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Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont film6s en commenpant par la premidre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la dernidre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols — ^ signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbols V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre film6s d des taux de reduction diff6rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour §tre reproduit en un seul clichd, il est film6 d partir de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m^thode. 1 2 3 4 5 6 HuLSEAN Lectures, 1,F St. J. .UN's CiiinrH, St, John, N. H. SI. JOHN, N. I!. J. 6t A. McMillan, 98 I'rlnck Wn.i.rAM Strket. 1 M M « . Kntercd according to Act of Parliament of Canada, in the year 1888, Ky RKV. JOHN dkSOVRKS, In the Office of the iMinister of Agriculture, at Ottawa. 3 3 7 ^ t) ELI-:CTORS OF THE HULSEAN FOUNDATION IN run University of Camiikiix.k, Brook H Foss Wkstcott, D.D. Regius Professor of Divinity, Canon of U\st minster : Fknton John Antmonv Hokt, D.D. llulsean Professor of Di7'inity : JosKi'ii Rawso.n LiMiiv, D.D. Norrisian Professor of Divinity : Chari.ks Taylor, D.D. Muster of St. John's Coltet^e ; And Id THE Mbmokv ov CiiAKi.KS Anthony Swainson, D.D. /■ornn-y/y /.a,iy Marxaret Professor of /)i7'inity, an,/ Master of Cltrist' s College: William Hkpuoktii Tho.mi-son, D.D. Formerly Master of Trinity College , These Lectures, DELIVERED HV THEIR APPOINTMENT, ARE GRATEFIM.I.V AND RESPECTFULI.V DEDICATED. l^RKFACH. Tmk subject of Ciikistian Kki'Mon, and tin; history of the various eliforts to prcniiote it from tlie time of the Reformation, have seldom been dealt with by Kiislish elnirch historians. The late Rev. H. H.Wilson, in iiis liampton Lectures, was almost the only writer to treat the topic scientifically, i)ut his purpose pre- vented him from more than intliv idual references in liis notes to the leaders of earlier movements, ilu- work of Kaki. Hkrinc, published as far back as the year 1H36, remains still the standard history, and the present writer had jilanned to translate it, adding the results of recent publications of the Leibnitz corres- pondence, and dealing also with the relations in |>ast time of the Church of England and the foreign Reformed Churches. An occasion for dealing separately with the last of the.se topics presented itself when the writer was appointed Select Preacher at Cambridge, almost on the exact bi-centenary of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, in October 1885. The dis- course then delivered, pointing out the old relations of cordial sympathy and communion between the Anglican and Huguenot Churches, is included in the present volume. The ai>i>eal was received with assent by the members of the theological faculty at Cambridge, and words of sympathy and approval came from Drs. Hatch and Eairbairn at Oxford, Profes.sor A. S. Farrar at Durham, the venerable Bishop of Worcester, and many others. Still more acceptable, as a testimony to the practical possibility of the step advocated, was a communication from I)k. Eigkne Beksier. In this letter, the distinguished leader of the Reformed Church in Paris declared not only his cordial a.ssent to the plea, but expressed his willingness to co-operate personally in any effort to bring together the two Churches.* Having been ap- * See Appeiuli.v. VI Prcjaie. pointed Hulseaii lecturer shortly afterwards, tl'c writer foiiiul the opportunity of discussing the history and rationale of Christian Reunion from a wider standpoint, by investigatinj; the p -ogress , and results of the various endeavours made during llie sixteenth and seventeenth centuries hy lUicer, Melancthon, Durie, Calixtus, Grotius, and Leibnitz. It was hoped that an outline, restricted by the narrow limits of four lectures, and by the hindrances of other duties, might be supplemented by later additions, including an examination of the Durie MSS. at Cambridge, kindly otTered by Professor Mayor, and of the un|)ublished Leibnitziana in the Archives of Hanover. JUit circumstances prevented the fulfilment of this plan, and the meagre and imperfect sketch would never have been pub- lished but for the belief that it may induce some more capable hand to achieve a work so important. For the Reunion of Chris- tendom is no mere literary or academical topic, but a practical question of the hour, calling for labourers, if not yet ripe for settle- ment. On every side there is a consciousness that the hour is near when all who profess and call themselves Christians must remember their title and their cause, and that they are descend- ants, however far removed, of those who were " of one heart and of one soul." Not many years ago, in a humble Church, situated in a distant land, an event took p'ace more signiiicant to the student of history than many a Council. In the English Church at Cronstadt, as a testimony indeed to the personal esteem in which its minister was held by those of different creed, but in itself none the less remarkable, there were gathered together, at a service after restoration, the representatives of all the Churches in the City. By the side of the Holy Table knelt the Russian pope and the Roman priest, the Lutheran and the Re- formed ministers, forgetting for an hour the wars of centuries, and remembering only the "one Lord, one faith, one baptism." f t The details were verified by the writer on the spot, when occupying the s.ime ch.iplaincy in 1880, in succession to the Ri:v. J. Mi Swinky, in whose time {1874) it occurred. Preface. Vll Surely it is impossible to (lisrc^jard siu li a si^ii ol tlu- times, but rather should we feel that the , a practical example of liucer's method, in its attempt and its failure.— Conclusion. Notes on Lecture I /,. 15 Lecti're II. — Protestant RciDiion, pp. 21-1^6 The histories of Christian Retniion by Tabaraud and K. Heriug : their scope and results.— Clan .)f the present lectures : (,j) Protestant Reunion helure i66j: (/>) Western Reunion. - Development of processes : recognition of the iii- suflTicieiicy of Bucer's diplomatic method recognized.- Two causes alfec tini; the Liter development : (i) Laymen begin to take part in theological controversy : ^2) the "acadenii, travels" bring the representatives of opposite schools into contact.— Ihe Irenimm of David I'arxus. — Career of John Durie and Calix- tiis. — Misrepresentations of Crotius by Hallam. (irotius not inconsistent in his respect for antiquity, nor irritated by Huguenot neglect. He aimed at prac- tical results, and his sole err >r the belief that in his time a complete reiunon of the West was still possible. — Conclusion. Notes ok Lecture II, p^ ■ 37 Lecture III. — 77/6- Reunion of Western Christendom. PP- !i-54 Causes of failure of etTorts to promote Protestant Reunion. — Results of the cxsaro-papism in the German States before and after the treaties of Westphalia. Efforts for reunion commenced by Church of Rome : irenical works published after 1660. 'Ihe work of Bishop Spinola mainly inspired by Austria ami the moderate .school; inheritors of Cassander's policy. 'I'be .Austrian and (;allican attitude. — I, iiiiiNiTZ : The first aoinaintance with the reimiou eflort ; visit to Rome; he turns to the (;allican t:hurch. — Bossiicr : The correspondence, 1691-1702.— Failure of the effort. Real value of the work of Leibnitz. Notes on Lecture III p, 55 (ix) X Table of Contents. Lecture IV. — The Religion of Nationality, ..//». 59-68 Causes of failure ; apparent and conjectural.— Kxainination of the princi- ples of Leibnitz ; his philosophical conception of history and religious progress. — He perceives the impossibility of union with Rome, finally of any union with Churches of the Roman obedience. — His conception of the State as embodied in a Good Prince. His theory of nationality hampered by survival of idea of universal visible church. — Growth of the idea of Nationality in political and spiritual conceptions. — All great movements have been national, not ecclesi- astical. — Conclusion. Notes on Lecture IV, p. 69 The Huguenots and the Church of England, PP- 12r^7 Uecay of belief that Martyrdom was the criterion of a true faith, upheld by Pascal and Paley. Two causes : (a) study of early niartyrology ; (/>) knowledge that all beliefs have had martyrs : Yet survival of some elements in present day. — The bi-centenary of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes ; generous welcome of the exiles in England ; received as the confessors of a common faith. Full recognition of the eminence of Huguenot scholars and divines : Saumaise, Scaliger, Blondel, Rivet, Casaubon, Dumoulin, Bochart, Uaille, Durell, Brevint, Basire, Amyraut. — The loss of all intercourse at present day. Causes suggested : {a) Dualism in Anglican Church ; (/>) greater prominence after Civil War to belief in episcopal succession as a note of Church ; (c) decay of alliance against Church of Rome; (i'' wari' hisiori voin /cbeu, sterbcu, begrebuiss. . . D. M. /A") The funeral sermon, " How we ought to take the Death of the Godly," was also printed in London by Jugge (n. d.), but no copy appears to be extant. *Cf. Zwingli, Op. iv., 173, ct scq. Luther Epist. 12 17 (DeWette, IV., 26), and Haum, Capifo u. Jiiiccr, p. 316. •^Cf. Corp. Ri'/., III., 75-81, including Bucer's declaration. "See Luther's H'crAr (Walcli), .wii., 389-1005 ; and Corp. Re/., IV., 119-676 The final rock of failure was the fi.xed resolve of Luther: '' J')e acfiapfioris rebus agi nihil potest, nisi prius vere conveniat de doctrina et de rebus neressariis." (Luth. Epist. ap. De VVette, v. 260. ) ^Cf. Drouven, £>. Reformation, in. d. k'idn. Prov., 1876. "Luther spoke contemptuously of Bucer as a '■'Klappermaul^' but well appreciated his value in his better hours. On the other side, the most bitter attacks were not wanting. The Jesuit Posse- vino declared that Bucer died a Jew {De atheismo Hirreticonun. VIII., 23), but this was a common charge at that time. /Kgidius Hunnius wrote a treatise entitled "Ca/z'inus juddizans." Bossuet included a fierce denunciation of Bucer in his Histoire des I 'aria- tions (lib. iv., g 25), sneering at his repeated marriages, which he erroneously describes as three in number, spoke of " equivoques affectees" and declared that Calvin himself had accused Ikicer of falsehood. But this is incorrect: what Calvin objected to was iiiill 1 1 II I I i6 Notes on Lecture I. Bucer's obscurity of statement: "/"w Buccri obscuritalcm vittipcras et inerito." Luther at Marburfj, meeting Rucer, "shook his hand, and said, smilinjj; and pointing: his finger at iiim : '/^u hist ciit Schalk loid eiti Xcblcry (Hauni, p. 459; ICrichson, p. 16.) "Especially the three works of Tlioluck's later life, Das acacfe- uiisc/ic I.cbcti iin X \' 1 1'"^ Jahr)uiiide>t{\\?\\Q, \'?>^i^)^ Lcbcuszciii^^cn der liithcrischcn Kin he (Berlin, 1859), and Das kirchlichc Lcbcn ini Xl'J/"-" Jahr/iHudert {\\k:Y\\n, 1861-2J. '•"'Also versteiiet uns recht was Babel und der Thurm zu Babel audeutet : Die stadt Babel ist der Hams Mensche der diese Stadt autf Erden bavvet; der Tiiurm ist sein eigen erwehleter Gott imd (jottesdienst. Alle Vernunft-Gelahrte aus der Schule dieser Welt sind die Baumeister dieses Thurmes. Alle diejenize welche sich zu Lehrern aufwerllen und von Menschen darzu beruft'en worden ohne Gottes Geist, die sind alle Wercknieister, u. s. w." {Mystcrinm inaguiiDi, oder lirklllning iiber das erste liiicli Mosis, 1640. Cap. XXXVI., I 8.) " Cf. Wildenhahn, y. Anidt. (Leipz. 1847-58.) The many sus- picions as to Arndt's orthodoxy were silenced at last by Polycarp I^yser's decision : " The book (meaning the ' Vicr liWcher vom 'ivahrcn Christetithinn^) is good, if the reader is good." See also Tholuck's Lebcnszeugen, p. 261. ^'■'See the essay by VV. Schircks, in Stud. u. A'rit. 1855, heft. 3. "Cf. Henke, Leben von G. Catixtus, 11., 220, ct seq. '*The famous work, ^^Del beneficio di Giesh Crista crocijisso" falsely attributed to Paleario, is now known to have been the work of a Benedictine monk, named Benedetto of Mantua. See Ben- rath in the Zeitschri/t filr Kircticngcschichte (iS'/y). It was redis- covered at Cambridge in 1854, and edited by the late Professor Babington, as also by Tischendorf. '* See Tholuck's Academisches Lcbeu, and Hase's Kirchengcs- chichte, loth edition, p. 423. '"The original edition of the ^'Confcssio Augnsiami" (1531) had been accepted as a declaration of peace by many outside the strict Lutheran lines. Calvin himself, while minister at Strasburg, Nofcs on Lecture I. n signed it, and again as delegate to the Conference of Regensburg in 1 54 1. It was signed by Karel and Heza at the Conference of Worms in 1537, by Kriederich lli., <;lector of the I'falz, in 1561, and by many other Reformed princes. The second edition, the so-called '^ I 'aria/a," was jiublished in 1540; and so far from tliere being any concealment or disguise about the alterations, the words " ;;/// 7'/n's ctneuJirf' stand upon tiie title-page. See SchafV, Hist. Creeds of Christendom, p. 236, et scq "The story will be found in a letter of .