA JNB BRITttH MOUTH JMMUCJ oficnlt were not slow to tcixe. The hapitM hMttmt^ •tnnger boik to the rules and language of the new courts, was usuaHv Iseced, withwt knmring whither to look for his ic^Ms. M«mf,b»iisMitto his credit, did what he could to osk^tc the M^^^eMbjr iMntrriag the hearty iU wUl of the host of 1^ pwasites whna he, in one of his despatches, termed the^iMat innMcal kt of men he ever encounteivd." In this he was aUy assisted bjr Fnmds Masiics, who be- came attomey-geneial m 1766, a man who was destined Jam to have considenUtle part in rewranging^dM leal system of the province. Munray also found difieuities in other qaarters, for his mUamy s ub o rd inates did not ahwys render him that pnwsmt obedieiice which was their ohligwiiiH. Futtfeeimore, db- putes between military and civifiaM were frequsM. But the jovemor's relations with the ccdenasticai authimties were •nnarkaMy amicable, KsiMp Briaad }»vmg been ^pdnted to the See of Quebec in 1766 and being on cmdial terms with the governor. Much of Mumy's time and mention were taken up wtdi the wwk of redeeming the old paper money of the French regime. None of this had passed currnit tmm 1 760, hut aa enormous amount, totalling nearly seventeen million livsus, wias still held in the colony. Duri^ the yam a( hit a^ainisimtien, Murray, for rea- sons already poimed out, had not fiHled to make a numer- ous host of enemies. With the great nnss of the bMunm he was popuhv, but it was the "old subjects"— as the smdi coterie of Britons now in the colony chose n> call them- selves—who pomessed the ear of the home authorities. These continually gave him troiMe, and were never weary rf fumi^ing their friends in Britain with accounu of colo- Bial squabbles. While it is not pnbaUe that the authori- ties put much trutt in these accounts, there is no de^ that they operated to the governor's detriment, aad w«e m part, m any rate, the reason of his recall in the smBmo- of 1 766. Murray, before his departure, wrote hw foaous kaer to ixMd Shelbume in which he vindicMed his adminauatien. "• -* *■"— •air'iff"''nii~ THE Jn-MMMUm or TMM CON^JfMiT asj aBddMsiicdtlwopiKWtkmwUdilMladcncoummd. Tiw liocumem comunt much valuable itatiadcal and descriptive iafonnation. It is alio a tmmftnu defence of his own coRduct and carrin Mnviction to dM impaitial nader. First goveraor-general of dw Canadian deoains of Britun, his naoic graces the rail as having no superior in honorable fidelit/ to what he omsidered to be his dttty. General Guy Carietm Mpbced Mutrav. His appoint- ment, at first tempmaiy, fidlj justified the confidence imposed in him, fw Cana* has had no more eOdent ad> minkttator. Genetal Guf Carleton was a nMive of Cmwtf Down, Irebndt he entered the nrmy tt a time when a com- mnnon was no sinecure. His promotions came rspUfy, and in the expediti(m which Wolfe led to victory on the Rains of Abraham, Carleton h^ the post of quartarmaster- genersL On the conclusion of the F^ace of nuris, he took up his rsstdence in England, where he remained until in i766he was summoned to relieve Murray. Carkton was not slow to grasp the situatimi in Quebec: an aggrearive British minorky greedy beyond bounds for power and pre- ferment, an ovowhckung mass of **iiew subjects," as the Frtnch inltthttants w«e called, jealous of their exclusion from official dreks, iwt not yet aUe to secure adnrission. In his determination to maintain harmony be t wee n dM two parties he feced a task not ca^ to perform. One of his first acts was to for^ aB his emolummts from fees, de- pending uptm his sahry alonei a popular mow which none of his subordinates though worthy of imitation or even of prsiw. But the question which most urgently demanded Us attention was the rearrangenwnt of the legal syMem of the province in some wi^ ikm would diminish the irhwIiTssIr discontent and chaos which the existing legal system ei^ai- (fered. Francis Masires, the aHomey-genoal, was aecord- in^y commissimied to report on die scheme of reform, and, after careful consideFstion^ recommended the retention of Ae EngUdi jurisprudence imact in so fer as crmtinal law 'i % «.iMi" aS4 CJMMDJI JMD BUTUH MORTM AMMRtCd WM concerned. On this point there wm no diiereac* of opuuonin the province. Aa for dvU procedure he racom. memM Ae mimediate prepenttioa of a new code in vH^ch wouM be retainwl the rules of French law relating to tenure, dower, inheritance, alienatimi and successimi to real pnm. ertjr, faw Mherwise compiled from the English common tow. Maaires was a descendant of the exiledHuguenots who went to Endand after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 16I5. In his svmpathies, however, there was bttle that was French and his schooling in Endisb law had Bv«i hin a true Bbckstooian loveof that system. \rfT* /»«»««»«» ^ thoroughly favored the shackles which the English law of his daj pheed upon RomanistH •o ttat his repM was by no means an impartial and un- biased survey of the situation. The a^Kievs Carleton was not slow to convince himself of this and decided not to base his recommendations to the home authorities oa the counsels of the attomer-generaL His own inclination was toward the revival of the French sjrstem more or less in its «ntir«jr, and during the neact year continued complainu regardwg the wotting* of the existing system confirmed him in tlus regard. And as there were a number of other rec- onunendations, concerning, for one thing, certain modifi- cations m the political system of the province, which he wimed to hnna home forcibly to the audiorities, he asked for and received leave of absence in 1770, and undertook a P««»i»l visit to London, mtrusting Hon. H. T. Cnmahd with the ad mini s tret io n in the interim. Orieton's leave was for six mmiths only, but ciicumstan. CCS intervened to keep him away for neariy four years. Diuing this mterval the movement fat the estaUishmrat of * "?T °f Assembly took shape, and petitions were foiu ymWMdw result of public meeting, held in the ptovin^ ine draund was, however, by no means a unanimous one, for there was « »ave obstacle in the question of idimous qualification. If Roman Catholics were to be exchidedfiom the House, as was the practice In Great Britain at the time, mmmmm THM JFTMMMJTH Of tHM COMIQfUr asf tkt Fftach CttboUct of QytbM wmiM Imv* m traipttlw wkh dw movement^ wUk oa dM etiMr ImumI, if Romm GttiMlict were to h« adaiitMd, dM EaaUdi ■Haorkjr, bdiw lu^ Pratnttnt, woiiM oppoM dM wKolt prapoMl TIm Brhkdi ludioritiM, for tbdr pan, «m ^ui* irillfaig to coMidtr dM wnpk dnMiid for a Houm, praviM dM ftydoM qMHtioii couU bt vnuiged to dM Mti^ctMM of &0M awccHMdi for the criMS in dM colonin to dM south was bringiag hooM to Bikbh parUaoMntariaaa dM •uptriwitjr of ptwoMioa to curt in rdadon to dM polki- cal iUt of colonin. Maaim, who iMd ntnnM^ to Eng- land to aMiwM ofte* dMia, amwilv iii|cd the eKhmon of RooMn GMholict in dM pnpoMd Houw, hot Carieton mccaailHltf mf/tSntA \i» intuence in thif ngud. Bodn along widi tevaial othei*, wov hrnid bcfot^-* Ae Honw of ComoMM, and ^ bir oAcen of the crown went conMua- •ioned to r^oft on dM lagid qneni -m c: mue. iWiow and Wadderhwa ware dMn ns|ieir »i^ ^otnej and tdici- roTfOMfal, and dwir rtpom wct« »L.; nd cdMnidva. A wippienentanr lepoit was abo pv^aicd bjr AdvocaM-gencral Mi^jrot. The fOMsd drift of opinion in all dme was ui fiivor 9t pm»u scope bang given to dM French civil law, and it k an dow b te d l y tiiM that dM rsconaMndadons had conaideii^ weu^ in detenainii^ the legis l ation which fdlowed, akhou^ the cUef credit nunt net widi dM inde- fii^Ue Qtfleton. •fhna put in pn sssisi un of fall infennarion from dM vari- oaa pofatts 9S view, dM ministfy, in the sprii^ of 1774, ftauMd and i nrednc e d imo ParliaaMnt a compidiMisive HMasiuv knoan as ^ (^^ec BilL In dM first pkcc dM Mil piovided for th« repeal of the Praclanndon of 1763, under tfriUch dM adminNtniion <^ dM province had been dius tu carried on. Then it proceeded to extend dM boundaries of the province, which wts now defined as includii^ in arfiftion to itt previoui territories, ail the country west of the western boundaries of Penntylvania and Viiginia and north of dM Ohio as 6f mM as the IN 1^ ■ r 156 CJttJDjI AMD ilUTUH MOUTH dUMUCJl MuMttippi. The aoRhcrn bouiiduy of tlw previnct wm now projected to the domuiit of the HiuiKm't Ber Compuv. This extenekm of temtorict had not been reqiietted by the provinciil ■uthoritiett it wu in the nain ■ punitive neae- ure directed agtinM the iccalcttnuit New Eiwiand and other cotomes on the Atbntic seahoard. Theee had, lincc the ccewon of 1 763, jiutljr regaided theraeelvet aa shafcn In the newly acquired weetem lands. And thie decisive denial of their ctoiBw majr be looked upon as an act of repression in- ducedbjr the Boeton tea episode. Further,thebill provided for the relrase of Roman Cttholics in Quebec fiom all the penal restrictions imposed upon their co-religionisu in Endaad, gave renewml recognition of the Oiureh's right to collect tithes as of oM, and confirmed all branches of the Chureh, with the exception of ihe religious orders and communities, in the fuU possession of their landed inteicsts. It m^ here be noted that, with the exception of the Jesuits, none of the ordere were ever disturbed in the possession of their lands { but, stncdjr speaking, the provisions of the bill aflbrded no gumntee of this immunity. English criminal law was estab- lished within the province, while in all cases affecting property and civil rights the laws existing therein before the conquest were to be revived. Express provision was made, how- ever, that either w both systems might be modified by ordi- nances of the mvernor in council as occasion might seem to demand. Finally, the ministry, placing on record its opinion that M it is at present inexpedient to caU an Assem- bly, provided in the bill for the esublisbment of a Legis- lative CouncU consisting of not less than seventeen or more than twenty-three members, nominated by the ciown, with full powers m mattera of internal legislation and taxation, wbject, of course, to the governor's assent. At the same time the bill reserved to the crown the power of vetoing within SIX months after iu passase any ordinance passed hy the Council. And it is significant to note, with an eye on events then occurring in the south, that express stipulation was made for the absolute control of external trade and M MKMCOPV tBOWTION TBT CHAtT (ANSI ond ISO TEST CHART No. 2) y. ■ 2.2 ■^ 136 ■■1 |2j0 ^^' i 11.8 1.6 A /APPLIED IM/OE Inc 1653 Eo»t Main Slr««» RochMUr. N« Yort. 14609 US* (716) tSJ - 0300 - Pfon* (716) 288 - 5B89 - F<|» ,i I V w !♦' i Map showing Hear .<:*s routes in the yean r' A^MAP Tears //yo. V ^-^ > in the yean 17: !«■ i Map showing Heame's routes in the yean 1770-1773 in the yea» i77o~'77i. From the ctlUction of George Barrie, Jr. THE dPTSRMJTH OF THE COSIEST »57 taxation by the British Pkrliamrnt. The Quebec Bill went through the House of Lords wi**' <*"' six dissentients, among whom, however, was the eloquv.^-. Jhatham. In the Com- mons it had a more tempestuous course, but the ministry suc- ceeded in steering it safely throu^ without any important modifications. Such was the Quebec Act of 1774, which formed the constitution of the province for the next seventeen years. That the clause providing for the absurd extension of pro- vincial boundaries was an inexcusable error no one will hesiute to admit. It angered the seaboard colonies with- out in any way benefiting the Canadians. But as regards the other provisions these were, on the whole, quite justifi- able under the circumstances. The authorities had, appar- ently, reached the conclusion that Quebec would probably be for all time predominantly French in language, traditions and character; that Roman Catholicism would continue to be the religion professed by the great mass of the popula- tion. Nor has history shown them to have erred in this. Such being the case, it was wise to obviate an inevitable cause of complaint by removing all disabilities Iidposed upon those professing the dominant religion. The policy of reviving the French civil law has not been without its critics, first among whom were the firamers of the Declaration of Independence who inttr alia censured the au- thorities of their common motherland ** for abolishing the free system of English law in a nei^boring province." But after all there was little else possible. The introduction of English law in civil cases had produced intolerable chaos; a mixture of French and English rules embodied in a new code would have been at bett a clumsy makeshift. The only satisfactory alternative was the course pursued. Nor, it may be added, did censure of this act of grace in giving to the population of a dependent colony the free operation of their ancient customs and laws appear to come with special seemliness firom the gifted group of men who framed the memorable declaration of the republic's birth. ajt CANJDJ JND BUflSH NORTH JMBRtCA emfdiattcing in every line the right of a free people to the control of dieir own immediate affiun. The failure of the Act to provide tor the calling of an Anembly was the cause of some disappointment to the people of the province. Rut the religious difficulty had not been solved^ and the home authorities were not prepared either to remove parliamentary disqualification from Roman Catholics in the colony while retaining them in England, nor yet, on the other hand, to exclude from membership in the Assembly -U but the meagre four or five hundred Prot- estants in t' -ovince. Moreover, the lapse of ten years could not ' 4Sonably viewed as having been adequate to school a . utically untutored race in the complicated let- sons of self-government. In generd the measure was favorably received by the masses of the people ; we have the testimony of Gameau that the French-Canadians regarded it as a real boon. And this, from its enormous prep- .ranee in numbers, was the element which had most rea»v,.i tor concern. Shortly after the passage of the Quebec Act, Governor Carleton returned to the colony, and not a moment too soon, for the forced march of events in the seaboard colo- nies necessitated the presence of a strong hand in Quebec if disaffection was to be kept without the borders. Already the Continental Congress had issued from Phikdelphia ar? address calling upon Canadians to join in the resistance to royal oppression ' ^ a wvmM mmbp, on all public documrats, on newapapm and on a few artkks of commerce. In f«m the tax was no new thing. Stamp ta«et had been mipoaed in Great Britain long before thia: they «ii« «*>«•„«»• pi«Mntday. Some year> befere thia time, Govenw Shirley, of MamachtMetts, had tuggetted the imposition of a stamp tax aa a means of securing funds for the prosecution of the French Wsr, and Shirley at that time declarwl hia belief that the imposition of such « tax as a war measu*^ would ■rouse nodangerous oppositimi. Nor,ag»in,wv! > ; -Hint of the tax m^ as to render it t^jcctionabk « 'h - ..e of oppressiveness. And the cost of itt cdlectit. * smaU. The colonists, then, objected to the tax neither on account of iu novelty, o^resMveness, nor costliness \ they did, how^ ever, object to the principle underiying the tax. The home authorities, avowed arbiters in aU matters of colonial trade and commerce, had at various times regulated these in such way as to entail incidental taxation^ they had never taxed purdy for revenue, either directly or indirectly, in- ternally or extemaUy. The innovstion was, therefore, not in the imposition of a tax /*r w, but in the impositimi of % uuifir rirnntu furputSy and not as incidental to the regulation of foreign trade. Opposition to the tax was manifested in no uncertain way by the colonists} the mar 'nery of collection could not be •et to work, and in the fol ing year Pariiament rec<^ized this by repealing the Act iv sing tte tax (Sump Act) while, at the same time, aticring in general tenns its theoretical right to tax the colonies when it saw ft. The whole matter ,-«i^t wcL have ended there j that it did not do so was u_' to shifting!! of British ministerial circles which brou^^ to the front Charles Townshend, an avowed friend of colmiial taxation, and seated him as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Townshend, who prided himself on his skill as a l<^cian, was illogical enou^ to misapprehend tl» n I H *^ 364 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA colonial standpoint in relation to the Stamp Act. To him the colonial objection appeared to be against direct taxes; as a matter of fact, the objection was fully as intense against indirect taxes, provided they were levied for revenue only and not as necessary incidents to the regulation of foreign trade. Aided by the influence of the king, who had now become a thoroughgoing supporter of the policy, the new chancellor procured the passage of the so-called Townshend Acts of 1767, imposing import taxes on paper, glass, colors, tea, and a number of other commodities. Again, there was a vigorous outcry in the colonies, and a boycott of British goods was forthwith inaugurated. The boycott injured British trade; ships lay idle in the Thames and the British nercantile chuses cried out almost as loudly as the colonists for the removal of the duties. The min- istry saw plainly that as revenue measures the Townshend Acts were a failure, for the cost of collecting the duties would probably exceed the gross revenue derived from them. But a complete backdown was hardly to be thought of, so by way of compromise, all the duties with the exception of that on tea were withdrawn. This latter seems to have been retained to save the principle, since, as a revenue pro- ducer, it was worth little or nothing. It was easy enough to tax colonial tea; it was not so easy to compel the colo- nists to drink the uxed beverage, as was shown by the rigidity of the boycott now inaugurated. By exempting from the regular British ux the tea imported from the East for export to America, Parliament allowed that article to be offered to the colonists at a lower price than that at which it could be laid down in Briuin. But to no avail; the colonists were determined that not an ounce of the taxed commodity should be landed, and made good their decision by dumping overboard, in the course of 1 773, a cargo which lay in Boston Harbor awaiting an opportunity for discharge. This well-known episode, which the historians of two con- tinents have facetiously termed the >> Boston Tea Party," aroused a storm of resentment in Britain, where it gave rise CANADA DURING THE REFOLUTIONART WAR a6s to the idea that Bottonians had come to know neither order nor authority} and itt occurrence alienated from the colo- nial cause many supporters in the motherland. Parliament, under the direction of the North Ministry, was not slow to retaliate, in 1774, by a series of repressive acts, which closed the port of Boston and took away the charter of Massachusetts. The period of panive resistance had closed; that of active resistance had begun. The despatch of troops and armed vessels from En^md to Massachusetts gave oppor- tunities for collisions b^een military and colonials, one of these — the <* Boston Massacre" — almost precipiuted hos- tilities. A dozen and one episodes in various parts showed the growing anugonism of the people of all the colonies to the British policy; while the desire of the colonial authori- ties for united action manifested itself in the assembling of the first Continental Congress in 1774, and in the formation of a system of Committees of Correspondence. By the opening of 1775, there seemed to be no arbiter but the sword. Recognizing the great desirability of Canadian cooperation Congress, in May of that year, made an urgent appeal to the inhabitants of Quebec to make common cause with the colonists to the south. In the meantime, however, the attempted arrest of colo- nial leaders and the destruction of colonial stores at Lex- ington had precipittted the great strumle. The embatded farmers of the Bay Colony had driven Gage in disorder back into Boston where he now Uy, practically besieged, until such time as reinforcements could be forwarded him from Briuin. When these arrived the attempt was made to carry by assault the colonial position on Breed's Hill and Bunker Hill just across the harbor. The positions were taken, but with such enormous sacrifices that the colonials ri^tly claimed a moral victory. Now that hostilities had com- menced, the second Continental Congress, sitting at Phila- delphia, hastened to take over the heterogeneous force of sturdy militiamen which encircled the environs of Boston r ! a66 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA and to place Washington in command. It was, indeed, a fortunate stroke, for the gallant young Virginian was soon to prove himself a strategist of the very highest order. Energetic, shrewd, honest, and unassuming, the rare em- bodiment of a genius and a gentleman, he was destined in the next few years amply to justify the hopes reposed in him at a critical time, and to earn by his worth and services the lasting love of a grateful people. With Washington in command, the ** Continentals " at once assumed the aggressive: it was decided that if Cana- dians were not willing to be active friends, they must needs be accounted active foes. And from a purely military stand- point no impartial mind will question the soundness of this stand at the time. The situation of Quebec in British hands would allow the imintemipted despatch of reinforce- ments directly in rear of the Continental operations, and it was with full recognition of the capabilities of the Lake Champlain route — periiaps with an overestimation of its value bom of the French wars — that at the very outset an expedition was sent to eilect the seizure of Ticonden^. This usk was intrusted to an expedition commanded by Colonel Ethan Allen, who was joined by Colonel Benedict Arnold, who, failing to gain command, because of the loyalty of the troops to Allen, served bravely as a volunteer. C^le- ton's available forces in Canada were so small that no ade- quate measures of defence could be underuken, although the sagacious governor was not without full sense of the danger to which the post was exposed. Consequently, Ticonderoga (May lo, 1775) fell an easy prey, and the Continental forces, by securing possession of the ancient warpath, had accomplished an elective stroke, which was rendered the more effective by the capture of Crown Point by Captain Seth Warner on May 14th. Nor was this all. It was decided that Montreal and Quebec should be simul- taneously atucked, and to this end two important expedi- tions were made ready in the autumn of the same year. The first of these, under General Richard Montgomery, wmm CANADA DURING THE HErOLUTIONARr WAR 267 moved up to Ticonderoga, and thence along the Richelieu to Chambly and St. John's, which posts were speedily reduced. The other force, under Benedict Arnold, proceeded by way of the Kennebec and across the forest wilderness lying be- tween that stream and the St. Lawrence. This was a compuatively new route, and the experience of the expedi- tion was not such as to justify its selection, for the most severe hafiships were encountered before the force managed to reach Lake Megantic and descend the Chaudi&re to the St. Lawrence. Not alone was the route difficult in the late days of a wet autumn, but Arnold's force was ill equipped and ill provisioned. The result was that when his com- mand arrived within striking distance of Quebec, iu ranks had been considerably thinned and an immediate attack upon the post was out of all question. And as Montgomery had been making rapid headway toward Montreal it was decided to await his cooperation. In fact, the original plan had contemplated this eventuality. St. John's, on the Richelieu, which had been gairisoned by a force of nearly six hundred regulars and militiamen under Major Preston, could have delayed Montgomery's advance very considerably, but the post at Chambly in its rear was given up by its commandant. Major Stopford, almost without a struggle, thus compelling Preston to capit- ulate, as he was now invested on aU sides and without any apparent hope of relief. The way being clear, Montgomery now pushed on without delay to Montrnl, which had neither defences nor garrison capable of withstanding the twenty odd hundred men composing the Continental force. Carle- ton, who was in the city, decided to take what regulars he had and retire at once to Quebec, deeming it better to make his stand there. Montreal was at this time an ambitious city of about twelve thousand persons and there were not lacking those who wanted to make such resistance as was possible. But the French-Canadian element would guar- antee no support to any such project, and the invading expe- dition was allowed to enter the town on November 12,1 775, ' -ij 1\ I a68 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA without oppositioii of any tort. Without anilleiyf troops, or stores, the city no doubt acted wisely, especially in view of the fact that the possession of Quebec and not of Montreal was the true key to the situation. Montgomery treated the inhabitants generously enough, protecting them in the full enjoyment of their property. Leaving Wooster in command of the temporary garrison at Montreal, Mont- gomery pushed on down the river toward Quebec. From the Richelieu he had already sent down a strong detach- ment to Sorel with the intention of cutting off the retreat of Carleton and his etcort. Carleton himself, with a few personal followers, managed to elude this force, but Gen- eral Prescott and somewhat more than one hundred regulars who had accompanied him were taken prisoners. Sorel and Three Rivers were occupied without opposition and the whole disposable force was concentrated around Quebec. Both expeditions had been, however, greatly reduced in numbers: Arnold's, owing to the ravages of disease and desertions, for one whole regiment of New Englanders had deliberately returned home; Montgomery's, owing to the necessity of leaving garrisons at St. John's, Chambly, Mon- treal, Three Rivers, and Sorel. It is doubtful whether at Quebec the two leaders were able to muster more than fifteen hundred men all told. Both had counted on acces- sions ftom the population of the province, but very few rallied to the invaders' call. Moreover, owing to the nature of the routes travelled, no siege artillery had been brought. Within the city Carleton had been able to concentrate some few hundred regulars and over a thousand militiamen, both French and British, together with a detachment of marines. His preparations for the defence had been energetically underuken; all suspicious persons were thrust from within the walls and provisions laid in for at least eig^t months. Some advantage was also derived from the presence in the harbor of a small British sloop-of-war, the Hunter^ which kept the liver open. A cleverly devised system of espionage kept him constantly informed of what was going on within m \'H CANADA DURING THE RErOLUTIONARY ITAR 269 the Continental line*, so that a surprise was exceedingly diffi- cult. However, December had been reached, and both the Continental leaden determined that an assault was the only course open to them. It was decided to make the assault on New Year*fc Day and the besiegers were favored by a blinding snowstomi which rendered their approach difficult of detection. Carleton had been duly informed of the plan by a deserter, and his foi ces were on the alert. Arnold, with about six hundred men, made his wa> to the north end of the Lower Town. His troops had won their way into the city before Carleton, with a superior force, managed to surround most of the deuchment and cap red over four hundred of iu number. Arnold was severely wounded. Meanwhile, Montgomery, with a force somewhat weaker in point of numbers, essayed the more d=' cul.. task of esca- lading the cliffs at the soutliern extremity of the Lower Town; but the defenders met his atuck with coolness and Ksolution. Montgomery was killed, while his forces fell back in disorder. These two were the main atucks, the demonstration made by the rest of the Continent^ forces on the western side of the city being merely a feint. In both actions the defenders of the city had suffered very light loss, probably not more than twenty-five casualties in all, whUe the ranks of the besiegers, thrci'gh heavy losses in killed and wounded and through the surrender of part of Arnold's force, had been reduced to a few hundred. As the invaders showed no signs of abandoning their en- terprise, Carleton was urged to move out to an attack upon them, but remermbering the De L6vis episode of 1760, pursued what proved to be the wisest course in awaiting the arrival of spring and reinforcements. M«n- while, the Cor.tinentals were reduced to the sorest straits; smallpox had brok-i out in their camp and carried off troops by the dozen. Increasing difficulty was also found in procuring provisions, for the Continentals were not pro- vided with specie for the payment of supplies an'' 'nd been, since their arrival, issuing Continental paper t 'xy to 1 270 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA thf habitants. Ai the latter coon found it difficult to real- ize upon this paper, their reluctance to fumiih supplies became manifest. Nor could Arnold well venture to pro- voke, by ruthlessly commandeering supplies, the open hos- tility of the people. During February and March some slight reinforcements reached the Continental camp by way of Montreal, but this was mo.x than counterbalanced by the fact that many of the inhabitants of the province were now rallying tc Carleton's assistance. One force of these, under De Beaujeu, was with difficulty restrainef* from an attempt to raise the siege. All things considered. Major- general Thonus who had arrived to take over the command, deemed it best toward the end of April to commence a retreat, and his decision was hastened by the arrival of two British ships with reinforcements and supplies from Eng- land. Carleton now took the offensive and followed the retreating Continentals for some distance up the St. Law- rence, but the latter managed to reach Sorel without diffi- culty, whence they made their way to Crown Point, whither, in June, 1776, the garrison was also withdrawn from Mon- treal and the Richelieu posts. From every point of view the American expedition against Canada had been a failure. It had failed in its main object, that of securing Congressional control over the province and thus preventing the British nilitaiy authorities from holding a base of operations in America. It had cost the colonies a large sum at a time when their financial resources were none too abundant and had been the cause of no in- considerable loss of life. Moreover, if Congress had ever any definite hopes in the way of winning the sympathies of the people of French Canada, these had been most effectually put out of the way by the expeditions in ques- tion. The Continental garrisons provoked the hostility of the people to their cause by their undisguised want of re- spect for the Roman Catholic religion and their open con- tempt for the clergy, whom the people regarded then, as now, with the most sincere reverence. They lost the confidence ii^Ks C4NADA DURING THE REVOLUriOHARr WAR 271 of the habitants by their iwue of worthleu paper money in payment for provision*, and on numerom occasions aroused vigorous resentment by giving them illegal certificates for supplies received} certificates which the quartermaster- general of the forces refused to recogniaw. And finally, the results of the expeditions convinced the haUtantt that the offensive strength of the Continental force* had been much overestimated. Denuded of troops and poorly sup- ported by the people, Carleton had been able to hold the province against a seemingly irresistible force. Now that reinforcements from Great Britain were arriving in lai^ numbers and plans for a spirited invasion of the colonies themselves by way of Lake Champlain were being gotten under way, it was easier to induce the haUtants to discard their neutrality for active support o.' the authorities. Writers on the history of Canada have too ofte. allowed their sympathies to get the better of their desire for histori- cal accuracy in dealing with the attitude of the baUtanU during the perilous days of i775-»776. To say that the French-Canadians loyally supported the authorities in their difficult task of defending the province is to assert what is abundantly refuted by indispuuble evidence. Carleton's earliest efcrts to enrol militiamen in the purely French settle- mentt were failunrs} his commissioners were treated with insolence in several instances. Saguinet, in his Atmurts^ records that in on.; settlement the women received them with a well-directed volley of stones. Nor were the governor's successive attemptt to draft recruits under the provisions of the seigniorial system attended with succeu. The seigniors throi^cut the province were appealed to in the hope that they wouldl rsUy their eeniitains as in the days of the old regime. Many of them, fearing tl at Continenttl pouession of the province would bring no good to their seigniorial pr^ tensions, promptly responded, but there arose diificulties of all kinds when they came to call out their tenants. These urged that the obligation of military service had ceased with the cessation of French dominion, and that they were now ! 273 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA tl II' »<1 m no longer liable to it. A few who ventured to compel service were roughly handled by their ctnsitairts and compelled to take refuge with the authorities. In spite of the most vigorous efforts on the part of the governor and his friends, the num- ber of militiamen secured for the defence of St. John's was considerably less than a hundred in all, diiFerent parishes contributing only from two to a half-dozen men apiece. In his extremity, Carleton had recourse to the assistance of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and not without response } for Bishop Briand issued a mandate during the summer of 1775, ex- horting the people in earnest terms to rally to the defence of their territories. But although this mandate was read v all the churches of the province, and in many cases vigor- ously supported with sermons by the parish cures, it had little eflFect in producing a change of attitude. The fact was that the habitant felt no particular interest in the British possession of his province; if the Continentals should interfere with their existing privileges, opposition might be expeaed, but this the habitant felt assureid would not ensue. In the meantime, it was not his duty to engage in the dangerous occupation of pulling British chestnuts out of the fire. But after the failure of the Montgomery-Arnold incursions there was a noticeable change of attitude, for reasons already given. This change came, however, after the crisis was past, hence it was shorn of that advanuge which its earlier occurrence might have produced. That the province was preserved to Britain was due, in the first place, to the natural strategic advantages which the country possessed in a winter campaign. But, next to this, the credit must be given to Governor Carleton, whose indomitable energy and perseverance under the most dis- couraging conditions aroused and nuintained an enthusiasm among his scant forces which did much to secure the actual outcome. It was in full recognition of this that the crown conferred upon him the honor of knighthood. After the evacuation of Canada, — ^June 18, 1776^— the control of the Lake Champlain region secured the Letter of Benedict Amold, dated November 18, I77S> "Tothe in- habitants of" Point Levi." From the original in the Chattau de Ramexay, Montreal. f |l! I CJUIdDJI DUUMO m HirOLUTJOMMr WM 173 Conttmnttls for the ttnt beiiw fiom the poMibUitjr of MitUen tttack oa the pert of anjr expention opetattng from the north. Congren, dwrtly eftmrard, hitd dnwn up end aMented to the Decbration of Iiidepciidence on July 4f »776' ''**»« Contincnttl nep of BoMon had become to rigorouf that the British were obliged to evacuate the city and move off to Halifiuc. But thia move turned out to be but preliminary to a more important ttroke«— the poaaetiion of New York. Boeton, u both tides fully recognised, had little stiategic value as compared with New York,for the bmer commanded one extremity of the Hudaoni and the ponesuMi of the Hudson from mouth to source by the British forces, could dttt be achieved, would have split the colmues asunder and prevented two important sections from assisting each other. The whde fdurce under Lcrd Howe then proceeded, in the summer of 1776, to Long Island, where Washington's re- sources did not permit him to oficr any tan^ble opposition to their Unding. By a clever nig^t march the Continental positions on the isbuid were outflanked, and Howe in a few days found himself in possession of the city, Washington withdrawing up the river, whence he was |»omptly dislodged and Knt in full retreat down through New Jersey and across the Delaware, with Howe in full punuit. But the shrewd Virginian wu not to be brousht to bay. Outgeneralling Comwallis, who was Howe's ablest subordinate, at Trenton and Princeton, Washington mani^ed to recross the Dela- ware and gain Morristown Heig^, a ca|Htal position for winter quarters and one that was within striking distance of the Hudson. Althou^ by these operations the British had secured one end of the Hudnn line. Sir Guy Carieton, to whom had been intrusted the task of securing the upper end at Lake Champlain, had not been so fortunate. A fleet had been equipped for operation un Lake Champlain, and the mas- tery of its waters was secured, whereupon the Colonials blew up Crown Point and concentrated their forces at Ticondonga. It was the intention of the home authorities M •74 C4N4D4 AND BRlTttH NOMTH JMMtCJ that Carieton should Mcure poMnsion of this fon, but the delays he encountered in driving the Continentals from the lake rendered it impossible for him to attempt this before winter had set in. For this, Carieton was not altogether to blame. His task was a difficult one, and his resources in the wajr of troops were not so adequate as they might have been. Still, on Carleton's shoulders fell the brunt of official displeasure) and it was decided thtt he should be superseded by General Burgovne, who had assisted him during the disappointing operations. Very pre Tly regard- ing this as an injustice, Carieton asked to be t^.teved of his military command, a request which was promptly ac- ceded to by the military authorities. In view of Sir Guy Carleton's valuable services in the defence of the province, this treatment was fiu* from generous. That he had not made the very most of his opportunities in the operations around Lake Champlain nuy bie readilv enou^ admitted, but if every British general who operated in the Revolutionary War had been peremptorily superseded on the first mani- fesution of inability or disability, there would have been a kaleidoscopic shifting of commands such as the historian would have found it difficult to follow. The plan of campaign nnapped out for 1777 was an ambitious one, having for its objective the possession of the whole Hudson valley from Lake Champlain to the sea. To this end, Burgoynr,with a force of over three thousand men, was to descend the lake, capture Ticonderoga and proceed southward to the Hudson and Albany. A force under St. Leger was to cross from Oswego along the Mo- hawk valley and effect a junction with Burgoyne at Albany j while from New York, Howe was to send an expedition up the river to the same point. Thus was the Hudson to **. f'y*?* ^y *'** ^^i** converging expeditions. Abundant criticism has been heaped on this plan, h had its main defect, no doubt, in that it failed to reckon w?rh the difficulty of mainuining communication between converging forces operaring in a country where the popularion was thoroughly V ClNdDd DUMHO THM UrOLUTiONJUr WAk t^l hoMile. But that this diflcuky is not an insupcraMt mm, the doughty old victor of Sadowa and Sedan uibMqucatljr demonttrated in a convincing manner. The chief cause of its failure it to be found not to much in the conception of the plan, as in the neglect of Howe to carry out hit part of it properly, and this again was diw, in the main, to pp'pabk blundering of those in authority at home. Setting out in July, Burgovne made rapid headway i by a clever stroke a strong position near Ticonderoga was seised, and the Cmiti- nental garrison evacuated the stronghold without dehy and fell backtoward Albany. Burgoyne descended the lake un- opposed, but when he headed overiand toward Albany his dificulties beg»n to assume formidable proportions. A heavy bagpige train delayed his movements, whUe his flanks bepui tobeseverely harassed by gathering Colonials. To protect his left flank he detached a strong force of Hessians under Baum,but these were neatly entrapped at Bennington, August i6, 1777. On his front he was opposed by General Gates, who was periups the least competent commander whom the Continentals possessed, and who, for political reasons, had been substituted for Schuyler. But Gates's incompetence was amply compensated for by the brilliancy of his subor- dinates, among whom Benedict Arnold was not the least prominent. Unable to protect either his flanks or his rear, — for the mobile Continentals had intercepted his communica- tions with Ticonderoga, — Burgoyne essayed to push through by sheer force to Albany. But he failed absolutely to pierce the Continental positions t Freeman's Farm, and, unable to fall back was forced tc surrender to the enemy, who now outnumbered him at least three to one. By the Con- vention of Saratoga (October 16, 1777) his vhole force became prisoners of war, and the Continentals remained in full possession of the upper Hudson. St. Leger had en- countered opposition which prevented his getting through the Mohawk valley and was forced to retire on Oswego. Howe, at New York, feeling from Burgoyne's early suc- cesses that his progress through to Albany was assured, set "(j 276 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA off with the bulk of his force to effisct the capture of Phila- delphia, then the colonial capital, leaving Clinton to secure the lower Hudson. Clinton sent a belated expedition up the river only to learn that the surrender of Burgoyne's force had already become a matter of history. In his campaign against Philadelphia, Howe was more or less successful. Wash- it^on was atucked near Brandywine Creek, and chieHy through a brilliant flank movement, executed by Comwallis, — the only British officer during the war who came within even measurable distance of Washington as a tactician, was driven back and forced through Germantown to win- ter quarters at VaUey Forge. Philadelphia was occupied (September 27, 1777) amid much enthusiasm. But to little end. Apart from the sentimental advantage accruing from the capture of the enemy's capital, its possession gave much worry and little gain. Consequently, when Howe, weary of the carpings of those at home, who, not without some justice, held him responsible for the disaster at Saratoga, gave up his command to Clinton, the latter recognized the advisability of an immediate evacuation of Philadelphia and a retirement on New York. And this Clinton managed to accomplish in the summer of 1778 with considerable difficulty. There is little doubt that had Washington been properly served by these immediately under him, the iwire- ment might have resulted very disastrously for the British force. The year 1778 likewise saw the introduction of a new phase of the conflict. France, which up to this time, had maintained an outward n wtrality, — running as near the line of open rupture as was possible,— now became an open ally of the revolted colonies, this action being one of the results of the surrender at Saratoga. And from this point until the end of the war the assistance of Fiance, especially at sea, was of inestimable value to the Continental cause. It was the temporary control of the Atlantic seaboard in the south by the French fleet which enabled Washington to make his memorable sweep from the Hudson to the H CANADA DURING THE RSrOLUTIONARr WAR lyj James, and thus to entrap Cornwallis at Yorktown; for Britain the crowning disaster of the whole war. It was felt in some quarters that the entry of France into the strug- gle would be a decisive fitctor in influencing the French population of Canada to make common cause with the vic- torious Continentals. Had France sided with the colonists at the outset of the conflict, this outcome would not have been impossible or even improbable. For the habitant had lost little of his old sympathies in the decade and a half which had passed since the Jleur-de-lis left the walls of Quebec. But as far as Canada was concerned, the crisis had been passed when the remnants of the Arnold-Montgomery ex- peditions withdrew within the ramparts of Crown Point : the entry of France into the struggle at this late date produced little effect on the people of the province. The dangers of 1 775-1 776 had so fully burdened the energies of the authorities that little opportunity was given for that political reorganization for which the Quebec Act of 1774 had provided. And it was the spring of 1777 before the first sitting of the new L^slative Council pro- vided by the Act was held. Its first duties consisted mainly in reorganizing the judicial system of the country, for the revival of the old French Civil Code had rendered this necessary. The ^stem of courts was remodelled and provision oude that in every case of importance, an appeal might be made to the Legislative Council or a committee of not less than five of its number appointed, if necessary, to try the cause. The greatest difficulty was, however, found in making matters run smoothly. Naturally enough, the judges chosen were of British descent, for the authori- ties codd as yet hardly be expected to intrust the whole administration of civil justice to others. And Britons on the bench soon became hopelessly lost in the intricacies of the French system. It was at this point, too, that the province was deprived of Carieton's guiding hand; his successor being General Frederick Haldimand. Haldimand was a Swiss by birth. •
