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LONDON: PRINTED.FOR T. C A D E L L, IN THE STRAND. M. BCC.LXXXIU ■« >,' ) f *^ t .: - ^ •r. ' ■■<,-*. I. ■>*'< '1 i o r< .» \ \'-:i.y^'k •■•• ' ' '■ ..-' I.'' ADVERTISEMENT. '-.I '->my 'T^HE Author of the following Pages ■*" living in a remote Corner of the Country, wrote under the Difadvantagc «f not having ready Accefs to Books. On this Account he had not an Oppor- tunity of obtaining a great Variety of corroborative fa6ls, nor of drawing thofe he has employed on all Occalions from the Originals; on fome Occafions he has even been obliged to depend upon Memory only: He cannot, therefore, be anfwer- ! • anfwcrablc for their precise Accuracyj unlcfs where the Authorities are quoted. About this Matter he was the leJs folli- citous, becaufe his Conclufions are, for the moft part, deducible from the ge- neral Tenor of the Circumilances, rather than from the prccife Amount of the Particulars. - — , The fame Circumftance that prevent- ed him from having Accefs to Books, kept him at a Diftance from Men. — He thought for himfelf, and wrote what his own Judgement dictated, without having it in his Power, had he been fo inclined, to know whether what he has faid will be agreeable or difagree- able to the Favourers of one Party or of the other. "1 •::) ; j^i ■ f ■■j--i ■.. o*' The ' H t vii 1 . « « ♦ The Profperity of his Country was the chief Objeft of his Concern, and he would be happy tp fee the Members of every Party exerting themfelves, as he has done, to the utmoft of their Power to promote its Welfare. Pic. 9, 1781. / > ' ' ' " '■ - •t • t THE INTEREST O F GREAT BRITAIN, &c. * "i * . **,: ■;; INTRODUCTION, IT has appeared to me not a little cxtraordn nary, that among the many treatifcs which have been written of late, in confequence of the difputes between Great Britain and her colonics^ no attempt Ihould have been made to afcertain with fome degree of precifion wherein confift the advantages that have accrued to the mother country, or the diiad vantages that may be cx- pedtcd to be felt by her in confequence of her connection with the American colonies. I have waited long in the hope of feeing this invcfli- gation attempted by fome perfon of abilities fu- gerior to mine-r-but in vain. I have, therefore, '" '?., ^ at ( 2 ) at laft, been induced to ofTer my own fentimcnts on that head to the public. The fubjcdt is in- tcrefting •, and the prefcnc time feems to be pe- culiarly proper for fuch an invcftigation. The minds of my countrymen, after having been violently agitated by the difputes originating from the prefent conte(l, have had time to ac- quire a comparative degree of tranquility, which will permit them to attend to fuch a difcufTion more temper than they could have done at any former period. The time I'cems alfo to ap- proach when one or other of the contending parties will be obliged to liften to terms of ac- commodation : and in c.ife of luch an event it is certainly of much importance that wc fhould be able to Judge" vvitii precillon of thole circum- llances relating to our colonies, that will tend molt eiftdlually to promote the intereits oif the ftate, and eftablifh peace on a firm and lafting foundation. ' ■ " Li _ In entering upon this difcuflion, I find it necef- fary to makefome previous remarks on thediffcrent meanings which have been annexed to the word colonies in antient and in modern times. The language of man is imperfedt. By the progrefs of fociety and the advancement of knowledge, every thing that relates to manners and govern- ment is perpetually changing •, but as this change is gradual and imperceptible, knguag<;; . > *' ■• . does (3 ) docs not keep pace with it. Names remain, while the things dcnoteci by them arc tbiind to be at dilkrcnt periods extremely divcrfified, which 's the fource of much mifapprehenfion in fublcquent ages both as to ta(^ts and realbning. This has been remarkably obfervable of late with regard to the word colonics. Precedents have been fearched for in antient timi*?. and, becaufe of a fimilarity oi name where r<) iimila- rity of circumftances exift»^d, inferences liave been drawn that were e;t;.^;ne'.y erroneous. Whether this proceeded from ign^^rance or de- ficrn it boots not to enquire, but it is of impor- tance to guard againft fimilar miftakes in tu.urc. It is therefore hoped that the following flight hiftorical flcetches will not be dcemffd fuper- Buous. . • •, , ,, -^ ,f. • . , ''./"" , , , •i • ■ ■. i - ■ .. -- 1! ■ » ; ^ . . ti CHAP. t 4 ) -.'U. I CHAP. I. i . ■ . , On (he different meanings that have been annexed id the word Colonies /« antient and in modern times. irN the earlieft period of time, the hlftory of -*• which has been tranfmifted to us, the word Kolotrf denoted a (late whofe original inhabitants had migrated in a body from fome other known Urate. It retained not any dependence on the parent IVatc; nor did there fubfift any other bond of union between them than thofe friendly wiihes which naturally fprang from the recollec- tion of their former confanguinity. Like a fwarm of bees thofe emigrants^ having chofen a leader in whom they placed confidence, bid at once an eternal adieu to the place of their nati- vity. They looked for no affiftance from home in their intended expedition, but depending on theii own vigour and addrefs for obtaining a place of refrdence, they regulated their govern- ment and internal police according to the plan that appeared moft agreeable to themfelves, and thus became, as loon as they were fettled, in every refped a free and independent ftate. In this manner was C^rtharge a colony of Tyre, and Syracufe a colony of Corinth j and in this manner f 5 ' iTianner the Greek ftates in A(ia Minor, Magna Grecia, and the iflands of the Archipelago, though froni the iirfl: free and independent, were univerfally allowed to be colonies which had, at different times, niigrated from fomc one 6r other of the more antient Grecian Hates. '^^^' When Xerxes threatened to Overpower Greece, the common danger induced the greateft part of thofe ftates to enter into a league for their mu- tual defence. On that occafion the members of t!)e confederacy were arranged into two claflcs, inUies and colonies. Under the title of allies were fclafled all thofe antient Grecian ftates whofe ori- gin was involved in obfcurity. The clafs of co- tomes comprehended thofe which were known to have originated from feme other ftate. The members, however, of both thefe claftcs were equally independent. Syracufe, though a co- lony, refufed to encer into the confederacy, be- caufe (he was not allowed to command either hy fea or by land. - » , ^ . During that famous conteft, the Spartans zni Athenians early obtained a decided prif-emlnence above all the other members of the confederacy. Athens, by the mildnefs of her manners, con- ciliated the good w' 1 of the whole, and on ac- count of the inflexible integrity of Ariftloes, flie was allowed to alccrtain : rt proportion ;1 fup- o plies I m ( 6 ) jplies to be farniftied by each of the confede- rates. The armies and the fleets coming at length to be ahb under the command of her ge- nerals, (he became in time fo powerful as to over-awe boili colonies and allies. Contributions^ at fid voluntarily granted, were continued and augmented under various pretexts, till at lair many of the colonies from having been voluntary allies in defence of Athens^^which was threatened with immediate dcftrudtion) became tributaries and fubje(5ls to that ambitious ftate. . : ,,. . Thus by degrees the word colony became nearly fynonymous mih Jubje5f \ and modern readers by bearing in mnd the idea conveyed by the word colony at prefcnt, are naturally enough difpofed, from eertam concurring circumftancesj to think it bore the fame meaning at :\\ times. To fuch readers the decrees of Athens relating to the colonics, appear to be the natural legilla- tive afts v)f a parent ftate over her own colonics ; which as colonies, originally eftablifhed and fup- ported by herfclf, had always been fubjeCled to her r ay. This, however, was far from being the cale i thofe colonies -./ere merely fubje(51's. States which from being totally independent and un- connefled with her, had been by fraud or force brought under her dominion, and retained in fubjetlion by the fame means. Their bearing the name of colonies was, as to her, merely an a accidental Hi ( 7 ) accidental circumftance. This appears to have been inconteftibiy the cafe in regard to the noted decree of the Athenians againft the inhabitants of Leibos. The Lcfbians having endeavoured to free themfelves from theufurped authority of Athens, were again overcome by their more powerful opponent. On this occafion the en- raged Athenians decreed, that all the male inha- bitants of Lcfbos who had attained the age of puberty, Ihould fuffer death ; and the women and children be Ibid for flaves^. Lefbos was one of thofe dates that ranked as a colonyy but it was a colony of ^olis, not of Athens. It was not therefore becaufe of her dependance on Athens as a colony^ that (he was puniQied by this fevere decree. It was merely becaufe of her inferiority as a fubjefted ftate f . i'C • .( . fj^iT»>.i viiivv i»<: ^'i .."It <■ \: '\- Every * Thucyd. Lib. 3. Cap. 49. •j; I have been obliged to reprefent this tranf.iilion in a very different light from that in which the ingenious author of the hillory vf the colonization of the free ilates of anti- quit/ hw placed it, p. 55— 58. ( 8 ) f very inditution of tbat ambitious rcpubljc feems to have been made with a view to con- quef^. This was, at lead, peculiarly the cafe in regard to thofe fcttlcments upon which fhe beftowed the name of colonics. "When (he wa^ fufpicious of the dcfigns of any conquered ftate, and afraid of a revolt, (he took from it fomc fer-^ tilediftritl: of greater or fmaller extent, as circum- (lances fcemed to require, which (he i5eopled with a fuiBcient number of Roman citizens, after having expel led the original inhabitants to make room for them. Thefe Roman citizens were puc under the government of a man of authority, 'n\ whofc approved fidelity the (tate could fafcly conBde. To thefe fmall communities, thus ef- tablifhed, (he gave the name of colonies. Every Roman citizen, it is well known, was a foldier. A Roman coloiiy therefore, might be confidered as equivalent to a fortrefs garrifoned by Roman' fcldicrs, who received in lieu of pay, a certain proportion of land belonging to the conquered lUte. :t.r- i* To infure the attachment of thefe colonids, they were treated with the grCatcft mildnefs ;' ^nd to keep up a perpetual didinflion between' them and the inhabitants of the provinces in > which ihey were placed, a form of government was granted to them as nearly refembling that of Rome itfclf, as their fituation and circum- .- '^■■-: --'a- V-.- ftances (9 ) ftnnces would admit. Thus, each colony tormed a diftind community by itfclf, difilrenc in laws, cuftoms and manners from the fubjecfl- cd ftates around them. They were, therefore, in little danger of being drawn into a revolt by the fame caufes that would influence the natives of the country. They became, on the contrary, perJDetual fpies upon their condudl, and were al- ways ready to fupprefs, or to give warning in time, of the frhalkft tendency towards a revolr. Such were the principles of Roman coloniza- tion during the virtuous days of that republic. But when corruption became general among her people, and her nobles, by that means, afpired at dominion, the lands of her mod virtuous citizens wer<; ftized, and the inhabitants driven away to make room for thofe rapacious foklierS, by whofe affiftance their ambitious leader had ac- quired fiipreme command. Thefe laft were called ;w/7zV^r>' colonies, to diftlnguifli them frorii the former. As this clafs of colonies was com'- pofed of men whonii the fuccc^^ful leader was induced to favour, on account of tlie obligati- ons he himfelf had received from them, they were indulged in many excefles that were in- compatible with good government. And as each fiiccefsful competitor for power found him- felf obliged to make new fettlements of the fame forr, the country came at laft to be almoll en- C . tircly ( 10 ) tirely cccupied by thefe military colonies, whofe licentioufntfs was one of the principal caiifcs of thofe perpetual civil dilTentions, which ended noi but with the total ruin of rhe empire. With the Roman empire the very name of colonies feems to have dfappeared for a time in Europe. Thofe barbarous tribes which burft forth from the northern regions, and fcized fuc- ceflivtly tl'.e different provinces of that mighty empire, would, all of them according to the anti- ent and original meaning of the word, have been accounted colonies of thofe original ftates from which they migrated : but they never bore that name. They cither retained their original name, or acquired that which their appearance*, or the fituation of the region from whence they ilfuedf firll fuggeftcd to the conquered nations. The fame practice prevailed during the whole of that dark period, which has obtained the appellation of the middle ages. But, by whatever name they •were called, the kingdoms then formed were free, and altogerher independent of thofe ftates from whence their original founders migrated. The Normans in France, and Saxons in England bore fovejeigii fway without the intervention of the parent dates. Even the Danes, who afterwards acquired the fupreme power in Britain, eftab- " ' ""' lilhed *, ' './'♦ * Longobarcli, ■ -}■ Normans. Fh l-li { u ) lifhed in it an independent kingdom, which was in no refpeft fubjeded to the controul of Den- mark, though both kingdoms were for feme time governed by the fame King. At an after p'^riod, when the phrenzy of the Crufades drove fuch multitudes from Europe to fcize upon a barren fpot in Afia, it never came into tiie mind of any one to entitle that a European colony, It obtained the name of the kingdom of Jerufa^ km. , , J Thus it happened, that during a period in which more numerous, as well as more powerful colonies were formed than perhaps had ever been known among mankind, the name was fcarce any where to be found on the globes whereas in the annals of Rome this name mod frequently occurs, though during that time Icarcc any co- lonies were formed, either according to the an- tient or the modern idea annexed to that word. But although the name of colonies feldom oc- curred during thofe ages of ignorance and bar- barifm, which fucceeded the difmemberment of the Roman empire, yet it was during thofe dark ages that ideas began to be adopted which gave, rife to a new clafs ofcolonies, that are more ex- tenfive, at lead, than any that were known by that name in antient times, and which bid fair '. '■■: : -. • C 2 ■. ■-, for. ( 12 ; for producing a chain of political events equally numerous and important. It The little learning th4t there was in thole barbarous ages was entirely confined to the clergy, wh'ch ga"e to that clafs of men n fupe- riority abovt* ail others, that they did not fail to improve to . S\r own advantage. The Bifhop, of Rome having fallen upon means to perfuade ail Europe that he was enrrullcd with the keys pf Heaven, found little difficulty to do orj earth whatever fcemed good in his eyes. He foon per- ceived that the degree of his authority, not lefs than the ext;tnt of his power, depended upon the number of his adherents. Thefe, he knew, would be rnoft tfFedually fecured to his intercfl, by making them feel the temporal benefits they could reap in confequence of their attachment to him. He therefore took care to let it be uni- verfally known, that all who refufed to fubmit to his decrees, were not only to be excluded from the kingdom of Heaven, but had no jufl: claim to the enjoyment of any of the good things of this earth, and that thefe might lawfully be taken from them by his followers, wherever* they were found. He even went farther, and taught that it was not on]y laivfuUo defpoil' fuch' perfons of their property, but that it was a fer- yice acceptable in the eyes of God Almighty, to cut them off from the face of the earth. The , ' • ■ crufades ( »J ) crufadcs to the Holy land, and thofe undertakers againft the harmlefs Albigenfes, (how how uni- vcrfally thcfe ideas at one time prevailed in Eu- rope. So univerfally indeed, that they came at iaft infcnfibiy to influence that general Tyftcm of politics, which, from its fuppofed univerfality, has obtained the name oi the law of nations. It was in confcquence of this idea, that Fer- dinand and Ifabella, when they determined to fend out Columbus on a voyage of difcovery, folicited and obtained from the Pope a grant to them and their heirs for ever, of the fovereignty of all the countries he fliould difcover. Tht: original inhabitants, if there fhould be any, it was known were not of the Catholic faith, and, of courfe, they were confidered as mere animal';, which might either be put to death or reduced to flavery, as (hould beft fuit the views of their new fovereign or his fubftiiutes. The fame idea prevailed in regard to all the fubfequent voyages of difcovery that were made by the other powers of Europe : and it is under the fandion of this imaginary title, that all the colonies of the new world have been made. This has occafioned a very material difference between the modern ideas of colonization and thofe which prevailed among the antients. .- 1, f ,.*■. i '■'''iiHJ*>'>-' '?:->: ■' . - tients to make voyages of difcovery, were cither the defire of extending their commerce, or 4 dcfire to obtain abroad a fettlement for fuch in- dividuals as found, their fituation at home into- lerably irkfome. In the firft cafe, the merchants expcftcd to meet with peopled countries, with the natives of which they propofed to treat on terms of equality for thi-ir mutual conveniency. In the lad cafe, the emigrants hoped to meet with countries either dcferted, or fo thinly peo- pled, as to enable them to obtain, by force or treaty, fuch a territory to themfelves as fhould fuffice for their iubfirtence. In cither cafe the parent ftate claimed no right of fovercigniy over the new difcovered country. If the emigrants obtained a fettlement, it was for themfelves alone that they obtained it. Nor could the Hate, whofe protection they had renounced, and which held itlelf for ever freed from any obligation to defend them, lay any claim to whatever they might afterwards acquire. , ,, ,;, , • IP But in modern times (I fpeak of the times in which the American difcoveries were made) in confequence of its having been in general under- ftood that the fovereignty of all new difcovered countries belonged of right to that nation whofe fii^je(51:s firft took formal pofleflion of them, every fettlement that was made was confidered as a pare i: ( 15 ) f>art of the dominions of that country, whole lubjefts had made that fcttlcmcnt. Hence it is, thiit all the prcfent European inhabitants of Ame- rica hold what they there podcts by a granc from the fovereign, in whofc territories (accord- ing to the explanation of the word ns above) they are fettled •, and as liibjeds lay claim to the fupport and protedion of the parent ftate*, as ic is now called, againft all enemies in every dan- gerous emergency. Thefe principles are fo uni- verfally acknowledged, and fo invariably con- firmed by all public a«5ts relating to the colonies, that it would be an undertaking as idle to fet about demonftrating them, as it would be vain to attempt difproving them. The court of Spain, in the hope of deriving fome unforefeen advantages from ihofe unknown countries which Columbus promifed to reveal, fitted out that armament he commancicil, and gave him a commifTion to cxercif':: authority in their name, in whatever country he Ihould dif- cover. Similar powers were given to thole who lucceeded him in the fame employment. 'Ihoic who firft went out, had no views of forming co- lonies i they went not in the charafter ot emi- grants, but of difcoverers, who were eiuirled to feize what came within their reach as conquerors. The hope of the rapid gain that might be ob- tained by plunder, induced many to follow ti.u ... track 11 ( lO ) track of ihc firfl difcoverers. They wcrtf difap* poiiitctl at lirft-, and inllcad of riches found only milcry and wane. Unable to return to their na- tive country, dtl'pair added vigour to their un- dertakin- .. Corus, alTidcd by men in thcfc circumdun'. cs, fcizcd a lucky moment, and got pofl'cfiion of the treafurc«» :)f Mexico. The pro- i\)ctt ol profiting by the riches of that country, induced the Couic of Spain to fupport him in his furcefsfid invafion. Having (lipulatcd for her own (hare of the plunder, other adventurers were excited to make further exertions. They were fuccefsful beyond her mod fanguinc hopes. Riches poured in upon Spain with a profufion that far exceeded her higheft expedations, and gave to that court a brilliancy and fplendor that had never before been fecn in Europe. In thefe circumrtances, it was not apparently her intereft to redrain her people from gomg to thole regions in which their atftivity fo powerfully contributed towards the nggrandizement of the court. Dif- tant confcquences were not then forefecn ; while l"he feemed to be growing in greatnefs, it was not perceived that her drcngth was gradually de- clining, in confequence of the numerous outlets that were thus made for carrying off her bed and molt indudrious inhabitants. "While the court of Spain enjoyed the tempo- rary fplendor (lie derived from the plunder of the ( p ) the new world, the iK^ighbouring nations rot only beheld her ^^\lh terror, but with envy. Every Europfan Hate wlflicd anxioully ic ^ct fome (hare of ihofe dillant territories, v;,jru which treafur. s were obtained infoch abundance. Among ihc ^ rinces of thofe times none feenis to have been more powerfully influenced by tlicfc pafTions than James the Firll of England, who through bad ccconomy, was ever in want, ami who, fond of arbitrary power, could ill put up with the pnrfimonious redraints his fubjeds fo often put upon him. He, therefore, lent a wil- ling ear to every propofal that opened the fmalleft profpedl of giving him any part of thofe golden regions which he doubted not would foon enable* him to reign with glory, independent of that of- ficious parliament which fo often thwarted his wifhcs. Nor were individuals wanting tofecond thefc views of the needy monarch. Sir Walter Raleigh, at once the boaft and the opprobrium of the age in which he lived, by fpecit>us falfe- hoods took advantage of the popularity he en- joyed to poifon the minds of the people, and to buoy up the prince in his favourite hopes. Ra- leigh failed, but (till the idea preva-led that what he attempted in vain might yet be obtained by pnrfuing another plan. A company of mer- chants, with an ill adviled temerity, underioolc the ta(k. Th.; King, as might be expedled, gave them all the encouragement in his power j D ^ in i r i*ui ( 18 ) jp imitation of the King of Spain rcfcrving to himfdf a fhare of thofe treafures they all cxpcdled to obtain, he granted them whatever other pri- vileges they defired. The adventurers efFefted a landing in Annerica ; but inftead of thofe mountains of go\i they looked for, they only found poverty and wretchednefs j and foon fell a facrifice to their own rapacity, improvidence, and brutality. • '>' , %,* • ■..■■.* Various were the plans, and many were th« attempts to efFcd this favourite projed, before ^permanent footing could be obtained upon thfi American continent : but nothing coul ex- tinguifh the fanguine hopes of the Prince, or the eager cupidity of his fubjedts. A fccjlc j ietdement was at length cfFeded, at an immenfc cxpencc to the company, ^nd with a deplora- ble wade of ths human fpecies, from which no adequate returns to the partners could ever be drawn. They were at laft obliged to relinquifli their hopes, and give up their property in an adventure which had been fraught with endlcfs trouble and accumulated expcnces. It is the nature of the hutiian mind, that when it has once been accuftomed to proceed in a certain track, it cannot eafily be diverted from it. For more than a Century the nation had been accuftomed to look upon America as a pa- r- . -^ radilc. I 19 ) radifc. Individuals indeed had experienced that this was a miflake, but the national prejudice ftill leaned to that fide. New adventurers were found who wifhed to ej^plore thofe regions.—* Among thefc afe6t of fanatics fecm to have been the fird: who formed the idea of eftablilhing a colony, wirh an intention of remaining for ever in that country. Perfecuted at home by bigots a number of perfons ftill more bigoted, if pof- iible, to their own chimerical tenets, than thofe they left behind them, und^r the fan^tion of that government which never could relinquiih the idea of the treafures that would there be found, took poifeffion of a part of that country which had fo long excited the cupidity of Europe. The troubles that enfued in Britain, tended dill more to people thofe newly fettled regions with fedbarids of different perfuafions : nor was it till after the civil wars that either the King or the people had. time to attend particularly to thofe diftant fettlements 5 the profperity of which all parties wifhed to promote, from a certain ore- conceived opinion that they would prove in fome way or other extremely beneficial to the parent itate ; although they could not at that time form a didindt idea of the manner in which thofe beneficial efcds were to be produced. '*.