■,%. '^<>«> ^^-^^ .0^. \t>^Z<6. IMAGE EVALUATBON TEST TARGET (MT-3) y A :/ 5r «:/^ 1.0 I.I 1.25 '- IIIIM 150 '""^^ If 1^ M IIM 1= lA ill 1.6 Vi <^ /i '<^1 V O yw 7 jS /A Photographic Sciences Corporation niiiihs nv-driiiTiii !,■ Iltiih i'f r/'A'- Cmiihiit fvni iS.j lo iSfu. i u liulll lOlll I )llnlu'|. i;()J. Uifil JDtll lulv, I.S()|. f • j mBm"i mi i »im *. vr^ \ ' ) I \ \ \ ^ ^ ^- ^ •» ) A Sv3o--iBJ ■' 1 ■ ' ■ ' I I .. ) '^ 1 i i ■: ! .' V ■, 1 I iM !■ I m;a K, \ , v ■ '■•■■' • : -111 • ; A-- 1 ,, {.>•,•, II ..1 ) ^5 *. ; \ M I : l-M • . < . >?«<' i^KSt* ^r^: rJI' ,-7pX^j^fyVl '*^ff. ■^"^v: '%.' X % V-. ^ if 4: ''Hii- ^m^-^r^ ^^: ^■, *^- «■ %pr ■'f> 'i. \ ■? ^ ,..«!r" :aJ!«^ .■!*'* >«*►'?'■ -# ", ..J*'*' f K 31 Id / /. i'* C '/ / ' il rEN YEARS OF UPPER CANADA IN PEACE AND WAR, 1805-1815 RF.rNO THE RIDOUT LETTERS WITH ANNOTATIONS BY MATILDA EDGAR. ALSO AN APPENDIX OF The Narrative of the Captivity AMONG TirE ShAVVANESE INDIANS, IN 1788, OK Thos. Kidout, afterwards Surveyor-Generai. ok Upper Canada; and a Vocabulary, Compiled by him, ok the Shawanese Language. 911 4'^ a 3 TORONTO: WILLIAM BRIGGS 1890. A/ 1533ia t ^ ->- V- o Bn Entered according to the Act of the Parliament of Canada, in the year one thous- and eight hundred and ninety, by William Briggs, in the office of the Minister of Agriculture, at Ottawa. tfmmim '01 \ TABLE OF CONTENTS. Frontispiece, Portrait of Tlios G. Ridout.. CHAPTER I. A HUNDRED YEARS AGO. Thomas Ridout — Arrival in America — Adventures there — Captivity among Indians — Escape to Detroit — Journey to Montreal — Appointment to office — Removal to Newark— York in 1800 9-15 CHAPTER II. »VT"8!Wy TW " ■WW •, .'1 ^ k\j y LI luc wpper vvaiiacia, taken in March, 1809. lG-27 CHAPTER III. LITTLE YORK, MONTREAL AND QUEBEC, 1809-1811. Voyage to England, 1809 — Fever in York — Public Library — Mr. Jackson's pamphlet - Joseph Willcocks — Rogers — '^ "tv balls — D. W. Smitli — Perils of crossing the o*. an — Mr. Small and Mr. Boulton taken prisoners — Montreal, 1811— 4l8t Regiment, Colonel Sheaffe— Trip ■ 9 1533ia O 3/-] Entered according to the Act of the Parliament of Canada, in the year one thous- and eight hundred and ninety, by William Briggs, in the office of the Minister of Agriculture, at Ottawa. ERRATUM For the word "September," where it occui's on page 245, read "October." \ TABLE OF CONTENTS. Frontispikce, Portrait of Thos G. Ridout.. CHAPTER I. A HUNDRED YEARS AGO. Thomas Ridout — Arrival in America — Adventures there — Captivity among Indians — Escape to Detroit — Journey to Montreal — Appointment to office — Removal to Newark— York in 1800 9-15 CHAPTER II. LITTLE YORK, CORNWALL SCHOOL, 180f)-180i). Society events in York — Major Shank — Queen s Rangers — Cornwall School, 1806 — Studies and amusements — Political news from York — An election — Mr. Weekes — Mr. Thorpe — Cornwall School, 1807 — Dr. Strachan — Mr. Wyatt — The post — The weather — American News — European news — Number of inhabitants, Home District — Province Upper Canada, taken in March, 1809 10-27 CHAPTER III. LITTLE YORK, MONTREAL AND QUEBEC, 1809-1811, Voyage to England, 1809 — Fever in York — Public Library — Mr. Jackson's pamphlet - Joseph Willcocks — Rogers — Party balls — D. W. Smith — Perils of crossing the ocean — Mr. Small and Mr. Boulton taken prisoners — Montreal, 1811— 41st Regiment, Colonel Sheaffe— Trip I I Contents. from Montreal — Quebec, 1811 — Preparations for war — Fortifications — Shipping — Market— Colonel Shank — Dr. Macaulay — The Press Gang — Off the Brandy Potts — The Fleet — York — Attorney-General Firth— Mr. Miles Jackson — No money in York — School aftairs — Students-at-Law 28-44 CHAPTER IV. VOYAGE TO ENGLAND, 1811. Arrival at Plymouth — Ships of War — Prizes — News from London — The King— Stage coach to London — Exeter — Courtenay Castle — Dorsetshire — Liddon Down — — Fields of wheat — Roman highways — Dorchester — Wilts — FSagshot Heath — London Town — Letters de- livered—Stagnation of commerce — St Paul's — George III. — His treatment — Prince Regent — Lord Grosvenor — Hanging for Forgery — Mr. Sadler's balloon — Letter from York — Captain Gore — Duke of Manchester — Plan of Survey starting on Kempenfeldt Bay — Deaths in York — Rev. Mr. Stuart — Miles Jackson — Lieutenant- Governor Gore — Good advice — Attorney-General Firth — The Indians — No money in Upper Canada — Govern- ment Bills 45-56 CHAPTER V. GOSSIP FROM LONDON, 1811. Description of London — Trade — No coin — Guineas sold to the French — Pressing seamen — An adventure — Nearly caught — Lottery office — Mr. Firth — Mr. Jackson — Non-importation law — Prince Regent — His friends- Letter from York— Lieutetiant-Governor Gore — No news of Solicitor-General Boulton — Letter from Mr. Franklin — Earl of Moira — ^Mr. Strachan — John Mc- Donell — General Brock — London dinner.? — Mr. Mariott — Mr. Russell — Bonaparte — His crown — Mr. Prince — East India Co. auctions — Smuggling — West India sugar — Tobacco — Bank of England — Woolwich — Colonel Pilkington— D. W. Smith 57-70 Contents. CHAPTER VI. -44 45-56 AMUSEMENTS IN LONDON— NEWS FROM YOHK, 1811-12. London, 1811 — H. J. Boulton — Alex. McDonell — News from York — North-West Co. — Attorney-General Firth — Solicitor-General Boulton — No hope of release — Gov- ernor Gore — Covent Garden — Kenible — Mrs. Siddons — Description of Thea. — The Tragedy, "Pizarro" — Mrs. Siddons' voice— The Lord Mayor's Show — The Proces- sion — The Pageant on the Thames — The Strand Bridge — Drury Lane— Extent of London — Letter from York — Battle on the Wabash — President Brock— His orders for Surveys — Mr. Strachan — Difficulties in obtaining a Rector for York — The Prince Regent's proposal — Writing, New Method — General Brock's intentions — York, Head-Quarters — Plans for buildings — Governor Gore — Judge Campbell — Letter from Bristol — Bruton, 1812 — Alex. Selkirk's grave — Sir Richard Hoare's estate — Silk mills — Longleat — Beckford's Tower — Shepton Mallet— Cloth weaving — Wells — The Cathe- dral — Glastonbury — The Abbey — The Miraculous Thorn Bush — The ruins — French prisoners — Sher- bourne — Cadbury Camp — The Pen Pitts — Alfred's Tower — Stowey — Enmore Castle —Taunton — Bristol — An election meeting 71-88 CHAPTER VIL 57-70 A CANADIAN AT OXFORD, 1812. Bristol — Jacobs' Glass Manufactory — The Play — Braham — His songs — King's Staffordshire Ware — Process of manufacture — Bath — A gay place — London — Price of Canadian flour — Timber — Rate of freight— Journey to Oxford— Dr. Jenner's house — Berkeley Castle — The Dungeon — Curious furnitui'e — Gloucester — The Cathe- dral — The Oxford coach — General Le ITovre — Oxford- - Wadham College — Christ College — Radcliff Library — Magdalen College — -Oriel College — Queen's College — High Street — Dinner in Hall— Chapel — The Museum. 89-103 Contents. chapter viii. london and woolwich. Covent Garden — Ridsdale Hamilton and Coltman — Lieu- tenant-Governor Gore — Hi.s London house — News from York — Mr. Firth — Governor Gore's opinion of Canada — Riots in England-- The Cause — The Play — Lord Mayor's ball — Canadian aOairs — H. J. Boulton — Mr. Firth — The Canadian prisoners in France — News from York — English politics — Price of Flour — Joseph Will- cocks — Highgate — Spencer Perceval — Trade news — Execution of Belliimliam- -A London rout — Kensing- ton Gardens — Prospect of war with the States — Wool- wich—Colonel Pilkingtou 104-124 II CHAPTER IX. FIRST NOTES OF THE WAR, 1812. Causes of War — Orders in Council — Right of Search — American .sympathy with France — Population of Canada and United States — Number of regular troops — Militia Act — Voltigour.s — Uniform — Letter of Lieu- tenant Ridout — Preparations for war — York Volun- teers — An election, 1812 — War declared CHAPTER X. 125-131 OPENIN(; OF FIRST CAMl'AKiN-MICHILLIMACKINAC DETROIT, 1S12. Map showing Baltle-Ground . . opp. American plan of attack — General IJrock's lirst orders — Michillimackinac — Surrender of the fort — The Indian allies — Tecumseh — General Hull — Crossing to Canada — His proclamation — Colonel Proctor — Skirmishes — General lluil's withdrawal — Parliam»'!it at York — General Crock's address — The reply — OtV to the war — Brock's l(old plan — Fort Detroit — Demand for sur- render — Hull's reply — Preparations for assault— Fire from battery— Surrender — Spoils of war — Description 132 ' Contents. of Brock's appearance — Impressive scene — General Brock's return — Arrival at York — Addresses of Wel- come — The Armistice — Renewal of hostilities. 132-U7 CHAPTER XT. QUEEENSTON HEIGHTS, OCTOBER, 1812. Brock's forces — York Volunteers — 13th October, Battle of Queenston Heights — Letter of a York Volunteer — General Brock — His last ride — The ambushed Ameri- cans — Capture of battery— General Brock's rally — His death — Heroic advance of Volunteers — Repulse — Colonel McDonell's death — General SheafFe's arrival — More American troops — SheafFe's attack — Reinforce- ments for Canadians — Rout of Americans — Dreadful slaughter — The flag of truce — Surrender of American army — 900 prisoners — The honour roll — Bombardment of Fort Niagara — Its evacuation — Letter from Lieuten- ant Ridout— The Burial of Brock lis 1 GO )-131 132 CHAPTER XII. END OF FIRST CAMPAIGN, 1812. Sheaffe's armistice — Another invasion—General Smythe's army — Crossing at Black Rock — Battery taken by Americans — Charge of Volunteers — Recapture of bat tery — Retreat of enemy — General Smytlie's pusillani- mity — Invasion abandoned — Army of the Nortii — En- gagement at Lacolle— The enemy's mistake — Americans retire to Plattsburg — Results of first campaign — Meet- ing of Parliament — Letter from York — The lio/jal George — Great preparations tn* next campaign — Americal naval force- -B^'igates building at York. lGl-171 CHAPTER XUl. SECOND CAMPAIGN.-FRENCHTOWN, OGDENSBURG, YORK. l.si;». Position of invading armies — Frenchtown — Captui'o of General Winchester — Proctor's success — The St. La-./- rencefrontier — Takingof Ogdensburg — Col. McDouell- - Contents. Parliament at York — General SheaflFe's address — Open- of navigation — Expedition against York — Its defen- ders — Humber Bay— Landing of Americans — Hot fight — Sheaffe's retreat — Explosion of Magazine — Death of General Pike — Americans take possession of town — Prisoners of war — Letter from Thomas G. Ridout — York after capitulation 172-186 CHAPTER XIV. FORT GEORGE, STONEY CREEK, BEAVER DAMS, 1813. General Dearborn's army — Off to Niagara — American force —Fort George — Arrival of Chauncey — Bombardment of Fort George — The attack — The evacuation — The re- treat — Burlington Heights — Sir James Yeo — General Prevost— Sackett's Harbour — Failure of attack — The Niagara Frontier — American pursuit — Arrival at Stoney Creek — Harvey's plan — The midnight attack — Charge with the bayonets — Surprise of Americans — Their defeat — Retreat — Vincent's report — Flight of Americans — Booty taken — General Dearborn's posi- tion — Another reverse for him — Beaver Dams — Laura Secord — Her warning — Fitzgibbon's ruse — Boerstler's surrender — Attack on Fort Schlosser — Attack on Black 1 ; ock — Stores captured - Colonel Bishopp's death. 1 87-202 ^(i CHAPTER XV. CHAUNCEY'S FI,EET-THE CAMP, SUMMER, 1813. Letters from camp — ,A skirmish at Niagara — Chauncey's fleet — Unsuccessful attempt on Burlington Heights — Second capture of York — Burning the barracks — Fire seen from Niagara — Americans cooped in Fort George — Mr. Ilidout's diary — Movements of fleet— Two Ameri- can vessels sink — Two are captured — Another skirmish at Niagara — Colonel Harvey's exploit — Camp at Four- Mile Creek— Foraging for supplies — Unwelcome visit- ors — Sickness of army 203-213 Contents. CHAPTER XVI. NAVAL FIGHT, LAKE ERIE, SEPTEMBER, 1813. General Proctor — The Detroit frontier — Fort Meigs — Slaughter of American troops — Indian atrocities — Sandusky — Fleet on Lake Erie — Barclay and Perry — 10th September — Barclay's defeat — Important results — Gloom and consternation through Canada — -Letters from camp at Niagara — Sickness and desertion. 214-228 CHAPTER XVII. TECUMSEH, BATTLE OP' THE THAMES, OCTOBER, 1813. After Barclay's defeat — General Harrison's advance — Tecumseh's advice — Proctor's panic — Battle of the Thames — Proctor's flight — Spoils of Americans — Fall of Tecumseh — His body not found — His burial-place not known 229-236 CHAPTER XVIII. CHATEAU GUAY, CHRYSLER'S FIELD, OCTOBER, NOVEMBER, 1813 Letter from Burlington Heights — Gloomy times — Proctor's retreat — Proposed attack on Montreal— General Wilkin- son's plans— The Niagara peninsula in peril — McClure at Fort George — Raids on inhabitants -Wilkinson's army — The descent of the St. Lawrence — An Invincible Armada — Letter from Kingston — Defeat of Hampton at Chateauguay — Morrison's march — Wilkinson's letter — Hampton's reply — Letter from Prescott — Battle of Chrysler's field— Lieutenant-Colonel Harvey's letter — Defeat of Americans — Letter from Montreal — With- drawal of American army from Canada '237-2^)7 CBAPTER XL\. EIRE AND SWORD, DECEMBER, 1813. General Druramond's arrival— Effect of Wilkinson's defeat — General McClure abandons Fort George — Burning of Newark — Colonel Murray's advance — 18th December Contents. — Taking of Fort Niagara — Retaliation — Desolation of frontier — Taking of Buffalo — Its total destruction — Results of campaign of 1813— Victory for Canadians. 258-264 CHAPTER XX. THIRD YEAR OF WAR, LACOLLE, OSWEGO, 1814. The veteran troops — The American Generals — Meeting of Parliament at York — Congratulatory speech — Review of campaign by General Drummond — Two renegade members — Letter from Quebec — Letter from Prescott — Supplies for army — Cattle from the States — Colonel Chapin — Letter from York — Letter from Cornwall — Wilkinson's movements — Sherwood's raid — Letter from Cornwall — Rations — The fight at Lacolle — Wilkinson's discomfiture — Letter from York— The (Canadian fleet — Letter from Cornwall — Movement of troops — Commis- sariat expenditure — Navigation opened — Attack on Oswego — Letter from York — Letter from Cornwall — Prices of Provisions 265-282 CHAPTER XXI. FORT ERIE, CHIPrEWA, LUNDY'S LANE, 1814. American plans for c.unpaign — Commands of Secretary of War — Attack and capture of Fort Erie — Advance on Chippewa — l^attle there — Defeat of Canadians — Gen- eral Riair.s retreat — Arrival of Wounded at York — Letter from York — Desci'iption of battle — Gloomy prospects — After the battle — Americans advance on Queenston — Raids on inhabitants — Burning of St. David's — l>rown's disappointment — Non-arrival of Chaunoey — Americans retire to Chippewa — General Riall's troops — Arrival of General , Drummond at Nia- gara — Disposition of troops — Advance of Generals Drummond and Uiall — Luiidy's Lane— The struggle for the hill — A fight in the dark — Fearful carnage — The Americans retire — Drummond's report — Brown's re- port — Letter from York, 2nd August 283-301 Contents. CHAPTER XXII. FORT ERIE, YORK, MACKINAW, AUGUST, 1814. After the battle — The Airericausin Fort Erie — Strengthen- ing the works — Genei i Drumiuond's plans — A night assault — An entrance effected — Lieutenant-Colonel Drummond — His heroism — The fatal explosion — Killed and wounded — Letter from York — The defenceless town — The enemy's vessels — An attack expected — News from Mackinaw 302 316 CHAPTER XXIII. LAKE CHAMPLAIN, PLATTSBURCx, SEPTEMBER, 1814. Letters from Cornwall — Lake Champlain — Sir George Pre- vost's plans — Great preparations — His advance on Plattsburg — His fatal delay — The battle on Lake Cham- plain— Capture of the British fleet — Retreat of General Prevost — Failure of expedition 317-326 CHAPTER XXIV. LAST DAYS OF THE WAR— AUTUMN, 1814, 1815. After Plattsburg — Americans elated — The Niagara frontier — Generals Brown, Porter, Ripley — Sortie from Fort Erie — Attack on Canadian 1 latteries — Repulse of Americans — The rainy season — Retirement to winter quarters — December, 1814 — Treaty of Ghent— Peace, February, 1815 31 3S Contents. APPENDIX. Portrait of Hon. Thomas Ridout opp. 339 Tlioraas Ridout's journey from Annapolis to Fort Pitt, 1787 — Letters of introduction from General Washington, General Lee, Colonel Marshall — Over the Alleghanies by Braddock's trail — Arrival rt Fort Pitt — Starts *or Ken- tucky, March, 1788— The River Ohio— Wheeling— Fort Harnier — Limestone — On the way to the Falls of Ohio — The Indians appear — The attack — The capture — The other captives — Devoted to death — A night of anguish — The next morning — Mr. Ridout's life spared-- The march — A friend in need — The great Miami — The en- campment — Nenessica — On the way again — A painful march — Arrival at the village — Strange ceremony — The reception — Kakinathucca — Metsigemewa — Altowesa — Another journey — A novel dress — Through the forest — To the Wabash — The Council — Life or death — To be ransomed — The little books — An Indian vocabulary—On the march again — The White river — Another prisoner — ^His fate — Death by torture — Blood-thirsty Indians — In great danger— To Detroit on horseback — Enemies in pursuit — Saved by the squaws — Blue Jacket — Great Snake^Another Council — Saved again— Arrival at Fort Miami — Kind reception — (in the Miami river — Arrival at Detroit — Captain McKee — 53rd Regiment — Fort Erie, 1788 — Arrival at Montreal — Fate of other prisoners ....... 339-375 Map (1788) showing Routes before and after Capture . opp, 344 Fac-simile of Letter of George Washington ...... 372 Letter from Marquis de Lafayette '>>, . . 373 Letters from General Harry Lee \ . 373-374 A Vocabulary of the Shawanese Language 376-381 Index \: 382 339 INTRODUCTION. 375 344 372 373 [374 381 382 DAETLY to interest the members of a family, and ^ partly for the sake of preserving, for future his- torians of Canada, some additional records of a memor- able time, the publication of these letters was taken in hand. If the explanatory notes have grown to a modest volume, it is because it is thought that the reader may, perhaps, share the absorbing interest the writer felt in tracing the historical bearing of the in- cidents referred to in the letters. They range over a period from 1805 to 1815, and give a faithful picture of an epoch of Canadian History, which, overshadowed as it was at the time by the great events then passing in Europe, has now a deeper significance for us Cana- dians than the contemporary triumphs of Salanumca and Waterloo. The earlier letters are simple ones, written by school-boys to their father, with his replies ; but so small was society in Upper Canada, that almost all the names mentioned are, in some way or other, interwo- ven v/ith its history. The letters from England in 1811, and 1812 are placed in the collection because they relate to the state of affairs there, and bring vividly before us the condi- tion of both England and Canada, just prior to the de- ^aam ■I Introduction. .11 I claration of war by the United States. The pictures these letters give of the times in which they are written are the impressions of u, youth striving to chronicle for father and mother, in distant Canada, events of the great world beyond the sea. We see London in the days of the Eegency, when ISapoleon ruled Europe, and Wellington was earning his first laurels, when Siddons still reigned at Drury Lane, and Scott and Byron walked through London streets. Now and then flit across the pages the names of the great personages of the day, and Yauxhall is lighted up at a birthday fete for the Duke of Clarence, and the little Princess Charlotte drives through Kensington Gardens on a Sunday afternoon ; and there are a Lord Mayor's show, and a Mansion House ball, and many other festivities, which, to a young Canadian whose life had been spent in " Little York," seemed very wonderful. We are told, too, of the famine and dis- tress that then prevailed in England from the stoppage of the trade of the country, and of the smothered dis- content of the people at the Ministry of the day, whose " Orders in Council," they thought, had caused the trouble. Then the scene changes, and the next letters are full of details of battles fought and hardships endured, when Canada was a battle-lield, and the whole land from the St. Clair to Quebec was in peril. There is so much to be proud of in the war of 1812, that its events cannot be too strongly dwelt upon ; not in order to stir up old animosities, nor to revive a spirit of antagonism towards our kin beyond the border, but to inspire every Canadian with a feeling of pride in Introduction. bis country, and of grateful admiration for those who saved the land in its hour of need. As we have reached the last decade of our century, it is well to look back on those footprints stained with blood, that marked its beginning?. The shores of Lake Erie, of Huron, and of Ontario, the banks of the Niagara and the St. Lawrence, are full of associations for those who have followed the fortunes of the little band of heroes, that for three years held the frontier against enormous odds. Every home in the land gave husband, or brother, or son, to the country's service, and had it not been for the martial spirit aroused in the people, the efforts of the small body of regular soldiers then in Canada, would have been useless. It is not intended in this chronicle to give a minute history of the war, which would include many other gallant fights on land and sea. The public events, described in the letters, form the thread of the story, and lead us on from scene to scene, in the tangled web of the drama ol " The Three Years' War." The details given in the letters are the more valu- able, because, of that time there are but few contem- porary records preserved. There was no daily paper then, no local reporter to picture each passing event. There are but few survivors now of those who bore a part in the gallant deeds, and bitter trials, that distin- guished the first years of this century in Canada. " Here is the land, Shaggy with wood, With its old valley, Mound, and flood, But the heritors ! Fled like the flood's foam." ; I if !! Introduction. It has been a labour of love to collect these memo- rials of an honoured father. Perhaps their publication may lead other descendants of the pioneers of this country to search in dusty boxes, and ancient desks, for other records of these " days that are no more." :r: TEN YEARS OF UPPER CANADA. CHAPTEE I. A HUNDRED YEARS AGO. "The great eventful Present hides the Past; but through the din Of its loud life, hints and echoes from the life behind ■steal in. " Thomas Kidout, to or by whom the greater part of these letters was written, settled w^ith his family in York, now Toronto, in 1797, and was therefore identi- Hed with the place from its earliest years. He was an Englishman by birth, from Sherbourne, Dorsetshire, where his forefathers had lived peaceful and unevent- ful lives. An elder brother of his had emigrated to Maryland in the old colonial days, had acquired a large property there, and also held an important position in the Government of that State. To this brother, Thomas, then twenty years of age, was sent in the year 1774. Of perils by land and perils by sea, during the stormy days of the Revolution, the young man had his full share, and a quaint account of bis many adven- tures is still preserved in his own handwriting. The obnoxious *' tea duty " was still unrepealed, and in Boston and other colonial ports, scenes of riot and 2 10 Ten Years of Upper Canada. ■ violence occurred whenever a tea cargo arrived. Mr. Ridout's first danger on landing arose from tlie '* tea duty," and is told in his diary in the following lan- guage :— I took leave of my parents for the last time and embarked in the Downs, the 4th September, 1774, for New York, where I arrived after seven weeks' passage. In this vessel went also, as passenger, the merchant who had shipped, a few weeks before, some tea to Annapolis, in Maryland, against the express rules of the Convention, then sitting at Annapolis. His anxiety on his arrival was, I perceived, very great, but two days passing away, and hearing no news of his tea, he flattered himself that all things were well. The arrival of the post, however, undeceived him. He learned that his tea and vessel had been burnt by an enraged populace, and that in consequence of it his life was in danger. In an hour's time New York was in quest of him. He escaped, but I was in danger of feeling the effects his indiscretion, to say no worse of it; for hav- ing, since our arrival, been always in his company, and lodging together, I was by many looked on as an accomplice, and, as such, was forbidden entrance to the house where I lodged. A gentleman, Hugh Wal- lace, who was a member of the King's Council, and an acquaintance of my brother, hearing of my arrival, pro- tected me, and by his attentions I was secured from insult. His Maryland brother provided him with capital to engage in trade with the West Indies and France ; sugar, tobacco and wine were his merchandise, and Sindbad the Sailor's ventures were scarcely more ex- citing ; for on the high seas betw^een the years 1775 and 1785, each trading vessel had to run the gauntlet of A Hundred Years Ago. 11 privateers bent on capturing prizes, and many a time an exciting chase helped to break the monotony of a sea voyage. In the year 1787, he set off from his brother's house in Annapolis, Maryland, on a journey to the western settlements of Kentucky. On the way, how- ever, he and his party were taken prisoners by a party of Shawanese Indians on the Ohio, and most of his companions were slain. His life was spared, either on account of an extraordinary liking with which he in- spired one of his savage captors, who thenceforward became his protector, or because he was the bearer of letters of introduction from General Washington to General Scott, from Colonel Lee to General St. Clair ; and to other well-known men in the western settlement.* These letters, which were examined by the Indian inter- preters, may have caused the Indians to expect a ransom. It is not the place here to describe Mr. liidout's adventures;! suffice it to say, that, after a captivity of four months, he was brought to Detroit, then an Eng- lish garrison. Here the officers of the 53rd regiment received him as a brother, clothed him, filled his purse, and as the regiment was about leaving for Montreal, they invited him to accompany them thither. On the way they stopped at Fort Erie and Niagara, and at the latter place were ospitably entertained by Colonel * The originals of these letters are now in possession of his grandson, Thomas Ridout, C.E., Ottawa. "^ See Appendix for his own narrative of his Indian captivity. .iT^- 12 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Mi Hunter, of the 60th, who commanded a battalion there. This officer was afterwards Lieutenant-Gov- ernor of Upper Canada and Commander-in-chief of the forces in both Canadas. They arrived in Montreal about the middle of July, 1788, and Mr. Ridout was kindly received, as his old journal relates, by Sir John Johnson, Captain Grant, and Lord Dorchester, then Governor- General, residing at Quebec. A hundred years ago Montreal was both a lively and hospitable place, as witness the cards of invitations to dinners, hops and assen^\>lies which are still extant. The '' engaging stranger," as Mr. Ridout is named in a Montreal Gazette of August 21st, 1788, soon determined to cast his lot in Canada. On the 26th of May, 1789, he married Mary Campbell, daughter of Alexander Campbell, a U. E. Loyalist, settled at the Bay of Quinte. Soon after he received an ap- pointment in the Commissariat Department and re- moved to Newark, now Niagara. As an example of what offices were held by one person in those early days, the following list is given of Mr. Ridout's different employments : — 1792 — In the Commissary Department under Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe. 1793— In the Surveyor-General's Office ; D. W. Smith then being Surveyor-General. In 1794— PubHc Notary. In 1794 — Sergeant-at-Arms to the House of Assem- bly. li A Hundred Years Ago. 13 In 1796 — Registrar of County of York. In 1797 — Removed to York, seat of Government. In 1799 — Appointed Captain of York Militia. In 1800 — Clerk of the Peace for Home District, Clerk of the District Court. 1799 to 1800 — Joint Acting Surveyor-General with Mr. Chewett. Again from 180^ to 1805 — Joint Acting Surveyor- General with Mr. Chewett. 1807 — Joint Acting Surveyor-General, on suspen- sion of Mr. Wyatt, who had been appointed Surveyor- General in 1805, and was dismissed by Lieutenant- Governor Gore. 1810 — Survey or- General of Upper Canada. 1811 — Commissioner on Claims to Land. 1812 — Elected Member of Parliament for West Riding of York; Member of Corporation for Manage- ment of Clergy Reserves ; Member of Board for General Superintendence of Education. 1823 — Member of Board of Claims for Losses during war. 1824 — Called to seat in Legislative Council, Upper Canada. 1827 — Member of original Board of King's College, Upper Canada. Mr. Ridout was, therefore, closely associated with the early history of Upper Canada, and his letters may well take their place among the few records we have of those primitive days. The scene opens at York in 1805, when Mr. Francis Gore was Lieutenant-Governor. Mr. Strachan's school had just been opened at Corn- ppn vmm. amm 14 Ten Years of Upper Canada. wall, and there Mr. Ridout's eldest son, George, was sent in 1805, and his second son, Thomas Gihhs, in 1806. A father's love placed their boyish letters carefully away, and in fair round hand each tells its little tale. York, at this date, is thus described by a traveller, showing what strides it had made in the ten years since Governor Simcoe selected it for the seat of (xovernment : — A long and narrow peninsula, distinguished by the appellation of Gibraltar Point, forms and embraces the harbor, securing it from the storms of the lake, and rendering it the safest of any around the coast of that sea of fresh water. Stores and block-houses are constructed near the extremity of this point. A spot called the garrison stands on the bank of the main- land opposite this point, and consists only of a wooden block-house and some small cottages of the same material, little superior to temporary huts. The house in which the Lieutenant-Governor resides is likewise formed of ,wood in the figure of a half-square of one story in height, with galleries in the centre. It is sufficiently commodious for the present state of the Province, and is erected upon a bank of the lake near the mouth of Toronto Bay. The town, according to the plan, is projected to extend to a mile and a half in length, from the bottom of the harbor along its banks. Many houses are already completed, some of which display a considerable degree of taste. The advance- ment of this place to its present condition has been effected within the lapse of six or seven years ; and persons who have formerly travelled in this part of the country are impressed with sentiments of wonder on beholding a town, which may be termed handsome, reared as if by enchantment in the midst of a wilder- A Hundred Years Ago. 15 ness. Two buildings of brick, at the eastern ex- tremity of the town, which were designed as wings to a centre, are occupied as Chambers for the Upper and Lower House of Assembly. The scene from this part of the basin is agreeable and diversified. A block-house situated on a wooden bank forms the nearest object ; part of the town, points of land clothed with spreading oak-trees gradually receding from the eye one behind another, until terminated by the buildings of the garrison and the spot on which the Governor's residence is placed, compose the objects on the right. The left side of the view com- prehends the long peninsula which encloses this sheet of water, beautiful on account of its placidity and rotundity of form ; the distant lake, which appears only bounded by the sky, terminates the whole.* See Heriot's "Travels through the Canadas, 1807." 16 Ten Years of Upper Canada. CHAPTER II. it LITTLE YORK — CORNWALL SCHOOL, 1803-1809. The first letter, dated Cornwall, 17th September, 1805, is from George Ridout to his brother, and says : — I have been eight days on my journey from York and was frightened a little coming down the rapids. Mr. Strachan has received me, I stay at Mr. Van- koughnet's. The next letter is from Thomas G. Ridout to his brother at Cornwall, and mentions festivities in York during the winter of 1805-1806. York, Idth January, 1806. Dear George, — We received yesterday your letter of the 8th January. There is to be a ball given by President Grant on Monday, the 20th. There have been three balls given this winter, to two of which papa and mamma have been. Whilst they are gone Basil stays to take care of the house and amuses the children with stories until 11 or 12 o'clock. The reason why papa and mamma did not go to the last ball was that Basil got drunk, and did not come, so mamma would not go, because she was afraid of leaving the house alone. I send this letter to you by a man named McFee, who is going through to Cornwall, and sets off the day after to-morrow. I should like to know how you and Sam. Jarvis and John Macaulay and John Robinson agree. There has been very little carioling Little York— Cornwall School, 1805- 1809. 17 hitherto, but I hope there will be, as it is snowing pretty well to-day. The word " carioling " seems to have been generally used, where we in Canada would now speak of " sleighing." The "John Kobinson " mentioned became the dis- tinguished Sir John Beverley Robinson, Chief Justice of Upper Canada. It is rather amusing to read now of assemblies and balls, considering the limited society and sparse popula- tion of the little town. However, even as far back as 1798, old invitations still remain to testify to the social qualities of the early inhabitants of York. Official dinners took place at an earlier hour than nowadays, as the following card shows : — Thursday, 28th June, 1798. The President requests Mr. Ridout's company to dinner to-morrow (Friday), at 4 o'clock. " The President " was doubtless Hon. Peter Russell, on whom devolved the government of Canada on the recall of General Simcoe in 179G, and who continued administrator until the arrival of General Hunter, in 1799. The following is another card of that early period : — Sunday, 2Uh January. Major Shank requests the honour of Mr. Ridout's company to Dinner and the Hop on Thursday next. ( 18 Ten Years of Upper Canada. A third invitation runs thus : — The officers of the Queen's Kangers request the honour of Mr. Ridout's company to a Ball on Friday evening next, at the Canvas House. Wei>nesday Morning, 11th December, 1799. This "Canvas House" once belonged to the cele- brated Captain Cook, and was bought by Lieutenant- Governor Simcoe at the sale in England of the un- fortunate mariner's effects. When Governor Simcoe selected York as the capital, the canvas tent became his temporary residence. It is not quite certain where it was placed, but its site was probably to the west of the town, near the old Garrison Creek. It IS thus described by a well-known writer. Colonel Bouchette : — Frail as was its substance, it was rendered exceed- ingly comfortable, and soon became as distinguished for the social and urbane hospitality of its venerated and gracious host, as for the peculiarity of its struc- ture. From George Ridout to his Parents : — Cornwall, 27th January, 1806. We intend to send these letters by Mr. Steele, who is going to-morrow morning, and who comes down every winter to see his son Abraham. We have three or four new scholars, all of them are bigger than Mr. Strachan. There is one who has come from Kingston, his name is Wm. Grant. Mr. Steele had promised all the boys who came from Kingston a ride, but unfortunately the cariole got broke. We came on Little York — Cornwall School, 1805-1809. 19 pretty well in Sallust and we have begun Euclid. Mr. Strachan has given us books. Washburne and I have one between us. The Euclid we have is Sim- son's. Tom comes on well in his ciphering and book- keeping, and is at the head of his reading class, which is a large one, consisting of twelve or fourteen boys. He seems to be a great favourite of Mr. Strachan's, of which some of the boys are jealous. He always has his tasks very well and never tries to iind excuses for any, as some of them do. Mr. Strachan asked us to- night whether Tom had rather be called Tom than Tarn, as he generally calls him. Tom told him which, and Mr. Strachan laughed, and when he laughs he laughs heartily. It has been very cold lately and ice has come in great quantities down the river, it has raised the water eig:ht or ten feet. Mrs. Chewett was not buried at St. liegis as we thought she was, but back at the River au Raisin. William and James stay at Mr. Wilkinson's, who has three or four boarders. From George Ridout to his Brother: — CoiiNWALL, 2Uh February, 1806. I received your letter of the 18tli January on the 12th of this month, but have had no opportunity to answer it until this morning, when there is a Scotch- man going to York, by whom I am writing. We have had a mild winter here, and the river has not been stopped with ice. I hear that Mr. Weekes has been making great work. There has been a report here that D'Arcy Boulton and Jos. Willcocks were going to fight a duel, but Mr. Willcocks was afraid. I would like to hear whether it was true. We have had church three or four times in our new church, and I understand that yours is only clap-boarded. The first pew went for £30, Halifax cy., and the second for .£24, Halifax cy., and the whole amounts to £500, Halifax cy. wmm wmm mm 20 Ten Years of Upper Canada. The next letter is from the father, and mentions an item of political news. York, "illh November, 1806. My Dear Boys, — This is to you both, by an opportmiity I have just met with of a man going to the Bay of Quinte and from thence to Kingston, for I do not apprehend we shall have any more opportuni- ties for Kingston by water this season. The election for a member in the place of Mr. Weekes will come about the Christmas holidays. Mr. Thorpe, Captain Fulton and young D'Arcy Boulton are the present known candidates. The Parliament is to meet on the second of February next. The new election spoken of in this letter was occasioned by the death of Mr. Weekes, who was killed in a duel with Mr. Dickson, of Niagara, in 1806. The East Biding of York, Durham and Simcoe, was rather unfortunate in the tragical fate of its members, the one who preceded Mr. Weekes having gone down with the vessel Speedy, sunk in Lake Ontario, with all on board, in 1804. The Mr. Thorpe mentioned as a candidate, was Judge Thorpe, one of the puisne Judges of Upper Canada. By becoming a champion of the people he fell under the displeasure of Lieutenant-Governor Gore and the Government party. According to their code no criticism was to be permitted on their acts, however unjust and tyrannical they might be. The complaints of the people found expression in memorials from the grand juries to Judge Thorpe — the "Radical Judge," as Little York — Cornwall School, 1805- 1809. 21 he was called — to be by him laid before the Governor. In the election spoken of in the letter Mr. Thorpe was successful, and with his election came the dawn of party politics in Upper Canada, and an organized Opposition. He was not, however, long allowed to hold his seat. Soon after his election, the Governor procured his recall to Great Britain, where he sued Mr. .Gore for libel and obtained a verdict. He, how- ever, never returned to Canada, and his subsequent history was a sad one. As a sort of recompense for his unjust recall, he was appointed Chief Justice of Sierra Leone. In that unhealthy climate his health broke down, and he returned to England bearing with him a petition from the people to the Ministry for the redress of certain grievances in that colony. For this second championship of the oppressed, his appointment as Chief Justice was cancelled, and he was left to pass the remainder of his days in poverty and obscurity. The next letters from Cornwall school shew that the course of study there was rather a severe one, and the boys had to sit up very late to prepare their lessons. Cornwall, 10th January, 1807. My Dear Parents, — I am afraid you maybe angry with us for not writing for so long a time, but there have been no opportunities. I come on middling well, and am going into book-keeping on Monday. I got a quire of paper to-day from Mr. Strachan, to make my m T? 22 Ten Years of Upper Canada. ])Ook. Mr. Strachan has not struck me yet, nor has he been angry. We have finished our grammar and are learning it by heart every morning. It is very cold weather here and excellent sleighing, and very fine skating for the boys who have skates. It is snowing very fast now. We had about a week's play at Christ- mas and now and then half-days, but very seldom. The boys say that Mr. Strachan is going down to Que- bec to see the Bishop in June, and that the vacation will be then. The boys had a frolic upon the ice yesterday with three pecks of apples which Stanton bought, and after his apples wore gone they were as bad as ever teasing him. We stay up every night till about twelve or one o'clock and we have got so used to it that we don't mind it. We repeat four problems a week, and I am two from head. The day after New Year's Judge Anderson invitedsixteenof the boys down there, and George and I were of them. He threw about a bushel of apples to scramble for now and then, and 1 got as many as I could carry, and half a bushel of hickory nuts; and they had a dance, and all the boys danced except Kobert Anderson, his grandson, and I. George danced very well. I am, my dear parents, Your affectionate son, Thomas G. Eidout. ^1 i. A letter from Cornwall school on the 18th January, 1807, says :— Since I have been in book-keeping I have had to stay up until two o'clock in the morning. Sam Jarvis learns his lessons well, and he and Stanton are almost always head of their class. The following letter from Mr. Ridout, York, to his Little York — Cornwall School, 1805- 1809. 28 lo Is t sons continues the story of Mr. Thorpe's election, and also mentions Mr. Wyatt's return to England. This Mr. Wyatt had been appointed Surveyor- General in 1806, and had fallen under the displeasure of Lieu- tenant-Governor Gore about the same time that Mr. Thorpe did. Some say it was because of his advocacy of Mr. Thorpe's cause, another reason assigned is that he disapproved of some irregular purchase of land from the Indians. However it might be, he was dis- missed and returned to England. Mr. Ridout to his son, George: — York, IHth February, 1807. I have received by Mr. Sherwood your letters of the 12th, 18th and 27th January, together with one from Mr. Strachan, who speaks highly of your and your brother's good conduct and progress in education, than which nothing can afford me greater pleasure. Mr. St. George sets off to-morrow for New Y'ork, and I have commissioned him to buy a Euclid for you. I shall not send your book that you left behind. If Mr. Strachan asks for it, tell him where it is, and if absolutely necessary, I will send it at the opening of communication by water. I have the pleasure to in- form you that I am much in favor with the Governor. He has given me a new commission of Sergeant-at- Arms, so that I can execute that office by deputy. Mr. Wyatt and his wife set out for Ji^ngland about a fortnight ago by way of New York. There have been great differences between them, insomuch that he has frequently tied her hands to the bed-posts, and confined her in the cellar, with other harsh treatment. Mr. Thorpe has hitherto retained his seat in the House, but since Mr. Sherwood's arrival I understand that 24 Ten Years of Upper Canada. I I s the right of a judge to sit therein will be again debated. Mr. Abraham Nelles and his wife, formerly Miss Kitty Ball, have been at our house these five days. I write this at the table of the House of Assembly, intending to send it by the post or a Mr. Koxborough, a mer- chant of Montreal, who both intended setting out to- day, but the weather is so exceedingly stormy with snow, rain and wind that I apprehend neither will move. ''t Anitenj of American news now comes: Mr. Burr, it is said, is gone from Kentucky to New Orleans, with 5000 or 6000 men. Political disputes in the States runs very high. You have, no doubt, heard of Bonaparte's success in Europe. Time is big with great events, but the mind who takes reason for its guide and places its dependence on an all- wise Providence is prepared for all events which the Creator of the universe is pleased to send. Aaron Burr, an ex- Vice-President of the United States, had formed a plan to seize the territory west of the AUeghanies, and to establish there an in- dependent empire, of which New Orleans was to be the capital, and himself the chief. He was arrested in February, 1807, and tried on a charge of treason. Though acquitted, his escape was so narrow, and his fears of renewed prosecution so great, that he sailed for Europe under an assumed name and remained there for several years in exile and poverty. As to Napoleon Bonaparte's successes, he had at the time (1807), just succeeded in bestowing the crown of Hoi- Little York — Cornwall School, 1805-1809. '^6 land on his brother Louis, and the crown of Naples on his brother Joseph. He had won the battle of Jena, and entered Berlin, whence he had issued his famous "Decrees" against British commerce, hoping to ruin England by shutting out her ships from every port. From Thomas G. Ridout, to his Father : — Cornwall, IQth Jime, 1807. Mr. Strachan is building a new school-house, about 40 feet by 30. It is to be arched, and there are twelve windows in it. In the meantime he keeps school in the church. I am now in the surveying class, and Mr. Strachan gives us a figure to work every night. We have made ourselves quadrants out of cherry-wood, which cost us two shillings to be made smooth, and we are now in Euclid, Gth book, which id the furthest Mr. Strachan teaches his boys. He knows to the 12th. We are now making preparations for the examination, wliich will be five weeks from to-day. Some have to make their own speeches, and I among the number. The question is. Whether general His- tory or Biography is the most useful ? Mr. Strachan has now been married nearly two months, he lives in great style, and keeps three servants. He is a great friend to the poor, and spends his money as fast as he gets it. He is very passionate. These letters from school at Cornwall recall the form of Mr. Strachan, afterwards Anglican Bishop of the Province of Upper Canada, who at that time, 1807, had been about three years installed at Corn- wall, and who lived to see some of the boys he ruled over become the foremost men of the Province. 8 11 f: f 26 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Mr. Strachan was born at Aberdeen, on the 12th of April, 1778, and was educated at the grammar school and university of that place. In 1797, he commenced to teach in the little village of King's Kettle. At this time he received the offer, through Hon. liichard Cart- wright and Robert Hamilton, to proceed to Canada to organize and take charge of a college, which Governor Simcoe had determined to establish at York, the seat of government in Upper Canada. Unfortunately, when the young Scotchman arrived in Canada in the winter of 1799, Governor Simcoe had left the Pro- vince, and the scheme was, for the time, dropped. Mr. Strachan, much disappointed, remained in Kingston as tutor to Mr. Cartwright's cliildren. Here he lived for three years, and then decided to enter the English Church, and was ordained priest on the 3rd June, 1804, by Dr. Mountain, first Bishop of Quebec, and appoint- ed to the mission of Cornwall. In 1807, he married Ann, widow of James McGill, a lady of considerable fortune. Through his long life, and he lived until he was nearly ninety. Dr. Strachan watched over his boys. Many of them were married by him ; a kind pat on the head greeted their children as he passed them on the street, and every year, at stated times, all of his old pupils within reach were gathered round his hospitable board. Among the papers of Mr, Ridout was the following census of the Home District, which possesses much interest : — w I Little York — Cornwall School, 1805- 1809. 27 Numbers of Inhabitants returned by the Town Clerks of the Home District, Province of Upper Canada, taken in March, 1809 : ich I TOWNSHIP. Men. Women. Males 1 Females under IG under IG Total. years. years. Town of York Town.ship of York. Scarborough Etobicoko Pickerin"" 195 175 34 32 40 03 294 75 123 79 13 10 45 37 55 80 55 26 64 102 126 24 27 35 43 234 60 127 69 12 15 30 26 45 70 52 23 48 137 167 44 34 51 42 320 99 258 149 29 18 58 05 71 75 109 55 71 83 150 38 44 54 45 203 99 218 128 20 24 42 47 62 70 98 37 58 577 618 140 137 180 Wliitby Markhani 193 1111 Vaufliaii 333 Wliitechurch and Uxbridge East Gwillinibury . West Gwillinibury. North Gwillinibury Kinut by no means vulgar The friends thou hast, and their atloption tried. Grapple them to thy soul witli hooks of steel. But do not (hill thy palm with entertainment Of each new-hatch 'd, un(k>d;^f'd comrade. Beware Of entrance to a quarrel ; but, being in, Bear it, that th' opposod may beware of thee. Give every man tliine ear, but few tliy N'oice ; Take each man's censure, liut reserve thy judgment. Costly thy hahit as thy purse can buy, But not expres.sed in fancy ; rich, not <,'audy ; For th' apparel oft proclaims the man. . . Neither a borrower nor a lender be. For loan oft loses l)oth itself and friend. And borrowing dulls the edge of husbandry. Tliis above all, to flihw. own self he (nw, And it musu follow, as tiio night the day. Thou can'st not then be false to any man." r 50 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Mr. Firth goes from here in a day or two, and to his care f intend committing a packet for Quebec, enclosing one to Mr. Amyatt, etc. Nancy and Mary intend writing to you by the October fleet. You see, my dear hoy, tliat I write to you as though you were arrived in the hind of safety. The pubhc papers will inform yon of tlie pnblic news. Three parties of Indians, west of Lake Michigan, have come hither this summer. The Governor has only seen one party of them. A party of the St. Regis Indians are now here respecting their lands, on which subject I am directed, with Mr. Selby, to see tliem to-morrow. No money has yet arrived from Quebec, so that we are distressed for want of it. Government bills are dis- counted at twenty per cent. Gossip from London, i8ii. 67 CHAPTER V. GOSSIP FROM LONDON, 1811. From Thomof G .Ridont to hix lirofhr in York: — I^ONDox, 26//t September, 1811. J piu)MisKP to tell you how tho poor Canadian felt when London saw hun. After ridinj^ all the morning of the I8th nit. over Bagshot Heath, we arrived at the liiver ^J'hfinies, at a large hrick town called Staines. Here the river is not larger than the Don. It is twenty miles from London ; frojri thence we saw Windsor Cfistle, and the royal Hag flying. Next, entered upon Honnslow Heath, over which we rattled, and presently came to a long street, eight miles from Hyde Park Corner, and drove through a multitude of waggons, cofiches iind people in crowds. We drove through Hyde Pjirk gate in high style, with six fine horses, into Piccadilly. Th(; houses jire four or five stories high on earh side, liuilt of a lirown kind of i>rick ; the lower stories of the houses are jtotliing hut a long glass frairie, from one street to another, and so throughout the city, on hoth sides, and of tlu^ iaigest kind of glass, and the houses are sup))orted hy iron posts. The sides of the streets are paved with large, scpiare. Mat stones, and posts on eacii sid(^ to keep the carriages off; the middle with thick, oblong stones, and rounding, like our stones, but rather uiuddy. In the middle of the str(M'ts stood a long line of Hackney coa(dies waiting for employ- ment ; on eant out of the country. The silver is no longer the king's coin, hut is coined by the Bank of England into 5s., 3s. and eighteen-penny pieces, with these words on, *' Bank of England token;" 5s. passes for 5s. 6d., of such value is gold and silver, though it is only a Spanish dollar stamped over. All payuients are made in bank notes, these tokens and signs being only for change. Neither will the bank give you coin for their own notes, they having a law in their favour to tliat purpose. Sucli a time as this was never known in England. It is the universal murmur. Wliilst the British army in Portugal are supported at the rate of .t'85,000 per dieui, which is near thirteen millions a year, this country is groaning under intolerable taxes, and a debt which it would take a mountain of gold to pay off. It is now up- wards of c£ 7 00, 000, 000; but such a spring lias been given to all public works that it will recpiire something very extraordinary to make them lie by. Two or three times a montli either a ship of the line or a frigate is launched. All His Majesty's shins are very badly manned, though pressing of seamen was never carried on in such a tyrannical manner before. I had a bit of an adventure in that line myself, which you sliall have. When 1 left Plymouth on board the coach, I was dressed in my blue coat, blue trousers and black silk handkerchief. When we came to a town called Plympton, and were ])assing through a turnpike gate, we spied a boatswain and his gang l)earing down upon us. We accordingly stopj)e(l, they demanded if we had passes. The three Danes presently sliowed theirs — *' All's well." But l)eing dressed as a sailor, J expected something. The boatswain then hailed me. " Where is your pass ? " *' I have none," I answered. " Come down here." Down I came from the top, and stood before his tremendous majesty, the boatswain, and about fifteen of his old weather-beaten courtiers. " What ship are you from?" "The Sea Nymph/' "Very i! '■/. 1 'I i^ « «. '* ] t 60 Tp:n Years of Uppkr Canada. well ; where did you sail from ?" " Canada." *' Aye, aye, we knows where Candia is. It is in the East Indies. You were second mate or boatswain's niate, I suppose ?'' " Neither." " Then you must l)e before the mast?" "No." "Come, come, my lad, you can't sheer off; you must go witli us before the Admiral, on board the St. Salvador, in Plymouth Sound (130 guns)." I then opened my trunk, and showed them the Governor's letters. "Oh, sir, we are sorry for detaining you." "Yes," said the old coachman, " you may beg my pardon for detaining me this half hour." From Tluynia^ G. Ridoat to hitt Sister : — IjONDON, 2{ith Hepteniher, 181 J. 1 am now in the land of caps and b(mnets, kings and queens, dukes, rogues and princes ; but I am away from mother, father, brothers, sisters, home and delight, old Towser, Dolphin and all. The sea when it rolls mountains high, and the gale whistling through the rigging, seems more at rest tlian the famed city of London, bustling and rnttling crowds in all directions. The other day, when the balloon asc-nded, there were no less than 200,000 people on Hackn6\y (Ireen. One (5an never stop in the streets to look at anything. From Thovins G. Hidout to hia lirotiier in York , — London. 7ih Oclohfr. 1811. Last month we had a fanuius fair iu West Smith- field, called Bartholomew fair, which was kept up for four days and three nights without ceasing, by about thirty tbousjind of the greatest blackguards in L(mdon. I squeezed myself through it three or four times. The people were as close as a bundle of sti( ks. There were stages erected, [)lays acted, all sorts of wild beast shows, bands (if music, dancers, and swinging and riding imichines. Altogether it was a complete tumult. Gossip from London. i8ir. 61 s^li Last Sunday Mr. P^dmundson and I took a walk up the Thames to see the Royal Gardens of Kew and liiohmond. 'i'hey are of great extent, laid out in long, shaded, laurel walks,leading to elegant Chinese, Roman and Grecian temples. Dark groves of oak, pine and beech, small plots of grass surrounded by orange and olive trees, tulips, and every beautiful flower. On one side of the garden is tiie Royal Palace of Kew, built by George III., in the style of an ancient castle ; on the other, in the midst of a wood, rises a lofty Chinese pagoda of twelve stories, each story having a separate roof, such as you see on cups and saucers. After strolling about from temple to temple, and grove to castle, for two hours, I was very glad to bear away for dinner to the house of a gentleman of the name of Manning. We did not leave until late, and passed through London town at twelve o'clock. Here's a girl rolling her wheel-barrow along, crying, *' Who'll buy my nice walnuts, two shillings a hundred walnuts, very tine wa-alnuts." An old Negro with a powdered head a!id white waistcoat has just come through Jjondon yard with a pan of coals and a dish on top, with sausages, crying, " Hot, hot, hot." Now oomes the croaking of a string of Jews, '• Clo'es, clo'es, any old clo'es !" followed by some little sweeps with their brush, scraper and bag of soot, crying in shrill voices, ** Sweep, sweep, ho! " I nuist not write any more nonsense. h- br \\l u. lie From Thoman G. Rulout to It Is Father: — London, \Ofk October, ISIL (A^)^ received, vntil 22«(/ June, 1812.) I had tlievery great pleasure of receiving your letter of 31st July, on the 7th, also yours of the 11th August and I4th July. Concerning myself, I have not much to say at present. I don't think it likely that I shall get any employment for a while. The Government offices are filled with clerks and trade is 62 Tp:n Ykars of Upper Canada. i ]< r' \\ at a total stand. In July and August, the merchants made a desperate effort to get off their goods, and loaded eight hundred ships, which they sent to the Baltic for Russia, Sweden and Prussia, under an insurance of forty per cent. Some were lost on the seas, others taken hy privateers, and the remainder got into ports, where they were immediately seized and condemned. In consequence, most of the insurers at Lloyd's have failed, along with many ricli and reputable houses. Mr. Laroche has allowed me to attend liis r()m])ting house, and learn the nature of l)usiness. I do nothing, but learn a good deal. 1 have been with one of his clerks to the Ijondon and West India docks, the ware- houses of which are tilled with goods, and likely so to remain. Coffee, which last year sold for one hundred shillings and one hunch'ed and twenty shillings per cwt., sells now with ditliculty at thirty-five and forty shillings.. Whenevei- trade is mentioned, serious countenances and a shrug of the shoulders follow. I. & W. Jacobs failed for t'375,()00, and divide about five shillings in the pound. Last Saturdtiy, at a dinner, 1 got accpiainted with a gentleman who is Secretar}' to the lottery office, and lives in Somers(it House. To-morrow he has promised to show me how they cut tlio lottery tickets, and on Tuesday next will let me see thenj diavvn. This week he'll take me throughout Westminster Abbey, on Sun- day to Foundling Chapel, aiul then back to his house to dinner; he is a very respeciable old gentleman. T think that Mr. Firth will repent leaving Canada, where, if he had remained a few months longer, the Governor would have left him without a master. That Mr. Jackson will endeavor to lie elected a member, I think is very probaljle, his friends being the blackguards, and yoms tlie decent farmers. I am very much afraid (though it is no honor to my country) that he will carry a great majority. The present times are more trying to Pjngland than Gossip from London, i8ii. 63 you can imagine. The trade with Europe is com- pletely destroyed ; even smuggling is discontinued, as Bonaparte punishes that with immediate death. Brandy is now from forty-five shillings to fifty shillings per gallon. I attended, with Mr. Laroche, the com- mercial sale. Not one lot in ten can he disposed of, and that at a price none hut tliose in the greatest need would think of, even for damaged goods. The non- importation law of America will be severely felt here ; and, in short, poor trade is hobbled and crippled at all points of the compass. The proceedings of the Government and armies you know better than I can tell you. The Prince Regent is much liked, though it is thought he is very indolent, which arises from his infirmities, and they are great. The present ministry, it is thought, will remain in power, as there are very few of the Prince's friends who are not much fitter for the bottle and a pack of hounds than the affairs of a nation. From the threatening appearances of the Catholics in Ireland, Government have wisely and quietly drawn the militia from that country, and supplied their places by a good breed of English militia. The French prisoners are also scattered throughout the inland towns. I am very nnich surprised at Mr. Firth's coming to England from such an appointment. Archy McLean and Sam Jarvis must find itdifticult to get such another place. John Robinson is Hkewise adrift ; and as if fcn'tunc had a mind to s])ort w ith and tease Mr. Strachan's fiock sotMed at York, tliere is not one, excepting iiohort Stanton, wdio has escaped her sometinje vexatious and unlooked-for turns. I have seen Henry Bonlton but on(!e or twice, he seems delighted with England. P'rom tlie present rigorous state of affairs, tlien^ is not the least likelihood of Mr. Boulton's release. I beUeve tliat Henry receives promises in abundance from the great men, but that's all they are able to give. m 64 Tkn Ykars of Upper Canada. From George Ridout to his Brother in E7)()land : — YouK, Vdth October, 1811. A great many extraordinary circumstances have taken place since you left this miserable hole, part of which you will hear before you receive this. Among other things, Governor Gore has leave of absence for a year, of which he has availed himself in embarking for Pjugland with his family. Most probably he is re->^2,lled, as he lias remained the usual time of five y He promises to see both you and uncle John, ath has gone also. This place is therefore want- ing in a Lieutenant-Governor, Puisne Judge, and Attorney-General. Three very high and important places to be vacant at one time very rarely happens. 1 had almost forgotten that of Solicitor-General also. Poor Boulton has not yet been heard of, at least by D'Arcy. He received a letter from Mr. Franklin yesterday, which he showed to papa; it contained noth- ing satisfactory, Mr. Franklin neither being able to tell whether he was alive or not, or, if alive, where he was. D'Arcy is very much distressed about his father. 