\ndreil to Marbach. See Fecht's collection of Marbach's letters, p. 580. "'Fra>'cis JiNUS, or I)u Jon (the elder), whose autobiography is included in Miiller's lieketuitttissc inerA'7vi\ydii^er Illattncr, 11., 179, et seq. Du Jon was fiercely attacked by Scaliger. cum aimed, not at reunion, but at a mutual toleration. His Ireni- '"Davenant {1572-1641). A prot%^ of Whittaker, in 1614-15 disputed publicly with Scultetus at Cambridge ; made Lady Mar- garet Professor and Pres. of Queen's Coll. One of the English delegates at Dort, where his influence did much to soften the e.xtremes of Gomarus and his party. Often in trouble with the Council on account of his tolerant policy. In 1631 made to kneel before Privy Council, in presence of Laud, Harsnet, and Neile, but dismissed \/ith an injunction not to offend. In 1638, published his treatise, ".')e Pace inter Evangelicos procuranda Scnteutice Qitatuor,'' which included the opinions of Morton, Hall, and some French divines. In 1641 he published his ^^Adhortatio ad pacem ecclesicc.''' Of Davenant it was said by Ussher that " he under- stood the Predestinarian controversy better than any man since St. Austin." '^"Cameron. Came from Scotland to Bordeaux in 1600, became a minister, then teacher, at Bergerac. Appointed later to a chair at S^dan, but finally called to Saumur in Gomar's place. He taught there till 1620. After many wanderings, died in 1625. '^'As Pichler's biography {Cyr. I.ucaris,odcr dcr Protestantismus in dcr Oriental. Kirchc. Mun., 1862) cannot be accepted as a definitive account of Cyril Lucaris, the student must be referred to the sources, Aymon's ISIomimens authentiques de la religion des Crecs, Cyril's own Lettres anecdotes, edited separately in 17 18, also included in Aymon ; Smith's Miscellanea, Lond., 1709, and his B r '5' m 18 Notes on Lecture I. ! 11 ! i Collectanea de C. L. ; and Kimniers Monitmeiita fidei ecclesice Orientalis, Jena, 1800. Two articles by Mohnike and Twesten, resp. in the Stud. n. A'lit., 1832, and the Deutsche Zeitschrift f. Chr. Wiss., 1850, are wortli consulting. Pichler makes no reference to an able study on Cyril published at Athens in 1859 by Rhenieres. The essay by A. Mettetal lays no claim to original research. "Ilr/yr^ yvwo-ews- Kd. Lequien, Par. 17 12. '■''The family of Lucaris were old Greek noljility, connected with the Paleologi, originally from Epidaurus in lllyria; had accepted voluntary exile to escape Turkish tyranny. Crete had been purchased by Venice from the Counts of Montferrat. Many of the young Greeks studied at the Italian universities. Padua had three special colleges for them — the Colte,q;inni Cypriu)n, founded by Garphranius for four Candiotes ; the Collegium Col- lunium, for eight Greeks ; and the Collegium Veiietum, for twenty- four students, of whom sixteen were to be of Crete. In the first of these Cyril was educated. He was assisted from the first by his kinsman Meletius, afterwards Patriarch of Alexandria. Ac- cording to his first biographer, Leger, Cyril remanied at Padua till his twenty-third year. In 1596 he was attending the Synod of Brzesc. '•'♦Letter to Sir Thomas Roe, of Nov. 20, 1622. (Roe's Cones- poudence, p. 102.) ^1 'd id id ly la ", >/- y- st 5y c- ja of 'S- N LECTURE II, Protestant Reunion. : ;iii ili;! II LECTURE II. MuKupioi oi elpr)voTroioi, on viol 6tov KkrjOi'urovTai. {Mutth. V, y.) C^hJi I'2 who endeavours to describe the various efforts ^^i^ to promote Christian Reunion in the seventeenth century, feels how great were the difficulties expe- rienced by those predecessors by whose labours he has 2)rofited. For the work is not to describe the history ol" one movement, but of many ; proceeding sometimes in parallel, sometimes in intersecting courses ; now the politi- cal and now the religious element jjredominating : indeed, more than once, in the same country, at the same period, two distinct currents of irenical purpose are manifest ; as in France, in 1631, when the partial union between Luther- ans and Reformed was accomplished at the Synod of Charenton, while Richelieu was aiming at a wider scheme, which should have brought the whole nation into one ecclesiastical organization. And so when, at the beginning of the century, a member of the Oratorian order in France attempted the first history of Reunion, inspired by the somewhat sanguine hope that, under the auspices of the First Napoleon, Western Christ- endom miglit be finally united, he abandoned all effort at philosophical treatment, or even classification of any sort, and narrated, as detached incidents, each irenical effort, with its measure of success or failure.' And even when, a generation later, the German scholar Karl Hering, per- p I |! I! ' i 22 Ifii/scan Lectures. foniKcl the same task, on a larj^cr scale, with jrieater knowleclj^e and a more cathoHc spirit, the reader yet seeks ill vain an answer to the natural questions which the history suggests, as to the connection between the different efforts, the respective share of political interest, and growth of religious feeling ; above all, as to the principles on which the leaders of each movement based their proposals for peace, and the reason why some of the greatest minds of the century, a Cirotius and a Leibnitz, after strenuously taking part in one or other of the movements, occupied at the close of their lives an ambiguous position of neutrality.'' Not only the prescribed limits of time, but other reasons no less peremptory, have caused me to restrict, as far as possible, the scope of my own investigation. In treating of the seventeenth century alone, almost every condition and aspect of the question comes to view ; and in omitting, so far as the narrower question of Protestant Reunion is concerned, all reference to the various schemes of compre- hension that were proposed or attempted iv the Church of England, I avoid the necessarily imperfect discussion of a topic which demands separate treatment, not merely on account of the difference of conditions, but from its surpas- sing historic interest, and its incalculable importance as a practical question in these present times. And while almost every conceivable method of arrange- ment, whether geographical or chronological, from the causes stated, incurs danger of repetition or omission, I propose to adopt the simplest plan of all, that of taking, in block, the two great groups of irenical effort — first of Protestant Reunion, belonging to the period before 1660, with its central figures, John Durie, Calixtus, and Hugo 1 Protestant Reunion. 2 7 (iroti tl then the 1; Jt towards tlic R< , iiiivi iin.;ii iin, iciim_'r movci union of the whole West, which, though schemed by Riche- lieu and James 1 and (irotius, never approaches tanyihlc shape till taken up by Durie's counterpart, the Catholic bishop Spinola, whose ceaseless journeyinj^s and nej^oci- ations prepare the statje ff)r the entry (jf Leibnitz and Bossuet. VVe have seen, in the earlier Reformation period, one irenical system, that of liucer — that which may be called the "Diplomatic method" — was j^enerally adopted. Ex- cellent in intention, it suffered fatally from lack of uniformity of jjrinciple, or even of any recoj^mised princij)le underlyiny; it; and at last Melancthon abandoned his reluctant approval. He tlid not live to inauji^urate practically a better metiiod, and his becjuest to posterity consisted, as we have seen, not so much in doctrines stereotyped in symbols as in a s])irit continued in worthy successors, maintaining the lofty ideal of learning, and the spirit of charity and toleration, which shadowed forth (if it did not absolutely state) that recogni- tion of theological ethics as the ultimate expression, of which a true successor of Melancthon in this century has left so imperishable a monument.' But two remarkable influences were found in combina- tion, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, which strengthened the desire for reunion, and tended to counter- balance the hard scholastic tone of Lutheran and Reformed orthodoxy. It is at this time that learned laymen are found to take earnest part in theological discussion ; often with reluctance, as when the great scholar, Hermann Conring, writes to a friend that he would fain have held aloof from religious :i i 24 Hidscan Lcc hires. . Mi'! \ Mi I ! I i controversy, hut that his conscience would not suffer him to keep silence.' Throuiihout the century, in a Selden, a Pascal, Thoniasius, Leibnitz, Lock^\ and many others, the influence is ever beneficial, not merely in the introduction of a freer and more philosophical, but indeed of a gentler and more Christian tone of discussion ; and if, by excep- tion, a St'ldcn may have permitted his sense of superiority and even the vials of scorn to overflow, not only in private t;:ble-talk, but in public controversy, we must remember tli;a he had to deal with adversaries who found anathema easier than argument against his History of Tithes, and he may have deemed those wieklers of the " gilt-edged testa- ments " as deficient in the spiritual unction which they claimed, as in the human learning which they despised.' And, secondly, it has been pointed out by one whose researches on this jjeriod form the stepping-stone for every later investigation, that the custom of " academic travels " had the greatest influence in widening" the views and extend- ing the sympathies of students. Indeed, the '' pcregrinatio acadanica " was not a feature peculiar to this century ; for all will recollect that description of a journey through the universities of I'^urope in the ^'Letters of obscw'c men'' which a tradition one willingly accepts attributes to the lighter vein of no less a writer than Melancthon himself But the seventeenth century made it a recognised part of an academical, and es[)ecially of a theological curriculum." The journeys extended far and lasted long. France, Italy, and England are constantly mentioned ; but the Netherlands, then in the very summit of intellectual and national glory, was their especial goal. There Lutheran visitors reluctantly admitted the virtues and talents of Re- JVotcstant Hainion. 25 formed teachers. There Myslenta, extremest zealot from Wittenberj4-, experiences and confesses the spell of the personal fascination of ICpiscopins, just as the Calvinist Heidegger visits at Strasburg the redoubtable Lutheran controversialist Dannhauer, and is received with a cor- diality he never forgets. We hear of one student who, after passing' seven years at Wittenberg, studies at Utrecht, at Paris, and at Oxford. Another comes to the same univer- sity for two years to learn Hebrew from one who first illustrated a nanu' now doubly memorable in the annals of theology.' It was upon a scene thus prepared and jireparing that the first voice spoke forth, exhorting the two great sections of Protestantism to seek peace. The "//vv/zV/cy;/ " of Daviil Panius recommends a gen- eral congress of the Protestant powers, including iMigland and the Scandinavian countries ; that its work should be a separation of doctrines into essentials and non-essentials, indicating clearly his owr view that a temperate discussion would prove the real points of controversy to be both few and unimportant. It is an appeal to the kings anil peoi)le, " i/ivo/oiii enim siudi sunt.''' But the time was not yet ripe. To the joy of anxious Jesuits, the Lutherans scorn- fully rejected a proposal which one of their s])okesmen described as a diabolical invention." And now a person ccMues forth, compared with whom even Bucer's memory ])ales in respect of single-hearted devotion to tlie cause of Reunion. The career of John DrRii;, extending oxer more than half a century, would need volumes to descril)e, and its main outline is doul)lless familiar to us all. We remember 26 Hulscan Lectures. how the young Scotchman, after leaving Oxford, was brought into contact with that good genius of the time, Sir Thomas Roe, who, recalled from Constantinople, after having been the preserver of Cyril's life, now became the friend and adviser of Durie. At first, all seemed to promise success. Armed with strong recommendation from Arch- bishop Abbot, as well as from Davenant and Hall ; j)ublicly favored by Gustavus Adolphus and Oxenstierna ; received with warmest welcome by the congenial minds at Helmstiidt, Durie accepted without misgiving the cold and even hostile attitude of the Jena and Leipzig divines. To us, at the present time, it seems wonderful that a theologian who held himself so distinctly aloof from all current controversy should have been able to gain even a hearing from his contemporaries. F or Durie's own theological position, sel- dom brought into evidence till the close of his life, was much that of a mediaeval mystic, retiring from the ingenui- ties of the schoolmen to the contemplation of divine things. We find that, at the last, in his retirement at Cassel, he found his own consolation in that Pietistic movement by which Labadie from one side, Molinos and Spener on others, transfused once more a needed life-blood into cur- rent theology. It is even alleged against him as a heresy, by a later writer of Mosheim's school, that he held that the " Word of God, diFrent on men's lips, is the same in their hearts," a doctrine which, however we may judge it, we know to have been familiar to such minds as Eckart and Tauler. His basis of reunion was, therefore, far different from the almost utilitarian position of Bucer ; and if it varies in expression in the course of his long career, it is by a natural ii Protestant Rauiion. 