*-■ Thus, from accident rather than from precon- certed defign, was formed a fpecies of colonies, D 2 altogether In.. ( 2° ) altogether different from any that had ever been known in Europe. Emigrants, inftcad of going out in a powerful body with a refolution tofeek a fettlement for themfelves, and to retain no far- ther connexion with the mother country, went out in fmall parties from that part of the King's dominions in which they had been born, to oc- cupy what was deemed another part of the fame King's dominions, under fuch conditions as go- vernment thought proper td grant them. Thefe new fettlements, althoiTgh they in fo.ne refpcdts refcmbled a Roman cobny, were in other rc- fpe(5ls extremely dilfcrcnt from it. A Roman province refernbled in every refpect a cbrtqtiercd ilate in modern times-, its original inhabitants were Hill allowed to pofTefs their native country, under fuch reftridions as the conquering (lace thought proper to impofe. It was to fecurethe advantages arifing from the inhabitants of thofe provinces, and to :;ompel them to pay fuch tri- bute and ferviccs as were exaded from them,- that the colonies were eftablilhed. They there- fore, as has been faid, fcrved the fame purpofe as a fortrefs m a conquered province at prefent. But an American colony refembles a Roman province only in point of fituation ;. no advan- tage is propofed to be drawn from the natives of the country ; the whole province is to be peo- pled by the original inhabitants of the ftate it- fclf, which finds, or thinks it finds- that it con-. ' . ' . ' I. . . . , tributes ' . ( ai ) tributes more to Us own profpenty, that a part of its inhabitants fliould be placed in that parti- cular province, than that they fhould reaiaih in any other part of its origrnal poffcflions. - It was neceffary to trace the origin of thefe colonies thus minutely, not only becaufe it tends to place in a confpicuous point of view the dif- ference between antient colonies and thofe which form the fubjeft of our prefcnt difcuflion, but alfo to trace the gradual fteps by which mankind were led to adopt a mode of colonization, fo dif- ferent in many refpefls from all others that hzve made their appearance on the globe. From the foregoing detail it is fufficiently obvious, that none of the parties who originally contributed to the forming thefe cftablifhments, had an adequate idea of the diftant cffcdts that thefe changes were to produce on the affairs of Eu- rope. Leaving that to be afcertained bv others, afU parties have been content with adling merely from the impulfe of the prefcnt moment : nor does it appear, that their . cceflbrs have ever yet taken the "trouble to inveftigate the fubje(5t with the attention its great importance feems to demand. This I fhall aStempt to do in the fol- lowing pages, after having taken a curfory view of fome other European fettlements which have alfo been called colonies ; though differing from thofe on the American continent in feveral rc- ' • ; * ■ fpefts. N r i h :1 m'' & M-: ( 22 ) fpe6l8. The reader will thus be enabled to have under his eye at once all the different meanings, ancient as well as modern, that have been an- nexed to the word colonies^ and be enabled to diflinguilh in what cafes any of the arguments that (hall be employed may or may not apply to the other fettlemencs that are known by the fame name. When the Portuguefe began their voyages of difcovery, they fent out feeble fquadrons, with no other view than to explore the unknown coafts of Africa, and to eilablifh a friendly commercial intercourfe with the natives. Succefs induced them to extend theirenterprizes, and they found it neceffary to eftablilh a few pofts along the coafl., where their fadbors could remain in fafety during the abfenc'e of their (hips. After they had doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and got accefs to the Indian feas, they found numerous nations, abounding in people, and confiderably advanced in arts and civilization. With thefe they wiflied to eftablifh a friendly correfpondence; but being thwarted in their attempts, they, partly by intrigue, and partly by force, obtained' pofleflion of fome fcij-port towns, which they fortified for their own fccurity. And although they afterwards took an adlive concern in the difputes between the Indian princes^ ^s it feemed to promote their intereft, yet their views were chiefly ■/ ■ - •^ ( ^3 ) chiefly confined to mercantile advantages ; and they never grafped at territorial dominion far- ther than feemed necefTary to fecure their com- merce. The Dutch, and the Englifh, who gra- dually expelled the Portuguefe and the Spani- ards from thofe regions, purfued the fame gene- ral plan of condudt. Thev endeavoured to bring the Indian princes under fubjeftion, that they* might obtain an exciufive right to their whole commerce : but there is no inftance of their having attempted to make fettlements with a view to cultivate the ground by their own people. The poflefTions, therefore, of the Duch and df the Englifh in the Eaft Indies, are ex- tremely unlike to thofe on the American conti- nent *, and if at any time they have acquired the name of colonies^ they mult be confidered in a very different light from thofe already mentioned, and upon a proper invefVigation it would be found, that they are productive of political con- fequences to the ftates to which they belong, very different from thofe which have enfued from the eflablifhment of the American colo- nies. But this is not within the limits of our prefent invelligation. The European fettlements in the Weft India iflands affords an example of another fpecies of colonies, infcvcral riifpcdts differing from either of thofe already mentioned. Thefe iflands fitted by '■p H I" i. ■ ' ( n ) . * by nature for proilucing feveral valuable articles which European climates cannot bring to per- fertion, have become the property of wealthy men, who refide chiefly in Europe. Thefe pro- prietors cultivate their fields, neither by the na- tives of the country, as in the Eaft- Indies, nor by European emigrants, as in North America, but by negro flaves, purchafcd with their money inftcad of cattle. The whole produce of thefe iflands, therefore, after deducing the expence of management, belongs to the inhabitants of the ftate to ivhich the feitlement appertains. The political confequcnces which refult from this ar- . rangement alfo I do not attempt here to afcer- ; tain. I I now proceed to the invedigation of the fub- ; jedfc propolcd. . , / iM''.' CHAP. II. II General Ohfervations on the Ccn/equences that re^ JuU from extended Dominion* IT is univerfally admitted, that the real flrength of a kingdom confifts m the number of its in- habitants, and that its riches will be in propor- tion to the induftry of its people. : But ( 25 ; But this propofition admits of limitation : for, it is alfo admitted, that of two countries which contain an equal number of inhabi- tants, that whofc territory is lead extenfive, will be the moft powerful. This arifes not only from the greater difficulty of defending a large .territory than one of fmaller extent, but a!fo from fcveral other caufes, which, though equally important, a\t not at fird fight fo obvious. , Induftry cati never be carried to any confider-^' . able height, but in civilized countries. In a ftate of nature, every one is fo much engaged in providing for his perfonal fafety, that he has no leifure to attend to other objects j and his tenure of the things he poileffcs is at bed fo precarious, that he Can have no fort of Jiimulus to induce him to become mdudrious. He fubfilh on the cafual pittance that nature throws in his way i for as he has no power to fecure to himfelf accu- mulated (lores, he never thinks of extending his views tar beyond the wants of the prefcnt mo- inent* But as man Could riot fubfifi iii many parts of this globe without fomc precaution and fore- caft, he has been impelled by neceffity to unite with others into fociciy, for their mutual protec- tion and well being. In every civil fociety a certain proportion of men muft be inveiled with E power m ■ "•' power, not only to piiniin furh indivicKials n.1 nttempt to diHurb the internal peace of thi* com- munity, but alfo to guard ai»aintt the attacks of others from without ; to repel force by force, if need be, fo as to iecure tlic general tranquil- lity, and allow individuals to prolecute at Icifure their particular employments, and to enjoy un- dilturbed the fruits of their own induftry. Thefe blefTings, however, cannot be obtained v/ithout fubjeding individuals to feme inconve- nicncies. Thole who arc entrutted with the care of preferving liiC public tranquillity, ir» other words, the ruling powers, muit be liberally paid for their labour and care. The different pcrlons whoaij required for enforcing the laws, ani adminilleriiTg juftice %vitkin the realm, 'as well- as thofe who are neceflary to defend it from ex- ternal injuries, mufl: all be paid by thofe who reap the benefits of protcdion and fecuriry. 'X'his conftitutes a tax upon the fubjeft, which" will be more or lefs opprrOlve in proportion to its amount, the manner in which it is railed, and the ability of the people to pay it. In a country of great extent, where the inha- bitants are few, the quantum oi i\\\^ tax, in pro- portion to the number of inhabitants muft of necelTity be much greater than in -another coun- try, where the fame number of people are con- tained ' ( 27 ) $ain(.ti in fmaikT room ; where the people nve pumerous, a fmall inimical force coukl not pro- duce any fenfibie, inconvenience. Muy men could in that cafe be fucMenly colkcttfd, who would be able to repel fuch hollile attacks ; a few forts could fecure their frontiers, or a fmall number of troops could be lo Rationed, ;is to b<* ready to oppofe any invaders. But many more garrilbns, or troops much more numerous, will be required to fecure the inhabitants of a wide ex- tended country from danger and from infulc. The fame reafoning applies in refped to the internal [)olicc of the country. The difficulty of obtaining prompt jurtice againft every tranfgref- for mufr, for obvious reafons,be much gceater in thofe countries where the people are thinly fcat- tercd, than where they are more numerous, and therefore, the expence, if equal fecurity is ob- tained, muft be in proportion great upon the poor country \ fo 1 Ihall for brevity, llile, in future, that country which is mofl; thinly peo* pled. In confequence of thcfe ciiHcul'ics, others arife which tend ftill more and more to jii/sravate the diftrefTes of the jpoor country. CD' The money which is required for fupporting the civil and the military tftablifhmcnt, muft be. ■ raifed by fume mode or other from the people ^ liii ( 28 ) and 7'hatcvcr mode (hal! be adopted, it will be found that the cxpencc muft be much higher in the poor than in the richer country. If this tax fhall be cither by excifeor cuftoms, lb many ptT- fons become neceflfary to collect it in the poor country, that a great pai-t of the money fo col- leflcd, can never find its way into the treafury. Sometimes the whole that is colledted, does not fervc to pay the falary of the tax gatherers j whereas in a rich country, the proportion of the tax that is neceflary to pay thecolledors is very fmall*. Much more money, therefore, muft be paid ^i: * The expence of colleding the excifc in England^ is about fix percent, of the grofs produce. The expence of coUefting the excife in Scotland is about 31 per cent, of the grofs produce. This difference is owing to Scotland's being upun the whole lefs populous than Eng land. But if we confider, that in England the counties of Derby, North- umberland, Cumberland, Cornwall, and the whole princi- pality of Wales, are nea ly as thinly inhabited as moft parrs of Scotland, and therefore mull tend to increafe the pro- portional expence of collecting upon the luhokt and if we at the fame time confider, that in Edinburgh, Glafgow, Aberdeen, Dundee, and many other places in Scotland, the expence of colle^ing the excife mud be as low as in any jart of England ; which muft tend to diminifh the propor- tional expence of colledlion upon the 'whole in that country; it is probable, that the rate o\ colleftion in the moft popu- lous parts of Britain, m ght be fixed at one and a half, or two per cent, and in the leaft populous at 80^ 90, or iv?o percent. 1 mvf'lf know feveral country diftrids which I have been aflured, from the moft undoubted authority,' never produced enough to pay the ofiicera falary. . • ( »9 ) paid by the inhabitants of a poor than of a ricti Country, before an tqu.il fum can be broiigliL into the exchequer. But we have already leen, that a great deal more nnill be paid into the exchequer by the inhabitants of a poor country than a rich one, before they can obtain equal fecurity ; ch'-y muft therefore be doubly op- prelFed. Thus it appears, that a thinly peopled country muft not only be weaker, but the inha- bitants muft alo be much more feverely taxed than thole of a fmaller country, inhabited by an equal number of people : nor do their difficuU ties end here ; other inconveniencies ftill attend them. In a well peopled country, the labourer and manufa(5turer are neccflarily fo near to each other, that they can, with the utmoft facility, make a mutual interchange of the products of their induftry -, the labourer giving of the pro- du<5t of his fields for the manufadlures he ftands in need of. In this cafe there is the leaft pof- fiblc wafle of labour, and therefore in this fitu- ation, both the produce of the fields and manu- fadtures can be afforded at the loweft rate pofli- ble. If the goods in thefe circumftances be con- figned to retailers, the cafe will not be altered, as the labourers and manufa6lur rs will thus favc more in time than will be fufficient to pay for the retailer's profit. But ( 3° ) But if the country be thinly peopled, all kinds of grain and manufaflurcs muft be carried from a confiderable diftancc to market. Both buyers and fellers are fubjefted to many inconveniencies, and much Ids of labour and time, becaufe of the diftance they muftgofor the various articles they need ; and even at bcft can meet with but a poor aflurtment, and fales being (low and pre- carious, the retailer's profit muft be proporti- onally high. This fituation gives birth to a third employment, that of carriers, which, tho' receflary in thele circumltances, is totally unpro- du6live, becaule the whole gains they make muft be added to the price of the feveral articles they tranfporr, without adding to their value. The poor country is ftill liable to new incon- veniencies. Carriers muft have roads j if thele are bad, the charge of carriage is much augment- ed. But it requires much greater exertions to make good roads in a thinly peopled country, than in one where the inhabitants are numerous. 1^ U m 1 might continue this parallel much farther, and fliew that in cvc-ry particular the advantage is greatly in favour of the peopled country; but that might be tirefome. Let it fufficc here to obferve in general, that in every ftate there are only two claflcsof people whofe bufinefs is really productive, viz. the labourer and manufacturer. Of A ( 3^ ) ot art I fan : that all other claffcs of people, under whatever denomination they appear, arc unpro- duclivc, and therefore burthenfomc to theftatc*. The Icls numerous, therefore, this Uft clafs of citizens is in any Hate, the more vigorous will it be in proportion to the number of people it contains. But in a thinly peopled country, aU mod every denomination of this clafs o^ citizens mud be necefTarily more numerous than where people abound. In thefe circumftances, a greater number of places are neccffary for regulating the affairs of government and police. More numerous judges, lawyers, with their dependents of inferior note, arc required; more powerful armies and navies muft be maintained. The officers for coUeding the revenue muft be mul- tiplied aimoft in a geometrical proportion } and the clafs of carriers, &c. will be augmented nearly in the lame degree. All which tends not lefs to diminilh the nurr»ber of the ufeful and produc- tive clats of citizens, than to clog their induftry and aioatc their vigour. Thefe are a few of the numerous caufes which have induced political writers to admit, that of two • Were it uecefrar)s it might be fhewn, that fome of thofe who are ranked among the unprodudive inhabitants are ufeful in certain refpeds, others neceffary, anuafew dedrudtive ; but the difcufllon would be long, and on the pcefent occafion is unnccefTary, bccaufe it would not aher the general ccnclufion. m { 3» ) two countries, containing the fame number of inhabitants, that (hall be the weakeft which oc- cupies the greateft extent of territory. The exa6t proportion of this inferiority cannot be afceriained with mathematical precifion, becaufe it muft vary with circumftanccs -, but the ufual computation which fuppofcs, that if the one country be double the fjze of the other, its itrength will be as one^ while that of the other is 2,^ four ^ ferns to be near the truth. We mull regret, that a truth fo neceflary to be known, ihould be fo little obvious to thole who take but a fuperficial view of things, as the want of this degree of knowledge has occafioned more nume- rous miftakes in government, and has been pro- do6tive of greater mifery among mankind, than perhaps any other that could be named. 'J It is chiefly owing to this circumftance, that the hiftory of pail ages is little elfe than a narra- tive of enterprizes undertaken by weak or wicked princes, with a view to enlarge, the ext«nt of their dominion, in the hope of thus encrcafing the power of themfelves and their fuccc/Tors, and of mifery to the people, and revolutions that en- fvied to the ruin of the prince, inltcd of that fttady power thty hoped to enjoy. The only dates in which the felicity cf the people has been confiderable, and of long duration, have been thofe whofc want of power precluded any idea ( 3i ) idea of conque(l. Yet, the mind of man fo na* turally afpircs at domination, that there is hardly an inftance in the annals of pafl: ages of any (iate having voluntarily declined to extend the limits of its empire when an opportunity offered, what- ever were the circumftances of the country they were to annex to ihcir own. If the preceding reafoning b^' well founded, we have room to doubt if our forefathers acted with priid.nce, when they fhewcd fo much fo-- liciiude to extend the bounds of the Britifh em- pire in America, We thus acquired, it is true, an immenfe traft of country, abundantly fertile, and capable of maintaining an innumerable mul* titude of people, but that country totally deiti- tute of inhabitants. As individuals in Britain have been accudomed to value their polTeflions, by the extent and fertility of the foil which be- longed to them, we natut ally enough applied the lame rwle to judge of the value of thofe coun- tries that have been annexed to the Britidi em- pire, not propcriy adverting to the difference of circumftances.between ourfclves and the weftem continent. Had Rudia, which is a thinly peo- pled, afid in many places a fertile country, ac- quired thefe poffcHions, individuals there would have judged of their value after 9 different man- ner. They know that at home it is neither the txtcni of their poffcffions, nor the richnciAof the F foil. i teing united with it into one connefted king- dom, although it would in that cafe have been more eafily defended and governed than at pre- sent, yet on account of the difperfion of our people that would neccffarily take place, upon the acquifition of fuch an extended territory,^ the empire muft have been weakened, and its induftry diminifhed. It foiiows, that as Ame- rica P i '( 35 ) rica is Gtuated, disjoined from Britain by fuch 4 tradt of ocean, and therefore fo much more difficult to be proteded or governed, thefe In- conveniences muft be felt in a ftill ftronger de- gree, unlefs their bid effeds are counterbalanced by fome favourable circumftances, that have not yet beea taken into the account. Again : had the intercft of America been fo much the fame with that of Britain, as not to admit of their being in any cafe disjoined or op- pofed to each other, even then, for the reafons already jidduced, the whole empire, confiding of the American colonies and Britain confidered as one aggregate body, would have been confider^ ably weakened, and ita iadudry abated. But if the intercfts of America may, in many cafes, be Separated from thofe of Britain •, if they may be in fome cafes dirc6Uy oppofrd to, eaj:h other, it muft follow, that Britain, confidered merely in itfelf, muft have been weakened in an inBnitely greater proportion, in confequcnce 9f thp fpt- cJcment.af tbpfe colpnies. m That the. intereft of America is in mpft cafes difF«rent from that of Britain, and that in many cafes they diredtly oppofe each other, will not.be 4enied by any thinking man, who either knows the countries, or attends to the tranfadions that occur almoft everyday. Wc rauft.noL therefore ^ ' F 2 confidcr :n L-1 ' ' ( 56 ) confide r the pe6plc of Britain and thofe of Ame- rica as one compared whole, continually tending towards one obje^, but as an aggregate, confid- ing of difcordant elements, which, acting in different ways, can in no cafe produce an effedt' at all proportioned to the ppwer of the whole, and which ading on fome occafions in contrary dirtdions, mutually tend to weaken and deftro/ each other. . ' I ■; pi' ml I wiflithe reader to attend to this circumftance as a m. • -^f importance, which has been hi-' thertoeiti*. overlooked or mifunderftood. How- ever much it may tend to promote the.gerieral: fccurity and profperity, that both the parent ftate^ and the colonies fhould be rich and flourifhing,. yet it is contrary to nature to expert that eack party will not wififi to promote its own intereft, rather than that of another, where thty interfere.^. It cannot but promote the ihtcrcft of the colo-* nifiis, for them to bear as fmall a (hare as poHi-^ ble of the public expence, and therefore it rtiuft be their unanimous wi(h, to oppofe by every means in thtir power, the inipofition of taxes' and duties of every kind upon ihern. It meft:,* on the othtr hand, be the intereft of Britain co^ free herifelf as much as poffible from the< expence of govcrnrtierrt i ^c muft therefore wifh to lay as great a proportion of that expence upon the colonies as (he thinks their circumftances. will ^ ■: ^ :. . r .- .. permit.' 1 t III' ( 37 ) permit. I fay thefe things muft happen fo long as man continues to be influenced by thofe pai- fions, by which he has been aduated in all ages and countries, and therefore ic does not im^)]/ the fmallef^ refledlibn on either party. Let them change fituations as often as you pleafe, the cafe Would not be altered. The perfons on both iides would aft in the fame manner as they do ^t'prcleiH* V'-- -•' -'' -^ . "'^ '• *'* • - • • • :\>/ I purpofcly here omit making ufe of the word right, bccaufc it tends only to cmbarrafs the ar- gument. In matters of government, necejfity is the only meafurc of right or wrong. If one man feeh that His intereft is hurt by another, he will fbbmit to that as a hardlhip, fo long as he finds he cannot avoid it without fubjedbing himfelf to a greater inconvenience, but no longer : and this is dill more obvioufly the cafe with regard to nations. It is ////^^ alone which eftablilhes the rights of government, and fower that main- tains them. It follows, that in all cafcs the weak muft make their interefts yield to the ftrong, which will eftablilh what are called rights oi 2), kind that never would have been acknow- ledged but from necefllt/, and which will he immediately reci:umed as foon as the weak (h. ill have power to. prote-* .■■■'. \- , • • • -.^hnf The profperity of a ftate, he would fayi de- pends on the induftry of its inhabrtants. |f its pieople are fully employed at all^ times, and if they are enabled to earn wherewithal to procure :the neceffaries of life in abundance, it feems a matter of very great indifJVrcncc what i» the principal man ufadiu re of the colony v pjovidcd that does not interfere with the manufa6turca pf •tt the m'-4' I the parent flatc. Agriculture, indeed, in as far as it tends ro furnifti the colonists wiihfocdi fecma to claim the firft attention of every Ib- ciety \ but thoffe neceflaries being once obtained^ it does not naturally claim a preference in a com^ ipercial view above any other employment, l^ociil circumftaacca muft, in this cafe^ deter-: mine the preference. But jc does not appear that the Spanifli Americans ever fuflfcr from the watst of provifions, and therefore they are left at liberty to follow that kind of manu- tatfture iwhkh beft (bits their iituation and cir-r vumftancrs. lUrticular confiderations have dc^ «ermined itiit»n':to profccute the bufiocfs of floining in peeference to that of agriculture ; and where, t ryrouid 4^« oonfiih the dcflrudive ten« dency ofitius ichoicef Confidered in itfclf^ it dues not :a|f)pc^ that this employment i$ ac? counted pQtiUliarjy pernicious to focitty; A ^inat^am Qf ine inhabitants of Cornwall are Continually employed in digging ibrtin» and fmelting its ores j and rholc of Northumber- :ianc|' »P diggi«ig cpal-rtiiflcsi yet who h«s ever tm^gin^d tl^ftt cither of :thefc mamifa^ures have •proved iiurtfiil tofiritAin? Havethcy not,on the CQiHrdryi bwen.always eftcemcd highly beneficial, Lby.rfarni8)ing conftant employment ftir niiftibers ^ ieduilripus fubjef^s ? In what refpedt does th/i riJ?ggii\g^ fpr gold or filver* differ ffom the dig- :gii»g for p$ber metals ? I-havc nprec heard that s'-. ,. they . . . . . ( 43 ) they wcce rccko^^d in any rtfpeik more pernU^ cious. Long before the difcovny of Americs^' Spain \tk\f po0c:fitd numeioud mines of theie' precious n'.tuU, which were worked to i^ gfeac/ extent, yec we Qever heard that the country wa^ fithec vi^eakened^ or ii^poveriOied by this empioyment. Why then, it may be alked^ (bould this bufinefs. prove fo peculiarty pernio dout in America I A fatista^pry anfwcc doea nococciUf. ( Slip^U itcbe.