  • Iutionary War, and after some dilatoriness had taken side with the Loyalists. The statement of American bia- torians is to the effect that he waited until 1778 to see how the fortunes of war woul<* jo before making bis decision ( but at any rate be found himself at the close of the war compelled to leave the cdonies. Returning to England he formed a friendship with Carleton, who now, apparently, recommended him for the post of chief justice. Smith had high ideas of the supremacy of English law, with the result that some of his decisions considerably disturbed the pre- vailing legal ideas. In fact, the legal system of the country, even before his arrival, was far from being satisfactory, for the lines which soi^^ to delimit the respective sphnes of English and French law were very vaguely drawn. The judges followed one or the other system as the equity iH CANdDd dND BUTttH HOUTH 4MBUCA ofthecawMemedtowamiit. Smith't attitude in no drnw mitigated thia, and then waa an incnaaing compfaunt^MB all tides. The attomejr-Mneral, Monk, lent his assistance to those who complained most loudljr, and Oiief Justice SmiUi was commissioned to conduct an inquiry into the administration of justice with a view to recommending im- provement. A great deal of contradictory testimony was hnrd in which diiivrent witneMes attacked the character and conduct of some of the judges. That the existing •yttem was more or less unsatisftctonr was abundantly proved) how much more or how much less was not so clearly shown. As might have been expected, the investi- gation led to no result} the authorities were proMtly well advised in letting matters alone, for anything short of a com- plete reonanization of the whole system would have availed little. Monk's action in championing the cause of discon- tent found little favor with the authorities, and he was dis- missed from office as having taken an attitude inconsistent with his position as a law officer of the crown. Under thr inspiration of Dorchester an investiption was undertaken of the sttte of education in the province, and an endeavor was made to devise some plan for the establish- ment of a college as well as for the improvement of the secondary schools. These latter were at the time exceed- ingly few and poorly equipped. The Jesuits had ceased teaching and there was hardly a regular schooi in the whole province. As a result, in 1 790, an act was proposed assessing each parish for the support of free schools. It was suggested that the «* Jesuits' Estates" lands might be utilized for the endowment of a college, but so many diffi- culties were encountered in this direction that the proposal was abandoned. Likewise the proposal to tax the parishes came to nothing owing to the strong opposition encountered in all parts of the province. This commendable attempt to furnish the rising generation with the opponunities of at l«8t an elemenury education found itself opposed by the hierarchy as well as the laymen of the colmiy. coMimrunoMJi ooriMMUUt 1774^79' ai9 During the adminiMratioii of Dorchnttr, one auijr met the beginnings of the effective agitation for the abdition of the tyeum of seigniorial tenure. During the quarter of a century or more which had elapsed since the conquest^ it had become abundantly evident that the old system of land tenure was retarding tlie development of the province. A committee of the Council took the matter up, and, after in- vestigation, reported in fiivor of the substitution for the dd tenure the British system of tenure in free and comoKm socage. No such change could, however, be cActcd with- out the consent of the home government, and this the Council proposed to ask. But a very vigorous opposition was at once encountered from the seigniors, who believed that the change would lessen the incomes firmn their lands. It was represented to them that the impetus to cobnixation which would follow the adoption of the new syttem would speedily result in increasing the value of their luids, but to little avail : the opposition of the seigniors was a united one, and the proposal wu temporarily dropped, but only to be renewed from time to time until iu final adoption in 1854. Ever since the passing of the Quebec Act, there had beat a movement for the estiUilishment of a House of Assembly. This had been fostered almost exclusively by the En^sh- speaking section of the population, for it was firmly believed by them that, although they consrituted a minority of the provincial population, the exclusion of Roman Catholics or the apportionment of members among the towns to a larger proportion than populaticm warranted would result in pving them control of any representative body that mig^t be es- ublished. Those interested in the prt^taganda employed as their agent in England Mr. Lymbumer, a Quebec mer- chant of considerable ability and influence, who was amply provided with petitions numerously signed and asking for such change in the Quebec Act as woiUd put an end to the legal chaos then existent as weO as pve the people, through their representatives, a share in l^slation. Liken^, there was a movement among the western or Loyalist settlements. ■■ 290 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA ?i These had developed steadily in point of population, and now began to show a strong desire for a more suiuble sys- tem of government. A considerable portion of this popu- lation desired that the western settlements should be grouped into a separate province with a distinct administration, thus freeing the English-speaking people of the west from the necessity of taking into consideration the desires of the French-Canadians on every matter of importance. As early as 1789, the home authorities had given the matter of reconstructing the Canadian Constitution con- siderable attention, and had asked Dorchester to report his opinions as to the form which this should take. Dorchester expressed his views with great moderation : it was his belief that no drastic changes should be made; that gradual im- provements both in the legal and political systems would effect the best result in the end. To the esublishment of a provincial administration with an elective Assembly in the western districu h? was opposed, declaring that such a meas- ure would be premature; nevertheless, he did recommend that a lieutenant-governor should be named to assist him in the administration of this section of the colony. The home authorities, despite this report, decided that the results to be gained fh>m a separation of die colony into two provinces were greater than Dorchester seemed to suppose, and a de- cision to this efiect was accordingly made late in the year. At once arose difficulties regarding the delimitation of boun- daries. The British authorities had not yet surrendered to the government of the United States those frontier posts which, in accordance with the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles, were to have been handed over to the new re- public. The reason for this retention was, as is well known, the allegation on the part of the Britidi auth jrities that Congress had not fulfilled several stipulations which the treaty contained. Now the question arose whether, in the delimiution of boundaries for the new western province, the territories in which those frontier posts were situated should be included or excluded. If the former, the United a i CONSTlTUnOf/JL GOrSRHMENT, 1774-1791 291 Sutes would undoubtedly take reasonable umbrage at an action which, on the face of it, purported to make a per- manent disposition of the lands and posts in question by incorporating them into a new province; if the ktter, the s^iicments in question would be left without administration and thci: :ontrol virtually disclaimed. In consequence, it was declied not to attempt any definite description of the western boundaries at all. Having decided upon the sepa- ;■*.:!!- r if the colony into two provinces, to be known. as Lower Canada and Upper Guiada respectively, the home government went exhaustively into the question of the most suiuble form of ;R>vemment for each. Chief Justice Smith, at the request of Lord Dorchester, submitted his views, in the course of which, it is of interest to note, he foreshad- owed the ultimate disposal of the whole Canadian question in a general confederation of all the provinces. His scheme contemplated the retention of a governor-general as chief executive head of all the provinces; the establishment of a general Legislative Council, the members of which should be appointed and hold office for life, together with a Legis- lative Assembly composed of delegates elected by the As- semblies of all 'he provinces. This proposal, while rightly considered impracticable at the time, distinctly outlined the main features of that confederation which it took more than another three-quarters of a century to accomplish. Having decided to separate the provinces and to give to each an elective Assembly, the ministry introduced, during the session of 1 791, a bill embodying these principles. The responsibility for the drafting of the measure lay chiefly with Pitt who was thoroughly in sympathy with the pro- posal to make the government of the colonies more repie- senutive in its nature. Doubtless the outbreak of the French Revolution and the fe iing that the influence of this democratic upheaval would manifest itself among the French of Lower Canada in the form of a growing republican sen- timent had some influence upon the attitude of the ministry. When the measure was introduced, Mr. Lymbumer, who Mil iiaMfaiAibiUBiibi giUjI I 11 292 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA represented the English minority in Lower Canada, appeared to oppose it. Those whom he represented were only anx- ious for a representative Assembly provided it were consti- tuted on such a basis as would prevent any domination of the House by the French element. The separation of the prov- inces, together with the free admission ot Roman Catholics to the franchise and to membership in the House, as con- templated by the biU, tc^ether with the absence of any pro- vision giving additional members to the urban districts where the English-speaking element predominated — a fea- ture which Lymburner had strongly urged — all this served to effect a sudden vtlttfaa in the attitude of those who had most loudly clamored for representative government before the deuils of the measure became known. What Mr. Lym- burner now desired on behalf of the English-speaking popu- lation of Lower Canada was the total repeal of the Quebec Act of 1774; the continued union of the colony in one province; the establishment of a representative House of Assembly; the use of English common law in all criminal and civil cases with the exception of those which concerned land tenure, dower, and inheritance; the full recognition of the hahtas corpus procedure and of the right to jury trials in civil cases. He was willing to concede the right of Roman Catholics to seats in the House of Assembly, but only on condition that the French predominance which this would ordinarily ensure, should be guarded against in the distribution of seats. But the ministry was determined that there should be no open mockery of representative government, and Mr. Lymbumer's arguments carried little weight, although he claimed to represent the views of '^the most respecuble and intelligent of the French-Canadian majority, as well as the English-speaking minority"; a claim it must be said, which contemporary evidence proves to have had little basis in fact. The debate on the bill was a long one and was marked by some bitterness. In the annals of British parliamentary history it is notable as having been the immediate cause CONSTITUTIONAL GOrBRNMBNT, 1774-1791 293 of the memorable quarrel between Edmund Burke and Charles James Fox. The two had been intimate political and personal friends. But assuming different attitudes toward the revolutionary upheaval in France they quickly became estranged. During the course of the debate on the bill Fox took the ground tlut its provisions did not go suffi- ciently far in giving the colonisu absolute control over their legislative and executive affiurs. What he desired was that the new governmental organizations of the Canadian prov- inces should be exact reproductions, in miniature, of that provided by the British Constitution itself. To give them such was the alleged purpose of the ministry, but as Fox pointed out, the fact that the Legislarive Council was not an elective body, would, in time, bring it into conflict with the representative body. Subsequent history amply verified Fox's statements. Simiklv, he opposed the separation of the provinces on the ground that this would tend to accen- tuate the division between the two races, whereas a close unity would encourage assimilation. Burke supported the bill as a conservative measure, but his speeches dealt little with its provisions. Rather he used the opportunity for one of his memorable onslau^its upon the state of affiun in Fnuux and the danger which attended concessions to the cause of republicanism. The debate drew forth from the eminent oraton some bitter personal asperities, and created a breach between Burke and Fox, which, during the remaindo* of thm lives, was never wholly closed. By a consideiabk majority the bill passed the House of Commons, and, despite a strong opposition in the House of Lords, became kw, going into force as the new consttturion of the two Can- adas on the 26th day of December, 1791. This Act, officially known as the Canada Act, but more commonly called the Constitutional Act of 179 1, repealed such parts of the Quebec Act as were inconsistent with its provisions. The division of the provinces was provided for with provisional boundaries outlined, the names Lower and UppCT Canada being officially given to the older and 294 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA newer tections respectively. Provision was nude for the vesting of executive power in each province in the hands of a governor nominated by the crown and assisted by a similarly nominated executive Council or Cabinet. Legisla- tive power was vested, in the first instance, in the hands of a L^slative Council and an Assembly in each province. The members of the former were to be appointed by the crown, to hold office for life, and were to be in Lower Canada not less than fifteen in number; in Upper Canada, not less than seven. The Speaker, or presiding officer, of this Council was to be named by the governor on behalf of the sovereign. Members of the Assembly, on the other hand, were to be eleaed by the people of the respective provinces from electoral districts which the governor of «ch province was empowered to delimit. The fnmchise for voters in rural districts was extended to all owners of land (either in freehold or in feudal tenure) to the value of forty shillings per year over and above chaiges on such holding; in the towns the qualification was lued at five pounds sterling in the case of freeholders, and ten pounds sterhng per annum in die case of leaseholders. The total number of members m the Assembly of Upper Canada was to be not less than sixteen, and in Lower Canada not less than fifty, and in all cases a plurality of votes was to be deemed sufficient for election. No person was to be allowed to be a member of both Council and Assembly at the same time, whUe no clergyman was to be eligible for election to the Assembly of either province. The assemblymen were to be elected to serve four years; were to be convoked in session at least once each year, but the House might be prorogued or dissolved at the pleasure of the royal repre- sentative. The two Houses were given equal shares in l^slation; the governor being given power to giant or withhold the royal assent to all bills passed by them or to reserve such as he might deem necessaiy for review by the home authorities. The hitter were, likewise, to re- ceive copies of all bills assented to, and mi^t disallow any CONSnrUTIONJL GOrBRNMENT, 1774-179/ 295 of them within the space of two yean. Provision was made for tlw setting apart, in each province, of a considerable proportion of the ungranted crown lands, to be later used for the support and maintenance of a Protestant clergy. This allotment was to equal one-seventh of all the lands already granted or to be thereafter granted. It was further provided that the crown might make regulations and issue instructions to the governors as to the manner of applying these lands for the purpose named, and likewise that the legislatures in each province might vary any provision in relation to the application of the lands for purposes of en- dowments, but only with the royal consent which was not to be granted in oppositicm to the will of either House of the provincial legislatures. It was these provisions which gave rise to the long controversy known in Upper Canada as the question of the Clergy Reserves— a controversy which did much to accentuate political differences and to increase existing bitterness. Peculiarly enou^ the British Pariia- ment reserved to itself the right of r^ulating, by the impo- sition of duties or otherwise, all trade and commerce to be carried on between the two provinces or between either of them and other British dominions or with foreign lands, but the net proceeds of all duties so imposed were to be placed at the disposal of the legislatures in the respective provinces, to be applied to public expenditure as they might see fit. Such were the provisions under which the government of the two provinces was carried on for a full half century. That the Act went a considerable way in the direction of increased colonial autonomy wiU not be denied, but in giving equality of legislative power to elective and ap- pointive Houses it opened the way for rivalry and dead- locks. It has now become a truism that in Ang^o-5axon countries, at any rate, a represenutive House will insist on its own supremacy over a non-representative body. Fox distinctly pointed out this feature at the time, but his warn- ings went unheeded. It took the turmoils of a rebellion in Hlilll h 396 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA both provincet to convince the home authorities that Cana- dians demanded a system which embodied not alone the letter but the spirit of the British Constitution ; to secure the full rec<^ition of the responsibility of all branches of the administration to that branch which represented the popular will. ■HHtaUKIi CHAPTER X!n THE ITJR OF t8ta-i8is In the course of the Revolutionary War, Canada had been made to suffer severely for no other reason than that she had refused to follow the lead of the British colonies to the south in a quarrel with the mother country. The colony^— or rather the disunited provinces^ — ^were now to be called upon to undergo much the same experience as a further price of British connection. In the evolution of those causes of friction which finally led to open breach between Great Britain and the United States of America the Canadian provinces had little or no part. The quarrel was decidedly not of their seeking; as was apparent to every Canadian, a struggle with the rising republic was certain to be pregnant with danger and barren of any conceivable ad- vantage. That a population of a quarter of a million could prove capable of defending itself against an attacking population twenty-five times its numerical strength was not to be hoped. Skill, the outbreak found the Canadas fiur from cowering. They viewed the opening conflict with regret, but once compdlled to defend thieir territories, under- took the task resolutely, perseverin^y, and with enduring credit. There is no chapter in their history which Cana- dians may read with more quiet satisfiiction than the annals of the gdlant campaigns of defence waged by their fore- fiuhers in the War of 1812-1815. To understand properiy the chain of causes which led to this An^o-American rupture, one must trace the sequence «97 i U 398 CANADA AND BRJTISH NORTH AMMKICA of great evenu in Europeui hittory since the Fiench Revo> lution. The Bourbons had been swept from the throne of France, and a quasi-republic had been esublished. Suc- cessful opposition to a monarchical system in itself formed a bMis of friendship between post-revolutionaiy Fiance and the United States, and American sympathies were strongly with the new r^me. And the same was true, though perhaps to a less decisive extent, of certain classes in Great Briuin and in the other countries of Europe. But the new French republicanism was of that aggressive type which, while freely admitting the inalienable rig^t of a people to choose their own political system, leaves nothing undone to mould the choice in a republican direction. An attempt to conduct a republican propaganda in the monarchical sutet of Europe soon led the new French republic into hostilities with those states; an unequal contest in which the former showed a regenerated vigor as unlooked for as it was effec- tive. Strength and efficient organization without, chaos and weakness within, were the features which marked France as an anomaly among states till the rise into political power through channels of miliury brilliancy, of Napoleon Bonaparte, first as Consul and later as Emperor, gave France her first relief from internal anarchy and political disorganization throu^ the establishment of an imperial system which was more thoroughly centralized than that of the Bourbons had been even in the days of Louis Quatorze. From these military struggles Great Britain had not been exempt. As early as 1 793 she had jdned the foes of France on the continent and had aided them liberally with both men and subsidies. *^iit the genius of Napoleon proved more than a match for the numerical superiority of his enemies and the successive victories of Marengo, Auster- litz, Ulm, and Jena laid practically the whole of Western Europe at his feet. Britain was forced to take refuge behind her twenty miles of Channel and it was only the victory of Nelson at Trafidgar which saved her the neces- sity of ftcing the conqueror on her own shores. Foiled in ■■1 THE WAR or ttt»-t8is 299 hit plant to cruth Bridth oppotition bjr diract milhtry prettuic, Boiupute had retort to another method. Believ- ing, at dkl mott Frenchmen of hit day, that in the foreign commerce of Great Britain lay her tok ttrength, he e»> tayed to ruin thia trade. Fluthed with hit victory over Pruttia at Jena he itsued from the Pruttian capital in 1806 hit famout ** Berlin Decreet" detigned efiectually to force the "nation of thopkeepert " to hit termt. In the mun thete decreet forbade the tale of Britith goodt in any part of Europe then tubject to French control or tuserainty. Commercially, Great Britain wat to be itolated effectively from the rett of Europe. The Britith authoritiet promptly ittued their retaliatory Ordert in Council forbidding aU neutral Statet to trade with France or her alliea except by way of Britith portt, and atterting the right and intention of Britith naval foreet to enforce thit dictum. In reti- n Napoleon bombarded Britain with hit ** Milan Decivet," ordering the dettruction of all goodt of Britith manufacture wherever found; an action to which the Britith authoritiet replied by the ittue of a further teriet of commercial pro- tcriptiont. To Great Britain thit paper blockade wat by no msant a commercial frtality. Her naval tuperiority, and the urgent demand for her goodt abroad, enabled her to evade the Napoleonic injunctiont wiA more or lett facility. That Napoleon himtelf winked at wholetak evationt it thown by the ftct that hit Ul-ttarred expedition to Motcow in 1 81 2 wat clad in greatcoau which were the producu of Britith loomt. But againtt neutral Sutet thete commercial recriminationt operated teverely and in thit regard the United Statet wat perhapt the chief tuSerer. At the latter wat the only great carrying ttate which had not at yet ranged ittelf on the tide of either antagonitt, the United Statet looked with reaton to the free enjoyment to itt own profit of thote advanti^ which accrue to a neutral carrier in time of vu. But it found that Napoleonic decreet and Britith retaliatory meaturet had efiectually prevented any- thing of the kind. If an American vettel tought to cany a r Mli if i' 300 CdNJDJi AND BRITISH NORTH JMiRlCJ goods direct to the pom of France or her alliet, then die WM liable to teixure by the British cnitsen pstroUing the Channel and adjoining teas. If, on the other hand, she ■ought to carry on trade with those ports by way of Great Britain she was rendered liable to seizure by the French authorities upon arrival at her destinuion. The American authorities protested in vain both at Tendon and Paris ^nst the prohibitive nmsurest but as the young republic was not yet willing to undertake the task of teaching the proper duties of belligerents toward neutrals to both France and Great Britain, and as neither seemed to deserve chastisement m this r^g;srd more than the other, the American authorities were obligsd to content them- selves with the passing, in 1807, of the Embargo Act, for- bidding American vessels from trading directly or indirectly to any foreign port. This was a drastic stroke, the brunt of which fell upon the American carrier himself, and it was accepted by the Americans with no very good grace as the price of their weakness. Shortly afterward the Embargo Act was repealed in fiivor of a Non-Intercourse Act, which prohibited American vessels from trading with France or Great Britain, but allowed trade with the rest of Europe. This Aa, likewise, provided that the prohibition would be raised as against whichever of these two sutcs would agree not to molest American shipping. France in due course took advantage of this ofier, but by no means carried out her share of the bargain, and this was made by Great Britain the ground of a refusal to accede. The re»ult was, therefore, an increased estrangement of the British and American governments. Then there was the question of the right of search. Owing to a multitude of causes, de- sertions from the British navy were frequent, and the naval authorities, finding it difficult to keep the naval force up to itt proper war footing, had resort at various times to the practice of searching foreign vessels in British ports and on the high seas in quest of these runaways. Again, under the stress of war it was found necessary to order the impressment THE WM or tMt»-tiis 301 of tailon frmn the Brititli nwrcintile maiinc in order to nwn the naval vetaels, and for this purpoae the pnmging frequently gathered hatchet of Mtion in the variout teapom and ot of the ground, the American force under General Pike succeeded in reaching to within two hundred yards of the second line of defences. At this point the nugazine was exploded and the invading column was almost destroyed, two hundred of iu number being killed or wounded, in- cluding the famous explorer-general, who died within a few hours of the explosion. But the fort was gained by the Americans, and Sheafle retreated toward Kingston with the loss of some three hundred in prisoners. The public buildings of the place were burned, and the main force pro- ceeded westward to attack Fort George near the mouth of the Niagara. Sheafle had to bear the onus of blame for the disaster, and was removed from the command in fiivor of General De Rottenberg. While the place was doubtless untenable, the displaced general was not entirely guiltless of that lamenuble lack of preparation which made it so. General Vincent, who commanded the garrison of about one m tHS WAR OF iSi»-i8ts 307 thousand men then in Fort George, held out till scarcity of ammunition and increasing reinforcements on the side of the besiegers forced him to evacuate the post on May 27th and retire to a defensible position on Buriington Heights. This important success gave the Americans complete possession of the whole Niagara frontier. Settling himself in the new position. Dearborn sent a force of nearly four thousand men to pursue Vincent and to drive him from Burlington Heights. Had Vincent awaited his arrival, disaster would probably have befallen the disheartened and ill-equipped British force. So it was decided to attempt a night attack upon the advan- cing Americans, and this exploit was intrusted to Colonel Harvey with a picked force of seven hundred men. After a night march, conducted in absolute secrecy, Harvey fell upon the republican forces in camp near Stony Creek, and on June 5th administered a severe defeat, causing them to retire hurriedly and allowing Vincent again to assume the offensive. Detachments were thrown out to watch further movements from Fort George, one of these, under Lieuten- ant Fitz^bbon, being stationed at Beaver Dams, near the present site of Thordld. Dearborn sent out a force of some six hundred men under Major Boerstler to effect its surprise and capture; but Fitzgibbon received timely warning of his advance, through the heroism of Mrs. Laura Secord, the daughter of a United Empire Loyalist, who undertook the perilous and difficult tramp of twenty miles from Queenston to Beaver Dams to put him on his guard. Fitzgibbon's Indians suggested an ambush, which was quickly prepared; and although Boerstler had not been forgetful of due pre- cautions, he found himself surrounded and compelled to surrender to a force numbering less than half his own. By these two unexpected successes Vincent was able to confine his opponents to Fort Geoi^; in fact. Dearborn fully ex- pected Vincent to attempt its recapture. But in other parts the American arms had been more fiivored by fortune. A British flotilla setting out from Kingston, under Commodore Yeo, attempted the capture iiliillilitiifllHi aHUMMilUi ,» 3o8 CANADA ASD BlilTISH NORTH AMERICA of the American c tval baae vt Sackett't Harbor, but was repulsed with considerdbic loss, although not before it had inflicted damage to the for dRr. if \otin and stores. On Lake Erie, Commodore Perry commanding the American squad- ron, on September I9di succeeded in destroying, after a desperate conflict. Captain Barclay's flotilla of six British vessels, thus securing undisputed mastery of Lake Erie. The main importance of this success lay, however, in the fact that it tendered it dangerous for Proctor longer to attempt to hold Detroit and Amherstburg. At any rate, Proctor thought so, although on this point Tecumseh held a different view. However, the ktter was persuaded to acquiesce, and, the fortifications at both points having been destroyed, the force set out to effect a junction with Vincent in the Niagara peninsula. The distance was somewhat over one hundred and eighty miles. It was late in September when Proctor moved eastward, heavily en- cumbered by a large baggage train, which resulted in his being able to march only nine or ten miles a day. The colonel probably thought he would not be pursued for he neglected the precaution of burning the bridjges in his rear. But Harrison did not propose to allow him to escape with such facility and set off in pursuit with a flying column of nearly four thousand troops. At Moraviantown, on the Thames, Proctor found himself overtaken, and, on Octo- ber sth, compelled to give battle. In the early stages of the fight Proctor himself took to flight with an alacrity which stands in marked contrast with his dilatory movements of the preceding days, leaving Tecumseh to continue the unequal combat. The result was decisive in favor of the invading force: the British and Indian column was annihilated and the gallant Tecumseh met his end. With a small force of stragglers Proctor made his way to join Vincent. The expected approach of Harrison induced Vincent to betake himself once more to his position on Burlington Heights, leaving all the western and Niagara peninsulas in American hands. But Harrison did not advance further, and with ,t,g^s^mmm UllliiiEaailliataHl ^^■■M THE WAR OF iSn^/Sij 309 the approach of winter the force* at Fort George recroued the river, not, however, before Genend McClure, who was in command of the Niagara frontier, had burned the Canadian viUage of Niagara and turned the homeless inhabitants out into the snow. For this wanton act. General Drummond, arriving at the frontier, efiected an equally cruel retaliation in the burning of undefended villages on the American shore. But to turn to the army of the north. The strategy of its operations contemplated a twofold attack on Montreal. The first expedition under General Wilkinson, proceeded from Sackett's Harbor about the middle of October and embarking on vessels and bateaux, descended the St. Law- rence; while the second, under Hampton, was to march from Plattsburg across to the Chateauguay and follow that stream to the St. Lawrence, there effecting a junction with Wilkinson's force for the atuck on Montreal. But both commanders met with difficulties which upset their calcula- tions. Wilkinson in his progress down the St. Lawrence found himself so harassed by a force of Canadians pro- ceeding concurrently along the north shore that he landed part of his force a short distance below Fort Wellington, the present site of Prescott, to disperse them. These latter, however, took up a position at Chrysler's farm in what is now the township of Williamsburg, and under Colonels Morrison and Harvey repulsed the Americans, forcing them to their boats with severe loss. Meanwhile, news reached Wilkinson that all had not gone well with his col- league in arms, Hampton. During the preceding winter the American forces had equipped a small flotilla of gun- boats on Lake Champlain, but during the early summer these were lost during an abortive atuck on the British post at lle-aux-Noix, on June 5, 1813; while an expedition from the latter carried the war into the enemy's territory by capturing Plattsburg on July 31st, and destroying tlw barracks and stores at that point. Thus, Hampton en- countered unexpected reverses even before his expedition SHWI II 1 I 310 CANADA AND MKiriSH NORTH AMERtCA waa able to get under way. It was September before be was able to set out, and even then lome valuable time was lost in doubling back, owing to a change of decision as to the route. As he was known to have nearly six thousand men, the checking of his advance seemed to the Canadian au- thorities as difficult as it was momentous. The task was intrusted to Cokmel De Salabeny and his force of French C 'dian militia, who presented such a determined resistance to Hampton's forces at the ford of the Chateauguay on October 26th that the latter retired to Plattsburg. The actions at Chlteauguay and Chrysler's ftrm, coming within a fortnight of each other, saved Montreal from a siege. The news of Hampton's retirement decided Wilkinson to abandon his route and to take his forces into winter quarters on Salmon River, near Malone, N. Y. Thence, during the course of the winter his command was transported, part to Sackett's Harbor and part to Plattsburg to await the renewal of operations in the spring of the following year. On the whole, the defenders of Canada had reason to be satisfied with the results of the campaigns. With the single exception of the post at Amherstburg, not a foot of their territory was in the enemy's possession. On the ocean the British forces had, during this year, made a somewhat better showing, due, it must be owned, in a considerable measure to the new-bom respect for the power of their opponents which now led the naval officers to temper their zeal with discretion. The famous duel between the American Cbesa- ptakt and the British SbaHnm^ resulting in the destruction of the former, was, periiaps, the most striking feature of the year's naval operations. But American cruisers still pre3red voraciously upon British shipping. In Europe, Great Britain had cause for elation, as her great antagonist, Napoleon, had, in 1 812, sufiered disaster in his invasion of Russia. This stupendous error told heavily upon the military resources and prestige of the emperor; his foes fell in overwhelming numbers upon his exhausted legions, and were driving him in full retreat to his own liiiiH ISBii THM WAK or tSl»-ltiS 311 capital. Thus relieved in Europe, the Britith audioritiet prepared to meet the American operations of 1814 by the despatch of considerable reinforcements, including seasoned veterans of the Peninsular army. And none too soon, for