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Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre film^s A des taux de reduction diff^rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seu! cliche, il est filmd d partir de I'angle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n6cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 CANADA: ' 1 ITS POLITICAL PAST, PRESENT P AND p^: PROBABLE FUTURE, OICLIVERBD BBFORB THE HOCHELAGA DEBATING CLUB, h MONTREAL, 12th DECEMBER, 1858, 1« BY MR. OEO. H. MA.CA.UIiA.Y, And published under the auspices of the Club. MONTREAL : PRINTED BY OWLKU & BTEVKNiSON, 41 ST. FRANgOlS XAVIER STREET. 18.08. ITS POLITICAL PAST, PBESENT, AND PKOBABLE FUTUKE Gentlemen, — Tn undertaking the performance of a duty necessarily imposed upon each active and willing member of this Club, 1 am alive to the very great importaneaof framing the instrument through which this duty is fulfilled, by the aid of accurate research and mature deliberation. There is, per- Iiaps, no subject better calculated to induce the exercise of those faculties than the one I have selected for this paper, but I feur that my self-a.ssigned task has been poorly exe- cuted. Nevt-rfheless, I can only claim from the Club that in- dulgence which has been so frequently granted to me on former occasions, when I have had the honor of appearing before it. Deeming further preface as unnecessary, we shall proceed to the consideration of the following subject: — Canada, Its Po- litical Past, Present and Probable Future. We purpose subdividing the subject into three parts — 1st. Canada from its formation as a Colony by the French to 1837 and 1838. 2Dd. Canada in 1858. 8rd. Canada in the future. The name of Canada has long been a matter of dispute among etyn»ologists. It has* been supposed to have arisen from an exclamation of the early Portuguese navigators, who, observing the desolation of the country, exclaimed Aca-Nada. ( Uhers suppose it to have taken its name from tho Spanish, Canada, a canal, from the shape of the country, forming the banks of the river St. Lawrence, but the more received expla- nation is the Indian derivation, Canata, a collection of huts. The fiist actual fixture on the soil was made by France, in the reign of Francis 1st, in 1535, when Jacques Cartier sailed up the St. Lawrence and anchored off Quebec, then Stadacona, on the lOlh August, in that year. He subsequently reach- ed liochelaga which he called INlount-Royal, now Mon- treal. Quebec was permanently founded in 1608. In 1663 the French king, by advice of Colbert, his minister, erected the Canadas into a Royal Government with Mr. DeM6&y as Governor General, encouraged his disbanded soldiers to settle, and gave estates to their Officers, with land under the Feudal Tenure, a form of property which has sub- sisted until the late abolition of the Sei^norial Tenure, in 1854. Jv 1759 Canada was invaded in three quarters by the British. 8,000 men, under the command of General Wolfe, attacked Quebec, and the renowned victory of the Plains of Abraham placed the stronghold of the country in the hands of the in- vaders. The peace of 1763, between France and England, ex- tinguished all the pretensions of France to Canada and Nova Scotia. The British conquest was undeniably of infinite imj^ortance to the country. Commerce, agriculture, justice and security, were its immediate results. France has alvvays proved her- self unfit to govern a colony with modeiation, so that the chanj^e of 1763 may be regarded at the present day as the foundation of the prosjierity which we now enjoy. Jn 1775, the American war broke out, in which the Canadas were suddenly involved by the advance of Arnold on Quebec, and Montgomery on Montreal. Subsequently the American Ge- nerals having joined their armies, besieged Quebec, where Montgomery fell, and the American troops withdrew in the month of May of that year. The original constitution of Cana- da wasthut o' ance — despotic. The Governor and his Council were the s^ . ime dis[)osers of every thing. In 1774, soon after the ]' msh conquest, a constitution was given fixing the bcmidaries of the country, and appoin'ing a Governor, with a Council of not less than 17, with power to frame laws, but not to levy taxes. The English criminal law was introduced, pro- viding, however, that in all controverted matters recourse should be had to the old French law, and securing all its pri- vileges to the Roman Catholic religion in the Provmce. In 1791, Tjord Grenville's act divided the Canadas into the Upper and Lower Provinces. Lower Canada was subjected to a Governor and Executive Council of 11 members appointed by the Crown, similar to the British Privy Council : a Legislative Council appointed by mandamiA from the Crown, forming the second estate, and a Ptepresentative Assembly, or third estate, consisting of members from the cities of Quebec and Montreal, and the counties. The latter were elected for 4 years by electors possessing property to the value of X5, or paying rent to the amount of £10 per annum. The Governor in the name of the Sovereign had the right of assembling, proroguing and dissolving the two Houses, which must be called together at least once a year. The Assembly was empowered to make laws for the order and peace of the Province, subject to the approval of the Legislative Council. The Governor give the Koyal Sanction to the Bills of both Mouses, or withheld any particular one for the signification of the Sovereign's pleasure thereon. The form of government above described was, with few modifications, still in existence in 1834. 