^ ihai^a luck)^ adventurer, may; gain extraordinary profits, which by fuddenly enriching hii^ will deprive the (latt of an in<^ duftrious fubjje^, and tend to.tninoduceluxufy; s^^ difl?patipn,*t-— fotttc would anlw^r, that the fooner this (hoipld h|ippen» rriv a cobny, f^ fitu:' 9ted at thefe are, the- bevter it would be foi; th^^ Harent ftate^ bccaule from clkenee muft be ob- tained a)i :he articles of elegance md lux^rious^ fplencbur. Buc waving thisargutnem) it mightf be j«i(bly obferved, that the h^< thing majff happen in regard to CMery other^ manufadture, and may dill oftener be e^pei^ed to occur, stt. tjrade. Shall therefoce commerce and n\aoUf ^^kufes be-difcourag^, beeaufc in the pra^ice o£ them mem by a lucky hie may fOtxjetimei amafb amazing fortunes? Thie oA<^ner fuch incidents occur> the fooner no doubt willluxury. and diiripa(iQa prevail-, but t^iftfa are only leiier G a evils'. \\ rt!i •V* 1 \% ( 44 ) evils, whkh muft be esepefled to flow from the bed of human inditutions. Ferfevering in-rY duftry itfclf will nccc0arily produce the lame effects. yyo-^rq If we next turn our attention to the commerce and manufactures of the parent (late, it does not appear in what refpeft the Spanish fettle- mcnts (hould differ materially from thofe of Britain. Gold and filver are as much articles ' of comr..erce, as rice or tobacco *, and the dig- ging for them: interferes as little with the manu- factures of Spain, as the culture of any article reared in the Britifn colonies doefr with the produce or manufactures of Britain, and infi- nitely lefs fo than many of them-^ and Z)i> i Spaniih. coloniils are f^ipplied with as great a proportion of their cloaths, tools, furniture, and articles pf luxury t>om the parent ((ace, as any, pf the Britvdi cplonifts arc, it does no; appear that any fatisfa^^oi^y reafon can be afBgned why the Spanid) colonies (hould not be equally bene^ iicial to the parent (tate as thofe pf :Grratwed, we muft I'earch for fome other caufe of thofe inconveniencies that have been fo long and fo Idudly complained of. n«'i ■ --.v •■ •■• '■' ' That fome radical defedfc has prevailed. in the political CBConomy of Spain ever fince the dif~ covery of America, will not be denied by any one who compareis her condition at that period with vyhfl^ it U at prefent. Spain, according to her beft hiftorians^ contained at the time that C;(>li)mbti^ fet fail for America, about twenty five miliipns of* .ohabicants^ and pofleflbd nu- meroiiiB mainufaAures which were in the moft !3()uri(hing date. -Her population iwfv icarce :amoiint^ to e^ht miiiions', and her manufaCbure^ dereirve ibot to be named. At that time ihe was the moftlwailike and powerful- (late in Europe \ land' the itnnv'diate fucceflbrs of Ferdinaad and irt^belUi > made; large ftricies to the attainment of ViniverSal dofrii;iidri» which neithei^ they* nor the ,princes> arodpd them cotifidered as luchachi- .merical projed as we now know it to have been. .Little did they forcf<;e that their defendants would fo ibori be obliged to rely upcn^the cha* . ritahle aid of the neighbouring nations; to pk'e- vent them from becoming the ii;ij^e^spf Francp. 1 heir ^■i i In W m '^' i "I ( 43- ) Their debility and indolence have 'almoft become proverbial. To what caufc are w6 to afcribe fu^h an humiliating change ? The depopulation of Spain has Been by many afcribcd entirely to the baniftimcnt of the Moors and Jews out of that country, and the long wars waged by Ferdinand, Charlt^s, and his fon Philip. The wars of thefe cruelprinccJ were indeed (hocking and deftrudtive; and the ba* nifhing of fo maay induftrious fubjedbs was im- politic in the extreme. It drained the country of Several millions of her bed inhabitants^ But any one who confiders that it is now about two hundred yeats fioce thbfe wars'cdafed, and rc- iledts.upon what (hould have been the natQra( encreafctof twenty millions' of (»eflplfe, (and I never heard; it computed that the ^hOJe lofs of people by war and bani(hmenc tdge^h^^ amount- ed to five millions), in. that pei^iod, Will eafily perceive that the whole lofs fu^aJned by thelc caufes, would long before this titCTFliave been fully replaced by the naturalintreafe of the re- maining inhabitants, had nOC fomiC' pow<^rful circumftance preventcid it. ' So far k this 'lofs however, from being replaced, ihat the depo- pulation has continued to proceed to iin uhex- ^ampled degree. And^as no other caiife for this de|, ^ jlation can be afllgned, except the peo- 4)ling of America, we Ihall be conftrained to ad- • ' - mlt ( 49 ) mit that it is her colonies, and not the expulfion of the Moors from Spain, that have at the fame time diminiihcd her inhabitants and ruined the manufadtures of the kingdom. It behoves us now to enquire into the caufe of this alarming phenomenon, which will be bell difcovered by a fhort detail of hidorlcal facts. Soon afier the difcovery of America, the court of Spain in confequence of the protedion flic sfTordcd to the mercilefs ravagers of ,thac extenfive continent, became pofleficd of fuch extenfive revenues, independent of the aid of her European fubjedts, as enabled her at a very early period to trample upon the boaftcd liber- ties of Spain, and to ereft upon their ruins that fyftem of defpotifm both civil and religious, v/hich ever fince hath fo remarkably prevailed in that country. This revolution alone would be fufficient to account in a {-,reat meafure for that decline in the fpir^ of national induftry which began to be obfervcu ..bout that time. Thefe ur.looked-for treafurcs lik-wiie cT'e- riflied in the minds of the Spanilh princes thole lecds of ambition which had begun to appear ever fince .hejun(^tion of the cro\vns of Caliiie and Arragon •, and engendered thofe long and bloody wars which for a century ravaged nil Europe. During the continuance of ihofc wars, i^ ' H littls #. h! ( so ) little attention was beilowed upon the kingdom of Spain itfclf. America being then accounted an inexhauftible fund df treafure that would abun- dantly make up for all dcBciencies, was more regarded : and as it was imagined that the re- turns fronii thence would be abundant in pro- portion to the numbers who went thither, no care was taken to prevent the emigration of that numbcrlefs multitude who preffed to go to thofe regions where gold was to be obtained with fo much eafe.* In confcqucncc of thefe c^ufcs, added to thole already enumerated, the inhabitants of Spaiii were much diminilhed in number, and by con- fequencc I It.-r f '^ Some readers will think there is here a cdntradiftioh of what went before. There it was faid that the gold and iilver mines of America have not proved the ruin of Spain': iiF.RE It leems as if the bad 'onfequences that Spain ex- perienced are attributed to the precious metals. A little attention will remove the umbiguify. It has never been denied that the inordinate defire of* obtaining riches operated the deftrudion of Spain. But although, gold and filver conilitute one fpecies of riches, they are not the only fubttan-cs which merit that appella- tion. Corn and wine may deferve the name of riches ^s jullly as filver or gold : thofe, therefore, who conclude that becaufe Spain was ruined by an inordinate defire for riches, (he was ruined by the gold and filver mines of Ame- rica, rcafon very illogically ; as the (ame eflctl would have been quence the indullry of thofc '^ho nmalned he* Hind was much flackened. The army, hqw-* ever, while the wars continued, offered a ready H 2 afylum be^Q produced by the Aidden acquiiitlpi) of any other kind, — An example will bed ihew how thefe things may be efefted. Let us fuppofe that inftead of America, Columbus had difcovered another country of |;reat ejctent* well peopled, amazingly fertile, in which ihe chief employment of the people was agriculture and arts, in both which they had attained great perfedlion. Let us fuppofe that at the time of his arrival the^r gra* naries, which were conllrudled like thofe of Jofeph, con> tained as much grain as would fapply the whole i^habj- i tants for feveral years. That their iloces o( wine of the mod delicate flavour, exceeding even Tokay in richnefs, were almoft inexhauftible i that the quantities of oi), in- digo, cochineal, filk, cotton, tea, coffee, chocolate, tg(bac- CO, cinnanfion, cloves, mace, and many of the moil valu- able products of the earth were equally abundant : that the houfes were furniihed in, (he moflt fuperb and elegant tafte, confining of mirrors of amazing magnitude and perfeQion, clocks, watches, &c. of .ae moft curious work- manship : that their temples, gardens, and hovifes abound- ed with (latues, . bulls and vafes of the moft elegant kind,, which might have vied with thofe of Phydias, Buonuoretti, or Bernini ; that their houfes were full of piftures o^ in- eiiimable value: in fiiort, that the whole country was one continued Ilprehoufe of thofe valuable things that mankind in general covet mod, excepting goM and filver, not one grain of which was to be found In the whole territory ; a 'ill I:]t It " 1 1 m ■• , I i ( 54 ) afylum for many, and from this caufe was al- ways eafilv recruited. For fome time things went on very fmoothly in this track ; but after the certain kind of glafs, fhells, and paper being the only kinds of money there known. '■ '■ Let us further fnppofe that thefe innocent and induftriou* people were little acquainted with the art of war, and had- iielther implements nor difcipline capable of making more than the moft feeble refiflance to the arms and military difcipline o;- Europe. In ihefe circumflances, fuppofe the court of Spain lets It be known among her people, that whoever fliall go over ta that country ta conquer it, ihall obtain to himfelf a full. rijjht to the w! ole that he (hall conquer, referving for thel Xing only a fmall proportion,T— would not numberlefs> perfoas greedily fly to thofc regions to appropriate fuch treafures to themfelves ? And would not the court be fud-. denly enriched by its proportion of thofe accumulated fibres ? Is it to be fuppofed that during thefe tranfaftions, many of the nauves would not be maffacred, to make way for their new mafters — or that extravagance and wafte. would not abound 'till the new-found riches were ex* haullcd ? , , . During the whole time that thefe ravagers were pro- ceeding in their conqueft, they would be daily making new acquifuions of riches, to fupply the wafte of thofe that had. been fo laviflily diflipated. But when the whole country was fuhdued, thofe ftoreg, however abundant, would be fod: exhaufted. Its new mailers would then be obliged to find fome other means of fiibdflence. No other means- of eftcfting this occurs biu by following the employment of ( S3 ) the plunder of the natives of America Ccafed, money became more fcarce, and remittances home were lefs abundant, Treafurts mull then (, of the original poneiTors of the country. They mnft be- take themfelves to the cultivating the foil from whence the treafures had been originally obtained. The foil, though equally rich now as formerly, in confequence of being fo long oegleAed, has been fuiFered to run wild. Confider- able exertions at.' required to bring it into its former fiate: but the means of efFefling this are not to be found. The cattle formerly employed for that ufe were killed to load the luxurious tables of the new lords of the country. The people who were formerly employed in rural labours have been cut off in a thoufand ways. The nevy madero, accuftotned to rapine, cannot be brought to fubmit to the drudgery themfelves : in confequence of thefe caufes that country which ufed to abound in ever^ valuable produd, BOW affords but very fcanty returns : Haves mull be found to labour for the indolent owners, who mud all be fed bc> fore the ftate can obtain its proportion of the produje. — Since the plunder ceafcd, the revenue of the date has been Amazingly diminiflied : all things are totally chan^t^d, and thefe changes muil be fevcrely feit by every perfon concerned. ♦ ' It thus appears that the phenomena complained of do not arife from the precious metals, conliddred as lijch, that were found in the new won ., bur ^roin ihe accumulated treafures that were there found, and tpe rapine and devaf- tation that were then permitied. Thf Irme erftft mi>;ht have been prn^'uced, had riches of an\ kind there ab urid- ckl, and had ttit fame deltruft've pi:, b-en pe m J. Xhe fame efieft would be produced b; Uwuxj) ng the . ha- i .. ; . . bitants, M tl-l Is hi. h •; . ( 54 ) then be dug from the mine inftead of being yrrefted from the inhabitants. So many of the natives had been killed by the wantonncfs ojf cruelty, that hands were wahting to work the mines to perffidion. Contrivances were in- vented to elude the payments due to the King. In (horc, the American revenue fell fo far (hort of the demands of the crown, that there was a neceflity for endeavouring to obtain fomewhat more from the fubjedls of Old Spain than they Jiad formerly given. ■ * In confequence of the decrcafe of people in Spain, all the old taxes mud necefTarily have become lefs produ6live ; and in confequence of the decline of induHry, they mud likewife have become more oppreflive. Inftead, however, o£ removing feme pare of this heavy load, as good policy would have required, neceflity obliged the court to impofe new taxes. This completed the ruin of the few manufa(5tures that remained. The inhabitants at home opprefled beyond what could be borne, migrated in thoufands to the co- lonies : the donicllic revenue being thiis in a manner bitants, and waflijig the property of the pe^ople of Britain* Plunder, when aathorized, intirely defiroys every fpecies of induftry. .The riches thus obtained are foon exhaufted, nor can the (lores when once difperfed be eafily replace(| again. 1^' i B5 ) \ manner annihilated, and the foreign revenue fb confiderably abated, manl^ind beheld a pheno- menon perhaps the mod unlocked for that ever happened : it was the lord of all the treafures of the new world, and the fovereign of the mod ex- tenfive dominions in Europe, a public bank- tupt. From that time, the projects of a^nbition Wei'e obliged to be relinquiflied, and it was foon found that inftead of extenr'-ng her cohquefls Spain was not able to protect her own domi- nions. Thoic taxes, libwever, which Bnilhed the ruin of her manufactures, were continued either through neceflity or from (hort-fighted policy s and 'till this moment have prevented them from being re-eftablilhed, fo that although Spain continues to enjoy the trade to her own colonies, that trade only encourages the induflry of others, not that of the parent (late. The trade itfelf is advantageous, but it is only fo to the merchants, and not to the body of the people. Thefe colonies are as ufciul to Europe as other colonies are, bv . they are not fo to Spain. By t blihdnefs of condudt that has not perhaps a parellel in hiftory, Spain has contrived to ruin herfelf for the fake of her colonies, and then has transferred the profits that refult from them to Cither ftates. ' f\-' From 't' i I h •1' r 56 ) From this hillorlcal (ketch we perceive that iSpain has been ruined by her colonies, not be- c.uifc the inhabitants empl'^y themfelves in fearch of the precious metals, but becaufe of an inad- vertency too common in the affairs of govcrri- ment. If a general idea prevails in any country tliat more money can be got by following one employment than any other, a great number of ptifons will naturally choofe to follow that mode of life. It was this principle that effe<5^ed the ruin of Spain. A general idea prevailed, that more money could be made in the colonies of America, than at home. This opinion inllead of being difcouraged was favoured by the court: in conlequence of this, people of all ranks flocked thither in numbers. Thofe left behind felt themfelves lefs comfortably fituated than before, and their fituation becoming lefs and lefs agreeable as their numbers decreafcd, others were gradually forced to leave their native coun- try, for the fake of fubfiftence, 'till it became reduced to that debilitated flatc in which wc now find it. % ' -y 1 i 1 , T.-J M m Has Britain no reafon to fear that fimilar evils may accrue to herfelf, in confeqiience of her American colonies ? It is evident the circum- Hances are in many refpe6ts alike. In both countries an idea has prevailed, that it is eafier to live comfortably in the colonies than at home. This ( 57 J This idea has induced many individuals to leave their native homes for ever. Both kingdoms have been thus deprived of many of their bcft inhabitants : in both cafes the expences of go- .ernment have been thus necelTarily augmented. taxes, of confequence, are heavier upon the people at home than they ocherwife would have been, which muft neccflarily have a tendency to check the progrefs of manufactures; al- though it as necefTarily increafes the appear^ mnce of the operations of commerce. Whether this fuppofed increafe is as real as it appears to be, and whether it is fufficient to overbalance the forenientioned inconveniencies, will come to be examined, after we have finiflied the para- lei between the Spanifh and Britiih colonies, and explained the reafons why the latter have not produced the fame effcfts upon the parent ilate as the former. In one refpeA the colonies of Spain differed extremely from thofe of Britain. From the be- ginning, Spain drew from her colonies a conH- derable revenue : BuVaii has never been able to draw from her colonics any revenue at all. We have feen, that in confequence of this American revenue, Spain was induced to embark in enter- prifcs which made her wade her ftrength in fruitlcfs exertions. Britain being freed from the I " tempta- h m ( 58 ) temptation, was prcfcrvcd alfo from the confe- qucnces of that imprudcnffineafure. . I The fame caufes that enabled the court of Spain to draw a confiderable revenue from her colonies ai the beginnin^^ tempited emigraius to go thither, at that early period, in imnicnfe num- bers*, which at once ruined the manufa6lure0 and deftroyed the induftry of fhe parent ftate. But thofe who went to the Britifli fectlements ac firft, had fo many difficulties to overcome anci hardfhips to druggie with, that large fums were obliged to be raiftd for their fupport by the in > habitants of Britain, before they could be indu- ced to go thither. The firft Atttlement of theic colonies was (low, and it was not 'till of late that the emigrations to them became very confider* kb!? Time, therefore, has not yet been allow-* ed'for our tecilw^; the full efFefi:s of thefe co^- pious migrations : and as the change was ef- ^dked gradually, they hive not been attended with thofe violent confequences that fudden changes in political arrangements i>evcr fail to produce. To thefe confiderations we muft add, that fince that period the conAitution jof Britain has experienced a revolution direftly the rcvcrfc of (hat of Spain. There, liberty has been changed inta ( 59 ) into defpotifm, v^hich in the moft e0e6tual manner prevent^ the people from availing them- felves of the natural advantages they pofTefs*, repreflfes the fpirit of induftry, and deters them from making any exertions to better their con- dition. Here, that defpotic and ^rfectiting fpirit which fird gave rife to our ' colonies, has been totally fubdued, and the liberty of the fub- je£t fo effectually fecured, as to give full fcope to every exertion of gienius and induftry. This h^^ fupported our manufadlures and commerce in fpite of occurrences that would have totally ruined them, if the nation had been fubjefled to the controul of any defpotic power whatever. f. Thefe ar^ the circumjl^nces that have pre- VflQted Brjtaiiii from experiencing ^ change fimi* lar Xfi that o^ Spain i and this is the real foun* datioa qf that flourishing commerce which this iiland has poflefled fqr a century paft ^ and which has .been fo. often afcribed to caufes that have operated powerfully in retarding its prof* pcrity. ; ; . -. % 1\ m t\ :';.:)Vfii '.».»ij'.:| ""fti 01 'Ca'iO ^it-i no Jfi) CHAP. I : .i;; I • ( 66 ) , >. 'T"'. ^» C H A P. IV. bf the Population and J'rade of the American ' Colonies^ and tkeir Effects u*)on the Commerce^ Population, and Manufactures of Great-Britain^ Pi*: TRADE, it is well known, is not always or neceflarily beneficial to the ftate, how- ever much it may be advantageous to indivi- duals. It is that commerce only which tends to excite the induftry of the people, and promote the manufaiSiures of the country, that is bene- ficial to the ftafe. The commerce of Spain to her colonies, which is chiefly Supported by the manufsfturcs of other nations, is of very little benefit to herfelf. The commerce, however, that is carried on between Britain and her Ameri* can colonies, as it confifts chiefly of her own manufaftures, it feems, at firft view, muft prove to her highly beneficial : but in regard to trade, appearances are often deceitful ; and it is proper that we proceed in the prcfent inveftiga- tion with great circumfpeftion. To affift us in forming an impartial judgement on this occa- fiotj, I (liall put an imaginary cafe, which will perh ps enable us to fee it more clearly than if we ( 6i ) MFC wftrc to rely on, real fafls, as thefe cannot at all times be viewed without prejudice, and iarc iifually in matters of this kind carefully con- cealed, or artfully difguifed. ■cCi Hi We fliall fuppofe that there ejcifted a fmall nation, feparated from all others by impregnable barriers, and altogether independent in matters of government. Its number of people let us call ten thoufand. Let its foreign exports, con- fiding entirely of its own produfls and manu- failures, be fuppofed to amount at an average to the value of five, thoufand pounds a year. In this cafe, according to the common ufe of word."^, the trade of the nation would be faid to be five thoufand pounds per annum. t.~*':i In thefe circuniftances we (hail fuppofe that by fome lucky accident this people difcovered another country, at a confiderable d i (lance frorh them, more extenfive, more fertile than their own, and totally unoccupied. Of this they took poffeffion, and fent out of their own Inhatiftints to the number of one thoufand to occupy' it, which number, on account of favourable Cii- cumftances, we fliall fuppofe increafed in tifne to two thoufand. Thefe colonifts, we (hall fupi- pofe, traded with the parent ftate, and confumed of her manufadurcs annually to the value of two thoufand pounds. In this cafe, fuppofing her com- :i-i''^'s i i i»«L IWi' . * : . ..... .f commerce with other flates has not declined, it appears that the colonies have increafed the trade of the mother (late to two-fifths more than its original value. Does it from hence follow that the parent ftate really manufadtures goods to a .greater value than formerly, or carries on a more cxtcnfive trade? — By no means. Her manu- factures and trade muft both have neccflarily declined in confequence of this arrangement, as jv^i)! appear from the following confiderations. The inhabitants of the original country, we are tofuppofe, were fed by the produce of their ^J)Wn country, and cloathed with its manufac- tures. Each individual therefore became a cudomer to the nation for all he confumed of its produce and manufadbures. Hence, before we can draw any conclufion, we mu(t take into the ' i^ccQunt its internal, as well as its ^;fternal trafiic. Taylors, fhoe-mak?rs,, clothiers, dyers^ and all othps, muft be, fcjcj, , by Uie farmers and he in h^,tprn muft pay for ^very thing he purchafes |rop any of them. The farmer at home who DuyS^ a yard of cloth for his own ufe, encourages ^.the cloth manufadure as much, as the Emperor pf China would do,, if he bought cloth to the flpne value i and the taylor who buys of the produce of the fields for his own fuftenance, en- . courages agriculture as much as the Grand Sig- nior would do, (hould he have occallon p trans- port ( 63 ) port the like quantity to Conftantinople: To the manufa6turer and farmer, it is not a matter of any moment who it is that confumes the produce of their labour, but what is Us amount ? The home market, therefore, is of equal import- ance, in proportion to its amount, as that which ^ arifes from a foreign demand, although from obvious caufesj it does not furnifh equal em- ployment to the merchant, nor makes fuch a. diftinguilhed figure at the cudom-houfe. When we attempt to compute the amount of , the internal commerce of a country, the eafieft way is, to eftimate the whole value of all the articles confumed or ufed by one perfon, at an average, in a year. This will be very different in diffe'-ent circumftances. Accordingly, wc find that authors have varied widely from each other in their computations of this article. The lowed edimate I have feen rates the annual ex- pence of one perfon at feven pounds, and the highed (I think) at twenty. Without entering, ' into a very nice invcdigation of this matter, it is probable we fhall not go beyond the truth, if we place it at ten pounds a head.