the campaign opened early. An attack on LacoUe, made on March 30, 1814, by a force operating from natttburg, was repulsed} but as a set-off against this came the ftUure of the British to make effective use of their naval superior- ity on Lake Ontario, although much had been expected from the opportunity to attack Oswego and Sackett's Har- bor. However, the main operations during this closing campaign of the war were carried on in the Niagara penin- sula. The republican authorities determined to concentrate their attention on this district and massed at BuMo a well- oi^anized force under Major-general Brown. Although not a soldier by training. Brown had many of the qualities which go to make up a successful leader, and he was well supplied with capable subordinates. On July 3d a crossing was efiected at Fort Erie, which was at once invested and forced to capitubte) no great feat, however, for it had been left with a garrison of barely one hundred men, since every effort was being made by the British to strei^;then their main body, which, under General Riall, was charged with the task of resisting Brown. From Fort Erie the whole Amer- ican force pressed on down Niagara River and came into touch with Riall at Chippewa. On July 5, 18 14, the forces of both commanders were engaged in a vigorous fi^t in which Riall was decisively worsted and forced in full retreat to Fort George, while Brown took up his position on Queenston Heights, some six miles away. When the news of the defeat at Chippewa reached the eastern section of the province, troops were hurried westward under the command of General Drummond, while Brown lay inactive awaiting the cooperation of the American flotilla on Lake Ontario in the reduction of Fort George. But Isaac Chauncey, who commanded the squadron, would not ven- ture out of Sackett's Harbor, and Brown, after a considerable nn 31a CJNJDJ AND MRtrtSH NORTH JMMMICJ Utu of Uine, decided to abudon the projeaed attack on the fort and to retire toward Chippewa with the view of deceiv- wgKiaUi then to make a rapid march acroM to Burlington !v!?7n !i?","°". "'" r""'^*^ """ph. RiauThiw- ever, foUowed doMly and was strongly reinforced by Dnim- mond, who, on his arrival, took command by virtue of his •enionty. The forces joined battle at Lundy's Lane, a abort dwance alcve Chippewa. Here, on July 25th, waa fought the most stubborn conflict of the whole war. Vari- ous historians have differed considerably as to the numerical Mrength of the respective combatanu, attributing superiority to one or the other as their predilections seem to have dcJ manded. From the official returns we know that Drum- mond s force numbered two thousand eight hundred and forty men of aU ranks, of whom about twelve hundred did wrength of Brown^s force is not easy to estimate! it was, ^wever. not less u, numbers than that of his opponent! Kmgsford repuWishes a return, purporting to have been publuhc^by Genend Ripley, of tSTZ^ for?e, w5 places the figure at four thousand nine hundred. But the orcummnces under which this return seems to have been prepwed do not lend color to iu absolute trustworthinen «• k1 *J* ;j"««!n«y con«i«» la«ing ftr into the moonless night, both armies showed a determination and a discipline under fire which proved that the war »ui rapidly seasonine raw militiamen into veterans. Both sides claimed the vic- tory, and the hmonans of Canada and the United Stetes hl'LS^I *' "^r'-/^ '^ "•P*"^^' champions. In pomt of losses both sides sufiered with a noteworthy approach to equality Drummond's letum showing a totd loss in kiUed, wounded, and missing of eight hundred wd jeventy^ight, whUe Brown's retum^ves a total oTei^ht hundred and sixty-one; RiaU, whom*^he had womed%t t,hippewa, bemg among his prisoners. Of strategic advan- ttge the issue gave little or none to either side. The Americans continued their retirement toward Fort £rie THE WAR or tita^tts St3 which thex occupied and proceeded to ■ouyhea. Dntm> mood, in due coune, foUoivcd up and hiid siegt to the poet. Several weeks paned in aaiaulta and aaUies, operations and counter operatkuis, which gave little advantage to either side and resulted in losses out of all proportion to their results. Early in November. Brown destroyed the foit and withdrew his forces to Buitiilo. In Upper Canada these were the last operations of the war. But the theatre of combat had not been confined during 1814 to the Niagara peninsula. In the extreme west and m the eaM the hostilities had been vigorously carried on. In the west a strong force from the Missiuip|M had been di- rected to the capture of Mackinac, which had fidlen into British hands early in the war, but the garrismi had been luckily reinforced and managed to beat offtbe besiegers. A mounted force from De yxx penetrated as ftr m Grand River late in the suouMr, but retired after some skirmishing. In the east, operations of considerable magnitude had been planned for the year. The hands of the mother countiy being freed in Europe, huge bodies of troops arrived at Qjwbec during the early summer, and, with the eaceptiott of one br^ule, which was sent to Kingston, these were msMed in the Richelieu district for the fmjected capture of nattriHirg. As a matter of ftct these troops would have been of mu^ greater service in the defence of the Niagara district, where DrunuMnd was sorely pressed for men, but Prevost, who commanded in the east, was laboring under the impression that Montreal was in constant dangier of an atttck from Plattsburg. During September he perfected his plans and set off from Chambly with a force of about ten thousand men, most of whom were newly-arrived regulan. A small flotilla on Lake Champlain was expected to cooperate with his land force. But Prevost, by his impetuosity and hck of judgment rendered this cooperation impossible; the Achilla was encountered and destroyed by the American armed vessels on the lake, whereupon the British comnunder, who had arrived almost at his objective pmnt, abandoned his plans ; 314 CJIMdDd dND BUrUH MOUTH dumocd ■*l!T'*^ ***^ *'*»^ • '»'^» ■ r"w««<»im wwch Ms h» wi^ HhU in pmm of incon^ciMcy mmI kkA^ inhnctnmivaiidrNdl. So utoundiaf were kit tsctio tDat the Anerioui commander at Hatttbiug lepided the w. h. 4riwal at a nw Jt gmim and rel^td to be lirtwa imo a IMtfittit. So wkhout mok«atiMi« but with hnivj lostea thiott|h dnertiont and the ^•adoamem of ttoict, the tnglonou* expedition made iti w^ bach ft> MontraaL The evema n at thirty days' si^t, and the people accepted the notes with thorou^ confidence. Toward the close of i8i5,a prodamation calkd in the notes, redeeming them in cash at their hot value in the case of the smaller notes, and with four per cent interest in the case of the hu^er. This experience, almost unique in the his- tory of issues of this kind, engendered a hearty confidence in the national credit and wouM have proved very helpful in assisting simila' arrangements at any later period hiui na- tional exigencies so demanded. But whik the mother country bore the burd«i of the expense in this r^ard, it must not be forgotten that Canada, in pn^xNtion to her resources, was caUed upon to bear an even greater share of the to«al pecuniary loss which the war had involved. The general disorganization of business extendii^ over almost four years; the damage and devastation which marked the path of the enemy's expeditions, together with the iiwviuble legacy of pensions and annuities aU served to mulct the colony heavily as the price of its loyalty to the crown. But whuc the strugpe lasted the lavtw e x pend itufct 3l8 CANADA AND MRIttSM NORTH AMERICA of public funds in the fonn of anny bills seemed to stimu- late production, and even in the Roomiest months of the conflict the provinces wore an air of prosperity. With the cessation of hostilities came the usual reaction ; a period of hard times followed, and, for a time, domestic exigencies arising from general economic depression demanded the serious attention of the authorities. CHAPTER XIV LOITER CANADA UNDER THE CONSTITUTIONAL ACT OF tjgt During the tummer of 179a Lower Canada Iwld ita first general election. Down to the cinquest in 1759 there had been abaolutely no recognition by the French authorities of the ri^t of the peopk tu l their own aflairs. Nor could die France of die old r%ime reasonably have been expected to endow her colonies with that which she did not herself possess. And dwrii^ the first few dec- ades succeeding the conquest the presence in the |»ovinc« of an ovawhelming popubtion of aUen extraction, totally un- habituated to the forms of representadve government seemed to rend«- it advisable that no elecdve Assembly dumU be granted. In feet, the Quebec Act of 1774, ex|»cssly sec forth this inexpe£ency. But simx the passage of that Act the British government had been tau^t by her American colonies several important lessons in the science of cokmial adminiMration. Lower Canada had been preservol to the mother countiy during the stormy times <^ the Revolutionary War if not by the strict loyalqr of the Frmcb-Canadians at any rate 1^ the feet diat disfeyal counsels were not accepted bv die popuhtioa in general. Smne writers have endeavored n> ^tribute the foilure of the Mon^omery- Amdd expcditKMis to dw enthusiastic loyaky of the Frendi-Canadian hMumt. %vx as has been shown in die {Mcvious chiqpter no such pontion is warranted' by dbe 319 320 CAVADA AND MRITtSH NORTH AMERICA &««. The truth of the matter is that the bulk of the haHtanti remained neutral during the war, neither op- posing nor supporting the invaders. But that they did even this is, considering the circumstances, to their credit and especially to the credit of the Roman Catholic Church in Lower Canada which lent its all-powerful influence in securing this end. At any rate the attitude of the French- Canadians during the war had done not a little to strengthen their claims to an elective Assembly, and, in 1791, the British authorities had decided to entrust such an institution to their care. Excellent provision was made, however, to restrict the powers of this Assembly by confiding to an appointed Legislative Council an absolute power of veto over its legisbtion. In this way it was sought to protect the interests of the English-speaking minority in the prov- mce. Furthermore, the home authorities took care to re- serve certain «« casual and territorial revenues" within their own control. The result was that the new Assembly was far from being, as some expected it would be, a reproduc- tion of the British House of Commons. It had neither full power to control the executive nor absolute control of revenue and expenditure. The appointive Legislative Council could veto financial measures and did veto them without hesiution. Expressions of want of confidence in the executive produced no effect whatever for the execu^ tive in no wise held itself responsible to the elective Mouse. But while the French-Canadian population of Lower Canada regarded the Act as falling far short of expecu- tions, its leaders took part in the first elections with no hck of energy, and in some of the constituencies the contestt were fought out with a vigor which showed that the French- Canadian was not tardy to learn the devious ways of the politician. As was expected, the French-speaking members were in a decisive majority among the newly-elected lepre- senutives, and chose their candidate for Speaker by a vote of twenty-eight to eighteen. The promptness with which the members of French and British extraaion respectively 11 ^1 The Du Calvet home, Montreal. \'l lomut cjihmj undu jct or 179* jai ra^ed dieniaeivet in oppoMtitm to one another ir«a bu»> gettive, for tiiefc were m jret no dedtive diierencet oo matters of general poUcjr. One of the fint quettiona iriiich the new Houae was called upon to consider was that aa to whether the business of the House should be conducted in Ffrnch t» in English. After OHisiderkble discussion of t' .er, it was decided to compromise the claims of the r > ve umgues by per- mitting the use of either in the Hju^ aiA pnviding that the journals should be kept in both. This involved con- siderable expense in the way of additional clerical staff, trans- lators, clerks, and the lilw, but it was fmuid the only way of reconciling the two interestt cwicemed. During this first session only a small number of bills was passed, for the members were inexperienced and transacted business very slowly. Om remarkable feature of the sessional pro- ceedings was, however, the high tone of loyalty to the motherland, which found expnessmn both in icsolutions and in the coune of the debates. The immediate occasion of this expression was the outbraak of war between Gicat Britain and France. Various causes— which need not be detailed here because they were connected wholly with the course of Eurmican politics— led to this outbreak of hostilitks, and that theie should have been amoi^ the hMunts of French Canada a latent sympathy with their former compatriots is not sur- prising. Undoubtedly such was the case at the outset of the Revolution, and dw same mi^ be said with truth as regards a not inconsiderable portwn of the inhabitants of Great Britain itself. But the excesses which marited the upheaval as it proceeded; the \amot% of the » red tenor" and the execution of Louis XVI. ; aU these served to cause, both in the mother country and in her Canadian colonies^ a decisive revulsion of feeling. Nor was this reaction lacking even among the French-Canadian section, for there the influence of the Church was predominant, and the Roman Catholk Church in Canada had good reastm to iff t I i 322 CJNdDJ AND BMTISH NORTH AMBRICJl remember the generottty uid unfailing support of the Boufw bon tovereigni. It wu principtUy to thU chureh, suunch champion of legiumate monarchy, that one mutt very lamlv •ttnbute the attitude of the bMumt. In thU connection, however, the Conttitutional Act of 1791 waa a veiy timely •trpJtt, for while it did not, at has been pointed out, fully Mttify the demands of the predominant nee in Lower Canada, It went sufBdentlv far in that direction to have an appreciable influence. The combined result of these fea- nires was, that when the emissaries of the new French Kepubhc made their way to the colony with the avowed design of conducting their repubUcan propaganda, their reception was discouraging in the extreme. Even the lesis- toure made haste, during the course of 1794, to enact L- Ml«ion conferring on the governor-general summary powers "•rr"'! .^ revolutionary agiutors. This was the so- called "Alien Act," which, among other things, requii^d every alien, on arrival in the colony, to declare his identity on oath. Citizen Genet and his friends were actively prosecuting the interesu of France in the United States^ •nd the Imslators of Lower Canada were determined that WMie of his agenu should cross the border with impunity. And m order to secure himself againtt any possibility of trouble, Dorchetter, in the foUowing year, onlered the pro- vincial mUitia to be held in readiness. Some compuiies were stationed at points where outbreaks were mott likely to occur, while a few persons whose loyalty was not whoUy above suspicion were taken into cuttody. But on the whole, the echo of the Revolution was but slightly heard in Lower Canada, and, by 1796, the danger, if there had ever been any, was by all conceded to be patt. In that year. Lord Dorchetter took his departure from tte province to be succeeded by Major-generml Robert ««scott. Dunng his long term of service, Dorchetter had wr« the confidence and etteem of aU classes. Hi» courage and eneqpr, his tact, his shrewdness, and common sense, is well as hu generous perscral interett in the affiurs of the LOmER CAMADd VNDBR ACT Of //p/ jaj colony had endeared him to one and alL Especially were the people grateful for hit unaelfidi eflbrts in the came of constitutional liberty, and it was with deep rcpct that thev learned of his impending departure. The home authorities, recognizing his pt»x capabilities as a colonial administntor, ttron^y urged his continuance in office, but without avail; Dorehester was firm in his determination to retire from active political life. His successor. Governor Prescot^ was a soldier by profession and had seen much service in die RevoluUonary War. On one memorable occasion he had been taken prisoner by the Cmitinental forces, but was afterward exchanged for General Charles Lee. After the conclusion of peace Prescott letumcd to England, and before lone was again in the service against Fiance. Com- mandmg, later, a successful expedkion against Martinique, V i^*?f 8***™**' <»^ *•»«* colony, but before long liis health Ailed and the ministry now sought to give him a more congenial post in Canada. Immediately upon his amval a gmeral election took pbuw, but little change in die composition of die Assembly resulted. Prescott haJ soon occasion to put die loyalty of his new kgisfatton to die proof, for there had hem a revival of intr^ on the part of French agitators actins under die directions of Adet, die French minister at Phihdet|riiia, who had himself addressed a circubr letter to the French-Canadian pqwhuion calling upon diem to prepare to take up arms on behalf of icgen- erated France, which, be dechued, having crusiwd the powen of continental Europe, was about to assert a BMMeiy over Great Britain. Prescott viewed dwse intrigues with what proved to be somewiut needless alarm, for neither the machuMtkms of Adet's agenu nor his personal circubu- evoked any tangible response. What Prescott feared more particularly was that die audiorides of the United States would lend support to die movement, but hU fears in diis - "T*'^L!!*^ g«»>«M*leM, for to see France (mce more nrraly rooted in North America was one of the last things which (Miblic qpinion in die United States desired. The l1* fl 314 C4MAD4 AND MUflSM MOHTM MUUC4 Aawmbhr of Low«r Cinadi, howvvw, hMMMd to iiraigdwa the handt of the fovenioc^iraml hy reinacting dw AUen Act, which wu > tcmponiy aieeniie onhr end noir ahovt to cxptfC) Inr mnpeiuUfig the privikfe otMnu mpmt tad hy |ivuv the executive auduiritiet power to armt and detain in c\Moiy all penons niepected of wdwkwn deeint. A touch of the tn^ was lent to affiun ahout Am iSnie throu^ the McLane episode. David McLane, an AoMri- can citixcn whow ill fortune in butineae had en g e n de r ed in him a ^irit of reckleMneat, was one of Adet's numerotts agents. Coning to Quebec, he undertook to unfold an absurd sdieme for the capture of the citadel b^ dn^ging the garrison, while a force of men from across d» border would overawe the other stror^hoUs of tlM province. McLane was at once arrested, on May 10, 1 797, convkted, and on July aist barbarously exaciMdt iriUle an iUtterste trntJid/Ht named Frichet was se n te nc ed to imprisonmeat for life, but was later pardoned. In the excitement of dM mo- ment these harsh measures seemed necessary as deterrents, but tlw saner opinion of later days has rmrded the unfor- tunate McLane as having been a more M subject for the aqrlum than for the iicaffiald. It is difficult to believe that the barbarities which attended this execution could have marked the admiiiistntif Lower Ciaada. PreirioiM to kit deputure, Rmcott hid Ml bm on the moM aoucaUt terms with Mme of hia constitiitioma wMmt bccaiHc of a diffMence of opinion u to the A^oeel of dM crown ba^ and of this the hone auAorities were awai*. But the general opinion in the colony seems to have heen that Prescott was on the rig^ side in the controverqr, and that those who opposed him were moved to do so t^ their own pectiniarjr interests. Bjr hto Cajuwlian contemponurieSf at any rate, he was regarded as an uprMK oAdal who triad to do his duties fiythfolly and well Milnes* like his p r edscess u r, was a solder, and like him, had served as governor vS Martinique. One of his first oficial acts was to Mng to the notice of the ministfT the inadequacy of the sahiy attached to the positioa of Ueu- tenant-goveraer, and wiA socecssftil results, for a mbstan- tial increase wm gnntcd. The historian Christie has preserved for us the records of sahuies paid to the vaiioas oficials of the day. Many of the hardworidng administift. tive servanu recdved scant enough reanuMMien, while, as in Great Britain, Acre was, on Ae other laind, no dearth of sinecures. In the openii^ year of the nineteenth ccntttiy die authofv. ities undertook M deal wMi dM question of the Jeniits* eMates. As has been already pouMed out, this order had, during die old r%ime,used iu ii^hwnoe wkh the oaonarchy to iM own enrichiKnt, so dutt, « dM time c^the conquest, it po ss e ss ed wdl on toward a la^on acres of the best lands of the colony. But the order had, during ^ course of the next century, &llen into dnrnute wkh the l>i g^ m. thorities in various countries; the Jesuits had been ewpfjltd ftom Spain and Frsnce in 1764. Fina%, m the imerests of harmony. Pope Clement XIV. diottght it weB, in 1773, to suppress die order altogether, and it remained so till its revival 1^ the Pkpwy in 1814. After die sup|msBon of die order, die remaining Jesuit priests in Lower Canada IjI 3S« CMUDd MID BUrmi MOUTH dMBUCJI wa« pcrmittid to mjojr tlM flOMluinaitt viriiig from dMit MCatn whicli hU not boM prevwudf ditpoMd of, bM (kith Mmn thiaiMd oitt thnr nuikt, Mid in 1800 thr hat w-< . jr pMMd awajr. It wtt, tbtrafom, decided tlMt the «MK(« thould be sequntntod to the crown, and Milncs was inatntctcd bjr tbe booie aMkoritiea to arranfe tot tUa end. Tbe Aaaeo^ waa anxioua to obtain control of tbe n-venues, bnt waa not inaiatMM on tbe pout, and dw landa went to tbe crown. Milnet reconnwttded, bi Deceaubcr, 1800, tbat tbe annual income sbooM be dievoied to e(b> cational purpoaes, to wbicb tbe Brkidi aiitboritiea, wbiie espreaainf a general approral, M not pladp tbenaelvea. About At lanw time, tbe lieutenant-fovemor forwarded to bia aoperion an intereattng statement, statiatical and detcriptive, of tbe general conation of affiirs in dM prov- ince. In tbis report be pbccd tbe popnhtion at one bandred and sixty tbousand, from anwMif wbom, in an estremity, a defensive militia fmce of about tbiny-^^ dtoosMid men could be drawn. Tbe expenaea of maintainin| dM ouli- tarv establMbment of tbe cdoay are eataaatcd at aboM a milliMi ddhrs annually, to wMcb mus be added an annual average deficit in tbe adminutration of dvtl amounting to about six^ tbousand dolburs^ aD of bad to be made good by dw home go v c ra m e nt. TIm repeit contained an excdknt review of dw relmiaas of Quack and Stirte, and ia, in many wiqrs, an i^k atate peper, ahow- ing Mibiea to have been a capital invest^atmr sind a lucid Durii^ tbe eariy yean of tbe century a aaovemem begun having for its purport tbe «*eai^)lishment" of dw Anglican Church in the province. For this rrnuh. Bishop Mountain, of Quebec, an abk and popdar Eputeoptl clergy- man, waa extremely anxious, but in a psovince where Roonn Catlnlidsm was so overwhdasinghr predominant sttdi an end was by no means easy of accomplishment. Milnes,fi>rhb part, dcrired to recommend nodung u^icb woi^ sMago- nize the Roman Cttbolic hierarchy, to whose purely polktad LMniL CMAOd WOMM JCT Of t79t 1*7 power h» ptn w»H wri— w rf »»i^^ la &et, he wu ..^ cialljr conctrntd thtt tiM Romui C«lMiik kiMuehjr thevM form a bofartrk to dw Mneadvt, awl l» wduvoiwi to arm* at MMM > i ii << maiiJii ig witk Mniiiri|iwiir fkmkt wiM> tlrni held the poet of BiAop of Qurtac^ ddtoi^ Hoce the con- qiMtt the civa authoritiea of the provtnee had nevtr fmatMOy recomind the p o wMi o ii of thh tkte by aiy other dam the AndicanbnhopofthatdioGeae. But HeMitt who was ded- dedjr the abkat po&kal diplooMiiat dM Canadiaa Rooan- iMB had known aiace dM dqrt of Laval, nade die oActal reeoiahion of hit title the inw fMi mm of auppoR, and diit was not fofthcooii^ until after Milnca'a tma (Coffee had expired. Pleaaia formulated other nqneeu aa weU, but no action wm taken in rqard to thcae. In iSoSt the question of aboUdui^ the seigniorial teniuv r MB in die provinoc was di s c nm sd and a bill provi&ig commtttation of dM seigniorid dues thro«|||i private voluntarj compacts between dw seifnion mi dK ktAHmitt concnaad was iattoduced, but w«i never pMsed or even voted i^en. The iMroductiea of dUs bOl, how«rer» nuf be looknd apon as die irst si^ to dw loiy mtwmeni fat comaMttden «4udi did not culmiaato ta a hdf-caaturjr kMT In the same jr«tf, M&MS, having rtcunod leaw of aStence, retuTMd 7 England, leaving as adainistrafeer dw •-'Ml- Thnm as Di »,h «4w at dw tkne mw seniar eneudve . wi :t»i.?' Milw • txpacMd, if thr scjoum io^ioved his •k f 'in ;> r«nim to the province in the following jrcari but att >- F.?viny bis leave extended fiwn tlii^« to ttaw until 1807, he £;>ra- jsjpied dw pose. Thn .ujithottt bia abeence,Dunn coi^ued to supervise aftin wiMJ? axtd wntt. Akhou^ an Engli s hman \if biith, Dunn :m\ Imoi seveial jean in die cdony, had aomirad an estate dmc, had manied a dai^uerof French Canada^ and poseessed a wide and &vor- abk acq'.';u.iuuice with Ow peop!*?. Hk tdgime opraed under lu. n n^idoiw drcumstancea, hk first oticial tMk in reluion to hk Asssmblv beiwto communicate to the airaibersthenewsofdwgktioiMTrafii%Br. Thetwojpears "~'""^-iniwM-i 1 jaS CJNMDd JND BRPnSH NORTH JilMRICJ of hit tenure of office paued without incident, i • ve for a ■pinted encounter between the Assembly and certain of the provincial newspapers, whose criticUms of legislative action had seemed too harsh to those with whom fault had been found. The sergeant-at-arms was sent to Montreal to arrest two of the oflfending editors, but on arrival he found that they were not within reach, and the matter was allowed to drop. A Quebec editor, however, being within easier grasp, was brought to the bar of the House and forced to apobgire for havmg made some aUusion to the Napoleonic despotism of the Assembly in press matters. There seems to have bee^ however, no connection between these difficulties and the ftct that about the samr time the first issue of the ftmous Z^ CmuJifH appeared. This publication, the avowed object of which was to stand for the preservation intact of French instituaons, language, and laws, was destined to pUy a most important part in tlw history of Canadian journalism, a part, however, not altogether to iu credit. From the outset, it assumed a position of irreconcilable antagonism to the exec- utive, to the British minority, and to the industrial and con 'ereial as distinguished from the agricultural interests. It 'vas riblished entirely in French and had a large con- •titL .^ Conducted with no marked ability, it won the ear of the unlettered bMtmnt by the persistency with which It professed to support his interests; and by eventually stir- ring up his racial jealousy, Lt CaHmiUm was not least among the .nany agenu which contributed to tiw conditions resultins in the abortive risings of 183 7-1 838. A short time before the arrival of MUnes's successor in *<»07,the relations between Great Britain and the United States became very dangerously strained as the result of the enforcement by the former of the right of seareh. As a precautionary measure, Dunn ordered the mUitia to be bal- loted for and held in readiness. Bishop Plessis lent his support through the issue of a matuUm*mt which stands as a model of patriotic counsel. Work on the fortificatbns at Quebec was pushed ahead vigorously until it appnred that il LOWMk CASADA USDEH ACT OF 1791 339 immeditte danger, at any fate, had passed. In the autumn, Sir James Cnug, the new lieutenant-governor arrived. Cra% owed his appointment largely to the struned relations still existing between the raotherbnd and the United &ates, which seemed to make it advisable to place an ex p er ien ced soldier at the head of Lower Canada's a&itt. The new lieutenant-governor had had his fiill share of active service in the Revolutionary War, having been wounded at Bunker Hill and numbered among the surrendered at Saratoga. When the later war with France hvpn^ he was once again in service, but ill health forced him to leave the field for the time being, and it was with the hqie of a speedy iccupera- tion that he now accepted the ofer made to him by the ministry. In his politkal predilections Cnug was a Toiy of the extreme type, and he came to the cdony with his mind steeled against anv further concesnons to liberalism. Hence, it was not long before his relations with the Assem- bly were fiur firom cordial. The latter, during the hut year of his term debated and passed with an appnwch to una- nimity, a resolution ctmdemning the practice of judges taking part in political affiurs. But in this resolution the Lcgisfattive Council Ailed to concur. Likewise, the Assembly, in ac- cordance with the general religious intolerance of the times expelled the representative from Three Rivers, Mr. Hart, who was a well-to-do and respected citisen of dutt town, but a Jew. Anin his cmstituents returned hi n, and apun he was expelled. After his third election the House under- took to pass a bill for the general diM|ualificaticm of Jews from candidature for election, whereupon Governor Craig ordered its dissolution, upbrsiding the kgishtors, and, at the same time, complimenting the attitude shown throug^ioitt the session by the Englisl^speaktnc minority. This action served to place the executive in AiU antagonism to the As- sembly: an antagoninn which Lt Ctmu&H did its best to accentuate. But the dections showed the confidence of the electorate in their r^resentatives. And no sooner had the new AssemUy met than it placed on record its opinion that u 330 CJNADJ AND BMlTtSM MOUTH JMBRKJ **any tttempt to ceiuure the proccedii^ of the Houae b^ approving the conduct of a minority md disapproving thtt of the majority in an oficial addreta" waa ^^a breach of IMivilege and an atuu:fc on the liberties of the province." Craig now bi^an to assume a more condliatory tone, which the AaMmUy at once accepted as a confession of weakness. Friction aroae ovct the matter of granting sup- plies, and, the Assembly, not being able to procure the auent of the Legislative Council to its bill for the disquali- fication of iui%es, promptly dedared vacant a seat in the House held by Judge de Bonne, of the Court of King's Bench. But Craig was not thus to be ou^eneralled, and quickly resorted to another dissolution. The English- ^eaUng section of the province suppcmed him firmly, while the French inhabitanu as wwmly commended the Assem- bly. The governor had thus produced the unfortunate result of identifying racial and pcditical difierences. A more experienced political strategist would have striven to avoid openly antagonising the dominant party in the colony- would at least have tried to disintegrate iu opposition. But Craig's training as a soldier led him into the error of attempting to crush a constitutional majority. And not con- tent with his attempt to stifle of^wsituMi in the Assembly by his oflicial weapon of dissolution, the govenun' undertook to muule opposition in the press. Of the four or five organ« of public opinion in the colony, only one, L* Qmm- iw» supported the Assembly} the others u|riield the execu- tive. But the bitter incisiveiwss of the little French '»rpm galled Craig sorely, and a warrant was sworn out i«. the ■rrest ^ its publishen. Press, paper, and printers were i«»ed by a squad of troops, while a number of |»tHninent •ympathisets wMi the oppositi k' 7° T^ ■"."'" ^°"*'»'^P'°^*"<* now had Upper C^iMd.. M«t of the goods imported from abro^ ment had been made ««,y year, previoualy wifcmby Up^ t^,« r' •" .* '•iTu^^''^ ^'^ collected dJe. B« the latter now ckimed th« its .haiv waa unttrly low and tl Bril%''r '° *^ *""!:" government. AcLdTn^ M the Cana^ Trade Act, which conceded the demand of Upper Camjda. B« what h«l mo« dfcct upon ^?„^ iowevt "^ ""•"" *'^ *^ ^"° P^^^"- '^h provision, however, waijnot to go into effect until the feelinp of the colonwt. ,n both pn,vince, could be a«*rtained. A. auch aun.on would give a dotthblow to French aacendency, S dominant party ,n the A«embly of Lower Canada beirr«l «^lf to prevent any ,uch eventuality, and in conaequence b^umc «.mewhat more pliable. By way of coJ^r^ he e«.mate. were granted in two di.tinct budgets, dHfcren- t«t.ng expenditure m which the recommenition of the executive was regarded a. final from that in which the As! fTn^'.r'*^.*"'' ^"" f •^'«'*"'- But even this ^ „« found altogether successful, and difficulties on the •«« of money bills by no means came to an end. The defalcation of Receiver-general Caldwell kd to his suspension from office in ,8a J Caldwell wasTcr^ officid and. as the A-embly had no control over his^ duct. It now hastened to disclaim responsibUity for the amount of the defalcation., which had reached the cons d! mble sum of nearly half a million dollars. As Caldwell had for some time been generallv known to have bein in office, the outcome reflected very severely upon the finan- cial policy of the executive, and this featuriof the «Jei^ made the most of by opponents oT the latter. In its session ■■■■I ii^ jjH LOITBR CMNADA UNDER ACT OF 1791 335 of 1817, the AiHieiiibly fai]H to renew the Militia Aa^thus leaving the colony without legal meana of defence, a n^lect which brou^ another dissolution. But the popularity of the Assembly throughout the greater part of the province was such that this availed nothing. Petitions now began to be numerously signed praying the home authorities to take some action to mend matters, which had now become inconveniently complicated, and in response to these the House of Commons of Great Britain, in the spring of i8a8, appointed a committee of twenty-one members to inveMi- gate the whole question of civil government in Lower Can- ada. This committee reported hiter in the year, advising, among other things, that the Assembly be given Aill control of all public revenue and expenditure, provision being made, however, for the independoice of the executive and judi- ciary. The regular and casual revenues of the crown were, however, to remain exempt from legislative control as before. In the meantime, Dalbousie's term had expired, and he re- turned to England. On arrival he submitted to the colonial office that, in his o|Mnion, the proposals of the committee would never solve the difficulties. And subsequent eventt proved him to have been right in this c^bn, for the As- sembly showed itself to be after nothing less than the com- plete control of all provincial revenues without ccmdition or reservation whatsoever. Dalhousie's successor was Sir James Kempt, who held office from September 8, 1828, to October 19, 1830. Kempt had afawady visited the colony as one of the com- manding geneeais in the war of 181 2-18 14. He was strongly couns(&d before leaving England to keep the olive branch held out and showed the result of this counsel by promptly confirming Papineau as Speaker of the Assembly. But the Assembly failed to respond to conciliarion and the Supply Bills for 1828 and the following year were grarrol in the usual niggardly fashion, thus throwing out to the L^slative Couaett a strong tempution to disallowance. During the suas i ons of these two years the usual quota ■)i I ■ i 336 GMMXU JND MMnUM MOUTH JMMUCA •[P«i««oM for icdmt of grkvanrff wu preiented but ZT S!!^* i^****^ •" P~^ On« Act, how. ■«b«of ■«BbmiiitIi«AM«iiWyto«|hty-ftHir. Tho rTt^TSfu ■■^. *?!■ ^'y^ ." «!»• P«h of coacUktion of tlM ciwrn revwww, both nguiv and cu»uL but. u cwwn WMnotIik«fytowwveh.ririit.u,tWt iJud S^JTS" "^"^ '^ '^ '^ *" ***^ •^ • P"^ 2. where the movemeiit for fwAmmentuj reform wm which w„re«.ctmg it.^firp.,Ii.„«^ ,„Hwith««Kl2 3%^^ "> «pre«it«ion, ud not even the pretti.; of WeUuigton who succeeded Liverpool, „A the ri.le ««S! «.ce of th, gjfted Peel, who «.pporS^hi«, were ..S^t to stein the ntm. tide. The death of G«i» IV imd X ^o„ of WiiLn IV. in ^30, ,i«plified^e„ll;!:! J?