27 development, a wider conception of the differing conditions of each community, and an experience sadly purchased of the many failures of his life-long quest. But so far from deserving the charge brought against him by one writer, of a random adoption of contradictory prin- ciples, we find an almost pedantic inculcation of elaborate practical methods, developed from a very clear statement of principles. Seeing that all controversies and schisms have arisen from the three differences, of opii "on, method and temper of discussion, and form of worship, he pre- scribes for the cure of each. In the first place, almost in the words used later by Jeremy Taylor and Stillingfleet, he would reduce the sum of fundamental doctrine to its minimum in the Apostles' creed. For the second, he would revive the forgotten discipline of practical theology, em- powering the Superintendents to check mere scholastic controversies, and to encourage the study of the higher casuistry, as in England Sanderson and Taylor understood it. Less practical or possible are his recommendations for the abolition of all sectarian names, and less admirable his proposal for a Censorship upon theological writings. And it seemed at the time that he first made these proposals that success would attend his hopes. In the years 1630 and 1631, as if in celebration of the great centenary of Augsburg, the Protestant cause, with its new champion from the North, was in height of prosperity; and the hearts of even the bitterest controversialists more open to thoughts of union. In the same year, 1631, two important events, on the Reformed side, at the Synod of Charenton, and of Lutherans, the Colloquy of Leipzig, marked a real advance towards mutual comprehension. At the former, under the ii 28 Htdsemi Lectures. "m. w\ ■I auspices of Amyraut, Blondcl, and jSIestrezat, it was decided that Lutherans should be admitted to Communion, "since" — as it was declared — "the churches of the Augsburg- Confession agree in fundamental articles with the Re- formed churches, and their service is without idolatry and superstition." At Leipzig, the Reformed churches declared their admiration of, and assent to, the Augsburg Confession (meaning, naturally, its later redaction), and gave assent also to a number of articles proposed with a specific pur- pose of furthering reunion." If the practical work achieved was slight and of scant duration, that which was important in the Leipzig Colloquy was the fact of nearer personal contact and mutual under- standing. And a proof, not without value, of the advance made was afforded by the indignant protests from the Roman camp against these dangerous signs of alliance ; more than one Jesuit denouncing this new heresy as leading surely to indifference in religion, and from thence as surely to atheism. On Abbot's death, Durie found that all his hopes of support from England depended on a personage of different character. But whatever judgment may be passed on Laud's policy within the English Church, it is impossible to deny that, in his dealings with the Protestant cause on the Continent, it was as broad and statesmanlike as that of Abbot himself The sole condition imposed was the recep- tion of Anglican Orders ; and to this Durie assented, as Leighton twenty years later, and was supplied with cre- dentials more full and authoritative even than before. But from henceforth Durie was to experience a series of disappointments and failures. In Sweden, whither he next Protestant Reunion. 29 bent bis steps, filled with highest hopes of success through Oxcnstierna's influence, and from the many links of analogy between the Swedish and Anglican reformations, he was received with jealousy and suspicion. His very right to speak in the name of the Reformed Churches was openly doubted ; and when at last admitted to a public hearing, he was silenced by the raising of side-issues, and soon after was directed to leave the country. In Denmark he experi- enced a similar failure ; for the demand of the Lutheran clergy that the Reformed, as a preliminary step, should " renounce all their distinctive opinions," could hardly have inspired hope even in Durie's sanguine disposition. Then for many years he abandoned his wanderings, but while resident in England was cease! :ssly active in propaganda. Without a suspicion from either side of interested motive, he accepted each phase of religious change ; he subscribed the Covenant, and then the Engagement; but would not join the Westminster Assembly without the King's consent, against whose trial he vehemently protested. Preaching before Parliament in 1645, he besought them not to "make the gates of their Jerusalem too narrow." Sent by Crom- well forth once more on the work of his life, he remembered the Swedish difficulties, and sought to procure a prelimi- nary union of all sections of the Reformed ranks. Here he was partly successful ; but in Germany the frequent enquiry why he did not first unite Christians in his native land, before coming to other countries, was perhaps more difficult to answer than the other arguments employed against him. And for twenty years after the Restoration he continued in the same activity, never bating heart or hope till the very last, when a great pang of disillusion seems to have over- TT' I' r- 39 Hulsean Lectures. \ I come him, and is breathed in his last utterance : " The fruit of my labour is but this, that I see more misery among Christians than among heathen ; I see the cause of this misery, and the need of remedy ; and I have but the wit- ness of my own conscience that I strove to apply it.'"" If such seeming failure was the lot of the wandering- prophet, little better was the fate of the great scholar Calix- tus, who, at the end of his life, when all his hopes seemed near consummation at the Synod of Thorn, found himself excluded by Lutheran bigotry from the very assembly which had met to accomplish the objects he had consistently advocated." And yet the real influence of Calixtus, and of the University of Helmstiidt in that age, can hardly be overrated. If it does not present the unique picture of Geneva in the former century, with siege and pestilence on either hand, and those teachers with their meagre pittances and myriad hearers ; yet, in its absolute unity of spirit and teaching (for at last the colleagues of Calixtus had been all his pupils), the spectacle is almost as remarkable. As Durie represents the endeavour after reunion from the side of practical theology, Helmstiidt urged the historical side with an authority and learning which could not be denied. By the admission of objective tests, more extensive than those which Durie at any time demanded or would concede ; by accepting the consent of the first five centuries, Calixtus placed himself once more in possible relations, not only with the Anglican hierarchy, but the moderate section of the Gallican and Austrian clergy. Indeed, Calixtus' many anti-Roman writings are directed rather against the new school, the Jesuits, and the renegades like Nihusius, bitter against the faith which had been abandoned. I Protestant Reunion. 31 But it was reserved for one, greater far than Durie or Calixtus, and who all his life had been eager in the same . cause, to close this chapter in the history of Christian Reunion. And there is the more reason to dwell upon the share of Hugo Grotius in this work, since a misrepresenta- tion of it — "gross as a mountain, open, palpable" — has long been regarded as a faithful record, coming as it does from the hand of a great English historian, whose conspicu- ous, and, indeed, in almost every case merited distinction, is his impartiality. Unlike Calixtus, whose life has been fitly recorded by one of his own spiritual descendants, Grotius, whose country but recently has given him the tardy tribute of a prophet's tomb, yet lacks the rarer monu- ment of fitting biography. Before Grotius had been long dead, we know that Richard Baxter, in one of his least happy moments, charged him with having virtually seceded to Rome, and the Anglican theologian, Bramhall, vindi- cated the great memory wronged, in a memorable treatise. But it seems hardly credible that the authority of Hallam's name should have been given, and for so long without question, to a statement which is not even free from material inaccuracies, which is based upon a most imperfect grasp of facts, and throughout adopts the method of a hostile advo- cate. That statement is made at great length, with strong profession of accuracy, and with all its apparatus of quota- tion from the epistles. Its conclusion is to represent Grotius as "stooping to nonsensical evasions," "runaway with vanity," a " searcher for subtle interpretations, by which he might profess to believe the words of the Church, though conscious that his sense was not that of the im- posers;" his change of standpoint is attributed to "ill-usage Hulseau Lectures. received from the Huguenots," and the " caresses of the Gallicans. " '^ And as, upon the mind of the general reader, the pointed EngHsh phrase leaves surer dint than the most faithful Latin quotations, what wonder that many may have eagerly added Grotius to that category of the '^greatest, 7viscst, fficauest of mankind^' the imagined extension of which gives so much consolation to mediocrity. And so, for more than a generation, that verdict has stood unchal- lenged and unanswered — ''^As London's column, pointing to the skies^ Like a tall bully, lifts its head and lies" That the statement contains much that is true in sub- stance can be readily admitted. That Hallam doubtless believed he was fairly judging Grotius may be as certain as our knowledge that the impartiality he invariably meted to a character he disliked, he here fails to grant to one which he admired but could not comprehend. Nor is it any discredit to that universal reading which is already impossible, and soon will be inconceivable, that Hallam had failed to master that literature of Dutch and French Pro- testant theology belonging to the first half of the seventeenth century, which alone would furnish labour for a life-time. But we may wonder that he should have failed to remember that noble Apologia for his own life and opinions which Grotius gives in the introduction to his Votum pro Pace ecclesiastica, and written in 1642, three years before his death : ''' Instructed from my childhood in the Holy Scriptures, but by teachers who thotight not alike C07icer7iing[ things Divine, I understood that Christ had ivilled that all named after him, and trusting in his salvation, should be one, as Protestant Reunion. * he is one with the Father. . . . And the beauty of the primitive Church did greatly please me, at that time when she was without question Catholic, since all Christians, save a few separated and clearly distinguished parts, remained in 07ie communion, from the Rhine to Africa and Egypt, from the Britannic ocean to the Euphrates'' But as my limits forbid the preferable task of giving Grotius' vindication in his own words, suffer me, in con- cluding this section of my subject, to state the moments which are traceable in his admitted change of attitude, and which the verdict of Hallam seems to have in some places imperfectly judged, and in others completely misappre- hended. To charge it as a piece of reaction against Calixtus and Grotius that they had strong respect for antiquity, is surely a proof of more than careless statement. Melancthon at Augsburg, or Jewell in his Apology, as we know, were strenuous champions on a field which is now deserted by their old opponents. Even so strenuous a champion of the Reformed Church as Du Moulin writes thus to Bishop Andrewes : "/ am not so brazen-faced as to give sentence against those lights of the ancient