1 think we ought to be very thankful that our father should have arrived safe, after encountering so many dangers and difiiculties. I do not believe that there are two thousand dollars in the town. But I have heard that the Earl of Moira, which sailed from this place to-day, will return with some, which has come up and is now at Kingston. Mr. Strachan is appointed rector of this place, in the stead of Mr. Stuart, who g6es to Kingston in tlie room of his father. We have reason to rejoice at the exchange, as thereby we can send John, Horact^ and Gbarles to school here at less ex- pense, exclusive, too, of the difference in the characters of the two men ; one sociable and clieerful, the other haughty, sullen and austere. John McDonnell is appointed Attorney-General for the time being, in the room of Mr. Firth. Old Ken- \ i Gossip kkom London, i8ii. r,5 drick is dead of the dropsy. .Fackson is now here, en^a«^ed in mercantile pursuits, distillery, etc. John- son lias made a great many reeruits here ; among ye rest, Colonel Graham's son, I^ill Crawford, old Mary Williams' son, etc. General Brock is President, and commands ye forces of Upper Canada. Ye 41st regi- ment is now here, ye 100th at Three Rivers. Frcmi ThoTtias G. liiduut to hi Father in York. London, Hth November, 181 L By the ship Orient, which sails to-morrow for New York, my uncle and I send these letters. Your letters of the 2Gth August I received 18th October. They are called flying ones, for never before had they arrived under three months. You, no doubt, hear that things are getting worse every day. Trade is now at the foot of the hill From Thomas G Ridout to his Mother in York : — ]9th December, 1811. When I first entered this great city, I was as sad and melancholy as a fish upon the sand, going through streets where I thought nothing but confusion, dis- traction and ignorance governed ; meeting one hun- dred thousand people I had never seen before, won- dering how these people lived, and how any regular business could be carried on in such a tumultuous place. With all these ideas in my head, I rode on the stage through London, not knowing a single person in this great place. Thus was 1 situated when the coach stopped on Fleet Street — all one to me where, for 1 knew not the diiference between that and Barbican's Lane. The coachman then said I could not go until mv fare from Exeter was paid, as my name was not entered ; I told him I'd rather stay in the coach a whole day than pay twice. At last he let me go, though I now believe it was only a trick to cheat me out of something ; and I got a porter to carry my trunk to Paternoster Kow, 66 Tkn Years of Upper Canada. whom I followed through crowds, step by step, mind- mg nothing else, to the door. Now I know London as well as York, and everything seems to go on with the regularity of (dookwork, and I begin to know many merchants and others. You can't think what honourable company I have been in. On the 19th November uncle and I went in the car- riage to Sydenham, and dined with Mr. Mariot, a member of Parliament, a great merchant and agent for the island of Trinidad. On tlie 27th, we were all invited to Mr. Evans', another rich merchant, and American agent in London. Tiierc was a large party of twenty-two gentlemen, and among them the American Plenipotentiary to the court of France, just returned from that court and now American Minister in Lon- don — Mr. Kussel. The moment I cast my eyes on him, I told John, " There's a Yankee, for a dollar." He talked very highly of Bonaparte, of the splendour of his court, the regularity and order maintained in France, and many curious things relating to Bonaparte. What must you think of the jewellers in London, when Bony'a new crown about six months ago was made, and the jewels set by a fanious goldsmitli and jeweller in Ludgate Hill. At Mr. Marston's 1 have dined twice with the Accomptant-General of the Bank of England. The kindness to me of the Princes is beyond everything. Tom is a wonderful clever fellow, I believe T told you that he is secretary to the Duke of Brunswick, and tutor to his two children, who, after the Princess Char- lotte, are next heirs to the crown. He preaches alter- nately at St James' (Jhurch in Piccadilly, and the Magdalene. At St. James' to a congregation of five thousand, consisting of most of the nobility and gentry of that end of the town. The Duke of Brunswick mentioned is the one who fell at the battle of Waterloo. Gossip from London, i8ii. 67 ;he he nS- From, Thomas G. Riclout to his Father in Yoi'k . — London, 18^/i December, 1811. It is now upwards of two months since I heard from home, whicli has almost worn out my patience, l)ut I DOW hegin to look for the Governor daily, from whom I hope to receive your letters. I am chiefly employed at the London and West India Docks, in shipping, landing, and warehousing goods, consisting of Brazil and West India sugars, cottons. East and West India coffees, hides, tallow, logwood, etc. The East India Company sell nothing hut at public auction in their house, where thev have a verv handsome room, with the statues of the Governor-Generals and great men standing in niches around the room. At one end sits a director ; before him, inside a railing, tive clerks ; at the two outer corners of the table, in pulpits, stand two auctioneers. Before them, on seats raised one above the other, almost to the top of the room, are seated the merchants and brokers. The auction- eer on the right puts up the lot, upon which the price is immediately bidden, as quick as thought ; and the one on the left in a few moments sings out the buyer and the highest price, so that in the course of ten minutes they may sell twenty chests of mace, etc. The Director sits as judge. Should any ditference arise between the bidders, his decision settles t<^ whom the lot is sold. He is always addresse;] with great respect, hats in hand, and with a low bow. I am afraid my stories are too long and minute to afford you any pleasure, but I know that M. and G. will be much amused at many things I write, however well-known to you, and my stock of Loudon nuinners, shows and wonders is not yet spun out. Almost every day I see somethiug reujarkable. Previous to the sale a clerk and I went through the several India warehouses, to draw samples of the cofifee, cotton, sugar, etc., and I was astonished to see the immense quantities of goods stored. This has been a busy day IF 68 Ten Years of Upper Canada. h It for lis, as we ship to Malta on to-morrow 150,000 pounds West India coffee, and 100,000 pounds Brazil cotton, from whence it will be smuggled into Italy; the exj)()rts to Malta lieing now very great, and for no other purpose than smuggling. The Americans ha\e the most beautiful ships in the river. The Portuguese, from Brazil, are the largest traders, excepting India- men. On account of the scarcity of wheat, the distilling of spirits from grain will in a short time be stopped, which will cause the great quantity of West India sugar now lying in warehouses to be in part sold to the distillers, beneliting i)oth the King's custo'ns and the West India merchants, whose trade before was almost ruined, and even in this will be vc»ry little bene- fited. The quantity of tobacco on hand in the city of London alone, amount- to 30,000, 000 pounds weight, enough to give a good quid to the whole world. I have frequently been in the Biink of England, the clerks of \vhi(di, livery Sunday morning, parade in Moorfields to the number of nine hundriMl, calling themselves the Bank Volunteers, They are dressed in uniform, and seem to know little besides putting on their (dothes and carrying a gun. The Bank still continues to issue their notes without bounds, along with a little silver or base metal for change, theirs being the only current moiu-y seen in the king- dom, so tiiat Tiu'eadnecdle rags and bank tokens are now in the phu^e of good old guineas. I was at Woolwicli and Depuford the other day, and went to Colomd Pilkington's hou8(», as he desired .ne, unluckily, he was in London, but Mrs. P. received me very politely, and I was invited to dinner, but on ac(!ount ol" th(^ stage, I could not stop. However, that I should not go away ilisa])p()inted, siie got a ('aptain of the Engineers to go about with me. The first place I went to was the (Irand Arsenal and Foundry, which is a place of about five or nix acres, surrounded :^:i Gossii' FKOM London, i8ii. 69 and i .!ie, (1 ine t on that )tain first idry, indod hy a lii^'h wall, containing many thousand ship, wall and (ield-pioces, which entirely cover the whole ground. They are ranged in long lines according to their size, in the most (ixact order. The hrasa pieces in particular were most heautiful. Cannon halls and homhshells, piled up among the cannons like small mountains, convicts (diained to the wheel- i)arrow, prison ships, sheer hulks and tenders in the river, imide the poor Canjidian think himself out of his country. 1 saw tiic Artillery and Marine J3arracks. The artillery hrass fudd-pieces were mounted on several hun(h'ed line carriages. 1 ghiiu-ed lu'xt at the docks. All secimed in con- fusion, hut the nohle ships ufion the stocks showed, by their strength, hejiuty and workmanshif), that there was orderand regularity in this tuiiudt. One one-hundred- and-twenty-gun shi}), two eight} -four and three frigates were grand })roofs of industry and art. The one-hun- drcd-and-twenty-guii ship is called the Ne/son. Mrs. Pilkington says Mr. I). W. Smith is nuirried to her sister. He is in had health, chiefly caused hy grief for the death of his son havid. who was killed in a hoat sent to cut out a merchant ship somewhere on the coast of l-'rance, in May last, fie went against the will of the captain, to accompany his friend, the lieutenant who conuminden to nine in the (?\cning. For five years yet he will have to continue in this manner. Altered limes for poor Henry I He looks very well, and is quite a hlood. I am very glad that you have Mr. Slrachan at York. I almost forgot to say that Henry and I went to the Oanada Motel, in the Strand, to see Ale.x. McDonell. He is very well, and was glad to see me, telling us iuany things about York, which he left on 1st Septem- ber. He told us that the North-West ('om))any have determined to carry their trade through Yonge Street, of their grant of land, etc. The Attorney-deneral, Mr. L'iith, is in l^higbind, though Henry has not yet seen him. In what a foolish manner did he leave you when his enemy, the (lovernor, whom he wished to avoid, (deared out about the same time. I fear from what Henry says, that his father will not be liberated. The dilliculty is so great. They recu'ive regular letters from him. He is allowed six miles on eitlier side of Arras, goes into company, writes in good spirits, and i ! 72 Tkn Ykars ok Upper Canada. pays thirty per cent, diseouiit for Euglish l>ilLs. James McDonell has eoiiie to Loruloii to get a com- mission in the army. He lodges at some phice in Bisho})Sgate Street, and wislies to stjc me. Govern(>r Gore is, of course, arrived in town, as tlie frigate readied Portsmouth last Friday ; l)ut I have not yet got my letters which father se.iit hy Halton. Last Saturday, Mr. E(lnunids(jn and I went for the first time to Co vent Garden, to see the tragedy of "Pizarro" acted, Kemble and Mrs. Siddons perfoiniing the chief eh iracters. On account of seeing tiie grand saloons in tlu; upper part of Ihe house, we took a box in the second tier. It is a Ujost curious building. The pit was crowded. The boxes wt^re lilled with my lords and ladies. Tiiey are in live tiers, one above the other, to the gallery, where tln^ gods and goddesses sport. They run entirely round the hous(\ being supported by slender iron pillars, fluted and gilt. The boxes are also highly ornanu^nted, as well as tlie ceiling ; a gallery runs at the back of each tier, from which doors connect with every box, wliicli are cushioned and lined with hai/e. From thcsc^ galleries you go into saloons, whose walls are marble, and cfMlitigs paintings. There are also numy statues of great men, made of beautiful white marble, standing in niches — Shake- 8[)eare, Garrick, etc. Refreshments are sold in these rooms. Mrs. Siddons, tin- Queen of the Stage, who is now near seventy years old. nuule her appearaiu^e amid the clapping of hands. Her voice is so powerful, at the same time vc;ry grand. N On hear it fairly shout in the theatr(\ When i*i/arro says, ** Call the guards, and tak»^ that woman into custody," she said, "Aye, call the guards, I say, call th(> guards." Tutting (m a look of the utmost defiance and contempt. Her nninner of speaking and look sometimes is xcry mu<'h like mother's. I'm in earnest. I must give you an a(5count of the Lord Mayor's show, on tlie Wtb of November, which dav was ushered !■ :■■ 1 Amusements in London, 1811-1812. 73 |<»r s 'red in by the ringing of every bell in the city, and bars were placed across the great streets to hinder the coaches from passing. By eleven o'clock the crowd had ( onipleteiy filled up King Street, Cheapside, St. Paul's Churchyard, Ludgate Hill, Fleet Street and lilackfriars. It was with the greatest diflliculty I squee'/ed myself as far as the New York ('offee Hous(>, hack of the Jloyal Exchange, to ])ut my last letters in the Orieiif's hag. In returning, the mob was rushing down Cheapside, and I perceived the procession turning round tlie corner of King Street and bearing away for Blackfriars. The rich golden banners of tlie city waving over tlie multi- tude, preceded and followed by the different com- j)anies of Ijondon. 'iMu>n came a string of coaches, reaching from King Street to Ludgate Hill, At ten o'clock they took the water at Blactkfriar's Bridge. Mr. K. and I then went to Somerset House, and T obtained tiie key of the terrace from Mr. Pearson. Presently we saw tlie twelve stately barges, glittering with gold, having five or six flags made of cloth of gold, most curiously worked, move past us, followed by hundreds of small boats. TIhm-c wa« m covering over eacli boat, supj)()rte(l by gib Corinthiitn pillars, on to)) of whicli were S(!veral bands of music. The company sat beneath. They were rowed by twenty- torn' men dress(>d in white, and so tliey passed on by tlie sonnd of the trumpet, lire of small cannon, and martial music, to Westminster Pridge. At thn-c o'clock tluy retnrned in grand procession to dine at (inildball, and wishing to s(!e the last of this parade, Mi Iv got a place in the second story window of a gentU'iiian's bouse in St. Paul's (!huicli- \ard. The streets were by this time covered witii peojile, so that a jierson might have walked on their lieads. In a little while; we saw the vanguard, con- sisting of the West London Pegiment, coming nnnid Ludgate Hill, liaving a ver> line band of music. 11 1 1 [ 1 74 Ten Years of Uitkr Canada. Is a'' 'I f'i Then came the company of Merchant Tailors, of which the Lord Mayor is a member, dressed in gowns trimmed with fur, and six men hearing tlieir colours ; followed by the Apothecaries, Clotliiers, Stationers, Goldsmiths, Grocers, and other companies of Lon- don, with their colours and two hands of nnisic. Then came the band of the German Legion, mounted on black horses, next the city colours, and a knight equipped in Edward the Black I^'ince's armour, mounted on a black horse, his two esquires on each side, in half-a'-mour, bearing liis ancient shield, sword and lance ; a band of music, another knight in shin- ing brass armour on a white horse, esquires as before ; immediately after the Lord Mayor, in his coach burnished with gold, very large, drawn by six horses, and covered with carvings of the city arms in a most magnificent manner, having out-riders. The coach- man was dressed in green and gold. Two footmen rode behind, and six others walked after the coach, dressed in gold-laced cocked hats, green coats, with gold lace four inches broad, scarlet velvet breeches and white silk stockings. Next came another knight in steel armour, as the lirst, then my lady Mayoress in coach and six, with a band of music ; next came the ex-Lord Mayor in coach and six, and his wife in coach and four. Next a very tine band of music, followed by all the aldermen and connnon council, in their separate coaches. The judges, nobility, ministry, and foreign ambassadors, gentlemen's car- riages, a long list of Hackney coaches, and a ijondon mob, with night coming on, (dosed this iiord Mayor's show, whi(di was the most splendid that had been for many years. The Strand bri'lge forms another great sight in London. Ft is a curious thing to see the foundations of such a work. In the beginning, they drive an oval circle of piles into the river ; about three feet outside of them, they drive another close together, 7 5 I Amusements in London, 1811-1812. 76 in |oU8 ;in icet filling up the space with brick and earth, and throw some earth on the inside. They then erect a steam engine, and place two great cast-iron pumps of a foot in diameter into the enclosed pond, and by that means draw all the water out. After which, the bed of the river is levelled, and a frame of oak timber is laid on the bottom for a foundation, upon which the great stones are placed by machinery, and so they work dry l)eneath the level of the river, and the arch rises rapidly. Outside of the first pile, the next arcli is begun at the distance of thirty feet, and to every arch they require a new engine house. About six hundred men are now employed, and they increase according to the number of enclosures, of which they have made four. Drury Lane is also rol)uilding, the walls of which have made their a})pearance four feet out of ground. The West India docks are drawing this great city down to them. Though they are three miles from the Royal Exchange, yet there are houses and streets all the way down excepting about ([uarter of a mile ; so that from seven or eight miles beyond Hyde Park corner, to the West India docks, which is sixteen miles, and eight miles from north to south, is the true extent of this over-grown place. New squares, and hundreds of new houses are continually building. I am to write this night another letter, as the ship Jane, Captain Selkirk, sails to-morrow. From Surveyor-General liidout to hiN son Thomas in England: — York. Uppku Canada, IHth Deremher, ]H\]. 1 wrote to you about a month ago, acknowledging the receipt of your letters of the '22nd and 2iii\\ August from Loudon. A severe battle has been lately fought on th(> Wabasli, between the Americans ;ind the In- dians, chiefly Shawanese, in which the former lost four lumdred men and latter about sixty — the particulars are not yet iiiade public. I heard of it three or four ft 76 Ten Ykars ok Uhf'kr Canada. li I llff hi I i 1 days ago at President Brock's, who had just received a letter respecting it from Detroit. I send yon here- with a copy of a letter wlii{;h I received last post from Mr. Adams, tlie ('oloiiial Agent, and I send also a copy of my answer. General 13 rock has icjpiired from me plans of all the townships in the Province, with the locations, wlii(di will he very heavy woik. We learn that the Solicitor-General is prisoner at Verdun, France. George has gont* tliis evening to spend it with D'Arcy. Mr. Stracthan has dcciined coming hither to rei)lace Mr. Stuart, as he coidd not get him- self to he tlu; Bishop's commissioner. I therefore do not know how our sc^liool >natters will he settled. 'Tis said a ne])hew of Bishop Mountains will he our rector. The Presidcuit informed mc; that the Prince kegent, upon an application from the Society for the Propaga- tion of the Gospel, has (hsclai-ed that any gentleman coming to this Province as a (dergyman, and who shall remain in it ten yt^ars, upon his return to England, if so imdined, and producing a certificate oThis good con- duct whilst h(!re, shall Ixu'ntitled to receive one hundred pounds sterling per amium for life. I shall write my good friend Mr. I'rince, on the suhject, and 1 think it would he woi'thy the attention of a young gcmtleman, who had just taken orders, to come hither. Were he here now, the parish and school would he his in all prohahility. I shall write to the Governor on the suh- ject and send Mr. Prince a letter of introduction, if lie will have the goodiu'ss to permit it. .\ writ ing master has lately come hither who, l)y a new method, teafdies to write a good hand in fifteen lessons. Mc.Donell, Horace's nuister, has j)aid this teacher i^'^f) to he instructed, and having ()l)tained it. has broken up his own stdiool, and has gone to Yonge Street to teach his newly-accpiired art. General Brock intends making th is head-(pnirt(^rs, and to bring the Navy, Knginc-ers, and all the departments liere in the spring. He told me a day or two ago that he Amusemp:nts in London, 1811-1812. 77 IlKl its Ihe will build an arsenal between the park and the beaoli on the like ; tlie Government buildings, or rather the public; olUees, in front of Mr. Elmsley's house ; a re- gular garrison where the Governniont House now is, and a Ciovernment llousi; contiguous to the public buildings. Thesi> intentions seem to show that he thinks of renuiining with us, for acert.iin time at least, but you will not, of course, mention tiiem. I own 1 do not think tiuit (Jovernor Gore will return hither — his going home will, I dare say, as i\lr. Watson wrote me on the 22nd August, ol>tain nuiny advantages for this Province. But if this is not to be a })ermancnt mili- tary Government, his return hither, 1 should think, depends upon himself. I should not be surprised if he be shortly created a baronet; I own I do not like changes in administration. You will, I presume, see His Excellency, he was much pleased with your letters from Quebec. When you write, send me the British Imperial Calendar, price 4s. (kl., published by Messrs. Winchester' & Son, 01 Strand. If my name be not already inserted in it, let it l)e done. I have as yet seen l)ut little of our new Judge, Mr. Campbell ; he has rented Mr. Firth's house. A Diary Letter from Thomas G. R'ldout to his Brother in Y'ork: — Bristol, Ufh February, 1812. I begin this letter by saying that I intend giving you a journal of my country excursion. I left our friends in London by the Taunton coach, on the '2()th December, at six in the evening, a cold frosty night, and in the morning we readied Basing- stoke, thirty-live miles, and at eleven, we arrived at Salisbury, distant eighty-four miles, and Wincaston ; when I left the coa(di at half-past four, and found waiting at the tavern old John Collis, who nursed father when a child, with two of Mr. Ward's horses. Old John lashed my trunk on his horse, and I mounted m I ' II; ||it ri 78 Ten Years of Upper Canada. a beautiful mare, and bore away for Bruton, distance five miles. At six I got in, having run one hundred and nine miles since the last evening. Tlie Wards were dining out that day, but John came home and took me to Dr. Goldshoro's, where there was a large party. Aunt Ward received me witii every mark of kindness. She is one of the finest old ladies I ever saw; though now seventy-three, she is as full of humour and jokes as a young girl, without any foolishness. Next morning Mr. Ward presented me with his beauti- ful mare for my use while in the country. Sunday, Dece)nbcr 29th. — We went to church. In this church-yard of Bruton lie the bones of the celebrated liobinson Crusoe, or Alexander Selkirk, round whose tomb I walked. He was a native of Bruton. This is a snug little town, containing one thousand five hundred inhabitants, and is pleasantly situated at the foot of a number of hills, and has the Brew running through. On the south side, at the distance of six miles, is a ridge of hills or high land, the estate of Sir Riciiard Hoare, on a point of which is erected a tower to the memory of Alfred the Great, who on this spot de- feated the Danes in his first great battle. In the evening, we drank tea witli Mrs. Burgess, where I met Mr. Stephens, one of the Proctors of Oxford, who was Mr. Jackson's secretary at the court of Berlin, and is now soon to be married to Miss Burgess. Mr. Ward's silk mills are very extensive, and of the most curious machinery. He is considered the greatest silk throwster in the west of England. In his different manufactures he now employs one thousand people, and as he is putting up new mills at Stowey, he will have one thousand four hundred people at work. On the 31st, J. Ward, his son Dan and I rode to Ditcl ell, about five miles from Bruton, where Mr. Wan Las an establishment of two hundred reeling silk, and from thence to a place called Evercreech, another silk point. 3.; Amusements in London, i8i 1-1812. 70 a 1(1 Ik Janiuirif 1st. — I walked with Mr. Ward to see the East Somersetshire Vohinteers reviewed, in which he is a captain. They went through their niarcliin^^ and manceiivrin^^ very well, but as to tiring, the Yorkers can beat them. Januari) 2nd. — We mounted our horses and rode to Maiden Bradley, thence to the village at Hornisham, both in Mr. Ward's employ. Adjoining is the seat of the Duke of Somerset. Thence we rode to Longleat, in the county of Wilts, the estate of the Marquis of Bath. This seat is considered the most iiol)le of any in England. Our ride from Bradley to Longleat was on a ridge. To the left was a very rich and beautiful country, studded with towns, villages and seats. Our view extended to Bath, Wells and (xlastonbiiry. On the right was Beckford's Priory. We galloped on till we came to Longleat, which we entered by a grand gateway. Before us, at a distance of half a mile, was the mansion, having a grand avenue of trees leading to it. To the left was the pleasure garden, and on the right a sloping hill covered with wood, at the bottom of which runs the river Eroomc. The build- ing is four hundred feet square, and four stories liigh, with a pond and a boat on tlie roof. In the park were about nine hundred deer quietly feeding; some of them milk-white. The estate is eiglit miles long and live wide. We came to a small lidve of ninety acres, dug out, and well stocked with wild ducks, and a beautiful little sloop upon it. Last year a noble- man was drowned in it. The house was built three hundred years ago, of white Bath stone, the top ornamented with three domes and several towers. The road wound through several clumps of trees to the foot of the liill, which we ascended by a winding way to the top, when we came upon a down, whence we saw the whole country and Beckford Tower. This Mr. Beckford is a man of 1*00,000 a year, and employed Mr. W^yatt to build him a house in the form of IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) V.i f p% ri /a '^A "* > y /(S^ 1.0 I.I ■-IM ■ 50 2.5 2.0 1.8 1.25 1.4 1.6 .« 6" — ► Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) 872-4303 A^ L^x %^ «>< 1 iV rrr It 80 Ten Years of Upper Canada. m Hi n i |i an ancient abbey. From the centre rises a Gothic tower three hundred feet high. The grand entrance is by the west, at a great mahogany door forty feet high, the liinges of which are made of brass and cost JS300. His library consists of twenty thousand books. He has one thousand acres in wood, surrounding his dweUing, so that only the top can })e seen, and the whole estate is surrounded by a fence of trees, planted so close that a child cannot enter. There is not a gentleman in Englard who will visit this man on account of his crimes, although he is one of the cleverest and most learned men in the country. Neither will he allow a sLninger to see his abbey, and he amuses himself by driving a coach and six over his grounds. So nmch for Mr. Beckford. We re- turned, and dined at Bradley with John, and galloped to Bruton, eight miles, in three-quarters of an hour. Friday, January Srd. — Was an idle day. Spent the evening at Mr. Burgess's and won at speculation 12s. Saturday. — Went out hunting the hare with Dan Ward, a pack of forty hounds, and about a dozen gen- tlemen. Came home at two, and rode to the top of Creechill. Sunday, 5th. — Went to church, drank tea with Aunt Ward at Mr. Sampson's, from thence to a Methodist meeting. Monday, January Oth. — Being invited by Mr. Moore, wholesale dealer at Shepton Mallet, I set out for that town with him, which we reached at twelve, eight miles from Bruton. She])ton Mallet is a large clothing town, and contains about 7,000 inhabitants. It lies at the foot of the Mendip Hills. Tuenday, January 1th. — This morning, after break- fast, Mr. Moore took me to the chief clotli manufactory in the place. First the wool is well washed, next cleaned and picked of all particles of dirt. It is then mixed, and goes through a large carding machine, then lit of ight ling es at reak- itory next then then I Amuse:ments in London, 1811-1812. 81 if through another, out of which it comes in long rolls. These rolls are fastened upon thirty spindles, and a large franje runs theui out to the thickness of a cord. Then, by a siniihir machine, it is spun still finer; and again by another spun and twisted to its proper size, and given to the weavers. One person can weave about two yards in a day, for which they get ten pence a yard. The works are turned l)y a steam engine, having an iron wheel of twenty-eight feet diameter. After the cloth is WT)ven it is beaten in soap and water for six hours, to cleanse it from the oil ; from that it goes to the dyers ; then it is thrown over a " horse," and carded with line cards, to give it a grain, or right and wrong side; then to the shearers, who shear off all tlie fuz. It is now at last finished by the pressers and packers. Each fold is pressed between smooth glazed paper, which gives it a gloss. Thus are the famous woollens of England brought to such perfection. At eleven w^e left Sliepton for the city of Wells, six miles distant. This city lies most l)eautifully upon the slope of a hill. At th(^ east end, on a rising ground, stands the ancient cathedral. It is con- sidered as next to York Minster for the lightness and beauty of its aisles. The building was founded in 1150, and was two hundred years finishing ; length, four hundred and fifteen feet, breadth at the cross, one luindred and twenty-one feet; having two western towers one hundred and twenty feet liigh, and a middle tower one hundred and eighty-two feet, supported by four grand arches. The western part has two large painted windows. Tlie outside front is ornamented by statues of kings, bisliops, abbots, etc. On entering, you see tin-ce grand ranges of arclu^s of a yellow colour, and made of stone. The middle one is eighty-three feet high. In the cross aisle is a clock, made four hundred years ago by a monk of Glastonbury, called Lightfoot. In the library are 82 Ten Years of Upper Canada. II II Pt ! ' 11/, I ! I 1^ .]»*■■ five thousand old books, among the rest, one on vellum, written in 588, by a monk. At one I left. Kode on alone to Glastonbury, distant live miles, and went to the White Hart Inn. An old blind man took me to the ruins of the abbey. We first went to St. Joseph's Chapel, which joins the abbey, and is dedicated to St. Joseph of Arimathea, who, in walking up to Glastonbury Tor, in rear of the abbey, stuck his staff into the ground, which there grew and became a thorn bush, and blossomed every year on Christmas eve. The old thorn is now de- stroyed, but a tree from it grows in the ruins, and was then (on the 8th January) in full bloom. The roof of the chapel has fallen in, leaving nothing but the walls, on which are carved the sun, moon and stars, kings, abbots, etc. There is another chapel beneath this. The arches of the windows are not pointed, but round, and curiously ornamented. This is (tailed Saxon, and is more ancient than the Gothic. The ruins of this great abbey are some side walls and four tottering arches, which seem to wait with impatience for old Time to level them. They are covered with ivy, built of freestone, and appear as if bending with the weight of years. The abbot's kitchen is the most entire, being the same now as when first made. It stands about two hundred feet from the abbey, inside of a great gateway, at which formerly entered pilgrims from the Holy Laud, and out of which issued daily provisions for five hundred peo|)le. This kitchen is an octagon of forty feet in diameter, with perpen- dicular walls twenty- two feet high, then finishing in a cone at the height of seventy feet. Th(> walls are nine feet in thickness. No wonder the abbot said to the king, " that he would build a kitchen which all the wood in tlie king's forests could not burn down." In the inside are four fire-places and a large oven. I dined at Glaston, and returned through Wells to Shepton. On the road I passed five liundred French Amusements in London, 1811-1812. 83 one aside La'iiiis ally en is rpen- in a are id to Ih all Iwn." lis to 'neh prisoners, under an escort of horse and foot, inarching to Stapleton prison, near Bristol. They were mostly young men, and very much like the Canadians. As I rode through them they spoke French to me, and said I had a good horse. Some Poles and Italians were the finest men of the whole. Next day Mr. Ward and I went to Sherbourne, twelve miles. We passed through Pilcombe and Castle Carey, when we parted company, I taking the road for Cadbury Camp, a Koman station. The little village of North Cadbury lies at the foot of a hill. There I left my horse and walked by the old fosse or road. This camp was formed upon a large circular hill with a flat surface of live hundred yards in diameter, and rises in the midst of a great plain country. It looks like the Tower of Babel, from having four to six tiers of breast-works surrounding it. On the top is a wall of stone and earth, with four gateways, leading by winding and entrenched roads to the fort. The ground is very nnich turned up for curiosities. I stayed an hour on this Roman ground, and then continued my journey to Sherbourne, where I arrived at two. Passed the " Antelope," then went down Cheap Street, and round the Market Place to the " King's Arms," where I left my horse, and went on to Mr. Willmott's, of Westbury, at whose house we stayed. Monday, Januarif \Sth, 1812. — Returned to Bruton. Next day rode to Stourton, the seat of Sir Richard Hoare, six miles oif, and the Pen Pitts. We passed through a low, poor country, to the foot of the high- lands; then turned to the right for three miles, and came to the Pen Pitts, a large ])iece of ground of four hundred acres, lying on botli sides of a vale, dug up into great and small pits, ten or fifteen feet now in depth, and so close together that a man can just walk between them. They are twenty thousand in number, and for what, by whom, and in what time they were 84 Ten Years or Upper Canada. hi made, neither history, tradition, nor conjecture can give any true or reasonahle account. Some say it was a city built underground by the Britons in which to hide from the liotnans. However, in the adjoining fields, have been fought some of the greatest battles in England, by the Romans, Saxons and Danes, and it was on this spot that the Saxons gave the Britons their last and most bloody overthrow, which drove the latter out of England. We then rode into the park, and through beautiful rows of trees, along a terrace two miles in length, among hundreds of deer, till we came to Alfred's tower — triangular, built of brick and fine stone, erected in the year 1760, by Sir liichard Hoare, to the memory of Alfred the Great, who, on this summit, in 878, planted his standard, and three days after, in the same spot, fought and gained his first great battle over the Danes. Then we went to the pleasure grounds — a large garden or shubbery, having several temples in romantic situations. First, the temple of the muses ; next, the grotto, in a cave of which sleeps a nymph on a couch, out of which issues a stream of water. In another cave sat the water god, with an urn and a paddle in his hand. Thence to the Pantheon, a round temple, with niches inside, in which were statues. Amongst the rest, one of Hercules, worth two thousand guineas, and one of Lira Augustus, dug up at Herculaneum, and valued at three thousand guineas. I basin below the mill and pumps ah the water which feeds it back into the mill race. Mustard is worth frt)m fourteen to twenty-four shillings per Imsliel. Mr. Ward, C. and K. came to dinner, .\fter drinking six bottles of wine and some tea, the comj)any broke up, and we rode back to Bruton. On our return, found a party of young ladies, and the children made me fullil my ])romise of dancing Indian. So I got down my red 11 86 Ten Years of Upper Canada. I'' i h i lit; m i' * ! ; i 1. 1 i P ■ i' 1. liri: -, 11 1 f i- . • 1 1 riL y_ and black paints, and painted Mr. Ward like an old chief, then Dan, Bet, Susan, Kate and myself like Ottawas. Then we had an Indian dance, which mightily pleased the whole company. Saturday^: February 1st, 1812. — Dan and I left Brnton in aT'^ost chaise for Bristol, and drove up to Bellevue, in Clifton, the residence of Mr. Burgess, who is married to my cousin. Sunday, 2nd. — Went to St. James' Church twice. Called upon Charles Kidout at the fort. Monday, 3rd. — Went to the Guildhall, Bristol, where there was a very tumultuous meeting assembled, to consider who should be their representative in Parliament. I squeezed myself in. At twelve Mr. Elden opened the meeting, and said that in consequence of the death of their late member they were this day called upon to consider who should represent them. Mr. Protheroe then, amid acclamation, made a fine speech, and offered himself ; which was answered by one Mills, a printer, jumping upon the table and speaking, but the noise was so great that not one word in fifty could be heard. A gentleman then read an address from Sir Samuel Romill}', soliciting their support. A lawyer of the name of Coats, a Jacobin, seconded him, and began a long invective against Protheroe, who wished to pass for a Whig, but was a real Tory at heart ; and began praising Mr. Fox, when by a manoeuvre of the Protherites, just at the time of his highest pitch, a cry of " The gallery is falling," was set up, and in a moment the crowd rushed forward and overturned everything, me along with the rest, when I found myself alongside Mr. Protheroe. So the meeting broke up in confusion. I dined at the fort with liidout. Bristol, Wednesday, 5th February, 1812. This being the day appointed for a general fast, we got up and ate a hearty breakfast ; then went to St. Amusements in London, 1811-1812. 87 James', where Mr. Biddulph preached. Mr. Burgess then took me to the Commercial Coffee Room, opposite the Exchang-e and Post Office. It is a large room, about sixty feet in length and forty broad, having a beautiful dome supported by twelve female figures. The room is lighted with five elegant lustres. There are four fire-places, with three tables round each. At one end of the room is a clock ; at the other, an instrument telling the wind, a barometer and a thermometer. This building was built, and is frequented by most of the comnjercial characters in Bristol, — it forms a kind of second Exchange. On the tables are newspapers from Ireland, London and Scotland, with different magazines and reviews. Sunday, dth. — Went to St. Mary's, Eedcliffe, con- sidered to be the first parish church in the kingdom. It was built in the year 1276, in the true Gothic style; length, two hundred and twenty feet ; height of middle arch, thirty-four feet ; has eighty windows ; the whole church stands upon arches. The chancel is paved with white marble. Above the Communion table are three famous paintings by Hogarth, illustrat- ing the Resurrection. The paintings cost, with frames and putting up, £750. Admiral Penn is buried in this church. He has a very handsome monument erected to him, over which is placed his armour and son^e of the colours of the Dutch ships which he captured during the famous Dutch war. We were also shown the rib of the Hun cow, an enormous rib- bone about eight feet long. Some stone coffins were shown, and the musical pillars, which sound like metal on being struck with the hand. On my visit to Sherbourne, I went to see my old grandfather's house. I found it in ruins, the hedges are out of repair, and the avenue of trees leading to the house have their tops cut off. I also went to see the grammar school, which now consists of twenty boys, kept by Rev. J. Cutler. It was Christmas holi- I 88 Ten Years of Upper Canada. ! , i i i i 1 days. A girl came out and civill}' unlocked the door. I walked up and down the room, saw the oaken henches, desks and wainscoting (uit up and carved with 3,000 names; saw, John Gihhs Kidout carved upon one. I went to Sherbourne (;hurch on Sunday, sat just below the line old organ, and luid a full view of the grandeur of this Gothic pile, which has stood unmoved in war and })eace, through the storms and tempests of 700 years, its clustered pillars forming a lofty, deep ar(di. The massy walls seem to defy time, and I think that seven centuries may again roll away, and this building will remain in a perfect state. After church, James Hidout showed me grandfather's seat, near the pulpit, which I entered -the place beyond Lord Digby's. There, on that spot. Jifty years ago, sat my father, in the other corner, grandfather. Here in this church, for generations, had the family been christened and buried ; but I found myself more a stranger in Sherbourne than any other town I had been in, James Kidout, being churchwarden, showed me the ])arish hooks froju 1540. In 1680 I saw the name of John Hidout in the vestry. In after years, Mr. Kidout gave to a street in To- ronto the name of Sherbourne, in remembrance of the old English town, the home of his ancestors. : ■ ,1 4i| 1 :M ; - 3 "—■ rf ! . I' i |,,, i 1 !-■ 1 11 llj k^ A Canadian in Oxford, 1812. 89 CHAPTEli VII. A CANADIAN IN OXFOKD, 1812. From Thomas G. RUIoutto h in father in York: — Bristol, \Oth February, 1M2. I WENT to Jacobs' glass manufactory, supposed to be the iirst in the world. We were conducted into a large dark place, in the middle of which was a circu- lar furnace containing five ovens of glass metal like melted barley sugar. They put in a long hollow piece of iron, then take it out and blow and turn it, giving, at the same time, the shape with the hand, and the size, by a pair of compasses ; adding, now, for a wine glass, first the shank and then the bottom. At five we went to the play. The theatre is built in King Street, and is a very beautiful building within. It was crowded beyond anything on account of l)eing Braham's benefit night, and we g(,»t our places by mere chance in the side boxes. He is the finest singer in the kingdom. His principal songs that night were, " Though Time has from your Ijordship's Face," "The Bewildered Maid," "Said a Smile to a Tear," "All's Well," and "The Death of Abercrombie." You would have been astonished to hear such singing. His benefit amounted to ii'iOO. The farce was " High Life Below Stairs," and was conducted with the greatest humour. The manager then came forward and announced that Mr. Betty, the young Roscius, had been prevailed upon by friends to em- brace the stage again and act two nights in Bristol. Braham belongs to Co vent Garden. 7 1.1 * \i EX 90 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Wednesday, 12fh February. — I went to see King's Staffordshire ware manufactory. There are fifty people employed, and every piece goes through the liands of twenty- three people. Most of the ware is made by turning, excepting plates, dishes, etc., which are made by moulds. After turning, it is smoothed and cut into shape by chisels, then baked in earthen boxes for fifty hours, and then taken to the dyers, who stamp the pattern upon a paper. This is then washed off, leaving a brown print, and the ware is a second time baked, to bake out the oil and bake in the color. From that it is brought to the glazer, who dips the cup into a tub of glazing stuff of a bluisli color. It is then for the third and last time baked. The glazing turns white and transparent, through which is seen the blue print. Cups of different colors are painted with a pencil. Every stage is a different trade, to which is an appren- ticeship of seven years. I called upon Dr. Small, in Portland Square. He said his brother did very wrong in signing an acknow- ledgment of Governor Gore's just government of the Province. He said Gore will never return, and ]\Ir. D. W. Smith will never go out again. Dr. Small is much like his brother, speaks almost with the same voice. He says there is no likelihood of getting John out of France. He and Boulton are at Yerdun. John can't live for less than £100 a year, learns French, sees a good deal of company, and writes his uncle doleful letters. lAtli February, 1812. — I am just returned from Batt . to which place I went on Friday last, on Mr. Kidout's horse. I rode up to the "Castle and Ball," put my horse there, and then took a letter of intro- duction which Mr. K. gave me to Matterson, a gentle- man living under the Piazza to the right of the Pump- room, who very politely took me to all parts of the city, through crowds of ladies and gentlemen, who were lounging through the streets. Some were invalids, A Canadian in Oxford, 1812. 91 . He know- of the d lyir. nail is same John John ench, uncle from 1 Mr. Ball," intro- entle- "['ump- city, were ^alids, 1 rolled upon little waggons ; some flying in sedan chairs, up and down, to and fro. The gentlemen dressed in breeches, stockings and cocked hats ; the ladies in the most superb manner — pelisses laced with gold cords and Hussar's hats, having three circles of gold cord round them, with two great tassels of gold upon the left side. What is called a reticule, which con- tains their socket handkerchief and work, is lianging ])y a gold cL.iin to the arm, and is fringed with gold. I went to the Pump-room, which is very large and grand. On one side is the pump, where a woman stands and distributes old King Blatlud's waters to old and young, sick and well. An old duchess of eighty and a child of four were both drinking the waters while I was the ve. I had a glass ; it is very hot and tastes very mineral. At one end of the room is an orchestra, where bands of music are continually playing. The company at the same time walking up and down in crowds, not minding the nnisic, but buzzing like merchants on 'change. At the end of each tune they clap their hands and kick up a riot, for what they don't know. From Thomas G. Ridout to his Brother in York : — London, Vlth March, 1812. I wrote to you from Bristol a long letter by the Medford, for New York, w^hich sailed 20th February. I remained eighteen days altogether there, anuising myself riding about the country, going with the girls to the play, hearing young Betty and the famous Braham perform to crowded houses, seeing the amaz- ing manufactories, etc. I was at Dr. Small's two days, and saw his church, gardens, etc. When I left Bristol he gave me a letter of introduction to the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford, which I took advantage of; and another to John Lewis Esq., of St. James' Palace. I am quite ashamed of not answering your letter in 92 Ten Years of Upper Canada. ! ;1 ])articiilar, and you may think I have entirely forgotten Toronto, An American war was much looked for in England, and I was quite distracted about you all, but the Yankees seem to have thought better of it. I have seen Alex. McDonell, who says that York is much im- proved, and that the North-West Company trade will pass through Yonge Street. He spoke of the general prosperity of the Province. Flour will at all times sell well in England, though the merchants here limit their correspondents at Quebec to give only 6s. 6d. per bushel, allowing the (current exchange. Staves sell low. Potash is flat, and American oak out of repute, by mere prejudice of these Phiglish, who think their " heart of oak " supe- rior to an\' in the world. Yellow pine, thirty feet by fourteen inches square is higli. England is destitute of tinjber, therefore nuist always get supplies for her immense consumption from Canada or the Baltic, which I am glad to hear is shut, so our timber will, ot" course, rise in proportion to the Northern restrictions. In all probability, one thousand sail of [rime merchant- men will enter the port of Quebec this summer, as the merchants here know not wliere to send their shipping. Freight out, which very few^ but regular traders can get, is from forty-live shillings to MS per ton ; home at the rate of t'60 per one thousand staves, which are cal- culated to take u[) ten tons of ship room, which just agrees with what Kendrick carries. The reason of potash being so low is the great decrease in the manu- factures of this country in some branches, for wliicli pot or pearl ashes were much used. The markets of Quebec and Montreal will be again overstocked, and British goods nearly as clieaj) there as in London. Trade has revived very much within these two months, though not to compare with former times. The taxes are enormous, and land rents at about X'-") per acre, and sells for t'lOO per acre and upwards. John Ward gave .I'lOO per acre for some land in Glas- tonburv Vale, it is roited at t'T an acre. A Canadian in Oxford, 1812. 93 two billies. [lit .t") iii'ils. KHas- I must commence this second sheet with my journey from Bristol to Oxford. Accordingly, on Tuesday, the 26th of February, I left Bristol, liaving, the preceding day sent my trunk by the stage to Oxford, to be left at Cox & liichardson's, in High Street. It was a fine day, and the girls got up at six, and made me take a hearty breakfast, and at parting each gave me a present — Susan, an elegant silk purse; Betsy, a watch ribbon, and Jane a fine gold ring. I took a place on the outside for Newport, distant eighteen miles, for four shillings and sixpence, which place we reached at eleven, and drove to the " Black Lion." The road led through a delightful country. On the right, we w^ere bounded by a range of fertile hills, and to the left, at the distance 01 ^wo miles, lay the Bristol Channel, which is here but three miles wide and runs through a very rich country. On the opposite side is the county of Monmouth. There are two ferries here over into Wales — one nine, and the other twelve miles above Bristol, and you can go over for sixpence. At Newport I left the stage, and took the left-hand road, which I followed for two miles, till I came to the village of Berkeley, famous for its ancient castle, which is now the most entire remains of ancient baronial power and grandeur in the king- dom. It is now the residence of Colonel Berkeley, Mr. Small's friend.* The castle is surrounded by a great moat. The walls are of innnense thickness of stone, and look black and venerable with age. On going to the castle I passed through Dr. Jenner's yard. He lives in this village, where he has a very elegant house, and a great eagle hopping about before the door. Btu'keley C'astle was built in the year 1100, and is famous for the death of Edward II., who was so cruelly murdered here. The hall was fitted up in the ancient style, with armour, etc., around it, with a great oaken table and handsome * Berkeley Street, Toronto, is ntinied after thi» place. im < 9 I i 94 Ten Years of Upper Canada. seats on the sides ; the floor paved with chequered marble, and the banner of Cromwell's wars waving over the chimney ; the roof supported by elegant Gothic rafters like those in Westminster Hall. Altogether it reminded me of — "The feast was o'er in Branksome Hall." I was shown the dungeon, in the form of a D, where- in King Edward was confined, and the old iron bed on which he slept. In this gloomy place was a trap- door, which let down into the dungeon of death, twenty-six feet in depth, surrounded by thick walls and three feet deep in water; a horrid place, where the light of day has never entered in for these 700 years, and whence the groans of the condemned wretch were never heard. In an adjoining room, which was only different from the dungeon by having a small window, that poor unfortunate king was put to a cruel death. The instrument by which he suffered is j'et there, and looks only fit for such acts. From these dismal chambers I went to the gay apartments , which are fitted up in princely style ; tables and chairs covered witli gold, paintings by great men, and a lot of fine things. I must not forget the royal bed- stead of liichard II., who stayed some time at this castle. It was put up in 188'2, but is now an o 1 crazy thing, and only kept as a curiosity. I saw Queen Elizabeth's dressing-room, gold ta])le and look- ing-glass, and her state bed, and a curious cabinet made of ebony, ivory and gold, 600 years old. The rooms of James I., hung with Gobelin tapestry on cloth of gold, Vandyke's paintings, etc. The Prince of Wales' rooms, gold candlesticks, plate, ink- stands, etc. ; all the tables are covered with gold-leaf. I also saw the bedstead which Sir Francis Brake took with him round the world, made of ebony and ivory, with his four cabin chairs. The walls of the castle form the dwelling part, and a stone building divides it I I A Canadian in Oxford, 1812. 95 1 was small cruel is 3^et these hicli hairs lid a bed- this 1 saw Dok- inet The stry The ink- leaf, itook Lstle )S it into two courts, one of which formed the gran^^ parade and the other raised about twenty feet above it, and surrounded by a high wall, was the keep where the prisoners w^ho were conliued in the adjoining dun- geons had the liberty of walking. The roof of the castle is covered with lead. In the centre rises a fine look-out tower, where the warlike flag once waved, and from whence they could spy their enemies at a distiince. At one, I left Berkeley, returned to the main road, and dined at a little country inn. As no coach would pass till seven, I determined, therefore, on walking to Gloucester, distant eighteen miles, and accordingly, left the "King's Head" at three, and reached Glouces- ter at nine. After taking a glance at three or four taverns, I suited myself at last at a very good one, where I slept soundly until seven next morning ; breakfasted, and went to see the cathedral, wliich is very old, and first built by Osric, King of Northum- berland, in 650, afterwards partly rebuilt in the year 900, and the west end and south side in 1400, so that it contains three orders of architecture. It is 444 feet in length, 100 wide, and the height of the middle aisle, eighty-six feet. The painted window at the east end is the largest in England, being eighty-three feet in height and thirty-six wide. The pillars are what is called Saxon, twenty-one feet in circumfer- ance. Here lies interi-ed, under a most magnificent chapel, the body of Edward II. ; Kobert, Duke of Normandy; and Osric, King of Northumberland. The cloisters were built by Henry VII., and are es- teemed the finest of the kind, forming a quadrangle of trees with the branches, all of stone. The great tower was built by Cardinal Wolsey, and is l230 feet high. Gloucester contains about 7,000 inhabitants and is an ill-built city, having only one good street in it. I paid my bill at the " White Lion," took a place in the i: I 96 Ten Years of Upper Canada. '' Prince Regent," for Oxford, distant forty-eight miles, for thirteen shillings, and taking mj^ seat along- side the coachman, at ten a.m. we drove out of Glouces- ter. Outside was my honour, an Irish captain in the 11th Dragoons, of the name of McMahon ; a Welshman, from Caermarthenshire, called Owen Jones ; a lieutenant in the navy ; an Oxford tailor, and a London cheesemonger ; a Sherbourne man for a guard, and a jolly Hampshire coachman. We passed at two through Cheltenham, a large town of 5,000 mhabitants, and famous for its mineral springs. It is a second Bath with regard to its waters, but not in buildings, which are of brick. It was full of quality, though, and is one of the fashion- able rendezvous. A mile from the west end we passed the house of General Le Fevre, Bonaparte's favourite, and presently after met the man himself. He is a tall, handsome, active and well-made fellow, about thirty ; he has the countenance of a veteran, a quick and piercing eye, and walks as if he now commanded armies. He burns to return to France, and feels his situation very galling to his ambition. We changed horses at Frog Mills, eighteen miles from Gloucester, and again at Long Neat, eighteen miles faitJier. At nine in the evening, passed the Bur;brd, seven miles from Oxford, when the mail coach passed us in tine style, though it left Gloucester two hours after us, and was to be in London at seven next morning. It was a beautiful moonlight night. Three miles from Oxford we walked up a hill a mile long, and pre- sently after rattled down into the low grounds, which were covered with water. I could see as we approached the towers and turrrets of an ancient city, and the effect was indescribable. In the course of a mile we passed over seven stone bridges — over the Isis, Tamar, and several other streams. Oxford is situated in the midst of a great meadow or flat, three miles in A Canadian in Oxford, 1812. 97 iles pre- lich ;hed the we ■inar, the 8 in breadth. At eleven, we drove under the ruins of the old castle, now the county gaol, on our right, and Magdalen College on the left, through Broad Street into High Street, then turned to the right a hundred yards, and broug] ^ to at the " New Inn," opposite tlie Town Hall, where I left my companions. The dragoon and lieutenant continued on their journey — one for Portu- gal and the other for the Adriatic station. I slept till seven next morning, when I got my trunk from Cox's, dressed myself gay, and inquired the way to Wadham College, where lived my friend, Robert Stevens. I went up High Street, turned to the left, passed All Souls' College on one side, and St. Mary's Church and schools on the other, and continued straight on to Wadham. I went through a gateway into the quadrangle — ^for there are no doors on the outside of the Colleges — and found Mr. Stevens in his room giving a Greek lecture. He received me with the utmost politeness, and asked me to wait until he had finished his lecture. The rooms in this college are very commodious, consisting of a good sized parlour, furnished in good style, well painted and papered, a sofa, glasses and a bedroom, dressing-room and study, for which all but fellows pay i^lO a year rent, finding their own furniture. Mr. Stevens then put on his robe of ofiice, which is a silk gown with rich velvet sleeves, and a cap the same as students wear. He has always two men with maces walking before him. The first thing we did was to see Wadham College, which is the most uniform building in Oxford, as it has never been altered since it was built in 1613, by Nicholas Wadham, whose statue, with Dorothy, his wife, stand in niches over the hall portico. The chapel is very handsome, having seven large windows of painted glass. The hall is one of the largest in Oxford, about one hundred feet in length, and very high and wide, wainscoted and ceiled with oak, carved in a most curious manner, and the walls hung with paintings. On either side is a long range 98 Ten Years of Upper Canada. ' ■ f M llfl .' of oaken tables, and oak benches where three hundred people can dme. We then went to Christ College, the largest m the city, and built after the vast plan of Cardinal Wolsey. It consists of four courts or squares. The stately west front of the great quadrangle is a magnificent Cothio budding, 882 feet in length, terminating at each end with two corresponding turrets. The great gate is in the middle of this front, and over it an ancient tower, in which hangs the great bell, called "Tom," wiiich weighs eight and a half tons, on the sound of which the scholars of ihe university are to retire to their respective colleges. The great (prndrangle is 264 by 261 feet. On the south side of the quadrangle is the hall, to which you ascend by an elegant staircase of stone. This hall is by far the handsomest in Oxford, being 150 feet in length, and of great height. The roof is framed of timber, curiously wrought, and the cornice has 300 coats of arms carved and painted in their proper colours. At the upper end is an ascent of three steps w^hich runs the whole breadth, where the noblemen dine, above the masters, who dine at a double row of tables on each side. They were then laid, as the college dines at two. All the plates and dishes were of pewter, with silver tankards. The chapel w^as built for a cathedral before the year 1200. We then went to the theatre, where all public speeches and debates are said. On the ceiling the Arts and Sciences are painted. We then crossed the court to the Eadcliff library, which is a fine building surrounded by pillars, and has a dome 180 feet high. From the top I had a complete view of Oxford. The library contains 40,000 volumes ; it was built by a private gentleman and cuts a very great appearance in Oxford among the ancient towers and turrets. Thence we went to University College. This library contains 450,000 volumes — ancient, modern, and in all languages. Among the Arabic and Oriental manu- I A Canadian in Oxford, 1812. 99 |)y a nee ets. rary all ,11 u- scripts, in which they are very rich, Mr. Stevens showed me the Alkoran of Tippoo kSahib, presented by the East Inaia Company, with gold cover and clasps, very much ornamented. The paper is vellum, of the finest kind, every character written in gold, illustrated with the same. This college stands on the south side of High Street, opposite the Queen's, and is 260 feet in front, three stories, and has two noble towers in front and another over the chapel. We visited in this, and the course of the two following days, Baliol College, All Souls', Brazen-nose (so-called from having a brazen nose over the gate, it is opposite All Souls'), Magdalen College (called Maudlin), the richest in the University, which supports 1'20 com- moners and ftjUows. It lies upon the Charwell, at the east end of ths city, and has the finest groves of trees in England. I knew one of the Fellows of this college, Dr. Goldsboro. New College, which lies east of the schools and theatre, was built in 1379, and is a building 200 feet square. The chapel is remarkable for its beau- tiful painted windows, which are as old as the col- lege. The garden is laid out in an elegant manner. They have a bowling green here. The gardens are partly enclosed by the ancient city wall, which, with its battlements and bastions, may be traced along the north and south sides. Oriel College contains 140 students, and is a building 280 feet square. It is near St. Mary's Church, in High Street. On the north side of High Street, opposite University College, is Queen's. It is an oblong square, 300 feet by 220 feet, divided into two courts by the hall and chapel, the latter 100 feet long and 30 feet wide. It maintains 200 students, masters, etc., who are all called to dinner by the sound of a trumpet. I have said a great deal about High Street, and I must tell you it is the grandest street I have seen in England. It winds from east to west like a river through the city, every wind M 100 Ten Years of Upper Canada. i "i \ I I:' '' of which opens to the view some grand and state y college. Magdalen College Hall, Un>:ersity and Queen's, St. Mary's Church and Hall, New College, the schools and Brazen-nose, all stretch along this street. I must now tell you how I passed my time there. Dressed myself smart in breeches, shoes and stockings — for boots are not allowed to be worn — and as the clock struck four, Mr. Stevens took me into the great hall to dinner. On each side was a long oak table, with benches, pewter plates, silver forks and spoons, and a silver tankard of ale to each plate. We were, by right, the first to enter, and accordingly marched up to the farther end near the fire-place, to the master's table, which runs across, and is raised two steps higher than the common hall. Dr. Swaine sat at the head, I upon the right hand, Dean Gardiner upon his left ; Mr. Stevens next to me, and eight others, of whom I knew Drs. Wyndham and Templar. Our dinner consisted of soup, served in a silver tureen, roast veal, pudding and pies, cheese, etc., and a silver tankard of ale. This College is very rich in plate. Our table was further distinguished from the long ones by having whole joints. The students have what is called com- mons. I was surprised to see the upper end of each table occupied first, and so on by degrees to the foot; all the students having on gowns, shoes and stockings, for boots are not allowed. I was going to tell you what they call commons. To each college is a large kitchen, with cooks in abundance, who, upon their own account, find the mess; and each student, accord- ing to his degree, goes first into the kitchen, imme- diately before dinner, and looks at the bill of fare, and orders a plateful of beef or mutton, etc., and, if he likes, a slice of pudding, for which he is charged by the clerk, who sits at a desk in one corner, and a waiter follows him into the hall with it. That is the reason 1 saw the heads of the tables filled first, A Canadian in Oxford, 1812. 