^ »»>« "fw kmg WM firm in his determination to let the movement have free scope within pariiamentarv boundi. of Louii Phihppe had Its eflect in thu. dispoMng him. At jny ««. Jl^n the bill p„s«l the Comu^^ Jiw, tte even to the extent of threatening concurrence in a pnmoS to cre«e a number of new peen sufficient to cany \teS The Reform Act of 183a pot the control of iSdrs in £ lund. of men who both in -le and in realit/re^„S ^people. Its pas«|ge w... therefore, of ^^TinS^ to the popular party in Uw«r Canada, for it had direct fii 4 '■ nm WILLIAM LYON MACKENZIE ^Ur tht pmntimg hyJ.lV.L. hnttr. T - , ^ml ^pmagamm ■MH^HiiiuiaufiiUUK:^ MKiocorv iwsoumoN tbt omit (ANSI and ISO TEST CHART No. 2) tim 12. (2. KA 13. ■ 2.2 IK IS u |3^ ■ 40 |2jO A /1PPLIED IIVMGE Inc t65J Eost Main Street Rochester. Ne> York 14609 USA (716) 482 - 0300 - Phone (7ie) 2U - MM - roi LOITER CANADA UNDER ACT OF 1791 337 application to the colonial situation. To Pa|Mneau and his friends the issues in the province and at home were akin. Meanwhile, Kempt's term had expired and his successor. Lord Aylmer, had arrived and assumed control of affiurs on Oc^^ober 19, 1830. Like his predecessor, Aylmer adopted from the first an attitude of compromise, but he was fortu- nate in having agencies of conciliation which his predeces- sors had not possessed. He had been instructed by the home authorities that the crown was willing to surrender its duties and other reguhur revenues, amounting to nearly two hundred thousand dollars per year, if the Assembly would guarantee a civil list during the lifetime of the king amount- ing to half that sum; but the casual and territorial revenues arising from timber dues and the like were to remain, as before, subject to royal control alone. This Aylmer com- municated to the Assembly, but the latter demurred, ex- pressing in a resolution its insistence upon the control of the entire revenue, both reguhr and casual. Even this rebuff in no way disconcerted the authorities of Downing Street, and in 1831 an Act was passed handing over the regular revenues to the Assembly without condition whatso- ever, leaving it to the Assembly to provide for the mainte- nance of administration as it might see fit. Not only so, but the ministry promised to arrange that colonial ju^ea should hereafter be appointed for life and not, as before, during the royal pleasure, and to order their future absti- nence from political activities. From this manifest uion of political liberality the home authorities justly expected bene- ficial resulu in the way o( coopemtion from the Assembly. But in so doing they misjudged the men who made up the legislature of French Canada. A proposal to giant a per- manent civU list of less than thirty thousand dollars was negatived by the Assembly, which likewise proposed that the judiciary, now rendered independent of the executive, should be paid from the casual revenues which the crown had reserved to itself, and not out of the general exchequer. With an unsparing hand, the Assembly continued to cut I ■Mi 1 .5 338 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA down the Supply Bills introduced each session, having gained its point that the items in the bill should be passed upon one by one. While the British authorities were unmoved to any open •how of resentment by this seeming ingratitude, the colonial secretary threw out the hint that the charter of the province might have to be modified if the legislative machine could not be made to work more smoothly, to which the legislature replied in 1834 with its famous *< Ninety-two Resolutions." These were presumably the work of Papineau, and pro- ceeded at tedious length to recite the various grievances to which, it was alleged, the people of Lower Canada were conj- pelled to submit. In the resolutions there was little newj most of the grievances had been made the subject of petition at various times previously. These, with a request for their redress, were handed to ore of the members of the Assem- bly, who was despatched to England and instructed to lay the whole before the home authorities. The presenution of the Ninety-two Resolutions in the Parliament of Great Britain added new interest to the discussion of the affairs of Lower Canada, and it was decided to refer them to a com- mittee which had just been appointed to report on Canadian questions in general. This committee, which was a large and influential one, made as exhaustive an inquiry as was pos- sible at a distance of over two thousand miles, and returned a report which left the matter just about where it had been when it was referred to them. Their report claimed that the difficulties were due to purely local causes; and that no decisive action in the way of remedy could be suggested. The failure of the committee to justify the actions of the Assembly was no surprise, for its very composition had not indicated this likelihood. The result, however, led the more radical members of that body to feel that the condition of aiiairs in the province was rapidly reaching an acute stage. A convention of representarives from difierent parts of the province, held at Montreal, passed a series of resolutions strongly condemning the committee's report, while the LOWER CJNADA UNDER ACT OF tjpi 339 Legislative Council and the EngUsh-tpeaking tectton of the population both sought to express their approval of the report with equal emphasis. ^Vhile all this was going on, the provincial general elec- tions of 1834 took plMe, with the result that Papineau and his friends literally swept the country. In an Assembly of eighty-four members he found himself supported by seventy followers, and this overwhelming majority secured his elec- tion as Speaker. Lord Aylmer opened the House by the declaration that, owing to the failure of the Assembly and Legislative Council to agree upon Supply Bills during the last two sessions, the home authorities had empowered him to use about one hundred and fifty thousand dollars out of the military funds for the payment of the judges and other officials who, otherwise, would have been left without com- pensation. In making this announcement, Aylmer referred to the confidence felt by the authorities that this amount would be provided for, as regards repayment, when the next Supply Bill was passed; but the Assembly soon made it clear that since the preceding year there had been no in- crease in cordiality between legislature and executive. When the previous Assembly had bwn last prorogued Aylmer had taken occasion to express his opinion as to the true nature of these relations; the House now seized this, its first opportunity, to reply by ordering that this speech be ex- punged from its journals. Likewise, it proceeded to record its opinion that the payment of officials otherwise than by vote of the House was unconstitutional and reiterated its demand for an elective Legislative Council. Aylmer him- self wa« singled out for atuck, some speakers assailing various of his appointments, others declaring that he was responsible for the scourge of cholera then raging, since he had not taken adequate preventive measures. In fact, there was open talk of an impeachment. The governor's reply was calmly to send down the estimates for the current year, but as no notice was taken by the House of his com- munication he at once decided on its prorogation. Aylmer's la .1-1 340 CANADA AND MUTISM NORTH AMMRICA chief hvit wm in his too literally construing the cond)./- tory instructions of the colonial office} the attacks macte upon him by the I^pineau faction were, as f^ as he was personally concerned, wholly undeserved. Meanwhile, the representatives of the Assembly in Eng- land, Messrs. Roebuck and Viger, continued to put forward the claims of their principal both in Parliament and in the press upon every possible occasion, while in the province the members of the Assembly, deprived by the prorogation from using their eloquence, well tinctured with invective, upon the executive in the House, disseminated it unspar- ingly among their constituents. For the British propa- ganda, associations known as ** Constitutional Clubs" were formed, and through the media of these the country was flooded with pamphlets and circulars supporting the action of the executive. It was at this stage that the Peel adminis- tration resolved to organize a commission for the purpose of studying conditions on the spot. The displacement of Peel by Lord Melbourne made no change in this matter, the plan being accepuble to Melbourne as well. Some little difficulty was found in securing suitable appdntees, as some of those to whom places on the commission were oifered — among them the well-known diplomat, Stratford Canning — refused to serve; for it took little genius to discern that the task was no less thankless than difficult. In the end, however, it was decided that Lord Gosford should suc- ceed Aylmer as governor-general, and that he, with Sir Charles Gr^ and Sir George Gipps, should compose the commission. The new colonial secretary. Lord Glenelg, took care to add that Aylmer's recall and the appointment of the commission were in no wise to be construed as cen- sures upon the vice-regal representatives; but there was a very general feeling in official circles that such was never- theless the case, and this was the more or less prevalent idea in the colony. It was certainly construed so by Papineau and his friends. Glenelg was an even more confirmed friend of conciliation than his predecessor m office had been. LOWER CANADA UNDER ACT OF 1791 341 and conceded hia willingnest to gnuit aU the minor de- nuuidt of the Assembly in icturn for a civil list, fixed for a number of years. But on '*"> - in question of an elective Legislative Council he was iicuiovable in his opposition, although he was willing that the commission should make this a subject of inquiry. The personnel of the new commission, which duly pro- ceeded to Quebec in the autumn of 1835, was not such as to warrant any great expecutions in the way of results. Lord Gosford was a man of second-rate abiUty, with no political experience, and his appointment was due to the declination of the abler men to whom the posHion had been previously offered. Grey had been a member of the Indian Judiciary, while Gipps was a retired officer in the Rojral Engineers. All thiee were, however, men who had many personal qualities other than genius, and mi^ have accom- plished a misHon of ordinary consequence very creditably. But the problems with which they had now to deal were of no ordinary importance, and would undoubtedly have warranted the selection of much abler and more experienced men. Of the work of the commission, Glendg was to have a general supervision, and it must be wi-^^tttA that what was lacking in the subordinates was far fifom being made good in tlw person of the superior. The colonial secretary was not lacking in acquaintance with political affiurs, having served in several administrations, but be was gifted with little or no administrative ability. His vacilla- tion, his verbosity, his procrastirtation, and his general lack of sound administrative ideas, served to place him on record as one of the most incompetent of colonial secretaries. Glenelg had carefully |mmed the members of the commis- sion with instructions to be conciliatory without making any tangible constitutional concessions. It was in consonance with the shallowness of the man to believe that colonists would accept the shadow for the substance. On his arrival in the colony, Gosford and his colleagues made haste to win the good will of the malcontents by an r H;- 4. 342 CMdDA AND MUTISH NORTH JMUUCA open show of amity with their leaiien. Promptljr sum- moning the Auembly in tettion the new governor made die longest speech from the throne in the annals of British con- stitutional history, enumerating li tcngth the inquiries which he was about to institute and the concessions which he had been instructed to ofller ca behalf of the British authorities. At rather wearisome length, Gosford emfduuized his desire to be strictly impartial and thorou^ly open minded. Where the existence of a real grievance should be established by his inquiries, he made it pUun that prompt redress would be afibrded "ven if Parliamenury legislation were necessary for the • •wse. Finally, he referred to the recent struggle forth' ' arm Act in the British Houses, and asked the mem) : , of the Assemblv to follow the example of ** for- bearance, moderation, and mutual respect there exhibited" by members of opposing political Actions. In a floMrery peroration Gosford called upon ^the offspring of the two foremost nations of mankind" to let bygones be bygones and to assist him in the ' ■ \ of restoring political amity. The manner in whicL ■ .;« Assembly met these concilia- tory overtures was ample proof that Papineau and his friends had ulterior motives. The Supply Bill was left, for the time being, unconsidered while sundry new grievances were being discussed. "The time has gone by," said IHipineau, "when Europe can give monarchies to America; on the contrary, the time is now approaching when Amenca will give republics to Europe." In the end, however, the Assembly agreed to vote a Supply Bill, but for six - nth> only. The moneys advanced out of the crown '"':^ pay salaries in the absence of previous Supply P'fs not refunded, while the now usual practice of voting ^ ./- ance addresses to the home Parliament was continued. As everyone expected, the Legislative Council promptly vetoed the inadequate Supply Bill and Gosford was now, like his predec- isor, left without funds to pay the salaries of judges and crown officials. As far as conciliating an- tagonistic interests was concerned, Gosford's mission had LOmtR CdNADA UNDM ACT OP tnt 343 ■Iretd; proved hwif » comj^ete lailufc. But the govcmor- genenl did not entirely |ive up hope. He undienook to Snance die ■dministntion with the crown funds, and, in the meantime, with hit two odleaguet punued hit woric of inquiiy. The Attembljr had tcrupuloutly refrained from overtly recognizing thit tatk of the commi*a sponsible in some way either to the people or to the Assembly. Thirteen days were frittered away in the dis- cussion of divers grievances, but not a single Act was passed. Even Gosford, who was nothing if not patient, had to admit that the case was hopeless, and at once pro- rogued the House, declaring that the reniedy could be now applied only by the rojral authorities. Meanwhile, the commissioners had been sending the re- sults of their inquiries to the home authorities in periodical despatches, and, by the end of 1836, the work had been completed. Gosford remained in the colony, but his two colleagues set off for En^and. On the whole, the report gave little satisfaction to the Papineau faction, for on the crucial question of a responsible Upper House it sided strongly with the minority in the Assembly. Thie refusal of the Assembly to vote supplies, thus clog- ging the machinery of government, was unsparingly con- demned, while the action of the Legishtive Council in vetoing the «> half-loaf" Bill of 1835, was fully justified. In the minds of the commissioners, ^e concessions offered by Lord Glenelg erred only on the side of ampleness. In general the report bore none of the marks of genius. An If If: '^ 344 CdMlDd AMD iUTttH MOUTH jUURKJ •bunducc of dats wm compikd, much of which wu Imt ^ Upper Canada. Its fim executive head wa» Jdin Graves Slmcoe, a veteran of the Revduttonarjr War, who had received his baptism of fire at Bunker Hill, and who had been num- bered among the priwners at Yorittown. After the war he had entenMl pditical life and won the firiendship of the younger Pitt. It was due mainly to the influence of this valuM friend that the position of Ucutenant-govemor of Un^ Canada was now placed at his dispoMl. At the same time, the British authorities, in accordance with the provisions of die Act, named a number of le^slative coun- cillors, but on Siracoe's arrival it was found that several of these had not yet arrived in the colony, and for lack of a quorum no business coi- < be done. But permisMon was soon given by the home ^mment for the appointment of additional members, and i short time a quorum was had. At the same time, the first Assembly was called to meet at Newaiic (now Niagara), and five representatives were pres- ent '...the day c ' opening. Despite this meagre numerical dMNk . .^t Simcoe made his way to them in full official regalia, cscwted by a squadron of fifty soldiers, and delivered his speech from the throne in true vice-regal fiwhion. In due course the remaining eleven members strag^ed in. One, being a Quaker, was deemed incompetent to take the oath, 347 ir'ti. I ^ I u IJ ii ! 348 CJffADJ AND BRiriSH NORTH AMERICA wid a new election wu ordered in his constituency of Pnnce Edward County. This first session was fruitful in legislation. One Act abolished the old French law in favor of the common law of England with full provision for rnal by juiy. Another made provision for the machinery of justice, dividing the province into districts and counties. The production of eight Acts in five weeks showed that the legislator of Upper Canada could do their work more rapidly than those of the sister province, and the members ended their short session amid a generous shower of praise from the governor. Newark, being a central point, had been utilized as a place of session, but since it had been now arranged between the British and American governments that the fropf.er posts should be handed over to the United Stttes in complete fulfilment of the terms of the Treaty of 1783, It was felt desirable that the provincial capital should be placed at a more secure distance from the boundary. Simcoe's preference lay for a site on the Thames about where London, Ontario, now stands, and it was also his desire to fortify York (Toronto) making it the naval strong- hold of the great lakes. But in this latter design he was forestalled by Lord Dorchester, who, as govemor^neral, was his superior and who commanded the land and naval forces. Dorchester's preference was for Kingston, and the conversion of that point into a military and naval head- quarters was begun. A new capital had not been selected when the time came around for another session, hence the Assembly was again convened at Newark. The striking incident of this ses- sion's legislation was the Negro Slave Law. Slavery had been legalized in the Brirish colonies by an Act of 173a (sGeo- II- c- 27X •>"! the provincial legislators now pro- ceeded to exempt the province from its operations. While It did not release the slaves already in ownership within the province, it forbade further importations, and decreed the manumission of children bom to slaves on reaching the age of twenty-five. This measure met with considerable opposidon. UPPER CANADA UNDER ACT OF 1791 349 the scarcity of labor in the province being vigorously urged as an objection, but Simcoe's influence was exerted strongly in its favor; in &ct, there is reason to believe that he him- self was the prime mover in having it proposed. Another Act legalized marriages which had been informally con- tracted, and made rules for the future. Three further sessions, during the years 1 794-1 796, served to arrange a large number of routine matters incidental to the organiza- tion of a new State. Throughout the whole five sessions remarkable harmony prevailed. But Simcoe encountered difficulties and animosity elsewhere. The Indian tribes of the Northwest were giving the authorities of the United Sutes an abundance of trouble, and as the latter had reason to believe that Simcoe had not been guiltless of encouraging their enemies, serious complaints on this score were made to the British government. As a matter of fact, Simcoe was a consistent ill wisher of the United States, and of his predilections in this direction he made no secret whatsoever, but that he in any way instigated the Indian troubles has never been satisfactorily proved. Dorchester was an equal object of remonstrance, and probably with more reason. Some historians have attributed Simcoe's recall in 1796 to these complaints. But it is probable that his failure to work in exact accordance with Dorchester had more to do with the matter. Dorchester had little sympathy with the pro- posal to fix the provincial capital on the Thames, and he manifested objection likewise to some of Simcoe's elaborate plans for the settlement of the colony through the media of individuals who agreed to settle whole townships at once. At any rate, the governor, a man of wealth and position, was not desirous of a too lengthened voluntary exile, and his recall nuy have been indeed due to his own desire. The Hon. Peter Russell became, for the time being, admin- istrator of the province. From the writings of the Due de Rochefoucault, who visited Upper Canada in 1795 and remained some weeks as the governor's guest, we have a good description both 115 It m l>< 1J1 f i 350 CJNADJ AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA uon of affiur, .„ the province over which he presided^ her husband considerably even in his official correspondence and rouune. What impressed the venter unfavorablVwas the fanatical hatred of the United States which marked SiWs otherwise generous and conservative views. Despite the influx of Loyalists the province was even vet very spar«.ly settled, and those who had taken up "an^d" were scattered all over its bounds, but chiefly i^ the west- en, parts and particularly in the Niagara district. A 7Zl posal of the Assembly and yielded somewhat less than five thousand doUar, annually, out of which the SpeaS? Zd ance rI.T^"'' ?^ '"^^ ^°^ ^' ^ °^ ^"^ ""end- resource^^f th • ~""»^««' "?<>» *« undeveloped resources of the province very enthusiastically, but deplored X, „ . ,f "^"^ ^^ "^^ "'"'y °^^"»"e and immi- a ofTe^u':""^'' •'"'*'"' " *^^"^« -^ -^^-- molTnTi'""'^ "•?" ^™*^°^'' ''*P*«"« *e question of re- moving the capital was once more uken up, and, in lyqT o RiheT''"' !° "'"* ^r"^' "'''*^'' w.s'then,'accorJh?' ^hfb^if K ' * '*?88''"8 '•»'^« °^ » do^n house! mhabited by a more or less rowdy element. 'iiZ **!! y~" «:hich elapsed between the departure of Simcoe and the arrival of Governor Gore in ,8^ present itde of interest to the student of histo^r. RusseU contTnuS ^tlr *'','"">'«"^°'- »i» ^ 799, when Geneml Peter Humfr amved as lieutenant-governor. But Hunter died in ,805 G«nt\r'^""'T!.^"' ^Sime, and the Hon. Ale^S; &an administered the afiairs of the province until Gore" amval in the following year. There is no period inThe h..too^ of the province in regard to which prim*^ mareria^! UPPER CANADA UNDER ACT OF 779/ 35» are to meagre. The Ruuell and Grant fnpert are not to hand and contemporary memoirs are strikingly lacking. Of Russell we know comparatively little, excepting that he has generally been charged by historians with using his official position to amass large holdings of land ; an accusa- tion which Kingsford seeks, with dubious results, to rebut. Nor c;\n much more be learned about Hunter than that he was a soldier by profession and a man of moderate abilities, who busied himself with the political affiiirs of the province no more than was absolutely necessary. Grant had been in the colony for years and had served for a decade as a member of the Executive Council. During this period the Assembly continued to meet yearly and to transact the usual routine business. While harmony prevailed on the whole, one may mark even at this early date the begin- nings of that division of parties in the House which was to be fruitful of difficulty later on. There were those in the House who supported the executive implicitly, and those who, on the o«her hand, showed a disposition to find much fault with some of its doings, more especially in the matter of land grants. The vast expanses of ungranted lands furnished a strong temptation to the greedy friends and partisans of those in executive control, with the result that vast tracts were too often granted by patent to specu- lating followers when btna fidt settlers were forced to con- tent themselves with small holdings in undesirable locations. But the great phenomenon upon which the eyes both of Englishmen and Canadians were focused at this epoch was the struggle with France; side by side with this the politi- cal broils of an infant colony passed as insignificant. Sir Francis Gore assumed charge of afiairs in 1806, and efibrts were at once made by the adherents of what might be called the '* executive party" to secure his favor. Gore was a comparatively young man with considerable military but almost no political experience, and was an entire stranger to the political conditions of Upper Canada. And since the executive party comprised the more aristocratic element ,!' .■; W 352 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA of the population the new governor toon fell under its in- fluence. Thii wu shown in the nutter of Judge Thorpe. Ihorpe was » man of unusual independence and on his circuit lent a ready ear— it was claimed even actual encour- agement-4o grievances which the grand juries were wont V ?!*^iJl.*° """ ^°' •"•«»»»«<»" to the authorities at York. This m itself was enough to render him unpopular with the executive party, who openly accused him of foment- ing discontent among the people. But his popularity amone the people at large was considerable and the governor and his fnends hesitated to effect his removal without cause, even although members of the judiciary at the time held oflice only during executive pleasure. Thorpe, however, •oon gave them the necessary cause by becoming a candi- date for elecuon to the Assembly from a wester^ constitu- ency. Whatever may have been thought of the policy of such a move it was quite within the bounds of legality for a judge to seek election to the House, and although Thorpe wss opposed from headquarters, he won easily at the poUV. During the elecuon and even in his addresses to the nand Junes from the bench he was unwise enough to critici^ the executive and its administration with rather unbecoming asperity "When," he said from the bench on one occa? sion, "there is neither talent, education, information, nor even manners in the administration, little can be expected and i^thmg is produced." These matters Gore prompdy brought to the notice of the colonial office, and Thorpe's suspension wu decreed. He went off to England to lay his case before tiie audiorities for reconsideration, but received scMt satisfaction and never returned to the colony. But apart from his subservience to those of respecuble position but of ^If seeking habits. Gore was a satisfactory governor. H,s interest in the cause of education was espe matter of grievances. Gore was in^gat^to onS Its P«>roe.t,o„, although the scwion had lastS but a few £!' Ji!!i— °" w~"* tf«t»«»t did much to intensify wSh.H '^'•"f!" theprovince,and among those govemon who had a hand in «,wwg the seeds of bter trouble. Gore, for his acuon on this and previous occasions, must b^ given his share of criticism. ^ i ? 354 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA It wu amidst this growing excitement that Robert Fleming Gourlay made hit arrival in the colony and soon became the most prominent figure in the rising wave of discontent. Gourlay was a native of Fifeshire, Scotland, and had been educated at St. Andrews and at Edinbur^. As his father was in good circumstances, he chose no profession, but set- tled down on his fiither's holdings as a gentleman farmer. But he soon got into trouble with his neighbors, for he was a man of quarrelsome disposition, and moved for a time into Enghwd. There he soon quarrelled with his landlord) a suit at law ensued, and while Gourlay in the end won his case, he disbursed most of his fortune in costs. It was with the view of retrieving his finances that he went to Canaua determined, if prospects proved £ivorable, to become a set- tler. But on arriving in the colony he found the people at different points wrou^t up in the discussion of their various grievances. To this sort of thing Gourlay by nature lent himself readily and he soon became one of the most inter- ested. Convinced that what the province of Upper Canada needed most of all was settlers, he decided to become a land agent, and with a view of becoming thoroughly in- formed on colonial conditions, he set about the compilation of a statistical and descriptive account of the province. As there were many things essential to his compilation which the regular census did not contain, he sou{^t information by addressing to the various township authorities throughout the province, a ctrculat- letter of questions. This circular contained in all some thirty-one queries of which the major- ity asked only for such dau as any immigration agent would find it well to have on hand. But the last question on the list was: **What, in your opinion, retards the im- provement of your township in particular, or of the province in general; and what would contribute most to the same?" The insertion of the question was regarded by those in authority at York as a covert insinuation that maladminis- tration of some form or other was taken by Gourlay for granted, and influence was used to prevent answers being .1 Fl VrPMR CMAD4 UNDER ACT Of 1791 355 '""^l *"* "* """^ **^ *• »<»«'n^P •uthoritiet m- •weicd the queries Miy^mi did not hesitate to declare that the sjrstem of parcelling out laife tncu of land amons members of the little cotwie who enj6jred the favor of the executive was the prime cause of taidj colonial develop- mem. Gouriay also busied himself with the issue of pam- jMUets and letters on the general question, and, in more ways than one, made himself known to the people at lamt for «n unquenchable thirst for notoriety seems to have been one of his mo« prominent characteristics. When the Assembly again inet, it was folly expeaed that it would forthwith take up the investigation of the various grievances, but Gore promptly forestalled an attempt to do so by pro- rogumg the House in the early days of its session. This gave Gouriay a new field for activity, and he at once propounded a scheme of holding a general convention of deieptes from the various townships to discuss the atiev- SirA*^p''"''i" n ^ *** *^^ ««>Iutions for tranlmis- s.ontotheBitt»hPari«ment. The scheme was received w«h some favor by the |^, the convention assembled at York ui the summer of 1817, «nd adopted a number of resolutions setting forth their various grounds for complaint. In due course, the iwolutions were transmitted to EngUnd. but the Cnoxious Act, however, did not long remain in forces it was repealed two years later. Thus fortified, Maitland, who was now in full accord with the executive clique, again turned his attention to 'lourby, who at this time was residing in the Niagara dis- j^ict and putting forth his writings with renewed vigor. For their new persecutions the York authorities had re- course to the old "Alien Act" of 1804, which was still unrepealed, and, by the provisions of which, the executive was authorized to procure the arrest of any inhabitant of the province, resident for six months, who had not taken the oath of allegiance and who might have given any ground for suspicion of seditious intent. Further, it provider that I «W« CJNMM UMDiK JCT OF irp, 3,7 ** P«f«y •«» MUMted might be ouMcd ftom the uovince or compelM u an altemativc to give adequMe leeuritiet for bis Aitiif. good conduct. Not only hwl this Act long since ftUni into dimiee and become aU but forgotten, but it had been»in ita inception, directed arniMt aliena and moie enw. ciaUy agamet iramigranta from the United States. OouiW was not an alien} as a native-^iom Briton, he had no need to take the oath of allegiance. Certain membera of the Legislative Council, however, obtained a person to lar the necessary information, and GourlaV wu again arrested •nd put on trial. To the end that he might iSoTthis time •acape through anjr pressure of public opinion he was at once arraigned, adjudged guilty of a violation of the provi- sions of the Act, and^ordered to leave the province within ?n -^w '^*^*' 7". **^ ■ "<"* •'>«»«1«« mockery of Bntish justtce, for it was known to aU concerned thtt Gouriay h«dbeennotlessthana year anda half inthe province and that he was a native of Great Britain. Ob- stinate as ever, Gouriay decided to refuse to go, and the ten days bavins expired he was committed to jaU Janu- ary 4, 1819), where he lay for over six months unsu^«s». fully endeavoring to sue out a writ of hthtt, ttrpm. At the conclusion of that period, shattered in health him hia close confinement and thoroughly broken in spirit, he was given twenty-four hours to leave the province, a privileae he pubhshed hu Statutual Acemmt tf Upttr Cmuula an exhaustive work in two volumes, the cimpiktion l^n- tains much valuable mfonnation which has been preserved nowhere else. In spite of its poor arrangement and irri- totuig egotism, historians have occasionally found it a valua- y T^ ''L^^ T."*" •""' "^^ *«»« ~''"« of events •bowed cleariv that Gouriay had, in turning the light of publicity on the doing of that corrupt little band at Yorit, „«"„';Jrl'*"*''^"u" «al aervice, an ofSdal pardon was granted him together with a life pension of two hundred 1^ (i 1^ CdHMJI AHO MtrUH MOUTH JMMUOI Adlan a jpmt. But ht nttmd to accept dtlier, demaiuling nothing kM than the expunginf of hit praeecutionf fioin the oficial iccords of the court as a formal atteatttmn that the whok proceeding against him had been iUepl This, how. ever, wu further than the authorities were willing to go, and he closed his days in 1862 still, as ever, wkh a grievance in hand. The proceedings evoked vcrjr contideiable indignation in diflerent partt of the province, the more so since the authorities did not confine their energies to Gourlaj alone. Publishers who had allowed their columns He used u channels of critkism came in far prosecution as well. It was well known that Maitland had surrendeicd himself completely to the official cabal or «« Family Compact," as it now came to be known, from the fact that all its members were more or less closely joined by ties of blood or mar- riage. And the governor was possessed of no such per- sonal popularity as would tend to oflset the popular odium with which this surrender was regaitlcd. For his office he seems to have had no particular fitneM whatsoever, and he was currently believed to have owed his appointment to an elopement with a daughter of the Duke of Wellington and a desire on the part of the ktter to have him sent olF to distant parts until such time as the social gossips of Eng- land should have ceased to give this nutter their attention. At any ra», his overbearing, pompous ways stood him in no good stead with the pioneers of a Canadian province. But he evidently was strongly intrenched at the colonial office, for he was continued as governor despite hit patent un- popularity with all but the official classes and their friends. It was about this time that the Rev. John Strachan began to take a lively interest in the affiurt of government, and commenced a career of prominence wHich was to extend over a period of more than a quarter of a century. Stiacban, who was then Rector of York, was, like most of those promi- nent in the early affiurs of Upper Canada, a Scotchman by birth. Educated at St. Andrews, he c.\iMe out about the Umn CJUtADd UHDU JCT OF 1791 359 beginning of tht centturjr to Kingtton,wli«« ht taught a MBall ■cbool for a time, but later wa« ordained a* an Episcopal ckrgjrman. Hit integrity and abilitiet toon procured for him the appointment to the rectorship at York, and in thk poettion he MicccMivelj enjojred the fricndahip of Gore, Brock, and Maitland. Thro«^ the influence of the fint named he was appointed a member of both the ijcecutive and Legialative Councils, but it was understood that he was to act as an honorary member only, and apparently he took little open part in the proceedings of either. His personal influence grew, and, in i8ai, Maitland appdnted him to an active membership in the latter bodyt the appointment being publicly gaaetted. Strachan took kindly to pditicsi at once identified himself openly with the Family Compact, to whose members, by the way, he was not in the slightest deme related at this time, but in the course of all his political Palings the welArn of the EpiscofNU Church in Canada was ever his first care. When the new diocese of Toronto was established in 1839 Strachan became its first bishop, and with this appointment he retired from politi- cal lifo and devoted himself wholly to the immediate affiurs of his bishopric. As a churchman, Strachan left his in- delible impress upon Canadian Anglicanism, but it is as a political figure that we have here to follow his carcert as the foremost personage in the Family Compact) as the inm- gloved ruler of successive governors and councils, and the general *< power behind the throne" in provincial matters for two whole decades. ^ s McMuUen has aptly remarked : *♦ He commenced life by ling boys; he finished it by ruling men." Strachan entered active politics just at the time when the Church of England was being called upon to make good its claims in the matter of the Clergy Reserves, and, as will be seen later, it was Strachan's uncompromising stand on behalf of that church's pretensions which more than all else caused this question to be one of the burning topics in Upper Canada politics for many years, prolonging iu settlement unduly and to no good end. ■ri \ • I : I ■f ! i » 360 CaNADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA As will be remembered, the Constitutional Act of 1791 Iwd made provision for the reservation of one-seventh of the ungranted lands of the province to be used for the mamtenance of a "Protestant clergy," and for over two decades the emoluments from these reservations had been itted toward the support of Episcopal clergymen alone. Now, mi8i9, petitions began to be presented to Governor Maitland from Presbyterian interests in various parts, daim- mg the right to partake equally in the revenue of the "reserves" on the ground that the Church of Scotland was, in the absence of an Established Church in the province, on an equal footing with its sister as a recognized Protes- tant denomuiation. Maitland referred these petitions to the colonial office and received reply that the prayer of the pe- tition should be granted, but that the term "Protestant u 'E^ , ''^ "°* ^ construed to include clergymen of the Wesleyan, Congregational, and other dissenting denom- inations which had not obtained formal legal recognition in Oreat BnUin at the time the Act was passed. But that the church of his fathers— for Strachan was bom and bred a Presbyterian— should share in the disbursements was not at all to the mind of rhe Rector of York, and he at once gathered influence sufficient to induce the home authorities to order the whole matter left in abeyance for the present. A few years later the question was brought up in the Assem- bly, and an address was voted to Parliament, asking that an adjuwment of the matter be made. But no action resulted, and for a long time the whole question remained untouched. Strachan had thus far been successful, and his success was not a little due to his ha.-monious understanding with the pvernor and his friends of the Family Compact. The latter had, therefore, been drawn to take sides in a purely ecclesi- awical matter; to champion the cause of a small minority of the population; to identify political and religious diflferences. Meanwhile the province had been growing rapidly in population and the Assembly hastened to keep pace with the legislative needs of an expanding community. Perhaps UPPER CANADA UNDER ACT OF 1791 -gl the most important undertaking for which authority was riven was the construction of the Welland canal, a company for that purpose havmg been incorporated in 1822, with the SSir ^^'^'''' °f °"f hundred and sixty thousand dollars. Thus far even the Assembly had contained a smaU majority favorable to the Compact interests, but at the een- etal elections of 1824 a change resulted and the opposition, now known as the Reform Party, obuined a small but suffi- obumed for most of its rising young leaders. Among these were John Rolph and Marshal Bidwell, both destined to make prominent places in the history of their times. It was this election that first brought into the public eye Wdham Lyon Mackenzie, who was to become fhe reci- nized leader of the movement for reform that culminated n the nsing of 1837-1838, and to be one of the chief ite stock he made his way to Canada about 1820, after ings which he successively sought to follow. During his hm few year, in the colony he tried his hand at vafiou, things, but ended, in 182+, by becoming the editor ^d propnetor of a new weekly which he cSled the SiW Advocate, published at Queenston, near Niagara. In Ws first issue he declared open hostilities with ITprovLS executive by a vigorous criticism of Governor MaitSd aS a reference to the Legislative CouncU as ««the tool of a «mle power. After a kv, issues, in each of which he Sr„. rt ^."P*" ■ goodly share of his editorial the vSl'l /l"^""' ""?°^^ •*'• P*P«' »° Toronto where the victims of his vituperation would be nearer at hand. The of better mem, of rebuttal, to brand Mackenzie as a sedi- joner ; such, mdeed, seem, to have been the course pursued beforTJh! a1 'r ' "T ^°' g^«''«n«^«. « was not long before the Jdvteate found ground for criticism in the pottd / I 1 ! i i . . I. '■ I I 3ff i*mmmm I i' i^ " I :^i 362 CANADJ AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA service and an investigation was ordered bjr the Assembly as a result. The investigation amply confirmed Macken- zie's allegations that the service was inadequate, unneces- »«"ly expensive and ill organized: a complete vindication of his criticisms. The general attitude of the Advocate gave abundant ofience to the executive, and especially to Mait- land, who was extremely sensitive to criticism. In various petty ways the governor sought to subject Mackenzie and his publication to open marks of his disfavor, a course which served only to give both editor and paper a welcome adver- tisement. Still, the paper was not a paying concern, and the editor found it so hard to make ends meet that, during the early days of 1826, he entertained serious thoughts of suspending publication altogether. But about this time an affeir occurred which gave the sheet, under very peculiar circumstances, a new lease of life. During a short absence from Toronto on the part of Mackenzie a number of young scions of Compact families in the provincial capital under- took to vent their resentment in violent fashion. The newspaper office was made the object of a visit, the press destroyed, and the type thrown into the bay. On his return, Mackenzie had little difficulty in ascertaining the names of those who had perpetrated this outrage, and a suit for heavy damages was at once entered against them. A jury promptly found in his favor an award of over thref thou- sand dollars, — a sum much in excess of the actual loss, and on the whole, the fiery editor lost neither in purse nor in popularity by this ill-advised atuck. A new outfit was soon to hand and the issues were resumed with ceruinly no decrease in bitterness. The fact that the award of damages was raised by subscription among the members of the Compact, thereby identifying their sympathies with the afiair, created a strong impression throughout the prov- ince that Mackenzie was being made a martyr to reform principles rather than a victim of personal animus. Meanwhile, the action of the Assembly which now for the first time embraced a reform majority was such as to UPPER CANADA UHDER ACT OF 1791 363 give good cause for alarm in official circlet. While not yet courting an open rupture with the executive, the Atsemblv proceeded to pare down the estimatet in a way which augured ominously for those who had long been enjoying stipends and perquisites of office out of aU proportion to thei? official duties. Likewise, it sought to repeal the Alien Act under which it will be remembered Gourlay had been prose- cuted, but the Legislative Council refused to concur. In the session of 1827, it had the courage to pass a direct vote 01 censure on the governor's action in receiving addresses reflectmg on the Assembly. All these were, however, but the rumbhngs of a storm. Various episodes outside the House served to accentuate popular feelings. Members of tlie Assembly were spied upon by men in the pay of the executive; military officers who fraternized with assembly- men were reported to the home government, and one of «>em lost his pension on a preposterous charge of disloyalty. At least one of the judges was removed from the bench for no other reason than that he refused to hearken to the dic- tates of an unscrupulous official, who sought to prostitute the admimstration of justice to the exigencies of a political situation Perhaps the episode which caused most excite- ment and feeling was a quarrel between Maitland and one ,™.T ; I ^?'"^ innkeeper near Niagara Falls, who sought to keep visitors from viewing the great catarart ex- cept from his own grounds. To this end he built a fence on his own land, but adjacent to lands belonging to the ciown. Protests were, of course, -nade to Toronto; and had Mait- land been wiser, he viodd have invoked the aid of the Z. Tu\^° ~°!P*' ** demolition of the obstruction, instead, he hastened to put himself in the light of a-dicutor by ordenng the miliury at Niagara to effect the required redress, and a squad of soldiers pr..nptly tossed the offend- ing fence into the river; whereupon the avaricious Boniface ;i~T ^"°'. '"* *» ^y^ °^ *»» neighbors a martyr to executive despotism. But this was not all. Forayth at once brought the matter by petition before the Assembly, and M \ \ '/ Al 364 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA that body, now nowise averse to a quarrel with the gov- ernor, proceeded to investigate the whole affair. As a means of getting at the facts, two government officials were summoned before it, but Maitland promptly ordered them, as their superior officer, not to attend. To this the Assem- bly replied by committing them to the common jail for contempt, whereupon Maitland went down in anger and prorogued the House. Nothing was now possible but to submit the whole case to the home authorities, who thought it best to transfer Maitland to the governc ship of Nova Scotia, putting Sir John Colborne at the head of affairs in Upper Canada. He began his term on November 3, 1828, and remained in office until January 23, 1836. That this action was warranted is amply shown by the results of the general elections, which took place later in the same year (1828). The reform party literally swept the provmce, defeating most of the prominent supporters of the Compact, and electing all their u»vn leaders, among the rest William Lyon Mackenzie, who was returned tri- umphantly from the provincial capital itself despite the whole strength of official opitosition. Under these circumstances, much was sure to depend on the temper and attitude of the new governor, and much was expected of him. Colborne was a trained soldier, a veteran of the Peninsula, and the commander of a regiment on the field of Waterloo, but without extensive experience in,thc domain of administration. As lieutenant-governor of the little island of Guernsey he had been markedly successful, but political conditions in that atom of the empire were not such as to render success difficult of attain- ment. But of courage, determination, and integrity he had no lack, and all things considered, his appointment was no unpardonable error. Like his predecessors, he at once gravitated mto the hands of the Compact, for in view of the social distribution of the populadon of Upper Canada at the time he would have been a rare man who should have done elsewise. Dr. Strachan and John Beverly Robinson, ii UPPER CANADA UNDER ACT OF 1791 jg, then attorney-general and later chief justice, were hit known to the Assembly. A petition from the Assembly for the release of one Collins, an editor who had b^""^ pmoned for libel during the closing day. of mSL?s regime was rejected by the new governor, whUe an address tr±rf "*" ^fTT ^' "»»"o""«««J himseffwIS the same advise« who had in times past so deeply wounded LrouS'"^,""l'"J""'' *•'' ^»* '«'^'"" of thVcountry^ bought only the curt answer that it was less difficul^to point out jealousies than to e&ce them. Assembly had now to contend was, however, that of main- ta.nmgun.ty,afldthis by 1830 seems to have proved b^^d TnJ^ ^ consutent support of the more m,ilenite wmg composed of men like Baldwin, BidweU, and Won Ryerson^ and on many measure, a united from wST „« presented. This fact aUowed the Compact party^ Z Sli^l. Act'^^.