Toronto, October 26, Dear Sir : At the last meeting of the Central Executive of the Irish Home Rule Fund, it was decided to forward pamphlets containing the proceedings of the Blake Demonstration held in this city on the 19th September, to friends favorable to the cause, and inviting at the same time their active co-operation in the movement. In pursuance of that object I take the liberty of sending you copies of the pamphlet by this mail, and urgently request that you will call together those in your neighborhood, in sympathy with Ireland, for the purpose of providing means for her assistance in what is confidently believed to be her last struggle to regain her legislative independence. Hoping to hear from you in the matter at }our first convenience, I am yours repectfully, JOHN L. LP:E, Secretary, 10 Adelaide Street East. i>*.. -$.^•1^ ND - c^-a JflE Bl,/^[^^ D^fT^Oj^SJI^/^JIOj\|. PAVILIOI, HORTICULTUIUL GARDENS, Monday Evening, Sept. igxH '-■■h- " '^' THE BLAKE DEMONSTRATION AT THE PAYILION, HORTICULTURAL GARDEXS, Monday Evening SfiPTEMnKR 19x11, 1892. FULL REPORT OF THE PROCEEDINGS. The Blake Demonstration, held in the Pavilion, Horticultural Gardens, on Monday evening, September 19Db, was one of the largest and most re- spectable that was ever witiietsed with- in the walls of that spacious building ; andwhen the chairman, Senator Frank Smitti, took his place on the platform, having on his right and left the member for South Longford and his Grace the Archbishop of Toronto, Most Rev. John Walsh, the very rafters shook with cheers, repeated again and again for several minutes. On the stage, besides these distinguish- ed gentlemen, were : Hon. John Oostigan, Senator Sulli- van (Kingston), Hon. Peter Mitchell, Rev. Dr. Burns (Hamilton) Monsignor Rooney, James McMullen, M. P., Father O'Reilly, Patrick Boyle, J. D. Edgar, M.P., Hon. R. Harcourt, Hon. A. S. Hardy, James Innes, M.P., D. Guthrie, M. P. P. ; Sheriff McKim, Guelph ; J. K. Kerr, Q C, Rev. Dr. Dewarfc, Robert Jaffray ; Capt. Larkin, St. Catharines ; A. F. Jury, Senator O'Donohoe, Rev. Chas. Duff, Rev. James Grant, Cornelius Flanrigan, Major Manley, Aid. Leslie, C. A. Burns, Dr. Parnell, Ottawa; T. Mul- cahey, Orillia ; John Mallou, Dean Oassidy, N. G. Bigelow, M.P.1\, Hon. Anglin, Dr. Chamberlain, E. T. INla- lone ; Dean Harris, St. Catharines ; Rev. A. P. Finan, Rev. J. Kilcullen ; Edward O'Connor, Guelph ; Col. Hig. ginbothara, Guelph ; J, \V. Fitzgerald, Peterborough ; John Cronin, B. B. Hughes ; Senator R. W. Scott, Ottawa ; John McKeown, county attorney, Lincoln ; W. J. Holland, Lawrence Cosgrave ; Rev. A. J. Kreidt, Niagara Falls J Rev. J. F. McRridp. D. A. Oarey, Bryan Lynch, Wro. Morrison, Scotland ; J. P. ; Dr. T. J. Hirchari M. Teefy, J.P., Riclim/ Aid. James O'Brien, Hamilton ; C. J. McCa( nedy, John Falvey, Fa J. Oosgra^e, J. J., F^yl Ryan, James Kyan, Jot P. Falvey ; F. J'^airen, Cahill, Peterborough ; FatI Vicar-Genera! MuCann, Fatl Gearin, T. W. Beinton, Father J\ltne- ban ; George R. Pattullo, registrar, Woodft'ck: Father James Walsh, J. P. Murray ; Aid. James Ruddin, Liverool, England ; Faiher Brennan, C. T L.ng, Dr. Bergin, M.P.. J. L., Lee, Frail k Lee, Thomas Hetfcrnan, C. Burns, J. P. Among those noticed in the audience were : Jas. Mays, Dennis ( offee, Wtn. Carroll, G. W. Field, F. Armstrrng, Lynch Gladstone, Aid. Bump, F. G. Inwood, Aid. Gowanlock, A. G. Gowanlock, John Hoskin, Q ('., W. T. R. Preston, John Burns, W. R. Doane, T. Thomson, James Stewart, Dr. Avison, Mrs. Frank Smith and party, Robert MacLean, W. L. Huddart, George Cloutier, D. E. Cameron, ex-Ald. Steiner, J. S. Willi- son, Archibald Blue, ex Aid. Pape, M. Walsh, H. Denton, John Morison, P. Janiieson, J. J. Ryan, exAld. Hewitt, Jas. O'Hearn, W. B. Hamilton, J. N. Blake, John Miller, J. J. Alworth, Richard Lewis, Thomas Higains, Frank Pedley, Wm. Houston, Thos. Raid, (J. VV. Kerr. The building was hung with green and white bunting, and at every nook .w^-^ and cranny back of the bi^ platform were strunj^ tuonater Uuian .laskg. Behind the chairman and above the heudii of the distinguiihed gtithering on the platform were two large ban- ners. On the topmoat one of these wa"? printed in bright letters the words, " Welcome to the member for South Longford." THE CHAIRMAN'S WELCOME. The chairman, on rising, was re- ceived with a loud burst of applause. After it subsided he said : Ladiks and Gkntleaibn — I am some- what emburrassed to-uight to be placed in this proud position as chairman of this noble gathering. While embarras- sed, however, I feel proud to have been chosen to welcome a gentleman from Ireland who left Canada to assist and do justice to the cause of Ireland. (Prolonged applause.) Mr. Blake went over to Ireland, gave his time and ability in the cause of that great people, and waa honored by being elpcted as member of the liritish House of Parliament for South Long- ford. Hia election I hop ) will bring peace and happiness to Ireland and unity and strength to the empire. (Renewed cheers.) The bon. gentle- man at my side feels as I feel, and as every true Irish son feels, that we belong to the empire called Great Britain and Ireland. (Great cheer- ing.) I stand here to-night as a son of the empire and not to ask separa- tion in any shape or form. I stand here to condemn the man who does hope for separation. (Applause.) I stand here to ask for the rights and liberties for Ireland such as all British subjects should enjoy. A local parlia- ment for the E'nerald I>tle somewhat similar to our Oduadian Parliament is what we would all hail with joy. It may not be possible to get everything on the same lines, but let us have it as nearly as possible. (Cheers.) Since the year 1837, when we had lamented troubles here, since England saw ho to grant us a respoasibie government, we have worked for the union of the empire, and none of my ft^Uow- countrymen during those troubles wanted a separation from the empire. I had Odgoode Mall for my barracks during those trying times, and have ever since been prepared, like 95 per cent of my ft-Uow countrymen, to shoulder arms in defence of the fltig we love (Cheers.) In Ireland we are coming daily to a more satisfactory state of atfdiirs, and I predict that in a very few years prosperity and happi* ne83 will reign supreme in that country from the extreme north to the extreme south. I remember the time when her Majesty was crowned, and since she ascended the throne Irishmen could look back and say that she had not done anything to molest that little isle, (Applause.) I am here to-night to ask for local legiiilation and welcome any fellow countryman on that line. Tne sons of Ireland are entitled to it. The English people are slow to act, but the tirst instalment has been given by the last general elect'oo. The clock has struck one in England for Home Rule and that clock will not go back. (Great applause.) We may see on placards : " The Empire's in danger," but I would ask any sensible person, is Mr. Gladstone the one to put the Empire in danger 1 (No ! no ! and applause.) The sons of Ireland have never betrayed their country aiid their Queen. And as Wellington said at Waterloo, " These sons of Ireland will bring lustre to the British Crown." (Chefsrs.) Hon. Edward Blake, 1 be- lieve, is asgood a son of Ireland as any man living. (Tremendous cheering) And further, he is as good a British sub- JHCt as can be found within our great Empire. (Prolonged applause.) If he were not he would have few to support him here to-night. We ail believe that union with EigUnd is our future, and therefore we ask E igland to give us local self govern mt it. In conclusion the chairman expressed his firm belief that Home Rule was almost an accom- plished fact. REV. DR. BURNS' SPEECH. "R^v. Dr. Burns, of Hamilton, one of the mnBt prominent of I'roteatant Home Rulers in Canada, to whom had been entrusted the pleasant task of reading the address of welcome to Mr. Blake, stepped forward amid tumultu- ous applause and roused the enthu- siasm of his hearc^ra in a few prelimi- nary words. He couiplimented Toronto on the honor she had done herself in thus honoring one of her sons. The man who thought otherwiso