101 because the elder fellows had the prime run of the kitchen, across which a bar is put to prevent the young chaps from disturbing cookey. We were waited on by the butler and steward. As we were eating cheese, a man came round the table with a slate, asking every perpon how many pieces of bread they had taken. For each pioce he charges one halfpenny. As soon as we had dined, Dr. Gardiner gave a sign, and every person in the hall rose and stood outside their seats, and ail undergraduate came up to our table, made a bow, and repeated a long thanksgiving in Latin, and a prayer for the prosperity of the King, kingdom and college, and a prayer for and thanks to old Nic, and Dorothy Wadham, which Dr. Gardiner answered in a few Latin words. Then we took our hats and left the hall, all standing until we were out. We then went into a handsome wainscoted-room, with a good fire and plenty of wine-glasses and arm- chairs. This is called the Common Hoom. Presently old Mrs. Ford, who has served the college for the last forty years, came limping her ancient form into the room with oranges, apples, cakes, and nuts ; each man drank a pint of wine, for which they paid the butler on the spot, at the rate of 4s. 6d. per bottle. Every week he pays that money into Dr. Wyndham's hands. At seven we broke up, and Mr. Stevens took me to a lady's house in Oxford, where there was a large party. At nine Mr. Stevens left to go his nightly rounds as proctor, with two men as attendants. His business is to clear the streets of vagabonds, to see that every student is snug within the colleges. After that hour his authority is supreme over Oxford, and its environs to the distance of two miles, and he can imprison any person he chooses. At half-past ten he called for me, and we went home to Wadham, where he had provided a good bed for me. Next morning, 29th February, at eight o'clock, I went to St. Mary's Church, next the schools and Brazen-nose, where 102 Ten Years of Upper Canada. m ^1:1^ r •'■ Latin service was performed. The Vice-Chancellor entered in state, followed by the two proctors, doctors, deans, etc, These prayers, every student who intends taking degrees in the ensuing term, is obliged to attend. Their names were called over. There were about 500 there. We breakfasted in Dr. Swain's rooms — for in Oxford it is a rule that several breakfast together at each other's rooms in turn ; and the Oxonians are famous for good breakfasts. They vie with one another in that respect. Mr. Stevens had the Greek lectures to attend to, so he committed me to the care and guidance of Dean Gardiner, who promised to show me the remainder of the lions. Accordingly, we went to the schools to see the cere- mony of a master taking his degree, ])efore the Vice- Chancellor, who sat in state, with the proctors below him, and doctors and masters on either side. The ceremony was long and curious. Everything that was said was in Latin. We then went to the rest of the colleges I had not seen, and to the museum, where I saw the skull of Oliver Cromwell, Guy Fawkes' lanthorn, and the sword the Pope gave Henry VIIL, when Defender of the Faith ; a loadstone that attracted 145 pounds of iron ; lioman and Carthaginian swords and curiosities. We then went to hear Sir Christopher Pegg deliver an anatomical lecture. Then dressed for dinner, at which I did my duty, and drank wine till seven. The con- versation was first on books and the manuscripts found in Herculaneum. Then very politely turned, to please me, on America. I was in my element, and we all seemed well entertained. Three of the students were invited to tea, and we played whist. A barrel of London oysters was brought in at ten, and we made a glorious supper. Sunday I was invited to breakfast by Mr. Hall, a young blood of Oxford, where I made a most sump- tuous meal. We went to St. Mary's Church, and heard A Canadian in Oxford, 1812. 103 a Bampton lecture, which is a sermon against the Mahometan reHgion. I had the honour of sitting with Mr. Wyndham, in the Masters' seat. The ser- mon was said first, and the prayers after. Mr. Stevens and I took a walk to a certain oak on the top of a hi]l. whence we had a delightful view of Oxford, which is umike any other city. Dined as usual. One of the students, Colonel Lethridge's son, appeared in hall in boots, and was ordered out. Monday, I bade good-bye to my good friends, left Oxford in the "Alfred" coach at eight, and reached Tyburn, in Oxford Street, at three, having gone at the rate of eight miles an hour. The day was beautiful, and we passed through many fine and populous towns. London was in a cloud of smoke. 104 Ten Years of Upfer Canada. CHAPTEK VIII. u i m 'i : I J 1:1 ..: . ■ i 1 1 LONDON AND WOOLWICH. From Thus. G. R'ulout to his fufher in York : — London, \7th March, 181 '2. On ^[onday, the first of March, I arrived in Patei'- iioster Row I'roin Oxford, where I had been for three days, living at Wadham College. By the kind atten- tion of Mr. Stevens, J was enabled to see more of that famous place than niost strangers. I was at preachings, prayings, lectures and dinners, convoca- tions and suppers, and saw all the lions and whelps of the town. On Tuesday, the third, I went about visit- ing my friends, and took a letter up to Montague Square, to Miss Stevens, Mr. S.'s sister, who lives with (reneral Stevens in that most gay and fashionable spot. The Quebec convoy sails from Portsmouth on the twentieth, by which these letters go. I saw the Erer- tftta the other day down by the tower. There are now about 5, ()()() sail of merchantmen in the river, which form a most interesting sight. I w'as sent the other day down to the London Docks, about two miles below the bridge. They are building a beautiful seventy-four and two more ships in Blac-kwall Docks, near the East India Docks. At Deptford, another seventy-four, with three frigates, are on the stocks ; and at Woolwich, a most magnificent ship, of 120 guns, will be launched this simmier. You will think it very singular that I have not yet seen Governor Gore, who has been up- wards of two months in England. I missed him by going into the country. Yesterday he attended the Prince Regent's levee. Ill' London and Woolwich. 105 Ips of visit- itague s with spot. n the Ei:er- iiow vhieh other )elow -four East with ,vi('h, ched nat I 1 np- |ii by the The French and linssians are goin<( to war a^^^ain, therefore, the Baltie will be open this sunnner to the British, which will take oiT ^n-eat quantities of the niaiuifactures of En t 110 Ten Years of Upper Canada. liii K m ■> .-i-i - fierce engagements, bloodless battles, castles on fire, thunder and lightning, a tempestuous sea and a stormy night, form this nuich-famed piece. At half-past twelve it broke up. Then for confusion, nujn and boys running about with torches, crying for coaches — " Lady Gamble," " Lord Yarmouth," "Lord Radnor," " No 984," etc, etc. Saturda/f 25th. — Philip Prince and I went to Astley's Theatre. He went above to see Mr. Astley, while I stayed in the hall. Down came Mrs. Astley and in- vited me up, and I drank a glass of wine with them. It was odd to see Mrs. Astley come on the stage, just after I had been speaking to her. Mofidaij, 21th. — Admiral Taylor and his nephew breakfasted with us on their way with George to Ox- ford. John and I promised to accompany them to High Wycombe, twenty five miles, so we got on board the "Black Lion," Water Lane, at half-past eight, and drove off. When we reached Uxbridge — a large town, fifteen miles from Tyburn and eighteen from St. Paul's — it came on to rain, so we left poor G., and walked to town, though twenty stages, seventy waggons and carts, forty gentlemen's carriages and thirty-five horsemen passed us in two and a half hours. London, 29th April, 1812. This day being Easter Monday, the Lord Mayor gave a grand dinner and ball, at which all the foreign ambassadors, princes and noblemen, etc., were present. In the course of the day John procured a ticket for me to go to the ball. No. 2850. You may suppose I was not a little pleased with it. Mr. Hamilton had obtained a ticket for two of his sons, so we made an agreement to go together at half-past ten. Already was Cheapside, the Poultry and Cornhill filled with carriages, lighted torches, and confusion. We walked and got in very well through the crowd. Some of the carriages were three or four hours getting y> JM ,1 '11 11 y h d e :t> London and Woolwich. Ill through Cheapside. The first rooiii we entered was the Egyptian Hall, lighted by great glass chan- deliers and festoons of lamps. A row of pillars on each side of the room, which supported the roof, were entwined with beautiful lamps made of cut-glass. At one end was a military band playing " God save the King."' The other end had great folding doors, open- ing into the dining-room, laid out in four rows of tables extending the whole length. The dinner, itself, was the only thing moved, every ornament remained. Down the middle of each table there was a row of the most curious oriiiiments in frame work, about three or four feet high, made of wood and gilded — men, horses, castles, abbeys and battles. The room was lighted with cut-glass chandeliers, suspended from the roof, with fifty or sixty lights in each ; figures of men and women holding lustres in their hands. The pillars here were fluted, and down every second groove was a string of lamps. These two lower rooms were crowded with gentlemen and ladies. We then went up stairs into the ball-room. At the east end, under a canopy of gold, seated on a throne of the same, sat the Ijady Mayoress. On her right hand was seated the Duke of Cambridge, next to him the Duke of Brunswick, and the Spanish Ambassador; on her left, some lords. Immediately behind her were twelve young ladies in waiting, dressed in state like old Queen Bess's picture, with wliite feathers and diamonds. The Lady Mayor- ess, a pretty woman about twenty-eight, was dressed in a gown spangled with gold, I su})pose, with great hoops. Her belt was studded with precious stones, and clasped by the same. Her hair sparkled with diamonds ; she wore a gold comb set with jewels. The Duke of Cambridge was dressed like a general, with a great star upon his left breast — of diamonds I suppose — and two diamond rings on his fingers, and a red sash over his shoulder. The other noblemen had blue sashes. There were some Spanish and Portuguese l> w t?irvm\ 1 112 Ten Years of Upper Canada. §■■■» ml ■ ,1 mi officers there. At twelve, the Duke of Cambridge left the ball. There was very little dancing. John and Frank H. danced, and as Frank was going down merrily, his foot slipped on some wax that had dropped down, and he fell on his face, to the great anmsement of the company. I got some ice cream and cakes with great difficulty. Frank came down to get a drink, but to no purpose. He mistook an Alderman, in his scar- let robes, for one of the servants, and said to him, " Go, like a good fellow, and get me a drink, I'll give you sixpence to go, and bring me a pot of porter. The xVlderman, turning round, fiercely said, " Do you know who you are speaking to?" Very unexpectedly I met Henry Boulton there, walking with some ladies, and we had a great chat, and we thought what would Joel, Jim Campbell or McDonell say to us strut- ting about a Lord Mayor's ball-room with our opera hats under our arms, among 5,000 gay Londoners. At half-past three I left the Mansion House, well pleased at my night's amusement. ;H If'i'i : From Thom'ts G. Hidout to hU Brother at York: — London, ^th May, 1812. Yesterday I received with heartfelt satisfaction your letters of the 15th and ^Oth January. Though I am in the midst of pleasurss, of which I freely par- take, yet would I exchange all and every scene of this wonderful metropolis, for old Ontario's northern shore. I almost envy you your deep snows and frozen lakes during the last winter, and am glad to hear that balls and regular assemblies were again the order of the day at York, whicli must have proved a great addition to the confined pleasures of our poor sisters. How willingly would I give up going to hear Catalini at the Opera to-morrow evening, or Mrs. Siddons, in " The Game- ster," on Saturday, that mot' er and sisters might take my place. \^ II T: f London and Woolwich. 113 le i^ Should our country be visited by an American war (which I fear is too probaljle), what a dreadful situa- tion will you all be in I Do you think, if that is the case, I could bear to remain quiet in England ? No, never ! Though I don't l)oast of my untried courage, or of being a son of Mars, yet would it be my greatest pleasure to share the fate of my family. So that the little ones were secure, we would keep our rifles cocked and primed, mount guard together, share every fatigue, and play Brother Jonathan a few Cana- dian tricks. Now, 1 hear you say, " Oh, dear ; how brave Tom speaks, what a warlike humour he is in, since he is four thousand miles away." Well, never mind. Time brings about all things, and we shall yet "live upon the maskinonge and fatten on the mus- quash." I am very glad that General Brock has a notion of making York head-quarters for the grand army. Yesterday morning I roused Henry Boulton out of bed, and breakfasted with him on rolls and radishes; he never drinks tea. You know he is a second time articled, and will not be out of his time until he is twenty-seven years of age. Think how old he will be when he commences business. Here he has to do more work in one day then he did in three at home. I dare say he will be a good chancery lawyer, a thing of little consequence in Canada until a court of that kind is established. The other day he paid .ill2 fees for being entered at Westminster and Lincoln's Inn. Mr. Firth is now practising in his native town o Norwich. The mayor and corporation nnist have been delighted at the return of so amiable a num. Mr. Boulton is still a prisoner at Verdun with poor John Small. They live together. Henry has seen a lady who met sometime ago his father, who was very well ; but Small fretted much, and looked wan and thin. 1 pity the poor fellow. The number of English gentle- men at Verdun has caused the living there to be very 114 Ten Years of Upper Canada. •J m: expensive. They have balls, feasts, horse-racing and hunting within their limits, building villas and laying out gardens, to the admiration of the French, who respect John Bull, above all other prisoners. Boulton is their English lawyer — gives advice and transacts business. I shall write again by the Indian Queen. s :>} : M ii '■ I I' '■ ! :|if I™ From Thomas G. Ridout to his Father in York : — London, May 2nrd, 1812. After seeing Mr. Adams, I called upon the Governor, who received me in his usual friendly manner. He had just received three letters from York, up to the 16th March— from Mr. Selby, Colonel Claus and Mr. Stanton — wherein they mention all were well, of course, including you ; that Parliament had been dissolved after a very disorderly meeting, in which the Opposi- tion had carried everything before them, imprisoned Nicoll and memorialized the Prince Eegent against the Chief. A few days before, the Governor had given me the York paper of the r2th February, containing General Brock's very warlike speech, and the answers of both Houses; in consequence whereof, and the threatening posture of the Americans, they had granted c£5,000 towards training the militia of the Province. The Governor remarked they did not play the deuce so when he was with them. I also learn that the Indians are all on our side. He hinted that if there were war, George and I should have commissions — in the militia, I suppose. How dreadful, my dear Father, would your situation be, if our peaceful and delightful country should be visited bj^ wal* rendered more cruel by the Indians engaged on both sides. If you, mother and the children were at Quebec, I should not mind the Yankees. Never has the British Government been in the situa- tion it now is. Mr. Perceval dead, and all public offices in confusion, and the great men caballing one against lis,--' p. 'if -¥\ i T London and Woolwich. 115 id the other. If they repeal the Orders in Conncil, the American trade will flourish beyond all former periods. They will then have the whole commerce of the conti- nent in their hands, and the British, though blockading with powerful armaments the hostile ports of Europe, will behold fleets of American merchantmen enter in safety the harbours of the enemy, and carry on a brisk and lucrative trade, whilst the English, who conniiand the ocean, and are sole masters of the deep, must quietly suffer two-thirds of their shipping to be dismantled and to lie snug and useless in little rivers or alongside huge, but empty warehouses. Their sailors, in order to earn a little salt junk and flinty biscuit, nuist spread themselves like vagabonds over the face of the earth, and enter the service of any nation. If, on the con- trary, they continue to enforce their orders — trade will still remain in its present deplorable state. An American war will follow, and poor Canada will be obliged to bear the whole brunt of American vengeance. The Governor says that if that time should come, England will not forsake us. The veterans who fought at Talavera, Barossa and Badajos, will show the sons of Kentucky, the long-shanks of Connecticut and Genesee pumpkin-eaters, that it would be better for them to stay at home and eat mush and milk, than meet British troops of the present day. I begin to think all this noise is nothing but a squall from the westward. If the present embargo continues any length of time, it will be of great benefit to Ca- nada; not only by causing a large carrying and smug- gling trade in the Provinces, and an outlet for the heavy stock of British manufacturers, which the Cana- dian merchants have on hand, but by raising to a very considerable price the produce of Canada in England and the West Indies. The sales of potash, pearlash, timber, and peltry are now rather flat ; but a brisk sale and great advance .i 116 Ten Years of Upper Canada. a;, it I;:! E.. is shortly expected. Tobacco is upon the rise, there not being above 40,000 hogsheads now in London market. Flour sells almost at the price of life in J^jngland. Manchester, Birmingham, Nottingham, Sheflield, and several other places, have the appear- anc3 of garrisoned towns. When I was at St. Alban's, I saw two regiments of horse pass through that town on their way to quell the insurrections. The rioters are almost as daring as the Whiteboys of Ireland were. I do not wonder at the manufacturers becoming so desperate ; most of them having been out of employ- ment for the last six months. The introduction of machinery into the manufactories have caused many hands to be dismissed ; against this they wreak their vengeance. The Governor asked me to walk with him down to the Haymarket and conversed all the way. Among other things he said : "What do you think ? That black- guard Joe Willcocks dined with General Brock and turned Government man for awhile, and then joined his own party again." On Saturday morning, the 7th May, I set out for St. Alban's, accompanied by George as far as High- gate, where we saw the famous tunnel through the hill that had fallen in when the work was nearly completed. The sun was hot, the roads very dusty, and what added to my discomfort were the trotters of many thousand sheep that I met coming from the north for the London market. On Monday, at seven, passed through Barnet and over Barnet Heath, where the great battle was fought between the houses of York and Lancaster, in which the Earl of Warwick lost his life. I met with a most hearty welcome at St. Alban's ; after breakfast we walked upon the Roman ramparts of ancient Verulam. 1 i :l London and Woolwich. 117 On Sunday, went to the A])bey church. How <^mnd and venerable does that building' appear. Went on Monday, with Betsy, to Miss Kindar's house, and to see the beautiful Mrs. Storey. She took me like a show to the different families in St. Alban's, and introduced me to the old Countess Dow- a^^er Spencer, j4Tanddau<^diter of the ^reat J^uke of Marlborough, and mother to Lord Spencer, formerly First Lord of the Admiralty. The old lady spoke to me very politely of America, and asked if I knew Captain Vigareaux, of the engineers.* 1 returned to London on Thursday. No doubt Mr. Perceval's death will make some noise in America. 1 saw the assassin, Bellingham, executed at Newgate, on the morning of the 18th inst., and his body afterwards at the dissecting room, Bartholo- mew's Hospital. I am going with my uncle and G. to a grand rout this evening, at G. Ward's, known and described as Ann W^ard's fashionable drum. 1 am still at Hamilton's, getting brushed up in Lon- don business. I don't doubt but we shall have 1,000 sail at Quebec this year. The cotton, woollen and iron trade never were so ffat and dull as at present. Sugar rather brisk — Martinique, Guadaloupe and Trinidad sugars have lately been included and rated as British plantation, which, instead of paying thirty per cent, port duty, amount- ing to a prohibition, now pay twenty per cent. No- thing has been exported to the United States for this year past. Flour now would bring fifteen dollars per barrel, which could be sent from Lake Ontario to Lon- don for eleven dollars. I am invited to Sir John Seabright's grand ball, to be given at St. Alban's. He is a member for Here- ford. * Afterwards distinguished in the war of 1812. m I m im 118 Ten Years of Upper Canada. From T. 0. Ridout to his Brother in Yoi'k : — LOiNDON, ls< June, 1812. Diary Letter. It is now the sixth month since you wrote me last by the William and Indian Queen. I hope you received the letters I wrote by them in April or May. Trade has received a dreadful shock here from Bona- parte's edicts and the Non-Importation Act. How- ever, the merchants have in part recovered, and begin again to look about them. The crash of ruin among the first traders in January, 1811, is passed by, and the great probability of a free trade in the Baltic this sunnner with Russia and Sweden, has occasioned some speculation in Colonial produce, and a briskness in the East India sales, with a slight rise of the stocks which are at present low. I think we shall have a con)f()itable voyage out. As for b^ ing taken, there is little danger, so that we clear the chops of the channel, which now and then in foggy weather, is much infested by French privateers. Monday^ 18th May, 1812, — This morning Belling- ham was executed at the debtor's door, Newgate.* From the leads of St. Sepulchre's, H. and I saw the execution nuich better than if we had been in the mob. He was a great, tall, raw-boned fellow, and dressed like a gentleman. He walked with a quick and firm step upon the platform. On his appearance, the immense mob, which extended from Fleet Street into Smith- field and the streets leading thereto, took their hats off and gave a great shout, crying out, " God bless you." Every precaution had been taken against a rescue. A circle of constables, six deep, was formed around the platform, within which the City Marshal and other officers rode. Two troops of horse were * Spencer Perceval, Prime Minister of England, was assassinated on the 11th May, 1812. The people evidently attributed the distress in England to his administration, and therefore looked upon his assassin, Bellingham, as somewhat of a martyr. London and Woolwich. 119 stationed beyond Blackfriar's, and a squadron in Smith- field, so as to be in readiness in case of a disturbance. He (Bellinghani) looked (quickly round him, when two men pulled a muslin cap over his face, and tied his eyes round with his n^^ckcloth. He prayed about a minute, and as St. Sepukhre's tolled eight, he sank down in the midst of the shouts of thousands and tens of thou- sands, who cried, " God bless you." Every man had his hat off. E. and I saw his body the next day in the dissecting room, Bartholomew's Hospital, stretched on a slab. We viewe^l him an instant with horror, then turned away. TJmrfidaij, 21st. — The day of Ann Ward's rout. Everything was in the most fashionable and elegant style. x\t these routs one can walk, sit or stand, as he pleases ; play cards or look on. There were ices, iced lemon and cream, and delicacies in abundance, handed about upon large silver salvers. The whole finishc^d with a supper and some dances. I am tired of these fashionable entertainments. I had rather be out spearing and hunting than partaking of Cockney amusements. Sii?ida]/, 24:th Ma//. — Henry Boulton dined with us, and we all walked in Kensington Gardens till five. I can tell you Henry is quite a buck. You are now preparing I suppose, for the 4th of June, which day is hardly thought of in London. How beautiful nuist the woods begin to be with you ! As for these English trees, I hardly look on them as wood. They are so small and stunted, but the hedges and smooth fields make the country look very fine at this season. Last night I went to the Lyceum theatre in the Strand. The play was " The Duenna," lecture upon heads by Palmer, and the " Honest Thieves," with which we were much entertained. On Sunday last we went in a coach to Kensington Gardens. The day was fine, and the whole face of the iVi * i i 1 i 'i , ill ; ifi; 120 Ten Y?:ars of Uppkr Canada. ^airdens was covered with people, dressed in the most elegant manner. I never saw anything to e([nal it. They walked in crowds throngh the numerous lawns and avenues. I had old Mrs. Ward under my arm, and would not have exchang(>d her for any on the turf. People must have thought 1 was grap{)led with a Duchess. Her renuirks on the different peo))k> were capital. It was what may be called a genteel mob, which extended for some miles round the park and gardens. The fineness of the day had induced London to send out all her gay sons and daughters to the pro- menade. I had the good luck to see the Princess Charlotte driving on the l\oyal course in an open chariot with one old lady. She is not inrndsome, nor tall, but looks a good deal like her father, and the old King, Her mother, the Princess of Wales, drove past a little while after in a coach and four. She is a great fat Dutchwonum, From Tlionias G. Ridont to his Jlrothcr in Yi)rly : — London, 6fh June, 1S12. I take this ()p])ortunity of answering your letter of the 9th March, whicb 1 recei\'ed this morning, I am sure you will be glad at my retui'n to America, If you are involved in a war witb the Yankees (of which I now fear there are too many sad prospects), my r<'asons for returning will be tenfold increased, I think, at any rate, we shall have commissions in the (,'anadian corps now raising in the country. The pr(>])arations for war on both sid(^s of the lakes must be very interesting to you, as well from the novelty of the thing, as from tln^ active part we shall take in the contest. In what ruin and distress will our dear country be involved ! In Eng- land they consider (!anada as one of their tiiu^st colonies, and will defend it to the last. There will be pl(>ntiful supplies of troops and money sent out, and having the Indians as our allies, they think the Americans will not be able to hold the country. Two packets of London and Woolwich, 121 letters, which 1 sent by the way of New York, 1 am afraid will never reach yon. Governor Hull being at Detroit with eight thousand luen ready to tall on our devoted country, alarms me, and we hear that thirteen thousand iiave been drafted from the militia, and ten thousand ordevd to the back frontiers ; that magazines ai'c forming at Albany and up the Hudson. This forebodes war upon Canada. People here think the Americans n.rv. l)ent upon it, and that their de- mands will be so extravagant that the p]nglish w^ould rather fight it out. I suppose our militia are by this time well trained, and Allan's* coinpany one of thel)est in the Province. To give you some idea of the great scale on whiv the English prepare for war, I wish you had been with me yesterday at Woolwich. On Saturday I received a note from Colonel Pilkington inviting me down, and offering to convey these letters and any packages to U})per Canada by a friend of his now going out to that Province. Yesterday I went down in the stage, and was received hi tlie most polite manner by the (^olonel and his lady. H(> himself took me to the brass foundry, and there I saw the brass cannon run in (day moulds solid, then bored by boring machines. The outside^ turned and ornamented by chisels and lintdy polished. The trunnions are also done in a very curious manner, and lastly the King's arms and the year are engraved, when the piece is proved. If bad, it is melted down again. They save all the shavings. The Warren, as this j)lace is called, is enclosed by a wall a mil(> and a half in circuit, and is on what formerly was a marsh, now Idled up and levelled with gravel, extending along the bank of the river. There are great storehouses and workshops dispersed along the wall, and the whole internuMliate space between >-> *Hun. Will. Alkn. ; 11 1 Wi ■ J 122 Ten Years of Upper Canada. that and the river (except where they are buildin<]j a large square of storehouses) is one immense field of cannon, placed close to the ground, without their carriages, upon iron railw.'iys, and arranged in long rows side hv side in the most beautiful order and exactness. There, at one view, you behold sixteen thousand pieces of iron ordnance. Some are of the most heavy metal, besides an immense number of brass pieces, which are kept separate, and are so bright you can see your face in them. At the west end there are several hundred brass guns captured from enemies. Amongst them some beautiful Turkisb ones, having the crescent marked upon them. They are very highly ornamented. Some are octagon on the outside ; of seventeen or eighteen feet in length. I saw the boys making cartridges — done in an instant. There is a machine by which they plane blocks of wood for the gun carriages of ships by means of a large horizontal wheel. Another place they turn iron axle-trees, like wood, making iron shavings. There is also an immense number of howitzers and mortars, with their iron beds, to the left of the cannon, and four great pyramids of shells as large as iron pots. Dispersed among the guns are a great many pyramids of cannon l)all, of ditferent weight. They were loading some ships with guns, auimunition and ball. A cargo of copper had just arrived from Malta. Three hundred and fifty convicts were at work getting gravel out of the l)ed of the Tluimes, by a steam engine, and wheeling it al)out to fill up the marsh, and in building a beautiful stone (^uay the whole length of the arsenal upon the river. They were all chained by the leg and dressed in gray clothes. The buildings are of fine yellow brick and look very handsome. At twelve o'clock I saw several thousand workmen march out of the gate to dinner. At one they returned all in a body. London and Woolwich. 123 id :he as at it. on 01 n at the the ray ind ral ler. Colonel Pilkington wishes to go out to Canada. He says it is the finest country he ever saw. At three the Colonel and I went to the grand artil- lery barracks, fronting a large conmion, at the upper part of which is the lioyal Academy of Woolwich, situate under arising ground. It is built in the form of a castle, with piazzas or cloisters between the wings and centre. The artillery barracks are 2,500 feet in length. Behind are three large squares, enclosed by the horse barracks and stables. There are 2,000 horses here. In front of the barracks is a double range of mounted brass guns ; before the grand entrance, two beautiful pieces taken at Copenhagen. To the west was a great park, full of brass guns and am- munition and waggons, ready for sc^rvice. In our walk we made tlie whole circuit of Woolwicii and returned to dinner, after which we rode in a coacli to Blackheatli, and returned to the artillery parade, between the barracks and academy. Here I saw the finest set of men in England, consisting of 5,000 artilku-ymen and two bands of music. I saw the church at Blackheath where Mr. Perceval is buried, and the house of the Princess of Wales, in Grreenwich Park. I rejoice to hear that, in York, you keep up to old times in price of living and that Hour is so cheap. Plere, wheat is 18 shillings a bushel. I dare say no more supplies will be sent out of Canada, as Govern- ment will buy all it can to form magazines in case of a war. On Monday, the 15th, I suppose the election takes place, we have here drank success to Sipiire Kidout. Fro)n, Thomaa G. R'ldout to his Father in York : — London, 10th June. 1812. Your letters ([uite surprise us at the ra])idity of tlieir journey. Tliat of the 24th iNhircli, containing your address, was received on the 0th iust. On Sunday, 1 \l"i \^S /Jv .i «.M. 1'24 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Wits in Kensington Gardens from two till seven, and was annised beyond anything at the immense crowds. I saw the Princess Charlotte again. The Duchess of Sussex and Kent live at Kensington Palace. On the evening of the 4th Jane, the public offices, places of amusement, and the houses of the King's tradesmen, were illuminated with glass lamps. The stocks are low. Insurance to Quebec, 8 guineas out, 10 home ; if there is war will rise to 20 guineas. Freight out, from i'2 10s. to 4!3 per ton ; home, Ml to .t8. Not one ship in seven can get any freight, so that they run in ballast. Potash and timber begin to rise. Canada white oak staves are considered better than American or Biiltic, upon which last there is an enormous duty laid in favor of Canada. The smug- gling between Heligoland and the continent is put an end to. People are afraid that Canada will fall to the Ame- ricans. I am not quite of that opinion. The Prince Regent is considered half a fool. The great men of England are divided into many parties, and after Per- ceval's death, everything was in confusion, and the country was left without a government for a month. York is yet, I hope, to be my place of residence. In the course of a few years it will be nearly as large as Montreal. I am glad that General Brock and you are such good friends. Governor Gore says it is a piece of folly to fortify the garrison, as it is no place of defence. i' m F'iRST Notes of the War, 1812. 125 ^011 3ce of CHAPTER IX. FIRST NOTES OF THE WAR, 1812. Among the causes assigned by the American Govern- ment for declaring war against Great Britain were the " Orders in Council," and the " Right of Search." While the European war was raging, England's arch- enemy, Napoleon, had declared in his Berlin decree of 1806, all vessels liable to seizure that had touched at a British port. The English " Orders in Council," 1807, retaliated by declaring tiiat only ships, which had touched at a British port should be permitted to enter a French port. Napoleon then declared the British Islands in a state of blockade, and interdicted all neutrals from trading with them. Great Britain retaliated by placing the French Empire in a state of blockade, and cut off from it the commerce of neutral nations. This state of affairs pressed heavily on American connnerce, as American merchantmen had, during tlie war in Europe, almost monopolized the carrying trade of the world. The orders were unpopular in England, as much distress had been caused by them. They were rescinded on the 28rd June, 1812, but their repeal had not the slightest effect in restoring tran- I /4 ■ ! flji: Cf ii} * :■! i 126 Ten Years of Upper Canada. quility. The Americans maintained that they had been repealed, not to render justice to the United States, but to rescue a large portion of the British population from starvation. As to the other grievance, the "right of search," claimed and practised by Great Britain upon Ameri- can vessels navigating the high seas, it was stated that England had impressed no less than 6,000 mari- ners who claimed to be citizens of the United States, and that 1,000 American vessels had been seized and confiscated. England had experienced great difficulty in man- ning her immense navy, and claimed that these men were British subjects and deserters. Whatever may have been the ostensibh^ reasons of the Americans for declaring war, there is no doubt " a deadly hatred to England and a deadly love to France " was a potent one. The Prince Regent in his address to Parliament, said that the real origin of the contest was the avowed sympathy of the Americans with the aggressive tyr- anny of France. So war was declared against England by Congress, on the 18th June, 1812, by a vote of seventy-nine to forty-nine. Canada became the battle-field. The population of Lower Canada was at that time 226,000 ; of Upper Canada, 75,000. The population of the United States was about 8,000,000. Yet, with a frontier of more than a thousand miles to I I First Notes of the War, 1812. 127 I j DO defend, a gallant little band of regulars and militia held the enemy at bay for nearly three years. At the opening of the war in July, 1812, the regular force in the Canadas consisted of seven regiments of infantry, one of veterans and invalids, and a detach- ment of artillery, amounting in all to about 4,500 men. The enemy relied on the impossibility of Canada receiving aid from England, also on the supposed dis- affection of the inhabitants. How erroneous this latter supposition was, time soon proved. A veteran soldier. Sir George Prevost, was now Governor-General of British North America, and Connnander-in-Chief. In Upper Canada, General Brock was acting Lieu- tenant-Governor, or President of the Council, during the absence in England of Mr. Francis Gore. What he was to Canada at this crisis history has written in letters of gold. He believed in his Cana- dian citizen soldiers, and they did not show them- selves unworthy of his trust. In Upper Canada, the Militia Act provided that all from the age of eighteen to forty-five should turn out six days in each month for drill. It also provided that two tiank companies should be formed from every battalion, which companies should be the first employed in actual service, and might be marched to any part of the Province, where the President of the Council thought their services would be most required. m m IN" Hi hill' I'; lis-' 128 Ten Years of Upper Canada. In Lower Canada, it was enacted that every man between sixteen and tifty years of age was to be a militiaman, also the Government was author- ized to call out " by ballot, or command, 2,000 bache- lors between the ages of eighteen and thirty, and them to keep during ninety days under the command of such officers as they should appoint, and to march, train, and otherwise exercise them." In case of war in the Province, they were to be kept in service during two years. The embodied militia, as well as the volunteers, were to have the same pay and allowances as His Majesty's regular troops. No substitutes were allowed. In a quaintly translated extract from the papers of that date, we read of the formation of the corps known as " The Voltigeurs," so celebrated during the war. This corps, now under the command of Major de Salaberry, is completing with despatch worthy of the ancient warlike spirit of the country. Captain Perrault's company was filled up in forty- eight hours, and the companies of Captains Duchesney, Panet and Ecuyer, have very near their complement. The young men moved in solid columns towards the enlisting officers, with an expression of countenance not to be mistaken. The Canadians are awakening from the repose of an age, secured to them by good government and virtu- ous habits. Their anger is fresh, the object of their preparation simp' > and distinct. They are to defend their king, known to them only by acts of kinchiess, and a native country long since made sacred by the exploits of their forefathers. First Notes of the War, 1812. 129 I ' ■; 1 As to uniform, a letter from Ji^neas Shaw, Adjutant- General of Militia, dated York, 29th April, 1812, says : — As it is not ascertained whether Government will provide clothing for the militia, His Honour the President (General Brock) reconimends in the event of any portion of them being in the meantime called out into the field, that for their own convenience, as well as the benefit the service, each man, as far as his cir- cumstances and situation allow, will provide himself with a short coat of some dark-colored cloth, made to button well round the body, and pantaloons suited to the season, with the addition of a round hat. It is also recommended to the officers, on every occasion when in the field, to dress in conformity to the men, in order to avoid the bad consequences of a conspicuous dress. On the eve of the war this letter is written : — From George R'ulout to his brother Thomas in England : — YouK, 2oth June, 1812. The pleasant news of your appointment, together with your entertaining account of your journey to Oxford, has made our house joyful ; however, mixed with some allov, when we consider the hazardous and immense voyage you have before you, and the risk you run of being made a prisoner by the French. The papers here are filled with accounts of daily captures. As to the Americans disturbing us, we understand that the question f(U- war has passed the Congress by a majority of sixteen. Preparations are making here to receive them. Tbe Hank companies are paraded every week, a fort is building here, preparations are made at Niagara, and some new vessels are on the m m It I Slj 130 Ten Years of Upper Canada. lakes. All this will avail little unless we are supported by a regular force of ten thousand men, which number I am afraid it is impossible for the English to spare. I have the honor to be an ensign in a battalion company, viz.: the Town one. Colonel Chewett has given me to understand that in a short time I am to be promoted to a lieutenancy in the Grenadier company, which company is nearly of a size, tolerably well disciplined. Duncan Cameron is the captain. There was an express sent to General Brock in- forming him that a body consisting of four thousand Indians are ready at a moment's warning to offer their services to the British. The Americans have twelve hundred Kentucky men now at Detroit ; a body of six hundred at Niagara ; and indeed, both lakes on the south side are lined with them. I know not whether father has told you that John is a midshipman on board the Uoyal George, on this lake. Little John Radenhurst is here with a large detach- ment of the Newfoundland regiment, who are dis- tributed on board the several vessels on the lakes as marines. Among other news, I must not omit letting you know, that father is a Member of Parliament for the West Riding of the County of York and Simcoe. He was returned by a majority of a hundred and forty- two, against Sheppard, the only candidate who opposed him ; as Hamilton, the morning of the elec- tion, resigned his interest in favor of Sheppard. His heart failed him when he saw father's friends to the number of one hundred a?id fifty turning Leach's corner, huzzaing, with flags flying. Only six of the old members are returned, consequently the remainder of the twenty-six are new. They will compose a very respectable House. John McDonell is one of them. He was returned for Glengarry. Our election here it Y ? "il First Notes of the War, 1812. 131 lis- lasted three days. General Brock is much pleased with father's success. We had a famous electioneer- ing dinner after the polls closed, consisting of most of the gentlemen in York. The two last packets we have received from you appear to have been opened. I expect it has excited the curiosity of the American postmaster to see such large packets constantly passing in the same hand and addressed to one person. June 27th, 1812. — Since I wrote, an express has come here announcing that war is declared. Every one is in motion. General Brock went off to Niagara last night, with despatches to the Indians, who are all in readiness. I do not know what we will do wdth our large family. The militia are ordered out. I must now go. Adieu ! The John McDonell mentioned in this letter, as the member returned for Glengarry, is the McDonell, General Brock's aide-de-camp, who so soon after this date was off to the war, and who met a hero's death on the Heights of Queenston. The news of the declaration of war came to General Brock, we are told, by special express from New York, sent by John Jacob Astor to Thomas Clark, of Niagara Falls. ;he I V, ■ n. «p 1 • 132 Ten Years of Upper Canada. CHAPTER X. OPENING OF FIKST CAMPAIGN, 1812— DETROIT. m^ M^) • , The American plan of attack was to invade Canada with three armies. The army of the West on the Detroit frontier, the army of the Centre on the Niagara, and the army of the North on Lake Champlain. The latter was under the immediate command of General Dearborn, Commander-in-Chief of the American forces. At that time, as we have seen, Sir George Prevost was vvOmmander-in-Chief of the British forces in Canada, with head-quarters at Montreal; and Major- General Brock was in command of the Upper Pro- vince, head-quarters at York, now Toronto. The British Generals found themselves on the de- claration of war, with but a few battalions of regular troops (less than five thousand men) at their com- mand, with which to occupy and defend all the posts from Quebec to St. Joseph on Lake Huron. A part of a company was stationed at the latt er place ; two companies of the 41st regiment were at Fort Maiden, near Amherstburg, and a battalion was divided between Fort Erie,' Fort George and Burlington Heights — just sufficient to guard these places in times of peace. When the storm of war broke on Canada, it was in Ofkning of First Campai(,n, 1812 — Detroit. 133 Canada on the [iagara, I. The Greneral 1 forces. George 1 forces Major- r Pro- he de- regular com- posts A. part ; two lalden, etween -just Bvas in Upper Canada that tlie shock was first felt, and on General Brock was laid the responsibility of conduct- ing the opening operationt, of tlie campaign. His first orders {26th June, 1812), were sent to Captain Koherts, then commanding the small detachment of regulars at St. Joseph, a military post, or rather block-house, on an island of that nauie in Lake Huron, forty miles north-east of Mackinaw. These orders were, to gather what nien he could for the attack of Michillimackinac* an important island outpost of the Americans, com- manding the entrance to Lake Michigan. This post, also known as Mackinaw, was then the centre of the fur trade with the Lidians, and was guarded by a force of seventy-five men under Lieutenant Hancks, U. S. artillery. Captain Roberts enlisted in his service about one hundred and fifty voyageurs, armed with nmskets and fowling pieces, and set out with these volunteers and his own small detachment of forty-six men, for the capture of the fort. They embarked on the 16th July % in batteaux and canoes, and, under cover of the night silently approached the white cliffs of Mackinaw. The Americans were completely taken by surprise, and the officer in charge, not having received any instruc- tions from head-quarters, thought his wisest course was to surrender. This event took place on the 17th July, 1812, and apparently unimportant as was the achieve- ment, it had the effect of establishing confidence * Old Fort Michillimackinac, bo celebrated in Pontiac's wars as the scenea of dreadful massacres, was on the mainland near by. •Url \]r. • H ill L"! 'a H,' I 134 Ten Years of Upper Canada. throng-hout Canada, and of confirming the Indian tribes of the North-West in their allegiance to Great Britain. Very shortly afterwards, two American vessels laden with furs, came into the harbour, ignorant of the cap- ture of the fort, and were taken possession of, though subsequently restored to their owners by Major- General de Rottenberg. There is no doubt that the alliance wi^h the Indians was an important factor in the struggle with the Americans. They fought in this war of 1812, not for love of King George, but because they hoped to receive from his hands the justice they had sought in vain from the Americans. It was the last throb of national life in their now degenerate race. One leader they had, Tecumseh, who recalled to their memories their famous chief of fifty years before, Pontiac, whose name had been a terror in the West. Tecumseh was, at this time, forty-three years of age. He was considered by the Indians, as was also his twin brotlier — the Prophet — to be of supernatural birth. His iniiuoice was enormous, not only among his own people, the Shawanese, but throughout the tribes of the West. His mission was to bring into a confederation or league, all the tribes of Nortli America, in order to regain, if possible, their old bound- aries, and to resist the further encroachments of the white race. If J Opening of First Campaign, 1812 — Detroit. 135 lis •al mj»y of ifturns iiiiule hy one nf (Ii-iier.il Hull's aiilea and the British Qimrter-iiiaster. Ono tliDiisiiiid nint; h'nuhvd muskets hmiI accoiitrenients stai^kod by tlio effective men of the 4th I. nited StateH lej^imeni. and tho Ohio Volunteers upon the Es))lanade, as they nmrohed from their positions in and around the fort ; seven hundred muskets and aceoutrcnients brought by the militia of Michigan, and stacked upon the E8i)iiinade; four hundred and fifty muskets and ac'Coutremei\ts broULjht in by the th September, 1812. Nothing but the confidence which the admirable conduct of the York and Lincoln regiments of militia excited, could have induced me to undertake an expe- dition such as lately terminated so much to the advantage of the country. I have reason, from the reports made to me by the officers stationed at Kingston, to rely with equal con- fidence on the discipline and gallantry of the militia in this district. It is with the highest satisfaction I understand that, in the midst of unavoidable privations and fatigue, they bear in mind that tlie cause in which they are engaged involves their dearest interests, and the happiness of their families. Fetes and congratulations were not, however, suited to Brock's vigorous spirit, and he chafed under the delay occasioned by the unfortunate armistice, con- m .♦ ? ■1 i; Sfl . Opening of First Campaign, 1812 — Detkoit. 147 eluded by General Prevost, on the 4th August, where- by hostilities were stopped for a time on the Niagara and Champlain frontiers. The effect of this armistice was to give the Americans time to reinforce their armies, and to strengthen themselves on the lakes. A naval success on the Atlantic on the 19th August, when H.M.S. Giierriere was taken by the CotiHtitution, had gone far to console the Americans for their dis- comfiture at Detroit, and they were now hopefully preparing for another invasion 0:1 the Niagara frontier, where Major-General Van liensselaer had assembled an army of about six thousand men, and had established a camp at Lewiston. On the 30th August, General Dearborn's aide-de- camp arrived at Montreal, with despatches to Sir George Prevost, announcing that the President of the United States had not thought proper to authorize a continuance of the provisional measure entered into by His Excellency and General Dearborn through the Adjutant-General, Colonel Baynes ; consequently the armistice was to cease in four days from t e time of the communication reaching Montreal, and the ports of Kingston and Fort George. The following significant paragraph appears in an extract from a Kingston paper : — This morning (5th September, 1812), at one o'clock, His Honour the President (Brock) left town, it is supposed for Niagara, in consequence of hostilities being renewed. 1 m m\ ; ' 1 , s l:r: ■2i.t If. ; >' t I.. I I Mi) 148 Ten Years of Upper Canada. CHAPTER XL QURENSTOX HEIC.IiTS, 1812. One disastrous clTc^ct of tlio armistice that had just ended, was, that while it lasted the Americans bad secured the unrestricted navigation of Lake Ontario; and this was of the utmost importance to them, as tlie supplies for tluMr army, ordnance, etc., collected at Oswego, could only be taken to Niagara by water, the roads being in such a wretched condition. On the 26th September, General Dearborn wrote to General Van Rensselaer, "At all events we must calculate on possessing Upper Canada before the winter sets in." General Brock had only at his disposal for the defence of the Niagara frontier a force of about fifteen hundred men, of which a large proportion were militia and Indians. The Indians were under John Brant, a son of the celebrated chief Tiiayendanegea. Small garrisons held Forts Erie and Chippewa, coniposed of some of the 41st, and the Hank companies of the 2nd Lincoln militia. A considerable number of militia were at Queenston, and })osted along the line of the river to watch the movements of the enemy. iH'- QuEKNSTON Heights, 1812. 149 m i •- From Fort George, the head-quarters of General Brock, to Queenstoii, at every mile batteries were thrown up, the principal ones being a redan battery on Queenston Heights, and a strongly mounted battery on Vrooman's Point, which commanded the Lewiston and Queenston landings. Among the militia posted in and near Fort George, were the flank companies of the 1st regiment of Lin- coln militia, under Captains Crooks and McEwen ; the flank companies of the 4th Lincoln militia, under Captains Nelles and W. Crooks; Captainr, Hall's, Dur- and's and Appl(!gartli's companies of the 5th Lincoln militia ; Major Merritt's yeomanry corps, and a body of Swayzes' militia artillery, under Captains Powell and Cameron. One corps of York militia was specially favoured by General Brock. It was composed of young men, sons of the earliest residents of York; and the names on its honour roll are still familiar in many a house- hold of the good city of Toronto. The right flank Grenadier company was oflicered by Captain Duncan Cameron; senior lieutenant, William Jarvis; Junior lieutenant, Archie McLean ; third lieutenant, Cieorgo Ridout. The light compjiny was commanded by Cap- tain Stephen Howard. His three lieutenants were John Beverley Robinson, 8. P. Jarvis, Robert Stan- ton. Most of them were school-fellows, brought up under the rule of Dr. Strachan at Cornwall. It was early in the morning of the 13th October, » [ pii 1 150 Ten Yeaks of Upper Canada. In ; I' I ..I ! S , ! m -( ij 1 1812, that the American Army began crossing the river below the Queenston Heights. The story of that eventful day is told so well by one who took part in the fight, that his letter is given in full. One more glimpse we have in it of the heroic Brock, as he rides to his death on that gray October morning, waving his hand in passing by to his gallant lads from York, and bidding them press on. Letter from one of the Y^ork militia present at the battle of Qaeennton, f/iving an accowut of the day: — Bp.own's Point, October litlt, 1812. About half an hour before daylight yesterday morn- ing, Tuesday, the 1/Uh October, being stationed at one of the batteries between J^'ort George and Queen- ston, I heard a heavy cannonading from Fort Grey, situate on the height of the Mountain, on the Ameri- can side, and commanding the town of Queenston. The lines had been watched with all the care and attention whi(di the extent of our force rendered pos- sible, and such was the fatigue which our men under- went from want of rest and exposure to the inclement weather whicli had just preceded, that they welcomed with joy the prospect of a field whi(di they tliought would be decisive. Their spirits were high, and their confidence in tlie Gcuieral unbounded. From our battery at Brown's Point, about two miles from Queenston, we had the wliole scene most com- pletely in our view. Day was just glimmering. The cannon from both sides of the river roared incessantly. Queenston was illuminated by the continual dis- charge of small arms. This last circumstance convinced us that some of QuEENSTON Heights, 1812. 151 the enemy had landed, and in a few moments, as the day advanced and objects became more visible, we saw a number of Americans in boats attempting to land upon our shore, amidst a tremendous shower of shot of all description, whic-h was skilfully and incessantly levelled at them. No orders had been given to Captain Cameron, who commanded our detachment of York MiHtia, what conduct to pursue in case of an attack at Queenston; and as it had been suggested to him that in the event of a landing being attempted there, the enemy would probably endeavour, by various attacks, to distract our force, he hesitated at lirst as to the propriety of withdrawing his men from the station assigned them to defend. He soon saw, however, that every exertion was requi'-ed in aid of tbe troops engaged above us, and without further delay, marched us to the scene of action. On our road, General Brock })assed us. He had galloped from Niagara, unaccompanied by his aide-de-camp, or a single attendant. He waved his hand to us, desired us to follow with expedition, and proceeded with all speed to tlie Moun- tain. Lieutenant-Colonel McDonell and Captain Glegg passed immediately after. At the time the enemy began to cross, there were but two companies of the 49th regiment, the (IreiuidierL, and the Light Comj)any, and I believe three small companies of militia, to oppose them. Their reception was such iis did honour to the cour- age and numagement of our troops. The grape shot and musket balls poured upon them at close tpuirters, as they approached the shore, and made incredible Inivoc. A single discharge of grape from a brass six-pounder, directed by (Captain Dennis, of the 49th Grenadiers, destroyed fifteen in a boat. Three of the bateaux landed at the hollow below il^,' . 162 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Mr. Hamilton's garden, in QuGenston, and were met by a party of militia and a few regulars, who slaughtered almost llie whole of them, taking the rest prisoners. Several other boats were so sliattered and disabled that the mev in them threw down their arms and came on shore, merely to deliver themselves up prisoners of war. Thus far things had proceeded successfully, and the General on his approach to tlie Mountain was greeted with the intelligence that all our villainous aggressors were destroyed or taken. As we advanced with our company we met troops of Americans on their way to Fort George, under guard, and the road was lined with miserable wretches suffer- ing under wounds of all descriptions, and crawling to our houses for protection and comfort. The spectacle struck us, who wcm unused to such scenes, with hoiror ; but we hurried to the Mountain, impressed with the idea that the enemy's attempt was already frustrated, and the brsiness of the day nearly com- pleted. Another brigade of four boats was Just then crossing, and the 4\)i\\ Light Company, who had been stationed on the Mountiiin, were ordered down to assist in pre- venting their landing. No sooner had they descended than the enemy appeared in force above them. They had probably landed before the rest, while it was yei) dark, and remained concealed by the rough crags of the Mountahi. They possessed themselves of our battery on the height. General Brock rushed up the Mountain on foot, with some troops, to dislodge them, but they were so advantageously posted and kept up so tremendous a fire that the small number ascending were driven back. The General tiien rallied, and was proceeding up the right of the Mountain to attack them in flank, when he received a ball in his breast. Several of the 49th ■; QuEENSTON Heights, 1812. 153 assembled round liim. One poor fellow was severely wounded by a cannon ball and fell across the General. They succeeded, however, in conveying his body to Quoenston. We were halted a few moments in Mr. Hamilton's garden, where we were exposed to the shot from the American battery at Fort Grey, and from several field-pieces directly opposite to us, besides an inces- sant and disorderly fire of musketry from the sides of the Mountain. In a few ininntc^s, we were ordered to advance on the Mountain. The nature of the ground and the galling fire prevented any kind of order in asc(Miding. We soon scrambled to the top, at the right of the battery, which they had gained, and were in some measure covered by the woods. There we stood and gathered the men as they advanced, and formed them in ii line. The fire was too hot to admit of delay. Scarcely more tban fifty collected, about thirty of whom were of our company, headed by Captain Cameron, and the remainder of the 49th Light Company, commnnded by Captain Williams. Lieutenant-Colonel McJ)()nell was there mounted, and aninuiting the men to cliarge. He was secoiuled with great spirit and valour by ('aptain Williams, who exclaimed, ** Feel firmly to the right, my lads, advance steadily, charge them home, and they cannot stand you." But the attempt was unsuccessful. The enemy were just in front covered by bushes and logs. They were in no kind of order, and were three or four hundred in number. Th(;y perc<'ived ua forming, and, at about thirty yards distance, fired. Lieutenant-Colonel McDonell who was on the left of our party, most heroically calling upon us to advance, received a shot in his body and fell. Ilia horse waa at the same instant killed. u 154 Ten Years of Upper Canada. 'lit Captain Williams, who was at the other extremity of our little hand, fell the next moment apparently dead. The remainder of our men advanced a few paces, discharged their pieces, and retired down the Moun- tain. Lieutenant McLean was wounded in the thigh, and Captain (Jameron, in his attempt to save Colonel McDonell, exposed himself to a shower of masketry, which he most miraculously escaped. He succeeded in hearing off his friend, and Captain Williams recovered from the monientary effect of the wound in his head, in time to escape down the mountain. This happened, I think, ahout 10 a.m. Our forces rallied about a mile below. General Sheaffe, with the 41st from Fort George, nearly three hundred in iunnl)er, came up soon after with the field-pieces of the Car Brigade.* All the force that could be collected was now mustered, and marched through the lields back of Queenston, ascended the Mountain on the right, and remamed in the woods in rear of the enemy till intelli- gence was gained of their position. During this time, the Americans were landing fresh troops unmolested, and carrying back their dead and wouuded in their return boats. About three o'clock p.m. General Sheaffe advanced through the woods, towards the battery on the Moun- tain, with the main body, composed of the 41st and the Niagara militia Hank companies (with field-pieces) on the right. The Mohawk Indians, under Captain Norton, and a Niagara company of JMacks, proceeded along the brow of the mountain on the left, and the Light company of the 49th, with our company of ■'• The " Car Briyntlo " referred to wns a volunteer company of farnicra' sons, wlio liail oUured their services to Brock, together with their drauyht horses, free of expeiiHO, on the eve of tlio war. Ho had accepted tlieir patriotic proposal, and, by '.hd July, 1H12, this brigade wan conii)ieted, and fully eipiippud, under Captain liolcroft, of the lluyal Artillery. I QuEENSTON Heights, 1812. 155 ;ain ded the of iiicrB uyhb their , and militia broke through the centre. In this manner we rushed through the woods to the encamping ground on the Mountain which the enemy then occupied, and which had been the scene of their morning's success. The Indians were first in advance. As soon as they perceived the enemy tliey uttered their terrific war- whoop, and rushing rapidly upon them, commenced a most destructive fire. Our troops instantly sprung for- ward from all quarters, joining in the shout. The Americans gave a volley, then retreated tumultuously, and lied by hundreds down the Mountain. At that moment Captain Bullock and one hundred and fifty of the 41st, and two flank companies of militia appeared advancing on the road from Chippewa. Tlie consterna- tion of the enemy was complete. Though double in number, they stopped not to withstand their pursuers, but tied with the utmost precipitation. Never were men more miserably situated. They had no place to retreat to, and were driven by a furious and avenging enemy, from whom they had little mercy to expect, to the brink of the Mountain which overhangs the river. They fell in numbers — the river presented a shocking spectacle, filled with poor wretches, who plunged into the stream from the impulse of fear, with scarcely the prospect of bfc>ing saved. Many leaped down the side of the Mountain to avoid the horrors which pressed on them, and were dashed to pieces by the fall. The fire from the American batteries ceased. Two otlicers were now seen conjing up the hill with a white Hag, and with some difliculty the slaugliter was suspended. They were conducted up the Mountain to General Sheatie. A cessation of hostilities for three days was asked for, and assented to. Thus, about four p.m., ended the business of this day, so impor- tant to the inhabitants of this Provin(;e. The invasion of our peaceful shores by its unprinci))led neighbours, has terminated in the entire loa^ of their army, with everything brought over, not excepting their standarda. i! ■'4 !