^K "'^T ^ ^°*° " ^•^ "Everhutil^ aaiane«Act, whereby wlanes were guaranteed in Deraetuirv to the executive «,d judicial functiSISi ^ Se'lSe m return for the surrender of the crown duties ro Se c^ trol of the Assembly. Mackenzie vigorously opL«dtht measure, but the more moderate reformer. thougKe baJ! pin a good one and helped the Compact tJ^LZ^W through. Throughout S« session, M^kSS' e^mL «t.tude reacted detrimentaUy on the' cause "f true reST and he soon became as little liked by his former friSdi™' by his consistent opponents. The Articles in Se ^J^ contmued to bristle with virulence, forM^k^zifl^S: writing, never seemed able to differentiae £^„'"t' oS^ji"'?- ^°"»«'"«^y. « was the inSXlC porter of a policy who received the force of his toumalt«!r onslaughts rather than the policy itself. As a ES^? the Asremblymen were now arrayed against him! kW 366 CASJDA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA determined to expel him from the House; and ground wu •oon had in one of hit most caustic articles, which reflected in rather injudicious language on the general conduct of affiurs by the majority. An alliance of moderate reformers and ultra-Tories managed to vote through the resolution of expulsion, but the constituents of York promptly reelected their represenutive. Five successive times was the fiery agitator ousted, and as often reelected — usually by accla- mation. Under the spur of official persecution, his popu- larity waxed rapidly ; a public meeting of his constituents enthusiastically expressed confidence in him, while the mem- bers of the reform party throughout the province sent him to England in 1832 to lay their «rievances before the home authorities. Mackenzie reached England at a very opportune time, for the reform element there had just become domi- nant and the great Reform Bill of 1832 had just passed into l^w. Consequently, the British authorities had no hesitation in expressing their opinion that the expulsions had been ill advised. They were not, however, prepared to grant the prayers of the petitions which Mackenzie brought from the colonists, but went so far as to remove from office two executive officials who had been among the most prominent in the expulsion proceedings. And, on recommendation, the provincial Houses agreed to the pat- s^e of an Act which reformed the judicial system by making the tenure of judges during life or good conduct. Shortly after Mackenzie's return, the provincial capital, York, was incorporated as a city; and in 1834, Mackenzie, now a veritable idol with the provincial masses, became its first mayor. Very unfortunately, his course of action while in office, however, left much to be desired. Both as a pre- siding officer of the corporation and as chief magistrate, he allowed his doings to be governed by all sorts of personal animosities, and showed a pettiness such as even his old an- tagonist, Maitland, had never exhibited. Soon his popularity began to wane, and the decline was hastened by his injudi- cious publication of a personal letter from the great English UPPER CANADA UNDER ACT OF 1791 367 radical Hume, in which the latter declared hit belief that the courte of evenu in Canada would logically "terminate m independence and freedom from the baneful domination of the mother country." For hit apparent coincidence in thit tentiment, Mackenzie toon found himtelf repudiated by many of hit tupportert, who, whUe ttaunch reformert, were ttiU ttauncher loyalittt. Similarly the public meet- ingt which had hitherto acclaimed him at the tribune of the people now battened to overwhelm him with centuret he wat defeated at the poUt when he again tought election; and thortly afterward forced by an untparing public opinion to lutpend the publication of the Athtcatt. But at the general elections of ig34 the reform element, by vigorously repudiatmg the Hume sentiments, succeeded anew in secur- ing a majonty in the Assembly, while Mackenzie himself, after a hard fight, was able to capture one of the four ndings mto which York had just been divided. The genenl result left the Family Compact, in a House of less than sixty members, in a minority of eight or ten. The first session of the new House was hardly opened when Mac- kenzie moved for the appointment of a Committee on Grievances and succeeded in having such named, with him- self at chairman. After a careful inquiry the committee preaented an exhauttive report covering tome fifteen clotely pnnted pagea of the Attembly's journal. On the whole, the report seems to have been a truthful presentment of the Mate of afiairt in Upper Canada during the few decades preceding and a vigorous protest against a continuation of the existmg conditions. Periups one-third of the whole report was devoted to the advocacy of a "responsible ex- ecuuw and the necessity of vesting more influence over *«>" of Sute in the accredited represenutives of the people. The remainder dealt with divers grounds of com- plamtj the meddling of judges aAd other officials in political quarreb; the retarding effect on provincial development of tlie Ueigy Reserves { the practice of appointing mUitaiy govemon to whose nature conciliation and courtesy seemed ^S :■;;.( ' M !/> «: rs r i 368 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA intrinucally foreign } and 1 host of other grievancei all more or lest real. This report, wrinen in a tone which showed that Mackenzie's natural acerbity had been subjected to the tempering influence of his colleagues on the committee, was passed by the House. Together with resolutions asking for the redress of the grievances it was forthwith sent oflT to England. There it created a profound impression in official circles, for the Peel ministry was more open to popular protest than were its predecessors of the pre-reform epoch. The colonial office decided that prudence alone demanded the pursuit of a more concessionary policy than that hitherto followed by the represenutives of the crown in Upper Canada, and as Colbome could not be expected to execute any such volttfact with dignity, his recall was decided upon and Sir Francis Bond Head was selected for the vacant post. But before the change could be efiected Colbome effected, on behalf of his friend Strachan, a coup which caused a storm of criticism. It will be remembered that while the colonial office, many years previous to this time, had ex- pressed its opinion that the Church of Scotland should share in the emoluments of the Reserves, Strachan had succeeded in having the matter of a division held in abeyance. And at different times the efforts of Presbyterians in the province to have the question dealt with had been promptly frustrated by the influence of Strachan and his friends in high places. But now it was seen that, owing to the altered temper of the home authorities born of the reforms of 1832, no such policy of procrastination could be indefinitely pursued, and as there was a danger that not alone the Church of Scotland but the other dissenting denominations would make good their claims to shares, Strachan induced the retiring gov- ernor to endow from the Reserves some fifty-seven Angli- can rectories and thus to secure to the Church of England the lion's share of the lands in advance. Through some diffi- culty, fifteen of the patents were left unsigned, and the Church in the end got less than it had reached out for, but the signed patents were held vaU'? by the courts, and, t atfrn i I' ' . < f IWffM CdHdOM UNMM JKT Of tfft ^ M a wiMlt, tbeplMOMjrbeatidtoiMvebwa mccmiIU. But th* ciicunMtuicn under which k mm dbcMd do ao mt ofdk cithtr to tht goyernor or to hb pramiNm, ■khoygh It miiM be Mid in pvtial cxtraintioa dw mim WW before, when the Compect pMty enjoyed the eoofid«w» of thoee in authontx ^ «be Britidi niniMfy, the prindpk of miking tome provision for Epiacopel racton out of the Knervet had received the sanction of the colonial ofice. Th« appointment of Sir Fnuida Bond Head was thotttht hy the colonial ofice to be a distinct concession to die reformers of Upper Canada. He had absolutdv no political ncpermice whatsoever, nor was he known to have anv fixed id«s on the subject of colonial sdministiation. He would, therefore, be p&able dajr in the hands of Oownint Street, and instructions u to a conciliatory policy miditbe given with confidence that they would be carriMloitt. Son» writers have dedared that the appointment went to Sir Francis by mistake for his cousin. Sir Edmund, a much abler nuui, who subsequently became governor of the United Frovmces from j«S4 to i86t. There was only London gossip m support of thb idea} more than likely die absolute unsuitability of Sir Fruicis for die post, when act- • .y demonstnted, caused people to disbelieve dttt die colo- nial office could ever have intendonally selected such a man otherwise dian by mistaking him for someone else. Still die appomtment was haiieJ by die reform demem in die province with unmixed joy, for Mackensie had been duly informed by Hume that diere was good ground for eladon. And If the inexperienced appointee had any sense of humor lie must have been roundly amused to find, on die occasion of his entry into Toronto, die streets adorned widi placards bearing die words: "Welcome! Sir Francis Head:Trted Reformer. TTie new governor, who was installed on January a*. 1836, started weU by calling to his councU duce pronunem reformers. But dwse refosed to accept unless die old members still remaining were dismissed, and die governor. MOHl 370 CANADA AND iUTttH NORTH AMMMICA ■I 'i \ niBpectifig that the giving of the reform element an excluiive control of the Council would promptly reduce him to a pontion of complete impotence, at once refuted compliance. In the end the reform appointees agreed to serve, but it waa not long before the two faction* came into irreconcilable conflict and the whole Council reaigned. Nothing daunted. Head accepted 'heir retignations and appointed othen who were willing to serve him without being bound to either party. At this both parties in the Assembly rote in protest. For the domination of the goverm^ alone teemed to be no im- provement on the domination of either party over the other. The Aatembly almost unanimoutly condemned thit action and asked for the reinstatement of the old councillors, and when the governor remained unmoved, the Assembly fell into line with Lower Canada and refused, for the first time, to vote the supplies. In the crisis. Head proved himself pos- sessed in a high degree of the qualities of an actor dranuti- cally appealing to the people at large and to the home authorities for support. In this he was providentially aided by the publication at the moment of a seditious letter ad- dressed by L. J. Papineau, the leader of discontent in Lower Canada, calling on the reformers of Upper Canada to join their fellows of the Lower Province in an armed revolt against executive domination. With dramatic effect Head affirmed that the cause of British connection was at stake; dissolved the Houas ; ordered a new election, id himself took the stump to declaim vigorously against tne seditious designs of his opponents. Strangely enough his appeal proved effective. When the results were known it was found that the governor could. count on a majority in the new Assembly, while Mackenzie, Bidwell, and most of his leading opponents were defeated at the polls. For a man who knew nothing of the devious ways of politics. Head had made rather astounding progress, and his apparent success at this juncture strengthened him with the colonial office. But defeat in the House served but to convince some of the leading reformers in the country that their ends VWR C4S4D4 UNDi'lt JCT OP 1791 37, couid be attained onlir through the emplovment of meana much mofc draatK than tboM hitherto udliwd. and from th,, date one may mark the beginningt of the movement ^ward open revolt. Mackenaie wa. specially angered by defeat, and hit new organ, the Cmtitutun, became more viofent than hit Adv^cau of a decade before. kjJ? K . li r* •*^""** *" Awembly ready to support tejj;; K^" ^? "? "^"^ "•• ''*'" °^ ■'* *•• ^Jifficultiel. wSL ff^2!"*il **^ ""•!«»»«"»' opposition within the 1835 1 "£2 °"^'*'*"' *'*'^*- ""^ '«'*l^n of \v a 1 frf 1. i'il 'mtii r* h CHAPTER XVI THE mNNING OF RESPONSIBLE GOrEKNMSNT tJ^ ^ forgoing chapter, an endeavor ha. been made to f^Ll STn*^ ''^ *' ^~' P°«^*^»» grievancea^c^ fwmoie than a «:ore o year^ had *rvS to foment dia- -fection among certain claue. of the colonial popXioT I-'^nt rr-'"' ^'37, the widcpread K^Jt' wa. Ken to be npenmg mto open .edition} the asitators be«memore mflammatonr ii, their add«..e. to theTSSfc^ while de proclamation, of the goveinor^„e„a forbSfi ^ddmg of unauthorized meeting. Xe defiant^ dTi? ^„T!? ^^°^'' ^'"^^^y °f ~ actively^etted £ p«^er^ movement, there can be no doubt whJS^tK few .f any of them, did much to pacify the pe^jTor to pomt out to them the d«v„ of Ipen „beU.^ McJ! T KA* '^T '^^"^^ "^ fitquently held o,^ SuXi after Ma«. «,d at the very doorT^f the^^ch^ A«ughout the Lower Province, cpeciaUy kTSe dSS of Quebec and Montr«l. At theae S at d» v«La^ githenng. the agitator, diaplayed flan with tr^^U^ •jnp^n^ whUe pamphletaVd ci^rStn^:^^ L^oTS^^r^^"^ Seditiouai^JiZ; lap« m ,u ch«ter due to negligent of S kgidiiSfJriS 373 M .1 374 CJNJDJ AND BRITISH NORTH AMBRICJl very inadequately policed, » that the riotoui element had wViTfoled T "*^- '^^^"^ evolutional oS«ti^J ?r»/ • /r™ *?°"8 *•« ™"'" of younl French! t^^35ei"^n?l7f'r'"Pr''* ""^ prominent Sln^ ine KxaJJed Sons of Liberty, the members of which^for the most part young students^penly avowed tS,!^ to "emancipate the province from all hum«, authoriJ^ S a^S 1^'^^" '*"°^""^ "•'*"8 withiJ" t. £2im/' This and the other organizations found their official o.^^ m the y,nd,cator, edited by one O'Callaehan, which m«S3 with truculent o«enution manifestoeslSd^lution??™!^ nating regdarly from the seditious gatheAiw "' l^ax as the authorities were, they could not but heed th«* Ce'J^or '-"-r'th^^-ult t^t S?r Jot cS! b«rne who had given up the administration of Uppir Canada ^Zi ^'^^t"'^ »>o'»e to England via NeJ^ York w« i*«lled at the latter port to assume command of the forc« wither emr"* *"' 1° 'w°''' "'-^^^ - «adi:;es7toTe3 ^nlf ^ "nergency which might arise. Colbome was a capable and eneigetic military officer, but the forees ^11 more than a half as many more could be Sd. Nor weS mditary stores and supplies plentiful, for nSriy ."^^ ^^ro™t"r;8rr I- 1 -^ -^^ "^^^ with firmn!« ,[ *' .^7. In this his krace condemned THE BINNING OF RESPONSIBLE GOFERNMENT ^j^ wa, ordemTto be ««1 in ^ the chS^-of^! Tt'' and h) nadine had > v*rv ».rtj^ i! .^ *** "* dioceie, land, of a^l^^^r S?tJ "*", "■ •«°S*"i»g I* for rebellion „igk, ^ haverZcd^S^^trT Just about this time two monster meetinn wen hi-U K„ the respect ve factions At Sr ri.-lj^^*^ !^« "*''* "^ .evemlTousand ^lcont1m^«o^^^^^^^ *^' **"''""'^' assembled under the li^^S "Pi^"*»8 »« counties, •on, and oS Th!^ " ^ °^ ^rP'""*"' W°'f««' Nel- salvos of muskttnr A JS * ''^/""^f* °^ »«""«^" ««* - erectedtr'Se ^J^lt'jZ^:^^^^^' ?^:i4ar7rom^St^;?:-2 ^^tF^^ meeting and adopted with acclaim % J ^^ .'*^°'* *'*" gnevances, and that the tim^ h.A^ r ° "*''*"■ P^*" old authorities «^d the e uwS^ 'T' t°' "'^'^ *° »^ thi. « a preamble, Ihe -S^orX";:;^^. "^'f «me time uS svLmatic^''' PT^ondly, „d at the pointed b, .If g:crrt.Trp; L""„^"jl-'- resolution of all As that which nl/S?.K ^ ***^"« .nd encounge desertion from thl IS^c'^^f'^^^ *° •^•' stationed in die province. "^^ *^P« > : i 71 376 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA On the tune day a monster gathering of the loyalist pany was convened at Montreal, attended likewise by sev- eral thousands, and adopted resolutions of a veiy diflerent tenor. These called upon the authorities to make an end to <* injudicious and inefiectual attempu at conciliation," and to put down with a firm hand the rising disorders. The meeting pledged the support of the loyal section of the population to the authorities "in order to maintain connec- tion with the British Empire," and proceeded to appoint committees to see to matters of organization and to con- cert plans for the immediate rendering of assistance to the authorities in case of need. Following the example of the malcontents, the young loyalists of Montreal had oigan- iied a political association to which they gave the name of Doric Club, and the avowed purpose of which was to act as 4 counterpoise to the Sons of Liberty. It was not long before the two organizations and the symp;:thizers with each came into collision. Early in November the Sons of Lib- erty undertook to assemble and plant a tree of liberty on Place d'Armes Square. This the loyalists determined to prevent with the result that a riot of grave proportions took place. The ViiuBcatar office was demolished, and the mob was only with the utmost difficulty prevented from wreaking a like vengeance on the residence of Mr. Papi- neau. But the troops were able to secure quiet and the authorities at once issued a proclamation forbidding all unauthorized meedngs of any kind. Outside Montreal the bMtanu bepn to assemble at various points, chieHy along Richelieu River; more particulariy at St. John's and Cham- bly, where they forced several of those who had received commissions from the authorities as justices of the peace to resign their appointments. Colborne, now fully alive to the pavity of the situation, drew into Montreal all the troops he could spve from Quebec and other points, while wananu were sw 1 out for the chief agitators then present in Montreal. Bu hese managed to escape to the Riche- lieu section where jeir arrest was difficult. About the TUB WINNINa OF RMSPONStBLB GOFBRNMBNT 377 Mme time a tnull troop of cavalry was despatched from Montreal to St. John's to assist in the execution of a war- rant which had been issued against the postmaster of that place and some others who had been prominent in foment- ing sedition. The arresu were effected successfully, but on the way home the party was confronted, November 17, 1837, near Longueuil, by a krge boJy of armed baUtaHtt who succeeded, after a brisk conflict, in releasing the p 1- oners and sending the troops back to the city empty handed. This may be said to have been the opening of the rebellion. The haUtantt began to concentrate in large numbers at the villages of St. Charles and St. Denis, on the upper Riche- lieu, and to disperse them it was forthwith decickd to send out two strong bodies of troops. A force of about three hundred men with two pieces of artillery, under Colonel Wetherall, was despatched from Montreal to Chambly, thence to proceed to St. Charles. The <^her force, con- sisting of about two hundred infiintry and three guns, under command of Colonel Gore, was to be transported down the St. Lawrence to Sorel, thence to ascend the Richelieu to St. Denis, and, having dislodged the rebels there, was to pro- ceed on to St. Charles in time to effect a junction with the forces led by Wetherall. Gore's force reached Sorel on the 22d of November, and, reinforced by the bulk of the garrison there, lost no time in proceeding toward St. Denis, which was only sixteen miles up the river. The slushy road was covered in a night, and by morning Gore found himself at &. Dmis c Knt and instead of putting the insurgent jwisoners on trial fore courts-martialr-«s the authorities had an undoubted • right to do, martid law having heen proddmed throughout the Montred district smne time before^— allowed numbers of the prisoners to depart scot free, as it was fUt that civil trials by jury wodd only increase the ftctiond animosities. Shortly after New Year (January 8, 1838), Monsdgneur Lartigue, of Montred, issued his second mandate, in which he chid the hahtmts for their seditious behavior and their Allure to obey the advk:e tendered in his pattord of some months before. A day of public thanksgiving for the resto- ration of poUticd tranquillity was then proddmed. Lord Gosford having recdved permisdon from the home author- ities to relinqdsh his post of governor, gave over the ad- ministration to Colbome and teft the province. Gosford had shown an entire inability to ded with the ex^encws of the situation. At the outset he had underestimated the seriousness of the outbreak, and when he finally awoke to its gravity it was only the energy and ardor of Colbome which rendered it posdble to cope with a movement which his own apathy and ill-advised compromidng had allowed to assume such threatening proportions. Colbome, dthou^ it was known that he was to assume control only until he home authorities codd make some permanent appointnwnt, took hold of affiurs with his usud sfurit and soon had in foree such measures as were essentid to a find padficatira. In England the news of the outbreak had been rvcdved with min^ surprise and exasperation, especially as the rj i -i.i ■ .ti i 'hI'I % Hnf ■ill I ■ilif m\mL\ THE mMHWO or MMiHUiitMlM oorgMNMUtr 3ti of Gon*! vipdM ac St. Dn^ wm VMdf m- _ VWom of aaodwr coIoiimI ww of bi^^m- dtac* bcfwi to loot btfefie tilt ms of EadyuMo, umI thtre were tt once viforoue wtniims bodi u the Hom* ■ad out of it that the nadon wouM hrook no icpetitioii of those mmiaterial fidliee which little over a ludf cemutr belbra had coat Oiwt Britain her thirteen Maboaid coio- niet. The ministry, therefore, which had hitherto allowed cdooial compfaumt to be comphceatly pigeon-holed and petitioni bearing thouiande of names to be laid withoM dis- cussion on the table of the House, now icalised that ks apatlqr had produced a staM of a&irs with refincnce to which immediate actkm of a decisive aMure was impaatively nec- essarjr. Under the stimulus of <^en nrck it riiook off its lethaigjr with unwonted rapiditj, and before January was over it had decided upm the drastic course of suspending the constitution of Lower Canada, and or' soidtng out a new governor armed with dictatorial powers to oiforce im- mediate submit .kmi t.. -I to make a full inquiry into ^ alleg^ griewices of u.- . . hmtt. This inquiry, the ministers hoped, would form the basis upon which a new constitution could be drafted, under the provisions of n^iwh pditkal harmony couM be secured. But to find jutt such a man was not easy, for nature does not often give the firmness of a dictt^M-and the tact of a diptomat to one and the same individual. Ordinarily, the task would have been an ex- tremely difficult one ftw any ministry, but there was, at this time, one individual to whom the members of the admin- istration were aUe with unanimity to turn. This man was Lord Durham. John George Lambton, first Eari of Duriiam, was bom at Lambton, in the County Ftdatine of Durham, on A|Mil 12, 179a. The son of a staunch Whig he entend the H^ M House of Commons as sotm as he became . _g,, _ the rq>resentative of his native Aire, and soon cmmected himself widi the radical wing of the Whig party which, thou^ at that time numeri<»lly weak, was ofqiosing the Ki^r- iiillllil I 1 382 C4NADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMBRKA Liverpool muugtry with much spirit. During the move- ment which culminated in the pausing of the Great Reform Act of 1832, Lambton took a leading part. In the same year be was intrusted with a diplomatic mission to St. Peters- burg, which he carried out with conspicuous success. In 1828, he had been made Baron Durham, and, in 1837, he was further honored by an elevation to the dignity of an SI.'.i. ?„Tl. T ^^^T ^ •**="»* "nbassidor to r„r. :^ Y^ "^ iT"" *•• ^^ "•«'' ^'^ threat, enmg sute of a^rs m the Canadas gave new fields for his eneipr. In spite of the check placed upon his political acavities by uncertain health and the possession of^ un- fortunate acerbity of temper which he did not always hold popdar of Enghsh peers. And there were other reasons why his appointment at this time seemed a wise stroke. The ftct that Durham had always been a Liberal in politics •eemed to render safe the intnistment to him of dictatorial powers, while related as he was, by blood, marriage, and traming, to tlie conservative element in England, he was, »n spite of his hberalism not unacceptable to the Tori«! t-onsequently his appointment brought forth unqualified •pprovd both from the House and the country. He re- « W- J°^'^°" ^ ^ •P'^8 ""^ '838 and set forth, a. Justm McCarthy remarks, " with the assurance of every- one that his expedition would make a career if not a nation'" Durham s commission was a twofold one. In the first place, he was appointed govemor-general of the five provinces of S'X" ^"^J^Vf^ ^°''» ^°^' New Brunswick. ^LfT f ^"^ ''H' *>»»«^»»g *U 'uch power. « Srii'' A't "*"^'*^ ^y ** iovereign henelf. On the other hand, he was appointed "Lord High Commit- sioner, with full power to inquire into, and, if possible, to adjust all qw«ions of civU government pending in tlw provmces. With the commission went a letter of instmc- tion. from the secretary of state for the colonies informing him that It was the desire of her Majesty's govemmew THE mfNJNO OF RESPONSIBLB QOrBRNMBNT 383 "that the rebels should be treated with the utmost posnUe lenkncjr compatible with the public safety." Arriving at Quebec, Lord Durham issued a prodamatkm dissolving the old Executive Council and appointing, under the terms of the Act suspending the constitution of tlw province, a new Council of five members taken from among the members of his own entourage. Although the earl has been soundly criticised for having done this, he had, as his prodamation shows, the soundest reasons for his action. H«; desired his council to be so composed that the responsi- bility for eveiy administrative act should rest upon his own shoulders. He wanted to hold himself entirely aloof from every fiurtion in the province, and this he could not do if members of his council were to be taken from the ranks of its prominent men. The next question which thrust itself upon his attention was the difficult one of disposing of the rebel leaders. Some of these were in custody awaiting trial, some of them were at huge in the province and some were in the United States, but anxious to return. To bring those in prison to trial and to decree the perpetual outhwry of those at large would ai^ur ill for permanent pacification: to allow all to go free would have bem construed as a lamentable confession of weakness, and would, in addition, have un- quesdonably disgusted the loyalist secttmi of the popula- tion. Duiham attempted a solution of die question which, whatever its defects, had at least the merit of originality. He opened up indirect communication with some of the more prominent of the leaders in which he is alleged to tove pJe«%ed him^lf that if they would place themselves un- reservedly at his disposal, without demandii^ a formal trial, a general amnesty would be prodaimed in fevor of all the minor figures concerned in the revolt. TYnt plan was suc- cessful, andL. toward the end of June, 1838, ei^t of the m. posal, but granted a full pardon to all others, saving only those who were charged with the murder of Weir and others. Accordingly, the eight leaders were placed on board her majes^s ship Vtstaly then in pmt at Quebec, and set off for The Bennudas where they arrived in due course. In the colony this action was received quietly and, on the whole, with approval. But in Enj^d, on the other hand, it at once brou^t forth a chorus of disapproval As soon as the news reached London, Lord Brou^iun, who was a bitter personal enemy of Duriuun, commenced his onslaught by the introduction of a Bill to provide indemnity (at all those who had been concerned in putting the ordi- nance in force. The bw officers of the crown reported di^ the ordinance was clearly ill^al, the govemor-genend taivmg no authority to order the detention of prisonen in The Bermudas or anywhere else outside his own jurisdic- tion. Despite the exertions of some of the earl's warm friends, the Indemnity Act passed both Houses, and the colonial secretary notified the eari that her majesty had been fwced to disallow the ordinance of deportation. But before the despatch reached Quebec, Durham read the news in the columns of a New York newspaper, and at once mailed his resignation. His reason for this haMy action,— often criticised by writers as the result of a petuk-t temper^— is best given by the earl himself. «! have come to the de- termination of resigning, not merely because I feel disgust and annoyance at the nulignity and treachery with which I have been assailed, ... but because aU weight, all power, IS taken from my authority { all civil power i •nni- hilated; nothing remains but military force, whir', wield as weU u an officer and would not if I coi <: these circumstances I feel that I can be of more , Canada in the Pariiament of England than here— « disavowed governor." ..ot r to .ded. mM ' THE mNNING OF RBSPOlfSIBLB GOrMRNUBHT 38s Without doubt, the miiiutiy had not accoided the hi^ commiuioner that unwavering support which he had, under the circumitancet, the right to expect: whether the necea- •itiet of the caie were auch as to justify an immediate resignation is a question upon which the friends and critics of the eari have disagreed. But before tl^ govemor-genenl took hu departure his impetuosity got the better of his pru- dence on more than one occasion. When it became his duty to announce officially the disallowance of the Depor- tation Ordinance and the enactment of a Bill of Indemnity to all who had been concerned in putting the ordinance in force, Durham, instead of making the announcements with- out comment, proceeded to set forth at considerable length his own disapproval of the measures in question. This expression, in a royal prochmation, of unstinted criticisms of the policy of the British authorities was, to say the kast, an unparalleled political phenomenon. When the report of this act reached England, there was but one coune open to the nunistiy: to & vise the eari's immediate recall The iMiAm Itmtt referred in sarcastic terms to the **|Mesump- tion and arrogance of the Lord High Seditioner," wfaUe the ^ctattr uiged that the ministiy should deal in exempbry fashion with the official who had made «an indecorow appeal against the government and Parliament of Great Bntam to the prejudice of an excited people." Instead of accepting the eari's resignation the mlnistiy advised a sum- mary recall, the order for which was dmatched without delay. Durh.im, however, did not wait for the letter of recaU to reach hmi. There were several matters requiring his imme- diate attention, and he determined, when these were anannd. to set put for England, leaving Colbome once more in charge. Many important administtative reforms were under conmi- mtion at the time, but these were one and aU dropped. UuAam gave his signature to such measures as had already received the formal assent of his councU, made a few minor appomtments, arranged his private affiura, and eariy in ; ) t 4 386 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA November, — leu than six months from the date of hit arrival in the colony, — yn» on his way home. The departure of the earl was made the occasion of a great popular demonstra- tion in his favor, and on his arrival in England the Radicals gave him an enthusiastic reception. The vessel which bore the earl homeward was hardly out of the St. Lawrence when the flames of revolt burst forth anew. This time it had its centre at Beauhamois, although it soon became general throughout the district lying west of the Richelieu and south of the St. Lawrence, and extending to the American frontier. But with his usual swift and vigorous measures Colbome crushed the bodies of rebels at dlflferent points before they were able to ^kct any dangerous concentration. Tliis recrudescence filled the prisons anew, and some of the judges, doubting the right of the council to suspend the operation of the Habeas Corpus Act, b«gan to issue writs for the production of the prisonm in the civil couru. Colbome met this official in- surrection efiectually by suspending from their functions the ju^;es who had thus ventured to tie his hands at a crit- ical moment, and in this the home authorities gave him prompt and decisive support. As for the prisoners now in custody, it was determined that they should be tried by courts-martial. Some few were hanged; others were outlawed and forbidden to return to the province upon penalty of death; the greater number of those convicted were, however, — by express British author- ity on this occasion, — shipped to the convict settlemenu in Australasia. Colbome's severity, thou^ justifiable, served to engender a feeling of irritation among a section of the habitanu which the lapse of severd decades did mxt wholly eradicate. By the spring of 1839, the province showed unmistakable signs that no further danger was to be apprehended and the militia oorps were disbanded; Colbome, at his own request, WM recalled, and Mr. Poulett Thomson — the province now requiring a sutesman rather than a soldier — ^waa sent out THE WWNma OP RMSPONSttU GrrgRMMBlfT 387 to take hit place. The authorities recognized Colbome't efficient Mrvices in the nippreMion of the intunection by honoring him with an elevation to the peerage and a iuIh stantial pension. But to turn to contempotaiy evenu in Upper Canada. In that province matters had been brought to a head by the triumph of the Conservatives in the general elections held dunng the spnng of 1 836. Piactically aU the reform lead- ers, mduding even Mackenzie himself, had been defeated at the polls , so that the era of passive resistance to the ex- ecutive pohcy seemed to have passed. Although they did not venture to prockim it at the time, it must have seemed to tbe more prominent reform leaders that the day for active resisunce in some form was at hand. The articles which Mackenzie had been publishing in his newspaper, Tbt Cmt- i*ftrtj«, beoune more openly hostile and inflammatory, meetuigs of his sympathizers were held in different oarts of I^?i[!'lIf^S*'T"""J?*^ WM opened up with Pkpineau and the other leaders of discontent in Lower CanadaiNrhile msomc parts the drilling of men u,d the concentration of arms and supphes were secretly begun. AU this continued for nearly a year, without the slightest interference from Governor Head. That the latter weH knew what was going on IS beyond question, but he believed, as he afierwaidd!: ckred, that rt would work out iu own cure, through the chsjinels of public opinion. Hence, when the fiiWrising took place m Lower Canada, Colbome was permitted tS withdraw aU the troops from Toronto and Kin«ton, leaving rto^ centres entirely ungarrisoned, for IW did not see S xl^^ S~™> "^ ■*•"** *« ^^ regiments shwild be enrolled to take the pkce of the departed^^ outblS*^';? Hrf* "°* ^""^^ ^'^ ^ conte^Iated outbreak, and Mackenzie, who was by all means the most impulsive of the reformers, determined to seize the opZ! tumty Momson, Rolph, and the other leaden were !eti- cen^ but at a meetmg held during October at Noel's brewery, on the outskirts of Toronto, Mackenzie seems to T! :!; I I 388 CANADA AND MUTtSH NORTH AMERICA htve demonstnted the ndvi^iMty of an immediate stroke. At this and subitjqtrnt meetings held elsewhere, it was ^reed that the malcontents of the firovince should be sum- moned to rendezvotu at Mc^tgomeiy's tavern, about four miles from Toronto, whence an immediate descent would be made on the City Hall, in which a huge quantity of arms and ammunition was stored. This done, it was i^arded as a simple matter to make prisoners of the governor and his Council; to prochum a reform constitution, and to secure its adoption by the people long before the home authorities would be able to interfere. Much stress was hud on the fact that in Lower Canada all the disposable regular troops would be kept fully employed by Papineau and his adhe- rents. The 7th of December was selected as the date of the attack, but in the meantime Governor Head, on the earnest solicitation of his advisers, shook off his apathy sufficiently to caU tc^ether a meeting of his council, in order that the situation mi^t be discussed. News of this reached the ears of Rolph, who, without consulting Mac- kenzie, determined to precipitate the attack by three days and to reach Toronto on the 4th. This upset Mackenzie's arrangements to such an extent that the force which gath- ered at Montgomery's ttvem numbered less than four hun- dred instead of the boasted four thousand which the leaden had assured themselves could be rallied. Had even this smaU force pushed into the city on the nig^t of the 4th, the sur- prise would have been a complete and probably a successful one; but when the leaders decided to postpone the attack until the foUowing day, they discarded the only trump card they possessed. TTie delay of a day allowed full information to reach Head, who, not less convinced than astonished, now be- stirred himself in a way which surprised even his friends. The loyal inhabitants were speedUy rallied and armed; and the governor quickly accepted a suggestion, tendered him by one of his military attaches, that a flag of truce should be sent to the rebels, with an ofier of negotiation, as a means I r^T i"""^ TKM mmtOfO OF MMSfOtrsUU aOFEJUaUNT ate of gunii^ a few boura. The mrncmmi wnt neamd br die iiinii|8m kadei^whoadml dm H^. piopowl, AoZ be put la wridng, pRwuaiiig to Rfisia fiwn attack till the •neiwigeii could letura with the wfktenpropowlfc Inthb rjLT^ 'S'* •*?" '^ S"^ *V *•* authoritiei, wWe the fawwledge diat surpriM waa out of die queadon <«»l»«tejied die rcbeli. Sdll, hamg had dieir numbefa augmented bj recent arrivals to die number of nearlv etdit hundred m all, a night attack waa decided upon. tG «tack, however, miMuried, chieflj owing to die feet diat mwiy of die inniigents, having been aanired of die blood- less capture of die dtjr, now refuted to lend any endiuM- Mmtoanamult. Ne« day. matters had endidy altered. A bodv of Buhtiamen^^ the command of Colonel Sir iWhn MacNab armed by steamboat from Hamilton^ die Sir" S"SJl"i "**• •**««• Atdiesametime, die tide had turned decirively in his fivor. Head determSd to move out widi as strong a force as his slender resources wouWp^hmito»obili«e. Leaving a guardT^ nvo hundred mw to garrison die pbceTiTbo^ of over four omes d« number, wid, MacNab in commid. preceeSd toward Montgomery's ttvem. where Mackenaie stiU had his head^uartm. Afker a coniict which was litde more dun a skmmsh, die casuaWes on bod, rides being litdeoJS a dozen .n number, die rebeb scattered in hut? An ign^ mimous feilure m ,ts outcome, the rising had in it an ele^ of danpr to die government j for. had die rebels been capa- Wy W. die optuusm and apadiv of die audiorities miX have given ^ provincial capital as an easy prey to mS- W and h» men. Substantial rewards W^ dfcred for the apprehen«on of die leaders, but most of diese. including Mackenwe himself, managed to make cood dieir cK^ne t» die United States. "«« gw»a tneir escape to m.i"i!i^'*^ J^^*'.P~''"~ there had been Ktde open manifestation of disloyalty except at London in die westom pemnsula. Head decided to ^ a foree dridw^^JS I k 390 CJMM4 MID MMrm/t MOUTH JUtMUCd mn were dtMnnedaiHidMpefMd without dificuhv. Th« toie-i hopet of ultimate tucxwi, and, wWilaffiJo M hit I»«fc|u«t«., he buried hiaedf w5rp«p«SBrfor M «2«o« of the pmmc. ftom the UniSdSS!^ Br i! oner of hvHb grants of tend and monetair bounties Mac- ^;^;^.«"^;!^'>fv»'^m», Operationfw.,, •im River, few nuJeedwre the fiUU. Thi. they fordffi «.der die d«««ion, of one of their numberrZlS^ RM««h«r..dMhin^^^ pttToon. AtNarylibnd.owideraWefoicewMdlowedto concenttwe, deqnte vigorous proteMs made bv the Britiah omobilne h« militia on the river wh«Tatt51m likdjrtobemade. Supplies were brought to the "PMriota," M the Idand forces denominated themselves, bv meamof . .m^iU •!