* •v-^''/v'--" On * All the computations of (his kind I have feen are very erroneous, becaufe of the cmiflion of feveral articles that ihouid be taken into the account. ,. , The ( 64 ) On that fuppofuion, then, the trade of the priginal country, at the Hrft mentioned period, would (land thus : . . . , |; -; Uli l!K For food, raiment, and other nccel- faries for ten thoufand pcrfons at jf.ioahead Value of goods exported £, 100,000 5,000 Total value of the produ(5ls and ma- nufadures of the country at this" period I, 105,000 At The conrumption of the produce and tnanufaflures Kif z country is to be ellimated hy the expenditure of all the inhabitants (deducing what goes for foreign produce) and not thofe of any particular clafs only. Thofe who have hitherto examined this matter, have ufually rated all as if they expended no more than the lowed clais of the people, which is furely improper. In eftimating the confumption of this loweil claG, like- wife, they commit a miftake when they confider that as equal iimply to their own expenditure. In almoft every cafe the employer fur oiihes many articles which form a real part of thojir confamption, but arc no part of their own expendi- ture. In many raanufaOiires, iliop-renc, fewel, candles, tools and machinery are furniihed by the employer, and thefe, in fome cafes, amount to a great value. All the animals likewlfe ;hat are employed by roan in his operations of induilry, or for his amufement, confume the produce of the country, and ought to be taken into this Ac- "At the fccond period the account wbuld lland thus, even on the fuppofition that its people had not increafcd at all. i** - -^ »'-;{ I bni.i .mi For food, raiment, &c. for nine thou- ' ' ^ fand perfons at home, one thou- f* fand having emigrated, at lol; a • ^ head £, 90,cco Value of go6ds exported to other ,. countries, as before 5,.ooo Value of goods exported to the coIo- ow? .-^.f* * Ifotal value of the prod u As and ma- " hufaitu^s at this period ^ij-i 2,000 Value at the firll pei-'ro'd aS above £. 97,000 '•''t65;ooo • Difference ih favour of the firft period £, 8,000 ■ '» , ^$ccpunt. Tne horifiss which are employed for labouring . the ground form as rbal a part of the farmer^s expend!- itur«, a« the 'linages of the fervants who drive them. If thea horfes are not themfelves to be taken into the account, the ^«fxpeQditore>they occafion Aioald be added to that of the perfoDS wiio employ them^ The fame may be faid of their ^ tear and v^ear, and that of their harnefs and the machinery 'they wOt^k with. TheFe form the tools of a labouring man, ' without which he could not perform his work, although they never form any part of his own expenditure. To I I 66 ) So that the national trade inftead of being in- creafed to the value of two thoufand pounds a year, as it appeared, has really decreafed eight thouiand pounds a year. •«-., It To fee what alteration this woald prodace* I (hill ftate the expenditure of a farmer's family, rating, as is ufaal id cafes of this kind, every thing at its loweft valaOt The family, we Ihall fuppofe, confids of the farmer, lat wife, two children, ten men fervants, and two maid fer* vants, whofe annual expenditure for food, cloatbing, fewel, candles, houie-rent, wafhing, &q* air.oants on an average to tet> pounds each : Hence for i6 perfons £, i6o O o Twenty horfes, the maintenance of which ac 6 d. a day, is for 365 days j^. 9 5 per ann* each. Hence 20 coft 185 DO Tear and wear, including tntereit on the value of the hbffes, 2 1. each per annum. Hence for 20 40 o o For (hoes, harnefs, labouring utenfils for ditto, at Jeafl 40 o o r4 8ii £'A^S The total annual expenditure of this family (though no other article is taken into the account) codd not be leff than four hundred and twenty-five pounds, which divided by 16, leaves j^. 26 11 3 for each perfon, inftead oft^ pounds, as it appears on the face of the account. The above (hews how fallacious mufl be all thofe ac- Ctunts which pretend to afcertain the confumption of the produce X ^ ) It is thus that mankind are frequently ini« pofed on by falfe appearances in matters relat- ing to .commerce ; and it is by not duly at- tending to all the particulars which ought to K 2 be I "'"ins '♦■-- , ■ i-" •'•••''• ?t ^ ' prbau'ce and manufactures of a country, by coroputinf: only the number of perfons in the country, and rating thf <« at an average as only equal to the aftual expenditure ot the lowed clafs of its inhabitant!. Not only horfes, dogs, and other animals, which do not furniih food for man ; but cattle, iheep, pigs, fowls, &c. ihould all be taken into the account, as all thefe confume of the produce of the coun- %ryj and are an effential part of the national expenditure. "The juAeft way to come at the truth in this cafe, would be to afcertain what is the loweft rate at which a perfon can be maintained in health, without begging, who con- fume^ only of the fruits of the earth, and wh^p is lodged and clothed in the mofi homely and fimple manner. This fum may be fuppofed neceiTary for every perffln in the kingdom, and- Ihould be confidered as part of the annual expenditure lof each. Thofe in circumfiances fomewhat better, can afford to eat, befides vegetables and grain, beef and mutton. For their ufe therefore, thofe articles of food are produced, and to their account muft be charged the whole annual expen- diture occafioned by the animals which atford them. Others in more eafy circnmftances eat dill more expeo- fively, and alfa seep horfes, dogs, &c. for their ^opvenien- cy or atnufement. All that thefe animals confume, there- fore, as part of the national expenditure, mull be charged to th^ir account. Befides ■\\.\ a !1 m: ( 68 ) be taken into the account, that To man/ pUns of improvement are found at laft to prove hurt? ful inftead of being beneficial. 1 1 Ftom Befides thefe, there is ai^other article ot great annual amount, viz. that which is expended by thofe in eafy cir< cumllances in fine furniture, cloathing, fewel, candles^ ftrong liquors, &c. above the proportion expended on thefe articles by the poorell clafs of people. Could all thefc articles be exa£lly afcertained, we ihoold obtain a tolerably juft account of the whole amount of tlic national confumption of produce and manufa^lurei :— Without pretending to perfeA accuracy, I fliall here at- tempt to give a fuperficial eftimate of them. The lowed rate at which a perfon can be maintained ia this ifland, in health, and without begging, including food, deaths, lodging, furniture, wafhing, and fewel, is \ think, four-pence a day, which, for 365 days, amonnta to jC'6 • 8 The number of horfes I fuppofe to be equal to one fourth the number of people. (In the country they are much above that pro- portion) Thefe will confume at an average the value of fix-pence each a day ; the 4th part of which (being what falls to the (hare of every perfon) is three-half-pence, or per annum For wear and tear of horfes, harnefs, &c. equ|U to 4 1. per annum each— Hence per man •:"» 5 71 o o Carried over 9 7 3a Brought P ( ^9 ) . ^ From the foregoing example the reader mW fee dill greater reafon to doubt if the American colonies have proved as beneficial to Great- Britain as has been commonfy imagined. The im- Brought over Pogs, cats^ rat«, and every other ufelefa crear ture we (hall fuppofe cunlumc one tenth as much as the horfes, hence The number of cows and cattle of all forts will equal the number of people, and their daily jBonfamption may be rated ut two-pence per head, which per annum is Sheep may be computed to be equal in value and confumption to the cattle, hence Pigs may be rated at one fourth of the cattle, which it jF'owls and poultry of all kinds, venifon, Sec, equal to the lalt Filh of all forts equal to one fourth the valui. of butcher's meat For tools and machinery to manufacturers, ele- gance of furniture, richnefs of clothing, to people in higher rank, and greater wafte of fewel, candles, waihing. Sec, beyond what Is confumed by the lower clafa-^foppofe fqual per head to 9 7 3f H 3 o 10 O 10 o 15 o 15 2^ 10 9 I 10 o Total £'^0 5 From the whole of thefe conCderations it appears, that the total confumption of produce and manufactures of Britain, cannot be eftimaied at lefs than twenty pounds fterling for each perfon at an average. It is only pla'cied at half that fam in the te3ct« : -!i! • II'" > / importance of the trade has ufually been edi- niuteci by the value of rhe exports thither i but it is Qvident that many other particulars require to be taicen into the account, before we can be in a condition to judge of the real cfFcds of that trade upon the parent country, I firould willingly have declined proceeding fariiier in this inveftigation, had it been con- fident with the tafk I have undertaken. It will lead mc into difcuflions that carry fomewhat of an invidious appearance with regard to our Ame- rican brethren. This is an ungracious ta(k : but confcious as I am that no man more cor- dially wilhes to promote their prosperity than n^.yfelf, wherever it es not interfere With the well-being of Britain, 1 (hall proceed with tem- per and Can.iour in this enquiry : being per- ftiailed that the difcovering what is the true in- teiiH of both parties will in iht end be for the leal intereft of the colonies as well of Britain, however much it may tend to thwart the views of both at prcfenr. , I begin with examining what foundation there is for an opinion that has long been entertained both in Britain and America, relating to the amazing increafeof the people on that continent. It has been faid, and it is generally believed, that mankind increafe fo much fafter in America by ( 71 ) by natural procreation, than in Britain, that the diminutiofi of the inhabitants of this country bears no fort of proportion to their increafc in the colonies, and that by confequence the lois wc have fu(taincd hy the fettling of America, is much niore than made up to us by the gain we re^p from the commerce of the colonics. I have examined this qucftion with attention>, but have nof been able to meet with any fa<5b that tends to corroborate the opipion, unkfs ic be the fingle circumftance of the rapid popula- tion of foiji.q of the provinces of America. But from thispircumdancc alone, wewsll kaow, that no luch : inference can be drawn. The inhabi- tan,ts of London, Liverpool, Manchefter, .and many other places in Britain, have in iik& man- ner increaled in a moH rapid progreHlon 9. but no man,,becaufe of this circumftance, has ever belic;yc4 that, thofc places, are more fayourable fpr, population than uthers. It is on thjs^con- tracy jVjeJ^ knowni that were it not for the.cjon- tjiiuali fupplits of peopk they copftantly, duaw from the cc^ntry, the inhabiljants of thofe-places would prol^ably diminifh inilead of mcreafin^. The^ fkne inference may be. made with .regard co the population ot A.merica, unlefs othei^fa<^^ arc produced tp prove a contrary opinion., • ^ ^HiKt /. > W -^-^v'n 2iaj,x<^ L^iiiiJdw 3ci -From III ( 72 ) FrOih the nioft accurate enquiry 1 c6\i]d make, I have not met with a fingle circumftahcti that tends to prove that the inhabitartts of Ame- rica increafe by natural procreation in the fmal- left degree fader than they do in the Country^ and didant provinces of Britain. To afcertaiil this fadl, I have enquired after parochial re* gifters *, but thofe of America could not be ob- tained. And if they could, unlefs they are kept with more than ordinary care, it would no tbe fafe implicitly to rely on them. For want of means of better information, I then had recourfe to an expedient, which the reader may eafily adopt if he inclines : It was, to put fome of the American refugees (who at prefent abound in this country) upon recolle^- ing the number of children in fuch families as they knew in America, whofc parents wore either dead, or pad hopes of increafmg their families *, and comparing thefe with an equal number of families in Britain, in (imilar circumftances, taken alfo at random, from the recoUedlion iiS perfons who had never been out of the ifland. Upon this trial I could find no perceptible ad- vantage on the fide of America over the country places and diftant provinces, (for it was to thefe places I confined my enquiry) in Great-Britain. It is not contended that very grea^ accuracy could be obtained by this mode of enquiry ; but ( 73 ) ^ but it is prefumed that had the difparity in thii refpcdt been near To great as has bcren contended for, a fenfible difference mud have been per- ceived even by this mode of trial. 1 then had recourfc to hiftorical records. But although I met with rcatcered notices of the numbers of the people in the uifFf rent provinces at different times^ yet I was not able to connedb thefe into a regular progreflive chain, or to af- ;^rrain what proportion of the inhabitants had emigrated from Britain, or had been reared in the colonies, unlefs in the fingle province of Vir- ginia ; with regard to whxh the following fa6'^s feem to be well authenticated. Smith, the earlieft and the bell informed hif- torian of American affairs, obfervcs, that before the year 1625 there had been conveyed from England to Virginia upwards of nine thouland Engl I (h fubjeds, at the enormous expence of fifty thoufand pounds flerling.* ^ut of all this numerous emigration there remained no more alive at that period than about eighteen hundred perfons.+ I't'i Jnftcad *Chap. 21. t Chap. 23, ''•i M n ■'it ^*J-«. , If < 74 ) Initcad of irtcreafing, therefore, it appeaw that during the firft twenty years the people of thatcoiuny g-eatly df J -' ; 1)0 HI 'if . r, ■ '' •; C'^'iH ,>■> " It was a long time, f?ys another hiftorian,*"' before Vriginia faw a race of Englifh born on tlie Ipoc." — " But after the difficulties mcidem^ to the fettlement of cobnies were in fome mca- fure fjrmounted, and the voyage thither had been inortened by the improvement of naviga- tion, 3nd rendered fli miliar by u'e, whole fami- lies, tianfported themfelves thither. When the inftrudUofls of Charles I. gave large tratfts of Vmd to intiividaaK, m&n of confideration and wealthy roufed by retigioa, or ambition, or ca* price, removed thither; and the population of that colony had increafed to abo'it twenty thou* fand fouls at the commencement, of the civil wars* 1\he colonifts enjoying plenty of good iiind, and fubfifting with eafe, naturally increafed abundantly ; and the cavaliers refbrting thither during t 4. • Prefeat State of America, 2d. Pt. 50,apud Chalmers's Pditical Annals, p, 125, - > t 75 ) during the diftreflesof thofe times, Virginia con- tained about thirty thqufand pcrfons at the epoch of the rcftoration," »»-•*•••: «n From thefe notices it appears, that the popu- lation of Virginia was chiefly promoted by emi- grations from Britain, But we have not here any precife account either of the number of emigrants during that period, or of the propor- tional incjcafc of the colonifts. Tiie following account is more diftinit. f i .r. n (C We fuppofe, fays Sir William Berkeley, in his Anfwer to the Enquiries of the Lords of the Committee of Colonies, anno 1671, and I am very fare we do not much mifcount, that there are in Virgi; la about 40,000 ptrlons, men, women, and cliiklren, of which there are 2000 black flaves, 6000 chriftian ff rvants for a fliort time J and the reft have been born in the coun- try, or have come in to fettle or ferve in the hope of bettering d*eir conuitiun m a growing country. Yearly ws fuppofe there comes in of fervants about 1500; oi which moll; are Eng- lilh, few Scots, and fewc^r Irifh ; and not above two or three Ihips of negroes m feven years."* .,,/ ■.i.ri:'. ■■.■^y 'i:i> f,-. 3S4T ' ..:,:i ..ts":.^' L 2 . riru::.,^^ Virginia . ' * Poiitical Annals of America, p. 327. 4' M ■ml k', ( 76 ) . yirginia therefore contrlned of inhabitants. Anno 1625 1640 1666 1674 i8ao 2O,C0C 30,000 40,000 I From thefc accounts it appears, that between thf year 1625 and 1640, a period of fifteen years, the number of inhabitants had increafed eighteen thouiand two hundred, which mud in all probability have been wholly by emigrants} for it is not to be fuppofed that a colony in which the diminution of inhabitants for the twf nty years prccct.lng had been fo remarkable, could all at once have come to be in a ilatc of population fo remarkabl/ prog'-eflive. It can- not even be fuppoled that if they had been left without any fupply, their numbers would not rather have dec rea led. So that it is probable the emigrants from Europe during this period were confiderably above eighteen thoufand two hun- dred, the total increafr of the colonifts i which fecms to be confirmed by what was obferveable in the fubf^quent period. From the year 1640 to 167 1, a period of thirty-one year^, the total increafe of the cOiOnifls Was twenty thoufand. Towards the end of that period. Sir William Berkeley informs us, that there m- { 77 ) there were annually imported about 1500 Euro- peans, befides negroes. As Britain had been in a (late of tranquillity for feme years before the time at which he wrote, a ftop mull have been put to the numerous emigrations of cavaliers which took place during the ufurpation. We may therefore reafonably fuppofe that the num- ber of Europeans imported at the time that Sir William wrote, muft have been much fmaller than formerly, fo that inftcad of whole families of fubftantial people that are mentioned at a for- mer period as having gone thither, he only men- tions Jervants and others of inferior note. Hence I think we may be authorifed to infer, that dur- ing the whole of this period there were imported annually, at lead fifteen hundred Europeans. Thefe emigrants alone, fuppofing their numbvTS had been barely kept up by natural procreation without cncreaiing at all, would have amounted to 46,500 perlbns; to which if we add the 2000 negroes, and the 20,000 whites that were in Vir- ginia in the year 1640, the whole will amount to 68,500, the number of perfons ihat fliould have been in the colony in the year 1671 if they had neither encreafed nor dimini^Tied, But the whole of the inhabitants at this laft period only amounted to 40,000, fo that inftcad of encreaftng in the rapid progrelfion we have been made to txpeft, there is the greateft reafon to prefume, that during this period they had decrealed up- --' . ^ • , i - ^,%. .. ' /-;.:..- wards ( 78 ) wards of 28,000, which is nearly two thirds of the then whole number of the colonics. F '^'•*«, If we continue our enquiries downwards, I learn from Mr. Wynne, that at the time he wrote (about the year 1765, as I think) there were in the province of Virginia, about 1 70,000 fouls, of whom 70,000 were whites, and 100,000 negroes*.. From hence it appears, that in little lefs than a century, 38,000 whites (dedu6t the 2000 ntgroes) have only encreafed to 70,000, which inftead of a rapid cncreale by natural pro- creation, as w are taught to look for, incrcates a very flow one. This, I fay, would have been accounted a flow encreafc, had there been no emigrants fcnt from Europe to that province during all the be^orementioned period. But it is well known that many were lent annually, (o many indeed, that I make no daubr, they alone would have amounted to more than all the en- creafc of the inhabitants, 300 a year would have efFeded this. ' Hence we have little reafon to think that the inhabitants of Virginia have ever encreafed at ^il fince they went to America by natural procrea- tion. The climate however, in that province, is as falutary and the foil as fertile, as in any V of ¥t Brhidi Empire in AmerlcP, vol. IV. p. 247. N e ?9 ) of the other provinces, nor arc the inhabitants in any rcfpc^ Icfe fovourably circumftanced with regard to the cncrcafc of their own people. But their mode of culture is left favourable for at- trafting poor colon ifts than that of moft of the other provinces, which is the probable caufe of the fmall increafe of the pcbple there in com- parifon of what is met with in fome other parts of America/^ ■^^■'•■-'"^^^^^^^^-'^^r -ivib J jiihiij Ji'iJr.'i. '• t i.i • I i» :»«. uur/i I am far, however, from imagining that either in Virginia, or any other of the American co- lonies, thofe inhabitants- v/ho are (ynce fulfy efla- hli/hed'tn the midft of a cuitivated diftriSly do not encreaffe as faft as in any part of Europe. But as poor emigrants have always at the beginning numberlefs difficulties to encounter, and as the uncultiv^ed fpots on whidli they are obliged to fettle, are always unwhokfome and expofed to danger, their numbers like thofe of the original fettlers in Virginia, muft fufFer a conliderablc drmmution before k\ ''an begin to encreafe. It is in this way we p'. account in part for the ' retardment of the population of that fertile pro- vince, and in part by the indented fervants fome- times leaving t'^ac country after the t^rm of their fervitude is expired, to go to fome of the other provinces where they could begin a fettlemenc with a much fmalier ftock than in Virginia. M lihall i ■■» . I (hallnot enter into any more minute detail on this fubjc<5l, as thefe fa<5ls are fufHcient to (htWt that the opinion in general entertained of the rapid encreafe of people in America, Jrom natural procreation, is extremely problematical if not. entirely groundiefs. Indeed the great dif^cT^nce chat is obferved in the population of the different provinces, would alone be a fufii- cient'proof of the groundleflhefs of that opinion; Where political caufes induce emigrants to fettle, the|increa{e of the people is indeed extremely rapid* . Where it is otherwife the population is proportionably flow. Juft fo London, Man- chcfler, and Birmingham encreafe in numbers, while the population of York, Lincoln, and Can- terbury is at a (land. . J. .But if the people do not encreafe fader in the cultivated parts in America than they do out of towns, and in the dlftant provinces in Britain, and if in the uncultivated parts of it they de- crcafc confidcrably before they begin to encreafe, it mud neceflarily follow, that Britain has lod a greater number of people than America has u iined fince the firit fettlement of thefe colonies. Sv>me idea of the total amount of that change of inhabitants, and the lofs of people that has been fuilainevt thereby, may be obtained after the following manner. i ( 8i ) It Is in general corrupted that the naturjil encreafe of mankind in aht-a'thy country where they are well provided with the neceflaries of life and freed from war% pf*(lilence, and un- common misfortunes, may be about two thirds of their original numbers in thirty years. This proportion I am fennble is higher than is ever found to take place in any modern European {late, becaufe it is impoffible to keep them free from wars gnd other inconvenicncies that will be mentioned by and by. But in fa- vour of America we will fuppofe that the inha- bitants there encreafe according to that ratio, without any dedu<5lion. . We cannot afccrtain the precife number of perfons in America at each of the periods after- mentioned, but there is reafon to think that the following numbers are not far from the truth. Pcrfeft accuracy is not here pretended, an ap- proximation is. all that is wanted. I. During the firft period of thirty years, which for the fake of round numbers, we fhall fay en 'cd at the year 1630, there is good reafon . to believe that the whole people fettled in BritiOi America did not exceed 3,000- I t'i ■iii. if' M II. Beivyceq^ u, i «2 .) Brought OYcr, 2,aoo II. Between anno 1630 and 1660, thefe wc (hall fuppofc encrcafcd by natural prucreation in the above- mentioned proportion, 1,000 And by emigrants from Europe during this period, 40,000 Therefore the total inhabitants anno 1660 would be J .43,000 III. Between 1660 and 1690 thena- , rural increafe on thcfc, as above Ihould be, 28,814 And by emigrant' .Vom Europe dur-' ing this period about, ^; -j . 100,000 > •« .. , Hence total inhabitants anno 1690, 1,71,814 IV. Between 1690 and 1720, the natural encreafe on thefe at the above mentioned proportion would be 114,690 And by emigration during this pe- riod, fuppofe 220,000 Jnde. The total inhabitants anno 1 720. 506,504 y. Between 1720 and 1750, the '** "natural encreafe on thefe, at the above- ,.^'-i- ( (So ) - above-mentioned proportion would • • • be. 337.817 And by emigration during this peri- od, about , 300,000 Indi. The total inhabitants anno , i750» • ! 1,144,321 -^ 5 ii ! ll VI. Between 1750 to 1780, the natural incrcafe on thefe at the , abovementioned proportion would be. And by emigration during this pe- riod, I ^ 41^* i 762,362 I « 600,000 V r Inde. The total inhabitants anno 1780, 2,506,683 The above, exclufivc of the inhabitants of Canada, and not taking into the account the . loflTes that havebfcn fuftained by the prefent war, is probably a tolerably juft account of the popu- lation of America, and of the manner in which it has been effeded. At leaft, if any objedion can be made to this computation it muft be that the natural encreafe is here placed cnnfiderably too high ; no allowance being made for lollcs by wars and otherwife *. But if this be too high, • I am not ignorant that Dr. Franklin has computedi that the inhabitants of Aoierica double ;heir riumbers by . . natu- i ( 84 ) Iiigh,thc number ofemigrantsmuft be in proportion cOu low, fu that no room is given to fay the fcal is turned a^ainft America. M . I' Let us now turn our attentions to Britain, and tra'ie tlie confcqiicnccs of thcfc ethigrations on Jjer population. It has been already faid, that thtrc is rcafort to think that mankind tncrcafr, as fad by na- tural procreation in the diftant provinces in Bri- tain as they do in America. But many arc the caufes that retard the encrcafc of the num* ber of her inhabitants, when compared with thofe of America. .''