■■■ IS* If. IV'; : Mir 1. , . I ' .' ! ' ! t ^ f M 166 Ten Years of Upper Canada, with tho very modest device of the Eagle perched upon the erlobe. We liave taken over nine hundred prisoners, with sixty of their officers. Except the wounded men, who were carried over in tlieir boats, while they retained pos- session of the Mountain, scarcely a man has strag'ji'led back to relate to his country the disastrous event of an expedition planned by their unrighteous government. The view of dead bodies which strewed the ground, and the mangled carcases of poor sufi'ering mortals, who filled every room in the village, filled us with compassion. Still have we much to sorrow for, we have a loss to deplore which the most brilliant success cannot atone for. That general, who led our army to victory, whose soul was wiapped up in our prosperity, is now shrouded in death. Lieutenant-Colonel McDonell, too! This heroic young man, tlie constant attendant of the General, after liis fall, strove to support to the last a cause never to bo despaired of, because it involved the very salvation of his country. But he was not destined to witness its triumph. His career was short but honourable; his end was pre- mature, but full of glory. He will be buried at the same time with the General. It was, indeed, a baptism of blood for our young soldiers, though all too soon they became accustomed to the horrors of war. Archie McLean, who was wounded in this battle, and to whom McDonell's last pathetic cry of ''Archie, help me! " had been addressed, was afterwards taken prisoner at Lundy's Lane, but lived to become Chief Justice of Upper Canada. II QuEENSTON Heights, 1812. 157 Among the officers of the militia mentioned in Gen- eral ShealTe's report as having signalized themselves for the gallant and steady manner in which they led the troops under their command, were Lieutenant-Colo- nels Butler and Clark; Captains Hatt, Durand, Howe, Applegarth, James Crooks, Cooper, U. Hamilton, McEwen and Duncan Cameron ; Lieutenant Butler, Lincoln militia, and Lieutenant Kichardson, York militia. While the action at Queenston was going on, the guns at Fort George had been bombarding Niagara, and had silenced that Fort. The firing was ably directed by Colonel Claus and Brigade-Major Evans, and the guns were under the immediate direction of Captains Powell and Cameron, of the Militia Artillery. It is difficult to understand how the Americans dare to claim even a partial victory at Queenston, in the face of the following despatch sent from Major-Gene- ral Van Rensselaer to Major-General Dearborn, the American Commander-in-Chief : " Uth October, 1812. " Wadsworth surrendered with all his forces, nine hundred men." General Sheaffe's prisoners amounted to more than his army, not counting the Indians engaged. The following letter gives a short account of what followed the battle, and of the burial of General Brock. m in ' n I II ' ' ', L! , ' J! I 168 Ten Years of Upper Canada. From Lieutenant G. Ridout to his Hrothe.r in York : — Brown's Point, 2\st October, 1812. As I have already given father a short account of the transactions of the 13th inst., I think it unneces- sary to repeat it, as you have, of course, heen made acquainted with the contents of my letter of that date. Were it not for the death of General Brock and McDonell, our victory would have heen glorious, and really a matter of triumph ; hut losing in one man, not only the President of the Province, hut our ablest general, is an irreparable loss under the existing cir- cumstances at a time when his moderation and im- partiality had united all parties in pronouncing him the only man worthy of being at the head of affairs. One field-piece, one stand of colours, one annnunition waggon, 1,200 stand of arms, besides those seized by the Indians and militia, amounting to at least 400 more, together with 1,000 prisoners, were the fruits of that day's success. As Congress meets in November, no doubt that Van liensselaer, the American general, bad been urged to make an attack by Madison, so that the latter might make a favourable report of the game at Wash- ington. General Smyth, the Democrat, has now the chief command. He asserts that he is determined to conquer Canada, even if he loses a hundred thousand men. Such gasconading is not to frighten us, as it is well known that the American Government is not able to feed, clothe and equip so great a force. About an hour since, two men marched down to Niagara, under a guard. They crossed the river above Fort Erie. So they say. They state that the American force is about 12,000, that the greater part of that army is stationed at Lewiston, a village opposite Queenston, that the Americans intend making three attacks at different places, tiiat they are determined to have the command of the lakes, and for that purpose have nearly QuEKNSTON Heights, 1812. 159 400 men on the two lakes, constructiH«,' ^Miu-boats, and refitting merchant vessels. All this may l)e a trick of the Yankees to engage our attention to the fortifying of Qiieenston, while in reality they may be concerting measures for crossing at Chippewa, or above that place. The latter, I think, is the case, as huge bodies of the enemy have been seen moving up from Niagara in that direction. I do not thii.A the time is far distant when another attack is to be made. With another regiment, I have no doubt that the country would be perfectly safe from all attempts they might make to subdue us. General Brock and McDonell were buried on the 17th, in one of the batteries of the garrison, called the York battery, as our men were employed in constructing it. It was his desire to be buried in it, showing even to the last a preference to everything belonging to the name of York. The burial was the grandest and most solemn I ever witnessed, or that has been seen in Upper Canada. I was one of poor McDonell's pall bearers. The coffins were preceded th'st by a company of regulars, then a band of music, then the corpses, followed by another body of regulars and militia. The whole distance between the Government House and (larrison, where they were interred, was lined by a double row of militia and Indians, resting on their arms reversed. Minute guns fired during the whole procession.* Mr. Addison read the service in a very impressive manner. The American prisoners, officers and men, are the most savage looking fellows I ever saw. To strike a greater terror in their enemies they had allowed their beards on their upper lips to grow. This, however, had no other effect upon us tlian to raise sensations of disgust. I was over yesterday with a fiag to the * Minute guns were also tired by the Americans at Fort Niagara and at liCwiston, as a mark of respect to a bravo enemy, by command of Major- General Van Rensselaer. (Losaing). Cii '■I '■'. i f w IT WM 111!;: ill' ill i Ml'' I I IGO Ten Years of Upper Canada. American garrison, and witnessed the destruction made by our cannon. Every building is completely riddled, but owing to the want ot" furnaces on our side, we were unable to tire their garrison. This is a letter of military occurrences. That the day is not far distant wben peace may be restored, and the roar of cannon and whizzing o:. balls may be no longer heard, is the sincere wish of your affectionate brother. I:'r^ r-t-'-l- End oi" First Campaign, 1812. 161 ion ;ely ide, lav 01 ish CHAPTEU XII. END OK FlUST CAMPAIGN, 1812. Aftku tliB battle of Quoeiiston, an armistice was agreed upon by General Sliealfe. This armistice, which was not approved of by Sir Georpfe Prevost, was confined to the frontier between Erie and Ontario, to be terminated at forty-eight hours' notice. It is not likely the fiery ]^rock would have consented to this debiy, which was of no advantage to the Canadians, and only afforded the Americans time to reorganize iheir demoralized forces, and prepare for a second descent on the Niagara frontier. General Smythe had succeeded Van Hensselaer in the (-onunand of the army of the Centre, and had assenjbled at Buffalo about 5,000 men, to wliom he boastfully promised that in a few days he woidd plant the American standard in Canada. Their watchword was to Ix? •' Tlie €annons lost at Detroit or death." So contith^nt was he of conquest, that he told the connnandant at Fort Niagara to save the buildings of Fort George and Newark, for winter quarters for his army. No reinforcements had arrived for General Sheafl'e. The militia, who, after Queenston, had returned to their homes to gather in the remains of the ha*" s\', H i I I ! i s i 1 1 I 162 Tkn Ykars of UrPER Canada. DOW Oil me back to their posts, determined to defend every iiicli of the ground. By tlie Ameri(3an account^ the force collected at Black Kock, near Buffalo, was 4,500 men. On the morning of the 28th November, they were to embark from the Navy-yard, near Buffalo^ for tlu; conquest of Canada. There were seventy boats, calculated to hold forty men each, lying ready for the expedition, also five scows to hold 100 men each, and ten scows for the artillery. Before daylight on the 2Hth November, part of this force, about 4/50 men, under Major Boerstler and Cap- tain King, crossed the river, and landed about two miles below Foil Erie. At this point there was a battery, and a detachment of the 49th regiment, under Lieutenants Bartley and Lamont. This detach- ment made a gallant defenc-e, but was almost cut to pieces. Lamont was wounded severely ; Bartley retreated to the edge of the woods, and joined ('aptain Whelan of the Newfoundland Fencibles, and three companies of the Tjinc-oln militia, who were coming to the relief of the battery. The enemy had taken the works, but the Canadians charged and re-took them at the point of the bayonet. Captain King, General Smythe's aide-de-camp, ana forty men were taken prisoners. Colonel Cecil Bishopp, then at Chippewa, hoard the firing, and ordered Lieu- tenant-Coloni'l Clark of the Lincoln tnilitia, and Major Hatt with a detacliment of the 40tli regiment, to the scene of action, '''he guns, which had been displaced >'■ If r f! End of First Campaign-, 1812. 163 by the enemy, were rernonnted by Captain Kirby of the militia and Botnl)ardier Jackson, and brought to bear on the retreating boats. The American account of this affair says, that the main body of the Americans was so tardy in eml)arking, that their small force on the Canadian side under B.jerstler and King were taken prisoners, and about five hundred British were drawn up in line on the shore, sounding their trumpets and bugles, prepared to receive the others. General Smytlie, although '2,000 men were embarked, ready to proceed, ordered a postponement of the expedition. Sunday, 29th of November, another order for embarka- tion, and another postponement came. Then General Smythe, bethinking himself no doubt, of General Brock's method at Detroit, sent a flag of truce, and a summons to Colonel Bishopj), commandant of Fort Erie, to surrender the fort, and so avoid further l)l()od- shed. Colonel Bishopp sarcastically replied, " Let your general (!ome and take it." This, however, the doughty American did not consider prudent to attempt, but thought it his duty, as he says in his despatch, " to follow the cautious counsels of experience, and not precipitation." On the 1st December, his troops were embarked, only waiting the word of (iomm.ciMi to proceed, when he gave orders instead, to disembark, as the invasion of (Janada was abandoned for the season. It is but justi(!e to tlie Americans to say that they were dis- gusted with their cowardly commander. Goncn-al W^ 104 Ti:n Years ok Uppkr Canada. iii ii' I't ■ U I : ■ 1 ■ Porter's aooount (American) says, 4,000 men dis- banded, firing tlioir niuskots in every direction. General Siiiythe's excuse for his conduct was, tiiat ho had not enou^di men, and could not d(^pend on those he had. He also ac(!used (leneral Porter, the eon- tractin<^ .•i<.;ent tor the army, of interested motives in wisliin<,' the army to hv. in ('jinada, na he would not then he obli'^ed to supply it ; as his present contract was a losing one. However, that might l)e, the fates were not proj)iti()us to the army of the Centre in the year 1812. Nor was the (Irand Army of the North much moro fortunate. General Dearborn had 10,000 men under his comnuind on the Lower Canadian frontier. He, however, attempted nothing but a few unimi)ortynt and unsuccessful skirmishes. Late in November, he deter- nn'ned on a more ambitious enterprise. Major de Salaberry connnanding the Canadian Voltigeurs, who were guarding t!ie advanced posts on the line, received intelligence that the Americans, 10,000 strong, were advancing upon Odelltown. Tiiere was no time to ho lost, and Major de Salaberry set a:>out strengthening his position. The French-Canadians rallied on all sides, to repulse the invaders ; the roads were barri- caded with felled trees, and every post was guarded. On the 20th November, at three in the morning, the enemy, about 1,400 strong, were noticed fording the Uiver Lacolle, ncr House's Point. Here there was a log guard-house, which was set on lire by the Canadian End of First Campaign, 1812. 1(55 guard, who, ke(3piiig up a brisk firing, vvitlidrcw. Tlie Americans became confused in the (birkness, and iiied on each other, maintaining tlieir siiicndiil contest tor half an hour, whcni, tlie moon rising, their mistiiko was revealed to them, and tli(\y retired in confusion to Champhiin. Tlie whole Montrc^il district was now roused. Sir George; Prevost called out all the militia for active service, and so bold a front was displayed that (Jeneral Dearborn, despairing of a successful attack on Afontreal, retired with the Grand Army of the North, to safe wint(n* (puirters at Plattsburg. 'I'hus closed the cainj)aign of 1H12. The discomfiture of Generals Hull, Wadsworth, Van Jlensscdaer and Smythe, had been complete. Dearborn bad remain(!d inactive. Not a foot of Canadian territory had becMi lost. T'ho invadcns had not only been repulstul in cnery quarter, i)ut had lost, for the time, a considerable portion of their own terri- tory. Colonel Proctor still lu^ld Port Detroit and the State of Michigan, aud the guns of Port Niagara were sihuuuHl. On December 291 h, tln^ I'arliament of Lower Canada met, and tlu; Governor-tieneral in tlu; o[)eniiig Speech expressed his satisfaction at the termination of the iirst campaign, "in the complctif discomlitino of the plans of the enemy for the c()n(pu'st of Uj)per Canada, by the capture of Michillimackiua(; and De- troit, and the surrender of the invading army with its general ; the brilliant achievement at Queenston, and 1^ I , ''! ." i I.I , IGO Ten Years of Uiter Canada. 't other recent advantages gained over the enemy, both in Lower and Upper Canada." In England, on the last day of November, 1812, the Prince liegent, in his Address to Parhament, congratulated the country on the brave stand made in Canada, The following letter gives an interesting description of allairs in lJp})er Canada at the close of the year 1812. It is dated Toronto, not York, showing that even then there was a clinging to the old name, wliicli was destined to be the })ermanent one. The letter gives an account of the affair at Black Rock, on the 28th November, and also tells of the preparations for the coming camj)aign that were being made at York and elsewhere. Volunteering was going on with vigour and patriotic zeal. To show the alacrity with which the youth of the country Hew to arms, it may be mentioned that three of the liidoiit boys had enlisted, the eldest only twenty-one years old; what was done in this house- hold was done in many a home tbroughout C/anada. Letter from Tjicnirndnt TIiodkih (t. Rldoiif, (ifterivanh Deputy Am'i»ilaitt-('o)tnnlHttarif-Cn'nt7'al, to Niagara, when our whole force will amount to 7,000 men, the greater part militia. The Yankee gen(;ral, Harrison, who invaded the Indian country with 0,000 men, has been defeated by the Indians of the Wabash, and his whole army destroyed. The affair of the Ri>>/(i/ (ieoiujc, mentioned in the letter, took place on the 9th November, 1812, off Kingston harbour. Commodort* (Uiaunce}' . command- ing the Oneida, with a fleet of seven vessels, lay in wait off the " Ducks," on the 8th November, for the Royal George, Captain l'i)pham, of twenty-six guns, the Duke of Gloucester, ten guns, and the Prince 12 / \ 1: 170 Ten Years of Upper Canada. S i\' I h I I'j;. 'U III i! I Regent, fourteen guns, who were returning from Fort (leorge. These vessels got safely into the Bay of Quinte, and during the night, i)roceeded towards Kingston har- hour, whither the (-oinniodore followed them on the morning of the Dth November. A tierce engagement of two hours took place, hut the tire from the lloy ■*.' Ait t'li W U{ * iii 176 Ten Years of Upper Canada. 11 detachment of the King's regiment, and after a few discharges from his artillery took them with the bayonet, and drove his infantry through the town, some escaping across the Black river into the fort. The majority fled to the woods, or sought refuge in the houses, from whence they kept up such a galling fire, that it was necessary to dislodge them with our field-pieces, which now came up from the bank of the river, where they had stuck on landing in the deep snow. Having gained the high ground on the brink of the Black river opposite the fort, I prepared to carry it by storm, but the men being quite exhausted, I pro- cured time for them to recover breath, by sending in a summons requiring an unconditional surrender.* During these transactions, Captain Jenkins had gallantly led on his column, and had been exposed to a heavy fire of seven guns, which he bravely attempted to take with the bayonet, though covered with 200 of the enemy's best troops. Advancing as rapidly as the deep snow and the exhausted state (in consequence) of his men would admit, he ordered a charge, and had not proceeded many paces when his left arm was broken to pieces by a grape shot ; but still undauntedly running on with his men, he almost immediately after was deprived of the use of his right arm by a discharge of case shot ; still heroically disregarding all personal considerations, he nobly advanced cheering his men to the assault till exhausted by pain and loss of blood he became unable to move. His company gallantly continued the charge under Lieutenant Macaulay ; but the reserve not being able to keep up with them they were compelled by the great superiority of the enemy to give way, *The message sent was : "If you surrender, it shall be well ; if not, every man shall be put to the bayonet." Forsythe's answer was : "Tell Colonel McDonell there must be more fighting done first." (Lossing). i f Second Campaign, 1813. 177 leaving a few on a commanding position, and a few of the most advanced in the enemy's possession, nearly about the time that I gained the height above men- tioned. The enemy hesitating to surrender, I instantly carried his eastern battery, and by it silenced another which opened again, and ordering on the advance the detachment of the King's and the Highland company of militia, under Captain Eustace, of the King's regi- ment, he gallantly rushed into the fort ; but the enemy retreating by the opposite entrance escaped into the woods, which I should effectually have prevented if my Indian warriors had returned sooner from a detached service on which they had that morning been em- ployed. The spoils taken in this affair were eleven pieces of cannon, all the ordnance, marine, commissariat, and quarter-master-general's stores, four officers and seventy rank and file prisoners, also two armed schooners and two large gun-boats which were burnt. The loss was : One sergeant, seven rank and file killed ; one field officer, two captains, five subalterns, four sergeants, forty rank and file wounded. Many are the names mentioned in the despatch as conspicuous for gallant conduct on that day. Among others Lieutenant Macaulay, afterwards Sir J. B. Macaulay, Chief Justice of Upper Canada. He served throughout the war, and also distinguished himself at Oswego, Lundy's Lane and Fort Erie. His regiment, the Glengarries, was a Highland Catholic regiment composed of men, who, under the leadership of Alexander McDonell, priest of the clan am lilt t ( vi in J!"i:. 178 Ten Years of Upper Canada. of Glengarry, had emigrated from Scotland to Canada in 1803. They settled in the Eastern district, where they obtained, through the influence of their devoted friend and leader, a grant of 160,000 acres of land. When Canada was threatened with invasion, in 1812, Alexander McDonell with his kinsman, George McDonell, the hero of Ogdensburg, formed a regiment called the Glengarry Light Infantry Fencibles, whose soldiers fought for their adopted land as their fore- fathers of old had fought for bonny Scotland. Lieu- tenant-Colonel George McDonell, known also among the Highlanders as "Red George," who was in command at the taking of Ogdensburg, distinguished himself in many another fight, notably at Chateauguay. The fighting chaplain, Alexander McDonell, always accompanied his regiment into the field, and where " ' Maighster Alastair ' led, there never foot went back." He became afterwards the first Catholic diocesan Bishop of Kingston, and lived to a good old age. John McDonell, aide-de-camp and military secre- tarv to General Brock, who met his death on the lieights of Queenston, was another kinsman of the Bishop's. Parliament met at York, on the 25th February, 1813 — and now, instead of the lamented Brock, it was General lioger Hall Sheaffe, who opened it as Presi- dent. «i ; k in Second Campaign, 1813. His speech reads : — 179 It affords me satisfaction that the first time I am called upon to address you in this place, I have to offer you my cordial congratulations on the uniform success which has crowned His Majesty's arms in this Province. The enemy has heen foiled in repeated attempts to invade it. Three of his armies have been surrendered or completely defeated, and two important fortresses wrested from hini. In this glorious campaign tlie valour and discipline of His Majesty's regular troops have been nobly supported by the zeal and bravery of our loyal militia. In April, 1813, the ice broke up at Sackett's Har- bour, where the American squadron, under Commo- dore Chauncey, had wintered. A plan was organized by General Dearborn, in which he proposed, in co-operation with the fleet, to take possession of Little York, the capital of Upper Canada, and to proceed thence to the assault of Fort George, the bulwark of the Niagara peninsula. At that time there were only a few Canadian vessels, on the lake, and these were badly manned, and ill- provided. Sir James Yeo, with a reinforcement of English seamen, did not arrive until May, 1818. The fort at York was not strong enough to defend the town, and besides, the majority of the fighting force of Upper Canada were at Fort George, and scattered along the western frontier. About 200 militia, 300 regular troops and 100 Indians, were all that could be mustered f ■ m I I I 180 Ten Years of Upper Canada. for the defence of the place, whose only inhabitants were old men, women and children. No doubt the lake was anxiously scanned each morning to see what vessels were in sight. In Surveyor-General Ridout's diary for 1813, there are numerous jottings of passing events. The first entry is : * — York, Monday, 26th April. At four p.m. the enemy's fleet was reported to be about twenty miles from hence, and apparently com- ing hither. Tuesdai/, 21th April. — At seven this morning, enemy's fleet came to anchor off the garrison, and be- gan firing and landing men. There were fourteen vessels, had above 1,000 seamen and 2,000 troops on board, and carrying upwards of 100 guns. We had to oppose them only five guns, 300 regulars and 208 militia. The approach of the fleet being discovered from the garrison at York, Gen. Sheaffe, who was at that time in command there, hastily collected his whole force, consisting of less than 700 regulars and militia, and some Indians, and disposed them in the best way to resist the landing of the American force. The Grenadier com- pany of the 8th regiment was paraded on the shore of the Humber Bay, very near to what is now the entrance to High Park. The Indians, under the command of Colonel Givins, were placed in groups, in and about * This diary is written on the blank pages of an ahnanac, whose title-page bean this inscription: "The Quebec Almanac, for the year 1813, bein^i^ the first after Leap Year. Printed and sold by J. Neilson." Second Campaign, 1813. 181 the woods. Strong field-works had also been thrown up towards the town. The Indians were intended to act as sharpshooters, and were to annoy the Ameri- cans at the point where the wind would allow them to land. Commander Chauncey, of the American fleet, says in his letter to the Secretary of the Navy, of the 28th April, 1813 :— U. S. Ship Madison, olF York. We arrived here yesterday morning and took a posi- tion about one mile to the south and westward of the enemy's principal fort, and as near the shore as we could with safety to our vessels. The place fixed upon by the Major- General and myself for landing the troops, was the site of the old French fort, Toronto. The debarkation commenced at eight o'clock in the morning, and was completed about ten. The wind blowing heavy from the eastward, the boats fell to the leeward of the position fixed upon, and were in consequence exposed to a galling fire from the enemy, who had taken a position in a thick wood near where the first troops landed. Major Forsythe, with his riflemen in several large bateaux, were the first to land. General Pike, who was watching the boats from the ship, saw his troops pause under the hot shower of bullets, and springing into the boat reserved for him- self and staff, pushed off for the shore, closely fol- lowed by three companies of the 15tli American regi- ment, under Mp'"or King. Before he reached it, Forsythe with his men had landed, and was alread}- ' • fi': *■ ! I' t i til pi-;. I ':■ 'V n E. 182 Ten Years of Upper Canada. engaged with the principal part of the British troops and Indians under the immediate command of Gene- ral Sheaffe. A hot contest followed, and the Cana- dians vainly endeavoured from the bank, to keep the invaders at bay. With the small number of troops at Sheafife's command, resistance was almost useless. The Glengarry corps fought vahantly with Forsythe's brigade, contesting every inch of the way, while the Grenadier company of the 8th made a formidable charge on the American cohimn. Another reinforce- ment now arrived from the ships, rendering the situa- tion of the Canadian force more liopeless than before. They were compelled to retire towards the fort, fight- ing all the way. The Americans, having landed all their troops, were ordered to march on the retreating force, who were making their way to the garrison. The invading column marched on, the artillery crossing with difficulty the little streams that inter- sected the road along the lake. The Canadians attempted, at their first battery, to check their advance, but without success. The enemy still moved on, and our men retreated to the second battery, at about 300 yards distant from the garrison. Here they spiked the guns. Commander Chaunceifs letter says : — As soon as the troops were landed, I directed the schooners to take a position near the forts, in order that the attack upon them might be simultaneous. The schooners were obliged to beat up to their posi- iii! Second Campaign, 1813. 183 tion, which they did in a very handsome order, under a very heavy fire from the enemy's batteries, and took a position within about 600 yards of their principal fort, and opened a heavy cannonade, which did great execution. In the meantime General Pike had come up to the second battery, and halted there, while he sent forward a corps to discover what was going on in the garrison, as every appearance indicated its evacuation. This was, indeed, the case. General Sheaffe and the regulars were making their way tow^ards the Don in rapid flight to Kingston. While the corps of observation were re- turning, there was a sudden explosion of a powder magazine, just outside the barrack yard, which brought dire destruction to both victors and vanquished. How it happened is still shrouded in mystery, and many are the conflicting reports. The Americans accused the British General of a deliberate plot to annihilate their whole force on their entrance to the deserted garrison. That this was not the case, seems borne out by the fact that about 100 of our men were killed and wounded by the explosion. The Americans lost by it about 250 men, among them General Pike. In consequence of his death, the command of the American troops devolved for a time upon Colonel Prince. At two in the afternoon, the American flag was substituted for the British, and at four General Dearborn (who had landed on hearing of General Pike's fall) was in quiet possession of the town. Before evacuating the place, General Sheaff"e had ?t h V ku PI 184 Ten Years of Upper Canada. iU\n l,:«'.1i 1 1 1 ■■ '. ! Ml ordered the destruction of the new ship, then on the stocks and nearly finished. The only vessel taken, was the Dul-e of Gloucester, then lying in the harbour for repairs. The Prince Be- gejit had fortunately left for Kingston on the 24th, and so escaped capture. General Sheaffe in his official report says, that the contest was maintained nearly eight hours ; showing that, though defeate a stubborn resistance had been made. General Sheaffe was blamed for his precipitate retreat, but it is difficult to say what other course lay before him. The Americans were three to one. He had no large guns. The fort was rendered untenable by the bombardment from the ships. If he had remained to surrender with the militia he would undoubtedly have been sent with his regular troops to some American prison, while he knew the custom was in the case of the militia, to merely place them on parole. Among the names of those who were on this occa- sion made prisoners of war are : — Lieutenant-Colonel Chewett, Major Allan, Captains John Wilson, John Button, Peter Robinson, Reubsn Richardson, John Arnold, James Fenwick, Duncan Cameron, David Thompson, John Robinson, Samuel Ridout, Thomas Hamilton, William Jarvis, Quarter-Master Charles Baynes ; Lieutenants John H. Schultz, George Mustard, Robert Stanton, George Ridout, William Second Campaign, 1813. 186 Jarvis, Ed. McMahon, John Wilson, Eli Playter ; Ensigns Andrew Thompson, Andrew Mercer, James Chewett, Charles Denison, George Robinson, D'Arcy Bonlton. The following letter gives some further account of what happened after the capitulation : — Letter from Thomas G. Ridout : — Kingston, May 5th, 1813 I left York or Sunday, the 2nd inst., at noon, at which time the American fleet, consisting of the Madison, Oneida, and ten schooners, with the Glouces- ter, were lying at anchor about two miles from the garrison, wind-bound by a south-east wind. All their troops were embarked the evening before, excepting a small party, who burnt the large blockhouse, govern- ment house and otticers' quarters. At nine in the morning a naval officer came down to town and cjllectfd ten men out of the taverns where they had been all night. The commissariat magazines were shipped the pre- ceding days. The lower blockhouse and government buildings were burnt on Saturday. Major Givins' and Dr. Powell's houses were entirely plundered by the enemy, and some persons from the Humber. Jackson and his two sons, and Ludden, the butcher, had been riding through the country ordering the militia to come iu and be put on their parole, Duncan Cauieron delivered all the money in the Keceiver-General's hanis (to the amount as I under- stand of .£2,500) over to Captain p]lliot of the Ameri- can navy, the enemy having threatened to burn the town if it was not given up. On Friday, the thirtieth, the Chief Justice, Judge Powell, my father (Thos. Kidout), Dr. Strachan and Duncan Cameron, called upon General Dearborn, re- 13 mm: m • 186 Ten Years of Upper Canada. questing he would allow the magistrates to retain their authority over our own people. Accordingly, he issued a general order saying it was not his intention to de- prive the magistracy of its civil functions, that they should be supported, and if any of the United States troops committed any depredation, a strict scrutiny into it should follow. The gaol was given up to the sheriff, but no prisoners. The public provincial papers were found out, but ordered to be protected, so that nothing was destroyed, excepting the l)ooks, papers, records and furniture of the upper and lower Houses of Assembly. It was said that they had destroyed our batteries and taken away the cannon. The barracks were not burnt. The American officers said their force on the 27th was 3,000 land force and 1,000 seamen and marines, and that their loss was 500 killed and wounded. ' lii i ; ' I : : I'il' m wr-f i8i3. — Fort George, Sacketts Harbour, Etc. 187 CHAPTER XIV. 1813. FORT GEORGE, SACKETT's HARBOUR, HTONEY CREEK, BEAVER DAMS. f On the 2nd of May, 1813, the Aiiieiicans evacuated York. Commodore Chauncey lirst couveyed General Dearborn and his hind force to Fort Niagara, where a large body of American troops were then stationed, and then, with his fleet, returned to Sackett's Harbour, bearing with him the wounded from York, and the stores captured there. After a short time spent in re- titting the fleet and obtaining reinforcements, the Commodore sailed back to assist in the assault of Fort George. The American land force at Niagara was then about 6,000, under General^ Dearborn, Lewis, Boyd, Winder and Chandler. Their fleet on Lake Ontario consisted of fifteen vessels with fifty-nine guns. •To oppose them. General Vincent, in command at Fort George, had but a force of 1,400 men, composed of eight companies of the 49th and detachments from the 8th, the 41st Glengarries and Newfoundland corps, with 350 militia and some artillery. The right divi- sion was commanded by Lieutenant- Colonel Harvey, from Fort George to Brown's Point, near Queenston ; 188 Ten Years of Upper Canada. 'i ■;■ the left, to Four Mile Creek, was commanded by Colonel Myers ; the centre division at the fort, by General Vincent. Five of the twenty-four pounders taken at Detroit had been brought to the Niagara frontier, four of which had been mounted at Fort George ; the fifth was on the shore, near what was afterwards Fort Mississauga. On each side of the river, between Fort George and Queenston, were batteries, scarcely a mile apart. On the evening of the 26th May, 1813, Commodore Chauncey began can- nonading the fort, but owing to his scanty supply of powder. General Vincent did not return the fire. Early on the morning of the 27th, the bombardment began again, and under cover of a dense fog, which hid then] until within fifty yards of the shore, the Americans approached, and efi'ected a landing on the lake-side of the town. A stubborn defence was made by the brave little garrison, but in vain. The lieavy cannonade from Fort Niagara, and from the American fleet wrought sad havoc within Fort George. After three hours' hot figliting, when almost every gunner was disabled, and resistance was no longer possible. General Vincent spiked his guns, destroyed the magazine, and retired on liiurlington Heights, by way of Queenston. It would liave been an easy matter for the Ameri- cans now, to have hemmed in and annihilated General Vincent's little army, reduced as it was, by the loss of 400 men, but General Dearborn let the opportunity ill!' 1813.— Fort George, Sackett's Harbour, Etc. 189 3ri- ral of ity I 3 '' slip by, and Vincent effected his retreat to Burlington Heights unharassed. Colonel Cecil Bisshopp, who was stationed at Fort Erie, and Major Ormsby at Chip- pewa, with their detachments, were ordered to join the retreating force. The whole Niagara frontier was now defenceless, and at the mercy of the Americans. We are told that many were the scenes of sorrow and distress as the little a^my passed on, leaving behind them the unprotected women and children, who expected the Americans would take possession of the land, and drive them from their homes. Referring to the defence of the Niagara frontier, Thomson says : — Such was the spirited earnestness of both officers and men at the batteries, that when, in the most tremendous of the bombardment, they had fired away all their cartridges, they cut up their flannel waistcoats and shirts, and the soldiers their trousers, to supply their guns. No wonder we read that, after the retreat from Fort George, the army were destitute of clothing, without shoes, and as an officer writes to the Com- mander-in-Chief, in rags. On the day of the capture of Fort George, another disaster befell the British arms at the eastern end of Lake Ontario. Sir James Yeo had just arrived at Kingston with 500 English seamen, and Sir George Prevost thought it would be a good time, in the absence of Commodore Chauncey at Niagara, to make a descent on Sackett's ^mmmmmmmmmmmmmm M M m ij I] 1 i!;<'i m f - 190 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Harbour and destroy the naval stores there. It was a well-planned design, but unfortunately was not well carried out. On the 27th May, the expedition, con- sisting of about 1,000 men, four frigates, some gun-boats and bateaux set out from Kingston, and succeeded in capturing some boats from Oswego, with troops on board. Sir George Prevost's over caution delayed the attack until the following morning, by which time. General Brown, in command at Backett's Harbour, was able to make preparations for defence. About 500 American militia were placed on Horse Island, guarding the entrance to the harbour. The British troops succeeded, however, in landing on the morning of the 29th May, under cover of a heavy fire from their boats. They advanced towards the fort, and were met by about 400 American regulars and soiue militia, under Colonel Backus. A sharp contest ensued. The American colonel was killed and part of his troops fled. Unfortunately, at this moment, Sir George Prevost imagined that he had fallen into a snare, and that the retreating Americans were really executing a masterly manceuvre, and were about to hem him in. He, therefore, nnich to the chagrin of his troops, ordered an immediate retreat to the boats, and the fleet returned ingloriously to Kingston. The only damage done was by the Americans themselves, for, thinking they were about to capitulate, they had set on fire the naval magazine (containing all the stores PS 1813.— Fort George, Sackett's Harbour. Etc. 191 captured at York), the hospital, the barracks, and a frigate on the stocks. The British loss in this disastrous expedition was one officer and forty-seven men killed, and about 200 wounded and missing. In Mr. Kidout's diary is this entry : — Saturda?/, May 29th, 1813. — Our attempt upon Sackett's Harbour failed. To return now to the Niagara frontier. General Vincent reached Burlington Heights on the evening of the 29th May, and immediately picquets were placed, and reconnoitring parties sent out to watch for the expected advance of the Americans. They had not long to wait. Generals Winder and Chandler were despatched in pursuit, with about 3,000 men, including cavalry and artillery. They halted first at the Twenty-Mile Creek (Jordan), where they received the incorrect informa- tion that Vincent was in a strong position at Burling- ton Heights,* and had received reinforcements from Kingston. * Burlington Heiglits, where (ieneral Vincent found a safe retreat, form the extreme western end of Burlington Bay, a picturescjue inlet at the western extremity of Lake Ontario, wliicli is now the harbour of the city of Hamilton. General Vincent's entrenchments were partly in what is at the present day Hamilton cemetery, and partly in the grounds of Dundurn Castle, now tlie residence of Senator Maclnries. A curi(jus eye may still trace the earthworks. The Heights tlien (1812) were neither excavated by a railway, nor pierced, as now, by the Des Jardins Canal. The only access to them was over an isthmus defended by field-works. On one side a stone could have been dnjpped sheer a hundred feet into Burlington Bay ; on the other side into a deep marsh. (" Picturesqiie Canada.") >■' , res Hi ft--. |i I ■? ti 192 Ten Years of Upper Canada The Americans proceeded on their march, and arrived towards the evening of the 5th June, 1813, at Stoney Creek, about seven miles from General Vin- cent's lines, at Burlington. Stoney Creek was scarcely a village, for there were only a few scattered houses, some taverns, and an old church on the hill side, one of the oldest in the Pro- vince.* "The clattering of cavalry hoofs, the clanking of swords, the heavy rattle of artillery, and the long, strange array of invading soldiers as they filed along the narrow road, struck the few inhabitants of the hamlet with wonder and astonishment. It was soon whispered that a battle was to be fought the next day." And now the American soldiers lay down to take their much-needed rest. It had been a hot, sultry day,, and the march had been long and fatiguing. Their camp was pitched on a plain surrounded by gentle slopes, and watered by a bright, clear stream. The cannon were planted in a position to sweep the road towards Burlin^^)n Heights. On each side, near the road, the artillerymen slept beside their guns. Behind them were the cavalry. In advance of the rest, a party of fifty, took possession of the old church. The settlers in the vicinity were held as prisoners, lest they should carry any information to General Vincent. The weary and exhausted men lay with their arms in readiness beside them, and soon darkness closed over the sleeping camp. * Demoliahed in 1871. I l:k if t 1813. — Fort George, Sackett's Hafbour, Etc. 198 A few miles away, on the Heights, were Vincent's soldiers, and it seenied as if the morning light would bring to them annihilation or retreat. York had been taken ^ a powerful fleet was on the lake to oppose them. There were no supplies to be had, and there were but ninety rounds of ammunition to each man. Under these circumstances, a night attack with the bayonet, was proposed by Colonel Harvey* and agreed to by General Vincent. \V. H. Merritt, who commanded a Canadian cavalry troop, and had been engaged in reconnoitring the position of the enemy, writes : — All my hopes depended on this bold enterprise, for had we not attacked them they would have advanced the next morning, and in all probability we would have retired without risking an action, as our force was not one-third of theirs. Proctor and the whole upper country would then have fallen. * John Harvey, afterwards Sir John, the hero of Stoney Creek, was born in 1778, entered the army as ensign in the 80th, in 1794. Served through the campaign in Holland, 1794 ; at the Cape of Good Hope, 1796 ; in Egypt, 1800 ; in India from 1803 to 1807 ; on active service all the time. In June, 1812, he was appointed Deputy Adjutant-General to the army in Canada, and arrived in Halifax late in the year 1812. The services of such an experienced veteran soldier were invaluable. The advice he gave when asked by Sir George Prevost as to the best method of defence for Canada was brief, but decided : " First, by the accurate intelligence of the designs and movements of the enemy, to be procured at any price ; and, secondly, by a series of bold, active, offensive operations, by which the enemy, however superior in numbers, would himself be thrown upon the defensive. " Many years after the war he was Governor of New Brunswick, afterwards Governor of Newfoundland, and finally. Governor of Nova Scotia, where he died, 1852. p fy r f il 194 Ten Years of Upper Canada. About seven hundred men were detached for the dangerous enterprise, and to Colonel Harvey was given the conduct of the attack. At about half-past ten at night this little band of heroic men started down the lonelv road eastward. There was no moon, only at intervals heat lightning lit up the scene. Not a word was spoken, not a sound of any kind broke the stillness of the night. Even their guns were ordered to be unloaded, lest a stray shot should give the alarm. They arrived in sight of the first American sentinel at nearly two o'clock on Sunday morning, the 6th June. To his challenge, the cold steel was the answer. Another challenge from the next on guard, and again the poor wretch was transfixed. His groans alarmed the third sentinel, who challenged, fired and fled. Not a moment was now to be lost. Colonel Harvey, whose plans had been perfectly organi;^ed, instantly ordered his men to deploy into line. He and Lieu- tenant Fitzgibbon took the road straight ahead, Major Plenderleath* of the 49th regiment, swept round to the left, and Colonel Ogilvy of the 8th regiment, with some of the 49th regiment, opened to the right. The sentry at the church door was approached under the shade of the trees, and killed, and the whole party in the church were made prisoners. * Lieutenant-Colonel Plenderleath was an estimable and courageous officer of the 49th regiment. He served with conspicuous gallantry during the War of 1812, but suffered severely from wounds received during the struggle. i" ?:'l 1813. — Fort George, Sackett's Harbour, Etc. 195 Now came a scene of wild confusion. The excite- ment of the attacking soldiers had been wrought up by their enforced silence, and with terrific yells they burst with fixed bayonets on the surprised Americans. In a moment the flats and the hills were a scene of wildest commotion. The Americans had, by this time, recovered from their first confusion, and soon the dark hill-side for nearly half a mile was illuminated by a volley of their musketry. Following the flash and crash came a silence, broken only by the clanking of arms, and the groans of the wounded and dying. Then again came from the camp the roar of musketry and shock of artillery, and the trees and tents were lighted with the glare. These two volleys did terrible execution among Harvey's troops, and goaded them to fury. In the darkness they got confused, but Colonel Plenderleath soon rallied them, and as the order came for another charge with the bayonet, the men dashed forward on the guns. Five cannon with thirty men, and one of the American generals were taken in this fierce charge. Colonel Ogilvy had just previously captured the other general as he was coming out of a house, where he had been rudely awakened from his slumbers. Confusion now prevailed on all sides, and with the loss of their guns and generals, the Americans decided to retire from the field. 196 Ten Years of Upper Canada. In the melee before the capture of the guns, about fifty of the 49th regiment were taken prisoners. It was so near dayhght that Colonel Harvey thought it prudent to retire also, as the day would disclose the insufficiency of his force, and so encourage the Ameri- cans to renew the conflict. A large body of the enemy reappeared at seven in morning, and proceeded to destroy the provisions, carriages, spare arms, and blankets, which they could not take away with them in their flight. Their dead they left to be buried by the Canadians, so side by side on that field sleep friend and foe. Some were buried where they had bivouacked the night before, on a projecting point of the hill, east of the creek and north of the road. Others sleep in the graveyard, close to the spot where the old church stood. Gene- ral Vincent's official report of the battle of Stoney Creek says : — The action terminated before daylight, when three guns and one brass howitzer with three tumbrils, two Brigadier-Generals, Chandler and Winder, and upwards of 100 officers and privates remained in our hands. The British loss : killed, one lieutenant, three ser- geants, nineteen rank and file ; wounded, two majors, five captains, two lieutenants, one ensign, one adju- tant, one fort major, nine sergeants, two drummers and 113 rank and file ; three sergeants and fifty- two rank and file missing. This was a large gulf in a force of 704 men, but they had accomplished their purpose; and the mid- T 1813. — Fort George, Sackett's Harbour, Etc. 197 night attack at Stoney Creek saved the country for the time. The Americans did not halt on their retreat until they reached Forty-Mile Creek (Grimshy), where they camped, but their inislbrtuncs were not yet complete. Sir James Yeo with his squadron had sailed from Kingston on the 3rd of June, and appeared at the mouth of the creek at daylight on the 7th, and com- menced firing at the American camp, which had been reinforced by Generals Ijewis and Boyd. The Americans got into a panic between the fire from the ships and the appearance of some Indians on a hill above the camp. They decided to retire to Fort George, and left behind, in their hasty flight, 500 tents, 100 stand of arms, 140 barrels of flour, and about seventy wounded men. Seventeen bateaux, laden with supplies for the Americans, were also taken at the same time by Sir James Yeo.* After the brilliant success of Stoney Creek, there was no further thought of retreat for Vincent's forces. In fact the beseigers became the beseiged, and General Dearborn's outposts and foraging parties were contin- ually harassed by attacks from the various detachments of British troops that now hemmed the invaders in at Fort George. The defenders of Canada were few in number, but their hearts were fired with patriotic zeal, i J *.) * Entry in Mr. Ridout's diary: — Sunday, 6th June, Whitsunday. De- feated the Americans at Stoney Creek. f li ii ' ^^ J - 108 Ten Years of Upper Canada. and they had leaders willing to do and dare everything. Such men as Vincent and Harvey, and Cecil Bisshopp, and Fitzgibbon, and Clark of the Lincoln militia, and Merritt of the light cavalry, and Brant and De Sala- berry, led their troops with such vigour and skill, that it was impossible for the enemy, in spite of their immense superiority in numbers, to obtain a foothold in the country. Another reverse came to the Americans soon after their defeat at Stoney Creek, and this time it was a woman's hand that brought them disaster, it a place called Beaver Dams, or the Beechwoods, (about twelve', miles in a direct road from Queenston), where now is the town of Thorold, was a depot of provisions for the Canadian troops, guarded by a detachment of thirty of the 49th regiment under Lieutenant Fitzgibbon,* with "some Indians and militia, in all about 200 men. In order to surprise and dislodge this outpost, an American force of 500 men, with fifty cavalry and two field-pieces, under Colonel Boerstler, set out from Fort George (Niagara) on the 23rd of June. * Lieutenant Fitzgibbon, Adjutant of the 49th, enlisted as a private sol- dier in 1798, was suon promoted to be sergeant ; served in Holland, was drafted as a marine on board Nelson's squadron, fought at the battle of Copenhagen, won his commission by merit. After the battle of Stoney Creek, he obtained pernussion to organize an independent company of picked men, to act as rangers or scouts in order to harass the enemy in ad- vance of the army. Lieutenant Fitzgibbon distinguished himself at Fort (Jeorge, Stoney Creek, Fort Erie, and especially at Beaver Dams. After the war he became the Colonel of the 1st regiment of Toronto militia, and Assistant Ad jut- c-General to the militia of Upper Canada. He ended his long career in England as a military Knight of Windsor. /-■ 1 813. — Fort George, Sackett's Harbour, Etc. 109 A [.urprise was meditated, in retaliation, no donbt, for the affair of Stoney Creek. Laura Secord, wife of a Canadian farmer, who had been wounded in the battle of Queenston Heights, accidentally heard of the designs of the Americans, and determined to give the outpost timely warning. She set out alone before day- break on the 23rd June from her house at Queenston, and arrived at Fitzgibbon's head-cjuarters, a stone liouse known as De Cew's, near the Beaver Dams, at sunset of the same day. On account of the Ameri- can sentries and outposts, she had to avoid tlie high road and beaten paths, thus making her toilsome Journey nearly twice as long. In spite of weakness and fatigue, this heroic woman went on her way through pathless woods, over hill and dale and un- bridged streams, till she reached her destination. Her warning came just in time. Lieutenant Fitz- gibbon disposed of his little force to the best advantage possible, placing tlvnn in ambush on both sides of the road, taking every precaution to make it appear that he had a large force in reserve. Between eight and nine of the morning of the 24th June, the advance guard of the American riflemen appeared. A volley from the woods received them and emptied their saddles. Soon firing came from all directions, and bugle calls, and " idian yells. The bew'ildered Americans imagined themselves in the presence of a much superior force. Finding his men were losing heavily from the fire of the unseen foe, !l 200 Ten Years of Upper Canada. V .' !,u::: i('i II and that they were suffering from fatigue, and the intense heat of the day, Colonel Boerstler directed a general retreat upon the artillery in the rear. The Indians raised an exultant yell, and the Americans fell back in confusion. At this moment Lieutenant Fitz- gibbon appeared with a white flag, and demanded the surrender of the whole American force. Intimidated by the bold request and wishing to avoid, as he thought, the slaughter of his men, the American colonel, who was also severely wounded, consented to the terms offered. By the capitulation 542 men, two field-pieces, some ammunition waggons, and the colours of the 14th U. S. regiment were delivered over to the Canadians. The timely arrival of Major du Haren * from Twelve Mile Creek, with a reinforcement for Fitzgibbon of 200 men, enabled the victors to guard their prisoners. For this brilliant achievement Lieutenant Fitzgibbon received his company and captain's commission. As to Laura Record's reward, it has come to lier in the fame that rests on her name whenever the story of 1812 is told. The heroine lived until the year 18(38, and sleeps now in that old cemetery at Drummondville, where lie so many of our brave soldiers. There is no " Decora- * 8hortly l)ef(>re the affair of Beaver Dams Major du Hareii had arrived in Upper Canada with a reiiifurcenieut for General Vincent of two flank cnmpanies of the l()4th or New Brunswick regiment, also a body of 340 Oaughnawaga Indiana from Lower Canada, comniandud by Captain Ducharme and Lieutenant de Lorimier. I irrived flunk .f 340 iptiiiu i»i3. — Fort George, Sackett's Harbour, Etc. 201 tion Day " in Canada, but if there were, surely this woman is entitled to the laurel wreath. After the disastrous events of the month of June, General Dearborn resigned the command of the Ameri- can army, and was succeeded by Generals Boyd and Lewis . Emboldened by success, the Canadians took up the offensive, and numerous dashes were made into Atneri- can territory; while Vincent, with only i,8()0 men, beleaguered Fort George, where a force of about; 4,000 men were idly shut up, fearing to venture beyond the range of their cannon . Sickness had broken out among the American troops, and disease was doing its work in reducing their numbers. On the 4th of July, 1813, a bold dash was made by Colonel Clark ("ind Lincoln), with a small force of Canadian militia from Chippewa, on Fort Schlosser. He was successful in capturing the guard, and a large quantity of provisions and ammimition. A week later another dash before daylight was made by Colonel (/Ccil Bisshopp and Colonel Clark, with about 250 men, on Black Hock, near Buffalo. The Americans were completely taken by surprise, and before they could rally from the sudden attack, their barracks, naval arsenal, a block-house and large schooner, were destroyed. Quantities of provisions and ammunition, of which the Canadians were sorely in need, were carried off. 14 Ii'i' ' V u ! I ; I 202 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Though the expedition was quite successful, it cost the life of the brave young Colonel Cecil Bisshopp.* His loss was deeply deplored, for he had been one of the most daring and best loved soldiers in the service. *Cecil Bisshopp was the only son of Sir Cecil Bisshopp, Baronet, afterwards Baron de la Zouche. He was born in 1783, entered the army at sixteen, served through the war in Flanders as aide-de-camp to General Grosvenor de Walchen ; again in Spain and Portugal. He was sent to Canada in 1812, where he displayed great gallantry in several engagements. In the little deserted and neglected graveyard at Niagara Falls, or Drum- mondville, which was also the battle-field of Lundy's Lane, a beautiful monument marks his last resting-place. The passing stranger is bidden to pause o'er this shrine where " Sleeps the young and brave. And shed one generous tear o'er Cecil's grave." In the parish church of his far-off English home in Parham, Sussex, is a tablet to his memory thus inscribed : — " His pillow, not of sturdy oak ; His shroud, a soldier's simple cloak ; His dirge, will sound till time's no more ; Niagara's loud and solemn roar, — There Cecil lies — say, where the grave. More worthy of a Briton brave." m IM Chauncey's Fleet— Summer, 1813. 203 CHAPTER XV. CHAUNCEY S FLEET — SUMMER, 1813. Although the Americans still held Fort George, their position was by no means an enviable one. Harassed on all sides by Vincent's troops, who attacked them whenever they ventured beyond their entrenchments, they remained pent-up within the limits of a few acres all through the summer months. The following letters give some glimpses of what General Vincent, and his little army were doing, through July and August of 1813. The writer, Thomas Gibbs liidout, had just been appointed to the commissariat on the Niagara frontier. His father's diary has this entry: — York, Wedvesday, 1th July, 1813. This evening at nine o'clock, my son Tom set out in a boat for the Forty-Mile Creek, on his way to our camp near Niagara. The first letter from the camp is dated 20th July, 1813. From Thoman G. Ridout to his Father: — St. David's. On Saturday, 17th, Henry Nelles and I rode down to the cross-roads, three miles from Niagara, where the Jioyals, King's, and 600 or 700 Indians are posted. I :!-■ I J II' ' Mf ir ) 204 Ten Years of Upper Canada. understood the Americans were advancing into Ball's fields. Inimediately the yell was given and Blackbird and Norton set out with their Indians to meet them. Nelles and I rode along, jpid in a few minutes the skir- mish began by the Western Indians getting upon the left flank, and the Five Nations upon the other. The enemy consisted of 500 men. They soon re- treated, firing heavy volleys upon Blackbird's party which was the nearest. The road is so straight we could see into town ; and Nelles and I rode along with the Indians to within one and a quarter miles of Niagara, when we perceived a large reinforcement join them with a piece of artillery, and they again advanced with a- large front, tiring grape shot. The Indians scattered in the woods, but we were obliged to keep the road. By this time three companies of the lioyals, and a brass six pounder came up and posted on this side of Ball's field, the Yankees on the other side. We fired for some time, when the Americans thought fit to retreat. At one time from the farther end of Ball's field, a mile and a half this way, the road was covered with Indians, officers and soldiers, and horses, and from the Presbyterian church, they must have judged our force at 3,000 men. We had about 1,000. A good many Yankees were killed. One Indian took two scalps. A young Cayuga had his arm and side carried away with a cannon ball, and another had a ball through his arm. Some of the musket balls came pretty close to us. The cross-roads now are very strong. Dickson is expected here as soon as he returns from the expedi- tion that has gone against Sandusky and Presqu' Isle with 1,500 Indians. I wish George could bring a little starch with him for the frills of my shirts. The last week of July was an anxious one for the inhabitants of York. ill Chauncey's Fleet — Summer, 1813. 205 lans him the Chauncey's vessels were cruising about Lake Ontario, ready to attack wherever possible. On the 27th July, his fleet lay off the Niagara river, and on the following day it sailed for the head of Lake Ontario, for the purpose of making an attempt to capture the British stores at Burlington Heights, then defended by a small detachment under Major Maule. Meanwhile, the ever-watchful Colonel Harvey had taken steps to defend the stores at the Heights, and had ordered Colonel Battersby from York, with a part of the Glengarry corps, to reinforce the guard under Major Maule. Finding his force insufficent for the attack on Burlington Heights, Chauucey sailed off down the lake to make a second attack on defenceless Little York. Colonel Scott, who commanded the xlmerican land force on the fleet, landed without opposition, took the place, burnt the l)arracks, storehouses, etc., and carried away a quantity of provisions, chiefly flour. This was on the 1st of August. The expedition under Chauncey returned to the Niagara on the 3rd of August, carrying with them the sick and wounded American prisoners found in York. Mr. Ridout's diary has a brief record of this event. Yo?'k, l.st August (Sunda//). — The Americans re- turned with their fleet to York, and destroyed the barracks, woody ard, etc. 2nd August (Monday). — The enemy put out into 4 206 Ten Years of Upper Canada. .(,j!- t the lake early this inornin;, in all, thirteen vessels. 'Tis said our fleet (Sir James Yeo) consisting of six vessels, left Kingston on Saturday last the 31st July. Another letter from the camp at St. David's, says that the conflagration at York was seen at Niagara, and caused much anxiety there. From Thomas 0. Ridout to his Father at York : — St. David's, 2nd August, 181.3. I received yesterday letters from you and George, giving an account of the Yankee fleet being off York, threatening it with destruction. Our anxiety has not been less than yours, but since they let you remain unmolested the first day, I think they'll not land until Sir James meets them. The fate of this army depends on this. Its positions are so advanced that a retreat will be impossible without losing half the men. The enemy remain cooped up in Fort George, not daring to stir beyond the common. Everything goe on steadily and regularly. Ten thousand of the enemy will not be able to start John Bull out of the Black Swamp. Mr. Bissett * went up yesterday to Long Point with i61,000 in specie, to buy cattle for Amherstburg. I am very much alarmed about York, for a large fire was seen in that direction all last night. The garrison, at all events, must be burnt, with the flour and other provisions Mr. Crookshank has been collecting. Con- cerning my shirts, the starch has not come to hand. I keep my things in a pair of saddle bags that Henry Nelles lent me, ready for a march. The military chest is at pr(>sent run out to $500. More than $40,000 have been paid out within the last fortnight. Every hour is now of great con.^c!- qu0nce and I think this week will determine affairs. * Deputy Assiatant-Commissary-General. I Chauncey's Fleet — Summer, 1813. 