3 III Upper Canadn, the government, since 1791 had also been administered by a Lieut.- Governor, Executive and Legislative Councils, and a House of Representatives ; the Executive con- sisting of six members chosen by the Crown. Tlie above rapid sketch will serve to show the political position of the Canadas in 1S34<. For many years the French Canadian population of the Lower Province had, throunh their representatives in the House of Assernblv, combatted the oppressive policy of the Colonial Office in England, and the unjustifiable harshness of an oligarchy composed of English place-holders and time- servers in the colony, whose main desire seemed to be the ex- tinction of the French element in the population of the country. The majoMty of the latter cla«!S contended for equal rights and liberty, a fair share of the emoluments of office, and an oppor- tunity to serve their country. The minority, consistinf the fannly coni[»act of the day, received, of course, the most determuied opposition. The next year, in an adJr9ss to the king, we find the follow- ing strong but just remonstrance: — *' Wht^n we solemnly repeat, '* that the princi[»al object of the political rt!fi)rms, which this " house and the people of this Province have for a great num- " ber of years used every eifurt to obtain, and which Viave fre- " quently been cK tailed to Your Majesty is to extend the elec- " tive princi[)t(^, to the Legislative Council a Branch of the " Provincial Legislature which, by its opposition to the people, " and by reason of its imperfect and vicious constitution, has *' proved insuflloieiit to perform the functions for which it was " originally created ; to render the Executive Council directly " responsil)le to the representatives, of the people of Canada, " conformably to the j :rinci{)les and practice of the British Con- " stitution as established in the United Kingdom, to place under " the wholesome and constitutional ct)ntrol of this House, the " whole public revenue raised in this Province, from whatever •* source derived, to obtain the lepeal of certa.n acts, passed by •* the Parliament of the Utiited Kingdom, in which the people " of this Province are not represented with regard to the inter- " nal affairs of this Province, making its territory and best re- '* sources tiie suliject of unfair speculation and monopoly, and " which we hold to be a violation of the rights of the Legisla- " ture and of the people of this Province." Then again, on the subject of the Canadian Lxnd Company and other monopolies of a similar stamp,the Assembly addressed Lord Gosford in the following strain : — '• Every day convinces us " the more that the principal temlency of this Com[)any, is to " maintain that divi;sion of people aiiuiiist [)eo[>le amongst the " different classes of Her Majesty's subjects, which has, in " common with all the evils resulting therefrom, been fostered *' in times past with too much success by ccrnipt administrations. These representations, though made in good faith by the Canadians, seemed to be totally disiegardcJ ut the time by the presiding genii of Downing Street. The name of a French Canatlian attached to a dopiimont wag sufli iont to assign it to the dark recesses of a minister's vaults, or at i(?iist to excite the strongest prejiulico and animosity on the part of the British reader, who inia^jjiued he jcrceived in eacii Ji-nu IJaptiste a Ciuy Fawkes, whose main intention was the blowing nj» (,f the king of England, his Jiords, Commons and dominions. Unhap- pily these prt^jneliccs iukI animosiiios wore strong, and to the existence ot this state of i'eelmg we ar»; comj)ell<3(J toattriliute the fadnre on the part of British Legislators ol that day, to provide means for the alleviation of existing evils. A concili- atory policy could then have ensured, as it does now, peace and resignation ; a tyrannical policy could only obtain disagreeable results. The blood which flowed in the veins of those men precluded the possibility of tame acquiescence, and animated them to demand their rights. When Britain was boasting of her freedom, her liberality, her enlightenmenf, her prosperity, was it prudent, was it just to inflict oppression and injustice on a conquered people 1 A j say not only that it was unjust, but we assert that it was impolitic. There were hosts of loyal French Canadians in 1837 ; there are many now, but flesh and