^ ^^, IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 7 / ' the following institution: National Library of Canada L'exemplaire film6 fut reproduit grSce i la g6n6rosit6 de I'dtablissement prdteur suivant : Bibliothdque nationale du Canada Maps or plates too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper Inft hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes ou les planches trop grandes pour dtre reproduites en un seul clich6 sont filmdes d partir de Tangle supdrieure gauche, de gauche d droite et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Le diagramme suivant illustre la mdthode : 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 'r^ y/^/ ro^ //3 \> artially favorable notice of Mr. Murphy's work, by Mr. Henry Harrisse. The " (icograjihical Magazine," London, 1S76, January, had a favor- able notice of Mr. Murphy's book ; and L'Eco dTtalia, New York. May 9th, 1S76, contained an unfavorable notice ; followed by an equally unfa\-orable notice, by Mr. Major, in the " Pall Mall Cazette, of May 26th, 187^), which was reprinted in the " C.eographical Magazine " for July, 1S76. The " Amei can Church Review," July. 1S76, contained another adverse review of Mr. Murphy, by B. F. De Costa. See " Verrazzano " in Lulletin No. 39, p. 137, Boston Public Library, 1S76. The student may also find observations by Mr. Charles Deane, in Vol. IL p. 219, 2d S., of the i\Laine Society's Collections, 1S77. " 'Ihe Globe of \'lpius, 1542," 1S7S, I). S, was a reprint formed of some notes of a Paper on '" Tlie Clobe of Eujjhrosynus Vlpius, 1542, in its relation to the TkLaj) of Ilieronimo ^'erra- zano, 1529." The pajier was read before the New York Historical Society, by B. F. De Costa, on the evening of Dec. 4th, 1878. The daily press of New York for December 5th, contained notices of tlie Lecture. It was also noticed, Dec Sth, 1S7S, in "L'Eco d'ltalia." 'J"he Newport "Mercury," of March 2Sth, 1S7S, contain'i'd an abstract of this Lecture, showing the connection of Verrazano with that place. The '' Compte-Rendu " of the " Congres Inter- national des Americanistes," Vol. I, 1878, p. 535, has a note in defense of the Voyage of Verrazano, criticising Mr. Murphy's work adversely. The " Magazine of American History," 1S7S, contained, in February, "The Letter of Verrazano," in May, "The Voyage of Verrazano," and in August, 'The Verrazano Maji." The Boston "Daily Advertiser," Sept. 24th, 1S7S, contained an .-ditorial referring to these articles. Afterward followed an article in the " Magazine of American History," January, 1S79, on " The Globe of Vlpius." in its relation to the voyage. The four articles, in a revised form, with this Bibliograph>, are combined in " Verrazano the E.xplorer, " A. S. Barnes & Co., New York, 1881. See "Memo- rial History of Boston," 1880, ])p. 32-35, 41-44. Notices of the Voyage of ^'errazano may be found also in Biographical Dic- tionaries and Encyclopedias, and in such works as Brodhead's History of New York, the Gay-Bryant History of the United States, Miss Booth's History of New York, and Mrs. Martha J. Lamb's History of New York. Verrazano is also men- tioned in the principal school histories. The long list of works already given, however, embraces nearly everything of a critical character that has come to the notice of the writer, and may perhaps serve every purpose of the investigator. •I I -; I i VERRAZAXO VIXDICATED I i THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO GIOVANNI da Vcrrazan.) was born at \'al di Grcve, a little vilhffe near Florence, about the year 1485. being the son of Piero Andrea cIi Bernardo da Verrazano and Fiamctta Capella. The portrait of the Italian Nav.-ator wiiicli accompanies this discussion is reproduced Irom the representation found in " Uomini lUustri Toscani," which was copied from a painting in the Royal Gallery at Florence. A search re cently mstitutcd failed to bring the original portrait to light. An attempt to hnd a copy of the medal that was struck hi his honor met with no bet- ter success. The last member of the family in Florence was Cavaliere Andrea da \ errazano, who died in 1S19. There is nothing either to prove or to disprove the authenticity of the p<.rtrait. and the presumption is in favor of its authenticity. It is now faithfulh- reproduced for the nrst time, though on a diminished scale. In his mature years, after some experience upon the Mediterranean \ en-azano entered the service of Francis I. of France, and became amous as a privateer or corsair, a profession sufiicientlv respectable at that period, having been followed by manv great navigators. In i;->, \ errazano captured several ships bringing to Spain the Treasures of Montezuma. This act m particular excited the enmitv of the Spaniards who constantly sought for an opportunity to get him into their power' n 1524 he made Ins voyage to America. In 15.7, it has been maintained; he was captured by the Spaniards and hung at Colmenar, near Toledo tared bj the savages, roasted and eaten. In the year ,870 the present writer accepted and published the story of his execution, as told in ce - tain tspanish documents since published to hlT"^f v''' ^'-^^""'"^"t^ ^^ the affidavit of the officer who professed have pu A errazano to death. It was nevertheless noticed that the language of the officer apppeared needlessly positive. Of late evidence has come to light which may yet be accepted as disproving the s ate. THE LETTER riF VERRA2ANO .. mentsof the Spanish ot'ficinl, who possibly dcccivctl himself In supposing that Vcrrazano had been captured ; or, what is still more likclv, deceived others, and, while professint; to have executed the Florentine, accepted the bribe which he declares was refused, and thus let him <;o. This sub- ject, however, is one that must be left for future investiijation. Anotlicr member of the same Florentine familv, a brother of (iiovanni, was named Hieronimo. This person was the author nf the Maj) which relates to Giovanni's \'ovai,''e. The subject of Verrazano's Voyai;^ beinj^ reserved for a separate chapter, let us at once proceed t(j the Letter which describes the Vi >ya_i(e. The first known Post-Columbian description of the North Atlantic Coast is i^iven by ^'errazano in a Letter to Francis L, which has exercised a marked influence for more than thi-ee hundred years. Nevertheless the authenticity of this Letter has recently been questioned. The objec- tion based upon an alleged absence of contemporaneous reference to the voyage might be dismissed with the simple observation, that the charge is unfounded. Still something will be said on this i)oint. In this connection, it has been urged by the late Buckingham Smith, the first of the two writers who have criticised the letter adversely, that neither the Letter nor the Voyage is mentioned by Admiral Chabot in his letters of 1525. This, however, is not remarkable, since the vovage of \'crrazano was under- taken before he entered ujion his office, which was in 1526, while after- wards an expedition was sent out under his own administration, the ex- pedition being led by Cartier, 1534. The latter was the expedition that he would naturally recognize, though there is no proof that he did ;/('/ recognize that of Verrazano, with wlujm he was associated in a projected voyage to the Indies in 1526 or later. Mr. Smith has asked, respecting the voyage, " 11 there were any lame of the sort, why should France choose to settle her population so far to the North, preferring the cold regions her fishermen were conceded to have found, to the milder climate, fertile vales, and inviting bavs and water courses of New England and New York?" We have onlv to ask in reply, Wh\- Spain proposed the colonization and fortification of the Straits of ^L^gellan ? The Fi-cnch supjtoscd that the route to Cathay led tlu'ough Canada. Frobisher adv(jcatcd the same policy on the part of the English. In this connection it should, however, be remembered that the archives of France, much less those of other countries, have not been searched faithfully, and, also, that the beginning of the sixteenth century THL m:iti:r ci \ kuka/ano I 4 I vs'as an inoi)portiiiic time lor tlic publication <>t tlic results dt maritime enterprise. The records of Dieppe siiiTercd much in the homli.inlmcnt o( 1694. while the archives of La I\oche!lc were completely destroyed by fire. The sixteenth century opened gloomily with the contirmatiun of the claim of Spain to the entire North American Continent by Alex- ander \'l.. and the first ([uarter of the century was hardly completed when Francis I. l(nmd himself lani^aushii..j in prison, whence lie emerged onlv to find societv in a state of confusion, lleylin. wrilini;- in 1669, well observes lespectini,^ the inattention to the voyay^e, that the people, "too much in love with the |)lcasures of France, or entangled in civil wars amongst themselves, looked no farth.er after it." At the time \'errazano undertook his voyage, every movement con- nected with the French Marine was watched with a jealous eye. He was obliged to leave stealthily, and excuse his action by the statement that he had discovered a country never before seen by Europeans. Only two Italian versions of the Letter of \'errazano are known to exist, one of these having been published by Ramusio, at \'enice. in 155''', and the Carli versi THE LETTER OF VEKRA/.ANO I5 .• :;J i>rivateersmen of France who were worth knowing. Besides, he shows the influence of the Verrazano Map in his own sketches, his Bay of the Isles being the same as the Florentine's Bay of Refuge, a fact to be pointed out in connection with the map illustrating Vcrrazano's Voyage. That AUefonsce knew Verrazano will hardly be denied, though instead of Verrazano, he once mentions Cartier, his work being simply sailing directions '' by the aid of which pilots may find unknown countries." Indeed, AUefonsce does not even mention his otjii voyage to Canada as tliC Pilot of Roberval. In what way, then, docs he indicate his acquaint- ance with Verrazano ? This is accomplished, if at all, by what is possibly a plagiarism. AUefonsce was neither an original nor a skillful writer, and, therefore, finding some descriptions in the Letter of Verrazano that served his purpose, it is possible that he used ihcm with such variations and additions as circumstances required. This was the case with Gosnold's scribes in 1602, though the fact exhibited by the present writer in the New England Historical Genealogical Register (January 1873) had never before been pointed out. Gosnold and his colaborers, however, had Haklu3't's English translation of Verrazano and wrote in English. On the other hand, the French version probably used by AUefonsce is want- ing, and we are not able to place the French of the two writers side by side. Hence the verbal rcscmh\?inces, so noticeable in Gosnold and other English plagiarists of the Florentine are lost. But the indentity of ideas remain. In compiling his account of the new found world, AUefonsce desired to make the most of his subject, and at one point he turns from the north to take a general survey of the country. In doing this he defines the boundaries, saying that Hochelaga, included in the Patent of 1 542, extended south-west as ar as Figuier, thus including the entire region visited by Verrazano. Then he seems to turn to the Letter, and to use the general account of the country, seeking to combine in one glow- ing picture the attractions found from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico. Here he transposes the order observed by Verrazano in two or three in- stances. In the narrative of AUefonsce the forests are described after mentioning the situation of the country, while the subject of gold is put before it. AUefonsce makes an extravagant allusion to the gold of Cibola, because at the time he wrote the fabulous wealth of that region was ex- citing all minds. After readjusting these two topics, the rest stand almost parallel with the order observed by Verrazano. Supposing this done, it mav be noted, hrst, that the Florentine says that the " East " stretches around this coun- try, while AUefonsce thinks that this is " the utmost bounds of Asia." The latter says that these countries " border on Tartary," while Verra- 4 >lf i6 THE LETTER OF \EKRAZAN'. zano, in Ramusio's version, speaks of " the wild deserts of Tartary," and both remark upon the productions of the East, tlic one speaking of "medicinal" and "aromatic drugs," and the other of the medicinal quality of the trees. Next they agree that the forests arc both vast and various, and that the country is gold bearing, the Florentine putting the gold in or near latitude 34° N., and AUefonsce in 35' N., or the parallel of Cibola. Afterwards both writers mention quadrupeds and birds in immediate connection, closing up that topic in a similar way, Verrazano saying " many other similar [beasts] and with a great variety of birds for every kind of pleasant and delightful sport," AUefonsce adding to his account, " various other sorts of birds and beasts." The succeeding topic is the xvatcr supply, and this opens the way to speak of the climate, of which AUefonsce cannot give so good an account as Verrazano, being obliged to generalize in speaking of the North and South at the same time. Then follow the xvinJs and the rain and the disposition made by nature of the general humidity. Verrazano says the prevalent winds of Summer are north-west, with a clear sky and " but little rain," while AUe- fonsce agrees that the west wind " brings no rain." Even '.n treating the topic which might perhaps appear the least promising of all, AUe- fonsce seems to be holding on to the thought of the Florentine, which here concerns the disposition that nature makes of the moisture in the atmosphere. On reaching this point he realizes that he is in a high northern region, and must come directly to the point, not discussing "all these regions." Therefore, instead of saying with Verrazano, who was speaking of summer skies, that the sun dissipated the moisture, he tells his reader in substance, that the moisture, which is so dense as to be styled rain, is frozen in the winter time, and falls to the earth in the form of snow. Here he reaches the end of his list of subjects ; but still he has not finished, having failed to do justice to \\\t forests, which Verrazano dwells upon with delight. Casting his eye over his manuscript, he stems to perceive a deficiency, and adds after his account of the snow, " there are also forests as beautiful as ever you could possibly see any wJicrc in tJu •world; " which done he goes on with a description of the creatures that were found in the Canadian Sea, coloring his narrative by the aid of the second voyage of Cartier. Let the reader study these two accounts side by side, and he will perhaps find that the coincidences arc too striking to admit the sugges- tion that they are the result of accident. Verrazano, apparently, was known to AUefonsce. He used the order as a matter of convenience, endeavoring at the same time to warni the climate of Cana la by associat- ing it with the entire country from the South. For the convenience of v. sj' «1^ ..tt^','} *i*' ■.'