was out of place and had lost both latitude and longitude. Not the hoi poli but the very cream of the people of Toronto of all shades of politics iiad assemblt'd not only to do honor to a man ninety- nine and nine-nitiths of whom all respt^cted, but to show their opinion on the great question of self-govern- ment. (Cueers ) All must feel, as he felt, the wish to live under a system of self-government. All must feel the desire for self-government tingling through their veins and going clean throuyh their being, and the feeling too, " I will award to every son of Adam, to every daughter of Eve, that which I desire for myself." (Oheers.) It was part of the eternal titness of things that Toronto should honor Blake. It had been said ♦:hat Irishmen were constantly grumbling. That was nothing to o' j-ct to. The most ter- rible thing said of the slave in the S luthern States was that he was as happy in slavery as if he were free. God help human nature that could become so degraded as not to feel the foot upon its neck. All honor to the Irish people for saying, "Not yet; don't rank us yet as slaves, for we are not." (Applause.) Turning to the land laws of Ireland Dr. Burns said one heard continually that they were the best in the world. But these laws were made for tenants. Were the yeomanry of Ireland to remain forever tenant s 1 Seventy-seven per cent, were tenants at will, 20 per cent, held by fixed tenure, while little over 3 per cent, of the people owned the land they tilled. Until the time came when the people of Ireland should own the land they tilled he would not rest content. lu Belgium not less than 1,0G9 000 of the people lived upon their own land, and as owners were naturally loyal. To press home the lesson of the necessity for reuniting Ireland in bonds of peace to Great Britian, the speaker quoted the case of RuH'*ia during the Crimean war, when during the worst period of the strife with the allies she had to maintain 200,OoO of the flower of her army watching a Poland goaled to desperation. With a clear, clarion tone the speaker, amid tremendous cheering, cried, "I do not wish Ireland to be jifaoled in that way. They speak of the Empire being in danger. There are a thousand men within sound of my voice who would spring to the defence of the Empire were it in dan- ger. Oh, bring peace to my native land ! bring peace ! and you may withdraw your police ; you may take away your 35,000 bayonets, and she will send you a regiment more from every county to fight for the Empire 1" (Cheers.) After speaking of the splendid effect that he anticipa'^ed from the broad spirit of catholicity shown by Mr. Bake, Dr. Burns read the following •' To the Hon. ETlward Blako, LL D Mr , tt)i' aoutli Longford iu the British 'lloiise of (oiiimons : deliKht that we ^-roet you lUis cv.-uin^' and welcoj.u. ytu iu llje uuuie of your u.iiul.erieis frifi.ds !ni|l admirers scattered everywhere t.roash the leugth and breadth of oL- broa.l Doiuiniou. We are not liere to-nlL'ht came is amonyst us a household Word. ■whose youth was passed amid our own t'an- a.lian colii-e haunts, wliose comi.reheusive e'juolarslup and commanding,' elove de- niaud rhat others be introduced. I'oor Ire- laud has had enough of State churctii>iiu. Uer religious dissensions have wrilteu her darkest histoiy, and we would devoutly pray that the Irish bill may be so framed as to render n recurienr;e of religious strife Im- POiiSlUe. 'Xhii CatUolic soutJi ueeds the Prp- rf'.=nant noilli, ixm tlie rroleslirnt iioflh needs (he Catholic south, and to a nulled Ireland there would come u new heaven and a new earth la the Motherhood and co-oper- iitlon of 111 r Muns. '• As a n^prcsenl.itlve and chainiilou of these; thoughts wt; greet you lo-nlgiit. "And we coiigralnlate you, Mr, <>n the warm ainl generous reci'idlon awarded you In whit nilglit well be calletl your trium- phal procession. We watclK.'d closely your every movement. \Ve ri'ad eageny evi-ry st'iileiice t'oniiectcd with your nanu-. The grtuit heart of lOiulind, In its independent press, sounded your lU'alsc, and rcqiectablc oppoueiiis vied with each oilier in aiipre- ciaiion of your talents. Ui coiiisc, <-ynlcal mediocrity on both sides of tlic Atlamlc siiajiped and snarled as jier insiructhm, nor co'.ild you stooii lo notice. "Of the ultimate triumph of your cause, sir, we have not tlie slightest doubt. ICvery day of delay is a loss to lOngland, Scotland and \Nales as much as to Ireland. Von, sir, will sec its triumidial passage, l-'or, when next iiii'sented to the I!ritl>-'ii Commons by Mr. (Jiadstone and sni»i)orled by tlie bril- liant galavy of which he is tlie ceiitie, the message of peace will be iiresented to Ire- land by a majority transcending that of mere party. " We assure you, sir, that In greeting you to-r.lght we feel individually honored. You have brought back to us a reiiiitatlon as unsullied as Ihat you ciu'ricd away, and a. fame widened by every draft niadi! uikui your talents, "ihe cause you have esiioused is dear to every lover of lilieriy. Your nies- .saue is one of i-cacc, not of hate. You cairy tl< r-oilvt- branch, not the torch nor the sudi-d. and In your patriotic and peace- ful mission we bid you Codsiieetl in ceiiicm- in-.;- liearts tliat should never have been alienated, and .so iiarmonlsiug elemenis thai have been too long (li^,corll.■lul, that we shall be able lo say with a sigiiilicance ami <'ai- pbasis liillierto iiiai»proiiriate • 'I'lie I'liiled Kingdom of tJreat ISriialn and Ireland.' " Ou behalf of the home r-ilers of Canada, " FiiANK Smith. " President of Blakc Reception. "A. Burns, " First Vice-President. ••B. Lynch, "Scoiid Vice-President. "John L. Lki;, " Secretary. " Pathick Boyle, "Treasurer, ■' Toronto, September 19:h, 1892." Upon rising lo reply Mr. l>!ake wa3 receivpd with a magniticeut and pro- longed ovation. In every part >£ the hall, in the remotest galleries, a» well as the platform, ladies and gentlemen rose in their seats, waved their hand- kerchiefs, their hats, their parasols, anything that was suitable, and cheered, while Mr. Blake stood silent, smiling behind bis spectacles. Mr. Blake's Speech. Mu. OiiAiitMAN, Ladies and Gk\- TLKMKN— I feel thut I must, even on this occasion, postpone for a moment the language of thatika to give utter- ance to the language of regret, I cannot but remember that on the last evening, not so very long ago, when I stood upon this platform to address an audience, I dare say numbering many of those whom I have the pleasure of meeting to-night, we were gathered together to hear one of Ireland's gifted sons speak to us upon the subject of oratory ; and that the lamented Daniel Dougherty has but a few days since passed away from the country which he adorned and enlightened for so many years (Applause.) Having said so much, which was due to him, I must ask you to forget for the rest of the evening that occasion, the lessons we then learned, and the man who enforced them, because I fee) that my part, ditlicult enough at any rate, would become impossible if you were ungenerous enough to contrast ray poor efforts with the eloquence which then enlightened and instructed us. I have to thank you, and I shall only say I thank you, for any attempt in more elaborate words to express my feelings would be an utter failure; I have to thank you for the great cor- diality of this reception, and for the language, altogether beyond my merits, in which you have been pleased to couch your very kindly feelings. However flatteiing that reception and those words must be, 1 yet should have felt a difficulty in accepting a d«'monstration, even so mugtiilioent as this, had it been in any sense limited or exclusive in point of race or creed or political local alHliation. ( Applause.) For it has been my constant etl'ort to make this rjueslion rather a common meeting ground for Canadians of what- ever race or creed or of whatever local party politics. (Applause.) I have believed that four- fifths and more of our people, from Halifax to Vancouver, favored Home Rule for Ireland — (pro- longed cheering) — and that if we took care to avoid embarrassing the expres- sion of public opinion by the introduc- tion