••"<■• Among perfons in high life, population con- felTcdly goes on more flowly than in lower ftations ; tiaturai procreation in 25 years ; but for the reafons al- leady given, and many others, there is the grea il reafon to conciuilc he is in a midake. I have not h\i bock it hind, and thercfori cannot remark on his nrguments. I have alfo ften accounts of remarkable fecundity of par- iicular perfons in America, mentior.ed from time to time in the newfpjpeis. I could produce many irillancci of a fimi- ]ar kind that came within my own obfervation in Britalrt, were ?» much to the puinole. It was ihe ini lrest of the people in America to induce as many perfons as polliblc tof migrate to Americi*, and therefore it has been their lludy to exhibit a& flatteiinc; a pifturc as pclfjble to the public of the falubri^y and other excellencies of their country. ,. . ( 85 ) ftatiOns } and there are a greater number of thefe to be met with in Britain than America. In towns alfo, the inhabitants do not encreafc fo faft as in the country, * and Brituin contains rather a greater proportion of thcfe than our colonies; though the difproportion i this rc- Ipefl is not very confiderablf. To obviate, however, all appearance of partiality on this head I fhall fuppofe that one half of the ;vhole inhabitants in Britain either live in towns, or are pcions in exalted ftation, ^d that thefe hevcr enceafc at all, but barely ferve to keep up their original numbers. The other half wc Will pur on an equality with the Americans, and fay they encreafe at the rate of two thirds their number in thirty years. ,1 .♦, ■♦;-♦.• *• i From * Thofe who form a comparative eftimate of the increafe of ptuple iif towns and in the country, merely from the bfr^s compared with the buriaJs in each, form a very erro- ncot^ eftimace Thofe who are born in the country, and go into towns at an after period, have their births recorded in the country but not their deaths: ine births, therefore, mufl far exceed the deaths. On the contrary, thefe very pe Tons have their deaths recorded in the towns, but no C01 rfponding births, which mufl make the deaths far out- number the births, even a'though the children that are born in a town fliou! prove as he Ithy as others born in the country. No conclufion can be diawn from the compa- lative proportioi) of births and dca hs in ^ny two places, unlefs all migrations are taken into the acc<.unt alio. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) k A f/ ^ .V V Z 1.0 I.I 2: B4 ■■■' 2.0 ■ 40 IL25 i 1.4 6" 1.6 7] V Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) S72-4503 '4S^4i^ / ^ vV s ■i1 ( 86 ) From thefe, however Hill great deciudkions are to be made, on account of |he emigrati- ons to America, to Ireland, and othci; more dif- tant fcttlem-nts, belonging to the Britifh Em- pire. And on accounc of thofe loft in defence of ourfclves and of our colonies, and in carry- ing on our extenfive commerce to all parts of the globe. -. ;. ifn : * .... . / • In eftimating the wafte of our people by our military and commercial tranfaftions, it is ne- cefiliry that w take into the account, not only the perfons themftlves who might be enrolled in either of thefe claffes were a ctnfus. regularly taken, but thofe alfo who arc conne(3:ed with and dependent upon them, who are always much more numerous than the perfons ihem- fclves. This fwells the account much beyond what one who is not acquainted with thefe mat- ters would expcd: to find. Of this clafs of people it further deferves to be remarked, that lis they in general require to be renewed entire- ly once in ten years at moft, in the following account which is divided into periods of thirty years, the whole number luppofed to be em- ployed at one time muft be trebled. With regard to the American emigrants, th3 nccount above given conftitutes the bafis of that which follows. But as it appears that at the ( 8? ) the early periods of thc^e fettlements many more emigrants went from Britain than were raken into the account in America, there is a necefTi- ty of making a proper allowance on that ac- count. We have fccn that not above one fifth part of the emigrants formed a npermaent elti- bliihment in America. In proportion as the colonies became more powerful this greatrnor- tality dimini(hed, till it came to the preicnt ftandard of about one half. For under the ♦moft favourable cirQumftances for eoiigration, I am aiTured h never has been found that more than one half of thofe who leave Ewrope have been able to furvive\the hardfhips of a; long voyage, * change of climate and poverty, lo as to be able to form a permanent eftabiilh- ment on the continent. I have made allowance for this change of circumftances and have marked the proportion at each period. ^ ■ .oo^^A 'r;v;>'iV:;fu^D , , - ■, . '. It • The hardfhips that poor emigrants fufFcr in going to America^ are often much greater than thofe vvho are unac- quainted with them can eafily fufpeft. Ship-mafters, with a view to make profit of the fmall freight thcfe perlons are able to afford, lay in provifions of the worft and chcapeft kind, and in fuch fmall quantities as fubje£ts them to the mofl grievous diftreffes, if the voyage is not extremely ihort. A little before the commencement of the picfent war, emigrations from Scotland were numerous. Some of the veffets were put back by bad weather, after they had failed fome time. The poor creatures, when they arrived, i . . whi * . m 1*3 ( as ) It only needs to be further added, that at the time when the Britifh fettlements in America firft began to ti>ke place, 1 fuppofc the whole inhabitants of Britain amounted to about five millions. Thefe particulars being premifed, the following account will be fufficienily intelligibk;. I (hall only further remark, that indead of di< viding the inhabitants into two claflTes as above- mentioned, one half increafing two thirds of their whole number at each period, and the other half none at all. I mark it all under one, making the increafe on the whole at each period pne third, which comes exadlly to the fame thing' I. Anno 1 600, the inhabitants of Britain were by fuppoHtion about 5,000,000 /• ' /-, ' Carried over 5,000,000 exhibited z pitiable fpedacle to thofe who beheld them. Without monev, with few cloaths, and little food, they mail inevitably have periflied every one, but for the cha- ritable benefa^ions of thofe who had an opportunity ^f feeing them. What proportion of thefe reached America, I never could learn ; but if one-^fourth part of them furvi- ved the voyage, and the difeafes contraded by it, it *is more than any one who faw them cxpeded.«>-Nor was the ufe at all uncommon. Petwrcc^ . * Brought over 5,ooo,oco between 1 6o,p and 1630, the incrcafe on that number, according to the ,,. above proportion would be J,666jS66 Making together 6,666,666 From which muft be deducted For defence and commerce, about 100,000, whiph multiplied by 3, ' g»ves 300,000 \ ^ By emigrations to A merica ' . during this period as b^- tore, 2000, which multi- " • plied by 5 gives By emigrations to all other places 10,000 50,000 360,000 Hence the whole apiount of people in Britain anno 1630, would be 6,306,666 H. From 1630 to 1660, the natural ;" * ' , iiKreafe on thefe at the above men- tioned proportion would amount to 2,102,222 Making in ajl . - From which dediift # For defence and commerce, ' 150,000 X 3 450,000 8,408,888. Carried over N Bcjught I ( 90 ) Brought over 450,000 By emigrations to America, 40,000 X 4 160,000 By ditto to Ireland and other places, iuppole 500,000 Dcijroyed by the civil wars during this period ' 500,000 r^^,^-.^^ I,4iO,0«Q^ Total people in Britain anno 1660 6,998, 88ii" Hi : a i M ili'- III. From 1 660 to 1690, the natural increafe on thefe as above is 2,332,962 Making together - ■. 9,331,850' From thefe dedud For defence and commerce, .;,;..> ^ 160,000 X 3 480,000 By emig'^ants to America ,100000 X 2-5 350>ooo By emigrants to other places , fuppole ' ; 600,000 ,"■" ' •• " 1,430000 ■-i 'U Total inhabitants anno 1690 7,901,850 i IV. From 1690 to 1720, the natural ' increafe on thefe as above is 2,633,950 Making together . 10,535,800 I-.* 151V Carried over Broughc ( 91 ) »' ... * Brought over iOj535,S6o M From thefe dedud - For defence and commerce, j 250^000 X 3 750,000 ' ■ . ! • By emigrants to America, 220,000 X 3 660,000 ; , , . fey emigrants to other places / •*' about 850,000 2,260,000 Total inhabitants anno 1720 8,275,800 y. From 1720 to 1750, the natural -.'; increafe on thefe as above is 2,738,600 ^::..,M.:, : . . Milking together .^.^ 11,034,40a From thefe dedud 4 ' ■. . For defence and commerce, M T- ' ' 220,000 X J * 660,000 By emigrants to America, ^ 300,000 X 3.5 730,000 ■, ; ,. ,* / By emigrants to other fettle- ; {; ., ] . mencs, &c. ,,,.., ,, 900,000 2,310,000 A Total inhabitants anno 1750 8,724,^00 VI. From 1750 to 1780, the natural , .,,"'' ^ mcreale on thefe as above is 2,qo! 33 Carried over t.t * . ,. - ■«: ■ ■'■ Making \ ( 9^ i r »J.^J2,5j,5 '•• Making together from tliefc 'icclu\5l '■ • For dciencc^ commerce, &c. ' 240,000 X 3 720,000 '• «" ■' ' By emigrants to America, ' • 50o,coo X 2 i,ooo,coj "■'' By emigrants to other places 900,000 ' 2,620,0c 6 Total inhabitants of Britain, anno 1780 J V 9.012,5^3 ■-. 4 ,^v • t do not pretend to fay that in the above cal- culation either the numbers or the proportions TiXt precifely exad. They are acknowledged tp be taken by conjecture as near the truth ds could be guelTed at to ferve as a clue to dired: in forming a judgement on this head* Ndr could a fmall variation on fon)e particular cir- cumftanccs affcd the general conclufions dedU- cible from thele data. It may make the cxccfs be a little more or lefs ; bur the mode of progref- iion will be the fame. The population of any riate muft undoubtedly be retarded in confe- quence of emigrations from thence j and the numbers of her people be diminifiied in propor- tion to the number that fball be wanted in her defence. If her territories lie compad, and are defended by natural barriers that make the ati r . . tacks ( $3 ) tacks of her enemies extremely difficult, the wafte of people in her defence will be out of all proportion fmalier than if her territories arc of immenfe extent, thinly inhabited and cxpbfed to danger in a variety of quarters, fo far diftant from each other as not to admit of timely affift- incc from one to another in Cafe of danger. By the foregoing cftimate, it fee'ms that the lofs to Britain arifing from ali thefe caufes, does not yet quite equal the natural encreafe by pro- creation, and that there is rcafon to think the : population of Britain is ftill in a progrefTive ftate, though that progreflion is much (lower than it , would have been, but for the many emigrations that have taken place to our colonies. Jr is ' plain, however, that fhould the emigrations be permitted to go on encreafing a lirt]- loiu^er, ihey would foon exceed the natural cncrcale, afier which period, (hould the fame caulVs coii- t'nue to operate, oUr population wouKi not only be retarded, it would ftop, and loon after pro- ceed to decreafe almofl: m a geometrical '^foj^rd- fion, which would quickly bring us into a con- dition nearly fimilar to that of Spain. But it is tb be hoped the good fcnfc of the nation wiii W2;rd off this threatened calamity. Should the inquifitive reader be dtfirous of pulhihg his enquiries a littk farther^ and dravv- ,•■;■•••■■ m.'-^" ,iti I ' \r\ ( 94 ) iiig a pnrallel between what Britain now is, and wliat flic {)robably would have been, he has be- fore hiiu I he materials for latisfying tiimfclf on thefe heads. Were I not afraid of tiring my readers with long and difgufting calculations, I fhould have proceeded to Hate this one as fully as the others. For thefe rcafons, I fliall only here obfervc, that if he were to take the trouble of running over the laft account, with no other alteration than barely to omit the article ot emi- grations to America, and to make a dedutftioii of one third on the article defence, he v/ould find that the number of inhabitants in Britain fnould at this time have amounted to better thaii fourteen millions and a half. If fo, it is evident that Bri:ain by peopling her American colonies; lias loft about five millions and a half of inha- bitant'^, while her colonies have gained only two inillions and a half. This is a mik-rable walle of the human fpc by ring gra- dual and flow, has efcaped the nucice of ordi- nary obiervers. pei If he were fDrther to enquire what efFedt this iLhange has produced iu regard to the trade and induftry of Britain, the account would Hand thus. 4 S' 1.' A » The whole exports to America on an average of ten years preceding 1770, according to Sir Charles WhitvvorLh's tables, (omitting fradtions) ?:. amounted i 9,5 ) arnpunted to the value of £. 2,300,000. Qi\ the other hand, the annual confumpiion of five millions and a half of people at home, at the' rate of ten pounds a head, would have beta £' 55,000,000. So that without making any allowance for the furplus of produce and manufadlures, that would naturally have been exported to other countries, if Britain had pui- feflcd this numerous population, it appears that her induftry fuffers a diminution to the annual value of upwards of fifty two millions ftcrling, after allowing the American commerce to be rated at much more than the utmoll value it ever was known to attain. • ' ' * By the fame mode of reafoning it will appear that if thefe colonies (hould be allowed to con- tinue to encreafe after the fame manner as for- merly, and if, in confequence thereof, our ex- ports thither Ibould encreafe in the fiime pro- portion, yet this encreafing value of the Ame- rican trade, inftead of indicating an encreaf.ng confumption of Britilh produce and manufac- tures, and by confequence affording an additional fiimtdus to our national induftry, would indicate diredtly the reverfe, becaufeour home confump- tion would decline as it encreafed nearly in the proportion of twenty to one. ■'f*»» V' •■*■ ■ U<- e''*:.r^ >^: '»-/^* -*■'•■•' From .!?:>H^yiV' fVtl»^«10c| I i ) i (96) . From rhefe confiderations I am compelled to, ^raw this general concl^Hon. That our Ame- rican colonies, indead of augmenting the trade and induftry of Britain, have tended greatly to diminini them both. * : - ♦! ■ , _• • k c fc • - t • Nor can this general conclufion be invalidated^ by any triBing errx^r in the particulars of the foregoing account \ for I mud here again rtpeac it, that a Ijitle more or lefs in a cafe of this kind is of no moment, if the general principles are. truly explained. If, ipflead, of fifty millions i( could be made appear, that the lofs fhould have heen dated at twenty, at ten, at five, the general conclufion mud dill remaiii the fame. 1 myjirif believe that the cafe is nearly as it; is here repre-.. fcnted } but if another (hpuld find reafon to think that the refult diould be either a little higher or a little lower, than I have made it,, we. h.ave no occafion to differ on that account. My aim is not here to fettle with exa<^ precifion the, amount of the balance, but todiew clearly to- wards which fide it turns, r. .>; :, i^l Nor fhould we be ib far dazzled with the. prefent brilliancy in the appearance of our com- merce, as to think ^here can be nothing real ia. thefe fuggedions. Nothing is more common than for nations as well as individuals to make a greater brilliancy of appearance for a time, in , confequencc ( 97 ) confequence of a deranged ceconomy than they could have done without it. That man, who amidd the gid iy whirl of difTipation takes no time to examine into the (late of his affairs, buc meets with a complaifant banker who readily advances money upon mortgage whenever it is demanded, lives with much greater eafe and fplendor than he otherwife could have done. He perceives not that the fourcc of his wealth are daily diminifhing with an encreafing rapidity, nor thinks that in a fliort time he will be in- volved in the mod pitiable diflrtrfs. In like manner Portugal for a time carried on th mofl: brilliant commerce, by means of her numerous fettlcments in almoll every corner q; the globe. She did not in due tirpe perceive the confe- quence of fuch extended vievvs. At la(V, how- ever (he fevcrely felt, that the vyafte of people neceffary for conducing thefc vail enterprifes, thinned her native country of its. bell inhabi- tants, and reduced her to that exhauftcd (late ^\n which we now behold her. Spain, alio, adopted a mode of colonization nearly fimilar io our own, and intoxicated with the benefits ihe thought (he derived from it, enquired not into the real tendency of fuch meafures till it was too lat^. Bef re (he even fufpe^^ed (he wa^ in a dei. lining itate, her declenfion had ad- vanced fo far that it was no longer pofTible for " her xo recover herfelf. What lav; in nature is ^ :^ " V Q there I • Hi i! in It' Mf ('98 ) . • there that tends to guard Britain from a fimilar fate if (he fhall purfiie a fimilar condud ? And what argument can be adduced to (hew that (he is not now in a fimilar ftate of precarious glory ? The population of Britain, there is rcafon to think, has hitiicrto continued to advance a lit- , tk; In confequence of this, and other con- curring caufcs, many of her manufadures have yet been able to keep their ground. Her vi- gour is yet great, but (he (lands upon the top of the >Vheel. Should . it take a little turn. Should the time arrive that her population be- gins to decline, the ruin of her manufacture's muft quickly follow, in which event no human power could prevent her from finking into a greater ftate of debility than has ever been expe- rienced by any other European ftate. Let us ^ not then neglcd the prefent favourable moment which affords us fuch a happy opportunity of repairing patt errors, and of giving ftability to the ftrength and induftry as well as to theconftJ- tution of the ftate. The genius of Britain *■ calls out, ■■ - ■ ; • Time now is : may the period never ar- rive when file (hall pronounce thefe awful words. AND TIME SHALL BE NO MORE : if CHAP, J I * This alludes to a popular alchemical tradition, Af- icr the procefs had been watched for many years, the tra- dition ( 99 ) :-\ ■ , /-;i». CHAP. V. ^ *"■■■•■ Of the effe5fs of the American colonies on Great Britain, with regard to civil Liberty , War and Taxes, >i 0\ .T. . ' This dition goes, that when it arrived at the exa^ poirtt of per- fc^ioflj a voice was heard to fay time is, which if not attended to, was ..eard again to fay time was, and in a little while it pronounced aloud in the moft awful tone, AND TIME SHALL BE NO MORE. The laft ufually awa- kened the difconfolatc operator ; who, overcome with •watching, had fallen into a fleep too piofcund to be awa- kened by the two former more gentle calls. I' > i ( lOO ) This maxim is in no cafe more frequently verified than in what relates to the extenfion of empire. To the bulk of mankind nothing feems fomuch to forward thcprolperity ofaftate, and to add to its ftability, as the enlarging of its ter- ritories, and the fubjcding to its power feme neighbouring (late ; yet this very circumftance has proved the deftruction of more dates than any other that could be named. The reafons why a bare extent of territory without a propor- tional cncreafe of people proves always pernici- ous, have been' already in fome meafurc ex- plained : but there are other cvils^ that flow from the fame caufe that muft now be taken into the account. m ■■•4- ■ » If manufadlurcs and commerce depend in a greit mcafure on the liberty of the fubjed. It muft follow, that whatever has a tendency to endanger that libeny Ihould be carefully guard- ed againft in a free (late. Confjdered in this lights extended empire can feldom prove favour- i Ic to a commercial ftate. Where there arc large dominions many are the places of pro- fit that come to be in the difpofal of govern- ment j and the means of accumulating wealth without the exertions of induftry arc incrcafed. Fortunes are thus fuddenly acquired j which by introducing a great difparity between the condi- tion of individuals of the fame clafs, encou- . rages ( lor ) rages on one hand a fpirit of dependence and clifTipation, while it equally dilcourages a fpi- rit of induftry, moderation, and content. Ma- ny men who might have been ufeful members of fociety lofc the beft of their days idle ex- peftancy, and remain for ever poor and de- pendent. Others, having acquired riches by means that perhaps would not bear the ftridelt fcrutiny, have an intereil to fupport the court, whofc favour can moft effeftUally fcrecn from danger. In (hort, whoever has much to give mudrneceiTarily obtain many dependents; in pro- poriion to the extent of affairs will be the tbmp- lation to abufe, and where there is abufe by thofe entrufted with command, a fervile refpcft will be paid to the fupreme executive power. It is from the operation of thefc caufes that the li- berties of Europe have gradually begun to dif- appear as the kingdoms became more extcnfive : and it was thus that the court of Spain in parti- cular, at a very early period after fhe obtained poflcfllon of Artierica, found herfelf enabled to trample upon the ancient privileges of that free and haughty people. , . * . The conftitution of Britain will cffedlually guard agaihft a defpotifm under the fame form with that of Spain; but many are the ways in which the fame caule may operate delirudtive cf- fcds upon a trading nation. Every circum- ftance, m f^: ( 102 ) ihnce, therefore, which tends to facilitate the ludden acquiiitioft of money by court favour (hould be guarded againft with care, as endan- gering the liberty of the ftate. In this fenfe, extended empire muft ever prove pernicious. But it is not on this account alone that our connedlion with the American fettlements is to be dreaded. The temptation it affords for fre- quent wars, is a fource of ftill greater mifchiefs to a free, commercial, and manufadturing ilatc. Of all the fcourges to which mankind arc fubje<5ted, war rs doubtlefs the moft confiderable. It not only fweeps away by a premature death numbers cf the human fpccies, but it often paves the way for fuch miferies to the furvivors, as makes the lot cf thofe who fell in battle worthy of envy. To devclope all the mifchiefs that flow from it would require a more mafterly pen than mine -, a few of its moft obvious cf- fefls, and fuch as more nearly affect the objeft of our prcfent difquifition, may be ftiortly de- lineated. • During the continuance of war, the national cxpence is greatly augmented ; and in the con* fufion that neceflarily arifes from its numerous operations, a wide door is opened for accumu- lated frauds and abufes. Fortunes thus come to ( 103 ) • " . . '.**■' to be acquired with a rapidity, and to an extent unknown at other periods : and this being fore- feen, makes every needy expeftant in ihc na- tion look forward with joy to the peiiod when it fcems to approach, and do every thing he can to accelerate it. Nor is the idle and the needy dependents on the court only, who look forward with pleafure to the approach of war : monied men behold it ' with equal joy. They forefce that the wants of • government will foon be fuch as to demand ' their affiftancc. Toinfure that, they know they will be placed in fuch a (ituation, as fhall per- ' mit them to avail themfelves to the iitmoft of ■ thofe treafures, towards the accumulation of which their thoughts are chiefly diredted. I forbear to point out the various arts which this clafs of men have devifcd for profiting by the * exigencies of the public. It fhall fuffice for me here to Obferve, that they are fo well known in Britain as moft efFcdually to infure their concur- rence to every meafure that can tend to protract the war. From the influence of thefe two powerful clalTcs of men, aided by the national folly, which ever grafps at extended dominion, a wife and good minifter, were he willing, dares hardly }ifl:en to terms of accommodation, 'till the na- mamm V V < 104 ) tion is involved in fuch mifery as prevents a pof- fibility of advancing farther. All. other clafles of nficn, indeed, fo quickly fcc^l the inconve- niencies of war, that were they capable of mak- ing thcmfclves heard as well as the money- lenders, or were they as good judges of what promotes their own intereft, they would foon put a ftop to its career. ^, r _ . •. „ In confequence of the exorbitant profit to^ be -,,made by money in the capital during war, aU that can poflibly be raifed is carried .thither. Money lent in the moft diftant corners of the country, for the purpofes of induftry or com- merce, is recalled. This narrpNvs the circle pf Y credit in an amazing degree, and, flackens the ^ hand of induftry }n proportion. Manufactures decline, and poverty in the remote provinces is ,^ experienced to a diftreding excds. Many are thus forced to leave theirnative homes, the feats of fober induftry, and haften to the capital, . where they become fit tools for minidering to the wants of diOlpation and of guilt, and are loll for ever as ufeful members of the community. '):r It is thus that war, while it dfftroys with wonderful rapidity the indiiftrious part of the nation, increafes almoft in the fame proportion the number of its.ufelefs, its (^eflrudive mem- bers. By drawing the whole inpney towards the . ( 105 ; »he capital, and a few other places, its circula- tion is confined. It involves the provinces in mifery, while it overwhelms the court and its dependents with riches, and buries them indiffi- paiion. National wealth, to thole who judge only from the capital, is increafing; v M!i in truth, want and iridolence are approaching with liafty {irides. -• i ,.i ."'» . .] Such are the natural, and nece(1"ary confc- qiienccs of war. How careful the'n fliould every wife ftate be to avoid placing herlelf in a fituation that may give frequent opportunities for the worthlefs part of her people, by impo- fing upon the foolifii, to involve her in war.