blood could not bear the ignominious treatment they had re- ceived previous to that time. The consequence was a revolt, unfortunate in its cause, temporarily unsuccessful in its prose- cution, frightful in its immediate, but magnificent in its ulti- mate results. Though lives were sacrificed, though villages were burnt, though towns were desolated, one grand result was obtained. Out of evil came good ; the eyes of the people of England were opened to the fact that the colonists of French origin in Canada, though they had been despised, con- temned and insulted, had sufficient spirit to declare that chey could not brook the existence of a family compact in their midst, which looked upon and treated them us an inferior race. The ultimate results of this outbreak we feel to-day. All that was demanded by these alleged rebel Frenchmen in 1834< has been granted, and many of the originators of this movement, in 1837, have been elevated to positions of the highest responsibi- lity in 1857. A.n admission has thus been made that these men acted patriotically, not criminally, and to their spirit and forecast are we indebted for our present advantageous political position. Let us examine more minutely the relative strengtli of the arguments adduced at that time by the ccntending parties. It was urged by the British party that an elective Legisla- tive Council would weaken and ultiniately destroy the con- nexion between the colony and the mother country. In reply it was maintained that the continuation of the existing system would not only ultimately but speedily destroy that connexion, and for these reasons : — 'L'he Council was a great cause of dis- content. The chief complaint of tlie Canadians against the Imperial Government was, not that it was in itself directly -ami immediately oppressive, but that it maintained and support- I ' 6 ed the Legislative Council. And well might this institution be offensive to the colony. There muy be differences on the question, how much of the government of the colony should belong to the colony itself, und how much to the mother country. The colony exercises its power through a represent- ative body. The mother country exercises its power through the Governor and by means of rurliament, und the Colonial Office can hold him ies()unsible for whatever he does in the exercise of them. But here was a third power coequal with these two, and representing neither the mother country nor the co- lony, but a band of jobhing oflicials solely, not only /rustrating the wishes of the colony but. sujiersedini? the authority of the mother country, sinc*J the Bills which emlxdy the demands of the people being rejected by the Upper Hduse never come re- gularly before the Governor or the Cf lonial Minister at all. This was one of the main causes of discontent in 1837 and .S8, and we can make full allowance for the unfortunate proceed- ings which characterized that period. The leaders of that factious party still live in our midst ; all of them having paid the penalty of expatriation, either voluntary or forced ; many of them have retired from active political life, but in their re- tirement they have earned the respect of every Canadian who looks with an eye of judgment and impartiality upon the pro- ceedings of those days, and who can fully appreciate the out- rageous tyranny of which the party they led vi^tre the victims, when trodden under the heel of an unscrupulous oligarchy in the colony, and a relentless Colonial Office in Downing Street. The rebellion was crushed, peace was restored, but the sj/irit of reform had not vanished with the smoke of St. Denis and St. Charles. The leaders of the revolt were dealt with by the law. Some were executed, others banished, many fled from the fangs of the revengeful oligarchy, and made the neighbouring republic their home. Years passed away, but gradually we could perceive the force of public opinion once more assuming its sway. In 1838, Lord Durham was sent out as Governor General, when he produced his famous Report on the stale of the Pro- vinces. Having resigned, owing to some animadversions made on his conduct in the House of Commons, Mr. Poulett Thompson was sent out to succeed him, and in 1839 a Bill jjassea the Imperial Parliament reunitii g the Provinces of Up- per and Lower Canada, with one Legislative Council and House of Assembly, according to the recommendation of Lord Durham. Much opposition to this measure was manifested by a large number of Lower Canadians, but the Union was accepted at the dictation of the dominant party of the day. Of the policy of that Union it is diflicult at this day either to approve or disapprove. Many consider that the course then adopted was prudent. Others, who judge from the diffi- culties which have since continued to exist between the two sections of the Province, disapprove energetically of that »TieasiiFe. We ore forced to concliicle that it has not produced the. hrneficial results anticipated h^ promoters. Siihse(jiuMit to the