Church. . . . The venerable antiquity of those primitive ages shall akvays weigh more with me than any man's newfangled institution." ^'- But while, from the first, the recognition of, and appeal to, antiquity was integral part of the Reformation platform, it may indeed be admitted that, gradually, as new points of controversy arose, two schools of opinion within the Refor- mation were evolved, the one giving less and the other more relative weight to the verdict of antiquity ; while the attempt c ^Ili 34 Ihdsean Lectures. to urge the individual authority of certain Fathers as a bar without appeal, seemed at last, to a great body of Protestants, to be a threatening evil, for which Daille applied a some- what extreme but not unneeded antidote. Nor, secondly, can any personal pique at the narrow feeling of the F'rench Protestants be regarded as an efficient cause of Grotius' change. As a Remonstrant, he had been, indeed, at first repelled from their communion, an act of intolerance not to be defended. But those who study the annals of French Protestantism will understand why, instead of the syncretism which their own interest seemed to suggest, a hardness and rigor appears in their controversial literature. It was the result, not only of long years of persecution, but of the fatal political birthright of the Edict, making them a separated community, cut off from the sympathies of fellow citizens by the very privileges which were one by one destroyed.'' But the third moment to be regarded is in the attitude of Grotius to the movement for reunion as a work of his life. He who was a statesman, who had made history with Gustavus and Richelieu, was not content, like Durie, with declarations and colloquies ; nor, like Calixtus, would deign to bandy pamphlets with opponents like Calov and Hiilse- mann. He saw the failure of their work, which he had ardently helped, and aimed at some scheme where action was possible, and success within measurable sight. As he had seen Protestant union a failure wherever tried, so he now turned to the wider scheme which had for its goal the reunion of Western Christendom." But, lastly, there is one point, indeed, where those who desire to play the schoolmaster to Grotius may prove him Protestant Rauiiou. 35 wrong. He believed, and believed without reason, that it was possible to take up in 1640 the plan which Cassandcr had offered in vain in 1560. But the stream which then was narrow, and might have been bridged over by a few practical reforms, and a few prompt concessions, was now a wide gulf. Yet still there was possibility, if a concurrence of political interest and of developed sympathy could be found ; and, in any case, there are some who, if they had lived at that time, would not have grieved to err with Gro- tius and Leibnitz, if, indeed, they erred at all. And here, with a final record of failure, this section of my subject ends. And the failure seemed irremediable. Who could unite with those whose reply, like Luther's to Zwingli's outstretched hand and offered friendship at Mar- burg, was: ''Ye have another spirit!'''' Who could not feel that some inherent drawback must attach to schemes which no efforts, no faith, could bring to success ? And there was the consciousness reawakening, thought on by Calixtus, pressing on Grotius, carried by Leibnitz into practice, that schemes which at best only reunited a fraction could not have elements of finality in them. How could eternal foundations be laid for temporary expedients ? And in our memories the onward vista of later attempts confirms the prognostic of Grotius. We know the failure of Tillotson's splendid effort, supported by his sovereign and by that galaxy of names illustrious in theology. We know how two genuine efforts to unite the Prussian and Anglican Churches failed ; we know the history of that union of the two Protestant sections in this century, the failure of which broke Frederich William's heart, and dashed the life-long hope of Bunsen ; we know how the 36 IIulscaiL Lcchircs. Evangelical Alliance, with all its splendid promise, has been sterile of practical result. And the reason was in the con- viction that, however it might be justifiable to erect barriers against persecution, such methods lost with their object their reason of existence; it was in the conviction that the work of Christianity is not to perpetuate divisions, but to end them ; that as the heathen could conceive nothing human alien to himself, so the Christian scheme knows no barriers of eternal separation between those who profess to call themselves after the name of Christ. NOTES ON LECTURE II 'The work of Tabaraiid [Hisioirc critique dcs projels d'uuioti) was written early in the century, but suppressed. It was pub- lished in 1824. '^Gcschichtc dcr kirchlichen CMonsvcrsiichc, Leipz., 1836, re- mains still the standard work upon its subject, and is so acknow- ledged by authorities like K. Hase and Niedner. Its account of the labours of Melancthon and Dune is still the best ; but recent publication of the Leibnitz Correspondence has thrown much new light on the later phases of the work of Union. "That which may be called the "definitive word" upon the character of Melancthon was uttered by Richard Rothe, in his speech delivered in the Aula of the University of Heidelberg, on the three hundredth anniversary of Melancthon's death. (Apr. 19,1860.) He described M.'s career as "the great turning-point in the history of Christianity, from the exclusively religious-eccle- siastical, to the religious-ethical aim." He believed that not one of M.'s contemporaries, not even Zwingli, was able to appreciate him. *Scaliger said that he had sometimes thought of writing upon the corruptions of the text of Scripture. Cf. Scaliirerana 11., s. v. Josephe: "11 y a plus de 50 additions on mutations au N. T. et aux Evangiles ; c'est chose estrange, je n'ose la dire ; si c'estoit un auteur profane ; j'eu parlerois autrement." He gave his reasons for holding back in some verses addressed to De Thou : "O Musiis et nos parili ample.xtis atnorc" etc. (see Bernays, p. 204), and in plain words addressed to Martinus Lydius in Franeker. (Seal, epp., p. 576.) ^"Divers members of both Houses were members of the As:;embly of Divines, and had the same liberty with the Divines to sit and debate. ... In which debates Mr. Selden spake admirably, and confuted divers of them in their own learning. And sometimes, when they had cited a text of Scripture to prove their assertion, he would tell them : 'Perhaps iu your little pocket Bibles, with gilt leaves, the translation may be thus, but the Greek 1, ! 11! ;;|i i'l 1 f: I ■' 'ti 38 Notes on Lecture II. or the Hebrew sifjuijies thus and thus ; ' and so he would totally silence them." (Whilelock's Memorials, ed. 1732, p. 71.) "Tholuck has given an exhaustive account of the "peregrinatio arudei/iiea^' in his "^Icacfeifiisi //es Leben" cited supra. 'John Ligiitfoot (1602-1675), author of the Horae Hebraicae. *^Cf. Hering, UnionsversucIu\ i., 283. "Cf. Hering, Unionsversucfie, i., 326-358. '"For the life of Durie, which still demands an adequate bio- graphy, there are abundant MS. materials at Cassel, Cambridge, and doubtless other places. The account given by Hering, in the second volume of his work, is still the best, and is closely followed by Moller in Herzog-Plitt's Encyclop'ddic. " Hering, loc. cit. ; Henke, Lebcn von G. Calixt, 11., 186. '^Hallam, History of Literature, 11., 208, note. '•*Du Moulin (Molinei ad episc. Wint., epist. iii.). '^As far back as the year 1614. on the occasion of the National Synod of Tonneins, Grotius had fully recognised the narrower and less attractive side of Huguenot orthodoxy. With grave humour he pointed out that one difficulty in the way of any approxima- tion between the Reformed Church of France and that of England was in the fact that the extreme Huguenots, like the Scottish Puritans, regarded episcopacy as "an invention of the devil and the mark of the beast." (Hering, i., 322.) He perceived, also, the deficiencies of Du Moulin himself for tlie task pressed upon him by James I. '^Grotius admitted that he had gained his first ideas of Re- union from F^r. Junius ( Votum pro pace cedes., contra Rivetuin), and had strengthened them by the perusal of Cassander's writings. A mind temperate and philosophic as his, nourished upon severe and universal study, was unconsciously impelled by the shallow polemics of his contemporaries to take a more favorable view of the objects of the invectives. He pointed out the weakness of the arguments which identified the Papacy with Antichrist, as also the pleas of the victorious party at Dort. His sympathies to the last were with the efforts of Durie, to whom he wrote in warmest terms in 1641, shortly before his death. LECTURE III. Christian Reunion I! lii i'M LECTURE III Maxdpioi ol flpy^voTTOioi, on vloi 6tov K\r]6rj(TOvraL. {Mat/fi. V. 9.) ^^i N the necessarily abbreviated account of the efforts to ^Mi promote reunion among the Protestant churches, the endeavour has been made to show that their failure •was due, not merely to the intolerance of Lutherans and Reformed on either side, but to an essential and insuper- able difference of opinion on the question of the Church. Calixtus, in his later stages, and Grotius more constantly and systematically, had upheld a theory, far indeed removed from the Roman conception, but which was as unacceptable on other grounds to his Protestant contemporaries. And when we consider that theory, to which, in the present century, Thomas Arnold gave such epigrammatic expression in one of his best-remembered letters ;' when we consider that Grotius denied Episcopacy to be a vital note of the church, while recognising its historical position, and hs utility as an element of practical organization ; when we remember his view of the function of the State, and that no man ever held more strongly the belief that, everywhere, "over all causes ecclesiastical as well as civil," the secular power should be supreme, we may well wonder at the superficial criticism which inferred an approximation to Rome on the part of one who was Rome's most dangerous, because most temperate and most intelligent, adversary. And, on the other hand, while the Augsburg Confession, unlike the Reformed symbols, whether Anglican or Galli- I 42 H2ilscan Lechu'cs, can, held to the statement, " quod una sancta ecclesia pcr- pctuo mansjira sHy it is difficult to understand why, on this side, Grotius did not find support in the more conservative Lutheranism which carried so many ecclesiastical theories into strenuous practice. And yet it was without bitterness that the great scholar relinquished his hopeless task, nor even without a certain satisfaction, "for even the endeavour after that which is noble," he writes, " yields the fruit of joyful recollection." And, in another place : " If we obtain no more than that we diminish hatred, and make Christians kinder ^nd nearer to one another, is not this even worth the labour and the oblo- quy with which we must purchase it? " Those words were to be, for half a century, the epitaph upon Protestant Reunion. But another influence had its weight alike in the earlier efforts as in the subsequent relaxation and abandonment. It is customary to speak of England as the country, par excellence, where ecclesiastical changes were due to political forces. And yet, not even in the days of pliant Tudor par- liaments, do we find such absolute expression of what has been called " csesaro-papism," as when, in the space of fifty years, one German state changed five times from the Re- formed to the Lutheran side ; and when the bright excep- tions in the rulers of Hesse and Electoral Saxony, whose own aspirations seemed to reflect those of their people, only threw into more vivid relief the arbitrary subjection of religion to political expediency. For many of the countless religious colloquies of the sixteenth century were but politi- cal measures, and the interest in them ceased, on the part of princes, when the treaties of Westphalia settled the Germanic system. The princes cared not for efforts after Christian Reunion. 