of any such questions as those of race, of creed, or of local politics, Canada as a whole could upon this subject speak with an entirely com- manding and an all but absolutely unanimous voice. I have believed that such a voice would be potent towards the success of the struggle ; and so believing, I have felt it a sacred duty to preserve all the elements which might make that voice as strong, as clear, as harmonious as possible. I recognize that there are in Canada a few opponents of Home Rule, mainly, I think, members of one association r that I won't name to-night; some within and some without its ranks being opprneuts through honest fear and misapprehension, and others through long-continued prejudice and aversion. But, making all allowances, we are as a people favorable to Home Rule for Ireland. (Cheers.) I think it important, ladies and gentlemen, at the very opening of my remarks, important under any circum- stances, but specially important in view of the tone and attitude taken in certain quarters in this city in reference to this event, to recall to your recollec- tion the course of proceedings on the subject of Home Rule in your national Assembly, in the ('anadian House of Commons. In that Assembly three different Parliaments, elected upon three several occa^'ionSjhave at different times during the past ten years spoken upon this question. The Parliament elected in ISTcS spoke in 1882, upon an address moved by Mr. Costigan, now present, supported by Sir John Macdonald, then the leader of the Government and of the Conservative party, and also supported by myself, at that time leader of the Liberal party. (Applause.) That address was carried with suVjstantial unanimity. A couple of the members of the association to which I have referred did, indeed, dissent in speech ; some more may, perhaps, have dissented in spirit ; none dissented by vote. (Applause.) What was that utterance? I wish 'you to mark its words. You will find them important in dealing with this question to-day. It declared to the Queen that the Commons of Canada had observed with feelings of profound regret and concern the distress and discontent which had for some time prevailed in Ireland ; that the Irishmen of Canada were amongst the most loyal and most prosperous and most contented of her Majesty's subjects ; that the Dominion, which offered the greatest advantages and attractions for fellow-subjects, did not receive its fair proportion of immigra&tB from Ireland, and that this was largely due to feelings of estrange- ment towards the Imperial Govern- ment, and was undesirable in the interests of the Dominion and of the empire ; that Canada and Canadians had prospered exceedingly under the Federal system allowing to each Pro- vince of the Dominion considerable powers of self government; and it expressed the hope that, if consistent with the integrity and well being of the Empire, and if the rights and status of the minority were fully pro- tected and secured, some m^ans might be found of meeting the expressed desire of so many Irish subjects in that regard ; so that Irishmen might be- come a source of strength to the Empire, and that Irishmen at home and abroad might feel the same pride in the greatness of the Empire, the same veneration for the justice of the Queen's rule, the same devotion to and affection for the common flag as are now felt by all classes in the Dominion. It also asked for clemency for the political prisoners then lodged as sus- pects at Kilmainham, I do not nretend that the language of that address altogether pleased me. Then, as on all subsequent occasions, I would have preferred a more decided tone. But I state that now historically only, not controversially ; because I am well aware that there were difficul- ties in the way of Mr. Costigan and his friends, of which they were better j.idges than I could be. Such as the address was I supported it with all my might. I felt that it was a great help to the cause, and I assisted in its passage. Mr. Gladstone did not think the question was at that time one of practical politics ; but I believe that our action was one of the many forces that were bringing it into the realm of practical politics — (hear, hear, and applause) — and I believe, that at any rate, it was well for Canada that she should show, as she did show, a deep interest in this Imperial con- cern, which so closely touched the in- terests and the honor of the Empire, 9 and the welfare vt Canada herself. (Cheers.) Time passed ; the Irish masses ob- tained popular representation, and as a result four-Qfths of the Irish seats were taken by Nationalist representa- tives. (Applause.) Mr. Gladstone act- ed, and in 1886, in a Parliament not elected on the question, and in a con- dition of public opinion not ripened for action upon it, he brought in the Bill of that year. I could not give my assent to some of the provisions of that bill, notably to that which excluded the Irish from the Westminster "-rlia- ment — (hear, hear, and ajtplause) — and many British Liberals were of the same opinion. But Mr. Gladstone's offer, as to the terms upon which he asked that the second reading should be acceded to by the supporters of Home Rule, was substantially that it should be taken as a simple agreement to the general principle of an efficient measure of local government for Ire- land, reserving all details, including that very important detail of the representation at Westminster. The question, notwithstanding, hung in the balance. The decision of those who later became, as they called themselves. Liberal Unionists, but as I believe, disuuionist" and separatists — (hear, hear, and applause) — was at that tin^? still uncertain. I thought the occasion critical and our help morally important. A new Oanariian Prtrlianient had in the mean- time bfen chosen. I moved accord- ingly ; and my friend, Mr. Costigan, who had since the former occasion succeeded to Ministerial honors, carried an amendment — not, I once again con- fess, in my opinion, an improveraent. I dare say I was a little piirtial to the child of my owu brains ; hut he carried what he called an amendment. That having been carried, I voted for the proposition as so amended, in concert with the whole recorded vote of the Hou'^e save only six members. One of ihem voted against the resolution, not because he was not a friend of Home Rule, but because he thought the amended resolution was not strong enough. That was my friend Mr. Mitchell, who is on the platform here. (Laughter and applause.) The other live I am afraid did not vote for that reason, and I fancy the greater part of them belonged to the association to which I have referred — (laughter) — though, on the other hand, I am glad to say that many prominent mem- bers of that association voted with the majority on that occasion. (Cheers.) Thus, by a practically unanimous resolution in the year 188G we re-stated and re-affirmed our resolution of 1882, and thus a second Canadian House of Commons spoke in the same sense, with all the advantage given by four years'consideration, by a fresh election, by the advance thai the question had made throughout the world meantime, and by the circumstance that an Imperial Bill was on the carpet. Dur- ing that debate I took occasion to state my principle of action on this question, and I quote it to you now so that you may see how early it was stated and how sedulously it has been guarded since. I said this : " VV^hat is required is the assurance not of one, but of all classes ; not of a section, but of the people j not of a Minister of the Crown, but of the Commons of Canada ; not of the Irish Catholio members, but of the French and English, Scotch, Irish and German, of all creeds and of all nacionalities. * * I therefore speak, but not as a Reformer or as a party leader ; I speak as a Canadian and a citizen of the empire to brother Canadians and fellow citizens of the Empire. Thi.s is not a Protestant or Catholic question ; they are enemies of their country who would make it so. It should not be, in Canada at all events, a Conservative or Reform measure. I regard those as enemies of their country who would try to make