Union, the repr "scntatives of both sec- lions met for lecislutive piirpdst'S in tliesume Houses of I'urlia- ment. T'ndt r the rule of Sir F. Bond Head, Upper Canudii li'id also h 'en s;idly misgoverned, and it required no coniuioti prudence to reconciliate the incongruous elements, of whicli the United House of Assembly was composed. The constitu- tion of the Legislative Councd remained unchang-d, but a dis- ])osition seemed to be manifested, to grant that portion of the 92 resolutions, which claimed th«! privilege of rendoiing the Executive Council directly responsible to tho elected represen- tatives of the people — conformably to the principles and prac- tice of the British Constitution, as established in the United Kingdom. This mucti desiderated concession, was at last grant- ed, and the fiist fruits of the detejrmined stand made by the Lberals of Canada in 183i were permanently obtained- From that time to the present day, no great event has occuired wliich deserves special mention in this paper. Having thus passed rapidly in review the political events which have transpired in Canada, previous to and immediately after 37 and 38,liaving glanced en passant at the effects produced by the proceedings of those days, both on the Imperial Govern- ment and the colonists, let us arrive at the important eia in Canadian .politics, which will in future be known as 1858, and calndy and dispassionately let us consider our actual position at the present day. With a large and rapidly increasing population, with important means of education at our command, with our extensive commerce, means of communication, manufactures, and agri<*ultural advantages, we have truly reason to be proud of our enviable position. It is our duly, as it is the primary duty of every people, to see that forms of government are in ttccoxdance with the wishes of the majority, the inherent rights of the minority being nevertheless religiously respected. In- dividuals are found in every nation, who maintain extreme opinions in political subjects, and who conscientiously aim at tlie extension of their peculiar views. But time and circum- stance have in these days laid a softening hand on the most ultra politicians. Those violent eruptions, to which .ietailed allusion has been made in the commencement of this paper, heaving and lending the face of society,seem unlike our present temper. The oligarchical tyranny of which the Canadians, so bitterly and justly complained in 1837 and 1838, has almost ceased to exist, and in its xoom, thanks to the progress of liberal ide^js in Britain, a policy more extended and conciliatory in its nature, better adapted to the aims and claims of a free and enlightened people, has been substituted. A law has at last received the Royal Assent, introducing the elective principle into the Legislative Council, and the people of Canada enjoy the blessings of Responsible Government, in other words self Government, to a very satisfactory extent. This system so long contended for,gained by so much sacrifice and exertion, deserves (■( !l full and ample consideration at our hands, and we purpose treating of its proper application to the Government of this country. Formerly in England, if a Councillor gave wrong and disastrous counsel to the King, he acted on his individual responsibility, and was liable to be impeached by Parliament. The idea of impeaching individual ministers, has since been abandoned, and now tlie only security which a Cabinet posses- ses, is its abilit-v to inspire a fteling of satisfaction in a ma- joiity of that House which directly represents the people. If this feeling end, the Cabinet ends also, and a vote of want of confidence at once disposes of the men and their measures. Precisely the same system, is applied in Canada at the present day. A constitutional government; is necessarily an aitificial one. It is made up of checks and counter checks, and the best security we have in its success, is the existence of consti- tutional freedom What is meant by constitutional freedom ? Is it that the consitution makes the people free ? No, il is the freedom of the people that makes the constitution possible. Canada is free, not because one party is in, and the other out of power, but because the minds of the people are imbued witn the love of freedom and order. As long as we retain personal freedom, as long as we are judged openly by fixed laws, as long as we have the power of writing and speaking what is not libellous, and as long as we tire free from ecclesiastical tyranny, we shall occupy a position second to that of no coun- try in the world. In the application of the system of Responsib'e 'Government we have two great evils to provide against, and it is the duty of the people to strain every nerve with the view of electing Legislators pledged to the total abolition and extinction of oribery and patronage. Bribery is 9 blot on the face of late events in this country, which years of honesty in public life can only efface. When we