207 the Some considerable movement will take place shortly, and I hope to write you of our success. Peggy Nelles has just mended my blue coat and sent it down to me, for which I thank her very much. In the meantime at York an anxious watch was kept on the movements of the two opposing fleets on Lake Ontario. The Americans were nmch superior both in vessels and number of sailors. Mr. Ridout's diary gives an account of what was seen from York during August. Yorh, 1th August (Saturdaij). — This morning our fleet, consisting of six vessels, were seen. In the after- noon they passed with a light breeze towards the westward, and in the evening were between the Hum- ber and Etobicoke. The enemy's fleet of fifteen sail were seen on the lake opposite the town about eight or ten miles out. As it was calm, they approached our fleet with sweeps. Sunday Morning^ Sth August. — Not any vessels to be seen. Sir James Yeo's fleet in 1813 consisted of the Royal George, twenty-four guns ; Prince Regent, twenty-two guns; Earl of Moira, twenty guns; Simcoe, twelve guns ; Dul-e of Gloucester, ten guns ; Seneca, four guns. A note is added to the last entry, of what occurred after the fleet left York as follows : — The enemy retired to the mouth of Niagara on the Sth of August. In the afternoon of the Sth, Sir James Yeo drew them out, and in the night they retreated to the river, in doing which two of their largest schooners 'I' 1 m ■ ffr r I I \\u w w hi ^^08 Ten Years of Upper Canada. upset and went to the bottom. Except thirteen men, all were lofjt. The American account of this disaster is that during the evening of the 8th of August the wind came from the westward, freshened, and at midnight was a fitful gale. Suddenly a rushing sound was heard astern of most of the fleet, and it was soon ascertained that the Hamil- ton and Scourge had disappeared. Tliey were cap- sized by a terrific squall, and all the officers and men, except sixteen of the latter, were drowned. This was a great blow to Chauncey, for these two vessels, carrying nineteen guns between them, were the best in his fleet. For two days the rival fleets manoeuvred without coming to action, and at last on the morning of the 10th of August, Chauncey formed his fleet in battle order. Nothing was done during the day, but at ten at night Sir James Yeo succeeded in capturing two vessels, the Groivler and Julia, after a severe but short struggle. Chauncey made no further fight ; but, the gale in- creasing, he ran for shelter to the Genesee river, and then returned to Sackett's Harbour with the remains of his fleet. From Mr. lUdxmfs Diari/ : — Wednesday, llth August. — Early this morning our fleet were seen off shore with two vessels in tov/. During the night the wind blew fresh. At midnight (10th of August), Sir James Yeo dashed amongst the i;; (« 1 w m Chauncey's Fleet — Summer, 1813. 209 enemy's fleet ; Commodore Chaimcey fled, and left two of his vessels in our possession, which he brought to our harbour. Friday IStk -Our fleet sailed to Kingston, To return to the camp at Niagara. Another skirmish is recounted in the following letter: Extract from a letter of an officer in the army of St. David's, 24th August, 1813. A considerable demonstration was made this morn- ing at the dawn of day upon Fort George. The enemy's picquets were surprised and captured, but no disposition was evinced by the American army to support them, and our advance columns, after having remained for a considerable time in tlie town of Fort George, and the reconnaissance being completed, were ordered to return to their respective camps. Lieuten- ant-Colonel O'Neil, with a detachment of thirty of the 19th Dragoons, covered the advance of Lieutenant- Colonel Harvey, and dashed with great gallantry into the town, scouring several of the streets and penetrat- ing as far as the Presbyterian church, (colonel Harvey actually called at his old quarters and recovered a box he had left there, containing several very valuable articles. The enemy commenced a pretty brisk fire from the garden walls and houses, and opened their batteries upon us, notwithstanding which, our troops, who were extremely unwilling to come away, retired with the greatest order and regularity, and, I am happy to say, with a very trifling loss. Of the enemy, seventy were made prisoners, and a number killed and wounded. The officers commanding the picquets made their escape by an early flight. The complete success of the affair, in which the main object has been accom- 210 Ten Years of Upper Canada. plished, has given additional spirit and confidence to our troops, and nnist have convinced the enemy that to his entrenchments alone he is indebted for his present security. ^:b: l^,;' li' 'i It!!' PI m^' From Mr. Ridout's Diary : — York, 26th August. Our fleet just dropped anchor ofl'this place, and then sailed for Niagara. 28th August. — Eeturned and sailed the same evening. Another letter from camp is dated HOth August. 1813. From T. G. Ridout to his Father at York: — I have not received a letter from home since 10th August. Last evening our fleet came over and pro- ceeded to the Twelve-]\rile Creek, on the American side, to intercept supplies by water, which the Yankees have daily received. Allan McNab * has come over to seek his fortune as * The Allan Napier McNab, who was seeking his fortune as a volunteer, was afterwards, as Sir Allan McNab, a conspicuous figure in Canadian history. He was boni at Niagara in 1708, and was therefore only fifteen when he volunteered. His grandfather. Major McNab, of the 42nd, or Black Watch, held the post of Royal Forester in Scotland, and resided on a small property called Dundurn at the head of Loch Earn. His father was in the 71st, and served with General Simcoe during the American Revolutionary War, and accompanied him to Canada. The young hero of this sketch had first shouldered his musket at the capture cf York ; then served as midshipman on board Sir James Yeo's ship ; then joined the 100th regiment under Colonel Murray. He was at the taking of Fort Niagara in December, 1813. For his bravery on that occasion he was given an ensigncy in the 49th regiment. He also served at Fort Erie and the attack on Plattsburg at the close of the war. He was placed on half-pay at the reduction of the army in 1816, and commenced the study of the law, being called to the bar in 1825. He was elected to Parliament in 1829, and was in nine successive Parliaments, part of the time as Speaker of the House. He was knighted in 1838, was Prime Minister in 1854, and was created a baronet on his retirement from the office of premier in 185G. In 1857, he retired from public life in Canada for a time, and went to England, from which country he returned in 1860, and was appointed to the Legislative Council, and took his seat among the " lords " of Canada. Sir Allan McNab died in 1863. Chauncey's Fleet — Summer, 1813. 211 a volunteer. I think he'll succeed in the 8th. At present, having no other home, he stays with us. I suppose you have heard of the great victory gained in Spain on the 21st June, where the French lost 154 pieces of brass artillery, their military chest, etc., and the English lost near 5,000 in killed and wounded. An Albany paper gives a fine account of Chauncey's ''noble conduct." It says that he tried five days to bring the British to action but they always ran away. One night two of his schooners, in carrying a press of canvas in chase, upset, and were lost; and the following night three schooners, too eager in the pursuit, got into the midst of the British, and after maintaining with the most heroic gallantry an unequal contest of forty-five minutes with the Wolfe and Melville at pistol shot, one went down and the other two struck. Also that Chauncey had only returned to Sackett's Harbour for five weeks' provisions, and would come out and sweep the lake. De Watteville's regiment is very much wanted here ; the 49th are reduced to about 370 men. This morning three companies, amounting to seventy-five, arrived from Burlington. Fifty royal artillerymen have joined by the fleet. By what I can learn. Sir George's (Prevost) presence here is very little sought for ; he has no idea of attack- ing the Americans on their own ground, but the summit of iiis wishes is to recover Fort George and there remain. The great ofiicers say that this army will be ruined with petty affairs. Some heavy cannon have arrived at Burlington. The army have been there two days out of whiskey. There is a good deal of ague among the men. The 8th have neither blankets nor great coats, but a large supply has arrived. Four-Mile Creek, Uh September, 1813. By the date of this you will perceive we have changed our quarters for the lake-side. The encamp- ment here is very beautiful, and is formed of the 8th , I 212 Ten Years of Upper Canada. and 104th, part of the 89th and 100th regiments, con- sisting of 2,000 men. They He upon the edge of the woods, having large clearings in the front, and the main road crossing the camp by Mr. Addison's, where the General stays. The artillery park is one mile in the rear. Very few troops are left in St. David's. We came to Thompson's the day before yesterday, and met with rather an ungracious reception. The old fellow said he could not take us in, as his family occupied the whole house, but that we might go into an old house a little distance off, which was inhabited in the early period of the world. Accordingly, we cleared it of rubbish, made a fire, and fried a little beef we had brought with us. In the evening we made a straw bed on the floor. We collect balm in the garden for tea, and carry on an extensive robbery of peas, apples, onions, corn, carrots, etc.; for we can get noth- ing but by stealing, excepting milk, wiiich is carefully measured. Bread and butter is out of the question, and to-day w^e sent a dragoon to the Twelve-Mile Creek for these articles and G. to the cross-roads for beef, etc. Lewis cooked some black bread yesterday. Only our chief has been invited to the sanctum sanc- torum to partake of delicacies. We have an iron pot which serves for tea pot, roaster and boiler, and two window shutters put upon three barrels form the table. We have three servants, who eat the remains of our feasts. I spent a pleasant evening wath Colonel Holcroft at the artillery park, and this afternoon I shall spend with Colonel Ogilvie at the 8th camp. There is an astonishing run of white-cuffed ensigns and lieutenants at the house, and the carpet parlour is adorned the whole day with red. The only domes- tic on the farm is a miserable little black girl, who is almost worked to death. The army is getting very sickly, forty or fifty men are sent to the hospita 1 every day. There are more than 400 sick, and a great num- ber of officers. II Chauncey's Fleet — Summer, 1813. 213 York, being considered the healthiest place in Canada, is to be head-quarters for the medical estab- Hshment, you may expect the town to be tilled with hos- pitals and sick. We cannot stand this daily diminution of strength ten days longer. They say that Decatur has succeeded Chauncey, and that we ni'iy look for him every hour; also that General Wilkinson has taken the command at Fort George with a consider- able reinforcement. Our fleet is just coming over from York; I suppose, with De Watteville's regiment. Four of the Glengarry's deserted yesterday, and four American dragoons deserted to us. Mr. Stanton bought a pound of tea this morning, the first we have had this long time. We pay out, on an average, .€1,500 a day ; next week it will be much more, as all tKe departments for the arnjy will come in with their pay lists. We have now 10,000 barrels of flour in the depots, at $12 per barrel. I believe Allan McNabb will get into the 8th regiment. Shaw and Jarvis have been a year in the 49th. ■\ M ■ •: V ■, ■ i ■ 1 , f i 1 1 , 1 ; i Hi ; if : 1: ', '' '■ '■ ■ ( I 214 Ten Years of Upper Canada. CHAPTER XVI. * ;. i frf'-- r i NAVAL FIGHT, LAKE ERIE, SEPTEMBER, 1813. So FAR the Canadians had succeeded m holding the Americans at bay in the Niagara Peninsula. A great deal der jnded now in keeping control of Lake Erie, and thereby ensuring the success of General Proctor and his little army in the west. We left the latter just after his defeat of General Winchester at the River Raisin, January 23rd, 1813. All through the winter and spring Tecumseh and Proctor, with a portion of the 41st regiment, the Essex militia, some artillery, and a force of Indians, varying in number, held back the invaders from crossing on the Detroit frontier. Tno American General, Harrison, had taken up his post with a force of 2,500 men at Fort Meigs, on the Miami river.* Proctor deter- mined to dislodge them. So with a force of 930 men and about 1,200 Indians, collected at Detroit, he set off from Maiden (Amherstburg) on the 23rd April, for the mouth of the Miami river, about twelve miles distant from Fort Meigs. His army, in all, a little over 2,000 in number, embarked in brigs and several small vessels, '**' At the western extremity of Lake Erie. p.... . . i Naval Fight, Lake Erie, September, 1813. 215 U3ls, and were accompanied by two gun-boats and some artillery. On the 26th of April, 1813, they appeared at the mouth of the Miami, about twenty-six miles from the mouth of the Detroit, and on the 28th landed on the left bank of the river, near old Eort Miami, where they estabUshed a camp. They next constructed batteries on a commanding elevation opposite Fort Meigs, but the wretched weather and continual rains kept back the work, so that they were not ready to begin operations until the 1st of May. Fort Meigs was strongly intrenched, and had a good supply of field-pieces, but General Harrison was so doubtful of the result of a siege, that he dispatched messengers to Governor Meigs, of Ohio, to tell him to hasten on reinforcements. General Clay, with 1,200 Kentucky men, he knew were on their way to join In'm. For four days shot and shell were hurled by Proctor's batteries upon Fort Meigs with very little effect on the earthworks, though the fire from the fort in reply was weak, owing to the scarcity uf ammunition. On the 5th of May, General Clay, with his reinforce- ments from Kentucky, arrived from Fort Defiance, in eighteen large scows, and were ordered by General Harrison to make an attack on the British batteries on the western side of the river, while the garrison of Fort Meigs were to attack the Indians on the eastern bank. At first, the advantage appeared to be with the Americana, but Captains Muir and Chandler, 41st ''^! i''', t ■imiii ■BH T 216 Ten Years of Upper Canada. regiment, rallied their men, aud made a gallant charge with the bayonet. The enemy broke and fled to their boats. A panic seized them. The Indians, who, dur- ing the seige of the fort had remained rather silent spectators, now rushed forward and intercepted the retreat. The reinforcement from Kentucky was almost annihilated. Of the 800 men who had left the boats to attack the batteries only 170 escaped to Fort Meigs. The enemy's loss in this aifair, on both sides of the river, was about 1,100 in killed, wounded and prisoners. The Canadian troops lost fourteen killed and forty-five wounded. The victory for Proctor was stained by the massacre of the flying foe. Tecumseh, we are told, did what he could to restrain his infuriated followers. When he heard of what was being done by them, he rode up at full speed, and, raising his tomahawk, threat- ened to destroy the first man who refused to obey his orders to desist. The victory was not altogether satisfactory in its results to Proctor, for the Indian warriors insisted on returning to their homes to indulge in protracted revelry, as was their custom after a great fight. Even Tecumseh' s influence was powerless to keep them in bounds. Proctor, with his weakened force, found him- self compelled to re-embark his guns and stores, and return to Fort Maiden. He was discouraged Naval Fight, Lake Erie, September, 1813. 217 on his arrival there by hearing of the fall of Fort George, and also by the refusal of his request for more soldiers. Tecumseh, who had again received large reinforcements of Indian warriors, constantly urged him to renew the attack of Fort Meigs, but he had lost heart, and though an expedition was fitted out, nothing was done. On the 1st of August an attempt was made by Proctor against Fort Stephenson, at Sandusky, but it resulted in failure, and cost the lives of several brave men. Both sides were now, at the close of the summer, resting on their arms, waiting for the fitting-out of their respective fleets to contest the dominion of Lake Erie. The Canadian fleet on Lake Frie was undtu- the com- mand of Captain liobert Barclay, one of Nelson's heroes, who had fought and lost an arm at the battle of Trafalgar. His squadron consisted of the Queen. Charlotte, seventeen guns, Captain Finnis; Lady Prcvo.st, thirteen guns; hrig Hunter, ten g,i\ns; Little Belt, three guns; Chippewa, one gun, and the Detroit, the flag-ship, of nineteen guns, which was not ready for action until September. In all, six vessels and sixty-three guns. The American fleet was under the command of Com- modore Perry, and consisted of the flag-shi}) Lawrence, twenty guns (named in honor of Captain Lawrence of the Chcsa2)caJie, who had been killed in action with H.M.S. Shannon, off Boston harbour, in June, 1813); 15 ?. ? '■" m fix I 1 '.JU** ;i!!: ': ( II 218 Ten Years of Upper Canada. the Niagara, twenty guns; brig Caledonia,* three guns ; schooner Ariel, four guns ; Scorpion, two guns; Trippe, one gun ; Tigress, one gun ; Porcupine, one gun ; and the Ohio, not in action. Nine vessels, fifty- tw^o guns. The weight of metal was with the Americans, although they had a smaller number of guns, the difference being, Americans 928 pounds, Canadians 459 pounds. Perry's fleet had been fitted out in the harbour of Presqu' Isle, and during the month of July had been closely blockaded there by Barclay's squadron. A sand-bar at the mouth of the harbour prevented the American larger vessels from sailing out without first removing the cannon. This, of course, could not be done in the face of the enemy. About the 1st of August Commodore Barclay sailed away to obtain provisions from Long Point, and during his absence Commodore Perry seized the opportunity to unload his vessels and place them safely over the sand-bar. It was a critical moment for the American fleet, for if Barclay had returned while the vessels were on the bar he would have had an easy victory. It is said a public dinner given to him and his officers by the citizens of Port Dover prolonged his absence. He arrived back just as the Niagara was safely moving into deep water. Once free to roam the lake, it was ■* The Caledonia was captured from the Canadians on its way down from Detroit, October 9th, 1812. Mir Naval Fight, Lake Erie, September, 1813. 219 Perry's turn to annoy Barclay, who sailed to Amherst- burg, there to await the completion of his largest vessel, the Detroit. At last Sepoember came, and all felt the decisive moment was near. Proctor's troops were suffering for want of supplies, and a communication with Long Point had to be opened at all hazards. So perfectly destitute of provisions was the post that there was not a day's flour in store. On the morning of the 10th September, Barclay sailed out from Amherstburg, a light breeze blowing from the south-west. The enemy were lying five or six miles away, near Put-in Bay, and a;n action was inevitable. Both commanders knew that on this contest the fate of their armies on shore depended. Although Barclay's fleet had sixty-three guns, it was lamentably deficient in sailors, having only fifty ex- perienced men between the six vessels. The rest of the crew were 240 soldiers and 80 Canadian volun- teer seamen, who had no proper training in the use of the ropes and guns. Perry had nine vessels with fifty- nine guns, and his vessels were fully manned by nearly 600 of the pick of the American merchant marine. It was to Barclay's advantage to fight at long range. Perry's tactics were to bring the ships to close quarters. At about eleven o'clock on the morning of the 10th September, the fight began, and for four hours the battle raged. At first the advantage was altogether with the Canadians. Barclay's fire had raked the s\ ti' li i ■i'l?: III!;'.' W-?-. w'- %• ..^-. -.fe , I 220 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Laivrence^ Perry's flag-ship, so badly that she lay a dis- abled hulk. Of the 103 men that had composed her crew when she went into action, twenty-two were killed and sixty-one wounded. At last, when the American commodore saw that his ship was so dis- mantled as to be of no further service, he determined to leave it, and to make for the Niagara, his largest vessel, which had up to that time been uninjured. Wrapping his flag around him, he ordered his boat to be lowered, and with four stout seamen at the oars, he made the dangerous passage in the face of a tre- mendous fire. He was met at the gangway of the Niagara by the astonished commander of that vessel. " How goes the day ? " asked Elliott. " Bad enough," replied Perry ; " wliy are the gun-boats so far astern ?" "I'll bring thom up," said Elliott. " Do so," said Perry. So the captain of the Niagara pushed off in a small boat to hurry up the lagging vessels.* Now the for- tunes of the day changed. The wind veered, and for lack of seamen Barclay's vessels became unmanage- able. The rudder of the Ladg Prevost was disabled ; the Detroit and the Queen Charlotte became entangled. Barclay f and Finnis,]: their commanders, were both *Lo8sin}];, "Haiubleton's Journal." + Robert Barclay was a Scotchman, and attended the school at Kettle, of which Bishop Strachan was the master. In a charge delivered by the Bishop in 18(i0, he thus speaks of him: " Commodore Robert Barclay, afterwards so unfortunate on Lake Erie, from causes over which he had no control, was another of my pupils. He was a youth of the brightest pro- f , Naval Fight, Lake Erie, September, 1813. 221 wounded, the latter mortally ; the former had his thigh shattered, and a shot in the shoulder disabled his only arm. Close and deadly was the fire from the American vessels. All Barclay's officers were wounded or killed, and three-fourths of the men. Resistance was no longer possible. It was about three in the afternoon when the flag of the Detroit was lowered, and when the smoke of the battle cleared away, a sad scene of carnage was revealed. The vessels of both squadrons were dreadfully shattered, especially the two flag- ships. Sixty-eight men were killed and 190 wounded during the four hours the battle lasted. The Americans lost 123, twenty-seven of whom were killed ; the Cana- dians, 135, forty-one of whom were killed. When some months afterwards Barclay (who had been placed on parole and then exchanged) was brought before a court of inquiry to answer for the loss of his fleet, his judges were moved to tears as they looked at the mutilated form of the hero who had fought so well. mise, and often have I said in my heart that he possessed qualities which fitted him to be another Nelson, had the way opened for such a con- summation." t The loss of Captain Finnis was deeply deplored by Barclay, who thus writes to Sir James Yeo, on September 13th, three days after the battle : " Too soon, alas ! was I deprived of the services of the noble and intrepid Captain Finnis, who, soon after the commencement of the action, fell ; and with him fell my greatest support." Sir James Yeo wrote of the ill-fated action in his official despatch to Sir George Prevost : "Though His Majesty's squadron were very deficient in seamen, weight of metal, and particularly long guns, yet the greater mis- fortune was the loss of every officer, particularly Captain Finnis, whose life, had it been spared, would, in my opinion, have saved the squadron." rrr lift:;-: UUi- !lp|ll 222 Ten Years of Upper Canada. This victory on Lake Erie was most important to the Americans. Both armies were anxiously awaiting the result of the encounter. If Barclay had been successful, Proctor's army would have been enabled to obtain its needed supplies and reinforcements, and so could have held the western frontier. Perry's success enabled Harrison to seize Detroit, to recover Michi- gan, and to press on and once more invade the West- ern Peninsula. The Americans were intoxicated with success. " Canada must now be ours," was their exultant cry. Medals were struck in honour of their victory. There were illuminations all over the land, and honours and rewards were heaped upon Perry and his officers.* Washington Irving wrote : " The last roar of can- non that died along Erie's shore was the expiring note of British domination." The cannon roar on that fateful day on Lake Erie was heard at an incredible distance. At Cleveland, seventy miles away, the people thought at first it was thunder, but seeing no clouds, concluded that the two squadrons had met. The listeners could easily distinguish the sound of the heavier and lighter guns. Lossing records the fact that a man who lived on the New York State line, heard at his house the can- nonading on the lake, 160 miles distant. * The captured squadron was valued at $225,000. Commodore Chauncey, Commander-in-Chief of the lakes, rec vAd one-twentieth ; Perry and Elliot each drew $7,140 ; Congress voted Perry $6,000 additional ; each commander of a gun-boat received $2,200 ; each midshipman, $800 ; each marine and sailor, $200. Naval Fight, Lake Erie, September, 1813. 223 It is a curious fact that, on the day of the fight, Mr. Eidout's diary has this entry : — York, Friday, 10th Septeinber. — About eleven a.m., loud firing was heard, and continued about an hour. It seemed to be towards Niagara ; the wind was west- ward, with thick rain. The diary continues : — Saturday, llth September. — Heavy firing said to have been heard on the lake nearly opposite Hamil- ton, which continued four hours, supposed to be between the fleets. The tiring heard on the llth September is accounted for by an action that took place on Lake Ontario, be- tween Sir James Yeo and Commodore Chauncey. On that day Sir James' fleet lay becalmed ofi" the Genesee. Catching a gentle breeze from the north-west, Chaun- cey bore down upon it, and was within gun-shot dis- tance, when Yeo's sails took the wind, and their ves- sels being swifter sailers, escaped, not, however, with- out sustaining considerable damage, during a running fight for more than three hours. The diary continues : — Thursday, 16th September. — A heavy storm of wind and rain began ; no certain news respecting the firing. Lake Ontario during the month of September, 1813, was the scene of many a lively contest. On the 18th, Commodore Chauncey sailed for Niagara, for the pur- pose of conveying troops to Sackett's Harbour, and , . NifKf; tlU' m\f h i It ;;i 224 Ten Years of Upper Canada. was followed by Sir James Yeo. An exciting fight took place between the fleets. The Pike, Madison and Sylph, American, engaged the Wolf, Sir James' flag-ship, the Bojjal George and some smaller vessels. At last the Wolf was found to have sustained serious injury, and pushed away before the wind, crowded with canvas, and gallantly protected in her flight by the Jiojjal George. A general chase was commenced, and the pursuit was continued towards Burlington Bay for two hours, when Chauncey called off his vessels. The American Commodore thought that if he had re- ceived proper support, he might have captured and destroyed the British squadron, but the wind was in- creasing, and he dared not run into any harbour for shelter, so he sailed away for Niagara, where he lay during a gale that lasted forty-eight hours. The ex- citing chase was known by the name of the " Burling- ton races." So slow was news in arriving from the western fron- tier, that it was not until the 10th September that in- telligence of the battle on Lake Erie reached York. The following note is in Mr. Ridout's diary : — York, 16th September. — On Friday, the 10th Sep- tember, a battle was fought on Lake Erie, near the Islands, between our half-manned fleet of six sail, and the enenjy's fleet of nine sail, which lasted four hours, when neither fleet could act any longer, at which time the American gun-boats came out and attacked our fleet. In their defenceless state we had the mortification to be compelled to surrender. Naval Fight, Lake Erie, September, 1813. 225 It is possible that the firing heard by Mr. Ridout and others at York, on the morning of the 10th Sep- tember, was from the guns on Lake Erie. The wind from the west and the heavy atmosphere makes it probable that the sound was carried an immense dis- tance. There is no record of any other fight that day on Lake Ontario to account for the firing heard at York. In the camp at Niagara during the month of Sep- tember, 1813, things were not prospering. Fever had broken out ; the men, weary with inaction, badly fed and ill-paid, were deserting day by day, and the news of the loss of the fleet on Lake Erie brought gloom and consternation. From Thomas G. Ridout to his brother George at York : — Headquarters, near Niagara, 16th September, 1813. I received your letter yesterday by Starr Jarvis, who has come here to be our waggon-master. To- morrow we shall have 20,000 hard dollars in silver and .^5,000 in paper money, and in about eight days shall receive in army bills £20,000.* The Commis- sary-General is going to the Mediterranean, and Mr. Couche will take his place. Gee cooks and waits upon us, and a little French dragoon helps him. We burn rails, steal apples, pears and peaches at a great rate. Old Lion sometimes growls at the rails going so fast, but can't help him- self. He thinks me the most innocent of the lot. * The large expenditure of money during the war was of undoubted benetit to those engaged in trade. Therefore, from a monetary point of view, the war was not an unmixed evil. VS- I iHN i !U ?■; I I 1 1 I ite; : 226 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Desertion has come to such a height that eight or ten men go off daily. The army is not quite so sickly as it was. We have heard nothing of the fleet since she left last Friday. A schooner went into the river (Niagara) yesterday afternoon. The Americans have been busily employed for some days past in transporting all their heavy guns and baggage across the river. Their deserters come in every day. They say that 4,000 men are in Fort George. The other day, a Yankee picket shot two of our deserters dead. One of the 49th attempted to swim over by Queenston, but was killed by the sentry. As soon as the rainy weather comes we shall move to the Mountain, for the troops cannot remain in their present encampment by the Black Swamp. From Thomas G. Ridout to his Father at York: — Headquarters, 2lst '^sptemher, 1813. Things are going on very badly. It is too true that our fleet on Lake Erie is taken, and Proctor is left at Amherstburg without provisions, guns or men. Most of the cannon were mounted on board the ships ; Jt20,000 is on the way to pay the debts at Amherst- burg, and we have $40,000 in gold and silver on the way from Kingston, besides j£20,000 in bills. Assis- tant-Commissary-General Dance has gone to take charge at Burlington, with three clerks. jailitia are all called out to build barracks at y s Lane, Queenston and Chippewa, and also at nngton Heights, which, I. believe, is to be head- j^uarters this winter. Nichol has gone up to bring the Long Point militia down. General De Kottenburg went up to the head of the lakes to-day. General Vincent commands at the Cross-Eoads ; I think he is the best of the two. Mr. Couche has had a notifica- tion that he must hold the military chest, etc., in Naval Fight, Lake Erie, September, 1813. 227 or readiness, as a movement wonld shortly take place, somewhere on the Mountain, it is expected. The 8th have lost two officers within a week — Captain Kingsley, the paymaster, of a fever, he was a very gentlemanly, good fellow, and Lewis ; Fitzgibbon has got well again. The last thing seen of the fleets on Lake Erie was at the islands near Ainherstburg. After the battle twelve vessels were seen very quietly together. Cap- tain Barclay was ordered out with six vessels, half manned, very much against his will, to fight the Americans, who consisted of nine vessels every way superior. The consequence was that he was taken, and all that country must fall, and that before long, for we have just heard 10,000 Ohio militia are on their march to Detroit. Colonel Hamilton has moved up to Turkey Point. The 2nd battalion of the 41st are on their way from Kingston. We are in the same state at the old house as ever. I carry on the foraging. To-night our dragoon is to make a grand attack upon the onions. The nests are kept very nice and clean from eggs. The dragoon has just come in with a fine musk melon and a peck of onions. We feed a turkey every day at the door, which is doomed for our Sunday dinner. Sometimes a cow happens to get milked over night, for the old lady is getting to be very stingy of the milk. Colonel Coffin went in yesterday with a flag of trace, and the Americans told him that our whole fleet was taken on Lake Erie, after a most desperate engage- ment. Our second ship went down in the battle, and every man on board their flag ship was either killed or wounded. Had it not been for some gun- boats that came up at the close of the engagement, we would have gained the day; so roughly had our six little vessels handled them. They say it was the most severe action fought this war; great numbers fell on both sides. ,li >.■ lii j': 11 1 f W 1' 228 Ten Years of Upper Canada. From Thomas G. Ridout to his Father at York : — St. David's, October 1r\d, 1813. I wrote a letter three or four days ago telling you that we had changed our quarters, and that the wholo department was ill, Mr. Couche much the worst. He has kept his bed for several days and has not heard a word upon business. Jones and myself are his nurses, with the assistance of the old people in the house. His servant-man is as ill as his master. This after- noon fever and headache attacked me. Mr. Couche has give^ Jones and me charge of the military chest, the key of which I wear in my pocket, and I pay out the money. We have to account for ^27,000 paid since we had the management. The people flock so after money that I am obliged to have a sentry at the door to let but one person in at a time, and when they do enter, they must not speak ten words, so now they hold us in great awe. The Americans have possession of our side as far down as Samuel Street's, and have plundered all the loyal inhabitants of their property. The greater part of the settlement being Dutch Men- nonites, are friendly to the enemy, and assist them in everything. We have lately taken a number of their waggons. We expect some serious movement every hour, as the enemy are in great force at Fort George. A number of bateaux, about sixty, loaded with men now accompany their fleet, to make some landing above us, I have no doubt. We are driving all the cattle from this part of the district towards the head of the lake. The Chippewa and Short Hill country is stript of cattle, and to-day they have been driving them from the vinicity of the camps. The waggons stand ready loaded with the baggage which moves in the rear. I am sure we shall march soon. What is to be done with Mr. Couche, I know not; but he must go along. I believe the rainy weather has set in, for it has rained all day. Tecumseh — Battle of the Thames, 1813. 229 CHAPTEli XVII. TECUMSEH BATTLE OF THE THAMES, OCTOBER, 1813. ^'! ;l= After tlie defeat of Barclay on Lake Erie, Forts Detroit and Aniherstburg became untenable for the Canadian troops, and were abandoned. General Proc- tor first destroyin*^' the magazines, barracks and public stores. General Harrison's reinforcements amounted to 7,000 or 8,000 men, including 4,000 volunteers from Kentucky. Commodore Perry, with his fleet, conveyed all the American troops to the Canadian shore, except the dragoons, who were to meet them at Maiden. General Harrison, finding the forts abandoned, left Colonel Mc Arthurs in command, and hastened to follow the retreating ariLy. Tecumseh had urged upon General Proctor the advisability of meeting the invaders as they landed below Amhertsburg, and, if overpowered, to take U[) another position on the Canard ; if driven from that, to go up the Eiver Thames, retiring with supplies pro- tected and drawing the Americans far into the interior, when all the forces of the u])per Province, such as could be brought from Burlington Heights and other ■ fi"" ■ * '■■'! 230 Ten Years of Upper Canada. m lii: ! ! • '' w ■■\ II I: posts, could join them, and harass the enemy continu- ally, and compel them to retreat. This advice met with no response. Proctor ordered a rapid flight. Tecumseh, it is said, rose from the council, dashed his sword on the table, and denounced Proctor as a miserable old squaw. Proctor wished to appease him, and told him that he could not meet Harrison's troops on landing, as they had all the ships and great guns, and could fire with the " double balls," as the Indians called the shells. Therefore, he proposed to continue the march, and fight them out of reach of the ships. Tecumseh saw that Proctor did not want to fight, so proclaimed that he would march in advance and select the battle ground. History has it recorded, that when, at last. General Proctor was forced to give battle on the ground chosen by Tecumseh on the Kiver Thames, at the first charge the British General fled, leaving his heroic ally to breast the onset alone. General Harrison, six days after the battle of the Thames, wrote to the Governor of Ohio, dated Detroit, October 11th, 1813 :— Nothing but infatuation could have governed General Proctor's conduct. The day that I landed below ^lalden, he had at his disposal upwards of 3,000 Indians. The Indians were extremely desirous of fight- ing us at Maiden. I enclose you Tecumseh's com- munication or speech to Proctor. [ :i Tecumseh — Battle of the Thames, 1813. 231 )ral low )00 Iht- m- Tecuviseh to General Proctor : — Amherstrurg, September ISth, 1813. In the name of the Indian Chiefs and warriors to Major-General Proctor, as the representative of their great Father, the King. Father hsten to your chil- dren, you have them all before you. When war was declared our Father stood up and gave us the tomahawk, and told us he was then ready to strike the Americans, that he wanted our assistance, and that he would certainly get us our lands back which the Americans had taken from us. Listen ! Our fleet has gone out ; we know they have fought ; we have heard the great guns. Listen ! the Americans have not yet defeated us by land ; neither are we sure they have done so by water.* Father, you have got the arms and ammunition which our great Father sent to his red children. If you have an idea of going away, give them to us, and you may go, and welcome ; our lives are in the hands of the Great Spirit. We are determined to defend our lands, and, if it be His will, we wish to leave our bones upon them. On the morning of the 4th October, Harrison and his troops had nearly come up to Proctor's retreating army. The latter had reached Chatham, where a stream called McGregor's Creek flows into the Thames. There Proctor promised Tecumseh ho would make a final stand. "Here," he said, on his arrival, "we will defeat Harrison or lay our bones." These words pleased the warrior, and he said, " When I look on these two streams I shall think of the Wabash and the Tippecanoe." * Tecumseh had been kept in ignorance of e defeat of the 10th Sep- tember. 1' f i i, l^ V V, 232 Ten Years of Upper Canada. ifi^^ I Ft; ) The last stand was not, however, made here, but some miles farther on. At two o'clock on the 5th October Harrison's army had nearly come up to the fugitives. When about three miles from Moraviantown, Harrison's scouts learned that Proctor and Tecumseh were awaiting him there, drawn up in order of battle. The ground chosen by Tecumseh was well selected. On the left was the Eiver Thames, with a high and steep bank. On the right a marsh running parallel with the river about two miles. The whole space between the river and the swamp was covered with beech, sugar maple and oak trees. The 41st regiment was posted near the river. The artillery conmianded the road. The Indians were in the woods on the right. Tecumseh commanded in person. Harrison ordered the mounted Kentucky riiiemen to make the first charge. They were accus- tomed to riding in the woods, and their arms were no impediment. A volley from the Canadian troops caused them to hesitate a moment, but at the second volley the American cavalry dashed in and broke the line of their opponents. All was now confusion. Five minutes after the first shock Proctor's troops were tlying in all directions. We are told that the General, without making an attempt to rally his men, fied in his carriage,* hotly pursued l)y the enemy, who made * An American officer (Sholos) writes : "I Imd a very pleaaant ride back to Detroit in I'roctoi'a beautiful carriage. I found in it a hat, a sword and ii trunk. The hitter contained many letters in the handsomest writing I ever saw, by I'roctor's wife to her dear Henry." Tecumseh — Battle of the Thames, 1813. 233 but The pre in ed ill ucky LCCUS- re no oops cond e the Five were leral, (I in made many prisoners. On the right the American advance was more hotly contested. The Indians, led by Tecumseh, fought with the enthusiasm of desperation. They waited until the euemy were within a few paces of them, and then hurled on them a deadly shower of bullets. In this part of the field the undergrowth was so thick that the mounted riflemen could not advance. They were therefore ordered to carry on the fight on foot. The battle-cry of the Kentucky men was : *' Remember the River Raisin." For awhile victory hung in the balauce. but at last the great leader, Tecumseh, fell, arul then his followers gave way and scattered through tUe woods. Among the spoils secured by the Americans were the brass cannon of Revolutionary fame, which had been retaken by Brock at Detroit, also the small arms which had been captured by Proctor's troops at De- troit, and Frenchtown, and the Miami. The pursuit of Proctor was continued until dark, but he succeeded in escaping. He abandoned his carriage, left the road, and escaped by a by-path. Proctor had, as an excuse for his conduct, that he had to face an enemy greatly his superior in numbers, provided with cavalry, of which he was destitute, also that his troops were worn out with their hasty march, and had suffered nmch in a long service of fifteen months on guard at the frontier. On his trial by court-martial, which took place in December, 1814, it was found that he had not re- 16 M 'li ' "ft ' CI i li ^ r {,' k i: ?*: ■ ( , 234 Ten Years of Upper Canada. treated with judgment, nor had he judiciously disposed of his forces. He was sentenced to be suspended from rank and pay for six months. George IV. was very severe upon the unfor- tunate Proctor, and censured the court for mistaken lenity. He expressed his regret that any officer of the length of service, and the exalted rank of General Proctor, should be so extremely wanting in professional knowledge, and deficient in those active, energetic qualities which must be required of every officer. The few who escaped being made prisoners after the battle of the 5th October, fled in confusion through the unbroken wilderness towards Lake Ontario. They reached Ancaster, seven miles west of Bur- lington Heights, on the 17th October, their number, including seventeen officers, amounted to only 256. The victor's remained in possession of the ground, and on the 7th October, General Harrison left for De- troit with his army, taking the property they had cap- tured, and the prisoners. On the way back, a furious storm wrecked several of the vessels from the Thames, and much of the cap- tured property was lost. Harrison and Perry had planned tbe re-taking of Michillimackinac, but the furious storms, and near approach of winter, caused them to abandon that enterprise. General Harrison then prepared to go down the lake, and join the American forces on the Niagara frontier. f f Tecumseh— Battle of the Thames, 1813. 235 The campaign on the bank of the Thames was the last in which Genral Harrison was engaged. His friends had expected him to be made Comman- der-in-Chief of the American army, but jealousy and the disfavour of the Secretary of War made urther military service so unpleasant, that he resigned his commission in May, 1814.* On the return of the Kentucky volunteers after the battle of the Thames, half a dozen of them were impressed with the belief that they had each slain the great chieftain. The description given by them of the personal appearance of the warrior did not, however, correspond with the personal appearance of Tecumseh. It was considered probable that he had been severely wounded, and borne from the field. The contest had been so short and sharp, that no one seemed to have a clear idea of what happened dur- ing the charge. One thing is certain, that, when Tecumseh was shot down, dead or alive, his body was carried from the field by some of his devoted followers. It was thought possible that he was only wounded, and that he might appear again, but silence and mystery have always surrounded his end. No certain information has ever been obtained of his death. His tribe and friends u. ♦William Henry Harrison, a descendant of a celebrated leader in Crom- well's army, was elected President of the United States in 1840, and died a month after his inauguration. His grandson is the present President, 18!K). WW ilifea! 'i ! \im ; til 1' i 236 Ten Years of Upper Canada. appeared unwilling to admit that he had been slain by the white man. Their pride prevented them giving any replies to questions on the subject. They were asked : — * " What has become of Tecumseh ? " Raising the right hand to heaven, with an expres- sion of deep sorrow, "Gone!" " Did you see him on the day of battle ? " "Yes." " When did you see him the last time ? " "Just as the Americans came in sight, he with his young braves passed rapidly up and down the line, spoke to every old warrior ; saw every one ; said, ' Be braves, stand firm, shoot certain.'" " Did you hear after the battle that he was killed or badly wounded ? " No answer. And so, like King Arthur of old, in "that last weird battle of the West," he passed unseen "to the Island valley, where falls not hail, or rain, or any snow. * Hatch's Chapter of the War. fc; > R I* III Chateauguay — Chrysler's Field, 1813. 237 CHAPTER XVIII. CHATEAUGUAY CHRYSLER S FIELD OCTOBER, NOVEMBER, 1813. October did not begin auspiciously for the Canadian troops. Sickness, disaster and defeat had followed them closely. Times were certainly gloomy, and the struggle that had gone on without interruption for fifteen months seemed hopeless, and the abandon- ment of Upper Canada was considered probable. On the 14th October, General Proctor was still at the Grand river with the small remnant of his demoral- ized troops. Three hundred of his men had been made prisoners at Moraviantovvn, and he was gather- ing the rest of the stragglers together. General Vin- cent, with his division, had left the vicinity of Fort George, and was once more in his stronghold at Bur- lington Heights. The next letter is from the camp, dated Burlington, 14th October, 1813. From Thomas G. Aiclout to his Father : — Yesterday I received your letter of the 10th. The times are so gloomy that I know not what to say. We shall soon retreat to Kingston. Every prepara- tion is making. The Americans with 1,000 men m ■^ I I I' ' It II 238 Ten Years of Upper Canada. KS: ■ have advanced as far as the Twenty. Last night 600 men marched to drive them back. General Vincent complains of De Rottenberg* leaving him in this eventful period, when every difficulty stares him in the face. The troops are recovering their health. I am afraid you will have to go to Quebec. It must be before the army retreats, or not at all. There will be no getting down with them. George must stay at home to protect all left behind. I hope you will take John with you. I am Couche's secretary, cashier, etc. Young Jones was left behind sick. I have now £9,000 in charge. I have been busy since seven this morning, it is now twelve o'clock at night. Proctor has more than 200 of his regiment collected, he is still at the Grand River with them. hi Burlington, I6th October, 1813. Dear Father, — I wrote to you the other day from this place, which letter I suppose you have received. I was in such a hurry I could hardly tell you any- thing. We had a most dreadful time from the Cross- Roads (Homer). Upwards of 300 men were straggling upon the road and waggons loaded with miserable objects stuck fast in mud-holes, broken down and unable to ascend the hills, and the men too ill to stir hand or foot. One thousand Western Indians arrived last night from Detroit, besides 2,000 women and children. Poor creatures ! What will become of them ? It is said the great Tecumseh is killed. The Indians have made horrid work with Harrison's army, killing several hundred.! We are sending all the heavy baggage to York, but do not think Sir George will allow this army to retreat. In two days Mr. Couche and I set off for Quebec. Mr. Dance wanted * General De Rottenberg had left for Kingston, where an attack was expected. t This must allude to the massacre at Fort Meigs. 1 * Chateauguay — Chrysler's Field, 1813. 239 his brother with Mr. C. but he said he would not part with me. I shall ride one of his horses down. If the army retreats 8,000 barrels of flour, besides immense stores, will fall into the enemy's hands. The troops have left the Forty. Vincent is waiting for orders from below before he retreats. It is said that Evans, Muir and Chambers are killed.* For these four days I have worked from six in the morning till ten at night. Mr. Couche will soon be Commissary- General. I suppose you have heard of Lord Wellington's defeat in Spain, when he lost 7,000 men. • York will be left in a dreadful state if we retreat. We shall stay two days with you. Mr. Ridout's diary : — York, 20th October, 1813. — Thomas came home on his way to Montreal. He accompanies Ed. Couche, Deputy-Commissary-General, as his cashier. He remained with us all the day of the 21st, and set out with Mr. Couche for Kingston and Montreal early on Friday morning, the 22nd October. His brother George accompanied him as far as Scarboro'. Formidable preparations were now being made for the capture of Montreal, where the American soldiers were promised good winter quarters. General Wilkinson, the rather incompetent, com- mander-in-chief of the American army, had tbe con- trol of about 16,000 men on the northern frontier, including General Hampton's division. The first plan proposed was the capture of Kingston. This did not strike General Wilkinson favourably, who, in * Gallant officers of the 4l8t. I ,' I TTr" 1 ; )■ ■ " {-■ t ; ■■■■f ■ r 1. I: 'i ■ i 1 ',' ■*. . 1 ■} '4 ■.- 1 '''*. S! 240 Ten Years of Upper Canada. August, before the defeat of the Canadians on Lake Erie and at Moraviantown, wrote thus to the Secre- tary of War : — Will it not he better to strengthen our force already at Fort George ; cut up the British in that quarter, and should General Harrison fail in his object, march a detachment and capture jMalden ? x\fter which, closing our operations on the peninsula, descend like lightning with our whole force on Kingston, and, having reduced that place, and captured both garrison and shipping, go down the St. Lawrence and form a junction with Hampton's column, if the lateness of the season should permit ? The Secretary of War objected to any further movement on the peninsula, as it would only " wound the tail of the lion,'' and General Wilkinson left the Niagara district for Sackett's Harbour, in August, without any definite plan being decided on. On his way, he sent from Albany his first orders as commander-in-chief to General Hampton. This aroused the anger of the old aristocrat Hamp- ton, who resented any interference from Wilkinson, and henceforth cherished an intense hatred against him. In September, it was decided by the Americans to leave an efficient garrison of 600 troops in Fort George, and to take the remainder of the Niagara division of the army in Chauncey's fleet, to join in an attack on Montreal. When General Vincent withdrew to Burlington Chateauguav — Chrysler's Field, 1813. 241 as Heights after Proctor's defeat, Colonel Winfield Scott, who had been left in command of the Americans at Fort George, with about 800 regular troops, left the defence of the fort to General McClure, commanding the New York miMtia, and crossed the Niagara river on the 13th October, on his way to join Wilkinson's army at Sackett's Harbour. When Scott left Fort George, it was believed that all the British troops had been called from the western end of Lake Ontario to reinforce the garrison at Kingston. These orders had indeed, been sent by Sir George Prevost to General Vincent, as soon as the Commander-in-Chief heard of General Proctor's defeat at the battle of the Thames. However, Vincent, Morrison and Harvey were not men disposed to retire. A council of war was held at Burlington Heights, and it was determined not to abandon the Niagara Peninsula. The American General, McClure, was sending out foraging parties from Fort George, and greatly annoy- ing the inhabitants in the vicinity. So Colonel Murray, of the 100th, was despatched with about 400 men to drive them back. This was successfully done, and soon the Americans were hemmed within their own lines, and the Canadian troops once more took up their position at Twelve-Mile creek (St. Catharines). General Wilkinson was now (October, 1813), con- centrating his force at Grenadier Island, which is situa-ted eighteen miles below Sackett's Harbour, between that place and Kingston. His plan was to I < 1 ' A Ml V i '■mr 242 Ten Years of Upper Canada. WUr 11 It I mv ii descend the St. Lawrence in bateaux and gun-boats, to pass by the forts, and after forming a junction with Hampton, to proceed and take possession of the Island of Montreal. Storm followed storm on Lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence. Snow fell to the depth of ten inches, and the American troops, encamped on Grenadier Island, Buffered severely. They remained there until the 1st November, with the exception of General Brown's brigade, some light troops, and heavy artillery, which moved forward on the 29th October, and took up their position at French Creek, now Clayton. Chauncey, in the meantime, endeavoured unsuccess- fully to blockade the Canadian fleet in Kingston harbour. General Wilkinson arrived at French Creek on the 3rd November. On the morning of the 5th November, a clear bright crisp day, the whole flotilla of 300 boats moved down the river. As soon as the American movements were ascer- tained. General De Rottenberg sent a flying column down the St. Lawrence to intercept them. But few men could be spared for the daring enterprise, and the corps of observation, as it was called, comprised in all not more than 800 men, accompanied by a few gun-boats. It consisted of the remains of the 49th regiment, some Canadian Fencibles, the second bat- CHATEAUGUAY — ChRYSLER'S FiELD, 1813. 243 talion of the 89th, and three companies of Voltigeurs, the whole force under the command of Colonel Morri- son, aided by the Deputy Adjutant-General, Colonel Harvey — the hero of Stoney Creek. The Commissariat Department, under Mr. Couche, accompanied, ur rather followed this column, and the following letter from Mr. Ridout gives an account of the march down the river : — P t Kingston, \8t November, 1813. Dear Father, — We have had a most harassing journey of ten days to this place, where we arrived last night in a snow-storm. It has been snowing all day, and is now half a foot deep. The journey has knocked Mr. Couche up. He is in the next room with a fever. Frequently I had to go middle deep in a mud-hole, unload the waggon, and carry heavy trunks fifty yards, sometimes waist-deep in mire, and reload the wagg ^ One night it upset gomg up a steep hill in the woods. Gee and I carried the load up to the top, whilst Mr. C. rode on three miles in the rain for a lanthorn. About eleven o'clock we got in, when we missed a trunk with 500 guineas in it. Mr. Couche and I immediately rode back about two miles and found it in a mud-hole. The Yankees lie with their whole fleet and 12,000 men over on Grenadier Island. Yesterday they sent down to scour the river ten gun-boats and forty Durham boats full of men. At Cornwall they captured a con- voy of boats and merchandise to a great amount. These Durham boats have letters of marque and reprisal, so the river is completely theirs. I know not how we are to get from them. Accounts have just arrived from Montreal, saying that 40^ of our troops have defeated General Hamp- III r r II 11 m w I ft i. ■ &4 1 if ttl i' Ji i 244 Ten Years of Upper Canada. ton's army of 4,000 men. Kingston is well fortified, and I think would withstand a large force. The fleet lie about Snake Island. There are about 2,000 troops here. The gates are shut every night at sunset. Two fine blockhouses are built back of the town, with water and ditches round them, and the works carried from one to the other. Along the bay a breastwork of empty barrels is made. The defeat of Hampton's army, mentioned in this letter, was one of the most romantic achievments of the war, and most important in its results. All the posts in Western Canada, with the exception of Mackinaw, had fallen into the hands of the Americans. They had not only recaptured Michigan, but the result of the battle of Moraviantown had given them con- trol of the garden of Upper Canada. Everything pointed to the early conquest of that Province, and the authorities at Washington now planned a vigorous invasion of Lower Canada. General Hampton began his advance on the 20th of September, surprised a Canadian picquet at Odell- town, and then took the road to L'Acadie. He had to pass through a swamp for upwards of fifteen miles, before reaching the open country. Colonel De Sala- berry, with the aid of his Voltigeurs, had done his best to make the road a bad one. He had felled trees, and dug holes, and placed every obstruction in the way. At last Hampton moved with his whole force towards the head of the Kiver Chateauguay. De Salaberry having asc^ertained the road by which Chateauguay — Chrysler's Field, 1813. 245 Hampton was to advance, took up a position in a thick wood, on the left bank of the river, six miles above its junction with the English river. Here he threw up l)reastworks of logs. His front and right flank were covered by extended abattis, and his left rested on the river. In his rear, the river being fordable, he covered the ford with a strong breastwork, defended by a guard, and kept a piecpiet of Beauharnois' militia in advance, on the right bank oi' the river, lest the enemy should mistake the road, and crossing the ford under cover of the forest, should dislodge him from his position. On the 22nd September, Hampton sent General Izard to force a militia picqiiet at the junction of the rivers Outaito and Chateauguay, and there the main body of the Americans arrived on the 22nd Septem- ber. Two days later, the enemy repaired the road, and brought forward ten pieces of artillery to within seven miles of l)e Salaberry's position. Hampton had discovered the ford, and sent Colonel Purdy with a strong body of infantry on the evening of the 25th September, to fall upon De Salaberry's rear, while the main body were to assail in front. Purdy's brigade lost themselves in the woods, and wandered about all night. On the morning of the 26th September, Hampton appeared in the front, with about 8,500 men. A picquet of twenty- five Canadians was driven in, but it only fell back on a second piiujuet, where a most resolute stand was made. De Salaberry II ± 11 246 Ten Years of Upper Canada. ■A lUM I heard the firing, and advanced to the rescue. He had with him Ferguson's company of Fencibles, Chevaher Duchesnay's and Juchereau Duchesnay's company of Voltigeurs. He posted the Fencibles in extended order, every man being an arm's length from his neighbour, the right touching the woods, in which some Abenaquis Indians were distributed. Chevalier Duchesnay's company was in skirmishing order, in line extended from the left of the Fencibles to the Chateau- guay ; and Juchereu,u Duchesnay's company, and thirty- five militia were ranged in close order along the mar- gin of the river, to prevent a flank fire from the enemy. The Americans advanced steadily within musket shot, and De Salaberry commenced the action by dis- charging his rifle. In order the deceive the enemy, the greatest possible noise was made, purposely, by buglers stationed here and there in the wings, the centre and the rear of the Canadian force., The enemy wheeled into line and began to fire in volleys, but threw away their bullets as the battalions were not fronting the Voltigeurs or Fencibles. A a some of the skirmishers retreated, the enemy moved forward. Again the Canadian buglers sounded the advance, and the notes of martial music echoed through the woods as if 20,000 men were being marshalled for the fight. At this crisis, Colonel McDonoll, of the Glengarries arrived on the scene with some reinforcements, and at the same time Purdy's detachment of American iu- , i'k W'\ Chateauguay — Chrysler's Field, 1813. 247 fantry, long lost in the woods, was guided to the ford by the firing and music. He drove in a Canadian picquet which was on the opposite side of the river, and was pushing for the ford, when De Salaberry ordered Captain Daly with the light company of the 3rd bat- talion of Canadian militia to cross the river, and take up the ground abandoned by the picquet. This was done gallantly, and the American advance guard was driven back. As they appeared again, De Salaberry ordered Juchereau Duchesnay to be up and at them, and his men, rising from their place of concealment, poured in a fire on Purdy's brigade, as efifectual as it was unexpected. The Americans reeled back, turned and ran. Hampton seeing Purdy's discomfiture, slowly withdrew, leaving De Salaberry with his 300 Canadians in possession of the position with all the honours of victory. For his skilful management of this affair De Sala- berry was loaded with honours, his officers and men publicly thanked, and five pairs of colours were pre- sentled to the five battalions of Canadian embodied militia which had taken part in the fight. Charles Michel d'lrumberry de Salaberry, Seig- neur de Chambly et de Beulac, was born at the manor house of Beauport, November 19th, 1778. He entered the British army at an early age ; served eleven years in the East Indies, and distinguished himself in command of a company of grenadiers in the expedition to Martinique, in 1795. He was airle- de-camp to General de Rottenburg, in the Walcheren k I I 248 Ten Years of Upper Canada. »ij J'- 'I"'. 13' : U h expedition and held a post of honour during the siege, and at the capture of Flashing. Returning to Canada as a staff-otlicer, under General de iiotten- burg, he was chosen by Sir George Prevost to raise a regiment of light infantry among the French-Cana- dian population, a task which he accomplislied most successfully. His regiment was known as the Volti- geurs, and throughout the war they were distinguished for their bravery and devotion. I)e Salaherry afterwards laid down the sword for the pen. He became a senator, and was called to the Legislative Council in J 818. He died at Chambly on the i>6th February, 1829. His escutcheon bears the motto becoming to the perfect knight, " Force a superbe, mercy a faible.'' — (From Morgan's '* Distinguished Canadians.") The next letter, of the 9th November, tells of Wil- kinson's descent of the St. Lawrence, with 10,000 men ; and wo can well imagine the scene was an impressive one to the young Canadian, as he watched the passing of that fleet of 300 boats down the river. Of all the events of that eventful year, none was more truly heroic or more, worthy of praise than Mor- rison's march to intercept the invaders of Montreal. The new Republic then seemed on the point of overwhelming its weak half-brother. Upper Canada was almost in the grasp of the enemy. There was nothing to stay their victorious progress except a little band of cool, brave men. As Colonel Harvey says in his letter describing the battle of Chrysler's Field, " We had nothing to trust to but every man doing his duty." 1. m n ,■' >l (I- ■•^1 . (BATTLE QROUNDS MARKED WITH T aurlEL LACOLLE ONTARIO (OARA FALLS tFTSCHLOSSER ^LACK ROOK SUrFALO 42 MlliXS to ONE INCH NDS MARKED WITH GROSSED SWORDS.) ( ,, i'l 1 1 "lilt »' il" S-i i ?