it so. I hope that we may, by our own action this day, show ourselves united in the redress of 10 wrongs and ia the advancement of the cauae of liberty." So, substantially, we did act, though with les3 decision than I, for one, could have wished. But Mr Gladstone was beaten by ,30 votes. The English Parliament waa dissolved, and the Home Rule Government was beaten, by a small popular, but a great parlia- mentary majority. The times looked dark indeed. Our Parliament about the same time was also dissolved. A new House fresh from the people met in each country ; and in Englaud the deplorable Crimes Bill was intro- duced. Seeing its introduction, .Mr. Ourran, a Canadian Conservative, moved in the Canadian House of Com- mons a resolution looking to the re- ailirraance by the new House of the views already twice expressed as to local government for Ireland, but mainly directed against the Crimes or Coercion Bill then pending. There was a division of opinion as to the propriety of moving against the Crimes Bill. Mr. McNeill proposed an amendment, "vhich declined to deal with the Crimes Bill and re-a(Hrmed the expressions of the former House as to Home Rule. Mr. McCarthy pro- posed an amendment, which, without any such reafHrmance, declined to express an opinion on the Crimes Bill. These amendment.s were defeated by overwhelming majorities. Then Mr. Uavin moved an amendment, express- ing the regret of the House at learning that it was considered necessary to pass a coercive measure for Ireland ; and re-atlirraing the conviction, as ex- pressed in the resolutions of 1882 and 188G, that a plan of local government for Ireland, which would leave unim- paired the links connecting Ireland with the British Empire and guard the rights of the minority, would be con- ducive to the prosperity of Ireland and the stability of the Empire. To this amendment Sir John Macdonald lent his powerful support. It mustered, however, only 59 votes, while against it were no less than 128. I had pointed out early in the debate some improvements which I thought might be made in Mr. Curran'a resolu- tion. Thpse he adopted, and his resolu- tion was adopted by 1 35 to 47 . But mark this : While that niHJority is imposing, it did not show the full extent of the feeling of the House in favor of Home Rule ; for the adverse minority was opposed only to dealing with the Crimes Bill. But of the 47 who voted in that minority, no less than 44 were present and voted for Mr. Davin's ampudment, which was in favor of Home Rule, and thus proclaimed their contiiiut d adhesion to Home Rule for Ireland ; so that once again there was practicul unanimity in the last of the three Canadian Houses in favor of Home Rule. Now, what was this last expression, so far as it relates to the only presently material question, HomeRuU;'? After referring to the former resolutions it says : "The House again expresses the hope that there may speedily be granted to Ireland a substantial meas- ure of Home Rule which, while satisfy- ing the national aspirations of the people of Ireland for self-government, shall also be consistent vith the in- tegrity of the Empire as a whole. That the granting of Home Rule to Ireland will fittingly crown the already glorious reign of her jMost Gracious Majesty as a constitutional sovereign, will come with special appropriateness in thi.s her jubilee year, and, if possible, render her Majesty more dear tn the hearts of her already devoteu and loyal subjects." Thf^se sanguine hopes were not realised. 7'he jubilee year was not so crowned. The odious Crimes Bill waa passed. The elFort of Lord Salisbury to deal with Ireland on anti-Home Rule lines lasted for six weary years. The Irish people on the whole, though with exceptions, showed during that time great patience and mor 'ration. (Applause.) Feelings born of a new emotion, that of hope in a great Eng- 11 lish party, of hope in the British de- mocracy, of hope in tho moral force of the opinion of the world, restrained them. (Cheers.) The blessed work of healing aad recoticilialion went on. The belief that Britain would ulti- mately be just and generous, the knowledge that British statesmen and the British masses were looking at Ireland for themselves, and were de- termined to heal the acre if possible, soothed and sustained the Irish people. The great work of popular education went on in Britain ; its progress be- came manifest ; everything pointed to a decisiva victory. Then cam (3 the dis- covery of Mr. Parnell's fault, and his lamentable ftili, with all the unhappy episodes and divisions that accom- panied it. Thus for a time all energies seemed paralysed, all hopes blighted. The prospects of the election were seri- ously affected ; and no doubt, to antici- pate events for one moment, but for this and certain other minor divisions, the majority actually obtained in the end would have been greatly increased. It was as that election approached, under those difficult circumstances, that I received the call, my aoce|)tance of which is the occasion of this demon- stration. (Prolonged applause.) The objection has been taken to my course, that every man '' .ves a first duty to his own land, and that I should, instead of going to England, have taken part in public life in Canada. I wholly agree as to the first duty of every citizen of a country to his own land, and I hope that in earlier years and more fortunate circumstances I have shown myself not wholly neglectful of that duty to my fellow countrymen. (Cheers.) In pursuance of that view I have on all former occasions always discounten- anced and rejected the Hatteri.ig sug- gestions which have occasionally been made of my removal to what was thought a wider sphere. My own country was and is good enough for me — (tremendous cheers) — and I clung to her service while I could. But cir- cumstances, which it is needless now to detail, had divorced me from that service, and after full consideration I had come to the conclusion that it must be left to time either to settle or to eliminate tho diU'erence of opinion which subsisted between mo and those with whom I had acted, and with whom upon all other than one question I was still desirous to act in Canadian public life. (Cheers.) Thus it had happened that when this invitatiozi reached me I had turned to those Other spheres of usefulness which remained open to me, those of our University, not far from this spot, and of the Provincial Law Society, of which I was the head, and was giving to them the time which I had formerly devoted to politics. I had also been engaged for a year or so in the pleasing task of making the acouaintance of my own family, which your service had prevented my accomplishing for 2') years before (laughter), and of re- suming some slight connection with the profession from which your service had also detached me for a very long period. There were ties enough, then, of relationship and friendship, of busi- ness and affairs, of minor, but still very important duties, to make me feel in every nerve and fibre the loss involved in acceptance. But I deny, for the reasons I have already given, that there existed that prior tie of political duty which has been invented by my critics ; and I did not hesitate. Why 1 Because I thought th.it next to that supreme duty came my public duty to the country of my origin, and to tho Empire of which 1 was a humble citizen. (Cheers.) I believed that the election was a critical one, in which even the slightest impulse might per- haps assist. I saw the Irish cause in serious peril through unhappy divisions. I respected the judgment of the Irish leaders who called me. I did not choose upon my own unaided judgment to overrule their view. And i will add that I did believe that in some as- pect, at any rate, my knowledge and experience in the practical working of (12 Home Rule might enable me to give some help in constructing and ex- pounding a scheme of Home Rule. I felt a deep love and sympathy for the Irish race and an honest pride in the Empire to which I belong, and I believed from my soul that Home Rule was essential to the well-being of both. (Continued applause.) Some have professed to read my