separate the terms bribery and patronage, we wish it however to be understood, that we con- f-'^r^.t patronage merely as a different mode of bribery. We iiu- . v>tnessed the disgusting sight, during late years, not only '' f ^ :< cj'cors selling their honor and independence for hard cash, lav. the elec .ed, the representatives of a civilized people, to ' i.vi ' '^'•crj casting disgrace be it recorded, have bartered their -i-sitiou, the interests of their constituents, the well being of theii' country for paltry pelf, wherewith to gratify their sordid avarice. Men of good name and family have amassed thou- sands of pounds by a shameful traffic with the Ministry of the day ; their votes in exchange for money and patronage, fat jobs for theii friends, rich pickings and perquisites for themselves. In many constituencies ?w?f, a candidate's strongest recommen- dation is not that he is a liberal or a conservative, that he is in favor of or against Piepresentation by Popidation, or Separate Schools, Protection or Free Irade, the Grand Trunk Railway Orant, or a Confederation, of the Provinces, but simply that he id that in the future the great privileges of Kesponsible Go- vernment may not be degraded by the uses to which they are at ])resent applied. The political position of Canada at the pre- sent moment, is indeed, a serious problem for statesmen. Of late years, what with parliamentary orations and party man- oeuvres, we have nearly brought legislation to a stand still. Parties in this country are st-angely balanced, divided and de- fined. We have sor-ething different to the Whig and Tory of England. We have the ultra Tory in both sections of the Province, it is true, but we have also the Moderate Conserva- tive, the Moderate Reformer, the so called Clear Grit, the ultra Reformer of Upper, and the so called Rmtge, the ultra Reformer of Lower Canada. Since the commencement of coalitions in this country it is astonishing with what alacrity the title of moderate is affixed to the name of the politician who enters a coalition. Though, perhaps, the most extreme of his party before, by passing through the crucible of the Council Chamber, he suddenly becomes the very embodi.neRt of innocent moderation. In addition to the above secis we have one which occupies continually a position of undignified neutrality : a kind of loose fish who swims in the ocean of politics, devourikig or seeking to devour the crumbs which fall from the ministerial ship, adhering as a sucker as long as the crumbs are administered, and when the ship sinks, of couise, starting in search of another. This specimen of icthyology is to be seen in great variety at the street corners of our large cities, contuuially vociferating in the most eloquent tones of the purity, honesty, industry, ac- t I 10 tfcivity, and ability of the powers that be. If a cloud over- shadow the shining sun of their adoration, in an instant you perceive a ploomy change over the sjiiritof their dream. Tiiat sun which they were wont to worshi[) setsjierchance in clouds, and after a good night's rest, again they are o i their knees im- ploring the rising sun to slied its benign inf lence over their path. A Commissioneiship, a Judgeship, a Shrievalty, a Col- lectorship, anything to enable these devuted creatures to sejve their country. Seriously, such time-servers and toad-eaters should he hurled from society >vith derision and contem{)t. An honest and straightforward expression of opmion, with .practi- cal application ot that o})inion, should alone recommend a man to a responsible position in the country. From the time of the conquest of this country by the British to the present day, a gradual and progressive advance has been made towards democratic institutions. The inhabitants of this Province, liave always been and continue to be loyal to the ruler of the day in Great Britam. They resjjcct the Representa- tive of the Sovereign in this Colony but not with that servile adoration expected of them by some of the ultra loyalists of the old school. They pof.sess a representative government, which has been obtained by 30 years of struggles and danger, and they refuse to be deprived of those safeguards to iheir li- berties, as a people which are so dear to every Canadian, whether of French or British origin. They demand that the British Constitution should be applied as m England, viz : — that the people should rule through the men of their choice, and above all, that the Ministers in power should be responsible to the pec pie for their official acts. A late attempt on the part of the Governor of this Colony to interfere with the true applica- tion of this system has been resisted vigoiously and patriotical- ly, and it is satisfactory and encoiira-s and kings is acknow- ledged to possess a just and irresistible authority. The direct interference of a v^ry large proportion of the citizens in the administration of the localities to which they themselves be- long, is already adopted as an established principle