—^ feut extent of empire in every cafe, afFdrds num- berlefs temptations to engage in war; and an empire extended like the Britilh empire in Ame- rica, is peculiarly liable to this dcfetl. It at the fame tilne diminilhes our ftrength, and expofes us to danger. Was it for the intereft of Britain to drain hcrfeif of men, to people thofe vaft de- farts, when fuch cflfedts might naturally be ex- pe«5lcd to flow from it ? ' But it is not by the unequal circulation of money only, nor by the temporary fufpenfion of credit, that war and extended empire prove hurt- tul to a rfianufa^iiring kingdom. 1 he money then expended forms a heavy load of debt, - , < 9 Which I ■iM t» !'• ( io6 ) which continues to deprefs induftry and retard manufadturcs long after the war is ended. The funis too that are acquired during peace to command refpedl, and to give fecurity to our widely extended provinces, are of themfelves fo gri :, as to be alone a heavy burthen. Both together cannot fail to be attended with the moft ferious confequences. ; ; "■ * " Taxes .neceflarily enhance the price of manu- faftures, and by confcquence deprefs the in- duftry and diminiih the trade of a inanufaftur- ing and commtrrcial nation in proportion to their amount. This proportion is fo generally af- fented to, as to need no illuft ration here. And as the expcnce of government niuft now-a-days be entirely oefraycd by taxes, it follows that whatever increafes the cxpence of government, mud augment the taxes upon the fubjedts of the ftate. But if, with the expence of governn^ient the number of the people increafes in an equal proportion, the fame taxes will become more productive, fo as to anfwer the exigencies of the ftate without preffing more heavily upon any in- dividuals, or dilcouraging manufadlnres in the fmalleft degree. If, on the contrary, that ex- pence be greatly augmented, while the people do nwC increafe nearly in the fame proportion, * . new ( 107 ) new taxes become neceflary. Every individual mufl contribute more to the (late than formerly. The price of manufadures muft be enhanced, and the foreign demand mull be diminiHied in proportion. From hence it appears, that as the great bu finefs of a modern minitler is to contrive ways and means for defraying the cxpence of govern- ment, without difcouraging the agriculture or manufadtures of a ftate, one effedlual method of attaining that end is to promote as much as pofTible the population of the kingdom. Since the difcovery of America, this mode of augmenting the naiional revenue fcems ro have been entirely overlooked in Europe. In con- fequence of our fettlements on that continent, the national expence has prodigioudy augmented, and in proportion to that augmentation has our population been retarded. At the fir(^ period, five millions of people paid by taxes to the amount of one million and a half per annum ; which amounted to about fix fhillings a head. At prefent nine millions of people pay fifteen millions per annum*, or about one pound four- teen * Dr. Price compute* the whole amount of the taxes levied on the people of Great Britain to be about 1 5 miiliooii, ex* clufive of poor rates, turnpikes, &c. &c. Obfervations on Civil Liberty, 9th edit. Appendix, «rl' I' l^ 'I H 'I I ■■i 11 ( io8 ) teen Ihillings a head, \vhich is almoU C\% tiaie^ the tormcr iuni. A difproportion which ha? railed the price of our manufaftures and retard^ pd their i'alc in every market to which t^ey cap bf feni. An evil this that has been often felp and ciimplaincd of, though little care has been bcftowtd to difcovei; the lou,r<;e from whence ic fprings, or to guard againft the e(Fcd\s that may pmurally be cxpeded from it. The amount of our taxes has indeed afforded ^ luhj..'(fl fcr much declamation ; but the caufes of the great cncreafe of the national cxpencc which occafions thefc taxes, has feldom been ^bought of. I'he preffure of our taxes has been complained of, but it has not l^een fuggeftc^ .that this preffure has been greatly augmented iiji confequeuce of the paucity of our people, which bas been in a great meafure occafionetl by the emigrations to America, and our exertions in its defence. When our manufacturers have been thrown out of employment, from a ftagnation of demand in foreign markets, pccafioned by the circumflances abovenameJ, inftead of con.- ^riving means to alleviate their burthens, and to furnifli them with employment at home, allure- tncnts have been held out to entice them to the. colonies, where taxes were hardly known ancl protedlion has been afforded gratis. It does hot feem to have been adverted to by thofe who ^ promotecl ( «Q9 ) proinoted thefe meafures, that in confequence pf the migrations arifing from thcfe caufes, the taxes on thofe behind would require to be aug- mented, and that of couri'e, the evil complained of would be cncrcafcd, and prcater migra- tions become nectlFary •» which, if the fame cun- flu^t is to be obferved, mu(t go on tncrca ^ng till the total depopulation of the (late puts a ftop to them. Had our people inftead of being enticed tq go to America, been kept at home and en- couraged to profccutc manufa6lures with vgour, we fhould have been at once freed of all the ex- pence that has been laid out in the fcttlemenc ^nd defence of that country, which can hardly be reckoned lefs than one half the whole national cxpence j inftead of twenty millions our expen- diture would in that cafe, have in all probabi- lity, fcarce amounted to fix millions a year; and inftead of nine millions of people, we fhould, in all probability, have poftefled fifteen. In that cafe, our whole taxes, inftead of forty-four (hil- lings and five-pence, would not have amounted to more than feven (hillings and fix-pence a head. 1 leave any one to judge what encouragement our manufactures would receive, were fuch an abatement of our taxes atprefent to take place, or rather to confidcr what encouragement our • piahufadtures would have received in regard to foreign : ( no ) foreign trade, efpecially had fuch a rife in our taxes never taken place. In that cafe we fliould not have b.cn obliged to have had recourfe to monopolies and other fimilar contrivances to fupport our decaying manufadlurcs, but would have found a ready fale in the world at large for all we could have produced, without th<: aid of any cumpulfory means whatever. mtmmm h I CHAP. VI, * ' ^ 7 -i ■ Of the efeSls of the monopoly of the j^merican trade on the manufaSlures and commerce of Great Britain^ .... . , TN confcquencc of the caufes that have been ■*' enumerated in the laft chapter, and others that fliall foon be mentioned, ihc price of wui\y of the manufaftures of Britain has been fo much enhanced, that they have not been able to Hand a competition with the manufadlures of other nations in foreign markets, and our trade in thofe articles has greatly declined. Out trade to the Levant in woollen cloths, which was once an objefl of great national importance, has ' dwindled to nothing, fince the French and the Putch ( III ) Dutch have there become our -omp- tors in that article •, and the fale of our woollen manufac- tures in Germany and the Bahic has, from the fame caufes greatly declined. To prevent the total downfal of that favourite ndtional ma- nufadure, no better expedient has been devifcd than to obtain a monopoly in the trade tor wool- len manufacture in all places in which we have had influence enough to effcdt it. This is the cafe in regard to Portugal, our colonics in Ame- rica, and Britain itfelf : from all which places we have endeavoured by every device wc could contrive to exclude the woollen manufadlures of other nations. But fmall arc the advantages thac are derived from fuch defpicable expedients as this. .iTt n*' A monopoly of trade is always a favourite meafure among merchants, becaule it tends di- redly to enrich the immediate monopolift. Yet it leldom happens that a nation is benefited upon ibe whole by a monopoly of trade •, and it always happens that a monopoly of any branch of manufa'turc proves in the end extremely prtjudcial to the intercfts of the community which obtains it. The reafons of this will be fufEciently obvious to any one who rcflcds but (lightly upon the fubjedt. k »>?;'' ■?, The 1 1 i 'I The manufadlurer who finds himfelf freed: from the concurrence of a competitor in the market^ will nawurally take Jefs pains to have his goods made perfedt in their kind, than he would have taken, had he dreaded the prefer-, cnce that might have been given to the goods of his rival. . S; mm The merchant llkewife, when he finds that his cullomers cannot be fupplied by any other than himfelf, demands and obtains a higher pro- fit than he otherwife could have got. No goods being returned or fold below prime coft in this marker, both merchants and manu^ fadures obtain very great profits for a time ; and neither of them ere think of '^e perfection of the goods, but merely how they may get them made at as fmall a price as pofiible, and thus augment their profits. Things go on in this train for feme time, till the workmen acquire ?. (lovenly manner of working, that renders their goods lefs fit for other market^ than they ufcd to be. The maf- ter manufadurers chus finding their profits very confiderable, wifh, each of them, to poflcfs us much of this lucrative bufinefs as poflible •, to obtain which they give a little more wages to' their workmen than formerly. Other manu- fa6i:urcrj ( 1.3 ) ^ fafturers to fecure their bufinefs are obligfd to give as much. Thus do they go on gradually outbidding one another till the wages raife fo high that, that with all the advantages of the monopoly, no more money can be made by that branch of bufinefs than by any other. Here however, it is obfervable, that the great profits which were at firft divided between the matter manufacturer and the merchant, gradu- ally pafs from them and come in time to be appropriated by the labouring manufadurers ; who by thus obtaining more money than is ne^ ceffary to maintain them in their former frugal mode of living, either work Icfs, or acquire a tafte for a more luxurious mode of living. In either cafe the effedt upon the manufacture is the fame. . What wa? at firft a mere gratuitous price, dernanded only with a view to augment the profits of trade, comes at length to confti- tute a part of the price of the manufad ure it- felf. Had that exorbitent profit never been demanded, the manqfafture could have been carried on as formerly at its old low price •, but fp foon as this profit forms a part of the price of the goods they never will, nor indeed can be afforded lower, for real'ons th^t fhall bye and |?yc he made manifelt. Q. It m J1 i-1 'V. 1 if! ^a ^■i ii 1 1 .'I III Sli J]? 4 K I ( U4 ) ic is a peculiarity attending political regular tion$, that if the oeconomy is deranged in one particular inftancc, it is immediately commu- nicated through the whole, and equally efFe^ls every department. Thus, in the cafe now un- der confideration, the particular manufafture alluded to, yielding higher profit to thofe em- ployed in it than could be obtiined in others, ncceffarilly raifcs the wages of all other manu- faflures, till they become as high as in this branch. The fame thing happens with labour- ers in agriculture ; which proportionally raifes the price of the neceffaries of life. By this tranfition the profit goes from the manufac- turer to the labourer and landlord, where it reils. In this manner does every monopoly of manufacture naturally operate fo as to raife the price of all the manufactures in the kingdom, and by confequence diminifh the demand for them from the world at large where a free trade is allowed. The free market for manufadures thus com- ing gradually to decay, the manufacturers turn their attention chiefly to the monopoly market. The price of the goods to themfelves is now higher than formerly •, it muft, by confequence be alfo higher to the confumers. The pur- chafers iearn in time that they might be fupplied cheaper from oth^r markets. They complain. But >i , ;( "5 ) But thefe complaints if the monopolifts have power will procure them no rcdrefs. Attempts arc made to elude the law that fccures the mo- nopoly. Severer laws are dcvifed t enforce the former. The monopolifts and confumers thus become fccret anc) bitter enemies to each pthr . As the temptation to eliidp the laws be- come ftronger, a contraband trade takes place, which no human power can ever prevent when the profit by it is confidcrable. In confcquence of this demand for the manufadure even to this market gradu.illy declines, and none other can be found. Manufaflurers thus thrown out of employment mull cither beg or ftarve, or leave the country. A miferable choice, but a necef- fary one in fuch a cafe, unlefs meafures fhall have been previoully taken to guard againft this great evil. Had the monopoly of the trade to our Ame- rican colonies been as really efHcacious as many feem to think it was, ronfequences fimilar to the above mult long ago have been experienced : but luckily for Britain means were found by the , colonifts from the beginning to elude the force of thefe reftfaints in many eflfcntial articles while the bulk of the nation believed they were ftridly complied with. Thefe circumftances however were always very well known to the minifters of Great Britain, but whether through Q^ 2 indolence. i ■f i : ( "6 ) indolence^ or from whatever other motives 1 pretend not to fay, they were winked at ; till of late, when an attempt to reform this^ along with fome other internal abules that had long prevailed in the colonies, lighted up the civil war that rages at prefent : war that has been carried on with fuch pertinacity, as mud prove highly prejudicial to both parties, and which will probably end in a confiderabie alteration in the circumftances of both. How far this alterati- on may be advantageous to either party, it is im- poliible to afcertain until the alteration has ac- tually taken place. But it behoves every one concerned to look forward with a view to point out fuch circumftances as may lead to a fettle- ment as little prejudicial to cither party as pof- fiblc. !l« From this minute furvey of the foregoing particulars, it appears, that in every point of view in which we have confidered the I'tibjed:, the Incercft of Great Britain has been hurt by the eltablilbment of her North American ctflo- 1 his conclufion is, however, fo contrary nies. to the opinion of political writers in general, and to the prepoffeflions of the people of this country at large, that it will undoubtedly be by many deemed erroneous In thclc circum- ^ ftances, however much I myfelf may be con- vinced of the fufficiency of the foregoing argu- ments t 117 ) ments to authorife the conclufion j yet the rcf^ peft that is in all cafes due to the judgment of the many when oppofed by an individual. In- duces me to examine with candour fuch other arguments as I have heard adduced in favour of the beneficial confeqiienccs that are fuppofed to have refulted f Britain from the colonies now under confidcration. • . tetbru:* ,.■5 CHAP. VIL Mi/celtanons ohfervations on the importance of the American colonies to Great Britain con- fidered* I.T T is alledged, " That the trade of Great X •* Britain to her American colonies is an " objedt of great magnitude : that it has gra- dually cncrcaftd with the enereafe of inhabi- * tants in the colonies, till at laft it has become nearly equal to the whole exports from Eng- land to the world at large, before thefc colo- " nies were planted. From hence it is contend- " ed, that had it nut been for thefe colonies •• the commerce of the parent ftate would not •c «t «c t( now ( .i8 ) *' now have been of much more than half in *' prefent value." *^Mi 'm5 fii M^o* R* On in ■: k \ [A i J ( ■1 * Ir ( "22 ) On this occafion, without attempting to rea- fon, 1 wuuld obfcrve, that experience fully re- futes the argument. According to the above rearoning,Spain,whichpo(rc(rcs the moftrxtenfivc colonies of any European power, fhould likewife enjoy the moft extenfive commerce : while Hol- land, whofe trade to her own colonies (were ic to do no more than fupply their own demands, could eafily be managed by one fingle vefTel) fhould poflefs next to no trade at al). The fa£k however, is diredtly the reveffe. Holland,which pofTciiTcs fcarce any colonies^* carries on a very extenfive and lucrative comnnerce, whereas the trade of Spain is fmali, and is, to ber^ ^ather de- lirudtive in its confcquences. In Holland, ma- jlufaftures fiouriOi, though ihe has no cxtenGve ttiarket abroad of her own people to whom ihe can fend them. In Spain they languifh, although ilie has a moft extend ve territory in America peopled with her own fubjeJls, who depend on Europe for a great part of their manufadbures, and to wliofe trade die claims an excludve title. From thefe fads it is evident that neither frade nor manufactures are infeparably connected with colonies.' Britain enjc^ys ^ great trad^, and carries on conGderable manufactures, wHpelbe likewife poflcffes cxtenlTvc cblbnics. Thts-how- ••""• ever \ * I dot reckon her pofl&Iions in the Ealt Indiei colonies, properly To called. ( 1^3 ) ever does not imply but Ihe might have en- joyed a dill more excenfive trade, and more Hourifhing manufactures without any colonies at all, had circumiUnccs concurred to produce thateflfcdt. *" ' ..j. . ^ ^.;. .;^ _,^;,.- III. '* Our American colonies have been like- ** wife held up to public view, as the fole caufe ** of that fuperiority at fea which is poff fled by ^' Britain, without which (he mull have ever *■ remained an inconficferable ftate, perpetually '* expofcd to infults from her more powerful (( a- neighbours. if Rfi But is it not merely in confequence of an ex- tenfive trade, that any (late can ever be enabled to acquire a fuperiority at fea? And has it not been juft now fhewn thfit trade is not neceflarily connefled with colonies? If fo, neither can naval power be neceflarily dependent on them. In fafl, Britain pofleflTed the fuperiority at fea be- fore (he had any colonies at all. Spain never enjoyed it, although (he has always had more extenflve colonies than any other European power. The Dutch, when they applied their minds to war^i without pofle(ring a flogle inch of territory beyond the bounds of their own mar(hes, beat tht Spaniards in every part of the globe. It is not, therefore, colonies that enfure R 2 a fu- • 4 - I 111 n i w ( m ) a fopcriority at fca. It is other circumftancca that may or may not jc conncdcd wiih lho had taken pof- fcffion of ir. And if thefe dcfirts were to be peopled by the fubjefts of any Euroj-^can ftaie, it has been already (hewn, that the trade and manufaclures of that ftate would be much hurt, and its internal riches ^nd ft rcngth greatly di- minifhed thereby. It was not therefore our i;netei> i J^S ) intcrcft to prevent cither the French or the Spamardi from taking poflcflion of it, and peopling it, if they had been fo diU pcrfed, wc ought rmher to have promoted this defign, if we meant to avail ourfclvcs of their diltradions and internal weaknefs, V. ** Others have contended, that in a country •' where luxury is lo far advanced as in Britain, •' there mult always be fomc perlbns of defperat? " fortunes, who, by being unable to earn a com- •* fortable fubfiftence at home, arc dcfirous of •» ^oing to fome diftant coiintry, where they may •* begin life, as it were, upon a new plan, with- ♦* out being under the eye of their old acquaint* *^ ances. In thefe circumftances it is alledgcd, '* it is better to provide an afylum for them in ** our own fettlemrnts abroad, than to compel •* 'hem to feek Ihelter in a foreign coun- ♦• try, where they would add to the riches and •• ftrerigth, perhaps of our. enemies." (^^u g-ji^^- No cioufet but'thc argument herie ufea fs juft, in as far as it concerns men in thefe circum- itances. But becaufe it would be in fome rc- fpeds beneficial to Britain to retain in her diftant fettlements a few men of broken fortunes, does it follow that on their account (he (hould attempt to people an immenfe continent at the expence of feveral millions of her bed fubje^ls? With the fame confiftency might a phyfician argue, that becaufe }; K. lit f ( >4« ) ibecaufe in certain acute difordqrs it'i$ of ufe to tftke away a little blood, it would bt neceffary t6 have a principal v^in opened, and to allow it to ni|) ad HI^Hum without attempting; tq ftop it; ' ■ ■ : ■ K^^<^' • f? It is allowed th^t on all occafions it is better if poflible to prevent a difcafe'thari to cure it, Tlvisfnaxim, fo univerfally admitted in pHyfic, Teems to be too little attended to in p61itical ^ir$. Hence law$ are tnuftiplitrd for jiu- filfFirng trimcs, h\}i little care is t«ken to fcmbve thofc circumft^nces that give' rife ^p^ them: ' Nothing, I it^ has been Ihewn, has iiich a tendency to difcourage a fpirit of induf- tt y «n^ firugality among a people^ as a great fSieeuatHty in the circunlftances of individuals -of^ilicl^ame clafs, when that U ofatairfed'by any Other n^eans than a fteady applicitifa^ to bufi- nefs. Pt has -been alfo ffifcWn that thfe ft'.qiient wars and othtr -^ranfaftiofts -whicli accdlii^any €:xtended empire, are the moil effeduaL means liilhcVto knoWh fbf deRr6yir.g that equality of condition which is' iHc niirfe of nib^eraticn and indijftry. T^^ ftt'tlihg'America, therefore, muft "have tad a powcrffii tendency to augment th'e malady complained of, inftead of removing it^ as the advocates for tKIs fyfteni have contended. The. trojh is, in. a well-regulated ft ate, thenum- |i)cr of the unfortuaje members of foci^ty above- ^ , ^ " * ' mentioned ( "7 ) ttietitioned will be ib frnftll, as: to require ho pti* ticular cftabiilhment to be made on I'n^ir ac- coujir. In a ftatc where commerce, in particv^* lar, is carried on to a very great extent, there will always be a fofficient number of outlets fof :nduilrious perfons in theic circumdances, with* out attempting to fettle colonies on their ac- count. A legiflature which guards againft iri-^ ftitutions that have a tendency to involve un« wary perfons in dillrtfs^ may leave to individu« als the charge of taking care of the few whd may happen to have been brought into diftrefs by other caufes« ,. VI. "Much as likewife been faid about the " expepce of the poor laws in England. The '* number of poor and difficulty of provided "for them here. The cafe with which tliejf ^^ could fupport themfelves in America^ and the •* propHety of allowing them to go thithet^ *' where they would encreafe and become the •* father^ of a numerous poftcrity, inilead of being, ail .i^liroduSiive load on fociety here. iC i$ .! ., Without entering deeply into all the 4ifcuf- fions whic;h this inveftigatioii would natucaliy ^leadto, i {hjall only here obfcrve, that howevei' .defirablc it might be to have the numerous ipoori who are fuch a heavy load on the induftrf of Jifjt^iOi r:9ltl9ived from the^c^ and iiowcvet pra^ible i- h^ig 1l il ( ^i8 ) btadible it might be for them to fupport thetn^ felvc clfewhere, yet it is believed there is not i fingle inftance to be found of one ptrfon whb ^ver came upon the parilh funds in England^ having voluntarily gone over to America with a view to better his condition. It is the young, the aftive members of fociety that tranfport themfelves thither, and not the aged or infirm. It is thofe who (hould contribute towards the poors funds rather than thofe who draw fufte- nance from thencCj who dcfert the country. Inftead therefore of relieving the prefTure ^?the poor laws, thefc emigrations rather ten . iij. aug- ment them. America therefore has never been of any ufe to England in that way. It may be added, ihe never can be fo while the poor law^ are fuffered to remain on their prefenc footing^ To what country can a poor perfon go where'he vrill be fo liberally fupported as in England i It is not furciv to America. -> - v ^ ^ . But if the cafe had been otherwife. If it were even true that the poof Were fubje^ed to fucS hardships here as forced them to feek for relief in America, whether would it be M^ifer to ftjffer thole grievances to continue, without applying a remedy j or to try to difcover and remove the caufes of that diftrefs f No one will hefitate to fay it would be wifcft to attem|)t the laft. ' Tf then our poor races are expenfive* ioadeqiiii^t 5iu.#««< and 1 1 .• r I <> \n .