mind, and have attributed to me as motives expectations of a lead in the Irish party, of a place in Mr. Gladstone's Government, of a judgeship, or of some titular honor. I might, I think, pretty safely appeal to my public career amongst you as the best evidence that I have never wished either lead, or office or honors. (Loud and continued cheering) I have refused them as often as I could ; I have accepted them as seldom as I could ; and I have resigned them as soon as I could. (Laughter and applause.) But the idea of stepping into the Irish lead over the heads of able and devoted men, familiar with the ground, who had fought the battle, had suffered the loss, and had all but won the victory, is too preposterous for serious discussion. The idea of political office is even more absurd. The very foundation of that Irish party which I was asked to join was absolute independence, until Home Rule were won, of all English political parties, and refusal of all political office, (Hear, hear.) Judicial office was equally absurd, for I was not even a member of the Bar. As to honors, you know by voice and action my views on these. None of these things were attainable by me in England if I desired them ; nor, had they been attainable, were they desired. It was too late for me to begin a new career in such a sphere. I might indeed easily lose, I was certainly risking an acquired reputation of which I thought I had some right to be proud. But I could not hope, at my time of life, and under these new circumstances, to gain a fresh one. And had all these things been otherwise with me, my ties to homo and country were too numerous and too strong for me to dream of severance. I have enlisted, indeed, for a campaign, but its most joyful day for me will be that which releases me to return to my own fireside. (Cheers.) But there was, I will admit, another feeling animating me, which I have not yet stated. I make no profession, God forbid that I should, to be in any sense the delegate or representative of any Canadian interest or party, even of any single man, still less of this great country, I claim no title to speak in your name or in your behalf abroad. But I did think and hope that I was going to further a cause dear to the hearts of the great body of the Canadian people — a cause which had stirred their noblest feelings, and which it would be pleasing to them that one of their own sons should, how- ever slightly, promote. (Cheers.) And now, forsooth, because you have been good enough to greet me on my return amongst you for a few weeks, and to express your favor for Home Rule, I am told that 1 have done wrong in accepting this kindness at ;, our hands, and that I am responsi- ble for bringing strife and division among you. I am told that Canada has nothing to do with Home Rule ; that Canada does not, in truth, favor Home Rule ; that I am connected with a disgraced and falling cause ; and that some counter demonstration must be held at once to wipe out the stain of this reception, and to signify to Britain the true opinion of Toronto and of Canada as to Home Rule. Sir, I think we may atlbrd to treat this action with great good humor. (Applause.) We may differ indeed as to its taste, but apart from the question of taste it is not of very much import. I know, as I have told you, that Canada is not literally unanimous for Home Rule. I know that in this great city, where certain elements are so strong, it is the easiest thing in the world to gather a meeting against it. 13 I know that many mnmbera of the association to which I have referred, and some others, are opposed to Heme Rule. Bat this I know, that the Liberal party U practically unanimoua in favor of Home Rule — (applause) — that of the Conservative party a largn majority are in its favor ; that in all four out of every five Canadians, fs I said before, are in favor of Home Rule. (Cheers.) Now, I have not the ieast objection in the world to the meeting together of the small minority against us ; I have not the least objection in the world to their passing their resolutions and expressing their views. But I respectfully decline to accept their verdict. (Cheers.) Why this disin- clination to ventilate this question here ; why this crying out about strife and division? You know it is because the objectors know that they are but an insignificant fraction of our whole Canadian people, and they don't want the decision of the Canadian people freely given. Sir, I appeal unto Ctesar. I invite friends of Home Rule of whatever creed or race or party to see that at the next session of the Canadian Parliament, in the fourth House elected since the question became a burning one, that House shall, like its predecessors, give an expression of the opinion of the Canadian people upon this question. (Cheers.) I appeal trora the murmurs of the Auditorium to the voice of the nation. (Renewed cheers.) I invite all friends to take care that the cause suffers no damage from any insinuation that our z al has grown slack or our opinions have changed. The battle is not yet won. Onr cause, though not disgraced or failing, is yet in a critical condition. It has enormously advanced, but it must move further yet. We have much to cheer us. We have converted an anti- Home Rule House into a Home Rule House — (applause). We have taken on an exhaustive poll a popular major- ity in Great Britain and Ireland three or four times as great as that of Lord Salisbury in the last House. We have installed, by that vote of the members of the new House of which I was permitted to be one, a Home Rule Government, on an occasion which will be hereafter regarded as historic, when, out of 668 men who could have voted, 665 were present in their places and participated in the division. We have killed the Coercion Act — (cheers) — and next February I hope to assist at those funeral ceremonies, by which it shall be consigned to a dishonorable grave. We expect with confidence a Home Rule bill to be presented to that I'arliament, such as f )r ten years the Canadian Commons has asked. We hope to pass that Bill through the English Commons. But we have to meet great difKcul- ties of detail in its construction. We have to deal with divisions in the Irish ranks. We have to repress extremists who may, for faction's sake, put all in peril; to hearten timid men; to enlight- en uninformed m^n ; to combat the desperate forces of religious prejudice and class ascendancy, and to grapple with a great loa I of other questions ; and all this with a Commons majority of only 40 and a hostile House of Lords. VV e need your help in Canada. {\ voice — You have got it.) Ana 1 claim with confidence from you Umt great moral support which you can extend by renewed expressions of sympathy from the Canadian people through their representatives, address- ed to the situation as it stands to-day. Let not the whispers or intrigues of a * baffled and beaten minority be potent to check or hush the voice of the nation j but speak your mind with freedom ! I appeal to my old political friends to co operate, as under my lead they were used on this question to co- operate with my old political oppon- ents, and to 6ee that Canada speaks again with a united and determined voice, as she spoke in the days gone by. (Hear, hear.) These are the d«y8 of public opinion and of moral force. Do not then 14 111 errate your power ; do not neglect your solotnn duty. So much I have said to my fellow- countrymen, to all creeds and races. To my fellow-countrymen of the Irish race, I have to make a further appeal, VVhilni they and I ask for the sympathy and moral support of all, we do not choose to beg of those of other races that material aid which we may freely claim from our own people. And you who are my fellow countrymen in the sense in which 1 speak, you of the Irish race, to which I also belong, will readily see that the cousequences of the scliism, including the detention of the large Paris fund, and its injurious ellects at home and abroad, have greatly impaired the resources of the National Federation. The demands on it for evicted tenants, pending inquiry into their cases, and that legislative action which we expect