>lf,^j;;/->.T •*■■' %; M';#, K. ,7." :-i^'a% %'- 1^ :.<}j ■■■ . ' /i^- n JfARCEUjOJl. CERVmr^ ORIGLYAKIO HIJION SENESE^ SOGGETTODI DOTTRINA, E SOMMO rONTEFICE FULCIANQ,ENOBlLE ^SOJfJM PRVDENZA, \U0NTA FREGMTO. /norL dopo 2 1 .aior/ii di iJh/Ues, /icatty nel di. p>no. ^l^^^io ^IL/EVm SbfdiMtc al mfrltoJuijjolare ddl' Sl/mv:,b J^mv: jKor^i^ncrcJUi^aii, J/^ir^o du urt ^htadrp f/t/Ufttc tfrv/jcT j/i' S//mi. ^i^^"^ Loriti, U^rini di'fjuna,. ""^■L'-'*^' <4 Li m ,/♦ TflE LETTER OF VEKRAZANO 17 the reader the Ir.ngau^fc of tlie two writers has been given in parallel columns, the chief points bcini; italicised. An extract from Barlow's de- scription of North Carolina in 1584 is also inserted, to show that he drew on \'errazano in a similar manner, thouj^h " Master Winter" j^ets the credit. A detached extract of Vcrrazano's Letter is added to throw light upon the remark of Allcfonsce concerning La Rochelle, whic'ti appears to have been suggested by Verrazano's remark about the parallel of Rome. VKKU.\,^ANO BARLOW Ascending farther, we found several This island hath many goodly woods arms of tiie Sea which make througii in- full of Deere, Conies, Hares, and Fowle, lets, w.ishing the shore on both sides as rove in themiddest of summers in incred- the coast runs. An outstretched coun- ible abundance. The woods are not try ajipears at a little distance rising such as you find in /h'/ifwiii, Moscovia, somewhat above the sandy shore in or Henynia, barren and fruitless, but the beautiful fields and broad plains, covered highest and reddest cedars in the world, 'icith immense forests 0/ trees moTKi or \'ds^ far bettering the Cedars of the Azores, dense, too various in colors and too de- of the Indies or Lybanus, Pynes, Cypres, ilghtfui and charming in appearance to Sassaphras, the Lentisk, or tree that be described. I do not believe that beareth the Masticke, the tree that beai- these are like the Hercynian forest or eth the rine of blacke Sinnaiv.on, of the rough wilds of Scytliia [Tartary] and which Master Winter brought from th.e tite northern regions full of vines and streights of Magellan, and many others common trees, but adorned with palms, of excellent smell and qualitie. [Hak. laurels, cypresses and other varieties un- III. p. 246.] known in Europe, that send fourth sweet- est fragrance to a great distance, but allf.fonsce which we could not examine more closely It is said that the inhabitants of the for the reason before given, and not on country pretend that in a country called account of any difficulty in traversing tlie Cibola, in /(//////^/if 35 iV'., all the houses woods, which, in this country are easily are covered with gold and Silver, penetrated. and they use nothing h\xX gold and Silver As the ''^ East" stretches around this vessels. These countries border on Tar- country, I think it cannot be void of the tary, and I think this is the utmost bounds same viedicinal and aromatic drugs and of Asia, (acording to the Spericity cf various riches oi gold and the like, as de- the globe, and therefore I think it would noted by the color of the ground. It be well to have a small vessel of about abounds also in animals, as deer, stags, seventy tons burden, with a view to ex- hares and many other similar, and with plore the coast of Florida. I have my- a great variety of birds for every kind self been in a bay as high up as 42' be- of pleasant and delightful sport ; It is tween Xorumbega and Florida without plentifully supplied with lakes and ponds finding the bottom, and I do not know of running water; and being in latitude whether it extends any farther.) In aU ' I8 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 34' the air is salubrious, pure and temperate, and free from extremes of both heat and cold. There are no vio- lent winds in these regions, the most pre- valent are the north-west and -vat. In the Summer, the season in which we were there, the sky is clear with but little rain. V fogs and mists are at any time driven m by the south winds, they are instantly dissipated, and at once it be- comes bright again. This region is situated in the parallel of Rome, being in 41'' 4°' of north lati- tude, but much colder from accidental circumstances and not by nature. these regions there are gre.il quantities oj timber of various kinds, such as oaks, ash, cedar, cypress, dwarf holly and arbor vita, which are of Medieimil tjihi/i^y. They have some timber almost as white as snow, and common pine, of which they make Ship's masts, aspen trees, birch resembling cherry tree, also very large cedars, hickory and small nut trees. There have also been found red plums resembling what are call Coubrejean. There are also large wild peas, as well as gooseberries and strawberries. More- over you find many 7i'ild animals such as deer, roe bucks, porcupines, bustards, cranes, wild geese, owls, turtle doves, crows, ravens, and various other sorts of birds and beasts. (Small snakes are also found such as you may see in France. And the Savages say that unicornes are also found. Whatever is sown here re- quires but two or three days to spring up. So well does grain thrive here, that have myself counted twenty-six Kernels in a Single year of the same sort which Jacques Cartier has sown. So rich is the ground that if you sow in March your crop will be ripe in the middle of August. The water is much better here than in France, and my impression is that if the land were worked as as it should be and thickly settled, it would be ciuite as %varm as at La Rochelle. The frequent sno^us that fall here, are owing to the fact that when it rains the rain is speedily turned into sno7Li. Rain does not occur here ex- cept with the East 7C'ind j the west wind brings no rain. With the north wind there comes abundance of snow; From Novem- ber to February it snows constantly and so hard that the snow is often six feet deep There are also forests as beautiful as you. could possibly see any where in the world. d TIIK I.KTTKU (Jl VERI:A/,ANO 19 i Such is this curunis piccx' lA testimony (rum the Cosinographic o[ ^llc- fonsce ; tlie reader will jixlge > i r s. i I t THE VKRRAZANO MAP 45 much more probable that it is confluent and uninterrupted ? Those who circumnavigate the earth do not say that they have been prevented from continuing their voyage by any opposing continent, but through want of resolution and the scarcity of provision." The Map of Verrazano represents the improved Italian cartography at the time whe^ it had reached the peculiar phase, expressed not only by the outlines of the map, with its narrow isthmus separating the Atlantic from the Pacific Seas, but by the observation of the navigator himself, where he says to the King of France, " My intention in this voyage was to reach Cathay, on the extreme coast of Asia, expecting, however, to find in the new land some such obstacle as there has proved to be, yet I did not doubt that I should penetrate by some pas- sage to the Eastern Ocean." He then refers to the fact that the Ptol- emaic system supposed an open sea between Europe and Asia, without intervening land, a theory that Ilieronimo was relinquishing with regret. October 15, 1524, Cortes wrote to the Emperor of Spain that he intended to send a fleet to search for a strait between Florida and Newfound- land ; while in 1525 Gomez undertook such a voyage. The Verrazano Map is the earliest known map which shows an isthmus near latitude 42° N. The author fixes the date of the map at 1529, by saving that "Nova Gallia" was discovered five years since. The words " Mare Occidentale " are not found on the map. The earliest Spanish map of North America now known to the geographical world, was made in the year 1500 by Juan de la Cosa. It shows a solid coast line, while Cuba appears properly represented as an island. Ruysch, in his map of 1508, shows a coast line, but it resembles that of Eastern Asia, upon which he engrafted the outlines of New- foundland. Cuba appears as an island of almost continental proportions. Before Ruysch's Map appeared at Rome, a map of the world was engraved in Lorraine, being originally intended for publication in 1507, though it was not brought out until published in the Ptolem of 1513. Evidently it was drawn between 1 501-4, and sent from Lisbon to the Duke of Lorraine. At all events the engraver finished his work before Duke Ren^s death, which took place December 10," 1508. At this period the Portuguese were active in the Gulf of Mexico, and doubtless explored Florida. There is a manuscript in the Admiralty at Seville, which shows that in Ma}^ 150^, Juan de la Cosa went to explore Uraba ; and that, July 13th, he sent a courier to his government, complaining that the Portuguese hav.. _een to the country discovered by Bastides. In August, Cosa went to .Spain, to lay the whole matter before the 46 THE VEKRAZANO MAP Court, as the Portuguese had arranged to make still another voyage. At Segovia, Cosa presented to the Queen two charts of the New World. These, apparently, are lost. (Ramon de la Sagra's "Cuba," II, 488.J The Lorraine Map of 1513 (LlewcU's " Moyen-Age," II, 145) contains nothing in particular that is taken from cither Cosa or Ruysch, though it appears to have had its origin somewhat in common with the latter. It indicates the progressive spirit so evident in Martyr's Map, published in 151 1, which laid down Florida a " bcuneni." On this point the reader may also consult Varnhagen. ( " Le Premier Vovagc de Amerigo Vespucci," 1869, p. 24.) The map of 1513 shows North and South America, with Florida and the Gulf of Mexico fully defined, though the Cape is placed in 35° N, With this map we have the commencement of the North America portion of the Map of Verrazano, whose author, either without sufificient study, or by a clerical error, adopted the wrong latitude, which was too high by about eight degrees. For the extreme northern portion of his map, Ilieronimo used some chart similar to that ( )f Pedro Rcinel, which appears as Number III. in the accompanying sheet of sketches. The intermediate portions of the coast were made up from material and hints afforded by his Brother's Voyage. Another reason perhaps for leaving the latitude of Florida as given in the map of 15 13. and as also found in one of the maps of Kunstman's Atlas (Sheet 4^ may be found in the fact that Giovanni did not explore Florida, while at the time Hieronimo drew his map he had not heard of the Exploratior made in that region by Ayllon, 1523. He knew, however, of the Voyage of Garay, made to the northerly part of the Bay of Mexico, in 1521, foi the purpose of discovering any rich cities that might be situated along the coast ; thus carrying on tlie work of Cortes and Ponce de Leon Garay being succeeded by De Soto. Garay's survey was extended nearly to the peninsula of Florida. The limit of his voyage is stated upon the Map of Verrazano, precisely as upon the undated sketch given by Navarrcte (III, 148) in connection with the Cedula of Garay. The legend is omitted in our present representation of the Verrazano Map on account of the lack of space. It runs, however, as follow : " Qm comiiicio a discoprir franc dc gtvra nltiina dclla Nin'a Ilispania; " or, " here begins the voyage of Francis Garay, the limit of