-H i4 i : \ : (A) -°"F!S5y// SACKETTS HARBOR o-^ 7oaDS.) I \ I Chateauguav— Chrysler's Field, 1813. 249 It seemed as if only a miracle could prevent the annihilation of the Canadian troops. What were Wilkinson's hopes and plans may be seen from his letter to General Hampton, dated Head-Quarters of the Army, Seven miles above Cgdensberg, November 6th, 1813. destined and determined on the attack of Montreal, if not prevented by some act of God, and to give security to the enterprise, the division under your command must co-operate with the corps under my immediate orders. I shall pass Prescott to-night, because the stage of the season will not allow me three days to take it. I shall cross the cavalry at Hamilton, which will not require a day, and shall then press forward and break down every obstruction to the confluence of this river with the Grand river, there to cross to the Isle Perrot, and with my scows to bridge the narrow inner channel, and thus obtain foot- hold on Montreal island, at about twenty miles from the city ; after which, our artillery, bayonets and swords must secure our triumph, or provide us honour- able graves. Inclosed you have a memorandum of my field and battery train, pretty well found in fixed ammunition, which may enable you to dismiss your own ; but we are deficient in loose powder and musket cartridges, and therefore hope you may be abundantly found. On the subject of provisions, I wish I could give as favor- able information ; our whole stock of bread may be computed at about fifteen days, our meat at twenty. In speaking on this subject to the Secretary of War, he informed me that ample magazines were laid up on Lake Champlain, and therefore I must request you to 17 ^!9H UB m'- r; 'if i 11','f tr!! I 250 Ten Years of Upper Canada. order forward two or three tnonths' supply by the safest route, in a direction to the proposed scene of action. (Signed) Jas. Wilkinson. Hampton's answer, received a few days later, ran as follows : — Head-Quarters, November 8th, 1813. Sir, — I had the honour to receive at a late hour last evening, your communication of the Cth. The idea sug- gested of effecting the junction at St. liegis was most pleasing, as being the most immediate, until I came to the disclosure of the amount of your supplies of prvjvisions. Colonel Atkinson will explain the reason that would have rendered it impossible for me to have brought more than each man could have carried on his back ; and when I rejected that in throwing myself on your scanty means, I shall be weakening you in your most vulnerable point, I did not hesitate to adopt the opinion, that by throwing myself upon my main de- pot, where all the means of transportation had gone, and falling on the enemy's flanks and straining every effort to open a connnunication between Plattsburg and Caughnawaga, or any other point you may indicate on the St. Lawrence, I should more effectually con- tribute to your success, than by a junction on the St. Regis. The way is in many places blockaded and abattised, and the road impracticable for wheels during winter ; l)ut by the employment of pack-horses, if I am not overpowered, 1 hope to be able to prevent you from starving. I have ascertained and witnessed the plan of the enemy is to burn and consume everything in our advance. My troops and other means will be described to you by Colonel Atkinson. Chateauguay— Chryslkr's Field, 1813. 251 [,e ur J. Besides their rawness and sickness, they have endured fatigues equal to a winter campaign, and are sadly dispirited and fallen off. This discouraging epistle was received hy General \^ Ikinson on his arrival at Cornwall. In the next letter from Thomas G. Kidout we iiave a vivid description of Wilkinson's flotilla descendin< the St. Lawrence. It is dated r n Pkescott, 9tk November, 181H. I am so far on the journey. Yesterday we got thir- teen miles helow this, and were obliged to return on account of the landing of the American army half a mile Ix'low us on our side. We had the most narrow escape of being taken. Air. Green only rode on a few hundred yards farther, and was taken prisoner. It was a very grand sigiit to see an army of 10,000 men going down the Gallette rapids. They tired at us several shots, taking our waggon for artillery, I suppose. Every boat had a gun mounted, and carried about sixty men. About 180 immense boats went down full of men, besides sciiooners with provisions. Yesterday Colonels Harvey and Pearson left this with 1,500 regulars and eight gun-boats in pursuit, deter- mined to attack the enemy wherever they are to be found. They got to Lake St. Francis last night. Unless this armament is destroyed, Montrt^al will go; but we have every reason to believe its entire destruc- tion will take place in three or four days. The Americans landed 800 men under Forsythe, within half a nule from where we slept, and have destroyed the bridges down the river. Prescott is very strong and would stand a regular siege. It is supplied with two months' provisions. To-morrow we again prosecute our journey down. Colonel Harvey promised to clear the road. ^n^v W ¥ |;i 252 Ten Years of Upper Canada. The Americans seem confident of taking Montreal. I never witnessed such a beautiful sight as the army going down the rapids. Had we not fortunately stopped where we did, but gone farther as intended, notiiing would have saved us. I went down to inquire about Mr. Green's %te yes- terday morning, but was glad to return after going two miles, for their boats rowed directly into the shore, so I galloped off. Extract of a letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Harvey, Deputy Adjutant-General, dated, Banks of the St. Lawrence, Chrysler's, 12th November, 1813 : — At two o'clock yesterday, after having apparently embarked and proceeded downwards, the enemy sud- deidy showed his columns in the woods in our front, consisting of three heavy ones (apparently brigades), of infantry, a considerable amount of cavalry on the road on his left, and riilemen on his right and in his front. Our position, fortunately, was not more exten- sive than our little band could well occupy, and dis- positions were therefore easily made. The ground was perfectly open. The troops dis- posed in the following manner : The ilank companies 49th, detachment of Canadian regiment, and Vol- tigeurs, with one field-piece, und^n- Lieutenant-Colonel Pearson, on the right, a little advanced on the road. Three companies HOth regiment, witl' a gun supporting the advance, forined in echelon \vith it on its left. The 4!)th and Br'th regiments thrown more to the rear, with a gun, formed the main body and reserve, and extended almost from the road to the woods on our left, which were occupied by our Indians. As the enemy advanced, I plainly saw wo had nothing to trust to but " every man doing his duty." I was convinced we had, with 800 men, to meet, in the open fi*dd, a force of not less than 4,000, and strong in an arm of 1 Chateauguay — Chrysler's Field, 1813. 253 (1. "?,' on he ist •cd a of which we were wholly destitute — cavalry. Onr light troops — Voltigeurs — were thrown forward and showed a good countenance, but were, of course, immediately driven back ; and the enemy advanced at the pas de charge a la Fraiicaise, which was quickly changed by a well-directed fire from our field-pieces, to one more comporting with the dignity of the American na ion. I then reconunended to Colonel Morrison to advance the line in echelon of battalions. On arriving within musket distance the enemy's colunms halted, and com- menced a heavy but irregular fire, which our battalions returned with infinitely more effect l)y regular firing of platoons and wings. The superiority of this fire, aided by that of our three field-pieces, which were admirably served, gave, after a severe contest, the first check and repulse to the enemy, and his columns fell back, only, however, to advance again in a more determined manner, supported by three or four field- pieces, and by his cavalry formed for a charge on our left. Having again opened his fire upon us, I per- ceived that it would be impossible, in our advanced position, to stand long against the grape from his field-pieces, which it was accordingly determined to charge. The 49th was moved on against the field- guns opposite to them, the 89th in echelon support- ing ; and though this charge was not executed as intended, nor as far as the proposed point, it neverthe- less decided the fate of the day, as the enemy immedi- ately fell back, leaving in the possession of the three companies of the 89th regiment, on the right, one of his p'x-pounders, with its tumbril, etc., which they had spiritedly charged, after having repulsed a treble charge of the enemy's cavalry. Some efforts were still kept up, but the fire of our platoons and guns, and above all, the steady countenance of the troops, finally drove the enemy out of the field ; and about half-past four o'clock he gave up the contest and retreated rapidly through the woods, covered by his light troops. I if k: llW:- 254 Ten Years of Upper Canada. The enemy's loss in this severe action in killed, wounded and prisoners, may be safely estimated at 600 or 700 men. Nearly 180 of the dead were counted on the field ; upwards of 100 prisoners are in our hands, and the number of slightly wounded who were carried off is very great. They were commanded by General Boyd in person. Jiritish loss — killed, officers, 1 ; men, 21 ; wounded, officers, 10 ; men, 137 ; missing, men, 12 ; total, officers, 11 ; men, 170. Names of officers killed and wounded : — 49tli regiment — Captain Nairn, killed ; Lieuten- ants Morton, Kichmondand Holland, slightly wounded ; Lieutenants Jones, Bartiey and Claus, severely. 89th regiuient — Captain ]3rown, wounded severely; Ensigns Brown and Leader, wounded slightly. Canadian reginjent — Lieutenant l)e Lorimier, severely wounded (since died) ; Ensign Armstrong, dangerously. Loss of the enemy from (iOO to 700, in left on the field, killed and wounded, 180 prisoners and one field- piece. (Signed), J. Harvey, D.A.Ci. From Thomas G. Jiidout to his FatJier in York : — MoNTHKAL. Novemher 20///, IM.'i. We arrived h(>re on the 18th on hoi'sel)a(!k, having left all the luggage in Eort Presciott; we stay at Holmes', but intend taking private lodgings. 1 suppose you have had a full account of Colonel Harvey's gallant affair of the 1 Itli at Chrysler's, i was on tlui liehl of battle lu'xt morning, and it was covered with Americans kilhid and wounded ; we had buried some, aiul about eighty lay dead, some scalped. Some horses were intermingled among tnem. We had eleven killed on the field and 1)35 wounded, souh^ CiiATKAUGUAV — Chrysler's F"it:LD, 1813. 255 '^' le of whom (lied since. Poor Captain Nairn was killed at the close of the battle, almost the last shot tired. It was fouglit at Chrysler's house on a level })iece of ground half a mile S(|uare. Our army were drawn up in a solitary line of 1,000 men, from the woods to the river. The enemy issued out of the woods in two large columns of 2,000 each, besides 800 horse, who kept in rear. After two hours' sharp tiring om* men retreated into a ploughed field, 200 yards i)ack, while a six-pounder witli grape and canister threw the Ameri- can columns into disorder, assisted i)y the 4'.)th, who tired as on a tield day, by divisions and com})anies, thinning the Yankees at every platoon. When they be- gan to give way in good order, our fellows gave three cheers and closed upon them. They immediately broke and ran as fast as p()ssil)l(^ for their boats, about a mile distant. Owing to our small force, now reduced to 800 men. they were not pursued more than iialf a mile, .\bout (eighty prisoners were taken, a colonel and some otlicers. It is said that one of tiieir generals has since died of liis wounds. T'he IDth had sixty men killed and wounded, six otlicers. Young Claus has bad bis K;g amputated be- low the knee. Two others an^ dangerously wounded, and two have di(Ml. That same night the eiuuny em- burkcMl in their boats and descended the Jjoiig Saiilt to Cornwall, and Joined the other division. The next day tliey crossed over to Sahnon rivcM". and are now making their a|)i)roach to Monli'eiil tbioiigh the Ciui- teauguay country, while Hampton does the same by Chambly. We have ('),()(){) regular troops besides militia to op])ose them, and there? is not the least dangei for this place. Tiie I'Jth are to winter here. They are now reduced to 200 elfective men. There is a. regidar and sti'oiig fort, built at the Coteau du Lac, which cannot be taken excei)t by a regular siege. I have not seen a stack of hav or wheat in Lower , I 250 Tkn Years of Upper Canada. Canada, and the barns appear to 1)6 only half full. There are also few or no cattle. Flour is now $20 per barrel, and bread 2s. per loaf ; 1,500 marines are now at Chambly. The crew of the lijolus have gone up to Kingston. Had the Yankees continued with their expedition nij^^ht and day down the river, they would have taken Montreal by surprise. It was a most powerful flotillii — some boats carried 100 men, all with artillery on board. If the papers corae out to-day, I will send you a copy. Sir (leor^e, in general orders, has reprobated the conduct of Proctor and his officers in very severe terms. Do fuake incpiiries ai)out Jones, my comrade, 1 am afraid he is a prisoner. Good fortune attends me, for there never was a more narrow escape than when the Yankees landed twelve miles below Prescott. We slept within 200 yards of them. Mr. Green was taken prisoner three minutes after he had left us. Next morning they departed, and Mr, Couche sent me down to reconnoitre and in([uire for him. I rode down two and a half miles, but the whole river above and below was covered with their boats ; some pulled towards the shore where I was, and came within fifty yards, when a man came running to me and told me by all means to make my escape, for that six boats had landed above me. I instantly galloped back, and passed before tiiey reached the road, as they had landed on a small wooded point 300 yards away. The man told me afterwards that I had hardly got out of sight, when they took three prisoners. The American general reported killed was General ('ovington. He was buried at French Mills, Salmon River, called also in his honour Fort Covington. After the battle of Chrysler's Field, the Americans made a hasty retreat to their boats, and the stricken expedition proceeded as quickly as possible down the II I" i i If CHATEAUGUAY — CHRYSLER'S FlELD, 1813. 257 river to the rendezvous at Cornwall, where General Brown's division anxiously expected them. Here Wilkinson received the mortifying intelligence that Hampton declined to meet him as requested at St. Regis. This was, indeed, a dilemma for the Ameri- cans. The Canadian gun-boats were closely following them. To retreat up the rapids was an impossibility. To retrace their steps by land on the Canadian side was also impossible, in the face of Morrison's little army and the numerous batteries on the shore. Wilkinson did not dare, with his disheartened troops, to make the promised dash on Montreal. So he held a council of war on the 13th November, which decided that it was expedient to remove the army from Canada into winter quarters at French Mills, on the Salmon river. Thus, in disaster and disgrace, ended the expedition which had promised so much, and the fact remained indisputable that the invasion of the Invincible Armada of the St. Lawrence was a failure. I n-al lion 258 Ten Years of Upfer Canada. CHAPTEK XTX. FlUE AND SWOUD — DECEMBEIi, 1813. .1 > In December, 1813, Lieutenant-General Gordon Druuiniond* assumetl the coniuiiind in Upper Canada, in place of General de Kottenl)iirg. lit* at once pro- ceeded to the head of Lake Ontario, with the view of regaining possession of l^'ort George. When tlu? news reached that place of the failure of Wilkinson's and Ilauipton's expedition on the St Lawrence, General McCHure determined to ahandou the jiost and place his garrison in l'\)rt Niagara. Before leaving, however, m *Goneml, aftorwanla 8ir Qorilon, Drummoiul, wlio (liHtiii>,'ui«lii'(l hiiiistilf as a ctiiuiiiaiulor in lJ|t]HT Caiiailii (lining' tlui lampaiyn of KS14, was aCana- (liaii liy l>ii'tli. Imviii'^ )u'imi Iioi'ii at (.^iicluc in 1771, wlieri- his father was Payinasti!r-( u'uoral nf tlu' fcuvin. (Jdrtloii DruimiKiinl (.'utoivd the army as ensign in 17*<'.>, had raj)i(l proniKtimi, ami was niadu Lioiitcnant-Coloiuil in 1794, and ),'ivon the t'lininiaiicl (f tlus 8th re),'inR!nt. He served with dis- tinction in llollaml, and Knypt. and the West indies, in 1811 he was appointeil to the Htalf in (.^mada : ritiirncd to Kiii^land in 1812; and was sent out af^ain at the close of IHKJ aw second in ccmunand to Sir George Prevost. His vigour and promptitude wcro invahiaiiU* to CJanada at tiiis crisis. Though woun, and tlu:n retired into private life, and resided in England untilliis death in 1854, in the eighty-fourth year of his age. B Fire and Sword — December, 1813. 259 his ner, imsulf 'una- WA8 my 118 ■I in I (Uh- }, luid la age. on the 10th December, a bleak, cold winter day, he inhumanly set fire to the town of Newark.! Hitherto the war had been conducted without any startling outrages on either side ; but, by this cruel act, 450 women and children were left homeless and shelterless in the snow. One hundred and fifty houses were reduced to ashes. Only half an hour's warning had been given to the defenceless inhabitants. Mr. ^lerritt in his narrative says : " My old quarters, Gor- don's house, was the only one standing." Colonel oSIur- ray, of the lOOth, was at Twelve-Mile Oreck when he heard of the conllagration. If(» pressed on eagerly, hoping to surprise the retreating garrison. He was a little too late, but in the hurry of de])artur(» the Ameri- cans failed to l)l()w u}), as tiiey had intended, the foi't and barracks ; and that night once more the liritish Hag floated over old b'ort Oeorge, and once moie British troo})s sle])t within its walls. + 'riio Episcopal church, St. Mark's, first Imilt in 1802, was occupied by the American trii,)]iH when tlicy iield (he place, ami was set on tire with tho rest of the town in IHIo. The lioijy of the church was hurnt down, but rebuilt after the close of the wiir, and the venerable old tower, which escaped the flames, still stands. stroULcly buttressed, a sacred memorial of the sutlerinys of days i^oiu' l>y. .\ lari^e and beautifid buryinjj;-ground sur- rounds the church, shaded by maynilicent old trees. It is crowded with stately monuments atid luniible head-stoiu-s, and the tjiaves near the old towi'r lie thick ami close together, many of the tombstones bearing tho names of otUcers and militiamen. When the American soldiers were (juar- tered in the church they cut up thoir rations of meat on some of tho great flagstones which covered the graves, and the scars and chi|)pings made liy tho cleavers can still be plainly seen. Hut, happily, the verdure of numy springs, the fading leaves of many autumns, and the snows of many winters have covered these scars and healed the bittei feelings they onco awakeneil, leaving only a generous pride in tho valour and fortitude of the men who saved the independence of their country. (From " Picturesque Canada.) ^ v.' 260 Ten Years of Upper Canada. *' Let us retaliate by fire and sword," we are told that Murray said to Druinmond, as they gazed on the smoking ruins of the town. " Do so, swiftly and thoroughly," said the com- mander ; and bitter, indeed, was the vengeance taken. On the night of the 18th December, the flank com- panies of the 41st and lOOtli, under Colonel Murray, with some militia, artillery and the Grenadier company of the 1st Royals, crossed the River Niagara, and were anietly put on shore at the Five-Mile Meadows, thre' miles above the fort. The midnight expedition proceeded with the greatest caution. Every order was given in a whisper, neither musket nor sabre clanked, and with noiseless steps, Murray and his soldiers advanced. The sentries were seized before they could give the alarm, and the Canadian troops succeeded in entering Fort Niagara before a drum had rolled or bugle sounded. General McClure had left for Buffalo a few days before, and the defence of the fort had been entrusted to Captain Leonard, with about 400 effective men, besides invalids. Only a feeble resistance was made by the surprised garrison, and the conflict was over before they were fairly awake. Only twenty-nine escaped ; 344 were made prisoners, and about eighty killed and wounded. The fort proved a valuable prize. The spoils con- sisted of twenty-seven pieces of cannon, 3,000 stand of arms, and many rifles ; an immense amount of If ■ ri V T , fi FikE AND Sword— Dix'EMHER, 1813. 261 had ordnance and commissariat stores ; clothing and camp equipage of every description ; all sorely needed then at Newark. A discharge from one of the largest cannon was the signal of success to General lliall, who, in the mean- time, had marched to Queenston, with the 1st battalion of the Koyals, part of the 41st regiment, and a number of Indians. At dawn, Kiall, with his troops, crossed the Niagara at Lewiston, and took possession of the batteries there. Now came the vengeance for the burning of Newark. The troops and Indians were let loose on the frontier. Lewiston, Youngstown, Tuscarora Village, Schlosser and Manchester were laid in ruins. The Commander-in-Chief, Drummond, determined to proceed still further in his work of destruction. He pressed on to Chippewa, and fixed his headquarters there on the '28th December. About '2,000 American troops were then collected at Black liock and Buffalo, under the command of General McClure, besides a considerable number of irregular troops, disorganized and confused. Drum- mond ordered Kiall to cross the river at midnight, on the '29th of December, with four companies of the King's, the Light company of the 89th, under Colonel Ogilvy, and 160 men of the 41st, with a large body of militia volunteers. About a thousand in all. Such was the impetuosity of the attack that the Americans were driven from their batteries at the point of the *M, I f m r I 8? I'll 262 Tkn Years of UrrER Canada. bayonet, and their own f^uns turned on them as they fled. ]{iall then continued the pursuit of the retreat- ing troops to Buffalo, where tliey rallied and gained some reinforcements of fresh infantry. The Canadian troops still'pushed on, and succeeded in'capturing some guns, when the enemy broke and fled to the woods, (leneral Hiall now gave orders to destroy four armed vessels (part of Perry's squadron),* at anchor a short distance below Buffalo. This was done under the direction of Captain Robinson, of the King's, Colonel Ogilvy liaving been wounded. And now the torch was a})plied again, and soon BufTalo and Black Hock, deserted by their inhabitants, were smoking ruins. Clothing, spirits, flour, public stores, anything that could not be carried away, were ruthlessly destroyed. At Buffalo, only four buildings were left standing. At Black Rock, only one house escaped. The Americans lost in this attack about 400 killed and wounded, and 1/50 prisoners. The Canadian loss was thirty-one killed, seventy-two wounded, including four officers. The almost universal condemnation of General McClure for the destruction of Newark, and the greater enormities committed in retaliation, caused Sir George Prevost to hasten before the world with an assurance that he would endeavour to stop that sort of warfare. In a proclamation issued l'2th January, 1814, after *The Ariel, Little Belt, Chippewa and Trippe ^ Fire and Swoko— Dkcemhkk, 1813. 203 justifying the retaliation tlius far, he said : " To those possessions of the enemy along the whole line of frontier, which have hithertoTremained undisturbed, and which are now at the mercy of the troops under his command, His Excellency has determined to extend the same forbearance and the same freedom from rapine and plunder which they have hitherto experienced ; and from this determination the future conduct of the American Government shall alone induce him to depart." The last two entries in Mr. Kidout's Almanac for 1813 are :~ Rundaij, \9th December. — Fort Niagara was taken by us. WednesdaiL '29fh December. — Black Hock and Bufifalo were taken and burnt, in retaliation for the enemy's burning Niagara. The campaign of 1813 had now closed, and its result, as given by the Americans themselves, was, that not one advantage had been obtained by theni, to atone for the blood and treasure which had already been exhausted. The capital of Upper Canada (York) had been taken. It was scarcely captured before it was aban- doned. The bulwark of the Province, Fort George, had been carried; but its defenders were suffered to escape after being defeated, and the conquerors were soon after confined to the works of the garrison, and closely IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I M |||M 12.0 1.8 1.25 1.4 1.6 ■• 6" ► v: <^ /}. .^ ^ ^V>^ v: '^> y >^ Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 873-4503 .rf" <• 264 Ten Years of Upper Canada. m^ i-: invested there for more ihan six months. The long- contemplated attack upon Montreal was frustrated. Kingston still remained a safe and advantageous har- bour for the Canadian fleet ; and Fort Niagara, which might have been obstinately defended, was yielded with scarcely a struggle. In the course of the summer of 1813, the Americans possessed every position between Lake Ontario and Lake Erie, on both sides of the Niagara. In the win- ter of the same year, they not only lost their posses- sions on the Canadian side of the stream, but were deprived of every post on their own side. '\''\ l\ '1 ,:;'■ ; F ■■Mi Third Year of War — Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 265 CHAPTEE XX. THIED YEAR OF WAR LACOLLE, OSWEGO, 1814. ' ' i M I The third year of the war had begun, and still peace seemed to be as far off as ever. It is well to remember that the defence of Canada had for two years been entrusted to the militia and fencible corps of the country, fighting side by side with the few regular troops stationed on the frontier. In all the battles that had been fought in those two years of hard fighting the same names appear over and over again. Among the regulars and militia were the 41st, the 49th, the 89th, the 8th King's, the 1st Royals, De Watteville's, the Glengarries, the Volti- geurs, the Lincoln and York and Essex and Kent militia. On them fell the burden and heat of the day, and looking back on that long-kept-up struggle against fearful odds, on the hardships endured, and the dilii- culties faced, it must be acknowledged that the de- fenders of Canada were gallant men, led, for the most part, by wise and skilful commanders. It was not until the close of the summer of 1814 that Wellington's troops poured into the country. II W U : i fl 266 Ten Years of Upper Canada. The Americans were now learning wisdom by ex- perience. They found that numbers were of no avail against skill and patriotism. The lessons learnt at Detroit, and Stoney Creek, and Chrysler's Field, and Chateauguay, had made an im- pression at last, and the first thing they set about in 1814, was the improvement in the personnel of their commanding officers, and the better drilling of their troops. Hull had disappeared after Detroit ; Van Rensselaer, after Queenston ; Dearborn was in re- tirement ; Hampton had left the service in disgrace ; Winchester, Chandler, and Winder were still prisoners of war at Beauport, Quebec. New blood was needed to lead their troops. In January, 1814, Brigadier-Generals Brown and Izard were commissioned Major- Generals, and the former, on Wilkinson's retirement, became chief commander of the northern division of the American army. Colonels Macomb, Bissell, Scott, Gaines and Ripley, were appointed Brigadier-Generals. At York, there is again a meeting of Parliament for the third time since the declaration of war, and again the opening Speech is a congratulatory one on the success of the campaign of 1813. On the 15th February, 1814, it meets, for a short session. His Honour Gordon Drummond, then being President, administering the Government of Upper Canada, Lieutenant-General commanding His Majesty's forces within the same. Third Year of War — Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 267 ex- ,vail .and I im- ut in their their Van n re- trace ; 5oners s. In I Izard ormer, a ander army. .Ripley, lent for again ion the 15th His ssident, lanada, Is forces After the usual preliminaries, the Speech goes on to say :— At the mouient they (the Auiericans) were exulting in the assurances of their commander, that the conquest of the Canadas was achieved, Ihey were arrested in their progress to invade our sister Province, and their collective force discomfited by a handful of troops, who drove them in dismay to take refuge on their own shores. That with no less gallantry in another quarter, a small band of British soldiers attacked and carried by storm the fortress of Niagara, the strongest and most formidable they held on our frontier. In advanc- ing to this enterprise, the troops beheld with indigna- tion the smoking ruins of the town of Newark, which an atrocious policy had devoted to the llames. Re- sentful of the misery brought upon the innocent, but too credulous inhabitants, who had remained to the last moment under promise of protection to their per- sons and property, the army inflicted a severe retalia- tion, in the entire destruction of the whole frontier, from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario. Thus the valour of our soldiers and citizens has proved wdiat can be effected, in a good cause, by men who have nothing in view but their own honour and their country's safety. It has been more a subject of regret than sur- prise to have found two members of the Legislative body in the ranks of the enemy. The two members of the Legislature named in the last paragraph as traitors, were Jos. Willcocks, whose name has appeared before in these chroiiicles, and Benj. Mallory, an American by birth and sympathy. These men raised what they were pleased to call a Canadian regiment, which fought on the Yankee side, 268 Ten Years of Upper Canada. M ^ but it is certain no native Canadians were within its ranks. Willcocks, who was the self-appointed colonel, met with a tragical end at Fort Erie. In January, 1814, Thomas Gibbs Ridout received his commission as Deputy Assistant-Commissary- General. The first letter of the year is. l>,! ii; From T. G. Ridout to his Father in York : — Quebec, January Gth, 1814. It was with great pleasure I received this day your letter of the 20th December. We had already heard of tbe glorious success of our army against Niagara, and rejoice with you on that brilliant day. Yesterday the Commissary-General, with Sir George Prevost, Bart., etc., appointed me to be a Deputy Assistant- Connnissary-General to His Majesty's forces. The appointment will go home to be confirmed by the War Oliice, and the commission will come out in the spring. I have risen over the heads of eighty-nine clerks in the short space, of seven months. My promotion has been most rapid. My pay is now more than ,€500 a year. I am getting a coat made and shall sport an epaulet. Some time this winter I shall join the army at Fort George, as they intend employing me in the Upper Province. Mr. Couche and I dined with Commissary-General Kobinson last Sunday. Mrs. Robinson sent me tickets for the grand garrison ball to-morrow night. It is refreshing to hear of a little gaiety in the midst of " war's dread alarms." No doubt the belles of Quebec then, as now, were quite ready for a dance with the defenders of their country. Third Year of War — Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 269 midst ies of ilance From, T. G. Ridout to his Father in York : — Quebec, lOtk January, 1814. Your letter of the Ist I have this clay received. The late success of our troops over the enemy on the American frontier is a most glorious affair. We have just heard of the second defeat at Black Hock, and the conflagration of Buffalo and other places. We have now made up all our accounts to the amount of a million. I can assure you my labour has been incessant, such as I never went through before. In two or three weeks I am to proceed to Upper Canada, and take charge of a post ; Cornwall, I believe, or Prescott, but I had rather go up to Niagara, and shall try for it. I am now well acquainted with the duties of the commissariat, having learned more with Mr. Couche than seven years' experience in an office could have taught me. Mr. Couche took me out to-day in his tandem cariole. We drove to the Falls of Montmorenci. They can now cross from the Isle of Orleans to the north shore. The next letter is. From T. G. Eidout to his Father in York : — Prescott, I9th January, 1814. I arrived at this post last evening from Quebec, which I left on the 13th inst. To-morrow I return to Cornwall to take charge of my new post. There are 1,600 troops there to be fed, and my duty will be hard, for the country is so excessively poor that our supplies are all drawn from the American side of the river. They drive droves of cattle from the interior under pretence of supplying the army at Salmon river, and are so allowed to pass the guards, and at night cross them over to our side. I shall also be under tlie necessity of getting most of my flour from their side. !ii 270 Ten Years of Upper Canada, fi! M4 .ti+ 1 The Commissary-General told me that as Cornwall was the most arduous post and full of difficulties, he would entrust me with the care of it. General de Rottenburg went to Montreal yesterday. Mrs. Strachan is better, Mr. Strachan arrived at Corn- wall on the morning of the 17th. Colonel Chapin passed by to-day with a fair wind, bound to Quebec jail, where he will most likely winter. Brother Jonathan evidently was not deterred by feelings of patriotism from earning an honest penny by feedin his country's enemies. The Colonel Chapin mentioned was Colonel Cyre- nius Chapin, of the New York volunteers. He had been taken prisoner at Beaver Dams, on the 25th June, 1813, but had escaped on his way to York. He was again taken prisoner at Buffalo, on the 30th December, 1813. The story of Chapin's escape after the battle of Beaver Dams is rather amusing. He, and some other prisoners, were being conveyed to York by water. There were two bop,t loads. In the first was Colonel Chapin, Captain Showers, who was in charge of the prisoners and the principal part of the guard. The second boat, which was rowed by the American prison- ers, was ordered to keep some distance in the rear. Cliapin managed to signal to it to come closer, and while he was telling an amusing story to the Captain it came up under the stern of the forward boat. It was imme- diatelj' ordered back, when Chapin, in a loud voice, commanded his men not to move. In a moment all Third Year of War— Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 271 as Id was confusion. Captain Showers was felled by a blow from the Colonel. The rest of the guard were over- powered and secured, and to give Colonel Chapin's own words, " I succeeded to the command of our fleet of two bateaux. We shifted our course, crossed Lake Ontario, and with the boats and prisoners arrived next morning safe at Fort Niagara." From Thos. Ridout to his son T. G. Ridont : — York, list January, 1814. We received yesterday with great joy your letters of the 8th and 10th inst. We had seen three or four days ago your appointment in the General Orders. We have just had accounts of the total defeat of Bona- parte at Leipsig in October, and of tli^ armistice be- tween us and the United States. Pray buy me a Quebec almanac for the present year, and make inquiry also if any stationery came out for me last year as Surveyor-General. I believe it is generally sent to the care of Commissariat Department at Quebec, and forwarded by it. The President's office stationery has been sent to Kingston, l)ut no other that I can learn. I hope you have written, or will soon write, to Mr. Crookshank. He informed me of your appointment. Write also to ])r. Strachan, who is much gratified at your good prospects. He set out about a week ago with Mr. Wood for Cornwall, where Mrs. Strachan is. He intends to return l)y the opening of o'lr Parliament here, on the 15th of next n)onth. It is with the greatest satisfaction and delight my mind rests on your new appointment. You have entered into life on a very conspicuous and great theatre, and where your services nnist be seen and felt extensively. The well \ iding of a portion of His viil ^^1 272 Ten Years of Upper Canada. ill I ut on parole . — Cornwall, Slst January, 1814. As I am now settled as long as the army remains here, and am miicli in want of assistance, I have obtained the Commissary-General's leave to have you with me as my second-best clerk, therefore you must set out immediately for this post and bring your head, hands and feet along with you, for the public service. I expect to go up as soon as the army moves from here. We are now 1,400 strong. The Yankees on the other side are 4,000, but they are afraid to attack us. The marines and 103rd are here. Forsythe has been destroying all the boats up the river, to prevent any supplies coming over. General Wilkinson, who had not at that time been superseded in the command, was still in his winter quarters on the Salmon river. Lieutenant-Colonel Forsythe was one of the most dashing officers of the American army. He com- manded a corps of riflemen, and had been conspicuous throughout the war for his daring bravery. He lost his life on the 22nd June, 1814, on the Champlain frontier — shot by an Indian in an insignifi- cant skirmish. Towards the close of January Wilkinson received orders from the War Department to break up the post on Salmon river. Early in February the movement was made. The flotilla was destroyed, and the bar- racks were consumed. General Brown, with a large portion of the troops, marched up the St. Lawrence to f . 1 1 i .; ■; "1 I 1 274 Ten Years of Upper Canada. n'-' w i- : I "f i: I ) if Sackett's Harbour. The remainder accompanied Gen- eral Wilkinson to Plattsburg on Lake Champlain. What the Canadians were doing at the time is told in the following letter : — Vrom Thomas 0. Ridout to his Father in York: — Cornwall, dth February, 1814. It is now twelve o'clock, and I have been actively employed since eight a.m. Only think of 1,700 rations per day, and no o > but myself and a store- keeper. My disbursement since the 24th January have amounted to .£4,000. Colonel Morrison commands this post. We are on the alert, expecting the Americans, who are upon so ne movement. All their artillery, except a few pieces, and the whole of their baggage, has been sent away. The only thing that troubles me is a quantity of specie that I have. If John was liere, in case of an alarm, I would put him into a sleigh with it and one set of my accounts to make off ; I must remain with the army. I have paid very large sums in specie for secret service, this being the fountain head of all corre- spondence with the enemy. lieuben Sherwood is very active in that way. He has been twice taken, but made his escape. Two nights ago, with thirty of the marines, he crossed over to Hamilton, marched ten miles into the country, and captured a great quai 'ity of goods, which I have now in charge. To-morrow a board of survey is to be held on them. The story of Sherwood's raid is as follows : — When the Americans were at Cornwall, in the autunni of 1813, under Generals Brown and Boyd, previous to Third Year of War — Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 275 recrossing the river, they pkmdered some merchants of all their goods, wares and merchandise, en route for Upper Canada. Colonel Morrison had stipulated for their restitution, but the American Government had failed to keep this agreement, and the goods were about to be sold for the benefit of the United States. To prevent this, Captain Sherwood, of the ^uarter- Master-General's Department, suggested the idea of plundering them back "gain. Accordingly, Captain Kerr, with a subaltern, twenty rank and file of the marines, and ten militiamen, with Sherwood, crossed the ice on the 6th February, during the night, from Cornwall to Hamilton, N.Y., with horses and sleighs innumerable. The merchandise, or a great part of it, was secured, packed up and carried off. The inhabi- tants made no opposition, and indeed, rather enjoyed the joke at the expense of the Yankee officers, who were charged with the sale of the stolen goods. From TliovKis G. Ridoiit to his brother George at York: — Cornwall, 19^^ February, 181,4. 3 a.m. — John arrived yesterday, and in an hour he accompanies me to Salmon river and from there into the States. We are in purs- uit of the Yankee army, and will go to Plattsburg. Everything has been bustle all night. Half an hour ago the army moved off. In the course of the day we shall be joined by 3,000 troops. I have a great deal of gold and silver wherewith to make purchases in Vermont. 1 have sixty sleighs loaded with provisions. [!•— l*fT T mwv 276 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Nothing of importance occurred during February on the St. Lawrence. The Niagara frontier was quiet. The Americans bad, as yet, made no attempt to regain tlieir lost possessions there. On the western frontier there were some shght skirmishes. An attempt had been made by the enemy to take Port Talbot, on Lake Erie, and an expedition was also sent against another outpost at Delaware, on the Hiver Thames. For the defence of this district there were part of the Koyal Scots, Light Company of the 89th, and the Kent militia, under Captain McGregor. An engagement took place at the Longwoods, twenty-two miles from Delaware, on the 4th March, 1814, between some Kentucky volunteers and the Kent militia. McGregor and his men made an heroic charge up an ice-covered hill, where the enemy was posted. They fought more than an hour, till darkness came on, when the engagement terminated. Its only result being the loss of some brave men. Mackinaw still remained unmolested in the hands yji the Canadians. It was of immense importance to 1 it, as it was the key to the vast traffic in furs ' .h the Indians of the North-West. From T. G. Ridout to his Father in York : — Cornwall, 24:th March, 1814. I am now busily employed in finishing my accounts, as we expect to move shortly from this place. I have found out the fate of your box of stationery. It came i - n 1 Third Year of War — Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 277 up to Cornwall last December, and laid a long time in the commissariat stores here unnoticed, until January last, when Mr. Tuttle, Deputy Assistant-Commissary- General Osborne's storekeeper at Prescott, took it up with him to that place, where it has furnished the Commissariat Office there with the finest stationery in the country. It is now nearly expended. There are now only 200 njen left here, and shortly there will be none. I have had a great deal of trouble settling with 300 or 400 Scotchmen, for the expedition to Malone. The river will soon break up. I am afraid the Yankees will be too strong for us in the spring on the lake. I hear they are building a seventj'- four at Sackett's Harbour. You mentioned to John he had better read history. At present he has no time for it, being employed with me from eight in the morn- ing till eleven at night, without intermission, Sundays and every day. A jDcrsou in the conniiissariat should never read ; I have not done so since I began. In the month of February I issued 70,000 pounds of flour, and other provisions in proportion, so you may think we were not idle. On the 30th March Generals Macomb and Wilkin- son crossed Lake Champlain on the ice, with about 4,000 men, to Odelltown, to assault our troops stationed at Lacolle Mills.* The latter was a strong stone tower, and was defended by Major Hancock and about 200 men. The walls of the mill were eighteen inches in thickness, and the windows were barricaded wuth heavy timbers, through which were loop-holes for muskets. The Americans opened fire on the tower, but their missiles were harmless, and the whole Ameri- * On Lacolle creek, a small tributary of the Sorel, three or four milei below House's Point. ■tl mA If' - ■ 278 Ten Years of Upper Canada. 1i t can line, being in open field, was exposed to a galling fire. The small garrison was soon reinforced by some Grenadiers of the Fencibles and Voltigeurs. The Americans got into the woods with a view of surrounding the mill, and simultaneously assaulting it from all sides. The fire from the mill, however, was so hot and well-directed, that the enemy were forced to retreat iu confusion. The Americans kept up a cannonade for about two hours without the slightest efi'ect, and, wearied and disheartened, were at last compelled to fall back on Plattsburg. The enemy lost in this attempt to carry a stone tower, bravely defended, 13 killed, 123 wounded, and 30 missing. The Canadians lost in a dash to capture the American guns 10 killed and 46 wounded, including two officers. After the fiasco at Lacolle, the military career of General Wilkinson closed. The next letter is from Surveyor-General Eidout to his Son : — York, lOth April, 1814. The ice went out of the bay two days ago. At the extremity of Gibraltar Point, a blockhouse is erected, to annoy the enemy if he attempts to enter the har- bour ; and we are, in other respects, much better pre- pared than last year. Our vessels at Kingston were to be launched to-day. 'Tis said the American ship President is launched at Sackett's Harbour, therefore, we may soon expect to see both fleets on the lake. „ "^ma Third Year of War — Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 279 During the winter, both the American and Cana- dian fleets had been strengthened. At Sackett's Har- bour, Chauncey was busy collecting stores, and build- ing riew gun-boats and a large frigate. In Kingston, Sir James Yeo was also busy preparing for the spring campaign. Both commanders were waiting anxiously for the ice to break up in the harbours. The command of Lake Ontario was considered an object so important by the two Grovernments, that they withdrew officers and men from the ocean to assist in the lake service. From T. G. Ridout to his Father at York : — Cornwall, llth April, 1814. Yesterday all the troops left this place for Prescott, and I am now commanding officer. About the time you will receive this letter, I am afraid the Yankees will pay you another visit. I dread the consequences. I expect bateaux in a few days from Lachine, as the river is open. We drive a pretty good trade with the Yankees from Salmon river. '0. From Thos. G. Ridout to his Father: — Cornwall, Ist May, 1814. Colonel Morrison commands this district from Brockville to the Cedars. I am immediately under the command of Major Clifford, 89th regiment, who is stationed here with 250 men of that regiment. I have spent at this place already .1' 17, 000. Every day twelve bateaux arrive here from Lachine on their way to Kingston, with provisions and naval stores, and we have troops stationed along the river to protect the communication. :!' ' l| t I 280 Ten Years of Upper Canada. h ! i' I * hri ' The cainpaigu opened with the opening of naviga- tion in May. Sir James Yeo, with the co-operation of General Drummond, planned an attack on Oswego, with the view of destroying the naval stores, which were collected there for the equipment of the American fleet at Sackett's Harbour. General Drummond sent on board the fleet six companies of De Watteville's regiment, the Light companies of the Glengarry militia, some Eoyal marines and artillery, with two field-pieces, a rocket company, and some sappers and miners. The expedition left Kingston on the 4th of May, 1814, and arrived olf Oswego at noon the following day. There was blowing a gale of wind, so it was thought expedient to keep off the port till the weather calmed. On the morning of the 6th May, a landing was effected in the face of a heavy fire of grape and round shot from the enemy's batteries, and of musketry from a detachment of Americans posted on a hill, and partly sheltered by a wood. The Canadian troops charged the battery and captured it, the enemy leaving about sixty wounded men behind them in their hurried retreat. The stores in the fort were taken, the fort itself was dismantled, and the barracks were destroyed. A number of officers were wounded of the attack- ing party, and eighteen rank and tile killed and sixty wounded. ? Third Year of War — Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 281 Unfortunately the naval stores were not captured, as they had been placed for safe keeping at the falls of the Onondaga, some miles above Oswego.* The troops were re-embarked, and the fleet sailed for Kingston, on the 7th of May. On the loth of May, the anxious inhabitants of York were still ignorant of what had happened at Oswego, although firing had been heard from that direction. From Thomas Ridout to his Son: — York, lOth May, 1814. The wind blows strong from the east, and we are in hourly expectation Oi hearing what has been done by our fleet and troops on Friday last, supposed to be at Oswego. Everything is quiet on the Niagara frontier. The Western District and District of London are, for the present, abandoned. If we meet with success on this lake we shall soon mount upwards. It is bleak and cold to-day. Yet I think this year we shall have some peaches. The blossoms begin to appear. I have lost about 800 rails by the Indians. The next letter gives an item of news about prices of provisions, also that reinforcements were beginning to arrive in the countrv : — From Thomas 0. liidout to his Father in York : — Cornwall, IBthMay, 1814. Beef is seven and a- half cents per pound, and flour seventeen and a- half dollars per barrel. News has arrived that the 16th and 90th regiments have * On the 29th May, Sir Jiiiues Yeo made another attempt to capture these coveted naval stores, but without success. 18 282 Ten Years of Upper Canada. ♦ f -: M H',' H! .! i' P('l| •'♦ fjlti ! I'll mi fll landed at Quebec, besides a corps of riflemen and some very fine artillery. Fourteen transports and a frigate had come up. The firing you heard on the (3th May must have been from Oswego. I saw a letter of that date from Sackett's Han our, which describes them to be in great dread of our troops , that the war party had gained a majority in all the States as yet returned, and that there is no prospect of peace this summer. Bonaparte, it is said, has gained some advantages over the allies, and there will be no peace this year in Europe. Major Clifford commands this garrison, with 250 men of the 89th regiment. The Commissary-General has informed me that a regiment will be stationed here, but don't say anything about it. 1 am to furnish them with provisions, from the Yankees, for which I shall be well supplied with specie. The next letter gives a graphic description of how the army was supplied with provisions, "from the Yankees," and the extraordinary spectacle is presented of two ofiicers, one civil and the other military, sup- plying the wants of their country's foes. From Thomas G. Ridoiii o his Father in York: — Cornwall, I9th June, 1814. Three companies of the Canadian regiment are coming here to relieve the 89th, who will move up- wards. Two hundred and fifty artillery marched tor Prescott yesterday morning. I have contracted with a Yankee magistrate to furnish this post with fresh beef. A major came with him to make the agreement, but, as he was foreman to the grand jury at the court in which the government prosecutes the magistrates for high treason and smuggling, he turned his back and would not see the paper signed. Fort Erie, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 283 CHAPTER XXI. . ':\^ FORT ERIE, CHIPPEWA, LUNDY S LANE, 1814. To retrieve the consequences of the last disastrous campaign, to regain possession of the posts in Canada which had been lost, to drive the Canadians from Fort Niagara, and to command the frontier on both sides of the river, were the objects of the next Ccimpaign. About the end of June, 1814, the American troops were concentrated at Buffalo and Black Eock, on the Niagara frontier. The army was commanded by General Brown, an officer of experience and judgment, and with him were Brigadier-Generals Scott and Ripley. General Winfield Scott had taken special care to discipline thoroughly the troops under his command. During the spring and early summer, they were kept under arms from seven to ten hours a day. The re- sult was, that when they took the field, they manoeuvred in action, and under lire, with the accuracy of parade. On the 1st July, General Brown received orders from the American Secretary of War to cross the Niagara river, to capture Fort Erie and march on Chippewa, where, at the mouth of the creek, some K-s ; •I 284 Ten Years of Upper Canada. h it i! j; i '' '/' 1 (\ '" 1 h , 1 1 m fortifications had been thrown up, to attack Fort George with the co-operation of Chaimcey's fleet, and to seize and fortify Burhngton Heights at the head of Lake Ontario. The phm looked very well on paper; and had it been carried out successfully, the Ameri- cans would not only have held the Niagara peninsula in their grasp, but would have easily accomplished the conquest of a large portion of Upper Canada. It must be remembered that at this time, July, 1814, there were only about 3,000 Canadian troops spread over the frontier from York to Long point. Lake Erie. There were so few men available for the different posts that it seems almost incredible what was accomplished by that scanty force. It was necessary to have garri- sons in Forts George, Niagara, Erie, and Mississauga.* The important position of Burlington Heights had to be defended. Detachments also had to be placed to guard provision depots at Twelve and Twenty-mile creeks. York was in an exposed position, liable to attack at any moment from Chauncey's fleet. Port Dover, on Lake Erie, was also in need of protection, as there was a danger that troops might be landed there, and gain the rear of General RiallV^ division by the western road. Detachments had to be posted at the crossing of the Grand river (Brantford), also at Delaware, to guard the advance of the enemy by way of the Thames. * Fort Mississauga was built early in 1814, after the burning of Newark by the Americans. Fort Erie, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 285 The constant duty and insufficient food had caused a great deal of sickness in camp. General Drummond had reported to the Commander-in-Chief that half the men were unfit for service. The 8th were so en- feebled that they had been ordered to Tjower Canada, in hopes of regaining their strength. They had only, however, proceeded as far as York, when they weve ordered back, to join General Riall at Chippewa. On the 3rd July, 1814, two brigades embarked from the American shore in obedience to General Brown's orders. The first, under General Winfield Scott, crossed the Niagara about a mile below Fort Erie ; the second, under General Ripley, crossed the river about the same distance above. Fort Erie, at the foot of Lake Erie, nearly opposite Buffalo, where the River Niagara is about a mile in width, was then garrisoned by 170 men of the 100th and 8th regiments, under the command of Major Buck. It was the most serious impediment in the way of the invasion of Canada in that quarter, but was in a weak condition, and ill-provided to stand a siege. As soon as the Americans landed, they began to erect batteries, and an eighteen-pound cannon was placed ready for action on an eminence called Snake Hill. Brown then demanded the surrender of the fort, giving the commander. Major Buck, two hours for consideration. Although it might have been defended for a short time, the commandant decided to surrender to the American general, and at six o'clock 286 Ten Years of Upper Canada. ill: dm H:) ■i'.t' I i^'^51 jjfai in the evening, the soldiers marched out, stacked their arms, became prisoners of war, and were sent across the river. During the morning, some cannon had been fired from the fort, which killed four Americans, and wounded several others. One Canadian soldier was killed when the pickets were driven in. These were the only casualties. General Riall was much chagrined when he heard of the surrender of the fort, as he was on the point of sending forward several companies to reinforce it. The invaders now determined to approach Chip- pewa, where General Eiall was entrenched on the north bank of the creek of that name. On the 4th July, General Scott received orders to advance to Street's Creek, two miles from the British works. At midnight, the main body of Brown's army came up, accompanied by the commanding general. That night both armies slept within two miles of each other. Early in the morning of the 5th July, skirmishes began between the two camps, and a desultory fire was kept up by pickets and scouts. At last, in the afternoon. General Riall, who had been reinforced by the arrival of the 8tli regiment from York, determined to come out of his entrench- ments, and attack in force the invading army. The Americans were, however, well prepared to Fort Erie, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 287 receive him, and a vigorous and desperate engagement followed. Soon General Riall found his men falling round him in numbers too great to leave him any hope of victory. He was, therefore, after more than an hour's desperate fighting, compelled to retire to his entrenchments beyond the Chippewa. There was, on both sides, in this short engagement, an immense loss, in proportion to the numbers engaged. The Americans acknowledged 328 killed, wounded and missing. General Kiall's returns were 139 killed, 320 wounded, forty-six missing, total 505. Among the wounded were the Marquis of Tweeddale, Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon, Captain Holland, the aide- de-camp to the General, seven captains, and seventeen lieutenants. In this battle the 1st Royal Scots, the 19th Light Dragoons, the 100th, and the 8th were engaged, and the Lincoln militia greatly distinguished themselves. Of the 2nd Lincoln, the Colonel, Thomas Dickson, was wounded, and Major David Secord then took com- mand, and led his men with great bravery. It is said that the Canadian force looked like the wing of a regiment, in comparison to the Americans. The strong reserve which General Brown was able to bring forward, made it impossible for General Eiall to maintain the conflict against a force so superior in numbers. How the news came to York is told in the following letter. !} t i ■rt i h ' I III r [il: m,.;.: 11 ii ;i::i 288 Ten Years of Upper Canada. We can imagine what the scene must have heen that midsummer night, as the boats came in from Niagara, bearing their freight of wounded and dying men. Ahnost every house in the little town must of neces- sity have become a hospital. From Surveyor-General Ridout to his Son at Cornwall: — York, Sunday, 10th Jidy, 1814. We have appearances now ol very troublesome times. On Tuesday last, about four in the afternoon. General Eiall crossed the Chippewa with his forces, and attacked the enemy whose numbers, as it appears by a letter written the same morning by Major Glegg, he was totall}' unacquainted with. The enemy was posted above Pine Grove, Mr. Street's place, and they were covered by thirty-six pieces of cannon. The woods on their left swarmed with their numbers, nor would they suffer our men to approach them. The action continued about one hour and a half, when we were compelled to retreat over the Chippewa bridge, leaving many wounded. Fort Erie was on the same day attacked by them and carried. Major Back, who commanded the place, is killed, Captain Dawson wounded, and all the men — two companies — killed, wounded or taken prisoners. The. 100th regiment, commanded by the Marquis of Tweeddale, who had joined it that morning, has greatly suffered; of 600 men who went into the field, only 146 came out.* The Marquis is wounded in the thigh and leg. He arrived here last night on one of our vessels, and is now at Judge Campbell's. Lieutenant Lyon, who attracted the notice of the Marquis by his bravery, and who was * Three or four diiys after this sanguinary conflict, the enemy were em- ployed burj'ing the'" own dead and burning those of the British. (Thom- son's History of th War. ) Fort Erik, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 289 posted on our left near the Niagara river, with the company he commanded, which consisted of twenty- eight privates, four non-commissioned officers and three officers, only hrought six out of the field. He was wounded near the close of the action by a grape- shot, which went through his right thigh a few inches above the knee, passing all the arteries, and the sur- geon, on examining it was astonished at his wonder- ful escape. He came here with his wife last night, "nd they are now at our house. I have not yet seen him. About 140 wounded were also landed here last night about nine o'clock, and five or six officers whose names I have not yet learned. Yesterday morning the enemy advanced towards Fort George and Niagara, and when our vessels came out of the rivf r, they were seen in great numbers at the Two and Four- Mile creeks. They are said to be from 7,000 to 9,000 strong, well appointed and disciplined. Captain Hey of the 100th is very dangerously wounded. The ball entered at the groin and came out in the opposite direction. Captain Sherrard of the 100th is also very much wounded in four places, yet there are hopes of him. Our force at Burlington is but weak, and this place has only the Glengarries of 400 strong, and it is said they have orders to embark this morning for Fort Cxeorge, so that this place will be abandoned, except by a few inefficient local militia; for all those in the neighbourhood are called out, to the great and sure loss of the harvest, if they are not relieved. It is said that provisions at Niagara have become very scarce, and are now^ served out at half- allowance. Unless, therefore, some of the thousands now in the Lower Province are speedily sent up and arrive, with all necessaries, and that the enemy's fleet be kept in check, the game is up in \' is quarter. A few days will, I think, determine our faie. The enemy's fleet are expected at Sackett's Harbour this day. If so, we shall probably soon see them. 290 Ten Years of Upper Canada. m: .' li.'