of all the most enlightened nations. In the small but absolute monarchies of the North of Europe the most entire local independence prevails, and in Prussia the rigorous and exclusive authority of the crown is tempered by Municipal Institutions which are not unworthy of one of the best educated nations in this world. In New England, town- ships were completely and definitively constituted as early as 1650. The independence of the township was the nucleus round which the local interests, passions, rights and diiiies col- lected and clung. It gave scope to the activity of a real poli- tical life, most thoroughly democratic and republican. The colonies still recognized the supremacy of the mother country, monarchy was still the law of the States, but the republic was already established in every township. The towns named their own magistrates of every kind, rated themselves and levied their own taxes. That system of township indepen- dence is the life and mainspring of American liberty at the present day. It cannot be denied that a system of local inde- j)endence operates as a powerful instrument of social educa- tion, and as a principle of cohesion in the community. We have in this the only solution of our present difficulty on the subject of Representation based upon Population. By the adoption of the principle contended for we merely concede that of which the liberal party has always approved. By securing guaranties fur this section of the Province by a well matured plan of local self-government, perfected on the plan of the U. States, or some of the Northern European powers, we con- ciliate each others prejudices and arrive at a conclusion bene- ficial to all, which will serve to cement that good understand- ing which should exisi between the people of both sections of the Province, whether Protestant or Catholic, of English or French origin. Another subject of some interest in the politics of Canada at the present day is whether schools supported by the Govern- ment should be mixed or separate, whether Catholic and Pro- testant chi'dren should meet for the purposes of education under the sime root, or whether separate schools should be pro- vided for each sect and supported by the taxes levied on the general community. In the consideration of this important 13 qi.iestion, during the last few years, much excitement has been created in the country. Lower Canada possesses an imper- fect system oi Separate Schools supported by the State. Upper Canada possesses an indefinite and uncertain system of State Schools. The Roman Catholic party ia Lower Canada have insisted on a concession of the same privileges to a Catholic minority in Upper Canada, enjoyed by a Protestant minority in Lower Canada. This ap[ ears to be simple justice, but a majority of the inhabitants of Upper Canada have frequently manifested a strong indisposition to foster Roman Catholicism in their part of the Province. Antagonism, therefore, exists, and it is manifestly the duty of our statesmen from both sec- tions to adopt a policy which will conciliate these unfortunate prejudices of religion and locality. These differences of opi- nion on suVijects touching religious, as opposed to secular edu- cation, exist in every country in the world, and it would be surprising in a mixed population like ours if we escaped the same dissensions. We hold an opinion that religious education is not the paternal duty of the State. That duty is to provide for the people the means of a sound and liberal })raciical educa- tion, leaving the dogmatical branches to be inculcated in the Churches and in Sunday Schools, by the Ministers of each dif- ferent sect to the children of that sect. A distinguished writer says : — " The primary end of govern- ment is purely temporal, the protection of the property, and persons of men, and government, like every other contrivance of human v.iadom, is likely to answer its main end best, when constructei with a single view to that end." We consider the religious education of the people as no part whatever of the duty of government. The construction of a national system cf secular education would be the best adapted to the mixed population of this country, and would serve to abolish most speedily those religious animosities which must naturally subsist where the stute supports the projtagation of two distinct creeds in our Common Schools. If we maintained the correctness of the princi|ile which provides for religious instruction in the Roman Catholic and Protestant creeds in our national schools, as well might our fellow citizens Armi- nists, Calvinists, Episcopalians. Jews, Presbyterians, Pedobap- tists, Anabaptists, and Unitarians, demand the same privileges. It is, therefore, clear that the state, instead of sanctioning the introduction of dogmatical inculcation, should insist on the adojjtion of a purely secular system of education. The Govern- ment cught, indeed, to desire the })ropagation of Christianity, but the extent to which tin y must