New Spain." By commencing with the Cape of Florida eight degrees too high, the central portions of the coast shared in the error, which is not eliminated until reaching Newfoundland. This must be understood very distinctly, since confusion will otherwise ensue when the reader comes to examine the regions representing the Bay of New York and the Rhode Island THE VERRAZANO MAP 47 coast, which are placed six or seven degrees too high. Under the cir- ciinistances, the latitude may be thrown out altogether, as the conficrur- ation of the coast is recognizable. * Prior to the time when this map was made, a passage to the west, through the North American Continent, was supposed to exist notwith' standing the fact that the map of 1513 gave a conjectural coast line as high as latitude 55^ N. This point, therefore, renders it necessary to reler to the " Isole del Mondo " of Benedetto Bordone, written in 1521 being sanctioned by the Pope the same year, and by the Venitian Sen- ate m 1526, though not printed until 1528. This work (L. Primo, pp. 6 and 1 1 verso) gives two maps, which, taken together, exhibit the chief portions of North and South America. With respect to North Amer- ica, the remarkable thing is, that for its outlines Bordone adopted the outlines (;f Greenland as found upon the Zeno Map, published at Ven-'ce in 1558.' After speaking ot regions of Northern Europe, Bordone says • " To these is added the island newly discovered by the Spaniards and Portu- guese, in which there is a country called Laboratory which is in the Western Ocean, trending towards the north part, west opposite Ireland It is eighteen hundred miles long, and extends towards the west two thousand miles, and thence turns south and south-west, in a manner that It forms a strait witli the new world, which is east and west with the Strait of Gibraltar, and ihis part extends a thousand miles; and from what the navigators say until the present day, though no person has set foot upon the land, it Is well inhabited." The maps accompanvino- the account agree perfectly with the description, which we must remember was prepared for publication and approved three years before the vox- age of Verrazano. Bordone next proceeds to describe the people according to Pasqualigo, who gave an account of the voya-e of the Cortereals, published in 1508. Bordone's work having been published in 1528, was doubtless seen by Hieronimo, who, instead of copying the open strait, put a narrow peninsula in that region, accordin-r to his Brother's Letter. "^ That the Map of Verrazano was drawn at the period claimed is cer- tain, since a copy of it was presented to Henry VIII. If it had been the forgery of a late period, the maker would have complimented the navigator sufficiently to avoid the errors of latitude. This chart is evi- dently the one referred to by Annibal Caro in 1537. Amongst the names placed by Jerome upon the peninsula of Florida are those of ''Dieppe" and " Livorno," which, it has been said, w^re 48 THE vi:ric/\zano map given to indicate the beginning of his brother's exploration on the American coast. Livorno, however, appears as " G. Livor," or the Gulf of Leghorn, applied to the waters on the west coast of Florida by ihe map of 1513, which is number IV. of our sketch. The name, how- ever, disappears in the later editions. The names taken from the map of 15 13 were used by Verrazano in entire good faith, as was the case with those from Reinel. The exploration of Verrazano, instead ol beings limited by the names on the map, beginning with Livorno, is indicated in part at least by three flags, of which tlie most southern stands near the isthmus of the western sea. When the latitudes of the map are corrected, the flag is found where, according to the Letter, it should be found, namely, near 34° N. The northernmost flag probably was not intended to show the limit of the voyage, but rather the limits of the region explored by Verra- zano, as the Breton flag succeeds the three Hags of Verrazano. We know that these flags were intended to indicate the claims of Francis L, because upon the original map they are blue, which about that period was made the color of France, in opposition to the white flag of Eng- land. Francis L, it would appear from Vernouel (Les Couleurs de la France, p. 25), had something to do in confirming the use of this color. These flags bear no device whatsoever, and tlie precise time when the lilies came into general use is not apparent. A careful study of the map will show that, with all its defects, it possesses excellencies not found on any other map of the sixteenth century, and proves at the same time that, with the exception of Florida and Newfoundland sections, it was based upon an original survey of the x\tlantic coast from North Carolina to Cape Breton. Speaking of the Letter of Verrazano, Mr. Smith says that it " was written at a time so far back, that the entrances of the coast of the ' Lay of the Land ' were imperfectly or not at all known, and that it was dated too far forward, to be in proper relation with the progress of maritime discovery." Nothing could be more remote from the truth than this. Rhetoricians tell us that, if we wish to test a figure, we should paint it. The same is true of a geographical description ; and when that of Verrazano is thus treated its value is evident. Hieronimo, in a sense, painted the voyage of his brother, the Navigator, the result being so admirable that it required nearly a hundred years for geographers to make any real improvement upon his work. As Mr. Smith never saw the Verrazano Map and knew nothing whatever about it, he may be excused for giving utterance to opinions like those set forth in his " Inquiry." , n/^ lacahrSO rio A i,i cone ^"X- V V*v \, '-^J- 11 ) Ij- THE VLRRAZAXO ^lAP 49 The false latitudes of tlie maii have jireventerj it from being under- stood. In considering- it, therefore, the latitudes must be discarded. When this is done, the student will have no difficulty in recognizing the outlines of the North Atlantic coast. For general correctness, the delineation is not equalled by any map (jf the sixteenth centurv. Much that is wanting in the Letter appears in this Map. The peninsula of Florida is uiunistakable, and, moving northward and striking the coast in the region of the Carolinas, we find the well known Cape Hatteras in Cape " Olimpo." Near " Santanna " is the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, and at Palamsina is the entrance of the Delaware. The coast of Ne'w Jersey follows with the well known Sandy Hook at its northern extrem- ity ; " San Germano " marking a large bay, which is the Bay of New York. This bay is exaggerated, because it formed a prominent point in the narrative. The peninsula indicates Long Island, supposed to be attached to the Continent, and which was not known to be an island until the seventeenth century, the entrance to Long Island Sound being narrow and filled with islands. The coast still stretches eastward, beyond the Island of " Luisa," or Block Island, to a cape called " Bussa," and a long Syrtis indicating Cape Cod and Nantucket Shoals. The harbor of Verrazano is given east of Luisa, as " G. del Refugio." Pass- ing Cape Cod, the coast turns more northward, and then, properly, eastward again. The great river near the Cape of " San Luis " might stand for the Penobscot or the Saco, the latter being, perhaps, the more probable. From this region to Cape Breton the map has no special features, the coast being delineated as it often was in subsequent times, the Bay of Fundy not appearing with much distinctness, if at all. No map now known to the public of an earlier date than the seventeenth century, except Homem's, 1558, shows that bay, though its existence was known, the peninsula of Nova Scotia having been" compared to the peninsula of Italy, 1575, as indicated in the previous chapter. Under the circumstances, it is remarkable that the outline of the coast should be so recognizable. In the Map of Ribero, based upon the Voyage of Gomez, 1525, no indication whatever is found of the peculiar region between New York Bay and the Penobscot. Gomez is credited with having observed and named the Hudson "San Antonio," which Verrazano mentions as the river of the " Steep Hills; " but, if he came to New York Bay and went eastward, he has given no hint whatsoever of the region now embraced by Long Island, Connecticut, Rhode Island and Massachusetts. As it is, we have no account of his visiting the region in question, and it would be quite as reasonable to suppose that 50 THE VKKKAZANO MAI' ii i tiie naining of the Hudson on the nKi|i of I'iibcro was one result (;f the V'oyaj,';e of Veira^ano, in 15J4. Tlie Penobscot is the only re^Mon clearly defined by Gomez, and his visit cannot. pcrhaf)S, be denied. In the Ribero map, Sandy Hook is wildly exag<;erated. Attention has already been called to the fact that many supposed that it was intended to represent Cape Cod; whereas that cape has no representation in the sixteenth century maps, beyond what was given by Verrazano. After the year 1529, the knowledge of the coast between the Delaware and the Penobsci)t suffered a decline. The map of Hieronimo was used, Inil the high latitudes given to the region confused the copvists, and Long Island eventually disappeared, being known no more until it reappeared in the Dutch " Figurative Map" (Holland Documents) in connection with the explorations of Adrian Block; though AUefonsce evidently knew of the existence of Long Island Sound. In the meanwhile the coast was represented in a crude fashion, New England being obliterated, while a great gulf, which Dr. Kohl confused with the " Gulf of Maine," was thrown in between Sandy I look and the Penobscot. Apart from the Verrazano Maj), and those which show its influence, Cape Cod had no delineation in the maps, though its position in relation to Sandy Hook and Cape Breton was understoofl by historians and cartographers. This view of the subject is amply vintiicated by tlie careful study of the maps subsequent to Verrazano. Let us next proceed to notice the effect of this map upon subsequent delineations of the coast. The earliest existing map now known, showing the influence of the Verrazano Map, is that of Agnese, 1536, with an open sea and isthmus near 40"^ X. There is nothing to indicate that Agnese /riViv/iv/ Verra- zano. Besides, the map referred to by Carli, October. 1537, must have been in existence in Italy for some time at the date of the Letter. The Ptolemy of 1540 breaks up the solid continent, which on the map of 15 13 extends from 35" N. to 55" N. It also shows an open sea in a modified form, the land northward being called " Francisca," a name evidently recognized by the Portuguese prior to Cartier's voyage in 1534. The influence of the Verrazano Map is next seen in the plan of a globe published by Gerard Mercator at Louvain. in 1541. This work, republished and accomj)anied by a celestial globe in 1551, was bought for a trifle by a representative of the Royal Library at Brussels in 1868, when the collections of M. Benoni-Verelst were disposed of at Ghent. The plans contemplated a globe about fifteen inches in diameter. It was dedicated to Nicholas Parrenat, Lord of Granville. In 1875 it was Ii Tin-: \i:kka/aN(i mat 51 i-cju-oduLcd mfiusiiiiih-hy tlic Dcly^ian Guvcnmicnt, the edition bciii'^- limited to two hundred copies. Thougii it bears the date of 1541, the material from which it was composed beloni^^s to an earlier i)e'rii)d, as it makes no reference to the explorations of Cartier. The Sea of Ver- razano is not indicated. The North Atlantic coast line ai)pears to have been drawn in accordance witli "some of his ^^reat globes," which WiUes says (Ilakluyt III, 25) '• continued the West Indies, even to the North Pole, and consequently cut off all passage by sea that way." The central portion of the coast line would appear to have been copied out of the Verrazano Map, showing thereby that the map in some form was probably known to Mercator. The general plan of Merca- tor's globe resembles that of Vlpius, made the following year, indicating that botli may have worked from a common model, one using coast lines and the other names from \'errazan(j. The globe of Mercator. like tiie Map of Verrazano, shows the Bay of New York, Long Island' and the regions of Narragansett and Cape Cod. The Syrtis of Verra- zano is represented differently by Mercator, showing possiblv the influ- ence of some other map. The whole region near that Svrtis is dotted to indicate the shoal water found on modern charts. The nomenclature of the map is different, and one is at loss to know upon what principle Mercator at this early period introduced some of the new names, as there is no distinct account of any voyage to the region wiiich might have suggested them. Cape Ct.d appears to be indicated bv " Mala- bngo," which woukl signify commotion or strife, the meaning being anal.