43 religious federation, the success of which might lessen their own absolute authority. And, therefore, the virtual erection of numerous Protestant state-churches, although a sure barrier against Roman aggression, was a hindrance, not only to any progress towards national unity, but to that conception of Christianity in its aspect of a universal church which their own creeds acknowledged. And now, from another side, the cause of union was to be advocated. That aggressive progress which was the feature of the Roman Church during the first half of the seventeenth century ended with the treaties of Westphalia ; but numerous converts from all classes of society, from many of the reigning houses, and even some additions to the more enviable conquests from the ranks of scholars of European reputation, which had begun with Justus Lipsius, and added Lucas Holsten and Nihusius, were not wanting. And the interest which the apprehensions of Rome began to direct towards reunion is proved by the many treatises which from this time were published, such as the Meditata Concordia, bv the Jesuit Masen, in 1664, the Aurora pads, by the Bishop of Mainz, in the following year, the Tuba pads of Prcetorius, and many others.'' It is significant of the modern spirit which from the middle of the centtry pervades Europe that it was a com- mercial enterprise, an association to promote trade with India, that enlisted the sanction of the Roman power on behalf of Christian reunion. Rojas Spinola, Bishop of Tina, is in more than one respect the counterpart of Durie. We find in him the same overpowering possession by one idea, the same unquestioned sincerity, the same self-sacrificing exertions. Whether the authority he claimed from the H 44 Hiilscan Lectures. Emperor and from the Pope would have proved as com- plete in ratification as in promise, has been doubted, and must always remain a question. But a remarkable docu- ment, preserved in a transcript from the hand of Leibnitz, proves beyond doubt that, on the side of the Emperor at least, the measures proposed were in full accordance with the policy of Vienna, and were watched and encouraged with keenest interest. And it was abundantly clear that, as the previous efforts for Protestant reunion had laid bare some irreconcilable differences in the Protestant ranks, so now, on the side of those accepting the Roman obedience, differences as marked, and as much based on the existence of divergent principles, became manifest. Cassander, speak- ing of the state of theological parties in France in the middle of the sixteenth century, had remarked that, besides the blind followers of Rome and the Huguenots, there was a third party, " ordo vwderatorum et pacificaiomm'' who recognise, he says, " the need of many reforms in the Church, but yet disapprove of the importunity of the new preachers. These seek such means by which the Church, with least possible revolution, should be brought into har- mony with Holy Scripture and antiquity ; and that both sides, or at least those of both sides, 'qui saniorcs sunt,' should be restored to Christian unity."'' Especially in France and with the house of Hapsburg the memory of the old antagonism with Rome had not been obliterated, and in both territories the results of successful resistance survived, not only in a measure of practical inde- pendence, but in a recognised theory. If this is less mani- fest in the case of Austria, owing to the fact that the efforts of bishops were often neutralized by the superior influence Christian Reunion. 45 of the Imperial confessors, generally Jesuits, and always attached to Rome, it cannot be forgotten how three suc- cessive Emperors, in the era of the Reformation, had held the scales ; how Charles V, although personally averse to Luther's movement, had rivalled the deed of Genseric, while his two immediate successors had each shown the strongest leaning to measures of reform and reunion. And the Galilean Church, from the time of Charles the Great, had preserved an ideal not unworthy of an origin which claimed an inheritance from Irenceus and Hilary. Not as claiming an exceptional position in the universal church, but as affirming in her own case a general and certain rule of ecclesiastical common law, she maintained her own principles, customs, and liberties. Indeed, this ideal, to which few could refuse admiration, had not always been clearly grasped. Sometimes on the side of the crown, sometimes from the bishops, there had been lack of energy, or of consistent action. But there was always a recupera- tive force in the very possession of a great tradition, and again and again, as under Hincmar and Yvo of Chartres, Saint Louis, and Philip IV, the encroachments of the Papacy had encountered strenuous and successful resistance.' But the opportunity of an alliance between these kindred ecclesiastical traditions in Austria and France was checked by the long- continued political opposition between the two courts. And the phases of the political conflict are strangely intermingled with those of the irenical effort of Spinola we have now to examine; each of the two countries, in turn, making effort to secure an agreement with Protestant powers like Brunswick and Hanover, which political rea- sons alone made advantageous. T^- rr i : 'I' 46 riidsean Lccliires. For a time Spinola's exertions bore but scanty fruit.'' But in 1 67 1 he gained an earnest adlierent in Cardinal Albrizzi, the Nuncio at Vienna, and six years later the scheme came under the official cognizance of Innocent XI. The question of practical concessions, such as the cup and the marriage of clergy, were favorably considered ; and either on this, or on the occasion of a later visit, the Pope gave sanction to the declaration, by virtue of which the salvation of those outside the pale of the Roman obedience, a Grotius, a Leibnitz, or an I. Newton, might be deemed possible, through a charitable supposition of their invincible ignorance. But it was in the school of Helmstiidt, where Calixtus had left adequate successors in his son, in Conring, and above all, in Molanus, Abbot of Loccum, that S])inola was to find most friendly reception and readiest agreement. And it must be admitted that the plan explained to them was one that might well have excited interest and a hope of ultimate success. It was not asked of the Protestants that they should abandon a single article of faith, of constitution, or of ceremonial. Nor should the rights of princes or of pastors suffer diminution. The great Anathema of the Bull, In cccna Domini, with which the Council of Trent had incorporated all Protestant Churches, mnually proclaimed, W'as no longer to be published. The decisions of Trent itself were to be considered as suspended. A new general council, at which the Protestant churches should be sum- moned, not as culprits, but as legitimate members, should decide the future practice and doctrine of a reunited Church. The primacy of the Pope was to be indeed acknowledged, but without necessary admission of divine right, or of any Christian Reunion. 47 historical theory of its orij^in, l:>ut solely as a matter of practical utility. Such concessions, so sweeping and unexpected, while they provoked suspicion in many minds, had an irresistible attraction for those among what may be called the Grotian section of Protestants. Spinola's principle of "suspension," that is to say, of preliminary union, with suspension of all controverted points, commended itself above all to those who desired Reunion from its political and social side, and it attracted no more ardent adherent at Hanover than the famous Electress, distinguishetl even among the many women who in that age took conspicuous part in literature and politics, the mother of English kings ; and it was her friend and confidant, Leibnitz, into whose hands the direc- tion of further negociations was entrusted. To Leibnitz the question was one long ago studied with interest. When, after his early academical disappointments, he had accepted at Mainz the service of the Archbishop, and enjoyed the intimacy of Boineburg, he had lived in the very atmosphere of that liberal Catholicism of the Cassan- drian type which was se]:)arated by so narrow a division from Melancthonian Protestantism. And his wide studies in comparative politics, and, above all, that note in his character of which he boasts, " that my preference is to seek that which is admirable in every system, and not that which merits blame," combined to prepare in him not only a favorable prepossession for the cause of Reunion, but a'.'o a thorough acquaintance with its possible conditions. The same rumours which had been circulated concern- ing Grotius accompanied Leibnitz in his visit to Rome in J689. Yet the offer of the Vatican librarianship, with pros- 48 Hulsean Lectures. \iQc\. of the Cardinal's hat, did not for a moment tempt himr^ to the indispensable condition ; and he returned to the North, if not with the after influences of Luther's visit, yet with clear conception of the absolute and irremovable differ- ences which separated himself from the Roman system. And when he a^ain took up the reunion (luestion, the proposals of Spinola had slender value in his eyes. It is in a Catholic federation independent of Rome that he now saw prospect of success. Austria, over untrustworthy, was swayed by changing jiolitical motives. It was to the Galil- ean Church, then in the crisis of controversy with Rome, that he turned his hopes. And he believed that he might find a fit and willing colleague in that prelate who, but a few years before, had proclaimed the Gallican liberties, and who enjoyed the support of a monarch whose power as yet had known no check. Bossuet's name was already famous in the history of attempted ecclesiastical reunion by his "'Exposition of ttie Caitiolic Faitti^^ a treatise in which, with unequalled, brevity and lucidity, he had placed the central doctrines of his Church in their most favorable light and most moderate expression. And it is significant that the only objection made to that treatise, on the part of those to whom it was- addressed, was a doubt as to the authority with which he offered so minimized a statement. And there seemed, indeed, to be some foundation for the doubt, since eight years elapsed before a Papal Brief expressed a formal approbation of the treatise. It will be remembered that.. in this masterpiece of controversial skill, the opposition^ of the Lutherans and Reformed, as well as their partial approximation in France in the year 1631, are made use o£ Christian Rcicnioii. ^.c) in the most ctlective, because most courteous and moderate manner; and how, in conclusion, the rij^dit claimed by his opponents of enlbrcin^r synodical decisions upon recalcitrant individuals is contrasted with the claim of appeal to Scrip- ture and the spiritual en]i^t,ditenment of the individual Chris- tian. And when, seven years later, Hossuet and Claude, the rei)resentative leader of the HuL^uenots, met in an almost public discussion, it is equally sii,niificant of the chant^ed situation that, instead of debating, as their fathers at Augsburg and Trent, the profoundcr ])oints of doctrine at issue, "Of providence, foreknowledge, will, and fate: Fixed fate, free will, foreknowledge absolute," the only question mooted is that of the authority of the Church. It was well known to Leibnitz that the tension between France and the Papal See had increased year by year. In 1682, before the four central articles of the Galilean Church were affirmed at the Assembly of the French clergy, he remembered the famous sermon on the " Unity of the Church," when each incident of past resistance to Rome, each acknowledgment of independence, was emphasized with a distinctness which lost nothing from the accompany- ing protestation of attachment and allegiance to the Pope. Surely there seemed no unreasonable hope that the expon- ent of such opinions would welcome an alliance from a quarter where there was so much symjiathy and so little seeming difference. For a time the intercourse between them was carried on by means of intermediaries, but at the close of the year 1691 we find Leibnitz and Bossuet in direct correspondence. The former, although he had seen reason to think lighdy of Spinola's mission, had completely accepted his method, D vni 50 Ilulscan Lectures. thai of suspension. \\\ a remarkable state jjajjer, which liis latest editor is inclined to date as early as 1684, he had passed in review all the various expedients which had been tried with such scant measure of success ; the failure of public colloquies, of attempted distinctions between funda- mental and n(Mi-fundamental doctrines, of attempted his- torical standards which defined by an arbitrary date a supposed limit of primitive purity." Leibnitz, with obvious reference to the decision of Pope Innocent, points out that every Christian is admittedly within the pale of the universal Church, and can neither be styled heretic nor schismatic, who professes a desire to believe and obey what is tau^jht by Scripture and made clear by authorized interpretation. And errors of fact will not debar him from this right and jjrivilciie, as if he should have failed to acknowledj>c some council as oecumenical. This point is naturally emphasized by a quotation from Bellarmine as to the last Lateran Council, who candidly admitted that " etiam inter catliotieos^' a doubt as to its oecumenical char- acter remained. And so, by