■> » I » f 129 ) Ind oppreflTive, why not inveftigate the caufes of thefe grievances and remove them ? It is not my intention here to enter into this difcuf- fion ; but it may be proper to obferve, that*f they are expenlive they are not fo to the poor, but to thofe in cafy cirpumftances. If they are oppre^Tive rhey f re not (0 to the ^dle, the fpend^ thrift, and the drunkard, but to the fober, the induftrious, ap(^ the frugal They have there- fore s^ neceflary tendency to attract poor inftead 6f dj^jving them away from the country. I add, a tendency to encourage diflipation and idlenef^ at the expence of fobriety and induftry. Is ic yr'ik to tolerate an evil of this nature ? Wis find in effect, it is not from thole partt ef the countr]f» where the poor laws prevail, thaf the moft copious emigrations take place^ It is from thofe parts where this fyftem of laws is fiof known. It is from thofe pans of the country where on account of the paucity of inhabitants, induftry has not yet been fully efta- bitlhed. Is it wile then to difcburage their in- duilry by exciting them to emigrations i "'•■•■■ It will be faid if the inhabitants there have al- ready too little employment, is it not better to banil^ them to our (;Qi9nies where they will be- come induftrbus, than xo fuffer them to remain indolent 't home ? If half the inhabitants are fufficient for all the labour, why hot drive the other half away, that the former may live com* fprtable on what the latter iifed to confume ? . S This it: ; ijivl t »3o ) This was probably the rcafoning of Spain, as ft is what her condud Has correfpondcd to. . She did not perceive that by thefe meafures the lit- t^ indudry fhe had muft ft'ill be growing lefs. I have had otcadon to fhew that by driving away the inliabitants you mud neceliarily dimi- nilh the iiidultry of the ftate* Encreafe them, and you as neceflariiy augment it. The, inha- bitants of their country, are the confumefs of nineteen twentieths of its produce and manufac- tures-, as it has been already computed*-* I Aould fay rathef of forty-nirte fiftieths, as the . jader will find proved in the margin.* The diminu- * We mud hot eftlitiate the! Inipt-ovement, On the indufti'y of ailate by the valia« of its exports. It is only thofe ex- ports whichcoiiM of the produce and ipanafa<^ures of th? country itfielf, which promote the indiiliry of its inhabi- tants.' Tfll'thefe therefore are afcertained/ the value of . goods iiT^k^tii^KJkti convey no idea of the benefit that the national ii)du|tr^(dferivct^ from its trade. We export an* n;3allyi of £^ft|ii;iia goods to the value of feven pr eight hundred thoufand pounds. Theie do not promote the. in- duftry of the nations. We exporjt annually .to the value of near two miHions in coin and bulUbn, tliat does not furely promote the Manufa£lures of Britain^ A nation inigfat car- ry on trade to an immehfe extent^ without e>(pprting a fin^ gle article either of their own maouf allures or piipduce. The exports from St. Euftati^ in time of war are perhaps equal to a thOufand times the value of the whole pl-oduct oftbeliland. From hence I conclude, thas noideacin be formed pf ^e augmentation ofthe induftry that Britain de- rives Jrc^m l^er commeice, merely by conitdering the va- lue of her exports. , Wc come fomewhat nearer the truthby eilimatingit ac- • -■'-■■ ' cord- . ( '3' ) diminution therefore, of this market muft pro- duce a very fenfible change in the total amount of the national induftry. This diminution of induftry is always in a much greater proportion than the diminution of the number of the people, and that for the reafons afljgned at large in the fecond chapter. With tlie debility occafioned by thefe migrations the weight of the taxes muft encreafe, and the dif- couragements to manufactures be augmented. In proportion therefore as you remove the inha- bitants you diminifh their induftry and aug- ment their poverty, inftead of augmenting their . induftry and adding to their riches, as the advo- <;ates for this fyftem contend. S 2 ^ For cording to the balance of the value of exports above th« imports ; though this alfo, like every thing that depends upon cailoi9 hottfe books, is liable to great exceptions. The excefs in this refpeA in favour of Britain, appears to be on an average of feveral years pal!, according to Sir Charles Wbitworth's tables about two millions and a- half per annnoi. From this muft be dedoded the value of bul- lion exported annually, as that, without a doubt muft have been imported, although no fuch article appears on the euftom-houfe books. This would leave little more than half a million clear in favour of Britain. I am far, how- ever, from thinking that cuftom houfe books are of fuch authority as to be relied on implicitly, as a criterion fa natters of this kind. But when it is confidered that the national home confumption cannot be lefs than ninety miU lions, and that it /ro^a^^ amounts to upwards of a hun. dred and eighty, millions it will I hope be admitted that the pofition in the text is far from being beyond th« truUi. m- 1 1 ;( 132 ) For thefe, and other reafons, (which for bre- vity I omic^) it has always been experienced that in every country in which the inhabitants are decreafing in number, manufa^ures and induf- try are on the decline } and that on the contra- ry, wherever the people are cncreafing, their in- dudry is found to be encreafing in a yet more rapid prOgrefHon than that of their numbers. This is a rule that I believe admits of no ex- ception, and clearly proves the pernicious ten- dency of tfiat popular fpirit of monopoly vrhich is at all times fo jealous of admitting ftrangers to fettle in a ftate, left they fliould. in the proverbial language of the vulgar, eat the bread out of their mouths : as if all modern hiflory was almoil a continued illuftratioi> of the erroncovifnefs of this doftrinc. Whoever heard of the de(lru(ftive effects produced to the nation, or the hardships impofed on the inhabi- tants, by the Walloons whom Elizabeth pror tedted ? What evils has the republic of Hol- land experienced from the numbers of people tq whom (he has oflfered an afylum from all counr tries ? Is it not to this caufe alone ihe owes her profperity and opulence ? What bad cifFcdls do the inhabitants of Leeds, Mancheiler and Li* verpool, experience from the great aceeilion of people, ^rom qthcr parts of the eOurfti-y who haye been drawn thither within a few years ? Have thefe new comers eaten the bread out of ihe mcuths of the old inhabitants ? no fuch thing. . - ^ ' All' (^33) All parties live more efSy than formerly, and induftry is greatly augmented. Let a contrary revolution take place, let the inhabitants ^^creafe in the fame proportion, for an equal number of years, what would be the change ? Their ma- nufactures would be totally loft. Their few in-^ habitants would be reduced to a ftate of abjeA indolence. Provifions would not be produced fufficient to feed them, although for the pre- fent numerous body of people there Is an abun- dance and to fpare i and poverty and want would be univerfally experienced inftead of the wealth with which thofe places abound at pre« fent. ,'t The only other argument that occurs to me in favour of colonies is, VII. *' That when a country becomes too <* full of inhabitants fo that they are ftraitened *' for room, and do net find means of fubfiftence, ♦• it becomes neceflary to drive away a part of '* the people, that the remainder may be enabled •« to live." This laft fcems to have been almoft the iole rea- fon for eftabli(bing colonies in antient times : but it is feldom mentioned direilly by modern au-» thors, though often hinted at in an indirect and oblique manner. There is good reafon for this difference. In antient times, when induftry, according to our idea of it was not known, ' the pvil complained of was often really experienced. In moidern times fuch a thingi^ hardly poflible. . . Induftry -I ■/„ I ;, It ^ 1r .V » { »34 ) Induftry and commerce can fuppfy every defc«ST, even where the very furface of the earth is want- ing. Holland experiences an univcrfal plenty, although its foil in its moft improved (late can* not, according to De Wirt, fupport one third of its inhabitants, and in its original (late could not perhaps have maintained one thoufandtK part of them *. In a commercial ftate wherever in- duftry prevails provifions will be found in abun- dance, however unfavourable the f'tuation may be ; of v«*hich Leeds and Wakefield in York- fhirc are noted examples : wherever indolence prevails, however rich the foil and few the in- habitants, fcarcity will be often experienced. When Spain pQiTcflcd above twenty five mil- lions of people, they had all abundance of food and to fpare. It was. of old the granary, in fome meafure, of Carthage and of Rome ; now, that its people exceed not eight millions they are often obliged to depend upon others for fubfif- tence. But if indudry may procure fubfiftence to nu- merous inhabitants where the foil itfelf is alto- gether wanting, it will be far more eafy to be cfFeded where that is to be found in abundance. On a barren foil it is fcarcely poflible to form an idea of the improvement in point of fertility that * J)e Witt fays, if all the land of Holland were fown with wheat, and if it yielded on an average ten facks per inor- gtn» (a morgen is about two ?.cres) the whole produce would fiot be fufficient to aiTord the inhabitants ortie pound cf bread ppr day each. Intef ett of Holland. f i3i ) that may take place by human indi'ftrjj nor will that be wanting wherever number: of men are now colle<5ted together. I myfclf know fields which twenty years ago were fo Iterile, that the produce of a hundred acres would fcarcc have furnifhed fubfiflence to one man, any acre of which at prefent would be enough to furnifh hin> with full fubfiftencc throughout the year. '.'Here we cannot help remarking what an amazing difference there i;s between man and other animals. With regard to the laft nature has fet bounds to their increafe by limiting their food. The amount of this they never can cn- ci-eafe, fo that if their numbers rife beyond what that is able to maintain they mud be riarved. Not fo with man in a civilized ftate. By his exertions he can encreafc the quantity of his food to an inconceivable amount. Hence it may eafily happen that a country which at one time produces a' fcanty proportion of provifions for a few inhabitants, may produce at another time more than fufficient for fifty times their number. Indej-d this, not on\y way but mufi be the cafe if furface of foil abounds, and induftry cncreafrs. The reverfe muftis decefTirily hap- pen if population and induftry decreafe ; as the example of Spam, the pope's territories in Italy, and many others abundantly prove. Deterio- ration is ftill an eafier procefs than amelioration. Hence it follows that no commercial country can be too fully peopled where induftry abounds. But •m li. ( n6 y But with regard to Britain in particular, whofd territory could maintain, if fully improved, not lefs than an hundred times its prefent inhabitants, there was no necefllcy to fearch for colonies on this account. , Thus have I at length arrived a( the end of thi» importaot difquifition. The refult of the whole is. That our American colonies injlcad ofpromoi-^ ifig the trade and manuf azures of Great Britain^ have tended in a mofi powerful manr.er to dtprefs them. That inftead of adding firengtb and^fiability to the empirCy they have necefjarily weakened it in ji great degree^ and expojed it to the moft imminent 'danger. That, therefore, the fettling of theft, co- lonies atfirfl was umvifoy ani the fuhfeqi/tent en- couragemenf that was given them highly impolitic. Here then my ta(k (hould end. But 1 fhbuld leave the fubjeft imperfe^, did I not further en- quire what are the moft properdeps to be pur* fued by Britain to ward ofl^ the dangers which may be expelled to fpring from that fource in future; or what is the moft likely conduct now to be purfued to make thefe colonies contribute in the moft efTedual manner to promote the in- tereft of the Mother Country. Such are the ob* jejfls difcuifed in the following appendix. AP- '- y k WPWiW< I— ■^ ■^W>t»> APPENDIX. C( (C At'TER confuiering what has been faid in the preceding part of this Eflay, the following queftion would natu- rally occur to every attentive enquirer. — *' Although it fhould be admitted that it *' was at fiffl: linwife in Britain to begin to *^ plant colonies in America, and impd- " litic in her afterwards to encourage her fubjwfls to migrate thither; yet, as thefe things have been already done, and can- " not now be undone, and as in confe- " quence thereof the colonies have become ** confiderable, and their trade has grown ' to be an objeft of great magnitude, ' would it now be wife and politic in ' Britain to renounce all claim to that ' commerce? Would it not be more ju- * dicious in her rather to cultivate that « trade with the utmoft care, as the moft ' efFeftual means in her power to reap any « advantage from the colonies, and repair * the errors (he has already committed ? v a The ( * ) The anfwcr to this query is obvious. It is the intcrcfl: of Britain to promote her own manufi(5lures and commerce to the utmoft of her power j therefore it Ihould be her lliidy, by every judicious method fhe can devifc, to fecurc to hcrfelf as much of the American trade as pof- fiblc. ■ i: I t ' •(•! 1: " h it, on tiic other hand, the intereft " of Britain to' continue to defend and " protect her American colonies J to fight *' their battles as heretofore, at her own *^ expence, without drawing ''om thence " fufficient funds to indcmnij t for the " additional charge thus incurred, both <* in her civil and military eftablifhment V* Surely not. Inevitable ruin, fhould fuch a fyftem be p.rliited in, mull be the confe- qiience. What is to be done in fuch a dilemma ? America refufes to be taxed, or to fubmit to fuch regulations as are necelTary to fe- cure her trade to Britain. It would be happy if any device could be invented, by which the parent country could be fecured in the pofleflion of every thing eflcntially valuable ( 3 ) valuable in tht-ir conj.r.cice, a:rl be rc- lifved from the exprncc of priJtc(5ling tlicm, while at the fainf^ time th- Ameri- cans were left at liberty to aircfs on them- iclves whatever taxes th<7 flionld incline, without the intervention of any forei'rii power whatever. Nor tlocs it feirin im- pofTible to accompliHi this, could the pre- judices of all parties be for a Iliort time femovcd. ill Ml . I! There arc particular regulations of go- yernmcnt, which, without being in them- felves more grievous than others, by hold- ing up to v« vv at all times an appearance of inferiority and fubjecflion,, are exceed- ingly humiliating and o^ricvous to be borne. " Were rcaions as thicl as hops, fays FalRafF, I would not give them upon compul/ion.'* This is the language of human nature in all ages and countries j and this is the reafon why every inferior fociety looks up with a malevolent jealoufy to the fu- perior power which governs it, and is at all times difpofed to think itfelf opprefled by every exertion of power, however mild it may in efFed be. In this manner the ^\mericans have always beheld with a pe- a 2 culiar m li- ft < 4 ) ciiliar jealoufy and imeafinefs thofe poli- tical regulations that Britain has adopted with regard to them. Nor Ihould we — or any other body of men accuflomed to the ideas of freedom, have been afrefted in any other manner. It was natural ; the re- lation they bore to us, necefTarily fuggefled it. — Why, then, fhould we be difpoled to blame, with harfh epithets, men who have a6led in a manner fo natural, and in a manner not at all incompatible with the beft difpolitions of mind ? But if the people of America do not deferve to be harfhly blamed for errors na- turally arifing from the peculiarity of their Tituation, far lefs do the Rulers in Britain deferve the fevere epithets that have been bellowed upon them. I mean no apology for pretcnt men cr mcafures. But, af- furedly, protedtion received by any body of people requires an ef]ijivalent. Unfortu- nately, the Americans were not, nor ever could be, in a condition to pay a proper equivalent to Britain for the lofs Ihe fuf- tained on their account. Their fituatioq forbids it; and it is this untoward circum- stance that has ever embarrafled Minifters ( i ) in refpeft to American affairs, and made it equally impoflible, on the one hand, to prcmote, as thcy^^cre bound to do, the interefts of the/^pnt (late, and, on the pther, to fatisfy the ruling prejudices of the people. The monopoly of the American trade Jias been at all times the favourite objedt of the EngliQi nation, and has, from the firlV fettkment of thefe provinces, been an unceafino; caufe of difcontent to the colo- nifts. They felt jt from the beginning, as a grievous mark of fubjeftion, and it has continually rankled in their bofom. It was to them the worm that never dieth. It jias been the fecret caufe of almoft all the jarrings that have happened between therq and us. Early did they make efforts to evade it : but it was at all times found to be fuch a facred object in the eyes of the whole Englilh nation^ that not a whifper flurft be uttered ^gainft it, for fear, of giving an inftant , and univerfal alarm, which would have united all ranks of people in Britain as one man. Other caufes of griev- ance, that would be more favourably re- vived in Britain^ were fought for J and, in the t\ '{'I' \h H, |1^ I , ( 6 ) the mean time, every mode that ingenuity could devife, was adopted to elude fuch laws as were made to fecure the monopoly. •Governors in America, and Iviiuitlcr:i in Britain, long winked at ahijOtl an open and avowed contravention of thcie laws. This did not ferve to conciliate the good-will of the Americans j it only laid the foundation of new diftrefies. In conlequence of repeat- ed notices from the fervants of the Crown, peremptory inftruftions v/ere fent to the Governors to check thofe flagrant tranf*- grefllons of a law deemed the bulwark of the commerce of Britain. The confequence was, that the Americans were feized with the mod inveterate antipathy to every per- fon who favoured thefe fchemes. Every contrivance which cunning could invent, was adopted to thwart the public exertions of any one who was concerned in thefe de- tefted regulations. Thofe of the Ameri- cans, whofe trade had fufftred by the inter- ruption of the contraband commerce, laid hold of every popular fubjecft of declama- tion to inflame the minds of the people j which was the immediate caufe of the dif- turbarlces that now prevail. I have ( 7 ) ■ I ha^e been thus particular in tracing the caufe of the prefent calamities, becaufe it affords a Icffon of the higheft importaiice in colonial Government. I have already fhewn, at great length, that Britain, inftead of being benefited by this reftrainc on the American trade, was really hurt, confiderably hurt by it, in as far as it took cffedt. She therefore impofed a load on the Americans, which they felt as a grievous oppreffion, withovt doing hcrfelf the fmalK eft fervice. • They felt it with indignation, like the Princes who were of old com- pelled to drag the chariots of their conque- rors ; not fo much becaufe of the preflure of the burthen, as becaufe of the fubjeftion it implied. Yer, hurtful as it was, or un- important -^ the beft, it is probable the Bri- tifh nation juld, at any time, have will- ingly undertaken ten years war rather than have voluntarily elinquii. ed it. i-l Where prejudices of this kind prevail, it IS almoft vain to enter into argument j yet it isfcarcely poffible to avoid mnking feme reflexions on a cafe of this ' are. Were the meafurc fraught even with many benefi- cial confequences, thefe would be pur- chafed ■ !i' 1^^ I ( 8 ) cJiafed very dear by the general difcontcrtt of fo large a part of the King's fubjcfts. Were it accompanied with many advan- tages to the community, the difficulty of enforcing it is fo great, as to cieter a man of moderate principles from attempting it. To infure a monopoly of this kind, manj precautions mufl be taken, which are ac- companied with a great expence to the State, and wafte 6f peoplci and which, af- ter all, never can prove efFedtual. Thefe efforts, indeed, ufually ferve no other end than to enrich one fet of men at the expence of another J to multiply crimes, and to augment without neceflity the number and feverity of punifhments ; to render the in- ftruments of Government infolent and op- prelFivc, and to alienate the affeflions of the governed *. If then it would be im- prudent to force even a beneficial meafure at tke rifque of all thefe inconveniencies,- how much more imprudent mtill it be to attempt ■^ Some idea may be formed of the difficulties and expence of attempting to prevent a contraband trade, from the following curious ftate of fa<5ls re- lating to the attempts made to export wool front England; ■ . - <* A List k.1 ^ <»» (>■ o n w <>■ N M M n »^ 1 M •^ ^ VO f. o o c a oo cr n O 9 C« "O ^ '/ cr3 I* Q 9 a 3 D [ 9 B» -* 3 A 9 1- o o r' 5 §3 5 « B a g B •1 M ■ o " n o » < "I a o 2 tJ M . : ^ i^ ^"9 -^ fit 1 •? 2 « rt <» r r ►< o o z »> ;=■ o a B o 1 a. rt r» er " B B>2 3r-> > 3 2 X -^ ■-■ >M v.n »M 11 M M lij M U* ^ VAl s^s.g -»»• !• £t «r 5 5 OQ M K* 14 VO K( >o M v^ o^v/« O^VO 4^ C^Vm On 00 0\ O oo ui on*^ 0*>» k» 00O>0-l^''' o o o ^ ^ ar b. a ri O IT" ?r2 \j0i U> UV*^ o^ 4>, W» O M WM O 0\t\ o • Recove- ry there of. 4>- Ln o 0\ •- *^ 00-r» O On M 4-«/i "" <*» n In • 1 O -f>OOpsaN04^000DNO c^bn m O' '-*l M IT ;^ It °. o M lirt li^ Ml ti4 Od O M -f^ M O^ ao o Oi^ 'fk-^o^'^O-i^ao -^•' o o oooooooooooooo o T^ _ta->«4 a « '^•' 3 3 3 « 3^ c " O < -^ ti T3 " (» ?; •1 !«■ «> hereo info o a" 5- CO i ft *-* ■ .1 s " ^ a- :5> 3 o • 3 M sr a- n a o o c o 61 o 3 CL. «• Q. "^ ^ V •* • PI 0^ o" •^ S a" n a h u U) 1 crj .-• n n o «-«: "< a En a f^ ^ rt o r> CKJ n •n liif a ^ ^ r^ (A 3 e a fN, O 3 ft g a c O a s a- 9 a $ &> ^ a- s 3* r^ TT CL rt rr r (? 3 pp a N n .«»• *; C 71 3 3- n >* a •*• C o —1 -• < o m M rr n ^ P n ~ >— • -» T3 C £5 3 2. •*> n « S 3 ^ a- 9 a ■ JO a o« ii. o n W -^ / ■i 'it. ■J-:.'' ■■i>: :l: if' 'ji, I ( 'O ) attempt them in favour of a meafure, that if accomplifhed muft prove hurtful. Would it The charges of the Commiflioners for Wool, were annually as follow : £. To poftage of letters from their offi- cers — 43 To their fecretary, clerks, meflengers, and door-keepers — — 18000 To the coft of a floop, and fitting out to fea for cruifing on the coaft of Kent and Sufl'ex, with the charge of vidlual- ling, wages, tear and wear — - 676 O To fcventeen fupcrvifors, or chief a- gents, at 120I. per annum each — 2040 o o To two hundred ninety-nine riding officers, at 60I. per annum 1794° o o Total 20879 o o *' N. B. The officers met with great dlfcoti- ragement from Juflices of the Peace in feveral coun- ties, efpecialiy Northumberland, and the bifho- prick of Durham, by being imprifoned, and hav- ing legal feizures taken frcm them, viz. Sir Francis Blah, then Member of Parliament^ Juftice Howard, ForJIer, Taylor, Gray, Gallingwood.** **-JSlote, That of 379 1 packs of Wool feized, there were but 162 condemned- in the Exchequer ; the remainder was either rcfcued^ or not profecuted, for ( '' ) it not, therefore, be wife in Britain to re- move that ufelefs bar to the happinefs of Jier fqr want of money. The recoveries on thofe condemned, amounted to 744I. two-thirds of which was fpent in profecutions, and the moiety given by Jaw to the Crown, fo that the officers had no more than 248I. The floop took 80 packs of vVool, which was appraifed at 402I. moil of which, after being condemned at the Captain's charge in the Court of Exchequer, lies now in the Cuftom-houre warehoufesj being refufed to be de- livered until the moiety due to the Crown was paid, which Edwards, the mafter of the floop, was rendered unable to do, having expended his fub- ftance in carrying on pofecutions againft the of- fenders, &c*." This exhibits a ftrong pi£iiire of ihe difficulty of reftraining a trade, when it is directly contrary to the intereds of the dealers that it (hould be fo. From the fame authority f , we learn, that, befides the above, the nation had been at the charge of 55, ocol. annually for frigates and floopsj notwith- ftanding which, the exporting of Wool continued to be prac^ifed to a great extent, and almoft openly. |f fuch difficulties then occur in Britain, immedi- ately * Smith's Memoirs of Wool, vol. 2. p. i66, f Ibid. p. 170. !