««»«, Ae Cr^, and MacNab^tSSdS • woke awM be accomplohed by the destruction of this m^ Accordmgly. small body of men under the com- tMk and findmgthe CriiW moored on the American ride ^ ?^; SJTiL!** "T^ "^ 8u««I «" J Hrive them dnft toward the Alls. The afiir caused quite a wave of excitement m the United States, for the attai was\ZL£. edly a violation of the righu of a neutral Sttte, uid i!^!Zt dem«d for reparation WM made to the Britid, authorities^ JiL!^ ^" *:'" P""'^ »<» «^ »»««»«« American au- d.onu« themselves had not been without fiiultlJ^t^ a nid on a friendly Sute to be oiganized in the WitoS «»der Aeir juri^Uction and by thdTown compattST^ iw only -ome yw. later, after the relations between the two countries had become ominouriy strained, that w^ ' ^^^^- TKHntmuro OF USHitWMU OOrgMMUfT 391 ■HitiHl nplMMtioM and • twdv Briddi apekfjr, dM aftir wualknMdtodrop. SiMftljr aftar dM tpMt of dw Gw*. iwr, dM MPttriott," fiodiiig dMt Nav/ Ittand waa befaM icndarad umem^ bjr dM awaMJahawnf of baiiariaa on dMCaaadiaatlMM(«,avacuaiad dM poaidoa and ikfumi, Abofttvc attemptt to coaduet feicaa of Aflaarkan ijra^a* ddacn into the province wcia ^tada about tlM aaoM tbM at WindMir, and at Pireacott oa dM St. Lawnoea. At ^ fonncr place dM uivaden arcie d^aiaad bjr a Maall fbica ol milttiunm, whila at dM latter the partjr, having OMda good dMir landing on dM Canadian aide of dM river, wkn with considerable diAeul^ MinoiiBded in a Mooe wiadaiO and forced to Mirrender. Like tta aiiter province. Upper Canada had now a huge quota of priKtoera on ita hands. Then was a diffeience, however, in dttt, in the fai»fer, bmuv of dM ^isoaen were American citizens who had oniif Aemsdves to btane for havii^ becooM au»d i^ in a moveaent iHydi in no ww concerned dMBk But dMtr foreign ddsenahip waa allowed in no dqree to <^erate in their fiivor. Couft»'nMrtial weie assenUed at ^Ancnt pointa, and a cooaideiaUe Munber of persona woe encuted, iHrile scons wen saMaaeed to tnuispoitation. Now dMt dM a&ir waa over, dM British audMrides saw plainly dMt dM apadMtic and imprudent conduct of Gov- emw Head was not a little to Uaaae for dM whole ^ku^. Fot he had followed up a jtu of injwficiow •^t niftnwiftn by a year of groes ne|^ of the most obvious railkair necessities. Consequendy, he was now recalled (1838), to be succeeded by Sir George Arthur, fonnetly governor of Tasmania. But to return to Lord Duriuun. Before leaving Canada, as well as while un shipboard, dM eari had devoted much of his time to the pvepantkm of an elidK»ate rqmrt on the causes of the discontent in the colonies, together with |ho- posab for the removal of the same, tUs being, as will be remembered, one of dM tasks which had been set before J : 39a CdMMd dMO BUTttM MOUTH MUUCJ ^ittihciiMorkttappoiiiiaciit. Tkn icpoct was emn. -inL^J!^^*' '•'****" • "»««pi«*,tml it may w«B b« dottked If ■ mora coapiclwmiw mm puer hu •mbw,l«d|iefoi..|.||yMlwl»ody. l»tfctS«mrf of. niigl. S«e,j«, WT .f pn»dph.f but a w« of BmM* Mthomiw bad .pparemly opccttd tlut two »ce^ ^fiSf^i!^?^'*^ TT^tequence^weoidingtothr wport, li«r abuadantly juitJiied those who, in tjlu htc •i|«nedthrtnodiingoftheldndwouUttkepI«». 'colni„. owro «o OMW ipectfc con«idefatioi», the report desk with ttejconomic and wcial yrievancci of Lower Canada. a»ef^mojy the former waath. reterdon of the .j tem of«p»wl««itti* which, after careful contideiation *ro« «wy aM^t, the report unhesitating^ declared oualt to be abobshe^, due compensation being gnmted to the ^ ^J^^^^LT^'"!!^ The report then pruceedX tow tttention to the ^efficiency and expensiveness of the colonial judicial system, recommending divers r *^«nns, chief among which was the exclu«on of judge, fro, any partici- P«ion .n the executive functions of ovem. nt With WW legal acumen the eari took occa n to poir , he «ror into which the British authoritie t«d al! d rhem- Ae oW Frendi system of civil procen .„ anu French civil law code wiraout retaining, a the same aie, tha ^t rMM mtmmo or utmiWBLM oorgufMsnT 393 t^mmift ■jrttm wMcli i*m akwlmdT^ cMemial to iti e»rorMia««{ ot^-^nhat wm even oiok rinl ■drniHtc HKliiMfy for the pra|i«Mi« « adjuKoMm of the dvU law code to the needs of a mmag cotony. But it ii in kit coniifaatkMi of tfce inedfic political friev- •im ttat the oommiMieaer ihowcd hit aoM thoioiigh tratp orCamdttBafiKi. After tketching the Waoiy oirAeifeJ between the executive wad legithttive bianchet of the colo- na! ftdminittrati' , the repent stated ^ainly that the naia i«8cel>»ltk^iift ^ n 396 CJMJDJ dND MUnSH NORTH JMMJUCJ wojM have obttuutdy lefuied iu uwat to anythiiig of the In Upper Cuiads, on the other hud, whUe there wu no Mnou* objection to the principle of union, there wm on the ptrt of the Legtthtive CouncU, It any rate, . very Mioni •veriion to the principk of minitterial nqionnbUity, which It was propoMd to recogniae in the Pteliamentary machin- «y of the new r^ime. In this CouncU the old FamUr Compact influence was itiU dominant} the oM conflict with die Low^ Houae were &r from for|otten, and the member, of the CouncU saw dearly enough that with the reduction of that body to a po«ti4 TdStndJL^ the popular Houw, the htt vettige of their independence, power, and patronage would probably diaappear. Thonwon! however, confronted them with a deqwtch from the home •utaorittw strongly approving the meaauie, and the coun- cillor, had to accept the remlution. or place themadves in IS^HT^ t ^^^^"1^ *^ Britidi authoritie. con- Mdered to be for the be« interew. of the province. And «mr a decwie or more of ardent profeaaion. of loyaltv to K ^SL^ ^. ^ government— profcarion. wkich iMd con«tt«.edthdr chief political asretlthe memben of ^^^J-cU and their ^jdher«it. in the province were not FwpMedforanytt«hahernative. A hint from the governor tlMt memben of the Council— appointees of the crown— oj«M not with toemlinwa oppose the pn»jects of her majesty's «lv»m and stiH continue in o«ce hadTm. doubt, itsS! ence a. weU. At an;r rue, the resolutions passed the a decwve malomy. Ablic sentime^ tojAepreposal-ahhough in Lower &«^ Aow«^thMiMW« was ftreical in die extreme^-mxhing now nm^atad but die sanction of Pariiament. Adraft SSThrSr!? i" ^^ •"^ Thomson', supervision, ebi^y by Chief Justice Stuart, was transmitted to die Bunutiy, and, under the name of the •« Camuh Bill,' M !l!i THB WINNING OF RMSPONSIMLB GOrMRNMENT 397 both the Commons and Lords with compuatively (ew amendments during the course of the summer months of 1840. Provision was made, however, that it should not go into operation until the following Februaij, 1841. The Act provided for the union of the provinces under the name of the Province of Canada, hence it is, in Canada, commonly known as the Union Act of 1840. The organs of government were to consist of a governor- general appointed by and holding office at the pleasure of the crown; a Legishuive CouncU of not more than twenty members chosen by the crown and holding office for life, and a House of Assembly consisting of eighty-four mem- bers — forty-two from each provinces-elected from terri- torial constituencies delimited in the Act. Each member was required to have a landed property qualification of noc less than five hundred pounds sterling. The Executive CouncU was not dealt with by the Act, for like the British Cabinet, of which it was supposed to be a miniature, it had no sututory bat is. Tlie principle of ministerial responsi- bUity could receive full operation merely throu^ its tacit recognition by the crown, without the necesnty of any fimnal enactment. Provision in the Act was likewise made for a permanent civil list in lieu of the territorial and casual revenues bere^ tofore at the disposal of the crown; for a consolidation of the reveniws and debts of the provinces, and for the sote use of the English language in all Pkrliamentary proceed- ings, a feature which ww receiTed with marked disfiivor by the dominant party in Lower Canada. Such was the Constitution under which the two C«n«.ja , now united in one, were governed during the next twenty- six years. As the sover^ of Great Britain was append- ing her signatuK to this epoch-marking measure which gave her most important colony its first heritage of unity and au- tonomy, the man to whom all parties concerned were most mdebted for the outcome lay dying at Cowes, in the Isle of Wi^. Lord Durham had returned to En^aod, dcspte 398 CJMdDA JND MUTtSH NORTH JMMRJCjI ample asninncet of continued public confidence, downcast and cnuhed in spirit. His health, never robust at the bes^ soon b^ to give wtj under the weight of chipin, and akhougb he appeared occasionaUjr in the House of Lords dunng 1839, his old vigor was compktelj gone. In the sprln« of the foUowing year he grew graduaUy worse and bn physictans ordered a stay in southern France. It was on his way thither that his lordship was stricken down at Cowes, and died in the dosing days of July. Even in hu latest lasbes of consciousness he gave sign of the deep dis- appoutment hanging heavUy on hu mind. «I would ftin hopcj he said to those around him, "that I have not lived altogether in vain. Whatever the Tories may sav, Cana- dwis wiU one day do justice to my memoir." l/«^ has a dying wish been more amplv gratified: Canadians of aU sliades of race, religion, and political opinion have long since done ampk justice and given deserved rehabUitation to dw mmoiy of this most gifted of aU their governors. A coa- »tented Dominion reaching from the Adantic to the nwafic n one enduring monument to his pditical sagacity, for to htm the beginnings of union were unquestionably due. In eveiy colony of the Empiie his name has become maeparably associated with the great principle of colonial a uto n o nqr. DttiiHBM many of the great quaUties which go to *e a capiMt admimstiator} he had few of those which to mate a pofwlariMii. His petulawe and extreme B wdlHMi^ ■omdanbie, and these qualities, «««»amiable mm»i^ m it iiii l i ss , were intensified Vws unusuaUy v^pjw «pMsi»o of his feelings on the sliriitest jrovo«tKHi. But his q u ia hi KM of apprebenrion, htobLe Shrewdness and power of peactration, and his stupendous ^f^^ ,'~A«Ahi«aso«aflieri«tof Duriiam's phee m himan m^ be determined & •» .■^ijevemems a«i by these alone. For himself he aduev^ disappowUMM mi a premature grave, for Canada uid the Empire he hid the h«ie of a iew ^wch TMB WtMmNO OF MMSPOMSIMU OOrBRNMMNT 3V9 in hwmoniotu iclationt. **He maned a caicer but he made a nadon." "No episode in our political liiMoiy/' uy TievelTan, "it more replete with warning to earnest and public S|»rited men who in seeking to serve their countiy foiget what is due to their own interests and their own seciHry than the story of Lord Duriuun." f-. PS i Chiiiml portioB of the ftujiMaent BalUa^i, Otdiwi. CHAPTER XVII CMdUM UMDBIt TMi UMOM, /S^^t&T aoc bt tte point to takosfUMiBl It mqr ref eftbo MMeof afim n thft'ViM PtovImw of Upper and Lower OuMdoMdMtioM^dMiriuuaa. la mIio^ poUtkd cownotiam, Uppor GMMk had iMra mtUOf tecNMiag b populMiM lata hj it40, ibt total mStZ — 1^ ju^jy ^f ^ mmon. Tht aact figw« •at at cannot bo ^v« vkk confidanco, lor tlM cenain waa taken in dUfcrant tkHdM •■■^pwjMj INK Lower Canada c uc a od a J ita , „,„„ bj at kaat one bundled and iftjr tbomand. Of tlM mud total, tbcEogiiabapeakiagaectioafennod the ' not decniveljr, iHiik on dM ba«a of icl%ioii, » .«-»«- ^ and pRMeMim aboM cqaaUed aadi odMT bi dM Utited PioTtMea. In bodn dw pnpwhrion waa aafadr noL Lomtt Canada had but thwe urban caoina of importancei Mimtteai, now a driving dtjr of ^oitt fonv dwoaand aottbt Qiiebec, widi ita aiewfy inctcaaing ddt^ve dMNiaaad) and Three Rivcrh atiU a ttntgi^ town of loaa dttn dMo dMHuand inkdihanta. In Upper Canada, on die odwr hand, ToiMto, Haad- ton, Kugnon, and London, all of dieni jm aoMll citiea, were growing lapidty in tiade and pqpohttioa. The pieaeac Ottawa waa a ttrag^ing village with no impMtance lave •• a depot fat the Aiftueut ot n^flm to die hn^er caana lurdwr up the river. 401 I! 4M CMfJOJ dMD MUTUH MOUTH AMMRICJI lii ^^n^S*"^^ ^ ktMtmti of 1840 Mtni but «»o»muh1 wm writtm bv the pcmioMnr Tht mt made thdr Bvki. Tht i«iiiMtf wis u unambWoiM m ever ^«r*^ iV* "oTfow. H» own diitpoMtioa ami the ■r«f« of lud twMft combined to keep wTmwlHHb of culumwn primed*.. Fertili«,,g the i3 wie^STi^ comfortably. Obcjruig with huMbk fidelity the Mripttinl ^juml to «be fruitfU ud «uW|Jy/' hH^i SLmTS ^ u. «tlrf«|»hi«| the e«h.*^bcc«ioo.Uy . JS rf ftwidi onpn might be fo«nd euiii| for We lid in ptoper In Upper Snidt, a(riculture wu the ec >nomic mainttar li^iJ!^'^'^ »«^ contmt^i^S^I Zft^ ?"P«oH «» tb« Lower P«vince. l7ente^^ thrift, and mdwtfy, the NttJen of Upper Canada luSlno S^r^Jtrj^ '^'^ °^i'««^S^ CoZ«7. •ad UiB rewlt m«y be leen in the (act that the acreaae of 2£^ b«j«.e it found a ««ly cMh marS^ 13 £SS whe« producoon of the province during the Uni^'^ Sr^r:? *^ "?^r *''»^- Except forT^ S. 1 iy^"* T '"^ •"**"»^ tctivity anywhere, but Ae li^benng tnuJe wa.^owly entering Jpon itTTr; 0I economic importance. The trafic in ieltiy--the Alpha MM Umega of commerce during the old r^me—wat atiU riL^LT^!? ■«! '^,»'?'''y P-Aing it! caitie toward tne we«t and north. Maritime commeree developed vny C4MdD4 UMDU THE UHtOM 4^ «"««»f%. TW Briddi NaviptieB /^^ wvn itin fai foiM, and Csnwb profited CTMtljr^tlwiriinvW^ Tht Si. Lawraiicc wm doacd to foraj|ii romimicr, tft »hM Britith and CuMdka iMpptn divided dM proftt* of tlM canrini trade. In bocli Loww CamMk and tht MaiiiiaM Piovinna ■tapbuiiding was an importaM and growing indnetiy. la 1841, no fewer tlian ■txtjr-fettr M^ng veMde,^gtcgKing Muand tomn kft the wocka at Quebec ^** «w«B«r-four thouaand Him, wn uw rocu at V2wc alone. Tne virtually exdiMive privilme eirimed by provinces of supplying the British .West Indies with htn anJ ra«r •■•■tMMala »/ all kl_J. 1:1 •_ « . the and raw nuterials of all kinds was likewise a featiuc which contributed subatantiaUx *» ^ fwwth of their sea-borne commerce. In gmcnd, the economic outlook was hopeAili the bwrkwaidness of i^riculturc in Lower Canada alone nve gnwnd for nUs^vings. The first Pkrliaaent of the United Ptovinces of Upper M»d Lower Cknada convened at Kingston on the lAth of June, 1841. Kingsford dves the 13th as the date, but uivestigation shows that the 13th of T..~!, 1841, was a Sunjyj the imdamation summoning the House, dated AfwU 30th, gives the date of meeting as the 14th. GoveinorWfal Charles Poulett Thomson, who had iow become Baron Sydenham, had abcadv nonunated both his Executive and Legiski ve Councils, and the composition of each ^^„ bcM made ki o#n to the people befbro the elec- *****vl *' '' " ''•^"*»''- '^"Wi^ly had brrn held. The BiwBbr. ..f tJ : ixecutive Council were Robcn Baldwin Sulh»«n,j -hr. Hai 7 Dunn, Samuel Bcaley K:.rriMn, Wil- liam HejkfT r-;»i r, Hamilton Hartty Kiil«iv, Robot BaU- win, Dominick iJaljr, Charies Richards OgdV;:, znd Charles Dewey Day. Of these the first six crc selected from Upper Canada, whUe the remaining three came from the Lower Prevince. None was of French origin, while only one—Mr. Daly— v^i a Roman CidioUc. TKe composition wa« therefore nor such as to inspire the French portion of the populatton witto any great hopes in the new administra. turn. BaUwm was by all means the ablest of the nine _^^& 404 CAH4DJI AMD MRITttH NORTH JMiRICJ coundUon, and bit prnence in the CouncU gave it won- •iderahle strength. But he had UttJe cunluknce in hit collwguet. In fact, the Upper Canada members weie men to whomhe had hitherto been politically opposed, and he h«i entered the CouncU only because he regarded it$ orid. nal composition u purely tentative. This first Execut^e CouncU wjM truly a curious piece of political mosaic, but in the end, thanks to the untinng energy of Lord Syden- ham. It served as a starting point in the new scheme of administration. In the Lepslative CouncU the French-Canadian element WM given a funr representation, eight out of the twenty, four members having been di-wn from Fiench-Canai. The tlections for the Legislative Assembly passed off rather quietly m the Upper Province, but in Lower Canada there was « great deal of bitterness. In genenU, the result was such as to ensure the administration a working majority. No sooner had the Assembly met at Kinffi^n than OUd- win proposed the reconstruction of the Executive CouncU, wiUi the introduction into it of some French members. Sydenhat ; refusal to do this brought Baldwin's resigna- tion, but tn^ r .her eight members remained in office. The Assembl> ^^ .xtremely desirous that the governor should give some definite sMurances on the subjea of ministerial responiibUity. Sydenham, however, would do no more than to promise, m terms which were too general to be satisfiur- tojy. that the executive would maintain in general a deferent attitude toward the representatives of the people. That the trutive should hold itself accounuble to the Assem- impiw'***"^ *° ***'^ "**""* "~ '^*"' promised nor The first seuion was marked by the passage of several important measures. The customs laws werTrt^viseds the ^;Sl°i 1? «f »"«i«»l Vitem, based on the lines sug- g««ed by Bullerm Durham's report, were prepared 5 andtE to personaUy drafting these measures, Sydenham did much to ' cjmmji under thb union 40s entuK tiidr pHoge, and tpmni no punt in his endeavor to allay ncial and fiKtional bitterness. Under this stnin his none Um robust physiqut soon gave way. **1 actually breathe, eat, drink, and sleep on politics,'* he wrote ; «I long for September, beyond which I will not stay here if they were to make me Duke of Canada or Prince of Regi- opolis, as this phu» is called." An accidental ftU from his horse accdented his breakitown, and he died on Septem- her 19, 1841. It was due mainly to his tact, eneivy, and cod judgment that the wheels of the new administrative machme had been set smoothly in moti by the appointment of the Hon. Alexander Baring ^toward Lord Ashburton) and Daniel Webster as tlw H^pective arbkrators of Great Britain and the United States, w^ power to recammend a compromise boundary. Baring was a man of some ability and with considerable diplomatic CdHdDd UMDMR THE UNWtf mfi cxpoience, but he wit no match for hit v^oroui and keen-witted American ponent. He would, in fiwt, have needed all the tubtlcty of a Talleyrand and the firmneaa of a Bitmarck to have entered the diplomatic litu on cquid terma with the leonine thunderer of the American Senate. Thote in Canada who ttill itand aciaaed at the retult of the nego- tiationt may find ample tolution of their amazement in the widely different mental calibret of the necotiatort. It it not necetaary here to narrate the ' uimt on wnidi the two States re«ed their respective titlet to the disputed territory. It is enou^ to say that the two arbitrators effected an agreement which was embodied in the so-caUed Athburton Tica^, and sinied August i o, 1 842. By the terms of the treaty Canada relinquished her claims to several thousand <^/uuc miks of valuable lands, receiving in return a smaller tract of sterile wildemess. The boundary betwc«n Maine and Lower Canada was delimited as k staads at the picaoK day. In the west the boundary Um was fixed as te as dw Rockies, neither side gaiaiag vt hwifw very orach. The Km west of the Rockies was kft undetoecl, only to prove the bam of difficulties in years to come. TentMivc agreements w«e reached oa the minor points at issue between dw two coua> tries, while what remained of die Cmtiiu epkMide was dis- posed of 1^ the American acceptance of apolofetic .tssur- aKcs given I7 tk- Briti^ authorkies. Thoaa 1H10 would judge Ashbunoa very harshly siMwld bear m mmi the un- consoUng fiKt that if he fiwed ill, otbm m^ have Hnk worse tt dte hands vS the ynt American jurist fmm whose oyerwhrtaing persomd power even the Supeata Court of hit own land cmild not profess entire iramunky. While foreign complications were thut betiw tlowly aa- ravelled, Bi^ found himteif faced by the prtMem of min- isterisl reconstruction. It had been thou^t dUK a partial reconstructkm of die Executive Council would suficc to satitfy die Atiembly,and a teat had been given to Sir Francis Hincks with this end in view. Sir L. H. Lafontaine, the ttrongest member of the Lower Canada delmtion, was Mil if I ' 408 CJNJDJ AND BRITISH NORTH JMBRJCJ «1«> uiged to accept 1 place in the Council ; but he preferred LJZn is '"•'^^«»7*" •" d^numding complete recon- jruction. Bagot found .t necwiary to accede to this demand, and, in the autumn of 1842, the lo-caUed Baldwin- l^fontaine mmittry took control. The competition of the new mmmiy wa. at follows: Upper CanacJ -Baldwin. Sulhvan H.rn«,ij^ KillaJy, Hincb, and J. E. SmJ" eral of the old membert retained their ponfoliot, although not, a« Tureotte attertt, on condition of conforming to the policy of the new headt. * riv JIlir''r'"S"'' '^ ^^'^'^y "^^^^ ^y "^ Conterva- we«S 1 ^Tr"!*^/" ^'*'^'" ""* Lafontaine 7^£u T^^^ ^'^"^.^ "*• Libenditm coming on the heelt of rebeUion tavored of ditloyalty. The bulk action on the part of the governor would have been in Snh.»T/^** >'!5*' P^^^'P'* °^«'l«n«bility which Sydenham had enunciated a few yeart before, for th^ recon- struction ministry had the tupport of more than two-thirdt of J^ fnembert m the Assembly. Even the leading organ of British public opinion-^he London 7y««/_failed to^ the situation in its true light. "The result may prove J«p.c.««u " It declared,««,d we are willing to hope for the n!Il\«f. !r u * •ofewh't ominous consequence of the new order of things that a governor is forced to caU to his counciU, on their own terms, men who have lately been proKrnbed or m prison." The French-Canadians, on^ cjher hand, were jubilant at the new turn in afei^rwith could now look upon the Union as toleimble for the ^1 «nd perhaps as even oilering hope for the futuref The legislation of the session was not important, most of the ttme being uken up in working out the details of general w good health when prorogation took pkce, but during the CANADA UNDER THE UNION 409 next few weeks he bruke down phytkilly, and died in the course of the following spring. Without possessing conspicuous talent «r marked qualities of sutesmanship, the deceased governor had assumed the role of a constitutional governor with grace and dignity. An ardent Toiy at heart and extremely jealous of prerogative, he had shown himself able to set aside his personal prejudices even when so doing compelled him to surround himself with men whose politi- cal views were directly at variance with his own. For his refusal to mince responsible government to a mere theory, Bagot was vigorously criticised by his Tory friends, but the experience of his less logical successor serves amply to show that his course was a wise one. French-Canadians have not forgotten his readiness to mete them out cven- nanded justice. Bagot's sucoBssor in ofice was Sir Charles Metcalfe, a veteran of the East Indian service and a successful governor of Jamaica. Macaulay regarded him as the ablest civil •ervant he had ever known. Metcalfe accepted his new post much against his own wishes, and there is reason to Wieve--although no direct evidence to this eflect exists— that his mstructions contemplated a letiocession from the stand taken by his predecessor. The members of the British Mmistry, and, especiaUy Lord Stanley, who then held the post of colonial secretary, do not appear to have been con- vinced that It was wise to make the colonial executive entirely responsible to the colonial legislature. At any rate, had thev viewed the matter otherwise, they might easUy have seeti that the admmistratton of a crown colony like Jamaica was c°V ^.*"i"H'8 •*=*^' ^°' • l»ri5«»«»o»n' governor, bir Francis Hincks later ventured the opinion that Metcalfe's appomtment had been made with the object of thwartimr the logical demands of the Libera! element in the Assem! wy. But Hincks supports his opinion with no tangible evi- dence. Be this as it may, the fact is that Metcalfe was not long in ofice before he found himself at odds with his executive councillors on the matter of responsibility. The ■msmm asBiB i 'i^ 410 CJMJDjI JND BRiraH NORTH JMMMJCJ immeditte qucKion it wue wm tlwt of pttnHMget tlie mu,»t«r. dem«ding tittt no .ppointmenu to^Sei, i„ Uiecml MTvice ■hoiild be nwie without their concurrence. Thgr, .„ turn wm wiUing to hold them^lvet mpon«ble to the Awembly for their rMomnendttions. But dir »v- emorren«i,ned firmly detemined to um hia own diM»£» in making appoimment^ and aeciiMd the coidial ai»B«t of the home authoritiet in hia deciaioB. The e«ecutiwe«iii- cU .ought to bring the maner to a head by tenderii« a unanimou, reaignarion, aiMi thi. threw on the govern^the u^ of «lectu.g a new coyncU in the ftce of ^ Aaaemblr ?3^k° '"'''"" ***?"• I* «-k Metcalfe jevenUmonthi to get hia new council together, and the auMmn of 1844 waa at hand before he put the iaai« before the peoitie by a diMolutionoftheAaaembly. The election. wJ^c^eJ bitterly w much u> that in revenl pmtt of the province, the mU«» h«l to be caaed out to .upjm. di««ii,. ^ oen of the new Awembly, aij inconteatable proof that the people were willing to uphold the govemor't action. At any rate, the British authoritie. regarded MetcaUe'i Kioke a. a .uccestful one, and rewarded him with an elevation to CmI ng health compeUed his return to England in the «.»• of 1845, «nd he died of cancer wxm afterward. On leaving the colony, Metcalfe had handed over dM adminittration to the Earl of C^bcart, who commanded the force, jn Canada. CaAcait retuned the new minirtry tfill^ •''°T' " ""J**^ """^y ^y "«^"% "voiding tl« introduction of any measure which might pouibly .pli? training, and wa. personally more interested in mUitary than movil m««ures. h consequence he u.«l hi. ener^ u, getting a Military BM through the Assembly, while by hi. reprwenution. to the w»r office he was instrumental in pro- curing a rearmament of the troops in the colony. His rather msmi igg^^gggmjm CMI4DJI UNDER THE UNION 4" ilMMt adminittntien wm, however nariced bjr two cvtats of notei the lepMl of the Corn Laws in England, and the MRkment of the Orcson Boundary diqmte. The move- mmt among the Eng^ Whigs for the icmoval of the dimes on «ain was regarded with open disfiivor hj aU paities in Canada, for the preferential treatment hitherto acceided cdonial paiu had been greatly to the profit of the colonial fiumer. Tlie news that cdonial and foreign grain importations were now to be treated equally, and that the Ii^ierial Zollverein was at an end, produced bitter disap- poratment in Canada, and was oae of the direct causes of ^ widespread agricultural depression which marked the years rf 1 846-1 848. On the other hand, the delimitation •f the intenutional boundary, ftom the Rocky Mountains westward, amoved an ominous cloud from the diplomatic hotison to tile satisfaaion of all concerned. The administration of their political affitin by a soldier was not renrded by Canadians with any enthusiasm, nor had Cathcart shown any matted ability or seal during the two years which had elapsed since his assumption of control. Early in 1847, <>>« British authorities decided to rephce him hy die appointment of Lord E%in. Perhaps an addi- tional reason for tlw change was the fiwrt that the Whig party in England had now become convince.) that the ft^ admission of the |mnciple of executive responsibility would not be attended with any danger provided a popular and tactful official occupied the chief executive post in the colony. »♦ The Queen's representMive," said a leadii^ Whig organ, "shodd not assume that he degnules the crown by following in a cokmy the example of the crown at home. What the Queen cannot do in EngUnd, the governor- general should not be permitted to do in Canada." Cathcart was asked to remain in comntand of the forces, but resented his removal from civil office and asked permission to return to En^and. James Bruce, e^Mi 'BmA of Elgin, u a lineal descendant of the hero of Ba n— c hburn , had a frima fac'u ckim to the x. 41a UMdDJI JND iurmt MOUTH JMSUCJ ■)iii|Mhiai of an impoRam Mctmn of the cdoaial popuU. Jcotch tocem. And ■. tht •oiwa-kw of Loid Duriuun I^!Sr^ tl!™*?.P*'H«ity with thtt growing •ectioo wlucli BOW bcgu liilhr to imIIm the grtumvice I^ l'!?"~'Li*^».*"*''«My i«l»««l with the id«ttrf h» brUhijm fctherii^w. «kI hi. in«n«ion. fnmZ colonal office wei. wch m to dlow hi, Libe»li«i ftee •«i*. The new gomnor found the ConiemtiveminiKry remarluble twacitjr, wid, deqNie ite defeat on two mea*. :^^^^;^ *-^-^ * '^»>^ »»y>nty on ^ «^ The jrear 1847 waa not mariwi bjr anj important polit- «JeY«im.b«t it witneaaed the cod«incinenVof3«Irid, IT.!!;** ^^^ which had some importuit poUtical remdta S.« ,2?*.P°«\<^»«* » Ireland waa driving thouwmd. OfliiSrLSl "" to .eek better fortune U, America. Knn'itr.^ o P'*?'^"* «P«W« to t»» -outh took the lion . Am, but Canada received a large quota, numbering over^jhunchedthouaandKHda. The^^tyofp^S for theae— for manj were almost dertitute— put such a t« on the energw of the goremmeat that, f«^ time being. wJk^ T* ^^ '*"'^ ^^"^ •"»«> »•« backgrouni With the doae of the year the Aaaembly wa. .SedlS the country waa aoon m the throea of a bitteriy-conteated t^a^ZT' Ail. rignaaeemed to point ti the o^ throw of the Conaervativea, and the retulta amply jugtified ■^^^ ,«P«t«f on. The Libend majority ii icirive ^t^jS T" ^"^ *f ^V"^ -mong'the member. When the AMcmbly met, the fim diviwon Kived to bt°Z^„ZI^" *^* **'" '"Pl-rtw. were outnumbered by their opponent, three to one. Their only courw waa CIMfM UMDgR TMM UMIOM 413 to Mmmier thdr portfolie*. Th* BaUwia Minittrjr, mora popohtly kae«ra m dM ^GraM MiaiMy," took clMf|i of aiiin. Tho MMioa of 1S48 wu a short one, mnMim bdof put throui^ cmUt owibk to the itrong support which the miairtcn could coauMmi in the AtMiiiUf. The 011I7 ommuk of nuch inponuce wu an Indigent Immigration Act dengned to Mem the iood ofpMiperimmignttionintothecdoay. Oottide the kgisla. tive walls, however, matters wera nM going so snootUT as within. Thesa-caUedMMovementof 1848 "was sweep, ing over Europe, making its demociatic and UbefaUsinc ufluences feh in every land. In France, it forced the ••dtiaen king" of the House of Orleans from the throne «Hl led to the establishment of the Second Republic In England, iu maniftstatiMis were less violent, but litde less important. In Germany and Italy, the year stands out as one of the most remarkable in the history of dcmocncv. The force of the moveiuent was not comptetely speitt in Europe, for sli^t waves reached the diores of Canada and aroused poUtical unrest especially in the Lower Province. Pkpineau would ^y have assumed his old r61e as an agitator, but l^ontame had now completely superseded him as tribune of the ^teM. Lord Elgin taxed his own peat powertof conciliation to the utmost in his endeavorto preserve polk> kal trutquillity, and would probably have been successfid had not the Assembly thrown to the people a new apple «rf discord. This was the measure known as the MRrtellion LoMcs Bill," passed in the session of 1849. As its title imphes, the measure was one of the unfortunate l^ies of the rebellion of 1837-1838, and served to revive in all iia intensity the Actional bitterness of that period. The flames of the revolt had hardly been smothered when a move- ment for the compensation of those loyalists irilo had suf- fered losses at the hands of the rebels was begun. A commission had been appointed in 1838, and, on iu recom- raendation, compensation had been awarded to those who could prove their losses. A few yean later chums were 414 C#UM AMD BUfUa KOHtM JfMMMKd fcr At roMMwti o n of thk ekat) hm ^ kom of tl» ttn^nmUt dMC tht cfaiM of LowOT ~ ' al and Oom Ittd - v in iiiw d , tlMtt ImmI bim lo«i4 ia tksk of pMt uMi prrwnt kftl^. In fiM», i 1 MM ttaM «1M M bMR nMi For a coaaMmbIt ppopoRiMi of J « ikt outm livm tlM i«M M ih^ dmd, but wlM koM of dafaMMMtwO. ■tfcalf • afflieo doUan, bm the ConMrvadm, who wm «md A. d^ioo. of I M plae«l At Lib«.|, iTS^ Suitauied b)r a mr»s aajoritjr, Ufontiine dMerauMdto rLiLT^.****^ "^ '"^••^ « •*«ri«« fer i« a wajority both m the Locidativt CouncO and llUdtttve Mtmkfy duniif the •pnag of 1I49. Tht BtUprovkM for M apprepmtkNi of&rthadnd tkmmai dolbil to bo nmd by Ae iMue of debenttHM, u4 to be dkbtimd br a comintMioa of fire ncmben among the kem in tb« trouble, of i837-.ig38. Th» CoZtrridrtt in il» AmZ Wjr fought the measure vigaioudjr, and their friends in boA provuices made open demonstrations against it. Numetj. caUjr.the opponents of the WU were in a minoritr, bat ther •Mde up IB vi|or what they lacked in numbei^ On afi fwes they declaimed against any compensation to iebel8.fer itwas well known that scores of those whose seditioaliad been notorious were to share in the division. In &ct. the aunisters had |»acticaUy admitted this. •« We hoDe.** said one of them, "that the commission wiU mafaS» Star cMMMiooin nuumoK ♦ i. riiiiiliin inmlmiliiii aDoeumlteS At iw wiihboMiag tki MMm for kor o^ntjr*! tioMjt »«7 prapnijr dtduwl: •*! wiU Mt tkimr oa tm ■M)Mt7 a iMpofltibJlitf wlUeh iMt, and eii|itt to nit iHMllr tov«n>ntiit IttviM boea tiMBfemd fion KincMon ia tkat ^A.t^ --JWniMBOiifthtmmilwr. Newt of^ » Tork 14609 USA B^^S <'«) 2M - S9S9 - Fm -.i J^ » 416 CANJDJ AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA public document «^"dthe^ t1 "''''t'^ *" *°"=^ *° **« In a few hour, the structure, with itTvLlSe liblrJ^S archives, was a heap of charr^l ruin "The PimW .^T" e was But riot} ering after made ining cete> their iimi> .and ifel. •ther Tied uitjr leen K}US had the hot les. uid <• of ra- led sts IC- of he 'or us C-' in d, el The Parliament Libnuy, Ottawa. pi' I ' i [ft: ;.,i;r (' i ^'.- ■& CJNJDA UNDER THE UNION 417 •mount of obloquy that may be cut upon me," he declared. « but If I can posubhr prevent it, no stain of blood thall im upon my name." The govemor^neral hat been criticiwd for hu weaknew, but t^ r speedy healing of factional breaches dunng the next few j .. , amply justiSed his moderation. When the legislators were able to meet, one of their first decisions was to remove the seat of government from Mon- treal. As no one site could be agreed upon by the members alternately at Quebec and Toronto, four years in each city. This decision was a bitter blow to Montreal, but the risiii metropohs had clearly forfeited its claim to be the colonid capiul,and few were sorry for iu degradation. When reportt of the aftir reached England there was an animated diicus- sion m the Bntish Parhament, but the majority both in the Lords and Commons warmly approved Lord Elgin's action. Matters m the colony quieted down with remark&ble rapid- Si. kJ*^" " """8 *'*"*"» *"°"8 *« Conserva- tives had begun a movement for a political chanse which IftTi *A^tT*^1 P"* •?» ^^ *° ^«°*^'» ilominaSm in the affiurs of the United provmces. This was a movement for atinexauon to the United States. Manifestoes addressed to the p«,pk at large now m^ their appearance in different I»rts of the counter, and these were often signed by men of prommence They set forth the advantaieTof ^mion with the republic both poUticaUy and commercially. A penual of the names attached to the Montreal manifesto wiU serve to show that the movement was not confined to MT "rP°»""\ °»Jcontents; the Tonances, Dorions, Gaults, Redpaths, Molsons, Workmans, and a number of other promment fiunilies are represented among the signa- ^.?* ,^f ?f P^FfPHda seems to have made little pSog- ress outside Monueal, for public sentiment was very fiir froi ZS."'?I°' "^"°"- , ^^ *^"' " "°«'» there was no dearth of those blatant ultra-imperialists who never faU to greet any proposal of closer rekuions with the United States with their frantic cries of disloyalty and sedition. Elgin was t t 418 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA not personally indiijed to persecute those who had promoted tne movement, but as some of rhn-^ who had signed the manifestoes were office holder* o. .,.. crown, he felt under obbgation to remove them from their posu. One of the results of the Rebellion Losses Bill was a distmct cleavage in the ranks of the Liberals. The measure Had been mtroduced in response to the demands of the extreme radical wing of the party and had not been enthu- siastically supported by the more moderate section. Encour- aged by their success in this instance, the radical element pressed for other measures which the ministers did not feel disposed to introduce, and the result was that a split in the party was unavoidable. The Radicals organized themselves m 1 850 mto a separate party to which the Toronto Gktt gave the name of « Clear Grit Party." It is of intenst to ,TV ^* * 'r'T ".^"*" '• "•" *« popular nickname for the Canadian Liberal. The platform of the « Clear Grits " as mapped out at this time embraced demands for manhood suttrage, biennial elections, and various other reforms which gave their agiution a general similarity to that of the Chart- ists m England. In Lower Canada, the new partj ^ras given the name Li Parti Rougt, and in that province the demands included the repeal of the Union Act o*" 18x0. borne of the more advanced memben of the Parti Rougt went so far as to urge the adoption of a republican form of government with a view to future annexation of the prov- ince by the United Sutes. Mr. Papineau, as might have been expected, was the leader of this faction. Between the increasing strength of the Conservatives and these desertions from the ranks of its own followers, the l.afonta.ne-Baldwin ministry had an uphill fight during the session, and before its close Baldwin resigned. A «neral reconstruction of the ministry followed, the new body beine headed by Hincks and Morin,who at once secured the dii^ solution of the Assembly, and went before the country to test their strength. As a result, they were well sustained, and when the Assembly met at Quebec in 1852 little CAVADA UNDER THE UNION ^,^ diiBcttlty WM experienced in having their meuuret fiivorablv conwdered. The legislation of the lession wai important. Fronunent among tne government mea*ufet was an Act to incorporate the Grand Trunk RaUway Company, the United Frov icis guaranteeing a considerable proportion of the necessary bond issues. Hincks himself went to Endand. and there rendered valuable service in assisting the com- I»ny to float the balance. The ministers were anxious that the Une should traverse not alone the two provinces, but should extend down through New Brunswick and No^^ Scotia. L«cal diiSculrJes were, however, in thr way, and this part of the project was abandoned for the time beint Another measure granted a substantial bonus to a trans- atlantic line of steamboats, while a further Act created a munic.?al loan fu"d out of which municipalities might, on very favorable terms, secure money for the construction of roads, bridges, «nd other pubUc works. But many of the municipalities attacked this fund too ravenously, and the United Provinces too soon found themselves saddled with a heavy mdebtedness which the municipaUties had no im- mediate prospect of repaying. The works constructed were, for the most part, well worth the expenditure and contributed much to the development of the country. By these mea». ures, however, the colonial debt mounted up into millions, but Canadian credit in London seemed good, for colonial "SIX per cents" sold at a good premium. An important reform to which the Hincks-Morin min- istry had pledged itself was the secularization of the Cleigy Reserves. But there were good reasons for doubting if the colonial government had power to deal decisively with these lands, and action was postponed untU the British authorities could be consulted on this point. In response an Act was passed, giving the Canadian authwities full power to settle the whole question. StiU, the ministry was in no huny to deal with the Reserves, for it seemed that It would lose some of ite foUowers no mattet what disposition It chose to make of the problem. So the matter .' n > 1 420 CJM4DA JND iUTtSH HOkTU JUItRtCA WM ddajrrd on one pretext or another, this procedure cail- ing forth conwdemble criticiHB. The WMion wm • long »854 was mark^ by the negotiation of a reciprocity treaty with the United Sutes. Lord Elgin had had such a project in mind ever since the date of his arrival in Canada, but had found difficulty in inducing the American authorities to take the matter into consideration. The project was not one to excite party feeling in the republic, and there was no teUing what mterests might be affected by its adoption. It was as likely to bring weakness as strength to any American ad- ministration which might support the plan. However, in the spnng of 1854, Lord Elgin and Sir FrancU Hincks fl 1- . if mm :i ti\ , ' li fc CdHMJI VNDU THi UMIOH 4»« wtnt to Wathington to uift the natttr. Both hid mot tht pravMNM wintOT in EnffauMi, whm tht oycMkm had been gone over hf the home govonneiit and the coidial rapport of the ktter obtained. Few Canadians hoped that *^ ouaHon wodd be racceMfiil, and the apeedy eonduaion treatyduringtherammerof i854wasagreatrarpriae. It nas been laid that Ekin •eeurad the rapport of the South- «m repnaentativea in Ac United States Senate by declaring that if redpfodtjr were not rnnted, Canada wouM, befeie long, seek admisbton to the Union as an anti-slave Sttte. By the ptovisions of the titanr, mutual privileges were given ^ cteisens of ^h countiy in the matter of coast fisheries. The St. Lawrence in so ftr as it ran wholly thioudi Cana- dian territor/. Lake .Michigan and the Canadian canals were opened on equal terms to all British and American citizens. It was agreed that Canada should levy no taxes on Maine lumber passing down St. John River. But the most impor- tant provisions of the treaty were those which estabUshed free trade between the two countries in regard to an exten- sive list of cmuttodities, chiefly raw productt. Of these the most important were nun, flour, breadstuffs of all kinds, animals, meats, pouluy, eggs, fish, lumber, hides, ores, hemp, and tobacco. The treaty was to remain in force for ten years, at the expiration of which period it mi^t be terminated by either party on twelve months notice. In iu resulu the reciprocity arrangement was of decided advantage to Canada. Within a year the trade between the two countries had m<»e than doubled, and before the treaty wa, '* jJly abro^ted in 1866, it had in- creased sixfold. The -.caty had been amngnl at a very "» Jilline time, for the price of gnun was akeady going up ng to tlie Crimean War. Between the war and the treaty, ^^dtural Can«ia found ample grounds for prosperity. HllMi arc! Hincks returned from Washington in time to «fi*-«Bc Parlument just a single day within the limit fixed The Pai&iment House at Qisebec had been acci- <- < bomed since the last session a- i temporary quarters 4aa CJMJD4 4ND MUntM NOMTH 4MMIUCJ eTSrJflLiSL «-! ^**^ ''"^ **«^ fendtea br many •wwon, thmfeie, tnded without . •inriTmSSu™ l,.»ii! tion of the new Parliament buildings ut Bytown,or Ottawa, as it had now come to be called. Nine hundred thousand dollars had been appropriated to cover the cost, but this sum was now exhausted, and still the sutely pile of struct- ures was nr half completed. The Militia Bill was defeated in the Assembly, and the Macdonald ministry resigned, to be succeeded by an administration headed by Messrs. John Sandfield McDonald and L. V. Sicotte. The new ministers promised much; the restoration of the ** double-majority" principle, an amended Militia Bill, an incraase in the duties, and so on, hi** it found much difficulty in securing a woric- ing majority for any of its proposak, and in the course of 1863 it was compelled to resort to an appeal to the con- stituencies in r i-r to strengthen itself. But the even balance of par / strength was not appreciably disturbed. En^shmen were chafed to find that the colony was so loth to shoulder the bunten of its own defence, and Lord Palmerston made no secret of his disappointment. In the end, an amended Militia Bill was passed, but it satisfied nei* her party. The general hostility of Canadians toward the Northern States during their hour of trial, together with the prevalent feeling that Canada was profiting more than the United Sutes by the continuance in force of the reciprocity arrange- ments of 1854, led the Washington authorities to give notice that the treaty would be abrogated. This announce- ment, as well as the feeling that rebtions between the reconstructed republic and Great Britain were becoming dangerously strained, created a widespread depression in the United Provinces. A strong administration was de- sired by everyone, yet neither Action seemed to be capable ^ I I ■■ n^i Ji !