disregarding the Council of Trent, and awaiting final decision from a free Council to be convoked, he saw real prospect of union, if each party met in the same spirit. He believed that the Protestant seniors and superintendents would willingly accept episcopal consecra- tion, with the title of Bis/iops of the Tetdonic rite, having equal rank with their colleagues of the Latin and Greek rites. And, with a retrospective reference to the Regens- burg Conference, when reunion seemed so near at hand, he concludes by declaring that, now once more, the hour has come. Christian Reunion, The severest critic of liossuet's ecclesiastical policy will admit that the corresijondeiice that now began with Leibnitz is marked on iiis side with an ai^solute candour. I-'rom the first he rejectetl the method of sHspmsion as iMa(.lmissil)le, while he hojies much from that of cxposidon. On matters of practice there mij^ht be concessions, but on cardinal points the Roman Church would not give way. With the Council of Trent she stood or fell. In some degree this negative attitude, so disappointing to Leibnitz, may justly be attributed to causes outsiile the mere theological (luestion. In SjMnola's mission, which Bossuet regarded as an Austrian political cxjiedient, he took no interest, and tlie aciUe phase of the relations be- tween the Court of Louis XIV ami Rome made it neetlful to observe a guarded attitude. He knew how powerful were the intluences already at work at Versailles in weak- ening the Gallican cause and aiming at a retractation of its declaration, and he feared, not without reason, that by com- mitting himself to a scheme like that of Leibnitz, he might forfeit the confidence of the Oallican clergy, and be dis- avowed by the Court. Hut, even with these needful admissions, it is obvious that, to Bossuet's clear intelligence, the practical difficulties of the system of "suspension" were not hidden. He felt, also, that the Council of Trent was the real barrier between them ; that a plan of union possible before it, now found in it an insuperable hindrance. And it is upon this point alone that the remaining portion of the first correspondence turns. Leibnitz adduces argument upon argument to prove that the Council had never been accepted universally. It had not been formally accepted in France; Henry IV, at his I 52 JluUcaii Lectures. \ i I !' i:': abjuration, had especially cxcei)tc(l it; it had not been ac- cepted by the I'rince Priniale of the dernian Knipire, the Archbishop of iMainz. He reminds Dossuet of its one-sided constitution. Out of 2S1 bishoj)s, more than the half had been Italian, and only two ( lermans had been present." And he shows further, that, even assuming an itcumeni- cal charactei, that had never absolutely precluded a practical susjjension in the interest of the whole Cluueh. At the Council of Basel an e.\])ress decree of Constance had been suspended in order to admit the Bohemian Calixtines. Should not a similar concession be i)ossil)le when the whole Protestant world was in (luestion?"" Broken olit' for some years, the correspondence was re- sumed in i6y8 by a further ap])eal from Leibnitz to the Bishop of Mcaux. The issue is now still further narrowed to a tliscussion of one decision of the Council of Trent in reference to the Apocryj)ha. Afte; urging those irresistible arguments drawn from the history of the Canon, Leibnitz declares that, on this p(tint, at least, the method of exposi- tion is impossible.'' Even with adversaries so courteous, the tone of dis- cussion had gradually become warmer. Bossiv.'t did not always restrain a tone of superiority, so natiu-al to one who had as yet never met an intellectual etpial. And Leibnitz did not spare occasional irony at a method of controversy which assumetl authority and certainty instead of ])roving them ; and at last, rising to a pitch of earnest feeling of which his character was rarely susceptible, he adjured the Bishoj) to beware, lest in striving to uphold the authority of the Catholic Church he should inflict upon it irreparable hurt. He pointed to the state of France; he ai)pealed to 1 - L li 1 -istiau Reunion . 53 him to use the s^^reat talents entrusted to him in the cr.use of charity and peace. " I know not whether that wouhl not lie the interest even of Rome, but certainly that of the Truth!" And thus the effort ended. The victory on all points will ho ailjuyed, and riolidy. to Leibnitz ; but there are few who will have refused some chivalrous sympathy to his adversary, now in advanced a^e, and broken health, who at the same time was occupied with the Ouietistic contro- versy, and with a j)r()posed censure upon Jesuit casuistry ; who was attackiuj^ Rome herself in his denunciation of the loose Pelagianisms of Cardinal Sfondrati,'" aiul yet found eners^y to break a lance, not in,i«loriously, with the master- mind of Europe. And the victor himself abandoned the cause he had so long befriended, when the passing- of the Act of Settlement in England made the Protestantism of Hanover a matter of highest political necessitv. Once more he occupied himself with a project of Protest- ant reunion, and for a time it was hoped that by the efforts of the Archbishop of York, much interested in the scheme, a form of episcopal government on the English motlel might have been introtluced into Prussia." But the work he had abandoned had taught to him. and to the world, another of the great experimental les- sons which are ever purchased with the failure of so many high hopes and strenuous etHbrts. He found no consola- tion in the speedy humiliation of that Gallican Church which had refused his overtures, and which was forced, by political necessities, to humble itself at the feet of Rome. He could not read the future, nor understand that while the Protestant Churches were to experience the successive i :!$' 54 Hulsea n Lee hi res. i\ 1' 1 1 >■ solvents of Pietism and Rationalism, Rome was to continue unchanged, rejecting each generous movement from within, as she had rejected the overtures from without Sailer and Wessenberg were to learn, by bitter experience, the lesson of Pole and Contarini, — that for primitive doctrine and primitive life there was in the Roman Church only jealousy and suspicion. But, little as they knew it, Grotius and Leibnitz had not laboured in vain. Not their schemes of ecclesiastical union, but their political labours had ad- vanced the idea of Nationality ; they recognized some of its claims and attributes ; they realized the personality of the State. And that true instinct within them, that " 77/(? Fatherland must greater be" greater than dynastic or geographical limits, though it erred in supposing that the outward organization must share the universality of the ideal, yet it brought together, if not in order, each ele- ment of the problem, on the one side the individualism of Nationality, on the other the universal brotherhood of Christianity, and the prediction of Leibnitz, " We labour for posterity, but one day the work will end itself" {res ipsa se aliqiiando conficiet), will find in its fulfilment the noblest monument of his labours and of his faith. '' 1| NOTES ON LP:CTURE III. ' Stanley's Life of Arnold. Letter to Mr. Justice Coleridge, II., p. 265: "I am for High Clnircli and no priest." - Hiedennann, Gcschichtc des Xl'/II'^t Jahr/inuderf, i., 324. ■' " Et tertio loco est ordo nioderatorum et paciricatoruni, (iiii et corrigenda nonnulla in Ecclesia agnoscunt, netiue tainen itn- portiinitateni noveilorum (ut vocant) concionatorum ai)]>rohant ; hi quc-ernnt consilia quibus Ecclesia ad normam divin:e Scriptiirc'e et ecclesice priscie, quam minima fieri potest mutatione, et retentis quod fieri potest anticjuitatis relicjuiis, constitiiatiir, ut utracjue pars, vel certcj qui iu utrdquc parte saniores sun/, ad Christianam concordiam et unionem reducantur." (Cassander, ap. Gieseier, IV., 576, note.) * Niedner, Kircheui^cscfiichte (1S66;, p. 740. •^Spinola's first relations in the Protestant camp were with Molanus, Abbot of Loccum, a pupil of Cali.xtus, and the inheri- tor of the Syncretistic principles of his master. Molanus left a memorandum of the results of the correspondence in his ''Regulcc circa Cliristianorum ouuiiuni ccclesiasticani ;r//;//<^«i'w," included in Bossuet's Works, ed. Versailles, xxv., 205. He believed that both sides might be reconciled by mutual declarations of unity in fundamentals. Another personage who played a part in the cor- respondence was the sister of the Electress Sophia, Abbess of Maubuisson, a friend of Hossuet's. Through her influence, the latter was at length persuaded to take part in the efforts. See Planck's Gescliichte dcr Prof. Tlieologie, p. 314. "The memoir is entitled ''JJes Miihodcs de Rtunion:' Cf. Klopi?, I., 19-36. ' Leibnitz to Hossuet, May 8, 1699. •* His authority being the Miscellanea Bolieinica of the Jesuit Balbinus, and tioldast, de regno Boheni. '•*'• La conciliation par voye d'e.xposition cesse ici." (L. to B., April 30, 1700. Cf. Eoucher de Careil, 11., 301.} (55) n I ^ 56 Note s on Lcchirc III . )\ Pf 11 '" Celestino Sfundrati ( 1644-1696), while i)rofessor at Salzburg, bad attacked the Gallicaii declaration in bis Tiaciatits Rci:,aliae (S. Gall., 16S2) and other treatises. Raised in 1695 to the Cardin- alate, be pubHsbed, in the following year, bis "■ Nodus pracdcsfhia- tionis dissoliitiis,'" ihn unsoinid theology of which gave Bossuet his opportunity. In 1697, and again in 1700, a formal denunciation was laid before the Pope, combined with a censure of Jesuit casuistry. "The eflurls'at union planned by Jablonski and Archbishop Sharpe ba\e been often narrated. (See Newcome's Life of Sharf>i\ i.ond., 1825, and documents in the Museum Haganum, III., 1-174.) '-The stages of Leibnitz's efforts for union may be thus defined: {a) Intercourse at IMainz witii Hoineburg and J. Ph. von Schonborn. {b\ The "Academie-Vorschlag " of 1669-72. (Cf. Briefe von L., ed. Klopp, I., 19.) {c) Meeting with .Spinola at Hanover (1679). ^d] Relations with Huet and Bossuet. The central topic not discussed until 1679. Then with Molanus, Barkbausen, and Ulr. Calixtus ; the manifesto of Molanus {JMcthodus iinioitis) was pub- lished in 1683. In the following year Spinola obtained, at Rome, from Innocent XI, with full approval of Noyelles, general of the Jesuits, the decision U|)on " invincible ignorance." In 1685 Leib- nitz wrote his memorandum "Dcs Mcthodcs dc Reunion.'' Four years later he made his memorable Journey to Rome. (Cf. Guhrauer's Lebcn, 11., 90.) Then followed the correspondence with Pellisson and Madame Brinon, in which Bossuet was clearly a constant adviser. (6') 1691-95 : First correspondence between Leibnitz and J^os- suet. (f) 1698-9-1702: Second correspondence between Leibnitz and Bossuet, the latter seemingly reluctant, and only writing once between January 11, 1698-9. and January 9, 1699-1700. The last letter (Leibnitz to Bossuet) dated February, 1701-2. [Cf. edd. of the Letters by Foucher de Careil and (). Klopp, passim, many included in Bossuet's Ocuvres and Guhrauer's biography. Also the essay by E. Pfleiderer : C IV. Leibnitz ah. Patriot, u. s. vv. (Leipz., 1870).] LECTURE IV. Christian Reunion I ; Ms LECTURE IV. 'Ett' dAi;^£ws KiiTuXaiLpdvofxaL Sri ovk ((ttl TTpoin,mo\yfirT-q^ b «eos- dW h TTiKvri Wvu o - lier own di.i^nitaries ; Isaac Basire, Hiii,aienot by origin, Anglican by adoption, is the uniciue missionary figure of his age. Indeed, at the time (jf the Restoration, when much depended upon the (piestion of the King's rehgious views, it was from the Huguenot min- isters of Charenton that Cliarles II sought and oljtained a declaration that satisfied those to whom he owed his throne.-"' And if a still highei* title to resi)ect be sought, may not those who have visited the old lii)rary near the ruined cathedral of Dunblane, and have noticed Mo'i'se Amyraut's treatise on Predestination scored and re-scored with ai)proving comments from the hand of the noblest of the sons of the Church of England, may not they fancy that it was from a Huguenot source that deeper and wider thoughts as to the awful mysteries of destiny and grace dawned upon the mind of Robert Leighton." And now all has changed. The leaders of the Re- formed Church of France are hardly known even by name to the Anglican student, and communion between the two bodies has long ceased. Surely a phenomenon so remarkable and so regrettable deser\'es more than a passing comment. For all the reasons that would justify on either side a formal separation are conspicuously ab- sent. It might be justified by a dej)arture from a com- mon faith: but the old Confcssio Gallicana of 1559, so nearly allied to our own xxxi.x Articles, holds still the same honoured place in Huguenot estimation ; it was solemnly re-aftirmed at the last general Synod ; and it is received with as much readiness and completeness of assent as could be claimed, individually and collectively, III iii J nil II I : IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) h // // ^ .5^* A f/. 