do so must be limited by the degree in which the })eople are found willing to accept it. AVe have thus dealt briclly with the prominent questions of diflicnlty which are agiiatiug the pullic mind — the Upper as opposed to the Lower Province. Other questions of national iaipurlunuo of vilul interest to both, present themscIveS; but in. i I $. iii Hi 1 t the limits of this paper, which is already sufficiently lengthy, it is fonnd impossible to discuss them. A few words, however, i jjarding the important proposition recently entertained of a Confederation of the British North American Provinces, and the construction of a national railroad between Halifax and Quebec. Many are sanguine in the ex- pectation, that no difficulty will arise in the preparation and completion of this measure. We hold that some plan must be adopted to give additional strength to each of the Provinces of Cnnada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland and Cape Breton. It cannot be denied that this result would be best attained by the consolidation of all these separate powers into one. The principal difficulty to be met is in obtaining the sanction of the people of each Province to any particular form of government which may bo suggested or decided upon by the Imperial Parliament, with the advice of delecates from the several Provinces. The opinions of these several delegates, or of a majority of them, may certainly be in favor of confederation under the direction and rule of the Co- lonial Office, but we must candidly believe that were such a plan submitted, as in such case it necessfirily must be. to the vote of the people, the sn notion would not be unanimously accorded. Tn our apprehension the only form of government which could possibly obtain in the proposed confederation is the Republican, on the system of the United States. The division of the con- federation into States, with Local Legislatures, each posses- sinff the sovereign power of legislating for the wants of that particular state, having a Senate and Congress at the Capital to perform the duties of a central legislature, seems to us the most feasible plan. The head of the confederation should also be chosen from among the colonists themselves. At present in these colonies, no broad self-acting principles are hid down for establishing colouialliberty, in hnrrnony with the central power. The United States have solved this pro- blem. Her emigrants subdue the wilderness, establish their own municipal institutions, coalesce into a territory, receive judges from the central executive, and finally, when their numbers reach the requisite point, can demand to be accepted into the Union as a constituent state, on submitting to a few bt-oad and necessary princijiles. notorious and universal. In that system it is by fairness, by publicity, by broad and un- chaniring principle that the United States has produced such great results,and Canada has begun to thrive just in proportion as she has become emancipated from the control of a British Colonial Office. The American system promotes the interests of freehold cultivators, while the Colonial Office struggles to keep up rich landlords and indigent peasants and shepherds toiling for wages. Our rulers do notseem to wish the indepen- dence of the lower classes in the Colonies. For these reasons we would deem it imprudent to hasten a coufederiition of the Provinces under the direction and rule uf 15 Downinc; Street inffuencc. When the time does come for a Union of the Provinces, let us hope that it will be accom[)lished on the Repuhlican principle, with the sanction of that preat power which rules us now, and which cannot forbear from exprpssinw its daily admiration of the success of its offshoot, the United States. In our apprehension the politiJial crisis throupjh which Ca- nada has lately passed, may well serve as a wurning voice to our legislators. A plan that should be vigorously and gene- rally pur ued is to hold out to our countrymen in Great Britain that we are not a hajidful of miscraWe ndividuals, unworthy of attention or consideration, but rather an important people, determined to progress in the path of reform, to grapple wiih difficulties of moment, and above all, to insist upon the main- tenance of those rights which belong to us as free and enlight- ened people. And why should the scoffiing name of Rebel be fastened on the name of him who holds these views 1 Should he be brand- ed as unfit to hold a position in the community because he does not tamely submit to the whims and caprices of each official of the Colonial Office who mi.y be sent here to hold the reins of government for a time. The liberality of the British people, their desire to obtain for the CDlonists of the empire equal li- berty of speech and action, should in the future prevent the recurrence of the deplorable events of the past. Inevitably and rapidly we are advancing towards a condition of ei tire and unshackled national freedom. And looming in the future, wo can