^gous to the '• Bussa " of Verrazano, and the " Baturier" and " Mat lebarre " of Champlain. In fact, all navigators who saw the cape incline to designate it with reference to the tumult created bv the shallow water on the coast. Tiie Island fif Luisa is not laid down by Mercator, though wc shall see that it appeared in his subsequent map. The Italian names of Verrazano are discarded, his work not being designed for use by people of that nation. The peninsula of Florida and the neighboring region bear names that appeared in several maps of Ptol- emy, beginning with 1513. The central latitudes are also thrown toe high, as in the Verrazano Ma]) ; and, to get rid of the excessive east- ward projection of the latter's coast line, Mercator at the wrong p.jint extends his coast line northward, making the part corresponding with Long Island trend in that direction, instead of toward the eastt But whatever may be the deviation, there can be little doubt but that Mer- cator was influenced by Verrazano. The open Western Sea of Verrazano reappears upon the globe ol 52 THE VEkKAZANO MAP 11 Vlliius, 154:;, ;i portion of wiiicli is given in ikctch nuinL>.ic(l V. This globe was made for Ccrvinus, the Cardinal-F'resbytcr of Santa Croce, afterwards raised to the [>ontificate as Marcellus II. The globe affords the clearest proof of the growing influence of Verrazaiio. The coun- try is called " I'lrrazmia iii'c Nova Gallia" having been iliscovered " Aiuio Sal. M. D." The maker of the globe probably intended to complete the date, but did not. The statement that Cervinus was unable, with all his facilities, to learn the date (jf the voyage is a pure invention. The names on the globe afford convincing proof that the map of Verrazano was used. Amongst the lUies are " Selva de Cervi," " Piaggia de Calmo," " Lungavilla," " G. di San Germanus," and " Rcfugium promont." A careful comparison of the map nf Jehan Allefonsce of about 1552 (see sketch III.) with the maps of Verrazano, Gastaldi and Ramusio, will show that they all belong to the same family. The sketches of Allefonsce are very rude, but it is evident that his Bay of the Isles is tlie same as the Bay of Refuge on the map of the Florentine. The resemblance is clear when compared with the map in the Ramusio of 1556, to which reference will be made in its place. The Island of Luisa, without the name, appears to be indicated by Allefonsce, who puts the Norumbega River too far south, inserting it in the delineation v.hich represents the region of Narragansetl. The next map to be mentioned is Ruscelli's, 1544 (Kohl's Maine, p. 297), which indicates the influence of Verrazano by its isthnuis and Western Sea, but tiie author of the map falls back upon the ideas of the old geographers, who made America a part of Asia. The nomencla- ture of this sketch is scanty, though near latitude 40? N. is seen " Mon tagiie Verde," a name then in general use. In his coast line, as in his general system, Ruscelli distinctly repudiates Ribero, whose alleged influence in Italy never existed. The map published by RaiiiUiio at Venice in 1534 has been attributed cither to Ribero or to the anony- mous map of 1527, which, together with Ribero's map, passed into Italy at an early period. (Murphy's " Verrazano," p. 125.) This, how- ever, is a mistake. The map upon which Ramusio based his sketch of 1534 was a map in the Museum of the Propaganda, of which a section IS given herewith. Ribero was repudiated by his own countryman, Oviedo, in 1534, when that writer described the North Atlantic coast from the map of Alonzo Chaves. A sketch from the map is given in connection with Ramusio's ''Indie OcciilcHtali," Venice, 1534, that the reader may make the comparison, which shows that the published map was based upon the manuscript r Tin; \i;kkazam') map 53 chart. This map is uiuhitcd, but it is an c-ariy production, and no part of it has ever been published until now. A tjenenil account of it isgivrn by Thonimasy. {Xoinrl/cs Aiiimhs .us J'oj',ii,rs, T. XXXV, 1855, n. s.) It is of considerable int- ^st, apart from the {frcscnt discussion, for the reason that on the line ol division traced by F^)pe Alexander VI. on a map which divided the New World between Spain aiul Portug'al, there is the following : Car/a ifhisionis CasicUaruiii ct Portugiuu. The inscription i? given verbatim. The map h:is been consirlered as of Italian origin. "•^'^■-i \ l.Exiraetfi-oTtiajtiapiH'tia ■^ -J Propaqanda-fJiom^i 2.Fxiraet froTTt HieMorptil ^ n\ RamutiVs/noitOccmantnii:. •^ ]] Venice , 153^ . Here attention may be directed to the fact that our second map from the Propaganda has been referred to as the work of Verrazano. 54 TIIL VERrU\ZANO MAP Of this, however, no proof is given, and the error may be explained easily, though it appears in a very sumptuous and valuable work some- what recently published at Rome, and entitled " StudJ Bibliografici," etc. At page 358, under the year 1528, is the following: " 177 [No.]. Carta Xautica di Gerolaino Verrazzano." This is the map of which we speak, and from which our copy was taken by the writer. At the most, we could refer nothing more than the mechanical cvecution of this par- ticular map to Hieronimo. In the volume referred to, the true Verra- zano Map is catah^gued in its proper place. Turning next to the Ptolemy of 1548, we find a map drawn by Gas- taldi, which is the counterpart of Ruscelli's. These two cartographers worked together. This map recognizes the Sea of Verrazano, and repudiates Ribcro. Another map in the same volume recognizes Ver- razano without the open sea. It puts a cape in 40^ N., taken from Ramusio's map of 1534, and incorporates northwaid a coast line from Verrazano, at the same time expunging the refcicnce t{j the voyage (jf Gomez. In this map a tr. .ngular-shaped island (" Brisa") lies oppo- site one ot the deep indentures. It bears six of the Verrazano names, three of which are peculiar to the Florentine, namely, " Angoulesme," "p. Refugio," and " Monte de Trigo." It will be observed, however, that the parts of the coast line used are removed from the central por- tion of the coast where they were placed, and removed to Nova Scotia, for the purpose of keeping them in the latitude erroneously assigned. It is evident that the Italian geographers had obtained no new knowl- edge of that part ui the roast, and were laboring under the mistake into which they were led by the false latitudes of Hieronimo. Therefore, the delineation iA the entire coast of Long Island, Rhode Island, Con- necticut and Massachusetts was carried northward to the refdon of Cape Breton. This mistake was perpetuated by others, who had no fresh surveys of the coast to show them where the delineations in question belonged. Thus error was accumulated upon error. To the names already given as occurring on the Verrazano Map, those of "Nurumbega" and " Brisa " may be added. The latter is intended for " Luisa." The map by Gastaldi, found in Ramusio's third volume of 1556, follows the Verrazano outline more closely, though, through a mistake of the Engraver, who blunders tw.ce, " Brisa " be- comes " Briso," while the island loses its triangular form. Tn the same volume of Ramusio is a map that relates to Parmentier's voyage to the East Indies 1529, when he named three islands, respectively, "La Parmentiere," "La Marguerite" and "La Louise," in honor, first of i I rHK VKRKAZANO MAI' 55 himself, and alterwards uf the sister and mother of Francis I. Two of the names appear in the map as " La lauyse " and " La formetie " (Vitel's "Ilistoire," 11,88;. Thus the Regent had iico ishinds named in her lienor. Gastaldi's map of 1556 evidently was intended to illustrate the Letter of V^errazano. Iwo years later, Ilomcm, at Venice, drew a map which again re- called the Verrazano >Lap, throvgh Gastaldi,and bv means of the names "Monte do Trigo " and "Golesme" for "Angolesmc." The Island of Luisa and the "Port of Refuge" arc delineated, but their names are omitted. Again, in 1561. Ruscelli reproduced, substantially, a copy of Gastaldi's map of 1548. In these maps there is no reference'to the name of \ errazano, though his voyage is recognized by the nomenclature. We next come to Mcrcator's map of 1569, when the plan is found to be entu-ely different, this evidently being in accordance with those of his work which, according to WiUes, did open a gulf between "the West Indies and the extreme northern line." Willes (Hakiuyt, III, 25) mentions that the globes of the Italian Moletius, whom he associates with Mercator, possessed the same features. This map of \-^Gects different, perhaps, from the Roman copy, yet substantially the same, and furnished as we know with the Italian names, Lok employed what best suited his purpose, which was the illustration of his theory of a western passage to Cathay, at the same time introducing fancied improvements. Following the incorrect rep- !i' !!. 58 THE VEKKAZANO MAP resentation of Cape Breton, he nevertheless amended all the latitudes, while the outline of the New England coast is noticeable for its resem- blance to Gastaldi's, evidently drawn from a copy of the Verrazano Map, possessing variations similar to those on the map of Henry VIII. The island of Gastaldi, called " Briso " through the fault of the engraver, is called "Claudia" by Lok ; but the relative position is the same in bcjth maps, the island lying west of the Gulf of Refuge, which contains other islands, with two separate islands eastward, while further west is the region called, on the other maps, "Angouleme." Lok, like Gastaldi, makes Norumbega insular. Lok changes names, but delineates the corresponding tilings. He changes the shape and position assigned to the island of Luisa by Mercator, though he adopts the name of Claudia, instead of Luisa. He also rejects the error of Mercator in duplicating the island. Lok understood perfectly well that the two islands, called by Mercator Claudia and Briso, were the same. He indeed supposes that Claudia was the correct name for the mother of Francis, but Hakkn-t knew that Lok was in error ; and, in the margin of the Verra- zano Letter, says, "Claudia was the wife of King Francis," thus correct- ing Lok, not Verrazano. Therefore, until it can be shown that not only the name of Luisa but the island itself w^s wanting in the map of Henry VIII, it will be useless to deny that that map, like the Propaganda copy, contained a clear recognition of tlie Voyage. If it should be said that Lok did take the island, as well as the name, from Mercator, it may also be said that he copied the Azores from Mercator, and therefore that the Azores were not in the map of Henry VIII. It is too late now, however, to pursue such a line of disputation, as the reality of the influence of the Verrazano Map throughout a long period is something that in the future may not be denied. It remains to make few observations concerning the nomenclature of the map, which, however, will demand continued study in the future. The names are about one hundred in number, and some of them are repeated, in accordance with the practice of old cartographers. On the Florida section the influence of the names on the map of 15 13 is notice- able. Several of the names are not easily explained,' though " Olimpo" is probably Cape Olimpe, in Cyprus. "La Victoria" is a name used upon the South America portion of the map. It is a reminiscence of Magellan. Proceeding up the coast, it will be perceived that various names are suggested by the Letter of the Navigator, and have a manifest fitness. Near the Gulf of St. Lawrence is " Baia Sancti di loanni." At this point the map of Allefonsce has a relation to that of Verrazano, THE VERRAZANO MAP 59 .hou-ing " Isle dc Salnct Jolian." Some of the names of the Newfouiul- land section arc not ([u'lte legible on tlic original map, and where doubt- ful readings occur, they have been indicated. The significance of the most of the names, however, is apparent at a glance ; " farilhan " being the "Farralones," or detached rocks, a name found in every part of the world in various forms, but with a single meaning. •• Monte de Trigo," is the Spanish for wheat. In the voyage of Cartier (Ilakluvt, HI, 213) there is a reference to this mountain, described as a " hill like a heap of corn." Fuoco is Fire Island. About twenty of the names found on tlie central i)ortions of the coast are French, more or less disguised in an Italian dress. But the author soon perceived the fact that they were taken from a route of travel across France from Dieppe to La Rochelle, a route with which Hieronhiio was acquainted, as it is sufficiently evident that he passed some time in France, probably in attending to the interests of his brother. Beginning at Dieppe, the route passes Longueville and St. George, touches at Rouen, \v!iere Giovanni had provided for the recog- nition of Jerome, his "brother and heir," as his commissioner and "at- torney." Thence the road runs direct to San Germano, or St. Gcr- main-en-laye, the favorite residence of Francis I., whose name was associated with the principal places mentioned. The Forest of St. Ger- mainc, one of the largest in France, was perhaps in mind when Hiero- nimo wrote " La Foresta " upon his map, though at the same time he must have remembered the splendid forests described in the Letter. " Lamuctto " may have been suggested by the waeth; or famous kennel biiiit by Francis I. in the forest, though a village of the name still exists. '^Bcividerc" might perhaps recall the terrace of St. Germaine, which commands the celebrated view of Paris. "Casino," or the little house, if one were inclined to indulge the imagination, might have referred to one of the pavillions,' but Casino is also connected with San Germano in Italy. Selva de Cervi recalls the deer parks of Francis in tf.