next session ; the demands upon it for elections and protests, for organization and main- tenance of the political movement are heavy and urgent. I fear that the prospects for the Irish crops are not so favorable or promising as they were a few weeks ago, while the prices of cattle and sheep are desper- ately low. This will affect the capacity of Ireland herself to help, as she has helped according to her power in the past. Other sources of supply formerly available are not available now. I ask not only those in this gathering, but all those to whom my words may go through the press, the Irish race , through Canada, to recognise this emergency, to remember that our struggle may still be protracted for two or three years, and to aid the cause. I am giving to that cause those two or three years of my life ; and I may fairly ask you to give what you can. (Cheers.) Now I should but ill discharge the duty which your kindness has imposed upon me if I did not say a few words as to some of the objects and charac- teristics of the great measure we advocate. It is emphatically not a measure of separation, or distintegra- tion or decay, but a measure healins; \ and restorative, creating for the first time a union worthy of the name. (Hear, hear.) It is a measure which will invigorate the Empire, and will enable the Imperial Parliament to discharge all those important Imperial and general duties now utterly beyond its power to overtake. That Par- liament is choked to-day with Irish and also with every sort of parish business. The measure will also confer great local advantages on Ireland. It will give speed, econo- my and efficiency in carrying into effect the popular will through the local Government of that country. And it will, I firmly believe, amongst its blessings, pave the way for a demand for somewhat similar advantages, though mayhap in some other form, by Scotland and Wales, and ultimately by England herself. Now, Mr. Chairman, it is no wonder I think that North America, enjoying the benefit throughout its wide extent of tjhe great political invention of federalism, of union for common con- cerns, of local government for local atidirs, should be very emphatically in favor of the application of Home Rule to Ireland. We know its advantages. Here in Canada, as also in the States, we see local affairs managed by local legislatures, justice administered, property and civil rights disposed of, local and municipal insti- tutions created and supervised, all local matters handled locally ; while trade, commerce and navigation, customs and exciso, militia and defence and other common concerns are dealt with by a central legislature and executive. We realise the efficiency thus obtained in each sphere, and we can see no insuperable difficulty in applyihg the principle to the case in hand. We here would not consent to legislation for us at Ottawa with- out representation there ; and thus we were opposed to tho abandoned suggestion of Westminster legislation 10 for an unrepresented Ireland. Wa here see that practical and effective control by a pf'ovince of its own affairs can be reconciled with an eflective reserved power elsewhere, to be used in iraprobable, but still possible emergpncies. We here find no difficulty in the enforcement of the law or restraints of the constitu- tion. We know that the machinery provided is;, fully adt quate ; that the stipulations of the organic law are ob- served ; and that any attempt, whether inadvertent or intended, to violate them fails of effect. Wo here see that stipulations in favor of minori- ties, as interpreted by the law, are obeyed. More;* we hear the very men who with us most loudly cry out about the danger to minoritif-s in Ireland coraplauung most loudly of pandering and undue favoritism to minorities here ; complaining in effect that the Ontario majority does not get justice and equal rights, becausti the Ontario minority is too strong for it. Now as to the apprehension of oppression in matters of religion, including education, even those who do not share this apprehension agree that it should be relieved by express provision. That principle was con- tained in Mr. Gladstone's bill of 188G, and will doubtless reappear Some talk with dread of the establish- ment and endowment of the Roman Catholic Church, the church of the majority in Ireland They are the very people who most loudly bewail the disestablishment and diHendow- ment of the English Church, the church of part of the minority in Ire- land. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) But Irish Roman Catholics are ready to secure io'r Ireland the true liberal principle that religion shall be between the conscience of the individual and his Maker — (hear, hear) — to agree to the abstraction of all power to endow and establish any church ; to agree to secure to them the advantages now possessed by existing religious and charitable corporations ; and to agree t,^ provisions protecting the conscientious scruples of the minority in education. Let me quote the identical cliiuses inserted in the bill of 188G, which met hearty assent in Ireland then and meet that hearty assent to-day. Tdia is the fourth clause of that bill : "The Irish Legislature sjiall not make any laws (1) respecting the establishment or endowment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or " (2) Imposing any disability, or conferring any privilege, on account of religious belief, or •'(3) Abrogating or derogating from the right to establish or maintain any place of denominational education or any denominational institution or charity, or " (4) Prejudicially allecting the right of any child to attend a school receiving public money without attending the religious instruction at that school, or "(5) Impairing, without either the leave of her Majesty in Council first obtained on an address presented by the legislative body of Ireland, or the consent of the corporation interested, the rights, property or privileges of any existing corporation incorporated by royal charter or locil and general act of Parliament." (.Vpplause.) Now, these provisions may be argued to be inadequate. Let us discuss the objections when tht-y are taken, and make them adequate if they appear inadequate. (Hear, hear.) At any rate, they show the principle which is agreed to. Again, the Irish people have agreed, and the bill provides that they shall have no power to deal locally with trade, commerce or navigation, with customs or excise, with army, navy or militia, with })eace, war, or foreign relations, with the colonies or India, or with any other general and Imperial concerns. For all these, which are the true elements of union between Great Britain and Ireland, II the union continuf)^, and a common parliamKnt and fxecutive will still act. (Hear, hear.) All the Irish people claim ia the local management of their local afiairs. (Hear, hear, and applause.) Doubt- less, Mr. Chairman, these allairH will be managed on popular principles. Doubtless the present centralized and autocratic system, under which impor- tant county business is done by Castle authnrities and by siieritl's and grand juries, chosen not by the people, will he uioditied — (liear, hoar) — doubtless the people will gain control of their own affairs. D lubtless there will be, but doubtless also thereoughttobesome change in this direction ; and this, though naturally not agreeable to the present ruling minority in these concerns, seems just to us. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) We would not tolerate in Canada for 24 hours the condition that obtains in this regard in Ireland. (Loud cheers.) They say there will be oppression. How 1 By whom 1 In what ? There have been oppres.^ion and ascendancy in times past ; and those who now express these fears were the supporters of that pystem. (Hear, hear, and applause.) But I have shown yuu that in the points dreaded precautions are taken, and I ask that we simuld be shown any tangible, reasonable gr >und of appn lieaaion, and I for one am prepared to make the eliort to meet it. But the bottom of it all ia this, and it is not unnatural — it is the lower aide of human nature, but h is human nature still — the bottom of it, all is the reluctance of the niinoriiy to allow the majority to rule. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I am not for a divided Ireland in local concerns. I am against that, more, if 1 am to make a distinction at all, in the interest of the I'rotestants than of the Riman Oitholics. I am against it in the comniou interest. I am convinced that the true interests of Ireland, and of each of the classes, creeds — races so to speak — which there existj will best be served by the com- mon local concerns of that country being managed under a common Parlia- ment and a common executive. ( Hear, hear.) In truth I am bound to say that although northeast Ulster speaks loud and strong, although she expresses her apprehensions with great freedom and force, she does not ask for separa- tion from the rest of Ireland. That would be a cowardly thing to ask ; be- cause if there were reality in the local apjtrehensions, if Ulster were likely really to sufter, if strong northeast Ulster, with its popular power, with its intellectual power, with its material power, were likely to suffer, what would become of the scattered and small minorities of Protestants through the rest of Ireland? (Hear, hear.) For shame's sake they could not, if they would, a>-k to V>e separated. But they say : — " We who are so strong, who can manage our own affairs as we pl''ise, who cijutr.j Belfast and the neighboring municipalities — and who manage them according to the well- understood principles of Protestant ascendancy — we are so afraid that we may be treated pretty much as we used to treat the others — (cheers and laughter) — that there must be no Home Rule for Ireland at all." Now, 1 maintain that these appre- hensions are wholly imaginary. ( Hear, hear.) But I hold it to be important under any circumstances, and most important having regard to these alle- gations, that we should give, as your address suggests we should give, all the yuarantees, securities and restraints againt injustice that can be reasonably devised. But removing, as we can do, iS the Bill proposes that we shall do, the question of religion from the political arena, I want to know what it is in respect of which oppression is to come in. I want to know what it is in respect of which injustice is to be done. I want to know how Pro- testant as distinguished from Catholic is to be injured. And I want to know whether it is reasonable that the men 17 who declare, though with some exag- geration, that they today conatitute two fifths of the people, and that thoy have the wealth and intelligence and education and mttCerial power of the country in their hands, should be so very much afraid because what they allege to be so very small a niiraerical majority of inferior persons happen to be of another creed in the constituency which is to elect the proposed common Parliament 1 That is the whole of it. I want to know whether our history and the history of other countries, with our notions of such matters, in these modern days, gives any reasonab'e color of truth to ttifse apprehen- sions 1 A[y own opinion, which I have expressed in Ireland and in England, is that if they will but oonu) in — I re- peat the phrase which bus !>een com- mented on — instead of being the oppressed, the Protestants will be the spoiled children of Ireland. (Loud cheers.) I shall not to night enter into any contrast, into which I might enter, as to the tolerance and liberality exhibited by the adherents of the two creeds in Ireland, in those matters in which they have had power to act, whether political or municipal. My own principles of action are well known to you. I have stated them in this country often, and I huve repeated them in the other land, for I do not change my opinions with the country to which I go. (Applause.) I will re- peat them to-night. I will re-staje them from public speeches which I have made in Canada, and I ask you to consider whether they do not answer the emergency. This is what I said in 1886: *' I have been in public life for a good many years. The Irish popula- tion of my Province is, of course, composed of the Irish Protestant popu- lation and the Irish Catholic popula- tion. I have endeavored to d) my duty and to act upon what I believe were sound Liberal principles towards all classes of the population. I have found myself opposed hy a solid body, by '.ho great majority, by the vast bulk of the frish ProteHtants of Ontario. They are my strongest, and sternest, and fiercest political opponents to-day. I have found iiiyfinjf opposed by the great Viu'k of the Irish Catholics of Ontario. They also, with some noble exceptions, were amongst my opponents when I was d(!fe'ited in South Bruce during my absence from the country through ill health. It was the Irish Catholics of that riding who rf jected me, who deprived me of my seat in i^arliament and oblis;ed me to stand for another constituency at a subsecjuent date. I have endeavored, notwithstanding all that, to do u\y duty and to act, accord- ing to my lightH, honestly, justly and fairly towards the Irish Cdtholics and towards the Irish Protestants — towards all classes. I luhke no distinction whatever in consequence of class or creed, and I extend no bid for the support of any cbiss or creed. The position of the Irish t.'atholics and the Irish Protestants is this : They know that from the Liberal party they will obtain all they can justly claim, whether they give or refuse their support to that party. They know that the Liberal party will always act on the principle of justice, freedom and (qual rights, because that is the plank upon which we stand. They know they have nothing t6 gain by supporting us, because they will not gain one jot or tittle V)eyond what these principles of justice, freedom and equal rights require. They know they have nothit g to lose by opposing us, because they know, howevt r strenuous their opposition may be, it will not make us one whit less earnest or hss active in the promotion of their inter- ests and of the co.iimon interests, according to the same principles of justice, liberty and equal rights. And therefore there is no neeH for them to turn their votes one way or the oher in order that they may obtain from the Liberal party their meed of justice and liberty. " 18 f:-. And a little later, speaking; during an unhappy temporary aj-^itation upon religions (|U(;ations, I said this : *' I hold those men false to the principles of religious freedom who ' would sow discord between Protestants and Roman Catholius on this (the educational) suliject. I freely render to my lloman Catholic fellow country- men, (ir.st, religious freedom and next th(!ir stipulated rights, but more, I say that, being strong we ought to be what the strong should always be — generous to the weak. Measure full, heaped up and running over is the measure to be given by the etrong to the weak, and by so acting we will ex(!mplify true chris- tian principles ; we will exemplify true Liljeral principles ; we will do our beat for the promotion of true Christianity and for the spread of the Gospel." I rejoice to say that when I repeated these sentences amongst the lloman Oa^holica of Ireland, while seeking their support in my own county arid in other cjuntits, my words met with as enthusiastic a support, as applicable to their demeanor and their course of action re.spi cting the Protestant minority, as the most earnest and strenuous of Protestants, amongst whom I count myself, could possibly demand. Now, j\lr. Chairman, besides the national aspiriitions of Ireland for local government; apart from the evils inflicted on her in various ways by the existing system of government, there has always been present the groat question of the land. It is impossible and it is needles^s to enter into details on that question to-night. You know, this audience, largely composed of Irishmen, knows, that a system of tenancies at-will, or for short periods, under which the tenants efi'ected all the improvements while the landlords were absentees ; that such a system, combined with the dearth of other employments, with the increase of the population and the