/i: (I it'!:-' vj nil ' ; i ^1!: !l Hope yet remains ; Providence may again interpose and save us, as last December, contrary to all human expectations. After the battle of Chippewa, General Kiall gave orders to retire under shelter of Forts George and Mississauga until reinforcements should arrive. On the withdrawal of the Canadian troops, General Brown moved within a mile and a half of those posts ; his army in a crescent, his right resting on the Niagara river, his left on Lake Ontario. Then began a system of pillage on the unfortunate inhabitants. A story is told that a certain American general, with a party of about 200 mounted men, appeared before a small farm-house near Fort George, occupied by a few women and children, where some goods had been stored for safety. The general took possession of these and divided with his followers, reserving for himself a set of silver spoons, a great coat to fit over his own, and as much of a .chest of tea as he could carry off in a flannel shirt sewed up at one end for the purpose. So equipped, the gallant general marched off; then next met and took prisoner a yourg man Lc^med Thompson, whom he robbed of his silver watch, but afterwards, approaching too near the picquets, was himself mortally wounded, and taken by the same young man to his father's house, where he died. The officer next in command, with a finer sense of honor, restored to its owner the stolen watch. Fort Erie, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 291 On the 19th July the pretty little village of St. David's, near Queenston, was wantonly burnt by some American troops. To the credit of General Brown, Colonel Stone, the officer who had incited the outrage, was immediately dismissed from the United States service. In spite of the strict watch kept by the American picquets, General Riall contrived to march part of his force, a few ammunition waggons, and two six- pounders, to a rendezvous for reinforcements at the Twelve Mile Creek. General Brown, in the meantime, had been daily expecting the arrival of Chauncey with his fleet, and on July 13th wrote him this imploring letter : — Meet me on the lake shore north of Fort George with the fleet, and we will be able, I have no doubt, to settle a plan of operations that will break the power of the enemy in Upper Canada, and that in the course of a short time. I doubt not my ability to meet the enemy in the field, and to march in any direction over his country, your fleet carrying for me the necessary supplies. We can threaten Forts George and Niagara and carry Burlington Heights and York, and proceed directly to Kingston and carry that place. For God's sake, let me see you. However, Commodore Chauncey was safely block- aded in Sackett's Harbour by Sir James Yeo, therefore General Brown, apprehensive, by his own account, of an attack on the rear of his army, and of communica- tion with his encampment being cut ofl", fell back to Queenston on the 22nd July, to protect his supplies. CT 292 Ten Years of Upper Canada. He then determined to disencumber the army of its heavy baggage and march against BnrHngton Heights. In order to draw from Fort Schlosser a supply of pro- visions necessary for the expedition he retired, on the 24th July, to the junction of the Chippewa and Niagara. In the meantime General Drummond had been vainly urging Sir George Prevost to send more troops for the relief of the Niagara frontier. The latter in- sisted that the chief attack would be on the Cham- plain border, and although Wellington's troops were now arriving in the country, none were available for Drummond's command. That gallant soldier there- fore hastened back to Niagara, bringing with him only a portion of the 89th regiment, under Colonel Morrison, the hero of Chrysler's farm. General Drummond arrived at Fort George at dawn of the 25th July, and learnt immediately of the with- drawal of the American army. At that date the Cana- dian troops were scattered over twenty or thirty miles of country, but ready at a short notice to concentrate at any given point. All the active militia had been called out, and had nobly responded to the call. General Kiall,wh() was at Twelve- Mile creek, had, early on the morning of the 25th, sent forward Colonel Pearson's brigade, which included the Provincial Dragoons, the Glengarries and incorporated militia, to reconnoitre the American camp at Chippewa, and watch its movements. They took up their position on the Fort Erik, Chippewa, Lundv's Lane, 1814. 293 high ground ne;ir Liindy's Lane, and in the afternoon were joined by General Eiall, and Lieutenant-Colonel Drummond of the 104th. In the meantime the American Commander-in-Chief at Chippewa, having received iutelHgence of General Druminond's arrival at Niagara, and of an expected attack on his supply-camps at Lewiston and Scblosser, ordered General Winlield Scott to advance rapidly and menace the forts at the mouth of the river. This order was issued between four and five o'clock of the afternoon of July 25th, and within twenty minutes Scott had all his troops in motion. He pushed on to- wards the Falls, impressed with the belief that a large force of the enemy was on the other side of the river, and not directly before him. The battle of Lundy's Lane, so important in its re- sults, was, therefore, unpremeditated on both sides. General Drummond, who had only arrived in the Niagara river at daybreak of the 25tli, acted with his usual energy, and determined to march at once from Queenston to Niagara Falls, in order to join General Riall there. He first sent Colonel Tucker, with about 400 men, across the river to capture the supply-camp at Lewiston, which was successfully accomplished aftev a slight skirmish, and the troops then recrossed the river at noon, and joined the main body under General Drummond and Colonel Morrison, the whole colmmn consisting of about 800 men. This was composed of the 89th, detachments of the Koyals and the 8th, and '■it'? ■ ■ w i', ■■■■ iih : 1 ' ' f!:. Vi 294 Ten Years of Upper Canada. two twenty-foil r-pound field-pieces. Althougli but seven from Queenston to tlie Falls, it was a toilsome march on a hot sumnier day to men who already had done a good day's work. Their experienced com- mander knew there was no time to spare for rest, and that, scanty as was the reinforcement he brought, it was sorely needed at this crisis by General Riall. Word came to him late in the afternoon that the Americans had left Chippew^a, and were marching towards the Falls. At about six in the evening, General Drnmrnond arrived with his brigade at the junction of the Queenston Road and Lundy's Lane. To his dismay, he met General Riall retiring from his strong position on the hill in the face of the advancing columns of the Americans. Without a moment's hesitation, Drummond countermanded the retreat, and placed his guns in position on the hill. The men were formed as they came up in order of battle, ready to receive the enemy. The line was a crescent, the left resting on the Queenston Road, the artillery in the centre, strongly posted on the hill near the little church and graveyard, which still marks the spot. The discrepancies in the account of numbers engaged on both sides is almost ludicrous, each his- torian claiming that their side fought against double the number. It is certain, that at this early part of the engage- ment, Drummond had about 1,600 men, and Scott, the American general, about 1,800. The arrival of Fort Erie, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 295 reinforcements increased the respective sides to about 4,000 Americans and 3,000 Canadians. A little before sunset the battle began, which raged until midnight, with a fury unequalled during the war. Through the long summer twilight, on the roads, overhung as now by lovely orchards, in the copses and on the hill-side, the " Roar of baleful battle rose, And brethren of a common tongue To mortal strife, like tigers, sprung." Early in the engagement General liiall was wounded, and as he was proceeding with an escort to the rear, he fell into the enemy's hands, and was, with his escort, taken prisoner. His capture was a curious accident. One of his aides saw a flanking party of the enemy, which had unperceived almost gained the rear of the Canadians, to the left of their line, and mistaking them in the darkness for a company of our own troops, called out, " Make room there men for General Riall ! " The officer commanding immediately said " Ay, ay, sir," and then directed the men, with fixed bayonets, to surround the general and his officers, and make them prisoners. As liiall was badly wounded, no resistance was made, and he was delivered over to General Scott, who treated him with great consider- ation. The American company, quite elated with their prize, charged buck through the British line and joined their comrades. At nine o'clock there was a pause for a short time, 'Tie^m :li m mu 296 Ten Years of Upper Canada. and the long-looked for reinforcements appeared, for both sides : General Porter' brigade, with General Ripley and General Brown for the Americans, and Colonels Scott and Gordon, with about 1,200 men, for the Canadians. This latter force consisted of part of the 103rd and 104th, and Royal Scots, and had left their quarters at Twelve-Mile Creek in the afternoon, but when well on their way had been met by a courier from General Riall, ordering them to retreat, as he was about to retire on Queenston. They had gone four miles back, when another courier came from Gen- eral Drummond, ordering them to advance at once to Lundy's Lane. It was nine o'clock before these troops, wearied with their march of twenty miles, appeared on the scene. In spite of the darkness, which was illumined only by the faint moonlight, and the flashes of musketry, the struggle began again in all parts of the field with redoubled fury. The key of the position was the hill, and the American general saw that he could not hope for success until the height should be carried and the guns taken. He, therefore, gave orders to Colonel Miller, of the 21st United States infantry, to charge the guns with his regiment, and the order was gallantly obeyed. The American soldiers moved steadily up the hill, concealed by an old fence, on which was a growth of shrubbery. They approached undiscover^ '' 80 near the Canadian batteries that the gunners were ily up was a Fort Erie, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 297 shot down to a man in the act of loading, and by an impetuous rush the Americans succeeded in obtaining possession of the guns. Now began a hand-to-hand struggle for the mastery, and the bayonet was used with frightful effect. A line formed for the protection of the cannon opened a destructive fire on Miller's column, and Drummond's men closed round the guns, determined to contest their possession. In the darkness, confusion and carnage reigned supreme, as both sides struggled to hold the crest of the position. In all parts of the field the stubborn fight w^as carried on, and mingled with the shout of command, the roar of artillery, and the clashing of steel, was the thunder of that mighty cataract whose waters rolled so near. The ofiicers of both armies exposed themselves recklessly, and led their troops with equal bravery. Of the Canadians, the 89th and Koyal Scots lost half their men, and the Glengarries, Lincoln and York militia, and Provincial Dragoons suffered severely. Colonel Morrison, of the 89th, was wounded, and carried from the field. General Drumraond had his horse shot dead beneath him, and received a bullet wound in his neck. With heroic courage he concealed his hurt and still fought on, reforming his shattered battalions, and leading them to a renewed charge on the enemy. More than half of his troop were of the volunteer militia, and that night brought desolation to many a home in Canada. 20 298 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Iri F- m rTWfP li Oil the x\iiierican side, the loss toe, was severe, and the wounded included three of the generals — Porter, Scott and Brown. On the latter's retirement from the field, the command devolved on General Ripley. The American regiments were now weakening in all directions, and it was impossihle for their officers to rally them. Ripley, therefore, with Brown's per- mission, decided to withdraw to Chippewa, and at midnight the battle ceased and the Americans retired, leaving the field and the guns, with the exception of one six-pounder, in the possession of the Canadians. There was no attempt at pursuit that night, and Drummond's wearied troops sank to rest among the dying and the dead. General Brown had ordered Ripley to resume the fight for the guns at daybreak, but that cautious com- mander deemed discretion the better part of valour, and, instead of advancing, retreated in great confusion to Fort Erie, destroying on the way the bridges, and throwing the heavy baggage into the rapids above the Falls. It has been the fashion of American writers to claim this battle as a victory, and as such, under the name of Niagara Falls, it is emblazoned on their flags. It is difficult to see on what grounds they base their claim. It is true they fought gallantly, and, for a time, held the guns on the hill ; but they failed to keep the advantage they temporarily gained, and their precipi- tate retreat the next day was a proof that they felt themselves defeated. n re, and Poi-ter, t from ipley. ling in officers I's per- and at retired, )tion of ladians. bt, and Dng tlie ime the IS com- valour, )nfusion es, and ove the to claim e name It is r claim, le, held eep the precipi- hey felt Fort Erie, Chipi'ewa, Lundv's Lane, 1814. 299 The number of the killed was so great, and the heat of summer so excessive, that the British were unable to bury friend and foe alike ; and, accordingly, on the second day, sent a message to the enemy to send back a detachment to bury their dead. This duty the American general was unable to fulfil, leaving it to General Drummond to order the burning of the bodies of some 200 xlmericans. It is surely not the custom of the victors to allow their dead to be buried by the vanquished. General Eipley was called severely to account for his retreat, and was superseded in the command of the American army by General Gaines, who was sum- moned from Sackett's Harbour to take command until General Brown should recover from his wounds. A letter from General Brown to Commodore Chauncey, dated Buffalo, September 6th, 1814, does not give one the impression that he considered the battle of the 25th July a success. It runs thus : — The Government led me to believe that the fleet under your command would be upon Lake Ontario to co-operate with my division of the army the first week in July. I have deemed it fit and proper to let the nation know that the support I had a right to expect was not afforded me. From the 9th of July to the 24th the whole country was in our power, from Fort George to Burlington Heights, and could the army have been supplied with provisions from the depots provided on the shores of Lake Ontario, we should not have doubted our ability to carry the Heights, when we could have returned upon Fort George and Niagara, rti X' ' 300 Ten Years of Upper Canada. M M h^ V'.ui , ill i ' \ or advanced upon Kingston with the co-operation of the fleet. I have endeavoured to execute the orders given me, success has not attended my endeavours. (From manuscript letters in Library of Parhament, Ottawa). The official reports of losses at the battle of Lundy's Lane, or Niagara, are as follows : — General Brown's re- port gives for the Americans, killed, 171 ; wounded, 570; missing, 117 ; total, 858. General Drummond's report is : — Killed, 84 ; wounded, 559 ; missing, 193 ; prisoners, 42 ; total, 878. Among the prisoners taken on both sides were Captain Loring, A.D.C. to General Drummond, and Captain Spencer, A.D.C. to General Brown. Both general's agreed to depart from the usages of War, and to exchange their aides without waiting for the usual for- malities. Captain Loring was sent back to his general, but poor Captain Spencer, who was mortally wounded, died the day he arrived at Fort Erie. Frcna Thomas Ridont to his Son at Cornwall : — York, 2,nd August, 1S14. The enemy have been defeated with great loss at the battle of Lundy's Lane, on the 25th July. The particulars you will, perhaps, see about this time. Your good friend. Colonel Morrison, has been severely wounded in the arm, and has gone to Kings- ton or Montreal. We are greatly, but agreeably, surprised at not having seen any of the enemy's fleet. Surely there must exist some wonderful and important cause for Fort Erie, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 301 their continuance in harbour. Sometimes it is reported they are out, sometimes that they want seamen. It is reasonable, I think, to suppose that the peace of Europe will induce all the foreign seamen in the enemy's service to wish themselves at home. At all events, though frequently alarmed, we are all whole ; and I hope in a few days that there will be a sufficient number of men at this post to repel the enemy in case of an attack. L814. L\: u ) Ti. m ti I .. 302 Ten Years of Upper Canada. CHAPTER XXII. FORT ERIE, LAKE ONTARIO, LAKE HURON, AUGUST, 1814. After the battle of the 25th July, only a few days of needful rest were taken by our array, and its indefatig- able commander. Although suffering severely from his wound, General Drummond prepared his plans for the pursuit of the Americans, and their investment in their harbour of refuge at Fort Erie. General Ripley was so impressed by the severe handling his troops had received at Lundy's Lane, that he implored General Brown, who was at Buffalo, dis- abled by his wounds from taking the field, to abandon the inhospitable shores of Canada. However, this was not permitted by the American Commander-in- Chief, and Ripley received orders to entrench his army on the lake shore above Fort Erie, to strengthen the old works and to construct new and more exten- sive ones, preparatory to an expected siege. From the 27th July, 1814, to the 2nd August, the troops were employed day and night, casting up entrench- ments, constructing redoubts, and preparing abattis. Up to this time Fort Erie had been but a small and weak affair, but it now began to assume a lormidable appearance. On the extreme right of the American MPH Fort Erie, Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, 1S14. 303 encampment, and near the lake shore, a stroiiijf stone work had been erected, and two guns momited on it. This was called the Douglas battery. From the left of the battery to the right of the old fort, continuous earth-works were thrown up, seven feet in height, with a ditch in front and slight abattis ; and from the fort, and in a line nearly parallel with the lake shore, strong parapet breast-works were connnenced with two ditches and abattis in front. At the south-western extremity of this line of works, on a natural sand mound called Snake Hill, a sort of bastion, twenty feet in height, was cast up, and five guns mounted on it. This was named Towson's battery. From this battery to the lake shore, near which lay at anchor three armed schooners (the Porcupine, Somers and Ohio), was a line of abattis, thus completing the enclosure of the American camp, with defences on land and water, within an area of about fifteen acres. These works, with the exception of old Fort Erie, were incomplete on the 2nd August. On that day General Drummond, who had been reinforced by De Watteville's regiment and some artillery, made his appearance. The Canadian troops advanced steadily, drove in the American picquets, and in the woods, two miles from Fort Erie, formed a camp and commenced casting up lines of entrenchments and constructing batteries in front, at points from which an effectual fire might be poured upon the American works. ?i ! I If;- m 'J.., I f 304 Ten Years of Upper Canada. As it was thought important to capture the batteries at Black Rock, on the opposite side of the river, General Drummond sent over on the night of the 3rd August, Colonel Tucker with some of the 41st, in nine boats, to attempt to take them. However, the Americans were prepared to receive them, and such a destructive fire was poured on the boats at dawn, that the expedition fell back on Squaw Island, and then recrossed the Niagara, to join the main body in the investment of Fort Erie. General Drummond had opened fire on the 3rd August, but, until the 7th, cannonading was seldom heard, as both sides were labouring hard. Drummond constructing works for a siege and assault, and Ripley in preparations for a defence. The Americans were now thoroughly dispirited, and kept within the limits of Fort Erie as far as Snake Hill. On the 5th August, General Gaines arrived from Sac- kett's Harbour to take command in place of General Ripley, and his presence revived the courage and con- fidence of the beleaguered army. Early on the morning of the 7th August, the be- siegers began hurling a tremendous storm of round shot on the enemy, and from that day until the 13th, a constant fire was kept up on the American works. On the night of the 12th August, a clever capture of two of the enemy's gun-boats — Ohio and Somers — was made by Captain Dobbs of the Royal Navy, with seventy-five men. Fort Erie, Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, 1814. 305 The prizes were taken to Chippewa, and secured there. The third gun-boat, the Porcupine, slipped its cable and escaped to Presqu' Isle. On the 13th August, General Drummond completed the mounting of all his heavy ordnance, and made pre- parations to carry the fort by storm. All day of the 14th the cannonading was kept up, but with very little effect on the strong works. The firing ceased at seven, and the garrison, ex- hausted with constant watchfulness, slept on the night of the 14th the sleep of weary men. There was silence in both camps till midnight — the calm before the storm. General Drummond had determined on a night assault, and taking advantage of a dark, cloudy night, silently and warily his little army moved out of its entrenchments for the attack. The troops were divided into three divisions. The first under Colonel Fischer of De Watteville's regiment, consisting of the Kiug's, De Watteville's and the flank companies of the 89th and lOOtii regiments, with some militia, was directed against Towson's battery on Snake Hill. The second division under Lieutenant- Colonel Drummond of the 104th, consisted of the 41st and 104th regiments, and some seamen and marines under Captain Dobbs, who had made the successful capture two nights before. This division was directed against old Fort Erie. The third division, under Colonel Scott of the 103rd, W(mi: .. Nj: S„ iil 300 Ten Years of Upper Canada. consisting of part of that regiment and two companies of the Koyal Scots, advanced towards the Doughis bat- tery and the connecting entrenchments. It was about two o'clock of the morning of the 15th x\ngiist, when the several divisions began the attack. The alarm of their approach had been given by the Ameri- can picquet guard, and soon the garrison was on the alert. Up in the gloom Colonel Fischer's division came dashing on, and charged furiously upon Towson's battery. The gunners had been warned in time, and immediately two twenty-four-pounders from the bat- tery sent forth a stream of Hame from the summit of Snake Hill, and revealed the position of the Canadian troops to the garrison. While part of Fischer's colunm was attempting to scale the embankment at Towson's battery, another party forming the reserve, while marching too near the lake, found themselves entangled between the rocks and the water, and in the darkness, were thrown into such confusion that it was impossible to form them. They were exposed to a galling fire, and many of them were killed or severely wounded. Soon a tremendous fire from the guns in the fort and from the entrenchments on the shore of the lake announced that Scott and J)runnnond had commenced their assault. The column under Scott was repulsed, but Colonel Drunuiiond's division, under the impetu- ous lead of their heroic commander, succeeded in m Fort Erie, Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, 1814. 307 penetrating the enemy's works. They were met gallantly by the American soldiers within, and twice were repulsed, but could not be kept in check. In the meantime, Scott's column had rallied, and the fort was assailed from all quarters at once. Colonel Drummond and a hundred of the artillery, taking ad- vantage of a thick fall of gunpowder smoke, went silently around the ditch, and, with scaling ladders, ascended the parapet and gained a secure footing taere. The enemy were driven from their posts at the point of the bayonet. Colonel Drummond per- formed extraordinary acts of valour, encouraging his men, and leading them in the hottest of the fight. It was a repetition of the midnight contest on the hill at Lundy's Lane, and again the bayonet was used with terrible effect. The American general sent reinforcement after reinforcement to assist in driving the British troops from the bastion, but in vain. Just at the moment of victory, a terrific explosion took place in the centre of the bastion. A jet of flame, mingled with fragments of earth, stone and bodies of men rose in the air, and the greater number of the brave men, who had just entered the fort, were literally blown to pieces. An eye-witness (American) says. The cause of the explosion has never been officially explained. History ascribes it to accident. If it was design, I think the end justified the means. It was that mysterious explosion which saved our little army. ' ■ 4 fW I 'I » ?' Ill m 308 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Is it possible that some soldiers in the fort, who saw the American cause was lost, took this desperate means of destroying their opponents ? Be it as it may, accident or design, the result was disastrous to the Canadians. The few officers who had survived the explosion could not rally their men. Both the commanding officers had been killed in that terrible contest in the fort. Drunnnond by a bayonet wound, Scott by a musket ball, and as day dawned on the scene, the shattered troops retired to their entrenchments. The loss to the Canadian force was much greater than that of the Americans. In General Drummond's official report, the returns are : — Killed — 2 lieutenant-colonels, 1 captain, 1 lieuten- ant, 1 sergeant, 1 drummer, 51 rank and file; total, 57. Wounded — 1 deputy assistant-quarter-master-general, 1 major, 8 captains, 11 lieutenants, 2 ensigns, 1 mas- ter, 12 seamen, 20 sergeants, 2 drunnners, 250 rank and file ; total, 308. Missing — 1 deputy assistant- quarter-master-general, 1 captain, 3 lieutenants, 2 ensigns, 1 midshipman, 1 adjutant, 7 seamen, 41 ser- geants, 3 drummers, 479 rank and file ; total killed, wounded and missing, 904. Among the killed on the American side was the renegade member of the Assembly, Jos. Willcocks. The ill-fated and much lamented Lieutenant-Colonel William Drummond, 104th, a nephew of General Gor- Fort Erie, Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, 1814. 309 don DruiniDond, who had done good service to Canada in numerous engagements, was buried by the Ameri- cans near Towson's Battery. From his pockets were taken his papers, among them this secret order in Colonel Harvey's handwriting : — '* The Lieutenant- General most strongly recom- mends the free use of the bayonet." Through this paper, General Gaines says, is the mark of the fatal bayonet thrust. Colonel Scott, of the 103rd, who had also distin- guished himself on many a field, was buried the same evening by his own men, in the presence of the only three officers of his regiment, who came out of the fort unhurt. Fischer's division at Snake Hill had only been par- tially successful. They had, indeed, turned the enemy's battery, but the flank companies were stopped by an impenetrable abattis, and the column of support had been hopelessly entangled among the rocks in the lake. Among those of the militia mentioned in despatches as distinguished for their gallantry, were Captain Powell, of the Quarter-Master-General's Department, and Sergeant Powell, of the 19th Dragoons; 'Lieuten- ant-Colonel Pearson and Lieutenant-Colonel Batters- by, of the Glengarries, and Captain Walker, of the incorporated militia. A letter from York of the 9th August, tells what was going on there while Drummond and his men were entrenched at Fort Erie. m^ i 310 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Channcey's fleet had broken through the blockade at Sackett's Harbour, and were saiHng on Lake Ontario, to the constant menace of the little town. It may be gathered from the letter, that in the midst of war's alarms, ordinary affairs were carried on. The courts were held as usual, and those who one week buckled on their swords, another week wore the barris- ter's gown. From Surveijor- General Ridout to his Son at Cormvall: — York, dth August. On Saturday last, the 6th inst., I hastily enclosed to your care a better I had written to my brother, informing you, at the same time, that the American fleet were off this place. They made their appearance on the preceding day, about ten sail, standing toward Niagara, with a flne easterly breeze, and at no great distance from that shore. I had gone down to the Bay and was standing near Coxe's door conversing with Captain McDonell, who had lost his left arm at the battle of Lundy's Lane, when I felt a violent concussion of the air, and, presently after, heard an explosion towards Niagara, much greater than the explosion of our magazine. On looking over the lake where the enemy's vessels were, I saw a prodigious cloud of smoke rising to a great height. I then concluded, and do now, that one of the enemy's vessels was blown up, but of this we have not received any information. When I enclosed my letter the American fleet were lying off tliis place about eight miles, and the Lady of the Lake was attempting to come into this harbour as a flag of truce ; but, not permitting such insidious policy, a shot from one of our batteries was flred at this vessel. She then hoisted her proper colours, and fired at the garrison, and afterwards, another shot. Fort Erie, Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, 1814. 311 We fired three or four more, Lut all fell short of her. She put out to join her ileet, iiiid a visit was ex}jected from them. \t this time we had only a few convales- cent and lame soldiers and 200 or 300 of the seden- tary or home militia. In the course of the afternoon 300 men of the first detachment of the 82nd came in, having marched at the rate of four miles an hour, and on Sunday the residue of that regiment came in also. This morning a part of that corps have proceeded to Niagara by land, and the 1st division of the 0th are expected in the course of the day. Four of the enemy's vessels are now in sight, about eight miles off. On Friday, Saturday and Sunday people were busy moving their effects to the country. On Satur- day I removed the remainder of my office papers and some family necessaries. With much difficulty I walked as far as Sam's, having been laid up some days with a lumbago. I came in this morning. George* went from home yesterday. He attends the court a,t Ancaster as Acting Solicitor-General. Judge Powell is gone on that circuit. John Robinson goes the Eastern Circuit with Judge Campbell. Sam f took sixty-one prisoners in charge for King- ston on Saturday. He set out by land with twenty- four militia as guard. Peter Robinson]: is come from Mackinaw, from whence he escaped through a fleet of ten sail who are besieging it. He says that they will not, in his opinion, be able to reduce it, and that there are plenty of provisions for our troops in the place. I have not had any news from Fort Erie, only, it is said that General Drummond is highly displeased with the 41st. * Lieutenant George Ridout, York militia. + Samuel Riclout, Sheriff. I Brother of John Beverley Robinson. Hi 312 Ten Years of Upper Canada. From Survey or-Oeneral Ridout to his son Thomas at Corn- wall : — York, Sunday Afternoon, IMh August, 1814. I wish you would subscribe for the Quebec Mercury, printed and published by S. Carey. I think it the best Canadian paper. Colonel Hamilton, who lately commanded the 100th regiment, and is now Inspecting Field Officer, came here last night with his family, and occupies Mr. Campbell's house in his absence. He says it is reported above that the American generals Brown and Scott, have died of their wounds received on the 25th. The coolness of General Drunmiond on that memorable night, and the performance of all his duties are beyond all praise. His wound in the neck was very severe, and has been very troublesome, but is now doing well. Three of the American fleet are seen from here almost every day. They consist of two brigs and a schooner. It is reported the other part of the fleet are gone over the lake. 'Tis said the residue of the 89th are coming hither, as well as the remnant of the 100th. The report of the death of the American generals was not correct. General Brown recovered enough to take the field again in September. General Winfield Scott's wounds were more serious. The reference in the letter of the 9th to Peter Kobinson's escape through the enemy's fleet, takes us back to Lake Huron and the white cliffs of Macki- naw. Although the Americans had, in 1813, recaptured Detroit and Michigan, and now controlled the upper lakes, the little island fortress of Michillimackinac still defied them. Fort Erie, Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, 1814. '^1^ upper 3kinac In May, 1814, a reinforcement of Canadian militia and a few regulars were sent there, under Lieutenant- Colonel McDouall, who also had in charge twenty-four bateaux. This reinforcement arrived safely at the island on the 18th May. Early in the spring the Americans had planned an expedition on the upper lakes, but for various reasons, the sailing of their squadron was delayed, and the fort at Mackinac remained for some time unmolested. Colonel McDouall, however, did not remain inactive. Early in July, he sent off Colonel McKay, of the Indian Department with 650 men — Fencibles, Volun- teers and Indians — to reduce Prairie du Chien, a village at the junction of the Guisconsin and Missis- sippi. There was a small fort there, also two block- houses, and a gun-boat of fourteen guns. McKay, a sturdy Highlander, demanded an immediate surrender. This was refused, so he opened lire on the gun-boat, which cut her cable and ran down the stream. McKay then threw up a mud battery, and prepared with his one gun to bombard the fort. The enemy, seeing the earthworks, imagined that the Canadians were well supplied with artillery, and without waiting for a single round, sent out a white flag, and McKay took possession of the fort. The effect of the capture was of service in securing the continued allegiance of the Indians. In the meantime an American squadron liad been fitted out under the command of Arthur St. Clair. It 21 314 Ten Years of Upper Canada. consisted of the "Niagara^ Caledonia, St. Laivrence, Scorjrion and Tigress, vessels which had taken part in the battle of Lake Erie the preceding year. This expedition left Detroit about the middle of July. The land force was under the conmiand of Colonel Croghan, and consisted of 500 regulars U. S. A., 250 militia, and a regiment of Ohio volunteers. They first sailed for Matchedash, Lake Huron, where there was a British post, but fogs, and the lack of good pilots for the dangerous channels, caused them to abandon their designs in that quarter. They then sailed for the deserted fort of St. Joseph, which they committed to the flames. Then they proceeded to the village of Sault Ste. Marie, where they arrived on the 21st July, 1814. This place, where the North- West Company had large stores, and which was the centre of traffic with the Indians, was also laid in ashes. They then sailed for Michillimackinac, where they arrived on the 26th July. The little garrison was quite prepared for their reception. The guns of the vessels could not be used with effect on the high posi- tion of the fort, and Croghan determined to land in the rear, or western part of the island, under cover of the guns of his fleet. From the 26th July to the 4th August, the vessels had lain waiting for a chance to land the men, and it was through this fleet that Peter Robinson escaped. On the 4th August, Croghan succeeded in landing, but was received by a storm of shot and shell from a Fort Erie, Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, 1814. 315 revce, art in lie. of .nd of S.A., They there good em to Y then h they 1 to the on the i-West centre s. m they on was of the ;h posi- land in over of the 4th ance to it Peter landing, from a battery on the shore, and from the garrison under Mc- Douall, and a hot fire from the Indians stationed in the thick woods. The enemy fell back and fled to the boats, with the loss of seventeen killed, and a large number wounded. Croghan and St. Clair then aban- doned the attempt to take Michillimackinac, and after hovering for several weeks on the lake, they returned empty-handed to Detroit. At Fort Erie the siege still continued. After the disastrous explosion on the 15th August, General Drummond retired to his entrenchments to await reinforcements, and to construct new batteries. The struggle soon began again, and through the remainder of the month, almost daily, hotshot, shells and rockets were thrown into the fort, much to the annoyance of the Americans. On the 28th, a shell fell through the roof of General Gaines' quarters, and exploding at his feet, injured him so severely that he was compelled to give up the command and retire to Buffalo. While these events were happening in Upper Canada, the war was raging fiercely on the American seaboard. On the 24th August, 1814, Washington, the capital of the United States, was entered, taken by the com- bined forces of General lioss and Admiral Cockburn, after a sharp engagement at Bladensburg, where the only resistance was made. The victors destroyed by fire the capitol, the public buildings, the President's house, the arsenal and two frigates, also an immense amount of military stores. 316 Ten Years of Upper Canada. The destruction of so much vahiable property was severely censured at the time, and deemed more suited to a barbaric age than to the warfare of a civihzed people. It is true that General lioss first demanded an indemnity, but, this being refused, the torch was applied. In the meantime, while blood and treasure were being thus wasted, the Peace Commissioners had assembled at Ghent, and were trying to reconcile differences and to put an end to the desolating ravages of war. I Plattsburg, Lake Champlain, September, 1814. 317 CHAPTER XXIII. PLATTSBURG, LAKE CHAMPLAIN, SEPTEMBER, 1814. Teoops were now pouring into Canada. The down- fall of Napoleon, in May, 1814, and his retirement to Elba, had released from service on the Continent, a number of English regiments ; and several thousands of Wellington's veterans were despatched to Canada, during the months of July and August, 1814, to reinforce the army there. With 14,000 veteran troops at lis command. Sir George Prevost thought the moment had come to strike a decisive blow, by invading the enemy's territory. Stoney Creek, and Chrysler's Field, and Lundy's Lane, had proved what could be done with a mere handful of troops under the leadership of men like Harvey, and Morrison, and Drummond. The unfortunate expedition to Plattsburg was now about to show how useless the best troops in the world may be in the hands of an incompetent general. A letter from Thomas G. Ridout speaks of the arrival of more regiments, and also of the expected movements on Lake Champlain. mM Ten Years of Upper Canada. Frovi Thomas G. liidout to his Father in York : — Cornwall, 25ih August, 1814. I received yesterday your letter of the 19th inst., giving an account of the melancholy affair at Fort. Erie. We have not yet had the particulars. I am very sorry for Colonel Scott's death. General Kempt, with three regiments and a brifi'ide of artillery, will be here to-night, or to-morrow morning. The 70' h and part of the IGth are now here, waiting for ordeio to march upwards. Nothing done yet on Lake Champlain. The General Kempt, afterwards Sir James Kempt, mentioned in the letter, was one of Wellington's best officers, and had greatly distinguished himself in the Peninsular war. After serving on the staff in Canada during 1814, he went back to Europe, and was severely wounded at the battle of Waterloo. He returned to America, in 1820, as Governor of Nova Scotia, and, in 1828, became Governor- Geueral of Canada, which post he held for two years. Another letter from the young commissariat officer gives further information of the movement of troops just prior to the battle on Lake Champlain. From Thomas G. Ridout to his Mother in York : — Cornwall, \st September, 1814. General Kempt will fix his head-quarters at Corn- wall on Tuesday next, with about 4,000 troops. The 37th are expected this evening, the 9th in two days, and the 81st to follow immediately. Plattsburg, Lake Champlain, September, 1814. 319 The American army* have left Lake Champlain, and are now at Four Corners, where we were last winter, advancing upon Ogdensburg and Sackett's Harl)our. They are to occupy Ogdensburg with about 4,000 men, and have hired barracks for that purpose. Our frigate f is now on two rafts at Prescott, waiting for convoy to go to Kingston, for the AmericaiiS say they will attack her. The TOtli regiment are now here, with a brigade of flying artillery. They are ordered to be ready at a moment's warning, and the Commissary-General has notified me tbat the army must want for nothing. There is one of Lord Wellington's brigades of artil- lery stationed here, consisting of brass six-pounders, 180 horses, 1'20 artillerymen, and 80 drivers. They give a great deal of trouble, and consume two tons of hay per day, and 50 bushels of oats. I am getting sixty tons of hay from the Yankees in bateaux, but am afraid of great difficulty in December. In August, 1814, the right wing of the American army were encamped at Champlain, on the River Chazy, under the command of General Izard. Under him were Generals Winder (taken prisoner at Stoney Creek, and lately exchanged), and Brigadier-(Teneral Macomb. At the end of August, General Izard was ordered to co-operate with the army on the Niagara frontier. He therefore, very unwillingly, set out for Sackett's Harbour with about 4,000 men, leaving General Ma- comb in command at Plattsburg, with an army of about 3,500 men, 1,500 of whom were invalids. On the day that Izard left his camp at Champlain, * The division under General Izard. t The ISt. Laurencf, of 100 gunB. n ¥ i H hi ' If 320 Ten Years of Upper Canada. the British troops advanced from Odelltown, and occu- pied the abandoned camp. On the 3rd September, 14,000 picked British troops were gathered there under the immediate command of General Bir George Prevost. The different brigades were led by Generals Bris- bane, Power and Robinson, heroes of the Peninsular War, well-inured to fighting, and accustomed to com- mand. On the 5th September, they had advanced to within eight miles of Plattsburg, while Macomb's army were doing what they could to obstruct the progress of tlie invau" ^g army, by felling trees and breaking up the bridges on the road. During this advance several skirmishes took place. On the ()th, there was a sharp engagement with the enemy about a mile and a half from Plattsburg bridge, at Halsey's Corners, where the Americans had thrown up a battery commanding the road. Three times the battery hurled its deadly shot at the advanc- ing troops, but without effect. The British bugles sounded, and the men, throwing away their knapsacks rushed forward at double-quick, and charged with the bayonet. The Anuiricans tied to the town across the Saranac, whoso bridges tliey tore up, using the timbers as breast -works. Nothing could have prevented the capture of Macomb's army, had Sir George now pushed his whole Plattsburg, Lake Champlain, September, 1814. 321 force on. He paused, however, and spent five days erecting batteries, and throwing up breast \sorks. He was possessed with the idea that nothing could be done without the co-operation of the fleet, although the men under his command were in sufficient num- bers to have carried the works alone. In the meantime the American general was not idle, and kept his troops constantly employed finishing his line of redoubts. Up to the 11th September the assault of Platts- burg was delayed, waiting for the arrival of the squadron on Lake Champlain, whose co-operation. Sir George thought, would enable him to capture both the American fleet and army. The British fleet consisted of the frigate Confiance, 38 guns (scarcely finished and manned by sailors who had just arrived a few days before from Quebec) ; the Tjijinet, a brig of sixteen guns ; two sloops, CJmb and Finch, formerly United States Growler and Eagle ; thirteen gun-boats or galleys, numbering in all ninety- five guns and 1,050 men. Captain Downie commanded the squadron. The American fleet lay in Plattsburg Bay, and con- sisted of the flag-ship Saratoga, twenty-six guns ; the brig Eagle, twenty-six guns ; Ticonderoga, seventeen guns ; the Preble, seven guns, and ten gun-boats carrying eighty-six guns in all, and manned by 882 men, under the command of Commodore McDonough. The weight o metal was about equal. i'l !• I * 'I 322 Ten Years of Upper Canada. General Prevost ordered a combined attack to be made by the land and naval forces, and early on the morning of the 11th September the fleet came in sight, Captain Downie having hurried forward in obedience to General Provost's command. At the same time three brigades, under Generals Power, Brisbane and Robinson, pressed forward, in order to force the fords of the Saranac, climb its steep banks, and scale the American works, while the British batteries were ordered to open a brisk fire on the fleet and town. As the Conjiance appeared round Cumberland Head the Saratoga opened Are with fearful effect. Captain Downie, with great coolness, waited until he had secured a desirable position for his ship, and then levelled his guns at the Saratoga. The sixteen twenty-four-pounders of the Conjiance were discharged at once, raking the American flag-ship from stem to stern and laying low half her crew. The battle now became general between the larger vessels, and the slaughter on both sides was terrible. Early in the engagement Captain Downie fell, and the command of his vessel was taken by Lieutenant Robertson. While the deadly duel was going on between the two flag-ships, the Chub had received a broadside from the Eagle, which so crippled her that she drifted helplessly into the enemy's lines, and was taken. Plattsburg, Lake Ciiamplain, September, 1814. 323 Soon afterwards, the Finch struck on some rocks, and was forced to surrender. The British gun-boats now entered vigorously into the action, and caused the Preble to cut her cable and make for the shore, where she was of no further use. They then made a furious attack on the Ticondcroga, and nearly succeeded in boarding her. The Eagle was exposed to the combined fire of the Confiance and Linnet, i fled to a safer position, between the Saratoga and Ticonderoga, where she was able to pour in a fresh fire on the gun- boats and the Confiance. So deadly had been the fire between the two large frigates that the Saratoga had not a single starboard gun left, and the Confiance was not much better. Victory still hung in the balance, when, as in the battle on Lake Erie, a piece of skilful seamanship on the part of the Americans turned the fortune of the day. The Saratoga cut her cable and wound round, so as to bring a new broadside on the Confiance, who vainly attempted to perform the same manoeuvre. In a few minutes the British ship was obliged to strike its colours, followed soon after by the Linnet^ whose commander said he was not supported by the gun-boats. Three of these had sunk, the remainder bent their sweeps and escaped down the lake, the American vessels being in too crippled a state to follow. WfW^ii^W*" "PW .-I^K\lK^M!^JIfr . 1 ii| 11 324 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Commodore McDonough wrote to the American Secretary of War : — There was not a mast in either squadron that could stand to make sail on ; the lower rigging being nearly all shot away, hung down as if it had been just placed over the mastheads. Midshipman Lee, of the Cov fiance, wrote : — Our masts, yards and sails were so shattered, that one looked like so many bunches of matches, and the other like a bundle of rags. I don't think there are more than five of our men out of 300 but what are killed or wounded. Never was a shower of hail so thick as the shot whistling about our ears. There is one of the marines, who was in the Trafalgar action with Lord Nelson, who says that was a mere flea-bite in comparison with this. For over two hours this naval battle raged, witnessed from the headlands of the Vermont shore by hundreds of spectators, who greeted the victory with shouts. It was these shouts that reached the ears of Sir George Prevost, and filled him with consternation and dismay. Although his splendid troops had advanced with all necessary despatch, and part of them had successfully forded the Saranac and scaled the heights, Sir George Prevost withdrew them, at the moment of their victory, and ordered a precipitate retreat. The army fell back in sullen submission to his com- mand. So indignant was General Robinson that he merican )n that ig being iid been ed, that and the lere are 4iat are hail so Chere is ir action flea-bite itnessed undreds )iits. s of Sir ion and with all essfully ts, Sir of their is com- that he Plattsburg, Lake Champlain, Seftembkr, 1814. 325 broke his sword, declaring he could never serve ain.* Sir George's own despatch says : — agani Scarcely had His Majesty's troops forced a passage across the Saranac, and ascended the height on which stand the enemy's works, when I had the extreme mortification to hear the shout of victory from the enemy in consequence of the British flag being lowered on board the Conjiaiice and Linnet, and to see our gun- boats seeking safety in flight. Sir James Yeo expressed his opinion very freely in a letter to the Admiralty Office, dated September 24th, 1814. He says : — It appears to me that Captain Downie was urged, and his ship hurried into action, before she was in a fit state to meet the enemy. I am also of opinion that there was not the least necessity for our squadron giving the enemy such a decided advantage by going into their Bay to engage them ; even had they been successful, it would not in the least have assisted the troops in storming the batteries, whereas, had our troops taken their batteries first, it would have obliged the enemy's squadron to quit the Bay, and given ours a fair chance. A desultory fire was kept^up until sunset from the British batteries, when Sir George ordered a rapid retreat into Canadian territory. He left behind his * General Robinson, af terwarda Sir F. P Robinson, was a son of Colonel Beverley Robinson, of New York, a U. E. Loyalist, and a relative of the late Sir John Beverley Robinson, 13art., Chief Justice of Upp r Canada. General Robinson was afterwards acting- Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada for a short time, until the return ot Uovornor Gore, in 181U. I L Mil i " IHi I 326 Ten Years of Upper Canada. sick and wounded, with a request that they might be generously treated by General Macomb. Quantities of stores fell into the hands of the Americans. One bright spot in this disastrous affair, is the kind and humane treatment, which the wounded and pri- soners received from Commodore McDonough and General Macomb. In the hasty flight, numbers of men deserted to the enemy, and the cup of disgrace was filled to over- flowing. For the failure of this expedition Sir George Prevost was called to account. He resigned his governorship as soon as the war was over, and hastened to England to answer the charges brought against him, but died before the court-martial took place. His widow pressed for an inquiry, with the result that in consideration of the many services he had rendered in Canada, and his good qualities as a civil governor, he was exonerated from blame, and the Prince Regent bestowed on his family, as an honour,* some additional armorial bear- ings. * The honour bestowed was the right to add supporters to the coat of arms, together with the motto, Servatnm Cineri. " The supporters, the proper badges of nobility, give the honour of the peerage, without tlie rank, to which the fortune left by Sir George was not equal, thougli his merits were." — Gentleman' s Magazine, January, 1817. Last Days ok teie War, Winter, 1814-181 327 CHAPTEK XXIV. LAST DAYS OF THE WAR — AUTUMN, WINTER, 1814-181S. The news of the success of the American army of the North at Plattsburg quickly reached Fort Erie, where General Brown and his troops were still held at bay by grim Sir Gordon Drummond. After General Gaines' mishap in August, General Brown, though still unrecovered from his wounds received at Lundy's Lane, had come back to take command at the fort, and arrived there on the 2nd of September. Both sides had received reinforcements, but there had been no serious fighting since the 15th of August. General Brown's return infused new spirit into the garrison, and the American victory on Lake Champlaiii so elated his men that he determined upon a grand attack on the Canadian entrenchments. The Americans had now twenty-seven heavy gims mounted at the fort, and a force behind them of about 4,000 men. General Drummond's camp was on an open plain, almost surrounded, except on the river side, by thick woods, and beyond the range of shot and shell from the fort. His army was divided into three brigades ; f I I t ! { ma '1 ii§ ill ^'lit^fell. 328 Ten Years of Upper Canada. one of these, daily relieved by another, was constantly on duty at the batteries. The works had now been extended to within four or live hundred yards of the old fort, and at that distance two batteries had already been completed, and a third was nearly finished. Heavy rains had flooded the flat ground on which Druinmond's camp was situated, and typhoid fever had broken out among his troops. General Brown's army chafed under their inaction, and were getting tired of being cooped up within the narrow limits of the fort. A sortie was, therefore, planned, and the day fixed for it was the 17th September. The plan was, as General Brown writes, " To storm the batteries, destroy the cannon, and roughly handle the brigade upon duty, before those in the camp could be brought into action." The American general made his plans with great secrecy, not even disclosing them to his own officers. He waited until a reinforcement of 2,000 militia, under General Porter, arrived from Buffalo, and then announced his intentions. They were not received favourably by some of the other generals. Eipley thought the enterprise was a hopeless one, and said he should be well satisfied to escape from the disgrace which, in his judgment, would fall upon all engaged. Towards noon of the 17th September, taking advantage of a thick fog, which obscured their move- ments, the Americans advanced from the fort in three Last Days of the War, Winter, 1814-1815. 329 then said 5grace ;ed. [aking love- three brigades. The first, led by General Porter, was to move from the extreme left of the American camp, by a circuitous road through the woods, and attack the Canadians on their right flank. The second division, under General Miller (who had led the attack up the hill at Lundy's Lane), was ordered to move by way of a ravine, between Fort Erie and the Canadian bat- teries, and attack their centre. The third division, under General Kipley, was posted as a reserve near the fort, out of sight. The first division reached a position within a few rods of the Canadian right before their movements were even suspected, and commenced the assault at once. The Canadian troops were so completely taken by surprise that they fell back, leaving the Americans in possession of the ground. Batteries three and four were stormed, and after a close contest of thirty minutes were carried, the blockhouse in their rear captured, the garrison made prisoners, and the maga- zine blown up. This success was obtained at fearful cost to the Americans, their three principal leaders of divisions, General Davis, Colonel Gibson and Colonel Wood, being mortally wounded, and a number of their men killed. In the meantime General Miller liad advanced on the Canadian centre, carried the first and second batteries with the blockhouses in rear ; and so, within forty minutes, four batteries, two blockhouses, and the 22 tl- T 330 Ten Years of Upper Canada. whole line of Drummond entrenchments, were in pos- session of the Americans. Just at this moment General Ripley was ordered up with his reserve, and received such a severe wound that he was carried from the field to the fort. So far the sortie had been successful, but the victors were not long allowed to hold their spoils. The story of how the batteries were re-taken is best told by General Drummond, and General De Watteville, in their despatches. Extract of a letter from Lieutenant- General Drummond to Lieutenant-General Sir George Frevost : — Camp before Fort Erie, September Idth, 1814. My letter to your Excellency of the 17th gave a short account of the result of an attack made by the enemy on my position on that day. I have to add, that as soon as the firing was heard, I proceeded towards the advance, and found the troops had moved from camp, and the lioyals and 89th had been pushed, by Major-General De Watteville, into the wood on the right towards No. 3 battery, and that the 82nd was moving to the support of the batteries on the left. At this moment it was reported to me that the enemy had gained possession of the batteries Nos. 2 and 3, and that our troops were falling back— a report which the approach of the fire con- firmed ; (your Excellency will have in recollection that the whole line of operations lay in a thick wood). I immediately directed Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell to detach one wing of the 6th regiment to support the 82nd in an attack which I ordered to be made for the recovery of battery No. 2. I threw forward the Glen- Last Days of the War, Winter, 1814-1815. 831 I pos- :ed up d that nctors is best teville, rnond to , 1814. gave a 3y the heard, troops h had into nd that atteries to nie atteries falhng ire con- ion that ood). I pbell to Dort the for the le Glen- garry hght infantry into the wood in front of the centre, to check the advance of the enemy, and support the troops retiring from that point. Both these move- ments were executed to my entire satisfaction, and being combined with a judicious attack nuide by Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon with part of the first brigade, consisting of the 1st battalion of the Royal Scots supported by the 89th, the enemy was every- where driven back, and our batteries and entrench- ments regained, not, however, before he had disabled the guns in No. 3 battery and exploded its nuigazine. The enemy did not attempt again to make a stand, but retreated in great disorder to the fort, and was followed by our troops to the glacis of that place. I myself witnessed the good order and spirit with which the Glengarry light infantry, under Lieutenant- Colonel Battersby, pushed into the wood, and by their superior fire drove back the enemy's light troops. I cannot sufficiently appreciate the valuable assis- tance which I have received from Lieutenant-Colonel Harvey, Deputy Adjutant-General, during the present service, and which has been of the more importance, as, from my own state of health, of late (in conse- quence of my wound), I have not been able to use those active exertions which I otherwise might. To Major Glegg, Assistant Adjutant-General; to Captains Chambers and Powell, Deputy Assistants Quarter- master-General ; to Captain Foster, Military Secretary ; Lieutenant-Colonel Hagerman, Provincial aide-de- camp, who have rendered me every assistance in their respective situations, my best acknowledgments are due. The enemy, it is now ascertained, made the sortie with his whole force, which, including the militia volunteers, by winch he has lately been joined, could not consist of less than 5,000. About 200 prisoners fell into our hands, and I cannot estimate the enemy's loss in killed and wounded at less than that number. ' ) '-, I'' 882 Tkn Years of Upper Canada. ii I' n ( The dreadful state of the roads and of the weather, it having poured with rain ahnost incessantly for the last ten days, renders every movement of ordnance or heavy stores exceedingly diilicult. By great exertions, the commanding artillery officer has succeeded in moving the battery guns and mortars, with their stores, etc., towards the Chippewa, to which place I mean to withdraw them for the present. General 13e Watteville's report gives substantially the same account of the attack and repulse, and ends by saying, that by five o'clock the entrenchments were again occupied, and the line of picquets estab- lished as it had been previous to the enemy's attack. An extract from a letter of one of the officers engaged says : — The companies of the 6th and 82nd did wonders. The bayonet was lavishly dealt in the enemy's ranks. Our loss has been heavy, about 100 killed and nearly 500 wounded and missing. Most are of De Watteville's, who have been sur- prised in the trenches. Of that fine regiment, four- teen oflicers are killed, wounded and missing. Typhoid fever was now proving a more formidable foe even than the Americans, and General Drummond found it necessary to change his camp. He writes from District Head-qua utehs, Falls of Niagara, September 2ith, 1H14. The troops fell back at eight o'clock on the evening of the 21st, to the position alluded to in my letter of that date, and bivouacked for the night undc^r torrents of rain. Last Days ok the War, Winter, 1814-1815. 383 'ir Soon after daylight on the 22nd, the enemy dis- covered our movements, and pushed out his picqnets posted on the plain opi)Osite Black liock, and immedi- ately retreated, after exchan^ang a few shots, without attempting to molest us. Havinf? waited until two o'clock (as well for the purpose of f^iving battle to the enemy, should he have ventured out, as of giving thne for the moveuient of all encumbrances behind the Black C.reek), I ordered the troops to retire across Frenchman's Creek, and the bridge over that creek to be destroyed. A cavalry picquet was left to watch this brigade, and the troops then proceeded to take up the canton- ments. Tlie whole of the movement has this day been completed, and the troojis are now in comfort- able quarters, where it is my intention to give them a few days' repose. No further sorties were mnde from Fort Erie, although General Izard's division of 4,000 men arrived there on the 10th October, after a toilsome nuirch through the wilderneso from Genesee river, which they left on 24th September, to Lewiston, where they arrived on the 5th October. General Izard placed his camp two miles north of Fort Erie, and being senior to General Brown, the latter retired to liis old post at Sackett's Harbour. General Izard was now in command at Fort Erie of more than 8,000 men, and a battle might liave been expected. However, Ix'yond a trifling skirmish at Lyon's Creek, near Chippewa, wh(>re the Americans succeeded in destroying some Hour at a mill, nothing was done. vm \m\ ii II 11 .; i m 334 Ten Years of Upper Canada. The American account says that General Izard clearly perceived that further offensive operations on the peninsula so late in the season would be impru- dent, and, perhaps, extremely perilous to the army. Soon afterwards the whole American force crossed the Niagara river, and abandoned Canada. Fort Erie, the scene of so much hard fighting, was mined by them before leaving, and on the 5th ' November, 1814, it was blown up and laid in ruins. The capture of the British fleet on Lake Cham plain, on the 11th September, was the last event of impor- tance on the Lower Canadian frontier, and the sortie and repulse of the Americans at Fort Erie on the 17th September, closed the campaign on the Niagara frontier. The only event recorded in October was a raid of 700 Kentucky volunteers, under General McArthur, who crossed from Detroit into Canada on the 26th of October, and made a dash through the western penin- sula. The object of the expedition was the capture of Burlington Heights, but after plundering a few of the inhabitants of the country, and burning some houses in Oxford, they met with such sturdy opposi- tion from a number of militia and Indians at " The Crossings," Grand river, that they did not pursue their journey farther eastward, but turned down the Long Point Iload, and returned to Detroit by way of Port Dover and St. Thomas, pursued part of the Last Days of the War, Winter, 1814-1815. 