- "Selva Ledia," as well as the deer parks of America. Around St. Germaine the two brothers may have lingered from time to time, awaiting the decisions of Francis respecting the expeditions that interested him so greatly. Next the route passes to Vendome, a place famous for its connec- tion with the family of Francis I. ; thence on by the way of St. Anne, St. Savin and Mont Morrillon, the latter signifying the black grape[ which appears to have been translated into the Italian " Morrelo " or nightshade. Afterwards Nantiat is reached— in the map axUed Lanun- 6o Tin; VEKKA/ANO MAI' tiate, which may refer also U) the festival of the Anmiiiciatioii, whicn occurred while Giovanni was on the coast. Thence the ro:id touches Angoulenie, the birth place of I'rancis, who was called by Louis XII " Le j^^ros garf;on (i'AnL,o)uiLine." Next we find St. Savinien and Au\- pruncles, conduct iii^,'^ to La Rochelle, the Navif^;itor being described by Ilerrera as " Iloriu (Ic la Rochelle." Names like San Siano and San Gf)rgio doubtless had Italian connections, yet it is curious to observe how these names, taken together, indicate the route between the two great seaports ol France. The nr)menclature, therefore, is similar to what might have; been expected from an Italian some time resident in France, where, in the sunshine of royal favor, Mieronimo probably compiled his map, at the same time attending to the interests of his brother. The Navigator's "little book" doubtless afffjrded suggestions to Jerome. " Le figla di navarra" appears to refer to the King of Navarre, the husband of Margurite of Angouleme, sister of Francis I. It might also be considered a recognition of Margurite herself, as she was acquainted with American exploration, and based one of her stories upon incidents in the voyage of Roberval." This same route of travel is indicated upon the globe of Vlpius, 1542, which was copied from the Verrazano Map. In this series we have the additional names of Normanvilla, near Diepi)e, and P(jrt Royal, the home of the Jansenists favored by Margurite; while on Ramusio's maj) of 1556 is found " Paradis," the name of Margurite's Hebrew teacher. Ramusio m 1553 said that. Oviedo (who rejected Riberoj and some " excellent Frenchmen " had sent maps to Italy, and that they would be put in their [)roper place with some rejiorts of New France, amongst which no doubt was the Verrazano Letter. The reports were not printed until three years after, and jjossibly other maps were in tlie meanwhile acquired. But whether so or not, a sketch of the Verrazano Map was used in the map of 155'''. Jerome doubtless left sketches with the French navigators. In this connection it must, however, he observed that the use of the Verrazano Map by Ramusio was antici- pated no less than fourteoi years by the Florentine globe maker. It is, therefore, probable that the drawings, which appeared to have been received Vjy Ramusio about the year 1553, were those which related to Carticr. The sketch published by him in 1556 makes no mention of Carticr, while the fact that Canada is left blank shows that it was drawn at an early period, before that region was known. We, therefore, may ( laim Ramusio's map, in one sense, as a Verrazano Map. Tin-; vki:ka/a\o map 6t Some of thcskctdics hy tl:,. •'excellent Frenchmen" were used in i-rancc, simultrmeoiisly with their appearance in Italy, in 1^4- The great maj. of Henry ILfsee Jomard's Atlasj hears ei^ht of the Verr'i /..no names m a modified f.,rm, as follows: C. chi Mont, R. des c-moe's U. (le hone \ >ste, Les (iermaines, Anorobaga, C. de longuc, R. her- ij.ol.,, Mot de fngo. To these nnght be added ; R. des I'ahnes and R oe bone mere- 1 he maker of this map appears to have known of the .S\rti;, ()] Verrazano. Dr. Kohl, n(.t being acquainted with the Verrazano Map did „,.t understand the <.rigin of Ramusio's, while for the same reason others have made the mr.st of what was snpj.osed to be a fact, namclv, that ttie I-rench map of ,54,, rbawn in the time of Francis I., cr.nfained no ren,m,scence of the Voyage of Verrazano. The identificatir.n of these names, however, should moderate the objector's zeal liuicrn (Ra/^no,n Omrrrsa//, cd. 1640, p. ,;3, savs that the French gave the names " porto del reh.gio, Porto reale, il Faradiso, Flora An goie.ne. It would thus appear that he had seen a Verrazano Ma',, or the globe of Vlpms, and perhaps both. The authority for his statern'ent 's not given, but whether he had any authority or not, it is sufficiently truf, since the names resulted in m a Frencii voyage. '.Vith this brief descriptir>„ and riefense of the" Maj> of Verrazano we rest the present discussion. In treating of the names we have con' hned ourselves to th<;so found upon the North American j-ortions In due time it is to be hoped that the entire map may be produced in fac swuh; since it merits at least that much attention on the part of crco•- At.a,. au., s given in a moaiiita fcn;in, and the north-east portion, called " Terra de Lavo-atore " i. cord.ngto he Mapof Cosa or from some map that agreed with Cosa'. b'. vTv'di dopt /enos Greenland as America? To explain this fully would require ,n, re sVace e^';^;ndh'dV^t^lo^';^l• ",?"'- ""' ■^'r'""^' ^"'^^^ '° "^ "-' '" '^^i ll^e k now lldp re,.i..ind lad I.een 1. -t (Nortiimen ni Maine, p. 3S) .and Zeno's .account of I'-m co-.Vv d y discredited the view given by I'tolemy being adopted by Jiordone, as a ter and co7 ho n>o,e reliable Both the pre and post-Columbian editions of Ptolemy made reen" of Europe, pushing <,ut into the sea from Norway. liordone followed tWcoUn ion' hatZeno was v,-ro,ig ,n placing the name of Greenland upon tl.e count es at lee " ctualy saw the Zeno map in 1521 or earlier is not only evident from The outlneoi; filled m with r^rountains after the style of Zeno. but also fr,.m his draui^go Iceland da The style of the letters forming the word " Islanda" are exactly bke ho e of ^the curious and convincing fact is that Bordone u.es the same stvle of l-fteV^^;, . X loeverexammes this subject will lind the most decided proof that Bo done wa, fami^ .e Zeno Chart in 152 1 which overturns the theory that that nua ^vas t^To " ry ^ 15 = 8. Bordone s, which shows a strait onenint' thrmurh tl,i w "'"'^t'-'y °' '"e Uitudeof the. Azores marked -Stre.to pte li:? 'nfedo t; "'". the"s "" iaTt'ofThe la. The region south of this strait bore the title of the New World whi. h^h^l 3y the Spanuards. it being thus conceded by him that Zeno mide °he d s ov ry of land St. The testimony of Bordone is all the more valuable, for the reason thnHM w. r < X^z^'' '"' ^'""°" '° ^'"°' ^-' -''^'^'y '-aVny^r;:;r^!:^;i:ru:i2; graphers must keep clear of Fluellen at Agincourt (Henry V., A. iv s -- "I warr.nf rnd in the comparisons between Macedonand Monmouth th.-^t the situuions look von eat Monmouth, but 1 is out of my prains what is the name of the o her rWer but 't s IS alike as my fingers is to my fingers, and there is salmons in both." ' " eptamercn," Story, Ixvii, relates the alleged experience of a wife left w„h ).- 1 u 1 62 THE VERRAZANO MAI' informs us, was made by Vcrrazano. Whether the cupy pre at Rome is the original map or not, it may now be difficult tc mine. If not original, is beyond doubt a fair copy ol a very carl That a copy was presented to Henry VIII. can no longer be qucs There is found on the map the kind of ships, witli both sails an that were built in the Breton ports at the time (July 12, 1522 Andrew, Bishop of Murray, Scotland, according to Gaillard {J Frafigois Prfffiur, I'/f, 223-4), exhorted Francis I. to make himself of the sea ; but what is more to the point, a variety of facts an( ments concur in proving that Hakluyt's testimony is true, and t have before us a copy of a very ancient document, marked by peculiarities of authenticity. The historic world may, therefore bly incline to believe that it has not waited until now in vain Propaganda to yield up its testimony to the Voyage of Verrazai In closing we desire to call attention to a few points which ha^ substantiated in discussing the Letter, the Voyage and the Map. respect to the Letter, it has been made to appear that it certainly ill two versior^ — Ramusio's and Carli's — and probably in Fren Spanish ; strong reasons even lead to the conclusion that the ( version was written in French. Again, by a comparison o.' the charges against Ramusio have been dissipated. With respec date of the Letter, the discussion yields fresh proof, and establis fact that it was written at the period claimed. Now, also, t contents of the Map arc known, we are able to prove thac tl was based upon the Letter ; and since a copy of the Map its presented to Henry VHL by Giovanni da Vcrrazano, the Lettc have existed prior to 1527-8 ; thus disposing of the theory that it work of a forger near 1540-5. In dealing with the Voyage, it h; shown that it could not have been deduced from tlic map 4fitfHcan llUtar$. h 1,11 THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 6; L-xpedition ol Magellan, of which he was the historiographer. Amongst those less known was the learned priest and mathematician, Albert De Prat(;, the friend and correspondent of Cardinal Wolsey. Verrazano shed permanent lustre upon his nation by his exploration of the north Atlantic coast. The first tourist to visit and describe this country was Benzoni, also an Italian; and the Venitian, Ramusio, taught our own great Ilakluyt how to record and treasure up the achievements of explorers and navigators for the benefit of mankind. Purchas gives his quaint testimony on this point, exclaiming: " Happy Italy, that first, in the last Age of the World hath discouered the great Discouerers of the World." Yet what benefit has Italy derived from all these toils? The largest tribute received from America is found in the aspersion of her citizens, and, notably, those of her fairest and most enlightened Capital. Well may Purchas turn to present the obverse of the picture, and say : " Unhappie Italy, that still hath beaten the bush for others to catch the Bird, and hast inherited nothing in tiiese Easterne and Westerne Worlds." (V. 807.) The present paper, however, is devoted, not to the Italian sailors^ but to a work by one who sought to register the achievements of his compatriots in an enduring form. The Globe of Euphrosynus Vlpius, constructed in 1542, is now preserved in the museum of the New York Historical Society, having been found in Madrid by the late Bucking- ham Smith. This important and deeply interesting instrument was discovered in the collections of a Spanish dealer in 1859, ^^^^ brought to New York the same year, after the death of its owner, being purchased for the society by the late John David Wolfe. This globe is lifteen and one half inches in diameter, and is supported upon a worm-eaten stand of oak, the iron cross tipping the north pole, making the height of the instrument three feet and eight inches. The northern and southern hemispheres were constructed separately. They shut together like a spherical box, being held firmly by iron pins. Everything is done in accordance with the best science of the age, and proves that the globe was intended for careful use. The latitudes are found by the nicely graduated copper equator, upon which the names of the zodiacal signs are engraved ; while the equatorial line of the globe itself has the longitude divided into sections covering five degrees each. Four distinct meridional lines divide the globe into quarters, while four more lines are faintly indicated. The latitudes are found by the aid of a brass meridian, the Tropic of Cancer being called JlsTI^'^'S, and Capri- corn, Hyemalis. The Arctic and Antarctic circles are also faintly 66 THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS indicated. A brass hour-circle enables the student to ascertain the difference of time between any two given points, while the graduated path of the Ecliptic is a prominent and indispensable aid. The author of the globe evidently intended to secure simplicity of arrangement throughout. The date of the globe is fixed by the following inscription: EGIONES ORBIS TRADITAE^AVT -hroSTRAEMlS^Qj MEMORIA COMPEKEA SIN*!? VjlvPHKOSYNVS VEPIVS X>ESCRIBiE ^_ BAT ANNO SAETTIS:,^? The literal translation runs as follows; "Regions of the Terrestrial globe handed down by ancients, or discovered in our memory or that of our fathers. Delineated by Euphrosynus Vlpius, 1542." Of Vlpius nothing is positively known. The name has no promi- nence amongst the map and globe makers of Italy. The resemblance of the globe to that planned by Mercator, 1 541, taken with the fact that Mercator and the Italian, Moletius, were in a sense associated, might possibly lead us to inquire whether or not Moletius had any influence in connection with the production of the work of Vlpius. Hakluyt's reference to " an olde excellent globe in the Queen's privie gallery at