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Series.

CIHM/ICMH
Collection de
microfiches.

Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques

1980

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Verrazano the Explorer

I- .

B. F. DeCOSTA

New York

A. S. BARNES & COMPANY

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THELENGL(

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%*fvra?inio the (!;.v|)l0ref:

liElNG A VIN-UICATION OF HIS

LETTER AND VOYAGE,

WITH AN EXAMINATION OF THE

MAP OF HIERONIMO DA VERRAZANO.

AND A DISSERTATION UPON

mt mht of f ijjius.

TO WHICH IS PREFIXED A lilLLlOGRAPHV OF THE SUBJECT.

Bv B. F. De COSTA.

NEW YORK:
A. S. BARNES & COMPANY.

I 880.

PREFACE

The following pieces have been reprinted in a revised form from The Magazine
of Anwricm History. In sending them fortli again, attention may be called to
the fact that no additional proof has been offered respecting the alleged capture
and execution of (liovanni da Verrazano by the Spaniards. On the other hand,
the testimony in favor of the statement of Ramusio, that Verrazano lost his life
at the hands of the natives on the coast of America, ai)i)ears to have been strength-
ened. Proofs of cannibalism have also been adduced from the Canadas to Florida.
According to one view, he was condemned October 13th, 1527, and executed at
Colmcnar in the month of November. The author learns, however, from M
Pierre Margry, that he has a letter, written at Paris. October 14th, 1527, which says
that Verrazano was then preparing to visit America with five ships, expecting
to sail the following February or March. If this letter is authentic, the story of
his capture and execution would appear to be false. The great reward offered by
the Spaniards for his capture might have led the Spanish officials to deceive them-
selves or the government. Columbus, the Discoverer, has been confounded with
a Pirate of the same name, and this mistake was made by the person who wrote
or edited the Life of the Admiral. More light is needed.

Somewhat recently a copy of an unpublished document came into the hands of
the author. This gives a glimpse of the operations of Giovanni da Verrazano,
in the year 1525. It was found in the archives at Rouen by the late M. Oosselin'
and was copied for our use by M. de Baurepaire, the Archivist, at the instance of
M. Gabriel Gravier, of Rouen, President of the " Societe Normande de Geographic "
The task of deciphering this document was very difficult, and no person
less skilled than M. de Baurepaire could have succeeded. As it remained, a few
words at the end, evidently unimportant ones, however, baffled his ingenuity, 'it may
be difficult to say what is indicated concerning the financial ability of Verrazr.-o
at the time the action was inaugurated. The " Clameur de Haro " was a Xorman
method of taking an appeal to royal authority, and had the effect of stayin-r all
proceedmgs for the lime. The translation runs as follows : "

^^ "Friday, the last day of September, 1525.

' The Honorable Zanobus de Roussalay, citizen, merchant, dwelling at Rouen
who pledges and gives bonds by these presents, that Messire Jehan de Verrassane
IS m the right to defend a certain clameur de haro raised against him by Guiliaume
Eynoult, called Cornete, dwelling at Dieppe, to obtain payment of the sum of
ninety-five livres, claimed and demanded by the said Evnoult from the said de Ver-
rassane, or to establish the right of de Verrassane, or to pay the said sum if it is
adjudged to be due, engaging to Fremyn Poree and Robert Tassel, sergeant royal

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at Rouen, present, who have received the said bonds, of which they are held sat-
isfied, save the obligation to reimburse them according to what the one and the
other." ........

The obscure French may be aJded, to enable the reader to judge for himself of
the character of the translation :

'' Du vendredi pcnultime jour de Sepiembre, i5::5.

" Honorable homme Zanobus de Rousselay, bourgeois, march:.nd, demeurant a
Rouen, lequel plege et cauxionna par ces ]iresentcs Messire Jehan de Verrassane
d'estcr a droit et deffendre certaine clameur de hanj (|ue Ton dit avoir este sur luy
interjectee par Guiliaume Eynmilt dit Cornete, demeurant a Diepjje pour avoir
paimenl de la somme de 95 livres prctendas et demandees jjar ledit Eynoult au
d[it] do Verrassane on de establir icillui de Verrassane ou payer la d[it] somme
s'il estoit dit par justice que faire se doye promettans a Fremyn Poree et Robert
Tassel, sergent royal at Rouen, presents tpie ont receu lad [it] caution de laquelle
ils se sont tenus pour contens sauf a renfurcer toutefois que d rason de lad [it]
reception ils ny I'un d'eulx." . ......

It is to be hoped that the personal hi.^tory and the ultimate fate of Verrazano
may yet be cleared up, by the aid of documents still to be discovered.

The author desires here to express the obligations he is under to various per-
sons for assistance in connection with this subject. Among them he would make
particular mention of the Right Reverend Doctor Chatard, formerly President of
the CoUi;^io Romano, at Rome, and n£)w I'.ishop of Vincennes ; the Re\erend
Doctor Conrad, who, as Rector of the Propaganda I'ide, furnished the facilities
for our examination of the Cartographit al treasures preserved in that institution ;
the Reverend Professor Father White ; J. Carson J3revoori, LL.D., and John Rus-
sell r.artlett, Superintendent of the Carter-Brown Library, Providence.

The writer has already expressed the opinion, that certain names on the Ver-
lazano Map have an Italian as well as a French reference. This view has been
strengthened by a careful comparison of the map with the map of the coasts of
Illyria and Dalmalia, referred to in the Letter, and where are found such names as
" L Cervi." " L Lunga," " IJelvidere " and " Palmanuova." The latter may be the
correct reiidering of tlie obscurely written word which we have given as " Palam-
sina," while "bomuetto" may be " Bonivetto," after the Italian Admiral. In
the sketch of the Verrazano Map given in our combination sketch, several letters,
"articularly obscure in the ori,.^inal, are marked by dots.