335 distance by a company of the Glengarries and some of the 41st, under Major Muir. General Drunimond's work as a military commander was now nearly over. After a short stay in the camp at Chippewa he withdrew his troops to Fort George, but General Izard's retirement from Fort Erie had banished any expectation of an attack from that quarter. On Lake Ontario Sir James Yeo's grand ship, the St. Laic?'e?ice, 100 guns, had just been launched, and once more that gallant commodore was lord of the lake, and troops and supplies could now have been easily brought to Drunimond's army at Niagara. The war was, however, practically over. It was terminated by the Treaty of Ghent, at which place the Peace Commissioners for Britain, and the United States, had been engaged in prolonged negotia- tions from the Gth August, until the Treaty of Peace was signed on the 24tli December, 1814. The Treaty was not ratified by the United States until February, and all through the month of January, 1815, the boom of cannon resounded along the sea-board. The Americans went to war ostensibly to secure immunity from Search and Impressment, yet after nearly three years of fighting, they joyfully approved of the conclusion of a treaty, which was absolutely silent on that important point. The Treaty contained provisions for the settling of disputed boundaries by commissioners, and an agree- 336 Ten Years of Upter Canada. ment that, in the interests of humanity and justice, both nations should use their best endeavours for the entire al)ohtion of the Slave Trade. The Treaty required the ratification of the American Senate, which was unanimously given on 17th Feb- ruary, 1815. A letter from Thomas G. Kidout gives the date of the arrival of the news of the Peace at Montreal : — CoiiNWALL, 27 tk February, 1815. Yesterday moaning I received letters from Montreal stating that the Treaty of Peace had l)een ratihed, and the guns of that place had, in consequence, been fired as a rejoicing at the event, (leneral Brisbane received the express on tlie lines (boundary), and it would reach Quebec the night of the 25th. All stores are stoi)ped at Montreal, and nothing but provisions will now he sent up. By a General Order issued on the Ist March, 1815, the Canadian militia were ordered to disband on the 24th of the same Uionth. The war-worn citizen soldiers returned to their homes, for which they had fought so well. Yet their ranks were sadly thinned. Under the green leaves of shot-riven woods, beneath the grasses of many a quiet hill-side, and in the village churchyards along all that historic frontier, were left behind those who had laid down their lives for C'anada. A few words must be said of the after career of the young Commissary, whose letters form so large a part of this volume. ilieir lieir es of uiet all had the part Last Days of the War, Winter, 1814-1815. 337 Thomas G. liidoiit continued in the Commissariat until 1820, when he retired on half-pay. In 1821 he was offered a permanent post in the service by the Commissary-General, but declined, as he was then engaged in helping to organize the Bank of Upper Canada, the pioneer bank of the Province. In 1822, he was appointed its iirst cashier, and continued in that position until shortly before his death, in 1861. The adiniral)le qualities that he possessed as a youth, which were dis])layed in his devotion to the duties tluit devolved upon him during the important years described in this volume, shone out through his whole life, which was a useful and laborious one. As a conscientious servant, and as a man of business, Mr. Ilidout had few equals. His whole ol)ject was to perform fearlessly and honestly his duty, and to advance the interests of the institution placed under his control. Mr. Uidout never entered what is called public life, never sought a seat in Parliament, or even took an active part in politics ; Imt in his career can be traced the wonderful monetary and commercial progress of the country. He took a deep interest in the public welfare, and assisted in furthering those enterprises calculated to promote the prosperity of the Province. In politics, Mr. Uidout's views were liberal, and it would be difticiilt to Hnd a more loyal subject to the Crown, or a more staunch supporter of those British institutions under which wo are so hai)pily governed. He was a distinguished memlier of the order of Free xMasons, Master of St. Andrew's Lodge, in which he succeeded his father ; and .imong Royal Arch Masons he will be especially remembered, as the founder, and for nine years, the tirst Principal of St. w Ill 338 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Andrew's Royal Arch Chapter. As a Masonic Knight Templar, his valuable services will be remembered in the introduction of the Order into Canada. Of unbending integrity and sterling honesty, Mr. Ridout was respected by all, and being possessed of an amiable and generous disposition, he had many warm and attached friends — we may add, he was with- out an enemy. — (From Toronto Leader and British Herald, July 31st, 18G1.) m night •ed in ', Mr. ed of many with- ritish 1 1 I i I iJ'lU « n I HON. TIlnMAS KIDolT. Sii>:;y.>r (.!ciiri\il of Cpl^n- Caii.ui.i. ,ui,/ M, mi; r , Mijjcftyi l.i-^i^hiti:, Coinidl. li.iin. Sluilii mriK'. I ) n-i't^hin-, llnohuid. 171I1 March. 1754- Diiil, Sih li-liiuarv. iSjo. T Arp!.;.\i)!x. N AKUA'I'.VF <.')■• rm-. • A ''Tivnv Ar ■ . I'l.. -H \W.\M:-;jf ISM'IAN'S. IN 178.S ' ! '.Ili'i'.M- i; '"I > '"• ' ' '- *K1>'' .'"^'KV •• VoK- CfLXLltAi, 'It- I'l'IKU '. '\ •\ ' \\ ■>'.< '',,|(.;s'Al Mvr.- -• ' I !■ IS' i\.3.-L -.!tiN lie ir'i. i'''.Mi!.'' '•I \ N /\rt,;t lU N r - a- .m\' i \i' ■ r ', i . .J '"•>. /Kii'i.in- icstd. liW rifiio '!_.;-:■ I !'!t"i diutnji the .^puni^ ■/.••,"' /'.:• ,-/' tn>: i Ji.\i> airiv.'ii al riiih^i'lphin VrctM Kun/jj'- in hnniary, 17^7. in tu'utT fo (;.>l{tt-: '\\\'- tt iiif liy siv^tuI j'Siisuns m tli<' rnitrd Stjitf'-i, aTi-> I'l ihi' !u>u set lliMin.'iit ff Kt.'fl- tUt:k\, rifil! ■'!ic F.ll!'^..r II.. K;!\ 'T < >]ii.>, in t Ul' Ill'.illtli • t l'"-'!!.- b«-r oi' til*' sjuiK- yt'itf ! ■-"' ur trom Animju-li^, iti M . ■ ;-iii'.i ( where ii liri.lh'.'f ■>£ i .\> ;■ ■' '•-! i'<)i- i'nrt I'itt, ;nti i .. ^ : > gu I'roiu thr-'fi to Ki'iitiickv ^i-" *'V.i. •■•. 'In- loe "-h'Mil'i )■" i\> if. tho Hi)Mn .'i;^'i •.'•.•ci with a Mr Satutn i I'm iiM'' •• I'altiii i>r>' w;> .-.i.'s.i. .1 ijifj^e tnu'ts oi' land in is i-ni d'k \ , (■ ;'.•••.■( ;,m > ■:( .'-.r.iiry .i- Kort Pitt, and fro t<'-i'th'r ; ■ K'-iiti)'.i:.y. 1 n.-. .vfd !• u.t- tf introduction Troui •iii.n(r>.- 'A'.ishin^i-jn. ( ol'iu! Li'r. * yotea from M'-. liiilfut- iK'ii/:- •''i, Mni Colonel Htnry Le«, .in urigiiiai tlmractiT, wliu '.l^«•.l in onr^ •< tjy Liriither'« houBus, seiu in«j lettera of i!iti\Kluction f<> (Jovcnior ij-iJior hi. !!■ 1; .|c -^i . I ■'' '/ , .■)■'. / . ;■, ;,'/. . '.- i'.'i'i I ' APPENDIX. Narrative of the Captivity among the Shawanl-^k Indians, IN 1788, OF Thomas Ridout, afterwards Surveyor- General OF Upper Canada, from the Original Manuscript in Possession of the Family. ^ An Account of my Capture by the Shazvanese Indians, dwelling on the River Ohio in North America, and of my residence amongst them during the Spring and part of the Slimmer of the year iy88. I HAD arrived at Philadelphia from Europe in February, 1787, in order to collect debts due to uie by several persons in the United States, and being informed that many of my debtors had gone with their families to the new settlement of Ken- tucky, near the falls of the River Ohio, in the month of Decem- ber of the saTne year I set out from Annapolis, in Maryland (where a brother of mine resided), for Fort Pitt, intending to go from thence to Kentucky as soon as the ice should break up in the spring, and the river became navigable ; and I had agreed with a Mr. Samuel Purviance, of Baltimore, who possessed large tracts of land in Kentucky, to meet him in January at Fort Pitt, and go together to Kentucky. I received letters of introduction from * General Washington, Colonel Lee, of * Notes from Mr. RidouVs Diary: — "General "Washington had fur- nished me with letters of introduction to General Scott and Colonel Marshall, and Colonel Henry Lee, an original character, who lived in one of my brother's houses, sent me letters of introduction to Governor Arthur St. ir 340 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Virginia, and other geutlfinen, to their friends in the western settlements, and having collected £:}00 or £400 worth of mer- chandise from some of my debtors in lieu of cash, which was not at that time to be obtained, and forwarded it to Fort Pitt by means of horses, I set out myself on horseback and alone from Hancock, a town in Maryland, on the River Potomac, about five miles from the warm springs in Virginia, on the first day of January, 1788. The snow at this time was about three feet deep, and the weather clear and very cold. To Old-Town on the Potomac, is about thirty-six miles, and from thence to the entrance of the Alleghany Mountains about thirty miles, the same road that General Braildock cut through the mountains to enable him to pass on to Fort Pitt, and near 'which latter place he met with so great a defeat. On the evening of the second day of my departure I entereji* V Ml :i 1 mn ■ Appendix. 343 i ^'i\f ^f- 17HK. , V ^1" i€^ ' CAPTURE OF THOS. RIDOUT BY INDIANS. ^^^^'. ^ •5AII * ,, ,|\^^ '•^'■' |.V,„'A uf dhu' Hhvr won Iintiiin Teiril"ip nut Slinvj/ft/. | v-^S''^I[I^t*'^?'>^'' ;"; : - i ; s i : ; ^«t* <" "»'"'"" ^'^ captive. V' "ijit,^ .'fjt^V'^* , , r V <• Rout« prior to Capture (by horse and batt«au). y OHSROKEES Scivit DS lutle* to 1 luoh N.CAROLINA Ml' J 1 ( 1 i 1' ' .. u i Mii i iL i^wJ ^ Appendix. 345 Whilst I was sitting by the chief I heard myself called by name, and lookincr around saw two vounjj men, tied and sittinjr at the foot of a tree ; they had been taken early in the morn- inf; out of the boat which had sailed before us. They said a lock of hair had been taken from each of their heads,* and that they had been tied several hours in the manner the}' now were, and apprehended they were doomed to be put to death, and as I seemed to be taken into favour, they hegired I would intercede foi' them. Upon my re(|uesting this favour the Indians released them. During the remainder of the day, the Indians, who were composed of Shawane.se, Pottawatamies, Ottawas and Chero- kees, but chieHy of the first, seemed to enjoy their ^ood fortune, for their plunder e.xceoded XI, 500 sterlin<^, as I was afterwards informed. They gave us a portion of the provisions they had taken, and when night approached they renewed their fires. The chief, with the principal warriors.- reposed on one side, the prisoners, amounting to ten men and one black woman, were placed on the other side. Some deer-skins were spread on the ground, on which we lay, and an old blanket was allotted for the covering of two people. I placed myself next to my old friend, Mr. Purviance, who was upwards of sixty years of age ; he had been stripped of everything except his breeches and a thin flannel waistcoat; as the night was frosty, he suffered much by the cold. I endeavoured to keep the blanket over him. The Indian chief who had conducted me on shore placed iiim- self by me on the outside, .seemingly for my protection. Dur- ing the night I felt the cold vi'ry sensibly, for I had very little covering, and my head was liare and exposed to the sky ; it ached very much, but at length I was relieved by a bleeding at the nose. I slept but little, looking on the scene around me by the mild lustre of a full moon, aniVn?/;— MoniorjuKluni of clothoH, linen, and otlier fiiiifitrul : 27 shirts ; 28 stocks ; 2(5 iiockot-hiindkorcliiofs ; 1 pair laco ruffles and bosom ruffles ; jjairs thread stockings; 2 pairs Mack silk do ; 23 pairs white silk do ; 1 pair mild yarn do ; 4 pairs nankeen hreecliea ; M ])airs cotton do ; a suj)ertino cloth coat ; IJ linen and cotton nightcaps ; li serre-letes ; 2 linen dressing cloths ; 1 lint n dressing apron ; 4 pairs black silk breeches; 1 pair black everlasting do; 1 white silk robe do chambre and waistcoat ; 5 silk waistcoats, embroidered ; 1 black satin do, plain ; J black silk do ; 1 dark piirj)Ie silk coat ; 1 suit black silk, coat, waistcoat and breeches ; 1 suit dove colored, do ; 1 suit light brown, do ; 1 blue cloak, superfine broad cloth ; 1 dark green coat, do ; I lead-colored do, do ; ' 1 ussian blue do, do ; 3 i)air.s shoes and 1 pair boots ; 2 pairs silver s' lO buckles ; 1 j)air silver knee do ; 2 pairs steel do ; 1 yellow metal stock do ; 1 gold repeating watch, double cased, and gold chain, key, etc., with arms, maker, Berthoud, Paris ; 1 gold-headed walking cano ; 1 ivory (Jerman flute ; 1 ebony (Jernian flute, with three middle i)ieces, and divers music books ; 2 pictures, engraved by Ryland and painted by F. A. Kaufman ; hair jmwder bag ; a portable wriling desk, English ; do, Frencli ; 3 large trunks, 1 small do, 1 portmanteau, containing my papers, clothes and books ; a liath coating-coat ; a couteau do chasse, etc., etc. The above things, together with myself, were t<»ken by the Shawanese near the falls of the Ohio. A list of books belonging to me taken by the Indians : A Bible, once my mother's, and read by mo in my earliest years ; Thompson's works, elegantly bound, four volumes ; Chesterfield's Letters, four volumes ; Posthlewaito's dictionary of Commerce, two volumes ; Lex Mercntoria ; Ainsworth's Latin and English dictionaries ; Italian, Latin and French dictionaries ; Chambaud's English and P'rench dictionarie.« , Life of l'ctrar(|ue, three volumes , works of Montesquieu, threi' volu nu- Plutaniue's Lives in the old French of Amyot ; translation in French of Homer, eight volumes, elegantly bound ; Corneille's Tragedies, in French, elegantly bound, five volumes ; E.s.says of Montaigne, French, ten volumes; Rochefoucaulds. Of these books the Bible alone was returned. Among the prisoners was a decent looking man, of about forty-five years of age, by name Wm. Richardson Watson ; he had lesided several years in the United States, but was .said to be an Englishman. Innncdiately on our landing the Indians had taken from him 700 guineas ; ho was of the part}'^ tiiat was in the other boat. The Clierokees had him in charge, or rather Appkndix. 347 he had been given over to them. After the above distribution, they arose and threw ar(mn and wore round my waist tied by a piece of bark ; generally elm bark was used on such occasions, as it may be divided into numberless small strips, which are very strong. It was at this council I was informed that my gold repeating watch,-f- chain and seal were safe in the possession of a woman of this neighbourhood. Early next morning I went to her hut, about a mile distant; she showed it to me and promised to keep it in safety for me till I was liberated and ( ould redeem it. This accordingly happened, for in the course of the ensuing winter, when I was at Montreal, my watch, chain, etc., were restored to me all in good condition (paying for the same about five guineas), and are now in my possession. We remained a day or two longer in this village than we otherwise would have done, had it not been for a root found here somewhat resembling a potato. To me, who had but once tasted bread for six weeks, this root was a luxury. The bread I speak of had been made a few days before, out of the remains ofj a little wheat in their possession. To make it into cakes, baked in the hot ashes, it went through the following process, in which I bore a part. In a wooden mortar made of the sassafras tree — a tough wood — about a quart of wheat was put at a time ; then, being moistened with a little warm water, it was pounded with a wooden pestle till the husk separated; it was tb'-n sifted in a tolerably fine sieve, made of small splits of wood ; being then kneaded with a little water, it was placed upon the hot hearth and covered with hot ashes until baked. *This book still remains in good preservation, to testify to Mr. Ridout's ingenuity. It is now in the possession of Mrs. Edgar, his granddaughter, t This watch is now in the possession of Mr, Thomas Ridout,C.E., Ottawa. Appendix. 361 ish of tea. the bark 3d with a , I wrote gro, in his which was ! two little y breech es> , generally ivided into svas at this \(r watch.i* lan of this hut, about i to keep it m it. This ins winter, ere restored e about five ,ore than we root found 10 had but |xury. The out of the iiake it into |e following [\r made of wheat was arm water, separated ; small splits was placed |il baked. Mr. Ridout's inddaughter. ).E., Ottawa. I We now resumed our journey, the party consisting of twenty men, thirty or forty women and children, and upwards of twenty horses, loaded. My master was the chief of this party, beinji all of his villaeje. As the herbs began to cover the ground, the little path that there was was hidden by them, and the Indians, skilled as they are, missed the direct route to the Wabash, or to that part of it called the White river. We travelled a day or two out of the way. However, we recovered it. In general the weather was very rainy, which rose the rivulets higher than usual. One evening, as we were about to encamp, we came to a morass, 200 or 300 yards wide, and ^esirous to encamp on the opposite side, the horses were driven into it ; but they were so entangled with the mire, roots of trees and water, that the Indians were compelled to unload them, and convey their baggage on their shoulders through the swamp. It was nearly midnight before we got over. The Indians were excessively enraged, uttering their wrath against the Americans, who were, they said, the cause of their misfor- tunes. They saw I was alarmed, and took every means to ease my mind, saying they were only enraged against the Americans, who had come to their village, on the Scito river (which empties itself into the Ohio), the preceding autumn, from Ken- tucky, and in time of profound peace, and by surprise, destroyed their village and many of their people, their cattle, grain, and everything they could meet with ; which treatment was the cause, they said, that the hatchet was raised against them. We continued to pursue our route, by easy journeys. I remarked that our numbers daily diminished, but was told that the reason was that provisions began to be scarce, the woods not affo) J.ing the usual quantities of wild animals. The small party I was with bore a share of this .scarcity. We had killed two wild cats, and though not esteemed by the Indians as good food, they were very acceptable at this time. At length ouc family, consisting of the chief, his wife, myself and negro, travelled alone. In the usual manner we encamped early in the evening, and set forth again in the morning after breakfast. One delightful morning, as soon as the sun rose, my friend 24 S62 Ten Years of Upper Canada. »■!' i u mi iif 1(1 ' i ■ ' hi' 'i w 1^ Sir'-' ;>] t i ■ I v/alked a few paces from his tent (for occasionally he made use of a Russia sheetino' one), and seemed to address himself to that glorious oib in a manner, style of words and accent, that I had not witnessed before. His manner was dignified and impressive. Having arrived within half a mile from the village, situated on the White river, which empties itself, six or seven miles down, into the Wabash, he directed us to stop, and went him- self to the village to prepare for me, as I afterwards learnt, a good reception. At the place we stopped there were two poles, fifteen or twenty feet high, standing upright, the bark stripped off, the one painted red and the other black. They were calleil war-])oles, and indicated that prisoners had been brought to that village. I should have mentioned that about a week after I had been made a prisoner, several rich suits of clothes were brought to this village, belonging to some French gentlemen, taken about the same part of the Ohio in which I had been captured. As they made resistance all were killed. They proved to be three iientlemen — agriculturist, botanist, and mineralogist — about to explore the country. They had wintered three or four miles above Fort Pitt. I was acquainted with them, and once had thought of joining their party. In the course of an hour, the chief returned and bade us follow him. He led me throujih the village. The Indians presented themselves at their doors to look at me, but did not speak. Havin^ crossed a river about 200 yards wide, flowing in a gent) stvciim about three feet deep, over a fine gravelly bottom, ,vb ;amped on the other side, a small distance below the village fhe rest of our village had arrived and encamped here before . Amongst them was the white man, Baflington. The soil was very rich, and the scenery around delightful. A very large council-house was begun to be built ut this place, in the construction of which the Indians hail employed much skill, ingenuity and taste. Here we were to plant corn, puinpkins, etc., for their winter's food. After planting, we were to proceed, by the way of the Miami village, a journey of 400 or 500 miles. About sunset of the Appendix. 863 same day we arrived, I heard the Indian war-whoop on the other side of the river, at the village through which we laid passed. The Indians of our party iuunediately concluded that a prisoner had been made and brought in. Some of our party went immediately to the village, and amongst them the negro. When he returned, some time after, he said it was a young man about twenty, of the name of Mitchell, who had been taken on the Ohio, together with his father, a Captain Mitchell, an American ; that the father and son had been separated on the way, as they belonged to different nations, that it was probable the father would be liberated, but that the son had been given to a man who was determined to burn him, at a village live or .six miles distant, where the White river unites with the Wabash. I was also informed that the war raged exceedingly ; that many prisoners had been taken by the Indians, who began to be enraged at the loss of some of their friends. Two or three days elapsed before I heard anything further of the poor young man, till one nioruing, about break of day, I was awakened by an old woman, the same who had struck me with a billet of wood as before mentioned. She came to our hut and said the Virginian was to be burned Seeing that I was alarmed, as I thought I was alluded to, she said it was the prisoner taken a few days before, and not I, whom they loved much. Immediately my friend, his wife, and the negro, left the hut and went to the opposite side of the river, and I was soon left alone in the camp. For some time I did not see any one moving, but about two hours after sunrise I perceived several Indians assembled at the door of a house near the water's side, opposite to where I was, and soon after I saw the young man run out of the house naked, his ears having been cut off, and his face painted black ; the Indians following with the war-whoop and song, driving him before them, through a valley. They then ascended a hill, a little lower down the stream, distant about four or ftve hundred yards. As soon as they gained the sum- mit of the hill, I heard the young man scream, and the Indians give a shout. I perceived a smoke, and judged that the tire ^ * w ' liu! iH ufi';! 364 Ten Years of Upper Canada. was preparing. After a short interval I heard the poor victim utter a dreadful shriek. They were repeated without inter- mission for a few minutes. The Indians shouted during the interval of tortures. I heard the groans of the poor sufferer, and then his shrieks recommenced under new tortures. These tortures, with remi.ssions, continued about three hours, when his cries ceased. The Indian^ then returned. To express my feelings during this scene would be impossible, and I began to think that my own fate might be similar. The Indians did not return till the afternoon. At the approach of evening they Hred their guns, and with large twigs beat their wigwams on the tops and .sides, shouting. I inquired of the negro what that meant. He said that it was to drive away the spirit of the prisoner they had burnt. This ceremony continued for three succeeding nights. The tent or hut in which I slept, was covered with bark or poles ; the sides were also covered in the same manner, but not the ends. The chief and his wife slept on a raised bed on one side of the fire-place, which was in the middle ; I slept on the other side on a bear's skin, on a bench raised from the ground ; and the negro wrapped in a blanket, slept on the ground by the fire. During the night I was roused by the shrieks of the negro. Calling to him, he said he had been dreaming that the young man they had burnt had come to him in a menacing manner, and I asked him what injury he had done him to have been tortured by him. I soon found that my situation became dangerous, and that the Indian to whom poor Mitchell had been given, wanted also to get me in his power. He used to be,set the hut where I was, so that I was compelled to hide myself for many hours together under the banks of the river, among the weeds, to avoid him. I had crossed the river two or three times with my friend and his family to prepare a spot of ground for their corn, near the village. It was at one of these times that the bloody-minded savage had .seen me. At one time I was obliged to cross the river, and fly for shelter to a house built of round logs, near the spot where Mitchell had suffered. There I obtained some protection from an Indian chief named Appendix. 365 (oor victim lout inter- luring the )r sufferer, ■es. These mrs, when xpress my I began to . At the with large , shouting, lid that it had burnt. Thts. The k or poles ; but not the on one side in the other ound ; and und by the ieks of the ng that the a menacing lim to have ,ion became 11 had been led to beset lide myself ver, among wo or three t of ground these times one time I to a house i suffered, lief named Papapaniwa. I was concealed from my enemies in this house by a curtain placed before me when they were in the house, for my friend was not sufficiently powerful to afford me protection. He was advised, if he wished to save me, to set off immediately for Detroit. After tluee or four days my friend collected his horses and peltry, and with his wife and negro, set off' with me for Detroit by way of the Miami villages, where, I understood, was a trading port; several traders, English and French, living there. I was on horseback ; we all soon entered the woods. The mus- quitoes were s(j troublesome that we got tio rest night or day, notwithstanding the smokes we made to drive them away. After, I think, four days' journey, we arrived at a branch of the Miami river, nmch swollen with rain. We crossed it with difficulty and encamped on a plain, where I saw .several Indian huts scattered. I slept .soundly that night, in the pleasing expectation that I was drawing near my deliverance. In the morning, as soon as it was day, my friend and his wife went out amongst their acquaintance. She returned in about an hour with the Indian who had burnt Mitchell, and who had followed me thither in the expectation of getting me into his power. 1 .shuddered at .seeing him. He and my mistress were each more than half drunk. They sat down upon the ground, fronting, and close to each other, relating their misfortunes, and crying and hugging one another as is their custom when drunk. I was standing behind him, and I soon discovered that their discourse was concerning mo ; she said many things in my favour, but to no purpose, and seeing him grow angry, she had sufficient recollection and kindness, as her arms were about his neck, to beckon to me, unobserved by him, to get out of his way. I waited not a second bidding, but where to go I knew not. I perceived that every one I met with was drunk. However, I took .shelter in a house. As soon as I entered I recognized my master's daughter, and the woman she lived with, and was relating to them my perilous situation, when, to my great sur- prise and terror, the young man who had first laid his hand I yj'i it,t i if, ; 1 hi i V 366 Ten Years of Upper Canada. upon me in the boat, now claimed me as his property by right of war. I endeavoured to escape, at which he lifted his tomahawk to kill me. The two women flew to my succour, and withheld his arm till I got out of the house. I immedi- ately fled to the river, which was not far distant, and running under the bank, which was rather high, I perceived two sober Indians sitting. I ran and placed myself between them. They saw my terror. I related ^o them my situation as well as I was able. They were Delawares, whose village was in the neighbourhood. They said they would protect me. Whilst sitting between them I saw the Indian from whom I had last escaped, and who was called Black Fish, go down to the bank of the river, about 100 yards from where I was, apparently in quest of me. I pointed him out to the Indians, and sat still in great trepidation. At length, to my no small joy, he ascended the hill, and I saw him no more. In a few minutes after I perceived the white man Mdio had announced to me my safety just after I had left the side of Mr. Purviance. I told him the danger I was in, upon which he promised he would get a horse and take me over the river to the house of a principal Shawanese chief, called the Great Snake, a mile or two down the river, and where I should be in safety. He left me for the purpose of getting a horse, and after some time, which to me appeared almost an age, I saw a man not far from where I was, on the same side, cross the river on horseback. To my great joy, I perceived it was the white man (his name was Nash). Seeing him crossing, I was afraid he was going to leave me, but it was only to try the ford, for the river was hardly fordable. He soon returned and came to me with the horse. I mounted before him, and after passing two or three drunken parties of Indians, lying on the shore, we came to the ford and passed in safety. We then rode along on the other side and passed a fine plantation well stocked with cattle, belonging to a Shawanese chief, called Blue Jacket. He commanded the party, who afterwards vanquished the American general, St. Clair.* We soon came to the house of the Great Snake, who * November, 1791. Appendix. 367 received me with kindness and assured me of his protection. He was an elderly man, robust and rather corpulent. His wife, a pretty, well-looking woman, nearly his age, walked very stately with a handsome staff with a head to it. He ordered a bear's .skin and blanket for me, alongside his own bed, and till my departure, three days after, he treated me with the greatest kindness. During this time I was informed that another council would be held upon me, in which it was to be determined whether I should be permitted to be taken to Detroit and ran.soined. The day accordingly came in which the council was to be held. The Indians having assembled, 1 was also conducted thither. The council was under the authority of a Captain John, a Shawanese chief, before whom my case was to be decided. One Simon Girty, an Indian interpreter, now living on the Detroit river, was present. I perceived that my master and friend was much dejected, and did not .speak to me. Several women endeavoured to cheer me by saying I should not be hurt. The council was at length opened, and the Indian who iiad burned Mitchell contended for me. He insisted that I was a spy and that I knew the whole country. Much was .said, and my papers and letters were again brought forward, read, and explained. At length, after a cool and delib.^rate hearing, the chief pronounced my discharge, and told my friend that he might set out with me as soon as he chose. His eyes sparkled with joy when relating the result of the deliberations of the council. He would have deferred our departure till the morrow, for the Indian traders who lived on the other side of a river which also formed a junction here with the other two, had long expected me, but dared not inter- cede for me whilst my life was at i.ssue. After urging with all my power to set off immediately, my friend got a catioeand took me over to the traders' village, called Fort Miami; and both the English and French gentlemen were waiting, with open aims toreceiveme, as they had beenacquainted with the chief's decision in my favour. The names of the English gentleuien of this place were : Sharpe, Martin, Parkes and Ironside. Mr. Sharpe hi ,-' ( '11 tWh 368 Ten Years of Upper Canada. conducted me to his house, gave me a shirt, and Canadian frock and hat, trousers and shoes. I remained here three days. It was here I found my Bible, several books, a German flute, and .some few other articles, but a tortoise-shell box inlaid with pearl, in which was my mother's wedding ring, and a gold coin of the Emperor Nero (weight about four pennyweights), and in gieat perfection, given me by a lady of Lisborne, in France, were lost to me forever. The coin had been found with many otliers at Saint Onge, in France. A French gentle- man of the Miami, lent my. ^friend, on my account, his large canoe to carry us, with the peltry, to Detroit, distance about 250 miles by water. We cmbai'ked early on a Sunday morning, took in the peltry, his wife, myself and negro, and descended the Miami river, taking also two Indian women, whom we were to put on shore at an Indian village two miles down the river. We did so, and proceeded. After descending about fifteen miles, we stopped at a white man's house, who was an interpreter among the Indians. I naturally spoke of my deliverance in terms of joy, but I thought he seemed not much to encourage my hopes, for he knew the dangers which yet surrounded me, whilst I was happily ignorant of them. On our way to the mouth of the Miami river, which empties itself into Lake Erie, we passed several parties of Indians returning from Detroit. They were generally drunk, and I was in continual terror until we separated. At length we got to the falls, where there was a house belonging t(j a Captain Mclvee, Deputy Superintendent of Indian atiaiz's, and of a Mr. Elliott. They were not there, but we receiveil kind treatment and victuals from the Indians of their respective families. Soon after leaving these houses we reached the lake, and after coasting the west end of it for about thirty-eight miles, we entered the Detroit river. A few miles up this river there was another house of Mr. Elliott's. He did not happen to be at home, but we were kindly treated. The next daj' we descended the River Detroit, and passed the night upon an island, where there were several Indian families. ■l^ Appendix. 369 Canadian iree days, lan flute, laid with id a fTold weights), iborne, in en found 1 gentle- Dunt, his distance le peltry, tni river, on shore d so, and i stopped uong the IS of joy, lopes, for 1st I was h of the passed ley were until we re was a ntendent lot there, Indians ie houses of it for A few Elliott's. T treated, ssed the families. Early the next morning, being Sunday, we arrived at Detroit. My friend introduced and presented nie to Captain McKee, who received me with civilitv, and with whom I break- fasted. He then accompanied me to the commanding officer, Captain Wiseman, of the 53rd regiment, and introduced ine to him. By this gentleman, and by all the regiment, I was received as a brother. A bed was provided for me in the Government House. I messed with the officers, and every one strove to do me ajts of kindness. A Mr. Hughes, lieutenant of the regiment, gxve me ten guineas for my pocket; a Cap- tain Haughton gave me clothes ; and a Mr. Robinson, merchant, lent me 100 pounds in New York currency ; and as the 53rd were, in a few days, to descend to Montreal, they offered me a passage with them, which I gratefully accepted. Several gentlemen at Detroit invited me kindly to their houses, viz. : Commodore Grant, Mr. Macomb, Doctor Harfey. Mr. Askin, and others. I think it was the Sunday of my arrival that I dined at Mr. Macomb's. Whilst at dinner Mr. Parkes arrived from the Miami. His relation of what took place there after my departure, convinced me that the hand of an Alm'ghty Protector had guided and preserved me in all my dangers. He said tliat I had just left Mr. Sharpe's house, when a party of young Indians, with Black Fish at their head, came to the house in quest of me. He immediately said that 1 was his property, and that he would have me. Mr. Sharpe and Mr. Parkes assured them I was not there. Black Fish insisted upon searching the house, which was permitted. Being dis- appointed in not Hndiiig me there, they searched other houses. Mr. Sharpe then told them I had gone away. " By which route ? " said Black Fish, in a rage. He was answered that I had gone up the river to St. Joseph's. This delayed the time, and in the meanwhile God's good Providence conducted me in safety down the river, amongst unseen and unexpected dangers, for at the village we first landed at, to put the two Indian women ashore. Black Fish and his party residdl. Between Miami village and this place, the river makes an angle, and the ii\ .1 W > ! • m M ■ 1 I ;. I -■ • ...! Hit ! ' tl i'i (il 370 Ten Years of Upper Canada. road is the chord of the angle. By this means we passed un- observed by Black Fish, who was on that road. The banks also at the lower village are steep. In a few days I embarked with the 58rd regiment for Fort Erie. On my way to Niagara I saw the stupendous Falls of Niagara. At Niagara we continued two or three days, where I was kindly treated by Colonel Hunter, who then commanded a battalion of the GOth regiment. This officer was afterwards Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada and Couimander-in Chief of both Canadas. About the middle of July, 1788, I arrived at Montreal, where I received great civilities from Sir John Johnston, Captain Grant, and many other gentlemen ; and from Lord Dorchester, at Quebec. This adventure, joined with other vicissitudes I had ex- perienced, induced me to fix my residence in Canada, and at the writing hereof* (29th May, 1811) I have the honour to serve His Majesty as Surveyor-General of Upper Canada. Thomas Ridout. N.B. — in the year 1799 my friend Kakinathucca and three more Shawanese chiefs came to pay me a visit at my house in York. They saw me and my family with pleasure, and my wife and children contemplated, with great satisfaction, the great and good qualities of this worthy Indian. He did not return home without bearing a testimony of my gratitude. He died about five years ago, under the hospitable care of Matthew Elliott, Esq., Superintendent of Indian affairs at Amherstburg, at the entrance of the Detroit river. Amongst the many dangers I escaped, I ought to mention the repeated attempts made by an Indian, a young man, at the * Tliia narrative Mr. Ridout evidently compiled from his Diary, — a little book restored to him by the Indians, and now in the possession of Thomas Ridout, C.E., Ottawa. Appendix. 371 instif]jation of the negro, to kill me. His behaviour to me kept me always upon my 7i.^S^e^2-^u^^ ^^ . ^ . /7f7, o^a-aiyi — ^/2_' £>^.t^ £.^^,2flc_^ <5i-^c?^-<> ^'^Z&>;kJA^.£«. ,^ ^^. c^ ^. < — ^ ty^Z. ^/2c^^>^ cxi^'2^^«<-^'S c-^^t-<;j. ccJ^a^^t^ cx^2--^ 9^ '^ikc^As,^^^ ^^^ C'-T-t-X ,^^2^ •%<2-/2x^/^i' the sun as water ice .... hail . .spring .summer .autumn . .winter . thunder ghtning .cloudy ud thun- [der .a deer . a buck .a bear a horse .a cow a, bufi'alo .a dog .a cat wild cat a racoon .a wolf . . a fox an otter .an elk tortoise og, hogs SiiAWANESE Language 377 Kawqua a porcupine Seapessee a paiitlicr Makeytha a slieep Anieaqua a beaver Maeouteley-tha . . a fawn or colt Wiskeloutha a bird Powcatha a piifeon Waw-wee an e<>(; Nawpoya a cfjck Coekelanioutha . .alien Weynu.ssee. .a turkey-buzzard, [a vnltun^ Seaseepa a duck Pealcywaw a turkey-hen Awkitsee a turkej'-cock Kakawkee a raven Wawiathoea a .swan Leakavv a. yoose Satewei a rattle.snakc Makalitou a frog Pasqueinei a inu.S([nito Nameatha a Hsh Teikou wood for lire Me.sifsskee a leaf or herb Teaquee a tree Wawpaqueiiieysee . . white oak Pawquanenieysee . . . .sassafias Manitou-Wawquemeysee [buckeye tree Popsquawsewaymeysee . V)eech Skippeime3'see hickory Squatawmey.see ..sbell-baik do Cawwinakee. . . .thorny locu.st [bean Cawwimeysa .... thorny locust [tree Weilawnahai gin.seng Thenonieysee . . the sugar tree Keisewaquata . . .the sycamore Teatepawtaquey the vine Kitsetheynaweisa. . . .the bark Mealavv(iua Hsh VVei-coupee. . .bark to tie with Sonlageysee a ship 25 Oulageysee a canoe Papaqueymee cranberries VVeewilsqiiee. . . . the capillaire [plant Sequaw cedar Mutta no Eiiee yes A-a yes Pea-atcbo i^ive me Maw take M uttalaqua . . not any — no more Petsoie(Fr pronoun). W^unpuin Metticoseeah . .a white inan, or [Englishman '''oete a Frenchman .spaniee a Sjjaniard Shemantliee a Virgiuifin Catawelegnee a Netn-o Leynowakee fin Indinn Showanyaw a Shawaneso Lenawpey a Delaware Xottowei a Mohawk Nottoweitha a Wyantlot Mo.sco a Creek Indian Catawaypetheaway . . the head Neleytlia the hair Skesaquey the eye Tow-waaka the ear Neetsawsee nose Keelanee tongue Keetawnenah ........ mouth Keepetsee teet h C^ueekaca neck Kenekee arm Ketchena thumb Peletsewah hand Keletsee fingers Keekaatsee the lejj Kethetena the foot Squee blood Uuthaw-wee nionie . . .gold, or [yellow nwrney Wiapawkekee. . .silver dollars, [or white money ( > M kfffisl I- 378 Ten Years of Upper Canada. VViapawke-quaw tin Withaw-waw-caquaw. . . brass Coupelecou iron Outhaw-wee yellow Waw-connokee-wapea . . white Squaw-wee rod Cuttey-waw black Oulamon vermilion Methalui lead Monathee a knife Coquaw a pot, or kettle Haniquaw a spoon Waupamoua. . .a looking-glass Tliequa a comb Goulaka a basin, or dish Queg-awai a blanket Poppea-awai a saddle Thakoa. ...•"■ 'a shirt broach Squathapeah a belt Thj-a a skin Elenaquey a bow Elena lui an arrow Peyteneekah . . a shirt, or jacket Petacouah a hat, or cap Teaquah a gun Pemqua Teaquah a rifle AlloJey a bullet Mecottey gunpowder Sacouka a flint Weweyla a powder horn Teekhauhka tomahawk Sequawna a stone Awsit-thekee, .crosses worn on [the neck Mecothey an awl Theckthey deer sinews Kethenequa soap Masisskee tea Melassey sugar Tepthicah a cup, or teapot Weeawthey . .venison, or meat Weelenoix (Fr. pro.) fat Pitssawkah. . .a rope, or halter Setaquotha leather Mokita leggings Moketha moccasins Macota. .the women's petticoat They-amah tobacco Quacah a pipe Hattawa punk Scoute-cagah . . .steel for strik- [ing fire Outatsica. . . . stem of the pipe Peteyway. .smoke of a pipe or [tobacco Leewawtey. . . .smoke of a fire Pemee bear's oil Pontala . . a skin for carrjang oil Kawcoa a razor Thawthicatsica . . a frying-pan Quawnikee a chain Petheawai. . .a breast-plate, or [gorget Wythaw-quawkey-quaw [a bottle Thepee a river Speleawee-thcpee. . Ohio river Wawkitomica-thepee . . Musk- [ingum river Quass-quetuckkee . . a cataract, [or falls Chepcock . . Port St. Vincent, on [the Wabash Ta-winikee .a town VVeykeewaw a house Wythaw-wicommikee. . . .Fort [Pitt Kikawka-mackee Detroit Kitsecornmey . the sea, or a lake Mine-athey an island Poconuey a wave Oucahounie a fort Wessitic a mountain Spemme-kee on the top Ou-ecawteke . . a book, letter, or [map Meeawee a path, or road Skeaquee .... a pond of water i^. Shawanese Language. 379 Nounouconwey a swamp Tike cominee . .a spring of water Simmenachkee an apple Tawniey Indian corn Ouslvipemee sweet corn Nepepemee salt Squimenuckee haws Meeasathucckee . Irish potatoes Peneeakee wild potatoes Cowasquee wheat Weethuckapee rum Loucaiiah Hour Meleynawpee milk Scoutseathawpou coffee pepper Saw- wee l>i<^ Squawthee little Monspethey tall Spemmekee on the top Nepey-waw sleep Tat-chimokee a council Kikenecaw a prisoner Notob-oley war Wanesucca a fool Ka-anah friend Nekaanah my friend Kesekee-kasothwaw . . . the sun AUotheka the sunshine Tepeykee kasothwaw .... the [moon Metsemee moon Ala-aqua the stars Nonolaweisky. .the north star Quala-aqua Ursa Major Teypatuca Oi ion's Belt PeaquelineykeeV . . the Pleiads Keisekelaqua. Venus, the planet Kessekee day Wawpauwey daylight Tepeykee ni<,'ht O.ilacon yesterday Enoukee to-day Leykuckee last ninjlit Nenesacou two days ago Wawpackee to-morrow Necounakikee . two days hence Thecounakikee . . . . three days [hence Kesothwa. . .a moon, or month Kicotto a year Metsemee no moon Thawkee . .new moon, or come [out Peliko once Neseeno twice Nicoutee 1 Nisswee 2 They we 3 Neawee 4 Nealanawey 5 Necotothwey 6 Nesothwey 7 Thyawsicthewy 8 Chagathwey 9 Metaghthwey 10 Metaghtheney keteneycoutey id keteneyswee . 1 2 id ketenthwea. ,13 id keteneawey . 14 id keteneallauwev [15 id ketenecoutoth- wey 16 Metaghtheney ketenesoythwey [17 id ketensoyuricoth - wey 18 Metaghtheney ketenchawgath- thwea 19 Necoutothwey, or. . . | ^a Neaswawpeatatache . ) " ' ' ' Thyawpej'tockkee 30 Newawpetockkee 40 Nea allanwawpetockkee. . . .50 Neekatyawsee 60 Neesyawsee 70 Thyawsee 80 { I' r ill W It ! U n 'i'l iii \M I 380 Ten Years of Upper Canada. H\'-y l.iil m ' I Chawa-ka 90 Tepea-away 100 Neasinee tepea-away 200 Thenee tepea-away 300 Neawee tepea-away 400 Neallany tepea-away oOO Necoutoyththeni tepea-away. . [GOO Nessoyththeni tepea-away . 700 Cliawaka tepea-away 800 Metagththeney tepea-away. . . [1,000 Meineacjuee to run Neinente to drink Thea(|uee to kill Menealapee to dance Naeomnio to sing Atchsemo to speak Neuatchsemo .... to speak false Kitellee to tell Pemoutee to walk Kipscawquee to choke Neapouthou to burn Nepaalo lie down Hoosstou to make Nensw^eleymaw ) Jackqueleymaw j Kata(jueleymawtee I love you A]e(menenthequa . . . .do you [love me .will they [kill me Squawlawey ... .1 am hungry Tawqueloukee I am sick Awkitawkeloukee . are you sick Yawmawcjueloukee. .he is sick Chiakee .... we, or all are sick Wanatho he is drunk Nawacouta I know it Mutta-nawacouta 1 don't [know it Pawpiachee I will Netessatahai I think so Coqueo I don't care Wetheneto eat some Eleckhaalee go away Peealo come here Neawai I thank you Awquiloukee sick Mattapelou sit down Keweeakouah . . are j'ou angry Taa-neweikata . .where are you [going Scothakeweitamee . . . will you [be my wife Tawnej' where is it Nepouah dead Wetcliewai Scup-qua . . .'tis so Neteibois (Fr. pro.). .1 tell true Mutta teibois (Fr. pro.) . . 'tis not [true Teneetsup it is tru« Tea(|ue matta nemeta. . . .don't [give it Teaquca-atchsimo . Teaq ue- weitemaha Tawneweicoomah .don't tell .don't tell [him of it . where do [you come from Peeawaw . . . .they are coming Pesalo take care AUa-luey . 'tis very unfortunate Enou Kee-mehee . . a little while [ago AUicaw Paw keeta . . .throw it [away Pyawaw here Mawweeachee that way Pealouee a great way off Tawnowee let me see Pete keneth pia. .when will he [come back Sweagetissetha . .what is your [name Laqnyawaw. .where is he gone Wetchevvai let it be so Kalipatchehee . .never mind it Matow-e-hahee nothing Neloutsy for nothing -c Shawanese Language. 381 Names of some Shawanese Indians Key Kenethucca^j Metsicrynewaw Nenessica I Atowssee Wessketou j Jfcouai town ^^ethey pretty Lamyolethey very pretty ^™ very Ulethey quiawa . pretty woman X"®y done, or dressed ?"^«a good Lamyouesa or Lamouesa . very Tit i [good Matowessa bg^j ^^etsy '.".".".many Kincapethou a bracelet Keletsapethou .... a rino' S'^f"^^^ a king ^fowto a captain Feloutsyhea presently Jeloutsy by and by Neheewey. how doyou call that pthwee how many Ketheney to wash -Pakitchee gone away ^inussey a scalp beeaway ahorse Seeaway kee horses Papiache i y^m Oucahounie Fort Mattawa c:i 382 Ten Years of Upper Canada. ^i 1 INDEX. i;. i'< ' I ..'. !, f rr ABENAQUIS Indians, 24G. Aberdeen, 2G. Accoinmoddtion, The, 29. Adi\iiis, IMr., 43, 44, 76. Addison, 212. Allan, Miijor, 184. Allan, j\Ir., 43. Alnwick, 34. Andierstburg, 13G, 20G, 219, 226, 229, 272. Aniyatt, Mr., 53, 56. Anderson, .ludye, 22. Annapolis, 10, 11. Applegarth, Captain, 149, 157. Armstrong, Ensiirn, 254. Arnold, .John, 184. Astley's, 110. Astor, .John Jacob, 131. Atkinson, Col., 250. BABY, Col., 1.3G. Backus, Col., 190. Biddwin, Dr., .30, 31. Ball, Miss Kitty, 24. Ball's Fields, 204. Bank of England, 59, 68. Baidv of Upper Canada, 337. Barclay. Captain Robert, 217, 222, 227. Barnet Heath, 116. Bartholomew Fair, 60. Bartley, Lieut, 162, 254. Bath, 90, 91. Battersby, Col., 205, 309, 331. Baynes, Charles, 184. Beauharnois, 245. Beauport, 247. Beaver Dams (Beechwoods), 198, 270. Beckford Tower, 79. Beechwoods, (see Beaver Dams). Bellingham, 118, 119. Berkeley Castle, 93, 95. Berkeley, Col., 93. Beverley Township, 27. Bissell, General, 206, 266. Bi8shopp, Col. Cecil, 162, 163, 189, 198, 201, 202. Blackbird, 204. Black Creek, 333. Black Rock, 162, 201, 261, 262, 263, 269, 28.3, 304, 333. Bladensburg, 315. Block No. 2, G. 11., 27. Boerstler, Major, 162, 163, 198, 200. Bonaparte, 24, 58, 63, 60, 271, 317. Boston, 9. Bouchette, 18. Boultoii, D'Arcy, jun., 19, 20, 35, 64, 18.'). Boulton, D'Arcy, sen., 34, 35, 36, 43, 63, 64, 90, 113. Boulton, (ieorge D'Arcy, 37. Boulton, Henry John, 35, 37,41, 52, 53, ()3, 69, 71, 112, 113, 119. Boyd, General, 187, 199, 201, 254, 274. Braham, 89, 91. Biandy Potts, 40. Brant, -John, 148, 198. Brisbane, Gen., 320, 322, 336. Bristol, 86, 93. Brock, General Sir Isaac, 65, 76, 113, 114, 116, 124, 127, 129, 130, 131, 132, 1.36-142, 144, 161, 170. Brown, Captain, 254. Brown, Ensign, 254. Brown, General, 190, 242, 256, 266, 273, 274, 283, 285, 286, 287, 290, 291, 29(5, 298, 299, 300, 302, 312, 327, 328, 333. Brown's Point, 187. Bruton, 78. Buck, Major, 285, 288. ^m^ Index. 383 i Buffalo, 1(52, 261, 2G2, 263, 269, 283, 315, 328. Burlington Heights, 132, 188, 191, 192, 205, 211, 220, 237, 241, 284, 289, 291, 292, 334. Burr, Aiiron, 24. Butler, Lieut., 157. Butler, Lieut. -Col., 157. Button, Captain John, 184. CALAIS, 37. Cauibray, 35. Cameron, Ca[)t. Duncan, 130, 149, 151, 15i, ir)7, 184, 185. Cameron, Mr., 44. Camp!)ell, Alexander, 12. Camphell, -Judge, 288, 311, 312. Campbell. Lieut.-Col., 330. Campbell, Mary, 12. Canada Company, 41. Canviiis House, 18, Carey, S., 312. Cartwright, Hon. Riehard, 26, 43. Cartwriglit, James, 54. Cauulmawaga, 250. Chamliers, Capt., 239, 331. Chambly, 256. Champlain, 319. Champlain Lake, 249, 274, 277, 317, 318, 319, 321, 327, 334. Chandler, Capt., 215. Chandler, Gen., 187, 191, 196, 266. Chai)in, Col., 270, 271. Charlotte, Princess, 120, 124. Chateauguay, 178, 244-247. Chatham, 2;!l. Chauncfy, Conunodore Isaac, 169, 179, 181. 187, 188, 189, 205, 208, 209, 211, 213, 223, 224, 242, 279, 284, 291, L^99, 310. Cliazy liiver, 319. Chewett, James, 185. Chewett, Lieut. -Col., 13, 130, 184. Chiikutlic JoiiriiiU, 173. Chippewa, 189, 201, 226, 261, 283, 2b5, 28(i, 287, 288, 290, 292, 294, 332, 333, 335. Clirysler's Field, 248, 252, 255, 256, 3i7. Clark, Lieut. -Col., 157, 162, -J8, 201. Clark, Thomas, 131. Ckus, Col., 157. Claus, Lieut., 254, 255. Clay, (Jen., 215. Chiyton, 242. Clergy Reserves, 13. Cleveland, 222. Clifford, Major, 279, 282. Cockburn, Admiral, 315. CotKn, Col., 227. Cook, Capt., 18. Cooper, Capt., 157. Cornwall, 13, 16, 18, 19, 21, 25, 2(5, 243, 251, 255, 25(i, 269, 270, 274, 275, 277, 27!>, 318. ; Cotcau du Lac, 255. i Couche, 225, 239, 243, 256, 268, 269. Co vent (iarden, 72. 109. Covington, (Jen., 256. Crawf(U'd, \Vm., 65, Croglian, Col., 314, 315. Crook.s, (Japt., 149, 157. Crookshank, 20('». Crossings, The, 334. Cumberland Head, 322. DALY. Capt., 247. Dance, 226. Davis, Cien. , 329. Dawson, Ca|)t., 288. Dearborn, den.. 132, 147, 148, 157, 164, 165, ItiO, 172. 179, 185, 187, 188, 197, 266. Decatur, 213. De Cew, 199. Defiance, Fort, 215. Delaware Town, 276. De Lorimier, Lieut., 254. Denison, Charles, 185. Derby. Col., 51. De Rottenbui^', Clen., 134, 226, 238, 242, 258, 270. De Salaberry, Major, 128, 164, 198, 244-248. Detroit, 11, 132-147, 188,214, 229, 272, 312, 314, 315, 334. De Watteville, 211, 213, 265, 280, 303, ;i05, 330, 332. Dickson, 204. Dickson, Mr., 20, 34. Dixon, Capt., 141. Dobhs, Capt., 304, 305. Dorchester, Lord, 12. D.jwney. Capt., :i21, 322, 325. Downs, The, 10. w In; ll,f' li: 1 i hi '"ii: ! , 'I' '!'."] im: 'h i] M 384 Ten Years of Upper Canada. Drumniond, Gen., 39, 41, 258, 200, , 201, 2(iG, 280, 285, 292, 293, 294, 297, 298, 299, 300, 302, 304, 305, 308, 311, 312, 315, 317, 327, 328, 330, 332, 335. Druminoiid, Liout.-Col., 305-308. Druiiinioiiilville, 200. Drury Lane, 75. Duclieanoy, Capt., 128, 246. Ducliesiu'.y. .Tuuhereau, 24(5, 247. Du Hareii, Major, 200. Duraiid, Capt., 149, 157. Durham, County of, 20. EAST India Company, 58, 07. Edmundson, Mr., (il, 72. Elliott, Capt., 220. Elmesley, Mr., 77. Erie, Fort. (-SVc Fort Erie. ) Erie, Lake, 217-222, 224. Essex Militia, 205. Et(jbicoke Township, 27. Eustace, Capt., 177. Evans, Brifjade- Major, 157, 239. Evcretta, The, 38. Exeter, 47. Exeter "Cliange, 53. FENWICK, James, 184. Ferjj;uson, 240. Fhinis, Capt., 141, 217, 220. Firth, Mr., 43, 44, 56, ()2, 03, 04, 09, 71, 107, 113. Fischer, Col., 305, 300, 309. Fitzgibhon, Lieut., 194, 198, 199, 200. Five Nation Indians. 107. Flamboro' East, 27. Flauiboro' West, 27. Forsythc, Major. 181, 251, 273. Fort Erie, 11, 132, 140, 283, 284, 285, 288, 302-309, 315, 318, 327, 329, 333, 334, 335. Fort George, 132, 130, 157, Kil, 179, 187, 188. 189, 197, 198, 201, 202, 200, 209, 213, 217, 220, 240, 241, 258, 208, 284, 289, 290, 291, 292, 299, 335. Fort Niagara, (.S'fi« Niagara, Fort.) Fort Maiden, 132, 130, 137, 214, 216, 240, 272. Fort .Mississauga, 284, 290. Forty-Mile Creek (Grimsby), 197, 203. Foster, Capt., 331. Four ( 'orncrs, 319. Four-Mile Creek, 188, 211, 289, 273 Franklin, Mr., 64. Frederick Street, 41. French Creek, 242. Frenclnnan's Creek, 333. French Mills, 250, 267. Frenchtown, 173. Fulton, Capt., 20. GAINES, Gen., 200, 299, 304, 315, 327. Gallette Rapids, 251. Gamble, Dr., 54. Garrison Creek, 18. Gdzefte, Montreal, 12. Genesee River, 209, 223, 333. George, Fort, {See Fort George.) George IV., 234. Ghent, 316. 335. Gibraltar Point, 14, 278. Gibson, Col., 329. Givins, Col., 180, 185. Glastonbury, 82. Glegg, Major, 139, 140, 145, 151, 288, 331. Glengarry Fencibles, 175, 177, 182, 240, 205, 280, 297, 330, 331, 335. Gloucester, 95, (Jordon, Lieut. -Col., 287, 296, 331. Gore, Gen., 41. Gore, Hon. Capt., 53, 54. Gore, Lieut.-Gov., 13, 20, 21, 23, 34, 41, 53, 54, 55, 04, 72, 77, 90, 106, 124. Grand Duke of Beif, The, 36. Grand River, 249. 334. Grant, Capt., 12. Grant. President, 1(5. Gray, Mr., 39, 42, 55. Green, Mr.. 251, 252, 256. (Grenadier Island, 241, 243. Grosvenor, Lord, 53. Gnnrdian, The, 32. Gwillnubury East. 27. North, 27. West, 27. HACKNEY Green, 60. Hagerman, Lieut, -Col., 331. Halifax, 37. Halsey's Corners, 320. Halton, Major, 54. Index. 385 Hamilton, 223. Hamilton, Capt. R., 157. Hamilton, Col., 227, 312. Hamilton, Mr., 51. Hamilton, N. Y.,240, 274, 275. Hamilton, Ilobort, 2G. Hamilton, Thomas, 184. Hampton, Gen., 172, 239, 240, 242, 244-247, 249, 250, 255, 257, 258, 2GG. Hancks, Lieut., 133, 141. Hancock, Major, 277. Harrison, (Jen., 109, 172, 214, 215, 229, 230, 231, 234, 235. Harvey, Lieut. -Col., 187, 193, 194, 195, 191J, 198, 202, 209, 241, 243, 248, 251, 252, 254, 317, 331. Hatch, Col., 135, U2, 144. Hatt, Capt., 157, 1G2. Heward, Capt. Stephen, 149. Hey, Capt., 289. Holcroft, Col., 212. Holland, Lieut., 254, 287. Holmes' Tavern, 37. Home District, 13, 2G, 27, 32. Hull, Oovernor, 121, 136, 137, 140, 143, 145, 105, 2G6. Hunter, Col., afterwards General, 12, 17. Huron, Lake. 54, 314. Hyde Park Corner, 48, 57. IRVING, Washincrton, 222. Izard, Gen., 245, 26G, 319, 333, 334, 335. JACKSON, air. J. Mills, 30, 31, 43, 54, 62, 65, 185. Jarvis, Sam., 16, 22, 63, 149. Jarvis, Wm., 149, 184. Jenkins, Capt., 175, 176. Jenner, Dr., 93. Johnson, Sir John, 12. Jones, Lieut., 254. KEMBLE, 72. Kempenfeldt Bay, 64. Kempt, Gen., 318. Kent Militia, 265, 276. Kentucky, 11, 24, 215, 216, 334. Kerr, Capt., 275. Kew Gardens, 61. King, Capt., 162, 163. King's College, 13. King's Kettle, 26. Kingston, 18, 28, 33, 42, 168, 169, ]90, 191, 197, 20(5, 209, 237, 239, 240, 141, 242, 244, 2.56, 264, 271, 278, 279, 280, 291, 300, 319. King Street, 41. King Tp., 27. Kirby, Capt., 1G3. L'ACADIE, ^44. Lacolle, 164, 277, 278. L'uhj of the L(k<', The, 310. Lamont, Lieut., 162. Laroehe, Mr., G'i. Leader, Ensign, 254. Lee, Col., 11. Lee, Midshipman, 324. Legislative Council, 13. Leonard, Capt., 2(}(). Lewis, Cien., 187, 197, 201. Lewis, John, 91. Lewiston, 158, 261, 293, 333. Lincoln Militia, 265, 297. Lincoln's Inn, 35. Little York, 28. Liverpool, Lord, 53. London, 49, 5:^ 57, 104-124. Long Point, 13'.i, 218. Long Point Road, 334. Long Sault, 255. Longwoods, 276. Lord Mayor's Ikll, 110, 111, 112. Lord Mayor's Show, 72, 73, 74. Lorinir, Capt., 300. Lundy's Lane, 22G, 293-301, 302, 307, 310, 317, 327. Lyon, Lieut., 288. Lyon's Creek, 333. McANTIRE, Capt., 168. McArthur, Gen., 229, 334. McClure, Gen., 241, 258, 260, 261, 262. McDonell, Alex,, 71, 92, 106, 178. McDonell, Capt., 310. McDonell, Col. George, 39, 174, 175, 178, 246. McDonell, James, 72. McDonell, John, 43, 64, IGO, 131, 139, 145, 151, 153, 154, 156, 158, 159, 178. McDonough, Capt., 321, 324, 326. McDouall, Lieut. -Col., 313, 315. McEwen, Capt., 149, 157. 386 Ten Years of Upper Canada. ]'.<,■ II I w. McGill, Ann, 2G. McGregor, Capt., 27(3. McKiiy, Col., .31.S, 316. McLeiin, Allan. 44. McLean, Archibald, 44, G3, 149, 154, 150. McLean, Mr., 33. McMuhon, Ed., 185. McNab, Allan, 210, 213. Macaulay, Dr., 38, 40, 42, 55. Macaulay, (Jeorg*;, 38, 40. Macaulay, John, 1(3. Macaul'y, Liuut. (afterwards Sir J. H.). 38, 170. 178. Mackinaw, 133, 141, 244, 270, 311, 312. Macomb, (Jen., 2GG, 277, 319, 320, 320. Madison, Pros., 272. Maiden Fort. (See Fort Maiden.) Malone, 277. Mallory, lienj., 207. Malta, 08. Manchester, 201. Maiiclu'stcr, Duke of, 54. Mavkhaui, Tp., 27. Markland, ^\v., 28. Mariot, Mr., 00. Marstoii, Mr., 00. Maryland, 0, 10, 11. Matchedash, 314. Maule, Major, 205. Meigs' Fort, 214, 215, 210, 217. Meigs, G(jvernor, 215. Mercer, Andrew, 185. Mcrctn-.i, The (.j>uebec, 312. Merrit, 'Major, W. H. 149, 193, 198. Merritt, W. H.. 193, 198. Miami, Fort, 215. Miami Kiver, 173, 214, 215. Michigan, State of, 1(J5, 172, 244, 312. Michilliinackinac, 133, 105, 234, 312, 314, 315. Miller, G.n. , 290, 297, 329. Mintrva, The, 34, 30, 37. Mississauga, Fort, 284, 290. Molson, Mr. John, 29. Montniorenci Falls, 269. Montreal, 11, 12, 24, 28, 37, 38, 239, 240, 242, 243, 249, 251, 252, 255, 257, 204, 330. Montreal Gazette, 12. Moraviantown, 237, 244. Morrison, Col., 241, 243, 248, 253, 257, 274, 275, 279, 292, 293, 297, 300, 317. Morton, Lieut., 254. Mountain, Dr., 20. Muir, Major, 215, 239, 335. Murray, Col., 241, 259, 200. Mustard, (Jeo., 184. Myers, Col., 188. NAIRN, Capt., 254, 255. Napoleon. {Sec lionaparte. ) Nelles, Henry, 203, 204, 200. Nelles, Mr. Abraham, 24. Nelson Ti)., 27. Newark, 12, 101, 2(il, 202, 207. Newfoundland, 37. Newfoundland Fencibles, 102. Newgate, 53. Newj-i.-rt, 93, New Orleans, 24. New York, 10, 23, 39. Niagara Falls, 298, 300. Niagara Fort, 33, 70, 157, 101, 187, 188, 258, 2(i0, 2(i3, 204, 207, 271, 283, 284. Niagara, Town of, 11, 12, 37, 54, 109, 187, 189, 203, 205, 200, 209, 210, 223. 225, 288, 289, 291, 292, 2!>3, 299. Norfolk Co., 37. Northuudierland Co., 32. Nortlunnberland, Duke of, 34. North- West Company, 71, 92, 314. Norton, 204. O'KEEFE, Lieut., 85. O'Neil, Lieut. -Col., 209. Odelltown, 104, 244, 277, 320. Ogdcnsburg, 174, 319. Ogilvy, Col., 194, 195, 212, 202. Ohio River, 11. Ohiv, The 303, 304. Oldham, Mr., 42. Onondaga, 281. Ontario, Lake, 187, 189, 223. Ontario, River, 245. Ormsby, 189. Oswego, 190, 280, 281, 282. Ouisconain River, 313. Oxford, 93, 96, 103. PATTERSON, Capt., 38. Pearson, Col., 251, 252, 292, 309. Index. 387 Perceval, Spencer, 114, 117, 118, 123. Perrot, Isle, 249. Perry, Commodore, 217, 218, 220, 222, 22!), 234. Piccadilly, 57. Pickering Township, 27. Pike, Gen., 181, 183. Pilkington, Cnl., (i8, 70, 121, 123. Plattsburi,', 105, 250, 274, 275, 278, 317, 31!», 320, 321, 327. Playter, Eli, 18.'). Piendeilefith, .Major, 104, 195. Plymouth, 45, 4(i, 47, 59. PiDYupinr, The, 303, 305. Port Dover, 218, 284, 334. Porter, (ion., I(i4, 290, 298, 328, 329. Portsmouth, 29, 40. Port Talbot, :i7(i. Powell, Capt., 149, 309, 331. Powell, rhiuf .Justice, 185, 310. Powell, Dr., 185. Powell, Serjeant, 309. Power, (icn., 320, 322. Prairie du Cliien, 313. Prescott, 24!l, 251, 254, 209, 279, 282, 319. Press- gang, 40, 59. Presciu' Isle, 204, 218. Prevost, tSir (Jeorge, 127, 132, 145, 147, 101, 105, 189, 190, 211, 241. 202, 208, 21)2, 317 320, 322, 324, 320, 330. Primrose, The, 40. Prince, ]\Ir., 42, 44, 49, 50. Prhice Regent, 120, 100, 320. Prince, liuv. Thomas, 00. Proctor, CJeneral, 13(), 140, 105, 172, 173, 174, 193, 214, 210, 217, 222, 220, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 237, 238, 241, 250. Purdy, Col., 245, 240, 247. Put-in Bay, 219. QUEBEC, 12, 22, 28, 29, 37, 38, 41, 271. Queen's Rangers, 18. Queenston Heights, 148-100, 187, 188, 198, 199, 220, 201, 291, 293, 294, 290. Quinte, Bay of, 12. RADENHURST, John, 130. Raisin, River, 173. Riall, Gen., 201, 202, 284, 285, 280, 287, 288, 290, 291, 292, 293, 295, 290. Richardson, Major, 173. Ilichard.son, Reuben, 184. Richmond. Lieut , 254. Rid(.ut, George, 14, 10, 18, 19, 23, 28, 30, 31, 33, 43, 44, 54, 04, 114, 149, 1.58, l(i7, 184, 311. Ridout, Horace, 30. Ridout, John, 42, 170, 171, 273, 274, 275, 277. Ridout, Sam, 184, 274. Ridout, Thomas, !>, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, 22, 23, 20, 28, 34, 42, 53, 75, 180, 185, 203, 271, 278, 281, 288. Ridout, Thomas, C. E , 11. Ridout, TJK.mas (Jibbs, 14, 10, 19, 22, 25, 28, .31, 33, 34, 37, 38, .39, 40, 42, 47, 51, 57, 00, 01, 05, (17, 71, 77, 89, 91, 185, 203, 200, 210. 225, 220, 228, 243, 251, 254, 208, 209, 273, 274, 275, 270, 279, 281, 282, 317, 318,330, 337, 338. Ril)loy, (Jen., 200, 283, 285, 298, 29!>, 32!>, 330. Rol)ert.son, Lieut., 322. Robin. , 27. SchUisser, Fort, 201, ^Ol, 292, 293. Scott, C(j1., 25)0, 305-309, 318. Scott, General, 11. Scott, Gen. Winfield. 205, 24], 2(>r,, 283, 285, 280, 293, 294, J95, 298, 312. Sea Nymph, The, 40. Secord", Luura, 199, 200. Secord, Major, 287. Selby, Mr., 43, 51, W. Shank, Major, 17, 40. Sliaw, ..'Eneas, 129. Shawanese, 11, 75. Sheaffo, Col., 37. Slieaffe, General, 154, 155, 157, 161, 178, 180. Sliepton M<-.i;.t, 80. Sherbourne. !), 83, 87, 88. Sherrard, Capt., 289. Sherwood, Capt. Reuben, 274, 275. Sherwood, Mr., 23. Showers, ('apt., 270. Shultz, J. H., 184. Siddons, Mrs., 72. Sierra Leone, 21. Simcoe, Co. of, 20. Sinicoe, Lake, 54. Simcoe, Lieut. -Gov., 12, 14, 17, 18, 20, 33. Small, Dr., 90, 91. Small, John, 34, 35, 36, 90, 113. Small, Mr., 44. Smith, Col, 33. Smith, Sir D. W., 12, 33, 69, 90. Smythe, General, 158, 161, 163, 164, 165, 108. Snake Hill, 285, 303, 304, 305, 306, 309. Snake Island, 244. Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, 44. Somers, The, 303, 304. Speedy, The, 20. Spence, Capt., 300. Spring Wells, 141, 143. Squaw Island, 304. StafTordshire, 90. Stanton, Robert, 22, 30, 63, 149, 184. Steele Mr., 18. Stephenson, Fort, 217. Stone, Col., 291. Stoney Creek, 192, 199, 317, 319. Strachan, Rt. Rev. Dr., 13, 16, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 25, 35, 63, 04, 71, 76, 149, 1^--, 270. Street's Creek, 28(5. Stuart, Mr., 38, 42, 43, 54, 64. Stuart, Hev. John, 54. St. Al})ans, 11(1, 117. St. Catharines, 241. St. Clair, (General, 11. St. David's, 203, L'0(!. 212, 291. St. Francis, Lake, 251. St. (ieorge, Mr., 23, 4], 42. St. James' Cathedral, 171. St. Joseph, 132, 133, 314. St. Paul's, 52. St. Regis, 250, 257. St. Regis Indians, 5(). St. Thorn 334. TALBOT, Fort. (See Fort Talbot.) Taunton, 84. Tecumseh, 134, 135, 136, 139, 140, 141, 145, 172, 214, 216, 217, 229, 231, 232, 233, 235. Thames, River (Can.), 276. Thames, The River, (Eng.), 57. Thomi>son, Andrew, 185. Th()mps7 tS;. 2?;, 4i' *2' 1^'' i-l'^, l«'i, 179,' 187, 190, 205, 200, 207, 212 2G3 200, 28(J, 287,291. ' York, Township, 27. York, West Riding of, 13. Youngstown, 2G1. *^RM