Westminster," which " seemeth to be of Verarsanus makinge " (Maine Coll. s. 2. V. II. p. 114), is also of interest, for, like the globe of Vlpius, Tilt: GLOBE OF VLPIUS 67 it had "the Coaste described in Italian." and a " neckc of landc in the latitude of 40." Possibly the Globe of VIpius is the globe which is here described. Nevertheless, the globe is of Italian workmanship, and apparently made in Rome. It is dedicated to Cervinus : This may be rendered : " Marcclhis Cervino, Cardinal-Presbyter and Doctor of Divinity of the Holy Roman Church. Rome." The wheat or barley heads appear to have formed a device in the family arms, as they arc given with his portrait, while the Deer form a proper allusion to his name. The present representation of one hemisphere of the globe, without being a fac simile, is nevertheless sufficiently correct for historical purposes, and may be relied upon. The Old and New Worlds are represented as they were known at the time, the latitude of Florida, which was too high on the Verrazano Map, being given quite correctly, while the excessive easterly trend of the North American coast line on that map is corrected. This work is of great historical interest, for the reason that it bears direct and independent testimony to the Voyage of Verrazano in 1524, certified first by the Letter of Verrazano to Francis I., confirmed by Carli, and attested by the Map of Hieronimo da Verrazano; this witness being followed by the author of the Discourse of the Dieppe 58 THE GLOBE OF VLl'IUS Captain, in 1539. Vlpius, in 1542, stands as the fifth witness to the Vuyage by the following inscription: " Verrasana sk'c Nova Gallia a Vcrrazauo Florentino compcrto anno Sal. M. D.; which may be rendered ; " Verrazana or New Gaul, discovered by Verrazano, the Florentine, in the year of Salvation, M. D." That this inscription was suggested by tiic Verrazano Map no one has ever questioned. The principal adverse critic of Verrazano frankly concedes that the Globe of Vlpius " affords indubitable evidence that the maker had consulted the map." (Murphy's " Vcrrazzanij," p. 114.) Nevertheless attention has been called to the fact that, in an appendix to his work, the same critic refers to what is called an "authority," which says that the Map of Verrazano was originated sometime after 1550. If this were so, it would appear that the Verrazano Map was based upon the Globe of Vlpius in connec- tion with certain maps, and that, instead of having influenced the production of other maps, it is itself a composition made up of early material. We are, therefore, obliged here to glance at a question which really answers itself. The declaration is: " Wc are assured from Rome, on high authorit}', that this map api:)ears to belong to a period subsequent to 1550, and is regarded by its custodians as only a copy at the best." (Murphy's " Verrazzano," Appendix.) Here are two statements ; First, that the map appears to belong to a period subsequent to 1550 — otherwise, that it originated then ; Second, that, at the best, it is only a copy. With regard to the first proposition it may be said, that an examination of the map reveals the fact that it shows no exploration of a period later than 1 529, while it affords a fair i)icture of discovery down to that year. If, therefore, this map was planned subsequent to 1550, the author must have intended to produce what would have the appearance of an early map, or otherwise, a fraud. But again, if this map was simply the fraudulent invention of an Italian during the last half of the sixteenth century, it is necessary to inquire how it happens that the draughtsman produced a map patterned riter the map described by Hakluyt, as respects size and composition, for both answer to the description of " mightie large " map, and both have the Isthmus, together with the Italian names on the coast of North America. That the two maps were cf the same character, appears from other considerations ; for, in whatsoever Hakluyt may have erred, he could not have referred any parchment to Verrazano that did not show decided signs of age. Hakluyt had a full acquaintance with the period of Verrazano, and had learned from Ramusio the approximate THE GLOUE OK VLPIUS 69 time of h,s death, which, at the furthest, could not have taken place much later than issa He kneu- the precise character of the maps of 15-^9, and when he affirmed that the map was "././.,•• he believed that the character of the work justified the statement that it was presented by the riorentme Nav>^l,^ator to Henry VIII. He does not say that the globe was presented to that king, and therefore wc can claim for the map alone that it existed some time near the year 1:29. Such then ben.g the facts, ,t is simply without reason to say that the Propaganda iZ"'V:^T 'T7T.''' '55°''" ^^^ '"^-"^ of a historical fraud. At that penod the designs had been in existence a long lime and could not have been produced as part of a fraud. Whoeve; declares that this map belongs to the late period named must Hnd his claim to be an authority absolutely denied havfhl;^7^'^"V' T^ ^' asked why the Propaganda Map could not ha\e been framed subsequent to 1550, taking the Globe of Vlpius 1:40 as a model and with an honest intention. This could not have been the case, for the reason that the more recent explorations shown by \ Ipms are ignored. Any honest map-maker, projecting a new map would give discoveries down to his time. If, therefore, tlie Propaganda Map was based upon the globe, the map as already declared, must be a fraud, and we are again confronted with the question. How did a fraud- ulen draughtsman frame a map like that in England, with its isthmus and western sea. which Lok in evident recognition of a legend corre- sponding with the legend of the Propaganda Map, called "Mare de Verrazano ? Again it would also be necessary to inquire where Vlpius obtained /.;. plan. To argue the subject 'farther is needless since It IS so evident the two maps and two globes are indissolubh' connected, the two existing mementoes of the Verrazano Vovao-e havmg their counterparts in the map and globe described by Hakluyt m England The introduction of the "authority" from 'Rome is hereforc, unfortunate for the objector, since it sugests a line of defence for the Propaganda Map that otherwise might not have been presented. A paleographic commission may pronounce upon the date of the map basing Its opinion upon the character of the chirography ; but whatever may be f conclusion, no material point in the Verrazano controversy will probably be afTected, since, whether a copy or an original, its value remains, and cannot be lessened without the discovery of some eviden-e to prove that the copy was not well done. Under the circumstances however, any commission that undertakes to declare that the map was fraudulently projected at a period subsequent to 1550 for acceptance as THE GL013K OV VLr'IL'S ;i document of 1529 would stultify itself. The Map of Vcrrazruio ante- dated the Globe of Vlpius, and the influence of the former upon cartology ma) not be questioned. It will be observed that Vlpius does not give the e.xact date of the discover}' by Verrazano, and the fact has led to the suggestion that Marcellus was not able to determine the year. That he tried to learn the exact date there is no i)roof. The explanation of the omission is sufficiently simple, for the Vcrrazano Map is undated. It will doubtless prove of interest to note upon this map the line running from pole to pole and cutting through the border of South America. This is the line drawn b)' Pope Alexander VI., by which, in 1493, he gave away the New World to Spain. That nation, according to his decree, was entitled to lands discovered by them west of the line, while the Portuguese were to confine their new possessions to the region east of the line, inscribed, " Tirminus Hispanis ct Lnsitanis ab Alcxaudo VL P. Jf. asstjpttjfus," or, " The Boundary of Spain and Portugal assigned by Alexander VI., Supreme Pontiff." This was done at a time when the Papal power was no shadow, yet the Holy See was often set at naught, and many were the bitter contests that sprang up between the rival powers. From Bernal Diaz we learn that Francis I., communicating with the Emperor of Spain, and speaking of the division made between Spain and Portugal, said " he should like them to show him our father Adam's will, that he might convince himself whether he had really constituted them the sole heirs of these countries." The " will " does not appear to have been produced, and certainly was never probated. Francis, therefore, took the liberty of sending Verrazano and Cartier to North America. On the North American section of tlic globe various new points are indicated, and the advance of the Spaniards in New Mexico is notice- able. This part of the continent is called " Verrazana, sive Nova Gallia," while on the Verrazano Map is found, " Ivcatania." Purchas says (V. S07), that South America was called " Peruviana," and North America, " Mexicana ; " which explains the action of Hieronimo da Verrazano, who employs the name of Yucatan in accordance with the same principle. At the northwest, near Alaska, is " Tagv Provincia," the " Tangut " of Marco Polo (C. 58), the coast being joined to Asia. The peninsula of Lower California does not appear, though exploration had been extended to that region, as proved by Domingo del Castello, on his map of 1541. (Lorenzana " //istoria dc Nueva Rspaiia," 1770, p. 328.) THE (JLOLE OF VLIILS 71 Amongst the cviHcnces of the Spanish advance is the name of "Civola" in New Mexico. This is a reference to the "Seven Cities of Cibola " which were credited with such vast wealth, it being declared that the houses were snj.ported by massive pillars of crystal and gold. Modern explorers hnd it difficult to fix upon the sites of the ancient cities. {Tcrnaiix Compans; with De Nagerus narrative. 1S38; and Ilakluyt lit 3C2.) The wealth of Cibola eventually became the sul)ject of sport 'is was the case respecting the whole continent, at first supposed to be a part of the East Indies, and remarkablv auriferous. Hence Shakespere m the Comedy of Errors, where he grossly describes the kitchen-wench' w!io was " spherical like a globe," so that one could " find oui countries m her, makes Antipohis :,sk : " Where America, the Indies? " Dromio of Syracuse replies : - O, Sir, upon her nose, all o'er embellished with rubies, carbuncles, sapphires, declining their rich aspect to the hot breath of Spain, who sent whole Armadas of Carracks to be ballast at her nose." (A. III. s. 2.) Nova Galitia, a region conquered by Gusman (Alredo's " Diccton- ario Geogrdficor \\. i;;), is seen to the southward; and, in its proper place, m the middle of a lake, the city of Mexico may be recognized South America is styled " Novvs Mvndus," and presents a very lively picture. Fiom the Straits of Magellan to Chinca, just north of the Tropic of Capricorn, the coast is marked " Terra Incognita." Peru IS called New Castile, and is said to be auriferous and fertile. " Gvito," or Quito, happens to be placed nearly in the centre of the continent and close by we read, " Domus olim ex solido aurir or. The House formerlv of solid gold. This may be a reference to El Dorado. A large portion of the country is abandoned to " Anthropophao-i " and "Canibales." Near Patagonia is the "Terra de giganti." The giants themselves are wanting, like Ralegh's men withlicads in their breasts, notwithstanding we are told by Pigafetti and other vovagers that there was a plenty of giants in those days ; yet, further north the chamelon roost upon a broad-leaved j.lant, and still higher u]., one of the tall ostriches, recently described by Darwin, is trying to exhibit him- self, using as a pedestal the house formerly of solid gold. In Brazil the aborigines appear in the scant wardrobe which thev were accustomed to affect, and display, on the whole, what may be regarded as an animated disposition. A couple of Brazilians, broad ax in hand, are on the point of taking off a fellow being's head, while a third, with a knife, is artistically dressing a leg. Near by, two other amiable representatives of the tribe are engaged in turning a hu-c spit 72 THE GLOBE OF VLI'IUS upon which, comfortably trussed up, is another superfluous neighbor, \vhom the blazing tire is transmuting into an acceptable roast. The parrot, evidently an editied spectator, gazes placidly down from its perch in the tree. Such was life in Xovvs Mvncvs in 1542. The Amazon and the La Platta Rivers api)ear, but Vlpius does not show anv clear knowledge of the Orinoco seen by Pinzon. No true indication of the terminus of the continent is given, but south of the Straits of Magellan is seen a v.ist continent sprc'ding around the pole. This imaginary continent was referred to in classic times as '' Austrinis Pars." {I\Taiii/iis "Astroiiomica," B. I. 1. 