1.0 I.I 1.25 If 1^ 1^ ll.g 1.4 111.6 '/I /5 7] »>' vl /A iP « ^^^^ ^ ^A ' ^^ 1> '*?) ^ id. my 7« The HiiQiie7iots and on behalf of their own symbol, for the members of the Anglican Church." Nor is the Huguenot body fallen into that stagnant repose which, as in the community of Dutch Jansenists, and some ancient Oriental churches, causes a virtual, though not a justifiable, isolation. That same vitality, of which future historians of the Church of England will justly boast, is to be found there also. While, on the one side, the evangelical school of Monod presents fidelity to the older standpoints of confessional strictness and bib- lical literalism, on the other side there is the same expan- sion, the same willingness to accept the results of scientific thought and investigation ; and if there be somewhat more of explicitness in the demarcation of opinion, it may well be accounted for by the conditions of a body which possesaes neither the advantages nor the disadvantages of exclusive state support and wealthy endowments.'' But the causes of the alienation may be traced, if they cannot be justified ; and he would have studied the consti- tution of both churches but empirically and superficially who did not fully recognize that the danger was always imminent. I. That remarkable dualism in the constitution of the Anglican Church, its union of Catholic and Protestant elements, which suggested Chatham's shallow epigram, but which has abundantly contributed to her duration and present activity through the necessary sequences of alternate movement and reaction, would alone difference her from churches which, at the time of the ReformatTon, experienced a more logical, but far less practical de\-elop- ment. The Church of England. 79 2. Nor can it be forgotten that although the idea 01 ■episcopal succession as a note of the church had never been abandoned at the English Reformation, yet it held .a far less prominent and exclusive position until the cir- •cumstances, first of the Puritan movement, and later of the Civil War, brought it to the front as a crucial dis- tinction. And even, as will be seen later, when the reaction against Puritanism had obtained the mastery in the Church of England, those who honestly study the •writings of the Laudian school of divines, both in their controversies with Rome and with the Puritans, cannot but recognize that, although the dilemma was neither ad- mitted nor admissible, yet their language was as absolute and decided against episcopacy without reformation as it was against reformation without episcopacy. 3. And another cause, closely connected with the pre- <:eding, was the gradual weakening of the old tie of com- bative union, the alliance defensive and offensive against the Church of Rome. The great period of anti-Roman polemic in England was at its height when the Huguenot Refugees demanded English hospitality. Tillotson and .Stillingfleet and Barrow, and so many others, had but recently spoken, or were still to put forth those utter- ances which ended argument, though they could not end ^controversy. That the alliance should fail at last is in- telligible, since any merely negative union must be in its nature transitory, but regrettable to those who recognize that its failure is less due to any real tendency towards peace and union than to torpid indifference, or even the -abandonment, consciously or unconsciously, of vital prin- iciples. 8o The Hunienots and 4. Nor can the disastrous results of the \ox\^ separation': of the eighteenth century be forgotten. We know welR that the circumstances of the Huguenots who remained in) France, and the horrors of their jjcrsecution, were but pardy known in England Also that the great ecclesiasti- cal generation of the Tillotsons and Wakes was followed* by those who mirrored instead of resisting an .ge of poli- tical corruption. And since the Huguenots in France were- accounted rel^els if they exercised their service, the Englislii Church may be pardoned on political grounds for not at- tempting overt interference. But when we compare the- annals of the two Churches during the time, — on the one- side the comfortable hierarchy, intriguing for jireferment and translation, engaged in deistical controversies, and ful- minating charges against enthusiasm ; and, on the other, the pastors of the desert venturing with their lives in their hands to preach the Word, and to administer the sacra- ments to their scattered Hocks, their children bastards by- law, their property confiscated, each public service at once- an act of heresy and treason, not even the primitive church, can display a life like that of Paul Rabaut,"' nor endurance: comparable to that of the desert pastors. The persecutions- of the early Chrisdans were few and intermittent. This- lasted for more than a hundred years. And yet no word^ of protest, no cry of sympathy, came from the Potters ancJ. Herrings and Huttons and Seekers who ruled the Church> of England. The acute Paley could trace no evidential martyrdom among those thousands who, too ostentatiously,, perhaps, could "keep a conscience."'" It was the voice of- the sceptic Voltaire alone that aroused Europe and avenged, the judicial murder of Calas.-" If, then, there was separa- The Church of England. 8i tion, if there was a breach of comnninion, whose was the fault ? Whose the loss ? But it is not to recall sad memories of past controver- sies, but rather the fact that for so lonjt;^ a time relations of brotherly afibction, and afterwards of courteous reccjj^nition, at least, united the Churches. All will admit the gross historic fallacy of dating the Church of England from the Reformation only, and ignoring the precious links of union with Augustin and Columba, Ansclm and Grosseteste. But is it not an equally disastrous error to efface the whole of Post-Reformation history from Edward VI to Charles I ; virtually to excommunicate all the Archbishops from Parker to Abbot; to stamp implicitly as heretical the doctrines which in this University were taught alike by Whitgift and Cartwright, by Chaderton and Whitaker, Playfere and Davenant,-' which Hooker accepted, which Donne and An- drews preached, which George Herbert illustrated in his saintly life ? And even when we pass on to the period of the Laudian movement, we find the same full and frank admission of the Protestant name, and the catholicity of all Protestant Churches. F .'^ if these Churches, as we are sometimes assured now, are mere alien communities beyond the limits of the Catholic Church, this was unknown to Overall, who said: " Though we are not to lessen the jus divinum of Episco- pacy, where it is established and may be had, yet we must take heed that we do not, for want of Episcopacy, where it cannot be had, cry down and destroy all the Reformed Churches abroad, and say that they have neither ministers nor sacraments." r 82 The Hugiioiois and It was not known to Cosin, who declared in his test- ament : " Wheresover in the world Churches bearing the name of Christ invocate ; worship, with one mouth and heart, God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, if from actual communion with them I am now de- barred . . . nevertheless always in my heart and so .1 and affection I hold communion and unite with them — that which I wish especially to be understood of the Protestant and well-reformed Churches." ''■* It was not known to Bramhall, when he declared that " the Episcopal divines in Enj^land unchurch not the Protestant Churches. We do readily grant them the true nature and essence of a church, if not the integrity and perfection."-^ It was not known to Sandkrson, who never lost an occasion of expressing reverence for the great teachers of France and Germany. It was not known to Laud himself, who declared that " his continued labours were to recon- cile the divided Protestants in Germany, that they might go with united force against the Romanists."'" It was not known to the non -juror Sancroft, who joined with Tillotson in his efforts to restore communion with foreign Protestants, and asked Dissenters to join with him " in prayer for a blessed union of all Reformed Churches at home and abroad."'" It was not known even to the last of those champions of lost causes in church and state, who for more than a century was to shed lustre upon the title of High Church- man : for Francis Atterbury at the supreme moment of life, with the turned axe and Tower Hill seemingly full in ■ The Clmrch of England. 83 prospect, declared before his judges tliat throughout his hfe he had ever been faithful to the Protestant cause. But this is known, and is confidently proclaimed to us by those modern teachers who arrogate to themselves the right to appoint the limits and the landmarks of the Univer- sal Church, who excommunicate and unchurch the bodies to which the great scholars of time past extended affection and communion ; and who lavish on the theology of all foreign churches, and of the greatest centuries of the Re- formed Church of England, a contempt which seldom owes its birth to familiarity. We know that it is not to the wise and prudent always that mysteries are revealed ; but it is hard to understand that the true doctrine of the Church of England, and of its relation to other churches, should have been entirely hid from the great divines of these past ages, and should have been reserved as a special revelation for the anonymous journalists of our own more fortunate times. True it is that none should regret the decay of the merely negative, merely combative Protestantism, with its often savage polemic and its platform rhetoric; but some of us may well regret the gradual loss of the old Protestant spirit, the rugged simplicity of the Elizabethan writers, the sobriety and breadth of the Jacobean and Caroline divines, and to have gained in exchange that which, at its very best, represents the same error it rightly detects in the negative Protestantism of the past — the error of confounding an element of religious life, a principle, and a force, with the whole substance of religion itself But it is not from sendmental and antiquarian motives alone that the Huguenot Churches can plead for sympathy ; not merely by quoting the blazons of illustrious ancestry. 84 The J/upticnois and They can plead at once the intense urtjency of the situation in France, the ttJtal hick ol' other aj^ency, and their own active quahfications for the work. There are some, per- haps, who recollect the old j4lories of Gallican independence, and looking on theoloj;y rather from an aesthetic than a religious point of view, feel that, side by side with Francois de Sales and Hossuet, Hourdalone anfisic. and y intoxication at the last. (dc JcJkii. 12.1 ■•' Cyi'kian. NotwithstanchiiK thi- difVicuIties of his position, owin^- to his own lli^ht, ry|)rian protested against the extraordi- nary i^retensicjns of tile Confessors at Cartiiai^e, after tlie Decian persecutit)n. (()|)p. ed. Paris, 1643, epist. 