^^9B ( I? ) her colonies ? Is it not found policy to con- ciliate their afFe£tion, rather than provoke their hate ? • i I ■I' I M In refolving to a4opt a meafurc of this kind, what would Britain lofe ? She would Jofe a feather, and, in exchange, obtain a real treafure. The export trade fronn this country would continue as extenfive as for- merly, with this material difference, that in the one cafe the purchafers would be always fatisfied of the reafonablenefs of their bar- gains, which, in the other cafe, they never could be convinced of. The export of ma- nufactures from this country, it is highly probable, would even increafe j becaule our manufadlurers would become more care- ful, and our merchants lefs avaricious and lefs infolent. Our goodsc would of courfe be fomewhat better, and could be afforded a little cheaper than formerly. They would, therefore, be voluntarily preferred tq ately under the eye oF the Legiflature, what may be expe£led in America ? If our own Members of Parliament and Juftices of Peace {how fuch an Qpqn contempt of the laws in this cafe, can we be Turprifed at the Magiftrates in America purfuing a fimilar condudH - m^mgmmmmfmmmmmmm ( '3 ) %o thofe of other nations, through choice, if they are of equal value j and it is ac- knowledged, that it is in v.'iin to think of forcing a trade, in any ctrcumftances, by compulfory laws, where the goods of foreign nations can be afforded cheaper and better than our own. Britain never yet could fell goods to any confidera- ble amount in America, which ihe could not have fold there if the trade had been entirely open. The fame obfervation will apply to the colonies, in America, of every other European ftate. If, then, we derive no advantage from our monopoly of the American trade, in refpe£t to our own produce and manufac- tures, which we fliould not equally enjoy were it" entirely laid open, why fhould we hefitate about giving up that diftrefling monopoly ? And if we Ihould refolvc to adopt that falutary nrieafure, what reafon can wc have to burthen ourfelves any longer with the defence of thofe extenfive regions ? We cannot now be ignorant of the difficulty^ if not the impoflibility of ever drawing from thence a revenue in any degree proportioned to the expence of that protedion. Why, then, Ihould we take ' upon f ( H ) upon ouifclvcs the troublefomc and ungra- cious taflc of fqucezing from them a fcanty pittance, that never could b' adequate to the purpofes required ? The Americans themfclves have offered to free us of that ta(k. No fatisfadtory reafon has yet been given, why we ihould not accept their offer. % J- l! i t ■5? ■ .f' . a. 1 am aware that gentlemen in Britain wilKbe at firft ftartled at a propofal of the nature here made ; but I beg they will take tjie trouble to refle(5t upon it coolly, before they come to a final determination- Our feit-love, and the prejudices jt engcn-^ ders, often make us view tranfavflions re- lating to ourfelvcs in a very different light from that in which we behold fimilar trans- aiftions relating to others. There is not a man in Britain, v/ho does not at once per- ceive that all the trading nations of Europe participate of the Spanifli A.Tierican trade, not only by an i|idire6l, circuitous conrj- merce, but even direftly, in fpite of the numerous gania cqftas, with which the ihores of her American colonies are con- tinually furrounded. Are our American fhorcs more eafily guarded? It is well known *'.. ( >5 ) ■ known chat Holland, which poflfefTes only a few lodgements in the Weft Indies, car- ries on a trade thither nearly as confidcra- blc, in the export of European commodi- ties, as any of thofe powers which poflcfs cxtenfivc colonies. What becomes of all thefe goods ? They are fold by a contra- band trade in the colonies of France, of Spain, of Portugal, and of Britain. If, then, (I am obliged to repeat it) no reftridlive laws can infure to us the mono- poly of our colonial trade — and if the at- tempt to inforce fuch a monopoly be at- tended with great expence, and other very bad confequences to ourfelves, where would be the harm of renouncing it ? Againft this lafl: propofal there lies one very material objedlion. America offers to underiike a talk, the difficulty of which fhe is not as yet acquainted with. A child who is ignorant of danger, often exprcfies the greateft dcfire to handle edged tools, or to walk upon a precipice, and, if warned of the danger, will, without fear, make many proteftations of caution, and afTevc- rations that no mifchief will happen from granting 9 i ): u ' I', l< ' ( 16 ) granting its requed. Buc^ is the danger the lefs, becaufe the child fees it not ? In luch circumftanccs, it is prudent in the parent to deny the reqneft, with whatever earneflnefs it may be i]rg(^d. So it is in the cafe of America. We muft not forget their near relation to us, nor caft them en- tirely off becaufe they have indicated a little waywardnefs of difpofition. Were they to be declared entirely independentj and left to ftruggle with the wide world, as weh as to fettle thofe internal difputes that would, in that cafe, infallibly arife, they would quickly be obliged to apply to fome foreign power for afiiftance. This would lay a foundation either for their intire fubjefli^n tc that power, or for a burdenfome depcr- dance, which would produce party difputes among themfdves, and, at laft, the inter- ference of fome other foreign power. Strife and wars would thus be perpetuated ; the colonies, themfelves, would be harrafled beyond meafure j and, whatever other par- ties were engaged, Britain, becaufe of the vicinity of her fettlcments, could not re- main neutral. Thus fhould we lofe at once our colonies and their trade, and be involved in ftill greater trouble and ex- penccy ' \ t '7 ) pence, on tluir account, than if they had continued to demand ourfolc proteftion. To avoid all thefc evils, and obtain the bleflings required, nothing more feems nc- ccflary than to lay open the trade to Amc- J-ica to all the maritime dates in Europe. In return for this favour, the whole mari- time powers in Europe fhould become guarantees of the articles of convention^, in as far as they regarded America. Great would be the advantages that the neutral powers would gain by fuch a plan of pa- cification, \vhich would be wholly loft ihould the peace be difturbed by any onCi Where, therefore, it is fo ftrongly the in- tereft of the whole conjunctly and feve- rally to oppole any innovation, there is the greateft reafon to think that it would be long preferved inviolate. Upon thefe principles, I humbly offer fco the public die following fketch of the outlines of a general pacification, which, in as far as I am able to judge, at the fame time that it would be the moft ftriftly juft and equitable, would more efFeftually tend to promote the interefts of every party c con- m iji, ^ ( .8 ) concerned, and fix the general tranquillky of Europe on a firmer bafis than could be cfFefted by any other plan that has hitherto been made public. Article I. All former treaties, contracSts, immunities, and dependencies, between dif- ferent dates, in every thing relative to Ame- rica, including the Weft-India iflands, fliall be wholly abolillied. Article If. The trade to every part of America, including the Weft-India iflands as above, (hall be open, and equally free, to all the powers who enter into this con- federacy, either as principals, or guaran- tees : but all others fliall be wholly ex- cluded from tlience. •^ '■k in- I Article III. All goods imported Into any part of America after weeks from the day of the figning of this treaty, by the fubjeds of any of the confederated po^vers above mentioned, fliall be admitted duty free, and no bounties upon importa- tion fliall be allowed j excepting always confumable provifions of all kinds, with regard to which, the ruling powers of each diftria: ( 19 ) diftrldl fiiall be at liberty either to impofe duties, or to grant bounties on innporta- tion, as they Ihall judge moft conducive to the well-being of the inhabitants. -• . I ■; Article IV. With refpeft to goods ex- f^orted from any o{ the above-mentioned countries, the ruling powers in each dif- tridt may impofe fuch duties as they fhali judge moft expedient j but, whatever thefe duties are, they fhall be exadlly the fame, tc the fubjeiSls of each of the confederated powers, as if they had been exported by the fubjedts of the ftate itfelf from which they are fent*. ,-,r vv V Article V. As to the commerce by land, between neighbouring ftates on the conti- nent of America, all imports Ihall be free excepting only provifions, as above ex- cepted, for foreign imports: and, on ex- portSi no higher duty fhall in any cafe be jmpofed, than the fame article bears if ex- c ^ ,. ported * Logwood, which is at prefent duty-free to the fubjed^ of Great Britain, to be excluded ; and no duties to be demanded upon it, at leaft from thp fubjedls of Britain. ■ ::'< ■ '\,- • ( lO ) i ported by fea j but that duty may be mo- derated, when exported by land, if it fhalj be judged expedient. Article VI. With regard to the terriro- rial jurifdidion in America, the following regulations fhall take place. That is tQ .>U:> To Great Britain fliall belong, Florlda^^ caft and weft, Georgia, Carolina, the town of New York, with Long and Staten iflands, and the county of New York, properly fo called rif it fhall be thought worth while to keep thefe j) Nova Scotia, with its de- pendencies i Canada, with its dependencies ; Terra de Labrador, and Hudlbn's Bay;^ Newfoundland, and all the iflands in the Wefl-Indies that Britain poffelTed at the beginning of the prefent war, — unlefs it (houid be otherwife ftipuiated. To Spain, France, Portugal, Holland, and Denmark, the feveral territories and iflands they refpefbively poffefied at the beginning of the prefent war. And, To the States of America, under the regula- '• \ ( 41 ) regulations contained in this treaty, thQ provinces of Virginia, Maryland, PennfyU vania, the Jerfeys, that part of New York not referved by Britain, and New England, with all its dependencies. The boundaries of all thefe regions, where they border upon other dates, to be afcertained with the ut- pnoft exaftnefs, before the figning of the definitive treaty. Article VII. All perfons who have been deprived of their property in America, or who have otherwife fufFered on account of their adherence to the anticnt fornn of go- vernment rnder Great Britain, Ihall have their eftates reftored to them; and the other damages they have fuftained on this . account, fully made up to them by the (lates of the fever al provinces where thofe damages were fuftained. The extent of thefe damages to be afcertained on the fpot, before Commiflioners to be appointed exprefsly for that purpofe. And they fhall have liberty either to remain in the pro- vinces, without any difturbance on this ac- count in future, or to fell their effects, and - retire whitherfoever they fhall incline. Article ' r ['I Iv r \ l'U:-\ ( " ) Article VIII. None of the confcclerated powers above named, Ihall in any way in- terfere in any internal difputcs that (hall arife in any of the American lettlements that are not under their own im^nediate dominion. ^./Article IX. And if any one of the parties concerned in this confederacy, fhall artacl^ any of the dominions in America, that by this treaty are declared to belong to another, or fliall otherwife infringe any of the articles of tlifis treaty, the offending party fhall, ipfo fa^Oy be put under the ban of the confederacy, and Ihall be proceeded againft, by all its members, as a common enemy. II I, i < I «', Article X. If, while any power fhall be thus under the ban of the confederacy, any of its members Ihall be backward in treating the aggrefTor as an enemy, and feu neglecTt to do fo, after being duly re- quired, fuch neglecting power fliall be c'x- ciuded frqm phe confederacy, and debarred fropa haying .arjy commerce with America fsver after, It§ (hips may be feized by any of the confederates, and legally condemned as prizes, if they be found in any of the American -r American feus, or any where elic, if boun4 either to or from thofe parts. > Article XI. When anv of the confede- rated powers raall be at war in Europe, all kinds of wood, fit for fiiip-building, hemp, ropes, faltperre, gunpowder, in- ftruments of war, and all kinds of naval and militiuy ftores, fliall be declared con- traband commodities, with refped to the belligerent powers j and, as fuch, may be legally feized and confifcated, when going to an enemy. The (hip only, if neutral property, to be rcllored to the owners. Article XII. Difputes arifing between any of the confederates in Europe, ihall in no wife extend to their fettlements, if they have any, in America, which fhall at all times remain in a ftate of the ftrideft neu- trality, under the guarantee of this con- federacy. Hollilities, in thefe cafes, to ceafe every where to the weftward of the Azores. Article XIIK The Emperor, the Em- prefs of Ruflia, and all the maritime powers in Europe, fliall be invited to ac- cede to this treaty, to become members of i' t rj, I; \i :■ J 3 ' pi' / ( H ) ' the confederacy,' and guarantees of the prefent treaty, in as far as it relates toi America only. I do not enter into any other difcuffiort relative to the peace, but in as far as re- gards America alone. There would pro- bably be very little difficulty in adjulting all other differences, A treaty, on the principles above men- tioned, would, I am afraid, have too much of an Utopian appearance, to obtain a can- did examination. If fo, the world is come to a bad pafs indeed, when nothing more is neceflary to make a propofal be rejeded without examination, than that it has thd appearance of proving very extenfively ufe- ful to mankind. \r, I But, however chimerical fuch a plan may appear in modern times, it is well known that a league founded upon the fame prin- ciples, operated the moft beneficial confe- quences in Europe, during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. This was the Hanfeatic confederacy fo renowned in the hiftory of arts and commerce. To To think that man will ever be induced to purliie fteadily ahy other object than ivhat fcems to promote his own intereft, is, in my opinion, highly chimerical : and the fame obfervatioh may be applied to Pates. They mayi indeed, often misjudge w. at is for their own intereft, and therefore purfue improper meafurcs. The aim of found policy Ihoiild be, to correft thefe aberra- tions as much as poffible. But if no prin- ciple of aftioft is fteady but felf-intereft, it will follow, that thefe aberrations can never be ftcadily and Uniformly repreflTcd, unlefs by contriving that the felf-intercft o( many fliall be hurt by the errors of any one. This is the principle upon which the whole of the foregoing plan depends. If that principle is erroneous^ the pi art mull in- deed be chimerical. If it be juft, there is ho impoflibilicy but the plan may prove liable. It therefore defervcs to be exa- mined. It is evidently the intereft of all the neu- tral maritime powers in Europe to enter into this confederacyj fhould it ever be pro- {)ofed to them ; and it is equally their in- tereft to maintain the articiis of the con- d federacy Vi ;• I-' » M ^ ( 26 ) ' fcderacy inviolate, after it Ihould be en- tered into. Singly, it would be long be- fore they could force thcmfelves into the great circle of commerce, when they were fo often liable to interfere with certain rights that the great maritime powers think they have a title to enjoy. When thus called out in a body, they would become of importance — that importance would be loll, if ever they Ihould difunite. It is fortunate here, too, that they are called to unite only in a cafe where all their interefts muft concur towards one point. Where their interefts might interfere, they are ftill allowed to be as much disjoined as ever* To thofe powers, therefore, which are hert invited to become guarantees only, there is little doubt but this propofal would be abundantly acceptable. The proprietary ftates would, on the other hand, be ftill greater gainers. The profits made by the neutral maritime pow- ers, if confidered as a premium of infurancc againft loffes by war, and money neceflia- rily to be advanced for the fecurity and defence of thefe colonies, would be found to bear fuch a fmall proportion to what has been ( 27 ) been at all times neccflarily expended for thcfe purpofes, that the gains to the nation by this bargain mult appear immenfe. With regard to Britain in particular, it is v/ell known, that within the fpace of forty years fhe has been involved in three mod bloody and expenlive wars, purely on ac- count of h?r colonies. Thefe three wars (alone, without reckoning the dated an- nual expence on account of the colonies, which cannot be computed at lefs than one million a year) have not cod the nation Jei's than two hundred millions of money. An amazing fum ! It muft, indeed, be a gainful commerce that is worth purchafing ^t fuch a rate, / '. r- - By the prefent propofal we fliould be infured againft all fimilar lofles in future for next to nothing — (Perhaps, if I had faid Lefs than nothing, I (hould have been right.) It has been already proved, tha^ it is not in the power of any one to prevent others from fharing in the trade of thofe countries, by any other means than by affording the articles wanted, cheaper than they can be pbtained from others } and it has been like- wife Ihewn, that a monopoly of trade tends d 2 ^ / to i I ^i ; ^ rn, ( »3 ) to raife the price of goods coming fronr> the monopolizing ftate, and of thus favour- iog the commerce of its rivals, without obtaining fo much as their good-will, far Icfs any favours in return. |Jy 'voluntarily granting them a participation in our trade, we grant them a favour*, in return for ^hich we receive another of the moll ef- fential importance, and that without dimi- nidiing our own trade in the fmalleft de- gree. On the contrary, if we reflcfl on what might have been the confequcnce to jhe m::ni'ra6lures and induftry of the nations if the fuins of mont*y above mentioned, inftead of . ving been expended on the dcftruftive operations of war, had been employed for the encourag^rmt^nt of do- meftic induftry ; and if the numerous peo- ple whofe lives have been facrificed in thefe wars, had been allowed to augment our inhabitants; we Ihall be convinced that our manufadures and commerce would now h?ve m'l- * It deferves to be obfcrved, thaf, with regard to the neutral flates propofcd, which could not jFor many centuries, if ever, have participated in khe American trade, the favour is not lefs real than apparent. 1 ( 29 ) have been ui a much more flourifhing ftatc rhan at prefcnt. It follows, that if thcfc drains, fo the future, Ihall ccafc, in con- fcquence of the propofed arrangement, fi- jnilar beneficial cffedls will be experienced. As the fame obfervations are equally ap- plicable to all the proprietary kingdoms, it is unnecclTary to repeat them. Here, then, we difcover a noble plan of national oeconomy, a mean* of retrenching expenditure to an amazing extent, not only without diminifhing the riches of any one (lace, but even by adding to the income of each. It is thus that trade and induftry, when properly ciirefted, augment the riches of all the parties concerned. A feeming paradox, which, though often explained, feems not to be in general fufficiently un- derftood ; otherwife we (hould not fo often meet with gloomy politicians, who with fuch care compute the gains of others, and from the amount v infer the extent of our own lofs. It is impofTiblc to prevent a little mind from being envious of the profperity of another. Grovelling itfelf, it can never form an idea of rifing to fupe- por excellence, but wilhes to fink others below i< If-'*. j ( 30 ) below its own level. It is equally impof- fible to prevent one of a dignified mind from feeling that he may attain to high and (lill higher degrees of excellence, and that nothing will contribute fo much to forward thefc attainments as the advancing of others who in the fame lineendeavoyr to keep pace with him. He therefore glories in their progrefs. Their advance- ment forms a fcalc by which he meafures his own. Like an intrepid officer at the head of a determined band, they mutually advance with confidence, to glory j well knowinj;: that the endeavours of the whole contribute to the Hifety of each. The ad- vances of the lad keep pace with the pro- (jrefs of the firfl:, and each preferves his fbrion undiflurbed. u"i- In the func manner do dates, vying with each other in exertions of induftry and trade, when properly dire^^ed, mutually forward the attainments of each other. They advance togethci ; but that one ^mong them which is once forempft will continue foremoll iHll, if equal exerfions are made. If induftry flackens in one place, thr progrefs may be retarded j but if others , • advance. . TL ( 3' ) advance, that ftate will infallibly be left behind, whatever efforts it may make to retard the progrefs of thole within its reach. • Of all the parties concerned in this treaty, perhaps the Britifh Americans would find their fituation the leaft b'-ncfitcd by it. The debts they have contraded during the prefent conteft, would occafion taxes of a very different kind from any they liave hi- therto experienced ; and the cxpence of government would be much augmented. But they themfelves will allow, that no other method they could propofc would be nearly fo efficacious for abridging that cx- pence, and fecuring their liberties. 1 hey would, no doubt, ftrongly oppofe the fc- venth of the above articles ; but it would be an eternal difgrace upon Britain, fhould (he ever recede from it. This ought there- fore to be infilled on as a prelimina.y by Britain, without which no other condition (hould be liltened to. While I now write, the news of the fur- renQtr of Lord Cornwallis has juft been brought me. Like every good fubjcft, I regret t 32 1. |?'i }k * ,'.i regret the misfortune of \o many bravi? men ; but the misfortune would be mucH more than cbunterbalanccd, could the na- tion by this means be brought to reflect ferioufly on the nature of that objeft for which they are contending. I would nor/ from hence, wifh to be underftood, as if I meant to infinuate, that, wfre the objeft worth the charge of the contcft, Britain has it not ftill in her power to compel the Co- lonifts to accept of whatever terms fhe may- think fit to diftate. But I wifli not to fee the Colonifts reduced to that ftate of fub- jedtion. It is not the interest of Britain that tlicy fhould be fo. Happy would ic be for all parties, if they could allow theii'' animofities to ful^fide, and be guided bf thofe principles only which tend to pro- mote tneir own interefl and true glory. Then would they all, inlteaH of wafting their beft blood and treafure in purfuit of the phantom conqueft, which feems ever near, but continually eludes the grafp, -put up their fwords in peace, and emuloufiy ftrive which (hall exce' in healing mod quickly thofe deep wounds that each has received from the blind folly and ungovernable phrenzy of the other. Should t 33 ) Should Britain, thus freed from the un- interrupted attention fhe has bet:i obliged to bcftovv on external objects, be at liberty to examine her own internal condition, fne would be afloniflied to find what unob- ferved treafiires Ihe poffefles Vv'ithin herfelf; treafures which her own indullry may ef- feclually ilcure, in fpite of all the efforts of mankind to v/rcft them from her j trea- fures which, if they had not belonged to henldf, Ihe would have coveted, and have made inconceivable exertions to obtain, had they been to be found at the extremi- ties of the earth; but which, feemingly. for no other reafon bur becaufe they are at: our cioor, and completely under our com- mand, we have entirely difregarded. TJie treafures I fpeak of, are the fifieries on our toafl'-. ; the value of which has never yet been attempted to be afcertaincd*. I lay, they have not been attempted to be afcer- tained; becaufe a few obfervations, thac , have * See on this fubjetSl Sir Walter Raleigh, ^nd Mor.fon's tracts j al(o Obfervations on the Means of exciting a Spirit of National Induftry; alfo Locke's EiTays on the Tiade, Manufadtures, and Fifheries of Scotland, • " (; 34 ) have been made by individuals, without public authority, can never be confiderec^ in this light. liT 1; 4 Should fhe exannine the ftate of her diftant provinces, fhe would find flie pof- fefles multitudes of people who are capable of the higheft exertions when called into. a6lion*, but who, for want of proper re- tention, are fufTered to langnifh in indo- lence. She would perceive that (lie, pof- feffes territories fit to maintain an immL^nfe population, which at prcfent lie wafte for want of mouths to confume th^^ir produce. She would fee that flie polTeiTes extenfive diftridls, that enjoy almoft unrivalled ad- vantages for carrying on mianufaftur.s and commerce, which are now dcfcrted becauie no attenti.)n has been beHiOv/ed to tnipl(>y them for t'lofe purpofes. In fliort, it v/ould then be made apparent, that Britain inhcT- felf could fine: fubnfcence for at leafl a hundred times the prefent number of hcf people ; that thefe numerous inha!)itants could be in i great meafure fupplied w'ch materials in the iHand tc :eep ploy( * This alludes to the Highlaniicrj Qf Scotland ^'^ [ ( 35 ) ployed i that no other rival ftate could pof? fcfs nearly the fame advantages, cither in refpedl to manufacliires or commerce ; and that at a thoufandrh part of the expence which has been bellowed on America, thefe manufadurcs might be fo firmly eftablifhed, as to bid defiance to the combined efforts of the univerfe to difturb them. Trade would necefiarily keep pace with them; not that kind of feeble diilempered trade which is obliged to depend on monopolies for its exiftence, but that which by its na- tive vigour will force its way into the remoteft corners of the globe, by making it the intereft of all people to participate of the advantages it will bring them. Let us, therefore, fccure America from the fear of difturbances, and turn our at- tention to our own domeftic profpcrity — Let us Hop emigrations, by furnifhing our people at home with the means of bene- fiting themfclves by their own induftry — Let us encourage others to come and fettle among us, by allowing them to participate of the advantages we enjoy. They will add to our riches andour ftrength. Let us concili- ate the good-will of the neighbouringpowers, by I, 111 1' ' I' ' « It ) ' C 36 ) by allowing them a free participation with us in our trade to other nations, that they may not be difpofed to cramp our trade with themfelves by deftruftive reftridionsj which, by tending to dillrefs the people in all countries, enfeeble all without produc- ing good to any. Thus fhould we become a great people, not lefs revered becaufe of oui power, than efteemed becaufe of our beneficence and juflice. THE END* \ 'W4k.