234.) Its existence was considered probable, for the reason that it seemed to be required in order to maintain the balance of land and water. " Regio Paia/is," a part of this continent, lies southwesterly from the Straits of Magellan, the name perhaps having been transferrred from the coast of Africa. In the more easterly portion of this continent is written, " Terra Aiistralis adJiiic incoinpirta," being an unexplored region, while in passing around the border of this continent we come to " Brasieeli," a corruption of " Brazil," a name applied to an island in the Atlantic before the discovery of America. On the Globe of Schoner, 1520, it is called " Brazilia Inferior." On a peninsula, a part of which appears in our representation of the globe, may be found the following inscription : " Lusitani vltra promo- torium bone spei i Calicutium tendentes banc terra viderut, veru non uccesserut, quaobrem neq nos certi quidq afferre potuimus ; ' " The Portuguese, sailing beyond the Cape of Good Hope to Calcutta, saw this land but did not reach it, wherefore, neither have we been able to assert anything with certaint}'." The Old World is depicted substantially as it appeared in the Ptolemies. With respect to the East Indies, a clear improvement is made upon the Verrazano Map. Vlpius, in common with Verrazano, exhibits the great lakes of Central Africa, recently rediscovered. Near the bank of the Nile a robed ecclesiastic sits upon a canopied throne with a triple crown upon his brow and a triple cross in his hand. The figure is explained by the legend, " Hie dnat psbit Jo/lanes," or " Here rules Presbyter John," usually called " Prester." Of human subjects he appears to have none, and his lordly supremacy seems to concern the sagacious elephant, the winged dragon, the scaly crocodile, the fierce rhinoceros, the unruly hippopotamus, and certain long-necked birds, one of which is engaged in some performance not described by I lllfc; OLUliE OF VLPIUS ,-, /J Herodotus. Prester John has been reo^arded as a king in Thibet, but the Portuguese claim that he was a convert to tlie Nestorian faith in Abyssinia. (^Purchas, V. 734.) In Asia may be seen a multitude of cities and provinces. Canton is figured as a collection of houses, near which is a bird, in company with a couple of goats with ears that reach to the ground. A tiger, a leopard and a giraffe exhaust the animal kingdom. Upon the ocean all is life, animation and enterprise. Tall ships laden with the wealth of " Ormus and of Ind," move bravely homeward with bellying sails, while light galleys glide gaily hither and thither around the borders of the newly found lands. The fish form a noticeable feature, and Leviathan displays his huge sides, even that " Leviathan, which God of all His works Created liugest, that swim the ocean stream." The Conger eel, without much regard to the proprieties, stretches complacently over several degrees of latitude, herein following the example of the gold fish {Aum/a), which puffs itself up to half the size of the whale. The Kraken of Pontoppidan, or at least what resembles the sea-serpent of Nahant, appears in the Atlantic off South Africa, cor- iiigating his hirsute back. Vlpius, like Mr. Waterhouse Hawkins,'may have taken a scientific view of the subject; yet whatever niav have' been his opinion, he could not have expressed a poorer view than that of the writer in '-.Vafun-" (Sept. sth, i8;8), who resolves the sea-serpent into a flock cf birds. The Whale {nah-na) is not so well executed as the rest, and is attended by the Dolphin {Orca), also called Marsuin by the French. (Ramusio III, 419.) The fish represented upon the globe are so well done that they might claim a ful' and separate treatment, evidently belonging to the earliest scientific delineations in Ichthyology. The first book on Fish perhaps was that of Paul Jovius (Rome, 1524), but it contains no illustrations. It is possible that no illustrated work appeared prior to 1542. Jovius sent out his work f rt m the Vatican, with which he was connected. Ichthyo- logical studies aj)pear ^.o have been pursued with diligence at Rome, where Salvinus publisned his book in 1554. The fish upon the globe bear a close resemblance to those of Rondelatius (Lugduni, 1554C On globes and maps prior to 1542 maybe found a variety of uncouth marine monsters, but correct representations of fish are scarce. Besides the histori : groups of islands, there are many of lesser note, together with a few noi: found to-day. East of Cape St. Roque is " De Ferna Loronha," or Fernando de Noronha, discovered in 1506 by the 74 THE (JLOBE OF VLPIUS \i I. h If \4 ' Portuguese navigator of that name. This lonely, harbnrless isle, wit'u its remarkable peak (Scribncr's MontJily, Feb., 1876), appears ready to be '.vhat it is now, the Sing Sing of Brazil; while .St. Helena, discovered on the festival of that saint, 1501, is waiting to imprison one of the world's great disturbers. There is also " Insvle Tristan Dacvnha," found by the Portuguese. Dacuna. in 1506 ; and " Insvle Formose," while in the southern part of the Indian Ocean is " Insvle Grifonvm," or the Isle of Grififins. Bermuda is prominent, having been laid down for the first time on Martyr's Map of 151 1, and southward is " Catolica," possibly an alternate name for the " Island of the Seven Cities," which were reported in various places, the inhabitants being "good Catholics." Near this spot, on Ruysch's Map. 1 50S, is the word " Cata." An island which appears to be a duplicate of Cape Breton lies eastward of that region, and is called " Dobreta." It probably represents Sable Island. Northward is "S. Crvcis," not found to-dav. Here we might pause to remark upon the ease with which islands that have no existence are found in the sea, and the corresponding difficulty of getting rid of them. Upon some of our best maps may be found such islands as " Jaquet Island," " Three Chimnies," " Mayda," " Amplimont," and " Green Rock." " Amplimont " is given in Bescherelle's Geographical Dictionarv. On Colton's Atlas these islands lie in the track of navigation between France and Newfoundland. It is said that the}- originated with icebergs in the fog-banks, or possibly in the fog-banks themselves. I , should be noticed, however, that this part of the ocean is volcanic, and that islands of considerable magnitude have risen from the sea at different times. The earliest eruption on record in the north Atlantic is that mentioned on the Map of Ruysch in the Ptolemy of 150S. Between Iceland and Greenland is the legend " Insu/e Jiac 1456 anno Dno fvit totalitcr combusta ;" or, " This island was entirely burned up, A. D. 1456." In Webster's work on St. Michael's Island may be found an acount of the volcanic islands. Thomas Hickling, United States Consul, describes the formation of one named " Sabrina." It would not, however, be proper to treat all these islands of Vlpius now missing in accordance with the volcanic theory. Amongst them is '• Ins. viride," which may be regarded as a reminiscence of pre-Colum- bian voyages by the Portuguese and others to the fishing banks near Newfoundland, the largest being known as the " Grand Bank." while the lesser bear various names, amongst which is the "Green Bank." The latter shoal, known to be very rocky, was evidently taken by some map-maker for solid land, and laid down as an island. Thi3 mmm THE ULODE OF \LPIUS /3 mistake is often made in our times. To a similar origin may be assigned '•Jaquet Island," which came from the Jaquet Bank, a shoal near'the edge of Grand Bank. - Mayda " is simplv the "Maidas" of the early maps, while the "Three Chimnies," if not explained by some eruption, may have originated in such peculiarities of the bottom as that known as the " Wiiale Hole " on the bank of Newfoundland. It^ would be a more difficult task, perhaps, to explain the origin of I'S. Branda," or Brandon, which appears on the Globe of Vlpius. It is true, as already indicated, that sailors often shape islands out of the fog. An instance is found in the Is/t de Fer, a reflection of which, often noticed by sailors, and called the land of Butter {Tcrrc de l>eurre), was gravely ceded by the Spanish Government to Louis Perdignon. A similar explanation has often been given to St. Brandon by writers who are inclined to make their labors light. When an eclipse of the moon i;. observed by certain savages, they begin to beat drums to drive the evil^ spirits away. Many enlightened persons, however, infer that siiauows are formed by the intervention of something approaching the nature of a solid. It is n.it forcing philosophy to demand a more reasonable explanation than any hitherto offered of such islands as St. Brandon. The Fata Morgana is perhaps quite as unsatisfactory as the theory of Satanic delusion, sometimes resorted to for the purpose of explaining the mystery. St. Brandon's Island, without any great stretch of the imagination, might be referred to a burning" insular peak, so far as the etymolgy may be concerned ; while, again, as the Irish monks were abroad upon the sea at an early period, some (jf them may have landed upon an island that afterward disappeared. In the case of the monks, it would have received due embellishment, since they were as fond of the marvellous as certain classes are to-day. Turning to the Greenland section of the globe, a gratifying improve- ment upon Verrazano's outline is found, showing that Vlpius had con- sulted the maps of Ruysch, 1508, and Orontius Fine^ 1531, thoagh it w'U be well to remember in this connection thr.t Behaim's Globe of 149:; shows land in the same direction. The Greenland section of Vlpius also indicates that the knowledge in possession of the Zeno Family at ^'enice found some expression in Ital;> before the publication of 'the Zeno Voyage and Map in 1558. Vlpius gives a clear denial to the Ptolemies respecting the situation of Greenland. The editor of the Ptolemy of 1482 knew of the Chronicle of Ivar Bardsen, and some of the names mentioned by him appear upon the editor's map ; yet at the same time he assigns a false position to Greenland, which is made an J 76 THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS I'- extension of Norway, while Iceland is laid down in the sea jcest of what is j^iven as Greenland. Vlpius, on the contrary, and in accordance with the fact, places Iceland aisi of Greenland, thouj^h both arc thrown too far towards Europe. The waters of Greenland are represented as navigated, and nothing is perhaps more susceptible of proof than the fact that communication was never lost with Greenland from the tenth century down to the present day. Vlpius, who seems to copy Ruysch's outline, leaves the space between Greenland and the west as unex- plored, while Ruysch, on the other hand, makes Greenland, together with Newfoundland, part of Asia, Gog and Magog being in close proximity. It remained for the Zeno Map, published sixteen years after Vlpius, to show the position of Greenland more distinctly, and at the same time to reveal the sites of the eastern and western colonies of Greenland, so erroneously supposed in later times to have been situated on the opposite coasts of that country. (Northmen in Maine, p. 30.) It will be necessary next to speak of the coast names on the North American Continent, though it has been indicated previously that certain of them show an agreement with the names on the Verra- zano Map. Along the eastern border of the Gulf of Mexico, adjoining Florida, may be seen " Rio Del Gato," or the Cat River; " Rio de Los Angelos," or River of the Angels; "P. de. S. lohan " ; " Navidad," or Nativity ; "Costa Verde," or the Green Coast; " Costa de Corsales," which could hardly mean the Coast of the Corsairs. Perhaps it was placed here in honor of Andrea Corsali, the Florentine navigator in the service of Emanuel, King of Portugal, though no record is fo. J of any voyage made by him to this region. " B. de Los Baxos," or the Shoal Bay, completes the list of names on this part of the Gulf. On the Atlantic coast the names commence near South Carolina with the " B. della >j*," Bay of the Cross. Next is " Valkombrosa," the Shady Valley," which, with the neighboring coast, covered with sedge or reeds {Calami), reminds us of Milton's lines : " Thick as autumnal leaves that strew the brooks In Vallombrosa, where the Etrurian shades High over-arch'd, imbower, or scatter'd sedge." " Punta del Olivio " is evidently the same as Verrazano's Cape " Olimpe." Then follow " Selvi di Cervi," the Deer Park of Verra- zano, and "Calami," similar to the " Carnavarall " of the Spanish maps. This brings us to "Lvngavilla" and "G. di. S. Germano," both Verrazano names, the former being Li.ngueville, near Dieppe, and the THE GLOBE Or VLI'IUS 77 ^TTl f ^•..^^^'•'"^^"^-^"-Laye, the splendid residence of Francis I " R del Sole, R.ver of the Sun. if not for Solis, is followed by 'Norman: Villa, a French city near Lon^ueville "T <^ I i •• j™^" southern New Jerse^ " Porto^ R:';;:. fol.o'Ji-s.'w ;^:udd'l"w: reach the nver intended for the Penobscot or Nori^mbega, Tl t" L on the Map of A lefonsce, is thrown too far south. The coas beincdj^v" 2::^::%"^^^^' 'T-^'- -'' ''- ^^"•■'-" ^----'^ AHeWe as the F ' V" .