foresee a mighty nation stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, a people of which Englond and France will be prouil, their joint offspring ; a nation celebrated for its power, its wealth, and the enlightenment of its inhabitants. Bands of iron traversing the magnificent tract of country lying between the two oceans, will promote successful com- merce, will consolidate and ameliorate our agricultural and mining interests, and will serve as a bond of union between the denizens of the far west and nearer east. Perchance the valuable carrying trade of the East Indies may court our chan- nels of communication. Clearly the future destiny of Canada is a glorious subject of contemplation. It is but surmise and speculation, but from the actuul progress of the past we can confidently judge of probable progress in the future. Young men of to-day, of the middle classes of society, are frequently discouraged by their su[)eriors from studying, no- ticing, or participating in political jirticeedings. They are ge- nerally charged with presumption if courageous enough to express political opinions. They are blandly infirmed that ]K)litics will not put money in their purses. We admit cordi- ally the corroftness of this assertion, as applicable to honest young politicians, and see reason to congratulate the speaker of such words upon the compliment paid to the aspirants of the present day. Such a conviction would augur well for the future of the country. Hitherto the practice of politics has proved 16 4i- « my 1: I the most lucrative ol occupations. It is not difTicult to decide which is the greater villain. lie who charged b) liis fellow- citizens With the powers of Govenanent, deliberately appro- priates to his own use the taxes levied on the general commu- nity, or the burglar who enters his fellowman's house, and ex- tracts his silver. JNIunifestly the former is the more ilishonest man, because he has l>asely violated a sacred trust reposed in him, while the l;itter, an outcast of society, has perhaps been conipelled to adopt some desperate method to save himself from starvation. It is the duty of our young men to study the j)olitical position of the country, to apply that study practically with the view of benefitting tlieir country and their fellow- men, with the view of improving the standard of our public men. If it is difficult to-dav to find competent public servants, if we have to admit with shame that many of our represent- ativeis are below the standard of mediocrity, if we witness the most glaring instances of abuse of power and corruption, if the halls of our Legislature are filled with Lawyers, Doctors and Notaries, it is due to the lamentable fact that the young com- mercial men ot the generation preceding ours dia not devote themselves in leisure hours to the study and practice of politics. Our mercantile interests are not adequately represented, be- cause me.-ohants are too fond of their Ledgers, and Dollars and Cents. They use the ci-untrv and its manifold advantages to put money in tiieir civ. -is, and are not sufficiently patriotic to make some sacrifices for its benefit and the happiness of their less fortunate lt-llow-citizei:s of the lower classes. Not only do they refuse to give their own services, but they seek assi- duously to jirevent others from doing so who are mure patriot- ically inclined. We see, however, daily improvement in this regard, and sincerely trust that in the future young men, pos- sessing moderate abilities, wiil not be frowned down by those who should show them a good example. It will be to us a sou ce of much gratilication if the contents of this paper shall awake in the minds of our juniors iu this Club some interest in the subject of Canadian politics. To conclude, Canada m the past has committed some errors, and has nobly repaired them, she has been at times the victim ot injustice and oppression, but the Reeling of antagonism, which incited those results, has, we trust, furever past away. In the present SiC has her questions of local dissension, but these wounds on the boJy piLtic by the exertions of an en- 'ighlened and judicious people wd; be speedily closed and liealt'd. and in ihe future, though they may nut pass trackless- ly, though they may leave some faint shadows behind, expe- rience and wisdom will gradually operate towards their entire ibiiieration. Drvotediy Jittached to this, the land of our birth and her people, we look with proud hope to her political future, reposing confidence in that great PoWir which from on high governs all the nations ol the world according to their several deserts. I\Liy he find ours worthy of a bruiiant future in the scale of nations. eckle I'.ow- pj-ro- imu- d ex- one&t ?d in been mself y the cally llow- ublio 'ants, seut- s the f the i and com- 2vote [itics. l,be- 5 aud es to ;ic to their only assi- triot- 1 this , pos- those us a shall est in rrors, ictim lism, way. , but n en- I ind tless- expe- :titire birth iture, high A^eral Q the