relations of supply and demand as to the land, had pro- duced absolutely iiitolerable conditions, under which there was no real freedom of contract. You know that the tenants were largely rack rented on their own improvements, and that the landlords took all but the barest possil.le subsistence ; they even took more, the remittances from relations in America, and the earnings of the unhappy tenant in England, Wales and Scotland. You know that the earlier efforts, however well intended, at remedial legislation were towards the recognition legally of the moral and equitable ownership subsisting from this condition as to the making of improvements, and towards the provision of a kind of dual ownership. You know that,partly owing to serious defects in the measures themselves, partly to the falling value of products, and partly to a com[)lication of circum- stances, those plauH failed of satisfac- tory results, and that it has been for some time generally recognised that the true solution is to convert the tenant, at any rate the small occupier, into the owner of the soil which he occupies. (Hear, hear.) You know that already something has been done to this end. But the Ashbourne Act and all other prior and subsequent acts are inade- quate to complete the work. This plan demands, in my opinion, the creation of public authorities, with power, if necessary, to sanction compulsory pur- chase, and to use the public credit to accomplish the operation. And still more is needed in those unhappy congested districts where there are small holdings in which it is not a question of rent at all, in which, if the occupant had the plot rent free he yet could not live — where many holdings must be enlarged, and where, on account of the necessary displacements of the existing popula- tion, arrangements must be made for the transfer of a portion of them to other adjacent lands. Here, again, compulsory power by a puV)lic au- thority and the use of the public credit is required. 19 Now, it is probable that the exist- ence of these compulsory powers will, B3 in the cane of the recent legislation as to laborers' allotments in England, render their use needless in almotit all cases, and that the operation will pro- ceed simply by the fact of the exist- ence, without the use, of the power. It is clear to my mind to a demon- stration that these s^'neral lines must be followed, and that their pursuit is in the interest of landlords and tenants alike ; and that thus only can we hope to niiko Intland a permanently con- tented and prosperous country. Now, how in this to bo treated in connection with Home llulel There may bo other possible alternatives. 1 do not dogmatise ; but three occur to me ; one immediate action by the Imperial Parlinment ; another, the immediate transfer of power on proper conditions to a local legislature ; the third, a re- servation of the question for a limited time, on the expn-ation of which, if still unsettled by the Imperial Legis- lature, it should go to the Local Legis- lature. I have a decided preference with reference to these alternatives ; but it would be premature to discuss that now, or to disclose opinions which may be modified by further reflection and review of the situation. On these, as on other questions, a reasonable, practical man must see what is pro- posed, and endeavor to reach the best attainable adjustment. The dithculties are great ; but they are not insuper- able. The complexity is so serious as may, indeed, prevent the framing of a fully detailed plan now. Yet I beUeve ii: to be not at all impossible to lay down now principles which shall safe- guard the interests of the landlords as well as the interests of the tenants. There are many other details in connection with this measure — includ- ing some of the most important char acter. To their solution able men have been and are now bending their minds and energies. I believe they will be solved, and that we will see soon a good Home Rule Bill introduced c for )r to'ltB-cCr^ into the Imperial Parliai cheers.) Clod speed th newed cheers.) And you help in your measure, lor lo'^g^^^^ under Uod's providence, is ^l^U^^k'^^ share in moulding this aff'aiV. '"'ja^ care that you help in your measure to \ the speeding of that day, and to the k" success of the bill when it does come forward. (Applause.) Mr. Chairman, I shall not longer detain you. There are many speakers whom it is important to the cause that you should hear, and I shall now close. I will add this only, that it would be ungrateful in the extreme for me to sit down without saying that, both in Ireland and in England alike, your follow countryman has been received and treated with a kindness and a con- sideration beyond all expectation, and which have touched his heart more deeply than could anything, save the aflection and kindness of his friends at home. (Loud and long continued cheering, during which the speaker resumed his seat.) ARCH BISHOP WALSH. . After Mr. Blake's speech had been delivered and so soon as the cheering which followed it had subsided, the tall, commanding figure of Arch- bishop Walsh, who had been sit ting at the left of the chairman, was present- ed to the audience. His address was short but every word told, and the sentences were punctuated with pro- longed applause. He began by saying that it was not his custom to stand upon public platforms to discuss purely secular matters. This was not mevely a matter of politics, it was the (jueslion of a nation struggling to regain rights wrung from it by fraud, violence and corruption. In this gathering of free Canadians there was sympathy for those engaged in the struggle. It was a wonder indeed that any honest Canadian could be found adverse to the principle of Home Rule. In such a country as ours with its evidence of prosperity, 20 with governmont of the people, for thfi people and by the people, it was meet uittl proper that Oaiiadians should take interest in the Triah ques- tion, in the 'ilbrts to bring about a real union in place of the paper union between the kinndoms, a union signal- ized on one side by the strong arm of force koepiug down the people, and on the other side V»y unhappinees and discontent. What, in brief, were the fruits of that paper union which bound Ireland to England 1 As far as Ireland is concerned, the ruin of Irish industries and trade, the oppression of the tenant by the landlord, pauperism, misery, degradation, famine and its attendant horrors, the enforced ?xile of millions of her children, discontent, nnhappiness, hatred and r.^voU. These have been the fruits of tl>(5 legislative unio i betwf^r^a the sister isles as far as Ireland is concerned ; and surely, if a tree is known by its fruits, it is time to lay the axo at the root of the upas tree of the socalled union, and to cut it down, root and branch. (Applause.) To an English gentleman who lately in his presence had declared himself a UnioniHt, he replied that Home Rulers w. re the true unionists — men who desired a union of hearts. When in that union the Irish people stood side hy side with the British nation, as they stood at Waterloo, in- vincible before the greatest military nation of Eurnpp, so in the future might they stand against confederated Europe. (Applause.) He was glad to stand up to do honor to one who, with more than knightly chivalry, had left his counfry and his home to do justice to an unhappy land. The H')n. .Mr. Blake's iove of juscice and fnir play for the weak as ag>iinst the strong, for a strugijiing minority as against a powerful niaj )rity, was not a new- born sentiment with him. It was he who, some years ago, gave eloquent expression to the noble sentiment, that the Protestant nijijority of Ontario should treat the CaihoJic minoiity not only with jastice, but with fifenerosity — (cheers) — to do honor to Mr. Blake and to wish triumphant success to the great cause to which he has devoted his time, his energies and unrivalled talents. (Applause.) May Uod hasten the advent of the day of Ireland'* freedom — the day of its peace and prosperity — the day towards which our fathers strained their weary eyes, about whose glories our pouts sang in immortal verse, an