^'^^' °^ ^^- ^'■''^"^'^' delineated by A iclonsce as the ''Franciscan Cape." Next is " Ref.givm Promont " ntended for the Cape of Refuge" of the Verra.aL M^p - ch afforded Verrazano a landlocked harbor, to-day identified wihN v. s confused The next name is " Corte Magiore," unless indeed 'Mngiore belongs with the succeeding inscription. The si<^^fic. non IS obscure, like that of " Flora." though the litter occurs in ^ ver^l" of the Ptolemies of the period, including Mattiolo's, 1548 and ,n Ramus.o s Verrazano sketch. Finally. " Cavo de Brettoi^i "Is reached or Cape Breton, a name usually referred to the French, but which may have been given by the Portuguese. The form, it wil be ob er ved b use IS no plain. The reading ,na_y be "cdmeri," and thus refer to the the Oc"e.nVr '^w'tr^T^^ ^t"T""^ ^' '^^«"^^' '^^o. sigi 'fy^' the Ocean Cape. W ith " 1 erra Laboratoris " we reach, not Labrador the Portuguese "Land of the Laborers," but New F^undland Bv mistake, •• Laboratoris " is applied to New Foundland, as later to Cane Breton the inland waters of which are to-day called '' Bras d'or pTe viously lengthened fron, " Brador." which, according to the la'ncro; some one. signihed " the Arm of Gold." Thus easily L names emp ied of their original signification. The coast line to •' C. Frio7 the Cold Cape of the Portuguese, represents New Foundland. one oa t o wh^c IS marked " Terra Corterealis." " C. Branco " is the WhZ r "C 'le Rom Victo "off 11 '^ "ranco is the White Cape, and given to New Foundland by the old cartographers, that of " Bicca aos always adheres, being derived from ^ J.., a stick, often used Zr^\nu''?f '■^''" ^'^^" ^^^'•"^- ^'^^'^^ dos Mo OS," at the spe lin'of f c : T '" ." .''°''.^' ^''^^'- " ^^ ""^'^^^^''^^ " ^ ^ di- spelling of G. da Tormento," or the Gulf of Torment, found on Reinel and other charts, apparently referring to the stormy we.;ther. " IlhX" mer"n ■'•'".. f' ^' ^'"'"' " ™'^-^' ^'^"^^^^ '"^^ Shallow River. " ct-,. mero is the first cape, " G. do plagel " is the Gulf of the Sand Bank 78 THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS and " Dos Demonios," or the Island of ihc Demons, is often found. Greenland lies adjoining, being called " Groestlandia." It is separated from Labrador by the sea. As in several other maps, the name is repeated on an island lying webtward as " Grovclat." The greater portion of the region around the Pole is shown as land, but north of Asia is an immense lake, " Mare Glaciale," found on the Nancy Globe. Only two of the names between the Gulf of Mexico and the Gulf of St. Lawrence remain to-day. The French were nevertheless ambitious, and would have founded New France on the central portion of our coast if circumstances had proved more favorable. Trivial incidents sometimes turned them aside. But for a head wind when off Cape Cod, sailing southward in 1605, Champlain might have reached tne Hudson, and instead of planting Port Royal in Nova Scotia, he might have established its foundations on Manhattan Island, in the region where Port Royal ("Porto Reale") was laid down by Vlpius. This would have made the greatest city in America a French city, and, possibly, changed the destiny of the continent. It will be seen that Vlpius gives to France only that to which she was entitled. As far northward as the coast of the Carolinas, the terri- tory is considered Spanish, while thence to the Gulf of St. Lawrence it is French, the rest being Portuguese, as allowed by the general use of Portuguese names. In 1542, when Carticr set out upon his expedition to colonize on the St. Lawrence, it was clearly understood at Rome what the French claimed. At the same time the globe, as point I out, bears the line of Pope Alexander, by which the most of the New World was given to Spain. These facts, however, are consistent with one another, even on the supposition that the globe was made at the Vatican under the direction of the Cardinal-Presbyter Cervinus. That person, though loyal to the Papal throne, which he was destined to occupy, was not over friendly to Spain, having three years before refused a pension of ten thousand piastres from Charles V., who wished to win his support. Therefore, while recognizing the decree of Alexander, he might have been fair with the French, and thus conceded what they had accomplished in the New World by the aid of his countryman, Verrazano. However this may be, the French are recognized, and the most of the region now occupied by the United States was claimed for France as New Gaul. Cluverius (Introductio ad Geographium, ed. 1629) also speaks of New France as Gaul {''Nova Francia Gallis") Did he know of the Globe of Vlpius? Cartier's voyage of 1534 is not men- THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 79 tionecl, as he made no discover ' ,, but the Gulf of St. Lawrence, which he entered, is left open. Ribcro on his map indeed closes the Gulf, yet It was well known iu the French at a very early period. The open sea and isthmus on the Globe of Vlpius form a topic of special interest, but as it has been discussed already in connection with the Map of Verrazano, it will suffice here to add a few facts by way of illustration. The sea and isthmus were copied from Verrazano, and the existence of a body of water in close proximity to the Atlantic was generally believed. Often it was represented as lying further to the south, and hence some suppose that what was re'fcrred lo may have been the Bay of Mexico. Again, the sea was supposed to lie near the St. Lawrence River, a belief that led the French to attempt the coloni- zation of that rude and inhospitable country, in preference to the sunny and fertile regions explored farther southward by Verrazano. The Spaniards, on the same principle, as previously noted, propo-^ed to fortify and colonize the Straits of >Ligellan. The St. Lawrence was supposed to lead directly into the " Sea of China." When Champlain went to Canada in 1608, he declared that he would not return until he reached the sea. In 16 1 2 he made a seventeen days' journey into the wilderness from Montreal to f^nd the sea upon whose shore Vignan professed to have seen the wreck of an English ship. This man, who marched before Chamj^lain through the tangled forests, has been called an impostor, and, with a musket leveled at his head, Vignan confessed himself one; yet no doubt he was as much deceived as Champlain having acted upon the trusted relation of another, a course which he supposed would succeed, and bring him great credit. De Bry {Brn'is Narraiio, Ft. 2, 1591) represents the sea in his map, while the Virginia colonists entertained a similar idea. As late as 165 1 the western sea was represented within about two hundred miles of the Atlantic coast, as appears from a map of that year, found in some copies of " The Discovery of New Brittaine." This error had its day, and then died ; though not^without manifesting a remarkable vitality. The belief was shared by Vlpius in common with Verrazano, the latter being as positive on the subject as Frobisher himself, both having committed the belief to maps. Before drawing to a close, it may be desirable to give a brief sketch of the life of i>Larcellus. The portrait is a reduction ixv fac simile of that found in the work entitled, ^^Uomiui Illnstri Toscanir etc. Apart from all connection with the globe, it will be prized bv collectors for its great 8o THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS rarity. It is to Marcellus II. that wc arj indebtefl, in no small deirrt-e, for what, upon the whole, may be regarded as the most skillfully made of the ancient globes n'Mv known. Marcellus Ccrvinus de Spanniochi was the son of Riciardo Cervinus and Cassandra Bcnci, being born May 6th, 1501, at Montesano, a city (^f southern Italy, situated about seventy miles southeast of Naples. The family was originally of Montcpulciano, near Siena. For that reason Pope Marcellus takes his place among the Sienese. His father was Apostolic Receiver for the March of Ancona. The early studies of Marcellus were conducted at Siena. Upon going to Rome he was appointed Secretary to Pope Julius III. In 1538 he served at the Court of Charles V. as Papal Ablegate. December 19th, 1539, he was created Cardinal. He also received the Bishopric of Neo Castro. December 15th, 1540, he was made titular Bishop of Reggio, Jacques Laincz per- forming the actual duty; and February 29th, 1544, Bishop ofGubbio. Marcellus was present at the Diet of Spires, and April 30th, 1543, was made one of the three Presidents of the Council of Trent. April 3th, 1535, he was unanimously elected Pontiff, and the following day ho was crowned. A violent stroke of apoplexy put an end to his life April 30th, after a reign of twenty-two days. If Marcellus had lived, he would have ta^-en rank amongst the greatest of the Popes. Protestants praise him, ant the worst enemies of Rome are obliged to concede his worth. His example was indeed unique ; for the reformation of the clergy which, as Ranke observes, others talked about, he exhibited in his own person. He was zealous for a pure administration throughout the Church. Though, like his father, possessing certain astrological tastes, he was sincerely devoted to pure science, literature and criticism. He advocated the reformation of the calendar, in accordance with a plan devised by his father. At the time the impression went abroad that the world was to suffer from an universal deluge, a belief which, it is said, drove Clement VI. to the high grounds of Tivoli, Marcellus, then but little known, wrote a treatise to dissipate the notion. Amongst his elegant Latin poems is one " De Somnio Scipionis."' His disposition was somewhat severe, and he wished to inaugurate strong measures against the Lutherans and Calvinists; being desirous, also, of reassembling the Council of Trent. His severity even led him to propose the abolition of music in the Church ; but when at Easter, Palestrina, then Chapel Master of the Vatican, composed a Mass for six voices, its effect was so great that the Pontiff burst into tears. He at once abandoned his purpose, and the Mass has since been known as the Mass of Pope THE GLOBE Or VLPIUS 8i Marcellus II. The fastes of this Pontiff were elegant. He was himself an accomplished draughtsman, and a good sculptor. He loved to surround himself with learned and scientific men. Being fond of history and antiquities it is presumable that he was interested in geography ^eyoteH T" 7 f" '^" ^'°^' "^ ^''P'"^ '''' "^^^^' '542. he was wholly fl e Vnf- T ; "' ?r'""'' ^''"^' ''^•^'^ "^'^'S^^ ^^-'t'^ the care o'f the Vatican Library. He was distinguished for his height, though his figure was spare. His eyes were black, and the expression of his countenance, according to his portrait and written testimony, was pleas- ing and agreeable. It is recorded that, while possessing gaiety of dis position, he seldom laughed. Two medals, described by D'Artaud were struck in his honor. {"Nisroired.s Sourcrains Pontife/ Romainsr) ' This account of the Life of Pope Marcellus quashes the last indict- ment drawn against Verrazano, where it is declared : " Eyen the Globe ol Luphrosynus Vlpius, a name otherwise unknown, is represented FlnrTr ^^^" ^°"^t'-"<;;^d for Marcellus, who had been archbishop of 1 lorence. They are all the testimony of Florence in her own behalf." (Murphy s • Verrazzano," p. 150.) As it happens, however, Cervinus was never Archbishop of Florence, and held no office in that city, which or generations attempted no recognition of Verrazano, it not bein- TTri h"' ? xn^-^' ""^ ''""^ Navigator's Letter existed in the archives" wrth?nv t 7KT' T '"°'' "^'" '^' ^^""^^ °^ Verrazano, is associated ^^ ith an> trauc. The charge is based upon a misconception of the facts "ictron'r r'-"'"r"'i • V'' ^'"^"'"^"^ •" ^-^^-" ^^ - R---^" pro u ? "' r 5" "" '"'""'^ '"'-'■ >'"* ^" ''''''''^ t" Marcellus himself, who uas known for his ability and skill in this kind of work. Neverthele s by whomsoever it may have been designed, this ancient globe has come to us from the Eternal City, finding a permanent resting place at last not without a certa n fine justice, in the great metropolis which looks out upon the splendid harbor visited and described by him whose name IS so prominently engraved upon the portion representing the New Dossess" Zr^ 7 °^ the globe could be written, it would be found to possess the charms of romance. This may be the very globe that, as Haklu3-t said, sa..ef/. to be of Verrasanus making," and thich pu;en Elizabeth was accustomed to consult in the gallery at Westminster If nnHfV ^?'''"''^''' '' '"""'' England? It certainly went to Spain, and there, the instrument upon which perhaps more than one Pope read the decree of his predecessor, Alexander, was finally banished to the realm of worthless antiquities. Yet it is a rare souvenir of the past It embodies many of the great aspirations of the sixteenth century' It 83 THE ULOUE OF VLPIUS Stands connected with its maritime enterprise and adventure, and with its naval and geographical romance. It forms an epitome of the world from the beginning to 1542. Especially does it prove to the student how the exploration of our continent tried the courage, tested the endurance, baffled the skill and dissipated the fortunes of some of the noblest of men. THE GLOHE uF VLlll': -1542 ■ • . ■' '•-•* • If--' ■ J. ,.->■>; ■ ,^,.- '•^_-'.;-,-T »f.- .:v, ^;. '; tAA^^AAA^tAAAA^AA^A^ ■ ;> A >. A A ^ > ^ A A ^ , , ., g A A. A A A ^ ^ . '•'■'. '.. 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