-| III - ) I r, 7 • 1 430 CJNJDJ JND BUTtSH NORTH JMMMICJ ofp«vWing it The SwdfieW McDonidd^cotte minUtry h^ been ihghtJ V reoig«ized by the retirement of Sicotte m^ the entrance o^ Dorion, but thi. »d le,, import«u SS gave « httle «lditiond Miength. B» the Sof^Sr foundll?"" ;;"• '"''^'•^•'^ compLted. ^tLZ^^ found itielf unable to cany its meuuret through the AueZ fnend. could not form any combination which might eve! hope for a majority. By midaummer affiura were at an S ttrfrnirirK r *• *'~'i*^°'" '«*' ^^^ ^^^ ^ l^Af A " ^" "^ apparently been put to its test and found wantmg. Another dis«,lition m£ht have b«^ tned. but the country was heartUy tiied of "ontiS dS" icZiZ^' °" -^ ^"'°''*' ^^'^ "<• neither ;^y desired the turmoils and expense of another contest. It r.!^l .oT"!' "^^"^ ""•"*«»°n«J government seemed an extremely happy solution of the whole difficulty was Upper Canada Liberalism, now came forward and aneed .0 r3S** '^f ""^ .«''»in«nition which would atS to cany through a project for the confederation of all the tl^ZTf^'^S'^^T^'"^'^''*' OnthisbasiaacoT bv thTJn™*^' ""^ the countiy was forthwith astounded by the announcement that Geoi^ Brown and John A J^donald, hitherto the most uncompromising of HWcii foes, were row to sit in the same ministry. For tWs foj- nmate compromi«, fraught with momento!., consequence! Canadians may thank the political deadlock more tC The disposinon of either statesman. Historian. haveTuaHy Sr ^f M a'^^'^ considerable condescension on the part of Macdonald to meet his old opponent half way the Macdonald-Brown coalition of 1864 was a very marked exception, a. subsequent events will serve to dioW!^ CdMJDJi UNDER THE UNION 43* The feeling in hvm of confedention had for veui been Kwdily growiiiffi in the CiuuuiUf while in the Maritime Provinces the idea of a tepanue union was gaining giound. Already arruigemenu had been made by them for the hold- ing of a convention at Chariottetown, Prince Edward Island, in order that the matter might be discussed. Here was the opportuninr for the coalitiongovemment, and the moment was not allowed to pass. The Maritime Provinces mi^t be induced to mern their scheme in the more ambitious project of a pnenil federation of all the provinces. Ac- cordingly a deputation was sent down to Charlottetown, where it was arranged that a general conference of dele- gates from all five provinces and from Newfmindhwd should be held at Quebec durine the following month for the purpose of considering the whole scheme of confedera- tion. Meanwhile, those who had the project most at heart, devoted themselves vigorously to the task of moulding public opinion in its fiivor. The Quebec conference was duly held in September and after three weeks of cautious, yet on the whole, harmonious deliberations, a tentative basis of union was agreed upon and embodied in a series of resolutions. These were to be sent to the various legisk- tures for their approval) in the meantime a strong del^ tion went to En^d to commend the scheme to the British authorities. But many difficulties were yet to be encountered. The Parliament of the United Provinces approved the pro- ject after a prolonged debate, but Newfoundland and Prince Edward Ishwd voted against it, while in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia the defeat of the pioponl seemed certain. The delegation sent to En^and found the British govern- ment favorably disposed toward confederation, but very firmly determmed not to coerce any unwilling province into accept- ance. Fortunately, those who had the matter in charge were not overcome with discouragement, and it happened that the events of 1866 distinctly strengthened their hands. Amidst the political excitement of the year, the provinces were called upon to face a new danger from without their !UJ s ,J ! 43a CJM4D4 AND BUTttH NORTH AMMUCd T T^t* ^''''' W*' w «•>• United Sutet wm now « an end and lame bodiet of Southern •vnpethisera found refute ui the CwmIm. A. ewly m 1864. they had been coming over m conuderaUe numbers, and had settled, for the most part, in Lower Canada. Before long they began touse Canadian territory as a base of operations against the borders of Vermont and several incurnons across the line were made. Of these the most important was the raid which a number of Confederate soldiers, under the notori- mis Bennett H. Young, undertook across to St. Albans. Vermont, where they plundered the local banks and esoiped back to Lower Canada. The extradition of these raiders was at once demanded by the Washington authorities, but the Canadian courts, after a series of bearings, decided that smce the party had acted under instructions of the Confed- erate government they had the sutus of recwnized bellis- erentt and were not amenable to extradition. This stand, however, placed upon the Canadas the onus of having per. mitted their territoiy to be used as a base of operations anmst a friendly Sute. The episode greatly angered the Washington government and a delegation sent by Canada to ask for the renej^ of the Reciprociiy Treaty reeved an !!!!!?Li u n' ^^ ••"'''"8 °^ *•• •"i"'*" 'WM strongly **PP?^ "?. "f*>«"»» who resigned from the government to mark his displeasure at the action of his coUeagues. But many in the Northern States were prepared to show their antagonism to Canada in ways more violent than the refusal of commercial amity. The ranks of the Federals dunng the war had included a large number of Irish-Ameri- cans and these were loth to beat their swords into pruning hooks now that the conaict was over. For some time tU chief Irish organization in the United Sutes— The Fenian Brotherhood— had been maturing a project for the liberarion of Ireland by an attack on British interesu in America, and It now found willing agents among the disbanded Irish l-ederals. After the usual prelude of threats, a band of about nine hundred Fenians crossed the frontier near n CJlMdDd UNDM TH > UNION 433 tf^ NttfUB and be^ their BWRh ink. !. Without delay the Camdian authontie* bitnried a force t f militia to the Niapra district, ami, after a sharp encountt r near tlie viUafe of Ridgewajr, forced the Feniana back acroet the river where they were taken in chaife Inr the American police and militia for violatimi of the ncutnditjr Uws. A couple of less pr«- tentious raids were made into Lower Camula about the same time and with the same results. The «4ide affiur wu mia- erably planned and as miserably executad. But it served to show the |»ovinces that theur militaij weakness invited attack and many now cwne means of greatly augaae< While this wu going ( had, after a sharp polttt< tion, and, although Princ still held aloof, it wat form a sufficient nucle four were srat to Engk a conference with the ' scheme were daborated all sides and that the d harmonised was due Bfc uct of Mr. MacdoiM] vinces would cordial^, delegates from all dM auiiMi af 1866, and in the detafls of the to I made ife, t^^/enty-four each *'* \ i' '' 434 CiMIAf JND UUTUM MOUTH MUUU {jrO»t«iio Mid QipAic, lad twdy. «di fer tht M«W»« nonaen. AnufMBMitt w«ri midt for Meh fwdjuttaMm in MMiorkl repitmitUMNi m aright bi msde nccMnrr b* M^jdmiwoii of other provincM, but th« total nuabv oT MBtton WM not to cxcMd Mveiitjr.dght. At for tht Hotm of Comnont, the Quebec fcpmentitioii wm r .v mwMatljr lixcd at sixtjr^ve nMrnben, wbOe the other mm. tacet were to be lep i eee m ed accen^ to their nMve populatioo on this baaic Memben wen to be elected ftooi teiritorial conatitiieiieiee deliiBitad bv fcdefal law. The durMion of Ihuriianieat was not to exceed five Ttan. ^^^no twelve raontha were to be allowed to l^ee wkhoM a le eeion . I*ch of the four province^ again, wae to hare its local •dmUuttiationfConMMing of a lieutenant-fovemor, appointed by the crown on the reconnendttioa of the nvemor- tw»e»I and a Imtlature which was to consiet of two Houaea accept in the ftovince of Ontario where a au^ elective AKemWv wa» deemed Miflcient. The mpective powera M tfce ftderd and provincial authoritict were defined tw the Act. In general, aU matters aftcting the Dominion M a wbote were made mattera of federal juriadiction, while pwwy lo«I aAira were givm over to the provincial govem- menta. But powera not expreaaljr granted to the provinces were to be deemed federal powera. Finally, previaion waa made for the admiaaion uf other provinces whenever these ahould desire to be admitted. By nyj^ proclamation the Act -ent into feree on July i. 1867. On that day, Lord Mcick issued a proclamation announcing his appointment aa governoMenenl, and at once caUed upon Hon. J. A. Macdonald to form th, first Uomuuon Mmiatiy. The new prime miniater of Canada waa at once made a knight, while minor marks of royal *^**'* "'^^Uy distributed among others who had assiMed him in bringing the confederatim project to a suc- cessful consummation. Amid considerable enthusiasm the new Dominion began its history. MflM vof Um ItIV* CtM law. nrt, bout on] Btcd nofw by I M hile iru ion at irst uU tad ic- ht -* I * t r"f^ //«*^J.a(«*.ir./«, \ jM vm SJW ^ *« \ Akbh m J[i j J^H ii if -ta 1 ( it i j n 1 f r If' GILBERT JOHN ELLIOT, EARL OF MINTO Cornnor-gmenl of Canada, it9S-i904. li CHAPTER XVir THE DOMINION SINCE CONFEDERJTION The birth of the new Dominion on July i, 1867, wu followed in the autumn by the fim Dominion election. In Ontario, George Brown rallied a strong opposition to the coalition government throu^ the agency of which.the proj- ect of confederation had become an established fact. A monster reform convention summoned at Toronto followed his lead and condemned the policy of those reformers who stUl remained in the ministry. In Nova Scotia, Joseph Howe, the greatest orator and most magnetic leader of his day, bent his energies to the creation of hostUity to the new repme in his province. The new government was thus e«ly put upon its mettle. But in Ontario, despite the efforts of Brown and his friends, together with his powerful orgwi, the Tormta GUtt^ the general disposition to give the confederation a fair trial secured to the new govemmen. a solid majority. In Quebec and New Brunswick the result was similar i Nova Scotia, however, sent as its first delega- tion to Ottawa a solid phalanx of eighteen opposition mem- bera out of a total representation of nineteen. Dr. (later S>ir Charles) Tupper was the only supporter of the govern- ment from the Acadian peninsula. But the government was secure, for it could command at least thiee-fourths of all the members returned. When the House met on No- vember 7th, Lord Monck, in the speech from the throne, outlined the measures with which the first All-Canadian 435 436 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA Legislature was to be asked ro consider. The currency, customs, excise and other laws were to be made uniform ( a general postal service was to be arranged; uniformity secured in criminal law ; general legislation regarding patents and bankruptcy prepared, and provision made for a Cana- dian militia. These with other measures made up a rather formidable catalogue of legislative projects; but a perhaps more difficult task was that of carrying into eflfect the pro- posal for an intercolonial railway to connect the Maritime with the Upper Provinces. Naturally enough, the whole ambitious legislative pnigramme was not completed in one short session, and Parliament adjourned about Christmastide (1867) to meet again in April. During the interval, the malcontents in Nova Scotia, headed by the irrepressible Howe, began to clamor against the Union with redoubled vigor. Mass meetings of citizens showed unmistakably the spirit of opposition to the new order, and, swayed by the gen- eral feeling, the Nova Scotia Legislature passed an address to the British authorities praying for the release of that prov- ince from the Union To present this address, Howe and three others were sent over to London, but the Ottawa authorities forthwith met this move by promptly despatching Dr. Tupper to refute their represenutions, which he did with marked success. The Duke of Buckingham, then colonial secretary, stood firm for the maintenance of the Union, and the dispirited Acadians returned without having accomplished anything. When Parliament resumed its session in April, 1868, the members set themselves vigorously to work on the huge mass of legislation still before them, but the rest of the session was overshadowed by universal sonow for the tragic murder on April 7th of one of the brightest and rarest men who ever graced a Canadian legislature Thomas D'Arey McGee. A rampant anti-Britisher in his earlier days in Ireland, he had become in Canada a most ardent supporter of British supremacy. A gifted poet, a rare orator, a man of magnetic and inspiring personality, his untimely assassination by a Fenian cast a gloom over ■-5 ■■■3. m i *j » *iiff I - i ^ THB DOMINION SINCE CONFEDERATION 437 the infant legttlature which the lapse of months scarce suf- ficed to clear away. When the session ended. Sir John Macdonald, with his customary diplomacy, undertook the task of conciliating the opposition in Nova Scotia. This he so successfully accomplished that Jowph Howe, now convinced that secession was out of the question, accepted his friendly overtures and became a valuable member of the Dominion ministry, in which he remained until 1873, when he accepted the position of lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia. His desertion of the malcontents broke the strength of the secession agiation, but many of his friends never forgave his change of front. Lord Monck's term of office had been extended in order that he might see the new confederation safely on its way, but the end of the year 1868 brought his extended term to a close. By his uniform courtesy, strict impartiality, and sympathetic attitude he had done much to faciliute the great event of his r^me, and he now left Canada with the best wishes of the people. His successor was Sir John Young, an Irish baronet, who was afterward elevated to the peerage as Baron Li^ar. The first few months of his governorship, which lasted from December 29, 1868, to June 22, 1872, were marked by the conclusion of the «* better terms" arrangements with Nova Scotia, involving among other things an additional subsidy to that province in return for its quiet acceptance of the Union. Likewise, negotiations were opened for the purchase by the Dominion authorities of the vast tracts of noithwestem territoiy still belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company. Before explaining these negotiations, and in order to appreciate the political and commercial impoitance of the acquisition of the company's possessions, it is necessary to review briefly the great trading company's possessory ri^ts and rule. As eariy as 1670, certain English traders had received from Charles IL a charter of incorporation as "The Governor and Company of Merchants Adventurers of England trading into Hudson's Bay." By the terms 438 CdNdDd AND BHiriSM NORTH JMMRICJ of thi* charter the new orfuitxation wu gtven not alone full and emlutive trading ri^ts, but actual propnetonhip in all the regions watered by the rivers flowing into Hudson Bay and adjoining waters. During the next forty-three years the new company vigorously exfrioited the fur trade of the repons adjoining the bay, expending in the erection of posts and ** factories*' a sum estimated at upward of two hundred thousand pounds sterling. On two occasions during this period, French naval expediticMis destny^ed many of the posts, and the company found itself unable to induce the British authorities to insist upon adequatr. redress. France had not overtly recognized the Britirii claim to the Hudson Bay region, for, curiously enough, neither the Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye nor the Treaty of Ryswick had nuule mention of the r^on at all. It was not until the signing of the Treaty of Utrecht that the British daims in the north were exprnsly conceded. During the next half-centuiy the company extended iu operations with vigor, but did not push its posts tu from the immediate shores of the bay. Among the various enter- prises undertaken, not the least important were the journeys of Samuel Heame for the diwoveiy of copper mines and a northwest passage. These voyages were made in 1769- 1772, and resulted in explorations along the shores of the bay to Coronation Gulf and of much of the territory lying between Athabasca Lake and the bay. In the meantime, French traders from Canada found their way along Assini- botne, Saskatchewan, and Red Rivers. While the Hudson's Bay Company officials were fully aware of this intrusion, the company made no endeavor to expel the interlopers, nor, as far as can be asceruined, to protest against their pres- ence. But when the Treaty of Paris secured the whole of Canada to Great Britain, the company promptly extended its claims over the whole of the northwestern region from the bay to the Rocky Mounuins. In its endeavor to secure a monopoly of the whole fur trade of the northwest, however, the Hudson's Bay Company soon encountered m THE DOMUnON SINCE COMtEDEEdflOH 439 oppotitkm from a new quaner. Before long a number of Scotch tradert beg»n to make their way to the Red River recions, and in 1783 Mveral of these oinnised the North West Cmnpany, with headquanert at Fort William, on Lake Superior. From this point the new company spread its poats out into the valleyi of the peat rivers flowing toiirard Hudson Bay, displaying a degree of enterprise which greatly alarmed the authorities of the older company. The traders of the respective companies developed a mutual bitterness and frequently came to blows. It was in an endeavor to put an end to armed collisions between rival bodies of traders and boatmen that the British authorities undertook, in 1 821, to mediate between the two organixa^ tions. The result was that the two companies were amal- gamated, and the North West Onnpany came to an end u a separate organization. Naturally enough, this cessation of disastrous rivalry greatly incrnsed thie profitt of the northwestern fur trade, and the Hudson's Bay Company entered on an era of unprecedented prosperity. As settlers began to flock into the Red River district, this region was given a form of government, consisting of a governor ap- pointed by the company, and a council chosen from among the more prominent inhabitants of the district. The head- quarters were fixed at Fort Garry, near the junction of Red and Assiniboine River^. The remaining districts, however, continued to be ruled by the trading officials of the com- pany.' It was in this state that matters remained down to the time when negotiations for the acquisition of the com- pany's territories by the Canadian authorities were begun. Both the Dominion government and the company claimed jurisdiction over the Red River Valley, — now the Province of Manitoba, — and as the respective claims seemed improb- able of reconciliation, the colonial secretary. Lord Granville, undertook to arrange a basis of settlement. For a large m<»ietary consideration the company parted with its claims, and the great northwestern tracts pMsed, in April, 1 869, into dw proprietorship of the Canadian people. In tit ^ ensuii^ #i] II 440 CJNJDJ AND BMTttH MOUTH JMMRKJ KMioii, piovitkm wu nude that the newly acqitiicd do- nuint should be dctigiuited u the Nonhwen Terrirories, to be adminiMefcd for the preaent bj a li«uteiuuit<«>venKMr •nd Council nominated by the crown. Hm. Willitai McDougall became the first executive head of the new political unit. While both the purchase and the adminis- trative arrangements met with the generrl approval of both parties in the Pkrliament of Cani^ there wu abundant evidence of discontent among the sparse ptqHilation now settled in the Red River Valley at this summary way in which the territoiy in which they lived iuid beat transferred and administrative arnuigements made without even a con- sukatimi of their wishes. Most of these settlers weie half-breeds or Metis who had squatted upon thdr bnds without l^al title either from tlw crown or company, but the sprinkling of Britons among them were little kss vehe- ment in their opposition. And what gave this antagonism force was the feet that the Red River settlers in their de- nund for a popular government instead of an appointed Council, had the mond support of a large number of compatriots residing in Quebec. During the autunm of 1869, this opposition assumed an aggressive form, and a determination to resist by force any attempt to inaugurate the new r^me in the Northwest was focalized under the leadership of Louis Riel, a Frenchman with an admixture of Indian blood in his veins. In prepaia- tion for overt resistance, Riel imllied his followers to the formation of a provisional government in which he himself took the pretentious pott of secretary of state. This new government promptly proceeded to order the Dominion sur- veyors out of the country, and, on his arrival in November, Mr. McDougall was accorded similar treatment. Not being provided with an armed escort the governor withdrew across the American frontier, while Riel and bis fcdlowera at once took possession of Fort Garry, the old Hudson's Bay Com- pany's centre of defence. A convention of those residing in the disputed territoiy wa» now calkd and in spite of die THM DOMWtOH UNCi COMriDMJTlON 441 procctu of many En^isii-^cikiiifr inlttbtauKt th* provi- •kmal government wm confiraMd widi tone emhiisisMii. Feeling Mcuie in their poeitiom, R' company thRN^ the crown. The final transfer to the Canadian attthor tion of claims put forward bjr Canada (m damages suffeied because of allqpd American fawitv in connection iridi the Fenkn troubles. To show its iu^nmin the Canadian Parliament, in 1871, passed a resolution condsraning dM treaty in no uncertain terms. In the same jrear the confodnatlon received a new mem- ber in the admission of dM Provfnce of British Columbh, now a rising colony of sixtjr thoi i td inhdiitants. Prince Edward Island, wiA its populatioi f ninety-four thoumnd, was received in 1873. AldMwgh die slopes west of die Rockies had been visited at various times 1^ mariners both Spanish and English at ftequoit intervals durii^ the two and one^nlf centuries which had intervened since Sir FiaiCtt Drake, in his voyage around the woiU, firtt cai^t sigU of its mountaln-i^iarded shore, no utemft was ever made to do more than to esublirii a fow hmdy trsdiiw posts on Vancouver Island. The real history of the Cana&n Pteific slope did not begin umil 1849, *i>en the Hudson's Bay Coo^any extoided its trsding operations to ^ cstieme west and made Victoria, on Vancouver Mmd, ks most westtfly headquarters. Little, however, was accompli^ed in the wav of setdement until, in 1856, discoveries of gold were made akmg Eraser and Thompem Rivm. Imme- diately there was a grett influx of fortune sedters, particu- larly frmn California, where the gold feirer of dM preceding years iMd begun to abate. Widi this influx came dunecessi^ CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA of esublishing some definite form of civil government, and in 1858 Vancouver Island and the mainland were consti- tuted separate territories, each provided with an adminis- tratic ?. of its own. But matters did not run smoothly in ''lit: kiz.nd district, part of the population desiring annexation to the United S.ates, while the other part, periups the TUijority, favorei union with the nuinland for purposes of :ivii admin istr? ion. In the end, the latter had their way, anti in iSdS ^he two districts united to become the Prov» ince of British Columbia, with Victoria as the provincial capital. From this time on, it began to be felt that what the province most needed was railway communicadon with the provinces in the east. Consequently, in 1871, a dele- gation was sent to Ottawa empovrared to propose that British Columbia would enter confederation on condition that transcontinental communication should be promised the province by the Dominion authorities as a reward therefor. The ministry was, at the outset, rather Imth to pledge Par- liament to a condition seemingly so difficult of fulfilment, but in the end the bargain was made. A transcontinental line was to be begun within two and completed within ten years. As a result of this pledge two charters were granted during the following year incorporating respectively for this purpose the Canadian Pacific and the Inter-Oceanic Railway Com- panies, each with an authorized capital of ten million dollars. The former was backed largely by Montreal capitalists, headed by Sir Hu^ Allan, while the supporters of the latter included, for the most part, prominent business men of To- ronto, under the presidency of the Hon. D. L. Maci^ierson. Allan endeavored to consolidate the two, but fiuling in this, he enlisted the support of a number of American capitalists in order that the enormous amount of stock required for the construction of the proposed road m ;,ht be the more easily floated. This fact was divulged and aroused a good ifeal of opposition through the country, and many demanded thtt the road should be all-Canadian in ownership as in route. The administration at Ottawa showed a strwig inclinatkm II p IK-t rHE DOMINION SINCE CONFEDERATION 445 to favor the Guiadian Pacific Company rather than the Inter-Oceanic, but did not venture to avrard it the contract in its semi-American form. It was arranged that Allan should organize a new company on a purely Canadian basis, upon which the contract was to be awarded him on very liberal terms. These arrangements were carried on through the medium of Sir George Cartier, a member of the govern- ment, and as a general election was soon to occur, Allan was induced to promise secretly a generous contribution to the campaign fund as a qmd pr$ pit. Early in the year 1873 the new cominmy received itt charter for the con- struction of the Canadian Pacific Railway. The Dominion government pledged assistance to the extent of thirty mil- lion dollars, and fifty million acres of land along the route. The awarding of the contract, on what were deemed to be highly favorable terms, was regarded by the rival company with much jealousy. Vague rumors began to be circulated that Allan had not received this favor with- out some improper consideradon being given in return, but such accusations took no tangible form till Pariiament as- sembled in the following April. It was then that the Houses were astounded by the charges made from the floor of the Lower Chamber by L. S. Huntingdon, of Montreal, which took their place in history as the ** Pacific Scandal." Through some sinister means — never fully divulged — Hunt- ingdon and other members of the opposition had become possessed of telegrams and documents which has passed be- tween members of the government and the agentt of Sir Hugh Allan and which proved beyond question the liberal contributions of the htter to the election funds of the min- isters. Sir J. A. Macdonald at once moved the appoint- ment of a parliamentary commission to investigate the charges, and shortly afterward P^uliament passed a special Act empowering the committee to take evidence under oath. But this latter Act the British government disallowed, and this fiict, together with the absence in En^and of both Cartier and Allan, seriou^ dehyed the whole investi^ion. I 446 CJNJDJ AND BRITISH NORTH JMBRICJ To expedite matters, Macdonald o^red to iuue a royal commission to the members of the Committee, which would give them full power in the matter of sworn testimony, but to this the opposition demurred. Charges and counter- charges of bad faith were hurled from both sides and the whole country worked itself up to a hig^ pitch of political excitement. It was at this point that the Earl of Duftrin, who had taken the post of governor-general on the resigna- tion of Lisgar in the course of the preceding ytu (1872), determined to step in, and, with the concurrence of the ministers, refer the charges to a royal commission of three judges. Day, Polette, and Gowan. Parliament was pro- rogued to await its report — an action furiously resented by the opposition. During the autumn of 1873, *^ ^0°*- mission pursued its enquiry with vigor and impartiality. While no explicit, improper contract between Allan and the ministers could be proved, the evidence established beyond a doubt that the former had contributed heavily to a campaign fund of the Conservative party in general, and to those of Cartier and Macdonald in particular. The latter alone frankly admitted the receipt of over forty thou- sand dollars. Taldng this in conneaion with the favor- able terms upon which Allan and his associates had been awarded the contract, the country drew its own conclusions and when Parliament reassembled there was little doubt that the Macdonald r^me was at an end. After an extremely acrimonious debate, a direct motion against the course pursued by the administration was moved, and, although the Conservative leaders made vigorous efforts to rally their following, defeat seemed so certain that tlu minis- try anticipated it by resigning in the early days of Novem- ber. Lord Duiierin summoned Alexanikr Mackenzie, leader of the opposition, to form a cabinet and the first Liberal ministry came into office. Mackenzie and his friends saw clearly that an appeal to the country would greatly strengthen their hands in Parliament, and advised the governor-general to dissolve the House of Commons, which THE DOMimON SINCE CONFEDMIUITION 447 the latter accon'ingly did, the elections coining off in the following January. As was fully expected the new admin- istration was returned with an overwhelming majority — havins nearly one hundred and fifty supporters in a House of little over two hundred members. But the new admin- istration soon encountered difficulties; one of the mon ic portant was the question of constructing the transconti- nental .ailway. British Columbia clamoreid for the fulfil- ment f the pledge given upon its entry into the Union, and even went so fitf as to threaten secession. But the Mackenzie administration ort of the legislature, he used the opportuni^ to dismiss the ministers and to call upon the Hon. Henri J0I7 de Lotbiniire to form a new administration. As the new ministry experienced a direct rebuiF from the legislature in the form of a resolution condemning the action of St. Just, the lieutenant-governor prorogued the session and thus allowed the administration to hold office until the advent of the elections some little time later. The matter was brought up in the Dominion House, but Mackenzie supported the action and a motion in criti- cism of it emanating from the opposition was defeated on a strictly partisan vote. The Senate, however, adopted a simi- lar resolution. The justification of the lieutenant-governor could rest only in the return, at the Quebec elections, of a substantial nujority in favor of his new advisers, and this the results fiuled to show. Matters were, therefore, at a deadlock when the Macdomld administration reisublished itself in power. The new administration called upon the House to condemn the action of the Quebec lieutenant- governor, which it did in no uncertain tones; the motion passing by a vote of one hundred and thirty-one to fifty- one. The logical result was that the dismissal of St. Just was at once advised by the Cabinet and followed as a matter of course. The case established beyond question that under the Canadian system an executive official who dis- regards the advice of his constituti clainMd a fMovitional government with Rid as president and Gabrid DunKMit, a leading Metis, as his chief liniten- cnt. The Ittto* lost no dnM in roiif^jr ornnisiiM his forces and in seising the govemnMnt post at Duck Lake, not hx from Prince Albert. Odond Crosier, who had charge of the garrison at Fort Carkton, some Ikde datancc away, deUNrmined to oust Dumont from the poet, and, in the latter part of Mardh started fw Duck Lake widi his force of about one hundred men. But Dumont had secured a stnuig position on the line of advance, and after a stiff fi^ Crosier was driven back with twelve killed and as many wounded. It was the old stoiy of a rash hasard i^sinM superior cover and marksmanship. The renUt was that Crosier returned in haste to Fort Carleton, and deem- ing it incapable of defence pudwd on back into Prince Albert, then a rising settlement of seven hui^red souls, but now speedily trd>led by the incoming of frightened settki. from all directioas. Dumont did not attempt to maintain himself either at Fort Carleton or at Duck Lake, bitt took up his headquarters at the Metis settlement of Bttoche. Thie success near Duck Lake had the efiect of drawiMinto insurrection most of the Indian tribes of the district. These threatened Battkford, further along dw river, and the othff settlements in the Saskatchewan valley. Most of these tribes had been settled upon government allotmenu or **res»ves,'' eadi reserve being provided by the authorities with Indian agents, instructors, teachers, and priests. On ^nuit icioa dent iten- ; hn had it in I hit micd stiiF id M uurd rmce ttki. nuun took Dche. £: other thete ta (V Oa TMM DOMMIOM tUtCi CONriDilUmOM 453 MTcnl nt dMM icMTvct, notMf Frog Ldw IUmtw, tbt Indnat comiiMnctd dwir optfMioiM b)r a BwitUtM MMncrt of tbew oficnlt. For • tioM it Mcmcd u if tbt pent-up nvaierx of theuaui^ of hoMik Indkuit would be turned looce upmi tbe defencelen Mttkra of tbe territorieti but on manjp reeervee Ag chiefs and dder men reatnincd their M- bwm, and teverai of the laqpr tribes, notably the powerful BlackAet, rcnained quiet. It was now evident Uiat the airthorities had allowed matters to drift too fiir, and the Ottawa miniMty at hat reaUaed the extreme gravitr of dw situation. With the exception of two uncompleted fspSf the main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway had now been constructed to (^'appcUe, whence Batoche lay some two hundred and thirty-five miles overland^ and by means of thk road laife bodies of volunteer milhia were rapidly mc^lised and transported westward during the early part of April. After a hard march a fo'.cw of neany a thou- sand men under General Middkton, an otticerd* the British army then commanding tbe Canadian militia^ reached the ne^dKM^ood of Batodw. Some fifteen miles from that point, at the junction of Fish Creek with the Saskatchewan, Dumont had, with conskiendile skill, taken up a position to oppose Middleton's advance, and on April a4th the forces came into touch at this pdnt. The militia made a couple of ineffiectual attempu to dido^ the Metis, but without avail, incurring a very considerable loss in their own ranks. On the following day Middletmi unctenook what he should have undertaken at the outset^-tbe transportation of part of this fwce across the river in order to outfiank the rebel position. When this had been done with considerable diffi- culty, Dumont took advantage of darkness to withdraw his men to Batoche. The unexpected check at Fish Creek seems to have disconcerted Micklleton, for he delayed neariy two weeks awaking supplies and perfeaing his organization before the march forward to Batoche was resumed. It was May 9th before he found himself in front <^ the insuigent lines, which had been wdl defended by earthworks and rifle pits. 454 CANADA AND BIOTISH NORTH AMMMKA Dumont had at hit diipoul a foree estimated at from foor hundml to five hundred men, who we« weJI arm^ and, for the mott part, skilful marksmen. A coupkof days were spent in desultoiy sharpshooting with lituTad- van^jgeon either side. MiddleuTseeia^utterly Tj 1^ to proceed, for a siege would he a matter of weeb, and an amult would probaWy involve severe loss. oT&e ,2^ however, whUe the main force feigned an attack on Z from of the lines, a small force of aK,t three hun^ m« went around Ae flank and charged the rifle pits. TW were jbandoned «,d the whole r5,el force fled prociph«^ into the vJlage, whence they were dislodged by a SS2 «lvance ofje mUitiamen. But the as^Thad n^^Sn accomphshed without considerable loss; less, however, than might ordmanly have been expected. The captured Batoche was the virtual end of the rising. Rid, while endeavcnng to make good his e«»pe across the borf^rwaJ •oon captured} Dumont was more successful and eluded aSe'S:^ ^^i"^* ^ t "*' ^^' ^ • -<^^'- able force had succeeded m relieving Battleford, thouirfa not beforo he sustamed a reverse in an expedition a^inst ChlS^ Poundmaker's reserve, at Cut Knife Cieek, sJSe disun^ S^'nSrt. V^ "^^l *=^*^' " •«»""*« »«^» tS^L i!?- !"»' "^ '^^ to off^ W» wbmission. m^^fA-^^^'T'r^^^ *° "g^" possession of Fort fttt and dislodge the Indians under lig Bear, was entrust^ to C^ Stnuige^ The fort was ^occu^ied, but^^ B.g Bear was brought to bay, some distance froS Fort Pte, Strange found hmself unable to oust him from his position much less to eflfect his capture. But the backbon^^S and B.g Bear hmuelf was captured a little later by a hand- r^jl C -"U.-^ ""i" ^' "* •ccusadon. of ifJumess rrii^ J"^^' ?.