14, 15, 21, and Rettberg, Cyprianus, p. 66, .svv/. ) •' EfSKiiit's. As to the disorjjani/ation imder the Decian and Valerian persecutions see H. I"., vi. 41 and viii. i ; much fuller dis- closures, however, beinj; found in the /i/u r dc piOiilcntia of I'etrus Alexandrinus, with rejjard to the persecution of i^iocletian. Cf. Routh. A'(7. sacr, iv. 22, scq. * The whole subject of the f.apsi an. I the kindred cjuestion of the claims of the confessors is best illustratetl in the treatise of Petrus Alexandrinus, (|uoted above. Besides the well-known classes of librllatici and fradiforcs, he si)eaks (jf those who sent their heathen, and sometimes even their Christian slaves, to i^er- sonate them in the act of sacrifice. In Cartlia};e and Alexandria the episcopal authority was practically overthrown by the indis- criminate use of micyac pads by the confessors, while in Rome and Antioch the milder rule fnially obtained acceptance. Cf. Hausrath, Kleinc Schriflcn, p. 45, 6. * Pf.rpeti'a. "Perpetua autem, ut alicjuid doloris jjustaret, inter costas i)uncta exululavit ; et crrantem dexteram tirunculi gladiatoris ipsa in jugulum suum posuit. Fortasse tanta femina aliter non potuisset occidi, quia ab immundo spiritu timebatur, nisi ipsa voluisset." (89) 90 Notes. [Pdssio SS. Pcrpctuae cl Fiiici/a/is, ed. Hurler, in SS. Mart. Acta St/ccfa, p. 142.] " FoXK, ^Ic/s and MoiiinneiiLs (1S3S), vi. 694, and vii. 550. ' The date of tlie Revocation, wiiich lias been contested in re- cent times, seems satisfactorily fix( ')y the entry in Dans^eau's Journal: ''Luudi, 22 Oituhrc, d Fi^ taincblcan : Ce jour la. oi> enregistra dans tout le royaunie la cassation de I'c'dit de Nantes. et Ton coninienca u raser tous les temples (]iii restoient. . . . Le soir it y cut coniedie italienne." Joiinial dc J)aii,i>eaii, Taris, 1S54, i> 237. " P^NCJLiSH I'KKi.iNc! IN 1685. As far back as i6Si, before the JJra,i;ofiades, while what may be called legal persecution only was practised, public opi"'on had forced a Proclamation from Charles II, which offered to the immigrants already flocking to England, letters of denization witiiout any charge, and many other civic privileges. It promised a general Hill of Naturalisation. This document had a great effect in France, and for a time suspended the persecution. (R. L. Poole, //nj^. of Dispersioti, p. 76.) In the autumn of 1685 a royal brief for a national collection was issued, concerning which see the following note. The popular indigna- tion was manifested in pamphlets, of which a great number are preserved at the British Museum, such as The Great Pressures and (,'7-ievanres of the Protestants of Prance, by E. E. [Edmoncl Everard], 1681, fol. James IPs dislike to the Huguenots was- clearly manifested in the order for the burning of Claude's I*/o n- tes des ]\otestants, the order appearing in the Gazette of May 8^ 1686. Cf. Benoist, iv. 491 ; et seq., Kennet, Hist, of Engl. iii. 403^ and Cooper, Lists of Foreign Protestants and Aliens, p. xviii^ (Camd. Soc. 1862.) " For the history of the Royal Bounty see Supp/etnentaiy Note- 5 of Mr. R. L. Poole's Huguenots of the Dispersion, a work to which French students will admit their great indebtedness. The researches on the subject had already been undertaken by Aj.' new, J^rotestant Exiles, i. 36-58, but in a manner not very accessible to- the general reader. The two national collections of 1681-2 and 1685, together with parliamentary and other grants, realised nearly ^'200,000. The subsequent history of the fund, "not very creditable," as Mr. Poole justly saj's, "to the national financiers,"" may be read in his appendix. But the unfortunate epilogue in nc> way concerns the spontaneous munificence of the national gift. Azotes. 91 '" Saimaisk (15S8-165S) had known Casaubon in Paris, but became a Protestant wliile studyint;; at Heidelberg- under Denis (iodefroy. He married the daiigiiter of Desbordes, a zealous Huguenot. Tiie only personal annoyance he suffered on account of his religious views was when Marillac, the (ianfr drs Stta/i.i-. refused assent to the resignation by the fatiier of his ofiice in favour of his son. " ScALic.KR. According to Sca/iirt'raiia II (s. v. Scaliger), he was converted to Protestantism at the age of 22. '" I! avait 22 aus ([uand il fut cateciiis^ par M. de Chandien et par M. V'iret. Ce fut le frure de M. de Buzenval, ([ui est maintenant Papiste, ([ui me mena au presche durant les premiers troubles." Bernays (./../. Sca/isfvr, Herl. 1S55), e.\plains the seemingly contradictory state- ments m the Sca/i^t'rainx: " Wie alle Menschen, die sich einen gleichiiiiissigen Fortschritt ihrer wissenschaftlichen und religi'lsen Entwicklung zu erhalten verstehen, legte audi Scaliger in reiferen Jahren manche Starrgliiubigkeit seiner Jugend ab." .Sc. was not at all edified by many of the Protestants, particu- larly as to the extreme sections, who discredited all non-Biblical learning. Arniinius, indeed, was " cv'r ind.xii/tus" (Seal. 11, s. v. Arminius), but of Gomarus: " II pense estre le plus scavant theo- logien de tons. 11 s'entend Ti la chronologie comme nioy a faire de la fausse monnoye." '-' David Bi.ondkl (1591-1655.) As early as 1619 his Modcstc declaration dc la vcritv des ci^l. rcfonnees appeared. His fame as an anti-Roman writer was established by his J'st'iido-Isidorus et Turriaiins vapiilautcs (1628J, a work greatly admired by F.nglish divines, and which, as far as scholars were concerned, finished the Isidorian controversy. His even greater work, De la /'rimaitte de rEi>li.se (1641), was viewed with favour even by the French court. Cf. Xiceron, viii. 48, seq. '•* Anijre RiVKT (1572-1651), like Blondel, spent the greater part of his life in Holland. Although distinguished in the polemic against Rome, his main claim to distinction is in his exegetical works, his Jsagogc nd scripturani sacrani V. ct N. T. (1616) long remaining a standard work. '* CvsAiiiON. The admirable monograph of the late Rf^ctor of Lincoln College has raised a monument to one Huguenot worthy only to be paralleled by Professor A. Schweitzer's study on Amy- 92 Azotes. m rant, Tlicol. JahrhVicltcr, 1S52. aiul same of tlit; articlt-s in tlie new edition of Haaji's France /'ro/cs/aii/c. ''^ PiKRRK DiMon.iN (1568-1658), the most indefatigal)le com- batant of a polemical ajje, wiiose life has jet to he written. C. Schmidt's article in the new edition of Herzog's K. E. enumerates his works, and the leadiii!;- incidents of his life. He was created D. D. by Cambridt^e on the occasion of his first visit to Knsjland, in 1615, wiien invited by James 1, at the sii,t^<;estion of Duplessis Mornay, to discuss a union of Protestant Churches. '"S.VMrKL HocHAKr (1599-1667), nei)hew of i'ierre Dumoulin, educated under Saumur iulluence, visited Oxford with Cameron. His famous works, Gcographia Sacra (1646) and Ilicrozoicou (1663), were esteemed l)y Catholics as well as Protestants; the latter was dedicated to Charles J I. In 1650 he engaged in a friendly controversy with Morley. the result of which was pub- lished in his I'lpistola qua rcsp. ad. in qitacs/ioiics. '"Jk.w Daim.i'; (1594- 1 670), for list of works, see new edition of Haag, /•>'. /'/•. His treatise He T liniploy dcs saints plrcs was comparatively an early work (1632). No less than 724 of his Charenton sermons were published. '^JoHN DiKKi.i. (1626-1683). Dean of Windsor. His " ricze/ of the i^ovcnnuoit of the Re/oriiied C/inrc/ies (1662), contains a very sufficient proof of ihe friendly attitude of Charenton to the Church of England. '"Damkl Mkkvint (1616-1695), Dean of Lincoln. Acted with Durell in 1659 in procuring from Daille and the other Charento'i ministers the declaration concerning the Protestant orthodoxy of diaries 11. See next note. '^"The many rumours in circulation as to the conversion of Cliarles II to the Roman Catholic faith, and the fact that his hopes of Restoration in 1659 depended on die sanction and eflbrts of the Presbyterian party, induced him to apply to the Consistoire of Charenton for a declaration of his Protestant orthodoxy. This was readily granted, and letters to that effect were written by DailkS Drelincourt. Delangle, and Caches. See Kennet's Register and Chronicle, 1728, pp. 91-4, containing the letter of Gaches to Baxter, and of Daille and Drelincourt to the Huguenot ministers . Notes. 93 in Lontion, Stoiippe and Leroy. Caches vouclied lor the fact uf Charles's attendance at tlie Trotestant service at Rouen and Rochelle. Wlien, in 1661, the Savoy congregation adopted a translation of the Anglican liturgy, the question as to the legiti- macy of the step was submitted to the Charenton Cuiisistoire, which unanimously decided " that they ought not to make any scruple to submit to the order of that Cluirch." (Kennet, p. 460, and see Durell's Rcfoiiiicd Churches, 1662.) An interesting letter of Amyraut's, given by Duliourdieu in his Appeal to the Jiiigtish Nation, p. 105, gives the view of that great tlieologian on the same subject: " / 'eterem illani vestram litiiri^iain lei^i atteiitissiiuc: est aitfein itia sane talis, ineojiictieio, tit in innltis zelmn veie ehris- tiannui inccndere et fnleni efficacissiine fovcre apta nata est. In aliis, oinni veneno caret ; universe, illibata retii^ione, et non tnoclo sine conscientiae ullo vulnerc, sed etiatn cum adinodunt nientorabiti pietatis fructu, celcbrari et usurpari possit.'' The passage is (juoted in Mr. Poole's work already cited, suppl. Note iv. -'The Leightonian library at Dunblane was opened in 16S8, the catalogue first printed 1793. For particulars of foundation see Irving's Lives 0/ Scottish Writers, 1839, 11, 146. I.eighton's notes can be easily recognised by comparing his autograi^ii. Among the books may be mentioned, as siiowing Leighton's wide read- ing, Arndt's /'aradies (,'orttein (1666), Balzac, Lettres (1634 6), the Bible in Irish, Swedish, Italian, Spanish, Brantonie's JPanoires, Lord Brooke, Cowley, Saint Cyran's Lettres Spirituettes, a great num- ber of Dailies works, Doime, Du Bartas, a forgotten book called "t'e:'esica (1562), and the Conf. Sigismundi or Marchica (1614), and all derive much of their foundation from the Consensus Tigurinus (1549). The c. c. con- sists of 40 articles drawn up in May, 1559, under the influence of 94 Notes. Chandieu, and accepted by the national synod of llie same year, confirmed by Henri I\ in 1571. Cf. August!, Corp. Iibr. symbol., 1846, p. 126, ci sfq. ''^ As it would be impossible in the limits of a note to furnish any account of the present state of French Protestantism, the reader nuist be referred to Decoppet, /'aris Protvstaut ( 1N76), and Th. de I'ratt, Aumiaire Proicstant. There is a somewhat meagre but impartial sketch by C. Pfender in the new edition of Herzog's R. E. ^' Pail Rahmt (1718-1794), his life now fully known since the recent publication by M. Picherat-Dardier of his correspondence. He served the great cause from boyhood, first as a guide to the itinerant ministers, then as a reader, proposant (lie only studied half a year at Lausanne). His career as preacher began 1742. The bitterest persecution took place 1742-5, but there was no real amnesty till the edict of toleration of 1787. Then Rabaut tnjoyed a few years of rest, though the Revolution at last molested him. '■'•'As to Paley's remark, ''that he could not afford to keep a conscience^' see Meadley's Memoir of VV. Paley, 2nfl ed., Edinb., iSio, p. 89, and also the Life by Chalmers, prefixed to the edition of Paley's Works, published in 1819, p. xvii. "" Among the causes for the cessation of intercourse should be mentioned the eccentricities of the Camisard "prophets" in London, which provoked P'rancis Lee's History of JMontanisin, and his own reversion to High Church principles. "' For the theology of Cambridge in the Elizabethan age, the reader must be referred to Strype, supplemented by Mr. Mullin- ger's excellent history. An article on Peter Baro will be found in the last published volume of Mr. Stephen's Biof^r, Dictionary. It is remarkable that a Huguenot should have led the Arminian re- action. The very high esteem in which the foreign reformers were held at Cambridge was evidenced in 1595, when William Barret, fellow of Caius, for contemptuous language about Calvin, was censured and forced to sign a retractation. [Cf. Strype's Whit- gift, IV. caps. 14-16, and Append. 22-25, and Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, 11, 529-536-] \ Notes. g !j -''The passage (juotecl from Overall was the favourite (/h/t/i/i x-of his pupil Cosin, who referred always to him as his "lord and .master Overall." It will be found in Cosin's works (Angl. Catli. Lib. IV, 449), where also is included (ib. pp. 400-409) Cosin's own view of the Huguenot ministry and sacraments, iii his letter to M. Cordel of Hlois. The testament is given in the Life by IJasire, -and also in Works, Vol. 1. ^^ Vindication of Croiius, in Ang. Cath. Libr. Rramhall's Works, III, 518. Sanderson, Episcopacy not prejudicial, 11, 15. . -■'" Hist, of Troubles, pp. too, 134, 355, 419 (ed. 1695). '*" Ablx;y and Overton, Hist, of England in iSth Century, \, 370. ^The last step of decadence was reached even before the Vatican Council, when the notorious journalist Louis Veuillot was practically upheld by the Curia against the censure of Mgr. Du- panlouii. The last moments of Montalembert, and his treatment by the Vatican authorities, are also memorable. '''' Sermons de Saurin, Paris, 1835, 11, 107, ct seq., translated into lilnglish, 1775-6, at Cambridge, in six vols. ■''* See Hist, of the Erenc/i Refugee Church of Canterbury [i^Hi) by M. le Pasteur Martin. A modification of the English liturgy •was adopted by Pasteur Mieville in 1790, but the sitting posture 'rit .the reception of the Holy Communion is preserved. Laud's attempt in 1634 to suppress the service was ineffectual. ;). ' Scrivener, Cod. Bez. p. vi., and Heppe, 77/. Beza's Leben u. .■ausgeTvahlte .Scht if ten, p. 364. The Codex was presented to Cam- bridge in 1 58 1. APPENDIX (SfC rre/ac,-.) t^ Paris, 216 lioulevard I'ereire, Lc 23 Fivrier, jS86. . t ^ f.,it vrm viies et ie me f^licite de les sentir If> mrt;iL>'ti tout ;i liHt \us viit-^i ci j'- '"^ . Je pa.taj,c loi souvenl entretenu de ce sujet avee ic uu>v, ^ ^. .. ^ i-p.rlicp R^form^e de 1< ranee. J ai cio-np de Tun on, orscuie nous avons tani ue muu ^'°'L^,S'u: raiS^Ultrutrenouer ,es Hen. .ui o„t uni :ltrur ceU^; r.r pl.e c„r.,-,e„„e, - d'unu „os e.or.. pour soutenir la grande cause