* '^'"Won authorities determined .houJd be dedt witi., not by courtmartial, but by the r«X courtt of the knd. Rid, after a fuU and ftir iial b^Sj^ rHE DOMtmON SINCE COSFBDEEirtON 455 WM found guilty, and, altbougjh a wriet of appeab and re- prieves delayed the dUpotition of hi* cate, he was finaUj executed at Regina, notwithstanding the vigorous protestt of his co-religionisu of Quebec. Tliose of the rebels who had been directly concerned in any of the murders recdved a like penalty, while Poundmaker and Big Bear escaped rather lif^y with three years' imprisonment. A host of minor charges apunst several scores of half-breeds and Indians were disposed of by the imposition of short terms of incarceration. On the whole, the authorities diluted justice with mercy more (doitifully than the ofienders had any rig^ to expect. In Parliament the a&irs of the rising left iheir legacy of party bitterness, and the Macdonald administration b«d its hands full to keep itt French-Ca na d ian following in line. Qud>ec was furious with indignttion over the execution of Riel, but provincial wrath subsided as rapidly as it had risen. The opposition in Parliament vented iu thunders cm the minittiy for having allowed grievances to drifi into disaffection, nor did the ciuiduct of the militia department, in suppressing the revolt, escape criticism. But in the end tlw government wu able to more or less fully justify iu action in both directions. The opposition leaders fou^ strenuously to acquire political capital out of the rebellion and the l^!Ky of bhtemesa which it bequeathed, but the ministerial ranks in the House suffered little from their oratorical bombardments, and when a direct motion was put expressing its approval of Riel'a execution, many of the Endisb-spnking Liberals rallied to the side of the ministry. In the general election of 1887 the pro-Rwl cry was used in Quebec with good advano^, and the government found its delegation from that province very substantially reduced. But elsewhere the Macdonald administration managed to hdd its pound and came back to meet the House with a £ur working majority of over ditrty members, which was subsequmuy increased con- siderably by the bye elections of the next year. In 1888, "LmA Lansdownt's term a^red and Lord Stanley succeeded f^ 456 CJNJDJ AND BRITISH NORTH AMBRICi to the post of governor-general. His advent was soon fol- lowed by the appearance on the poUtical horizon of a new source of friction. ThU was the vexed question of the Jesiutt estates. For many yean a chum had been pressed by the Jesuit Order against the Province of Quebec for compensation in the matter of certain estates which had been assumed by the Province at the time of the temporary cessation of the order in Canada. TTie Quebec government, primarily in order to strengthen Itself with the Roman Catholic hierarchy in Quebec, se- cured the passage of an Act granting the order some one million dollan m fuU settlement of these chums— « con- cession which displeased not alone the Protestant minority in Qyebec, but raised a ciy from their co-religionists of the other provinces. Pressure was brought to bear on the Dominion authorities to disaUow the measure, but they consistently refused, nor was the opposition in Parliament prepared to take a stand in favor of disaUowance, for the motion of disallowance received only thirteen votes. The motion gave rise to a small Action known as the Party of Jiqual Rights which, in the course of a few yean dis- appeared. But during its short career the Equal Ri^u Party stuied up a controveray over its proposal to abolish tSo " °"* °^ ** °^"^ l«nguages in the Northwest Early in 1891, although the existing Parliament had not completely exhausted its legal lease of life. Premier Macdonald and his colleagues decided upon an appeal to the country. Tlie British system of parliamenuiy govern- ment, which places in the hands of the dominant wl-tical party the decision of the time at which a general election shall take place, can be utUized to catch an opposine party unawares, and it would seem as if the Canadian Liberals were more or less unprepared for a contest when notice was given on the 4th of February, 1891, that a general election would take place on the 5th of the foUowing month. However, the contest proved to be one of unusual bitterness » THE DOMOflON SINCE CONFBDMRJTlOIf 4S7 the old chieftain of the Comervativet threw hinuelf into the fight with unimpaired energy despite the fact that he was now considenblj beyond the allotted span of threescore and ten. By a vigorous insistence on ihe necessity of maintain- ing the National Policy (protectionism) the Conservatives managed to retain their bold in the House of Commons, thou^ with a somewhat reduced majority. The victory was, however, dearly bought, for the burden and heat of the day proved too much for Macdonald. Within a few weeks after the close of the campaign he was stricken down with his last illness, and died on June 6th. Parties and factions, for the time being, hushed their strife in sincere effort to honor the memory of a man whose rare political genius had for more than a quarter of a century made him the most conspicuous figure in the history of the land. The atmosphere in which he lived the later part of his life was so sureharged with political animosities that even yet it is not easy to ofier a fitir esti- mate of his life and accomplishments. To his personal and political friends he was a man of rare sagacity, of the most remaricable political tact; an adept in the handling of men. Thousands of Canadians still reverence his memory as that of a true and broad-minded patriot who set the welfare of the Doooinion ftur before his highest personal ambitions. On the other hand his foes — and tiMy were not few — have in many cases been inclimd to regard him as an unusually successful type of the professional politician, as the possessor of many serious personal blemishes, as a political sinner of the most decided stripe. What his friends have termed political shrewdness, his enemies have regarded as partisan unscrupulousness. Not until another decade has passed away will it be safe for the historian to attempt a fair and impairtial survey of the closing eventt of his long ascendency. In the meantime, it is well not to forget the difficulties with which he had to contend. He had to deal with antagonisms of race, to reconcile the impulsive French- Canadian — a beginner in the art of self-government — with mmmisam 458 CJNJ04 JMD MRinsU NORTH JMBIUCA the sober Anglo-Saxon into whom the ait of political self- control had been drilled fw centuries. He had to deal with reUeous antagonisms, to mollify the aggressive Orange- ism of Onurio, and to curb the imperiousncM of Quebec ecdesiasticism. He bad to deal with inter-provincial teal- ousies, to placate the Maritime Provinces without antago- nizing the more populous regions of Canaib prqter} in a word, to keep a fiur from homogeneous septette of political atoms welifed into a compact whole. TheM, nuveover, were only the larger difficulties. In addition he found no dearth of those minor obstacles vriiich wear out the life of anyone whom fortune places in positions of respoosilHlity. The reconciliation of opposing personal interests among his followen,and of q>posing economic interesu in difleient parts of the country, the planting of the never-fiuling horde of seekers after the loaves and fishes j— these and a hundred other difficulties of a like nature beset his path in more than ordinary profusion. The wonder is, not that he was unable to secure entire harmony, but rather that he was able to unite discordant elements so well. A personal magnet- ism afanost unique in the political annals of Canada does not suffice to explain all} some statesmanlike qualities of the highest order must have been at his disposal. On the death of Sir John Macdonald, Sir J. J. C. Ab- bott succeeded to the premiership, but after leas than a year's tenure of office he gave way, owing to fiuling health, to Sir John S. D. Thompson. The new premier, on his accession to office, had to deal with the important question of the Behring Sea seal fisheries. As fiu- back as 1886 difficulties had arisen between the American and Canadian sealing vessels in the waters off the Alaskan coasts, and these quar- rels soon assumed a serious character. The authoritks of the United Sutes claimed that Behring Sea was a mart elawum^ or closed sea, and that, in consequence, foreign sealers mi^t be excluded from its waters at the discretion of the United States. The Canadian government, on the other hand, denied that American juriadictioa could l^ally mmmmm msmmm rUE DOMUfJON SINCE CONFBDBMJTION 459 be exerdaed outaide the •'three-niile Itnut" prescribed bjr intemattonal law, and in this view the British authorities concuned. During 1893, however, an arrangement was nude yrbtmSbj the antagonistic claims were reforred for ad- justment to a Court of Arbitration which met at Puis. By die decision of this court the American claim to exclusive jurisdiction over the waters of Bchring Sea was denied, but provision was made for the regularion of the sealii^ industry in such way that the animals should not be extnminated by indiscriminate slaughter. Both countries were to join in the enforcement of these regulations, and the United States was to indemnify the owners of such Canadian sealers as had been seized in the disputed regions. Toward the close of 1894, Stir Jdm Thmnpson died suddenly in England, and Sir Mackenzie Bowell succeeded to his post. Tlie death of its great leader, Mcdonald, had served to greatly weaken the Comervarive party, and although it possessed a strong majority in the House of Commmis, in- ternal discord was showing itself more deariy as the months went by. The climax came during the next year when the legislature of Manitoba passed an act providing for the abo- lition of the Sepanoe (Rmnan Cathdic) schools in that province. These schoou had been maintained for the bene- fit of Roman Cadiolics out of special taxes levied on all taxpa)rers of that faith, but collected by the public tax gatherers. The British North America Act of 1867, how- ever, had provided (Section 93) that ** where in any prov- ince a system of separate ox Dissentient Schods exists by law at the time of the Union, or u thereafter established by the Le^slature of the province, an vpftal shall lie to the governor-general in Council, from any Act or Dedrion of any provincial authority alfiKting any ri^ or {nivilege of the Protestant or Roman Catholic minority of the Queen's subjects in relation to education." And in the next sub- section of die Act power was given to the Parliament of Canada to make such reme>ny, and an attempt was made to subj. ct to Gilbert's authority all tlw fishing vessels on the banks. But fortune failed to favor the enterprise. Many of th«- life irksome, deserted the set home on board fishing vessels explorations Gilbert had the u ship, and this, together with tfo< running low, decided him to abaii^ than face the hardships of a winte barked in the remaining vessels md .^ On the way acron violent storms were encountered and one of the vessels — the smallest of the three — ^was lost. As the chivalric Gilbert had chosen this as his flagship he per- ished with his companions. So ended the firw English attempt to found a colony in North America. For the mki quarter of a century, while Champlain and hi* associates were laying the foundadons of a French >lo. aie Gulf ^ to lose his largest it provisions were settlement rather the colonists em- started for England. ■"— .j^*" - '.^■^SiduMM r" DISCOVRSE AND DISCOVERY OF NiVY-^OyMO'LAHD, WITH imny leafemio pfooM how woctfajrmd be* mtfdd* fUmUtaBiMi tkm iemuk, after afar iwttir OMnnar than TOGETHER WITH THE LAY- ING OPEN OF CfiRTAINE ENOR. mirictandihifticommitttdby feme that trade- VrinenbyCapaioe ttieUrdWhithourm of o ■■■■>.;, f- r. Inprinted i^ London by FtUx KjiigUt»iiot WiliiamBuret. i6to. Titlr-ptge of Whitbourr in m t/u •ii'! ■ccount of Newfoundland, publiihed ^'cTu Tark Public Library, Ltntx ' [ 1 ii 1 ;ll if f iiyB t 1 ^H i^JI rW ■> ' NMmoUNDUND 465 empin on the St Lawrence, EnJ^ithmen turned their atten- tion to Vifgwia and the toutheriy territories where a more propitbiu climate teemed to promise an easier road to suc- cess. English fishermen, however, still flocked in iaife numbers to the Newfoundland fishing grounds, and their leaden still undertook to domineer over the fishermen of France, Spain, Pwti^, and HoUand in these waters. An abortive attempt to found a colony at Conceptimi Bay was made in 1610 by the newly organized ** Company of Lon- don and Bristol Adventurers and Pknters," which included among its stockholders the illustrious philosofdier-Matesman Francis Bacon. The company sent out a handful of set- tlers under one John Guy, but most of these remained only till autumn. A few stayed and made a business of dry- ing and curing fish <» the diores. From time to time during the next decade the Endish Admiralty panted com- missions to leaders among the Englidi fishermen frequenting the banks empowering mem to maintain order among the 'turbulent crews of various nttimialities. Those so com- missimed were known as the «*Fudung Admirals," and from the rou|^i-and-ready ftshion in whi^ they nuintained at least a semblance of concord among dw hundreds of vesseb fishing in Newfoundland watm every summer, these men earned a unique i^ace in die eariy history of North Amerka. Periuips the OMSt picturesque of the •'Admirals*' was Cap- tain Richard Whiteboume, who visited the banks alnuwt evoy summer for for^ years, and on his retirement pub- lished a small work on Newfoundfamd which aroused in Enriand ctmsidcnrftle interest in the fidbing pounds. In 1623, another attempt was oude by Ei^^bmen to colonise the island, this time on a some w hat higer scale. In that year George Cdivert, an Irish ianOdder who had been recendy raised to the peerage as Lord Bahimore, received tnm James I. a gnut of the so udi e m part of Newfoundhuid as a pdadmae mth almost royal authority. O rfoni sts were sott out and a s ettle m e n t made on the southern peninsula, to «^iich Baltimore gave ^ 466 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AM-^RICA M *> Avalon. Baltimore built for himtelf a pretentious house in the settlement and transported his fainily thither. But the little colony, in spite of iu founder's generous expendi- ture of energy and means, made very little progress. The winters were severe, the soil disappointing in fertility, and the French fishermen showed open hostility to the settlers. By 1629, Baltimore's hope of maintaining a prosperous colony at Avalon had vanished, and a little liuer he returned to England, where, some time afterward, he received a grant of the territory which became the colony of Maryland. Many of Baltimore's colonists, however, remained at Ava- lon and their little coast settlement of Verubm has survived to the present under the corrupted name of Ferryland. For the next half century, population increased very •lowly; at no time did it number more than a thousand. Of this number practically all were engaged eithtained for its fishermen a remission of the five per cent tax, and the influence of the French on the island expanded to prc^r- ttons which were dangerous to En^ish interests. Repotted IMIiHIIIiHi MEWTOUNDLMD ^ protettt were made to the English govenimen? tr »bif score, but James II. would lend no aid in opposing ti.« I'Ycnch en- croachments. So the French maintained thdr sphere of in- fluence with its centre at Placentia, while the English were established at St. John's and along the neighboring coasts. Thus matters remained until the outbreak of King Wil- liam's War. During the greater part of this war the opera- tions in Camub and Acadi^ engaged the full attention of the respective contestants, so t^t no hostilities took place in Newfoundland. But in 1696, Le Moyne d'Ibeiville, flushed with his success at Pemaquid, repaired to Placentia, and there, with the aid of some St. Malo fishermen and some marines sent from Quebec, managed to organize a consicterable expedition against St. John's. The capture of this htter settlement was comparativelj easy for it was without any pnison, and the f riy armed inhabitanu made but a feeble resistance. Tb. nuy be found in the fact that in the two decades which had elapsed since the close of the Revolutionary War the population of the island had increased sevenfold or from ten to seventy thousand. And it must be borne in mind that Newfound- land received a very small share of the United Empire Loyalists who left the seaboard colonies after their attain- ment of independence. But after 1815 the inevitable reaction came. With the close of the Napoleonic wars European competition again operated to cut down the profits of the fishing industry, and as almost no attention had been given by the islanders to any other branch of economic activity, the result was a severe and prolonged depression. To add to the misfor- tunes of the colony, a disastrous conflagration in 181 7 almost wiped out of existence the thriving town of St. Jdin's, which had risen into a position of considerable prominence as the colonial capiul. One of the disguised blessings of the eco- nomic depression may, however, be found in the increased anention which now came to be devoted to agriculture. In spite of the initial difficulties with which agricultural interests had to contend, these made, during the next few decades, very important progress and served to modify the entire depend- ence of the population upon the fishing industry alone. Ever since 1729, when the island was separated polit- ically from Nova Scotia, the government of Newfoundland had been vested in the hands of a governor and council ap- pointed by the home authorities. But it was strongly felt by many of the islanders that these officials were too clearly under the domination of the fishing merchants of St. John's, mmfoumuHD 47« and from about 1810 onward then waa a frowing cknor for ■omc meature of wpieaenta thf |oircnment. For over a decade the agitatH» wu unracceMlul duefljr owing to the oppocition of ue St. Jdin't merchanta and their friends who thoudtt that the vesting of political power in dK hands of an elective AssemUy ni|^t be inimical to the financial interests of those who contrcdled the fisheries. But bjr 1832, the opposition of these had been overcome and New- feun^and received ptfmissioo to elect her first ptqwlar Assembly. This Anembly was to consist of fifteen mem- bers elected from the nine electoral districts into which the island was divided. The Upper House or LegidMiv* Council consisting of nine members was, however, to be an aiqwintive body, and in addition to iu l^islative func- tions served as an executive council or govermir's ministry. It was soon seen that this nrstem would not wmrk smoothly, for the Lecislative Assembly had not been gjven any means of cotttroUing the executive branch of the adminktration. In fret, the situation was much the saaM as in the Cana- dian provinces before their union. The governor and hia aj^inted councillMS refused to hold themselves reqxmsibk to the r e p r esen t a tives of the peopk} the people, on the other hand, demanded that thev dimild do so. The rdationa b e t wee n the executive and me Iqpshture fiurtunatdy did not become so strained as in the Oi.iadas, nor did the dif- ferences be t wee n the two ever lead the colony into the vortex of rebellion. In 1842, the home government souriit to s tive Council with die Assembly, but afker a numbCT of years* frir trial this system was found unworkable, and, in 1849, ^ ^^'"^ Houses were allowed to resume thdr separate existence. In this form matters drifted on till 1854, when responsible government was eventually conceded. Inacciud- ance vridi ttis system, under «4uch the political affiurs <^ Newfoundland are administered at the present day, the chief executive ofidal of ^ cdony is a Ueutemuit-govemor ^pointed by dw King of Great Britain ami Irehnd and ■lillllliiiilii 47» CdMdD4 AMD BUTttM NORTH JUtBMCA RpfCMBtiiig dw •ovcK%a power in the cokmjr. This ofll- ckl is asnMed bjr an executive or advitoiy council of seven ministers chosen from among the members of the two l^s- lative bodies of the coImv and responsible directljr to the Legislative Assemblv. The Legislative Council or Upper House consists of fifteen members appointed bjr the lieu- tenant-governor in council, while the Legislative Assemblf is composed of thirty-six members elected from territwial constituencies delimited bjr kw, for a four year term and on a basis of manhood wSngt, In almost eveiy respect the political system of Newfoundland is a reproduction in miniature of that of Great Britain. The winning of responsible government encouraged the islanders to hope that the way wu now open for the full discussion and probable settlement of the fisheries question, which had been for some years enguing the attention of the executive in the cdony. It was Mt that the existence of important French interesu was retarding the progress of a considerable area in the cobny, and it wu earnestly wished that some arrangement might be made with France whereby her interestt would no Imiger be allowed to stand in the way of various projects which the authorities of Newfound- land had in mind. In 1836, therefore, the British govern- ment entered into a conventicm with the government of the Third Empire, in the courw of which the ri^tt of the French in Newfoundland were definitely delimit^. Before final ratification, however, the convention was submitted to the Newfoundland legislature for its consideration, and th«« it was found that the sentiment of the islanders, as ex- pressed through their representatives, was very Mrongly against the proposed arrangements. The British govern- ment, unwilling to force on the cdonists an agreement which was so thorou^y distasteful to them, declined to ratify the convention, and the whole matter of the ** French Shore" was left just as it was. It was in communicating the articles of the proposed conventbn to the governor of Newfoundland, in 1857, t^ tl>« British government hud mmowDUND 473 itomn ^ verjr w» 1 co h m principle **diat the eooMnt of die CMBmunity of Newfoundland it nfuded bjr ber Majcs^'a fovenunent u the caeentul prdiminvy to any nodtncation of their urritoriil r^^" Strict adhemice to this prin- cipk of political c6l. The disagrecinent led to reli- gious bickerii^ and in the elections of the htter year a number of very serious encounttrs took pfawe b e tw een Protestant and Roman Catholic partisans. Matters were eventually settled sadsfiKttmhr enoi^ but not before some fives were lost and considendiK pnqierty destroyed. A little later, in 1V64, when the Quebec Conference met, the gov- ernment of Newfoundland was invited to send two repre- sentadvcs to discuss the project of a general ctrnfederadon of all the BrhiA North Aowrican provinces. The isfauid government accepted the invitation and mmed two promi- nent pditical ^ures, Hon. F. B. S. Carter and Hon. Ambrose Siea. On their return from die c o n fe r e n ce the profoeals w(»c folly discussed, and in due course were hud befinc die lepskture in the governor's speech from the throne. In rejdy the legisbture pass^ a resolutinfei>- ence waa held between delegates from the two governments concerned in the Ynuft that the interests and demands of the two could be harmoniied, but nothing tangible resulted. From time to time, during the past thutjr-nve years, dw matter has been reopened at the request of either one or the other government. In 1888, an eflmt waa ouide to procure another conference between the twogovemmenta, but it was found impossible eren to agree upon a place or dtte of meet- it^ Four jears later, when a conference was hdd at HaliAx to discuss several matten in connection with pending fisheiy, ^i"^*<7* *nd tariff questions, the Canadian govonmem pn^wsed ^ entry of NewfoumUand into the Dominion aa the best solution of all the problems involved i bitt the Newfoundland delegates refused to discuss the outtter of terms. Once more, in 1 89s, a conference of delegates waa held at Ottawa, but after a fortnight's deUbeiation it waa found impossible to agree on terms satisfectoiy to both parties, and the conference adtoumed lini du. Thus the matter has remained down to uw presoit. TTie two points upon which it has beoi most difficult to reach any agree- ment are the questions of finance and fisheries. It waa found fer feom ea^ to agree upon the exact amount of the Newfoundland public debt whkh the Dominion should assume, while in the second phne the islanden have dwwn an indispontion to enter into any agnemeat wiuek •hould not promise some immediate settlement of the «• French Shore" trouble. In view of the feet that the French fisheries grievance has been perhaps the most prominent feature of isknd poli- tics durii^ the last half centuiy it may not be out of phue to recapitulate tiK main outlines of the whole question MiWFOUNDUMP 471 wUch, k it hoped, hu bam MtisfiKtoriljr Mttkd wtUun dM coune of dw pmem jmr (M poiMod OOtftlM MmM<^ tlw fnnRivcM bjr tte • mtics of 1 (1713) guarantoed to fiAennea of Fnac* the righu of takingi curii^ tad drjring fisht tofcther with tht privikpt of cfoctiag buiUiiisi and works in coancctioa with the fiu- •riet iloog the whole weetcrn ihoic of Newfouadlaiid, from Cape Raj northward to BcUe Isle, and from thia latter point down the caitera shore as far as Cape St. Jdin. There were certain other privilegn, more or lew indc»nitely deter* onined, Mich as exemption from duties and the Uke, which g»ve the French fi she rmen a decided advantage over island- ers engaged in the industry. The Britkh government, in the trnnes named, guaranteed that it would prevent its subjects from in anj way interfering with Frenchmen in the exercise of these r^ltts, and it was in dits connection diat difficulties soon b^m to arise. France interpreted the treaties as giving her subjects complete exemption from cdo- lual juriadKtiaa and as giving her a predominant economic tnterett in the area over which her j^vileges extended. During the first du«e-quarters of the nineteendi century the Fmidi government steadily contended durt any Brittdi set- tlement M the es ta b li riim ent of any important British indus- tries along the ** French Sbore" wmild be an infringement of the exclusive ri^ts enmcd by her citizens. Consequendy nearfy oae>half the cwony— and this wu, perhaps, the most fcnile half — ^was seriously retarded in its devel<^pment. Furthe r more, as the colcmial authorities were denied juris- diction over this area, the population lived almost without law and used their freedom to cany opoMnt of half their territory is ttran^ to suit the con- venience of a fwcign power. In an endeavor to stave off serious trouble over the whole question the goveniments of Great Britain and France concludH a woiiing agreement or mtdiu wwadi^ but this the Newfoundland government refused to accept, and the agreement had to be enforced by the joint action of the British and French naval forces. This naturally involved friction, ud matters became grave at one point, when, in 1890, Admiral Ws!Ur in command of the British patroUii^ fleet was arretted, and tried and con- demned in the Newfoundland couru for interference with colonial fishermen in his eibrt to compel observance of the Augio-French ugieemeiit. This epnode made it necessary for the Brkith .. ^rmment to s' 14 ply assert ks predominance, and the jw: .. «;'H*»rities ct -'* island cokmy were sternly rebuked. \ .oak it... to time, during the hst decade or more, the ».,-Afff.yif.'<. has been renewed, always in spite of vigorous expi.'iss.ori* of dissatisfoaion on the part uf the Newfoundland g . riiment. It is only in thr present year (1904) that France and Great Britain b^v b" n able, in the course of a general settlement of variouk questions » issue between them in different part* of the worid, to reach a settlement of the " Fr .-nch Shore" ciifKrulty. As far as can be JM^ed from the ^-':>ii»hed text of the agrrcment France has shown hmelf f t ^>ared to surrer.der her interests on the island in return for adequate compensation elsewhere, and it may be confidently expected that hereafter French interests m^ liittttidHiataHia.. MiirfOUMDUND 477 will not tumd b the wajr of cokNtkl pragifM u fiur m NcwfoiuidlMd toconccniMi. It WM dMriag the omm critical period of tht wtn uy mi n tMtwMii tiM c^onial tod BritMi g o v eran w im u the rt$iik of miv«] inwrfctcnct with Nflwfeuadlaod UbMm»n dttt the itlind authwitiet concluded with the govcranent of the United States the commercial amemem popukrijr known aa the •* ffiaine-Bond Treaty," mm dM het tht* k waa negotiated in 1890 bf the Hon. Robert Bond, of the New^ foundland miniittT,aiid the Hon. Jamet G. Blaine, secretary of ittte of the United Sntes. The treaty very |»obaUy accorded to the United States greMer benefits thain the Ittter country was prepared to give in return, but in the prevailing state of public <^>inion on the island the agreement was cordially received. The Canadian Bovemment, however, regarded some of the terms as invcuving a discrimination against the Canadian provinces, and requeued the imperial authorities to veto the trfutyt and to this request the latter acceded, much to the disgust of the ishnders. For a time, the ancient cdony entertained very consider«ble bteemess over the outcome, but this has gradually subsided and the relations of the island authorities with both the imperial and Canadian govemmenu are at present more cmdial than they have been for many years. 4« CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE Ml* rAOB 1493. Pope Aksuider Sixtits appoitioMd new lands be t we en Spain and Portugal .... 19 1497. Cabot's first vojrage to die west .... ao 2498. Cabot made seoond vojrage to the west . . ao Cabot discovered Newfoundland .... 463 1534. Verruano said to have navigtted the Atlantic 1534. Cartier ex^ored the Gulf of St. Lawrence . 33 1535. Caitier's second expedition rettched Montreal a4 1540. Roberval appointed viceroy of Canada . . a6 1541. Caitier kd a colonising «tpedkion to New France a6 1543. Caitier reputed to have made a feufth vojage to dw west 27 1583. Sir Hum^uejr Gilbert |danted a colmjr at St. John's 464 1598. De h Roche appointed Ueutenant-genersl of Canada a8 1600. Pontgravd and Chauvin established a settle- ment on the SMMoay 19 1603. Pontnavd and Champlain ex|dored the St. Lawraice to Hochduea (Momrsal) . . 30 1604. Celoov estaUttbed at Ste. Croix .... 31 1605. Port Rojral set tl eme n t made 31 1608. Qu^ec the first permanent settlement made in New France 3a _ l^ f 480 MTB I6IO, 1613. 1615. I616. 1623. 1627. 1629. 1630. 1632. 1635. 1640. 1642. 1648. 1654. 1660. 1663. 1665. 1666. 1667. 1670. 1675. 1680. CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA Poutrincouit anumed control of Port Royal . 225 The London and Bristol Adventurers at- tempted to found a colony at Concep- tion Bay 465 Champlain explored the Otttwa .... 34 Champlain explored Georgian Bay and Lake Onurio ... -. Jesuit Rtlatitm first puLushed ..!.*.* 43 Lord Baltimore established a colony at Avalon (Newfoundland) ^ Company of New France acquired New France and Acadia . ,7 Quebec surrendered to the En^idi ... 40 Port Royal taken by the Emtsh .... 227 Quebec and Acadia rcs t o ne d to France . 41, 227 Champlain died ^j "French Shore" diCculties initiated (New- foundland) ^^6 Montreal granted to Societe de Notre Dame 44 Mon»eal founded by Maiaonneuve ... 44 The Huron settlemems destroyed by the IroquoU ^5 Le Moyne v-ited the OnondMs .... 48 Acadian settienwnu taken by the En^Ui . 232 The defence of the Loi^ Sault eg Fren^ settlement maie at Piacentia, New- foundland ^^ The Company of New France deprived' of power 45,58 Acadia restored to France by the treaty of Breda 2%i French expedition sent against the Iroquois . 74 Permanent peace made with the Iroquois . . 77 Hudson's Bay Company chartered .... 437 Fort Cataraqui built jj Estimated popuUiti jn of New France ... | CHtONOLOOiCJL TJBLM MTt 1682. 1683. 1684. 1685. 1687. 1688. I6S9. 1690. 1695. 1696. 1697. 1698. •704. 1708. 1710. 1724. 4«i PMK La Salfe entered the Mississippi from the Illinois iQA Fort St. Louis estabtished iqj La Salle conducted an expeditioa from Fnmce by sea to the Mississippi to6 **Card money" adopted as a circulating me- dium 1^ French expedition sent against the Senecas . 1 1 1 Fort Niagara abandoiwd by the French . . iia La Chine settlement destro y ed by the Iio- foundland ^^ Pon Royal a^n ottered by the IritiA 127 Acadia confirmed in possawion of rile Bvkidi 236 Newfoundland rettored to dtt Bridrii . . . 468 French fisiwry p^vii^jes in Newfcairihai granted by Treaty of Utrecfct. . . 475 Oswego post es»MMied i|f TTw Non4i%ewock settkaMM desMoycd . . 161 48a CAHADA AND BRITtSH NORTH AMMRtCA u MTI 1739. Newfoundland politically teparated from Neva Scotia 470 1744. Annapolis (N. S.) besi^ed by the French . 166 1745. Louisburg captured from the French . . . 169 1748. Louisburg restored to France 171 1749. Chebucto (Halifax) fortified 17a France took possession of territory along the Ohio 174 1752. Acadian exodus to He Royale (Cape Breton) 173 1753* Fort Du Quesne erected 177 1754. Expedition sent by Virginia against Fort Du Quesne 178 Colonial con Terence at Albany 179 1755. Braddock defeated at the MonongiJiela . . 182 French (fefeated at Lake George by Johnson 185 Fort Beaus^ur surrendered to the &itish . 186 The Acadians expatriated 188 1756. Seven Years' War beg^ 189 Oswego post taken by the French .... 194 1757. Fort William Henry surrendered to the French 199 Garrison of Fon William Henry massacred by French allies 199 1758. Louisburg surrendered to the British . . . 206 Fort Frontenac captured 211 British took possession of Fort Du Quesne . 21a 1759. Fort Pitt (Du Quesne) built 21a Fort Niagara captured 215 (^ebec captured aaa 1760. Capitulation of Montreal ij^zt^ *^Cud money" idmiished 25a 176a. St. John's captured hy the French and retaken by the British 469 1763. Military government of Cana Ticonderop and Crown Point ulcen by the Americans a66 American troops took possession of Montreal 267 Quebec unsuccessfully beueged by the Amer- icans 269^ 1776. American forces withdrawn from Canada . . 272 American forces concentrated at I'iconderoga 273 1777. Britidi defeated at Bennington 275 British forces under Butgoyne surrendered at Saratopi 2f^ HiihMielphia occupied by the British ... 27^ Lepslative Council first met in Quebec . . 277 1778. France entered into open alliance with America 276 1 781. Comwallis surremtered at Yorfctown . . . 280 1783. North West Company organized .... 439 French fishery privileges in Newfoundland confirmed by Treaty of Versailles . . 475 1 79 1. Canai^ Aa (Consdtutional Act) passed by British Parliament 293 U|qper Canada created an independent ad- ministration 347 1792. First general decrion held in Lower Canada 319 First Assembly of Upper Canada met at Newark (Niagara) 347 1793' Upper Canada passed anti-shiveiy law . . 348 1794. ** Alien Act" of Lower Canada passed . . 322 * ■ [l 1 ' 1 1 4i4 CANADA AND BUTKH NORTH AMMUCA 1 797. D«vid McLane executed 314 York (Toronto) became capital of Upper Canada 3S0 1808. Gnunmar Mhool tyatem instituted in Upper Canada 35^ ltl2. Detroit surrendered to Biitiah 303 Qucemton Hei^ talnn by the British . . 304 The GmtrrUn surrendered to the CtmtitutuH 30s 1S13. York (Toronto) cafxured bjr the Americans . 306 Beaver Dams battle fou^t 307 Fort Geoi^ surrendered 307 Battk fought at Stony Creek 307 Deawt and Amherstbuig eracoatcd by the British 308 Battle of Moraviantown fought .... 308 Tecumseh killed at Moraviantown . . . 308 Perry's victory on Lake Erie 308 Chrysler's Farm enp^ment fought . . . 309 Plattsburg captured 3°9 American naval defeat on Lake Champlain . 309 The Chtsaftakt destroyed by the Sbmrnm . . 310 ftKtle fought at Chateauguay . . . . 310 Fort Erie surrendered 3" Chippewa engagement fought 311 Lundy's Lmc *-tle fought 31a 1814. Fort Erie dcatroyed 313 Mactioac besieged by the Americans . . . 313 British defeMed on Lake Champbin . . . 313 Washington occupied by the British . . . 314 British attenqKed to seise B^more ... 315 Peace treaty signed at Ghent 316 1815. British defeattd at New Orleans . . . . 31 S 1817. St. John's de stin ed by fire 470 18 18. Restriction Fenian f^ds into Canada ffom United Sutet 44a Tieanr of Washings concluded .... 443 B^iih OdumlMa received into the Confed- eration 443 Canadian Pfedfic and Interoccanic lailraad* ciMUtned 444 Pfince Edward Idand leceived into the Cm- federation 443 M Pacific Scandal" inveitigptad 446 Second NoidNveat rebdlion 451 Rebellion queUed by defeat of Riei*s foicet BeMng Sea difkukiee bcfan 458 Newfoundland opnl^ miated the Brkish ■ovemment'i aifbrcenent of French Saherjiif^ 47^ The Bhine-Mnd traanr c o n c luded between Newfeundhnd and die United Statea . 477 Sir John MacdonaM died 457 American and Canadian ^dmng Sea daima referred to aib i t rtti on ...... 459 The Libend party elected to power wider Sir WilfHd Laurier 460 Angb-Fivndi ay e em c n t concluded as to French fiahny r^^ b New f b anfl a n d . 476 ^ ill 4 ^Hi- 1 ' I f ' li it 'tj^^mM Bil r* 11^ 1 ill 1 H^^ Mil K^m^K r; s LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS VOLOMIXI J ffkt tk$ pt^Kltm^ itUmlm, ImiktMrmy OBh i»— H» H|» /ihrtin li ik$ Hua dt ¥10$ m m. 11d*>|Mgw of d>M mbIj w^lpiMH iBmt WW I'tfii nmic uinuy^ Jmmk Ml ^fny mw •''^^ w^w j^^P^^W^^^j ^w ^Mv WWH^N^B 4iV lit]. «r «lM iM UMoft or ll«ir fmet, wd of tlM im «i» w%<»a/i ii ChHmWa' oThb IV4 JWIir £»f«9. 4l9 ss NHOOCOPy MMUITION TBT OUM (ANSI and ISO TEST CHART No. 2) |^|U 1" y& . ■■■ itt 1^ 15J •!i^ tt IS£ ■ 2.0 u ^^^^H 1 11.8 /ff^PLIED IM/OE Ine 1653 t.rjl Uoin Strxt RochMter. N«« York 14609 USA (716) »M - OyX) - Phon* (7161 268 - Mas - Fm 490 CANADA AND BRITISH NORTH AMERICA II -. vMimrAaa Title-Mge of Chvnpkin'i acoount of the mvaget of Guuuh. firm tkt trigimtl m tkt Nfw YM PubUc Likrmry, UmtK BrrnMck 4< Fknl de Chomedejr, Sieur de MaiMMiwnve, Sat Governor of MamnaL Awm O* tngravimg in Sulu's "CmamJwu- FrmMfmu" FiBiif ois Xavicr dc Lmal-Montmoread, fint Bishop of Quebec. Fitm tit rrig^nml mt LmwU Umivtrtitf, Hg*i*t .... Ittle-pegci of ditce cuijr dacriptiont of New Fnmce. Fttm tkt iMtj rmri trigimd* m tkt Ntw Ttri PuUie Ubrmrj, Ltmtx Bnmck Mq> of Cuada, or New France, by N. Sanaon, dated 1656. Ami filw tryprnml ttfptrflmU in pttuttitm tf tit Huttricml Steittf tf PiMMjyhMmia Jean Baptist de Lacroix Cheniices de Saint-Vallier, second Bishop of Q^diec. Awe tit trigimal m tit Hktl Ditm, ^gtitc . Marie de la Incarnation. Frssi '-it tngrmmi^ ly BdtUmi, in tit Urimlmt Cmvtmt, ^tgtbte Documents signed by Philirae de Rigand, Marquis de Vaadreuil, and by the Marquis Duquesne d« Menneville. Frtm tit tripnmlt im fustttitm rfAt Chkmgt HuttrictU Sttittf . . Documents signed by Henri de Tonti and by Fran^iHs de la For£t, La Salle's lieutenant. Frts* tit tr^maU in ptsustioH tftit Ciicagt HuttrittU Steittf Documents signed by Fiaufois Bigot, by Fkdier Ctsnde Allones, and hj Louis Joliet. fnm tit triginals m ptuttsitm tftit Ciiet^ HUttrkai Steiety Deed of giant to Midiel Disy, written and signed by Carelicr de la Sille, original in the Greffe d'Adhmar, November a, 16S3. In St Cbittau dt Ramtxttf, Mtwtrtml .... Ostcnsoiiuro, believed to have been that of Nicolas Pcrrot. Fitm tit tripnml im fttuttitm tftit IHsemisim Hitttrical Steittf Robert Qivdier, Sieur de la Salle. Frtm mm tugrmvtKg mfttr tit Grmmtr ftrtrait loi Title-page of an early woric relating to Hudson Bay. Frwi tit tripmtU im tit Htnmrd MtmSritU Liirtuy, Ntw OrUmu , lol UST OF ILLUSnunONS 491 vMnankoa Tid«-Bagaofthieew«»kt,!nEii^ttili,idBtiii(toCniada. Awm M» V0y rmrt mripiuUi im tkt Nm> Ttrk PuUk LUnuy, Ltn$M Bnmth it] Autogn^ letter of Rcn« Robot Ckvelkr, Scur de b Salk, frrHtn atChkago, September 1, 16S3, aebe wuleSTiivtiielUiaoie oountiy for die last tiine^ to iSta member* of hk rakmy at Fort Saint Looii of the niinois (Starved Rock) .... 117 Document iteiedbjr Louis Joliet Fnm tbt tripiml m ptittstim tftbt Oiierngt t&itritml Sieittf 114 John Campbdl, fourth Earl of Loudoun, oommander-in-duef of die Britiah fbroei in America in 1756. Pnm mu mrigmml drwwMg, tfw im tit Niw Ytrk PuUU Utrmy, Lmtx BrsMch, mflmriutkuk mm ngrmmt^ «nm fuUitkti im if 6s lat The "Habitant Room" in the Chitcmi deRamcaajr, Montreal 13$ Spedment of card monejr. finm tkt tripmmh m tkt Chittmm dt Rmmttuff, Mtmtrtml 140 Champfaun** chateau at (^sbec. Fnm m e^ptrfUui pmUitM imi6ij,mrvtfimtbtHterati (hlitrt Pmritr CW- Utlim . ./ . 36! Sir Fnads Bond Head, lientcnant-goTemor of Upper Cknada, il35-il3l. Aim tk* AV GUttrt Farhr OSietiM . . 36! Louit Joeeph P apin ea u , Speaker of the Anembly of Loifcr Can- ada, iSis-it37. mm tb* Utbtgrmfb w tb* Gkkttau d* RMUtutf, Mtatnal 373 General Sr Jobn Colbome, Lord Seaton, Lieutenant-governor of Upper Omada, iSat-it35. Avm «ft# Sr GOktrt Pmri*r C*U*etiiM 373 Oianca Edward Poulett Tnomon, Baron Sjrdcnhaniy Governor- general of Omada, 1I39-1S41. Awn tk* Sir Gitttrt Pmrktr CMtettm 3S0 James Bruee, Eari of Elgin and Kincardine, Govemor-genoal of Canada, i S47-1 S54. Fr*m tk* Sir Gilb*rt Parktr CtlUetitm 3S0 Chief** houie, Alert Bay, British Columfaaa 389 Types of Indians, Sarcee Reserve, Alberta 396 Central portion of the Fuiiament Buildings, Ottawa . . . . 401 The hrliament Libruy, Ottawa 416 George Hamihtm Gordon, fourth Eaii oS Aberdeen, Governor- general of Cuiada, 1 893-1 898. Fnm a fbttigrapb in tb* Cb£t*mu di Rmm*KiPf, jUbutrtaJ 4S1 Louis Joseph Pspineau, head of tlie French-Canadian party to 1854. Fivm a pbtttgrapb in tb* Cbateau d* KamtKmjf MMUr*ml 4ai 'hi 494 CJNdDJ dMD BRPnSH NORTH JMMttKJ Sir CaMdw llnlqr MoMk, OOTwiwgwwiri at BMk Noctli AaMfka, iMi-iMy 4a| Sir Joha Yonag, Baron Lbgar, Oovflmoc^gcaoal ti rtmili. it«^il7s 4st Fndniek Atdnir, Lord Slaalejr, Oovemor-gcMial of OnBdi^ tUI-il9] 4st Oiliwrt Joha Elliot, Etri of Miato, Oovcraar-fOMnd of Cunda, 1I9S-1904 4JJ Paaonuaa of Victoria, Britiih Columbia, looluagaoftli ... 437 Indiaa method of curiag alaioa, Fruer Rivtr CUkm, Biitiaii Columbia 444 Frederick Temj^ Hamilton Bk^cwood, Biri of Dufferia, Qof- ctnor-gencial of Cuada, tt7^-il7l 451 Jolm Ocmga Edward Hcnrjr Donglat Sutheriaad, Marqoii of Lome, Govcmor^gcncralof Cuada, il7l-ilS) . . . 45] Sir Wilfiid Lanrier, Premier of Gunda rinoe it9< .... 460 Rt. Hon. &t John Aleiander MaedoaaU, firrt Freauer of the PominioB 4^0 lltle-page of Wmtboarae'i aocoont of Newfoundland, publiihed ini6so. FnmtktwigpudiutktNrwrtrkPiMicLUnuyt Limut Brmmeh 4(4