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BIHLIOGRAPHY OF VERRAZANO

The fust printed account of the Voyage of Verrazano is found in Ramusio's
" Navagationi et Viaggi," Venice, 1556, III., p. 350. It is entitled, '• Relatione di
Giovanni da Vcrrazanno Fiorentino della terra per lui Scoperta in nome di sua
Maesta., scritta in Dieppa, adi 8 Lu-lio M.D.XXIIII." It is alluded to in the
same volume, p. 352. in the " Discorso d'un gran Capitano de mare Francese."
Belleforest. in his •' Histoire Universelle," 1570, Book IV., gives details. The
Letter of Verrazano to Francis I. was translanted by Hakluyt in his " Divers
Voyages," London, 1582, which also contains Laudoniere's reference to Verrazano.
The same Letter, slightly revised, appears in his "Navigations," Vol. III. p. 295,
Ed. 1660. Linschoten notices Verrazano in his "Discourse of Voyages," 1598,
p. 217. See also the Voyage in Herrera, "Historia General," 1601. D. III. L. vi.
c. 9. Wytfliet follows in his work of 1603, p. 100. De Laet's " Histoire du Xou-
veau Monde," 1603, p. 100, makes mention of the Voyage. In 1661 Dudley, in
his '• Arcano del iMare," published at Florence, \'ol. II. chap. vi. p. 29, makes an
allusion to the Voyage, saying, " E tronuo allora degl' Indiani, che pigliauano del
tobacco in fumo con la pipa." In 1706 the Voyage appears in Vander Aa's Col-^
lection, published at Leyden, in Dutch. Vol. X, devotes thirty-one pages to the ''
subject, and gives a plate. " Uomini Ilhistri Toscani," Florence, 1768, Vol. II.
contains the ])ortrait of Verrazano with a eulogy. Barcia, in his " Essayo Chrono-
logico," Madrid, 1726, folio 8, refers 10 Verrazano. Annibale Caro, in a
Hieronimo da Verrazano, written from Sicily. October 13, 15^,,
in " De lettere famihari " of Caro, Venice, Vol. I. p. 6. Ed. 15 Si, Voters to the Map
of the Voyage. Tiraboschi, in his " Storia della Li'tcratura Italiana " ^Mantua,
1771-82), calls attention to the Voyage, and mentions the co!)v of tlie Letter, with
its Appendix, in the Strozzi Lil)ra.yat Florence. Foster's*'' Di.scoveries in the
North," p. 43, treats of the Voyage. In De Murr's Life of Beliaim, Gotha, iSoi,
p. 28, there is a notice of the Map, mentioned by Cardinal Borgia, in a letter to De
Murr, of January 31, 1795. Lock's notice is found in Clark's " Progress of Mari-
time Discovery," London, 1803, p. 130 ; and the Map is mentioned in Millin's " En-
cyclopedique," Vol. LXVIIL, 1S07, The North American Review, October, 1S37,
cont.iined an article on "The Life and Voyages of Verrazzano," by George W.
Greene; reprinted in " Historical Studies," New York, 1S50, p. 321. Some
account of the Voyage appears in Bancroft's "United States." Vol. I. p. 17, Ed.
1839. The New York Historical Society, 1841, Vol. I. S. 2, p. 37, of its Collection,
gives the Text of tlie Letter, according to the Magliabecchian manuscript, this copy

letter to
,j/, and published

lilBLIOGKAI'llY OF VEKKAZANO

1
4

having been made at the instance of Prof. Greene. It accompanies an English
Translation by Dr. Cogswell, who also furnishes a preliminary notice. The " Sag-
giatore," Rome, 1S44, Vol. I. p. 257, contains Prof. Greene's Essay with the
Carli Letter. In 1S50, Shillinglaw referred to the Voyagf in his "Narrative of
.\rctic Discovery," p. 30. Thoraassy published an account of the maj) in " Nou-
velles Annates des Voyages," Paris, 1852, reprinted the samj year as " I.es Pajes
Gcogrnphes," etc.. and in 1S53 Prof. Greene's essays, with a dissertation by Arch
angel, was reprinted in " Archivio .Storico, " Florence, Vol. IX. Erri//,o, in " Sco-
perti. Artiche," Venice, 1S55, p. 141, makes an allusion to the Voyage. The
Voyage is noticed in Asher's "Henry Hudson," Hakluyt Society, 1S60, p. Ixxix.

The next publication on this subject was of a character adverse to the Voyage
of \'errazano, and but for its i)ublication little of what followed would have
appeared. This v,-as "An Ir.ciuiry into the Authenticity of documents concerning
a discovery in \orth America," claimed to have been made by Verrazano, read
before the New York Historical Society, Tuesday, October 4th, 1864, by Buck-
ingham Smith, Xew York, 1S64, p. 31, with a section of tiie Globe of Vlpius.
This i^amphlet included a translation of the Carli Letter. The Inquiry was
reviewed by its author in "The Historical Magazine," Vol. IX. p. 169, under
the head of "Verrazano as a Discoverer." In Vol. X. p. 299, he also gave some
notes on the Map. Dr. Kohl, in Vol. I. p. 249, 2d series, of the Collections of
the Maine Historical Society, 1S69. has an account of the Voyage. See, also,
Stevens' Historical and Geographical X^otes," 1S69, p. 36; followed by "The
Northmen in Maine," by B. F. De Costa; Albany, 1870, pp. 149. Afterwards
attention was directed to the subject by President Daly, of the American Geo-
graphical Society, in a letter to Mr. Thos. E. Davis, at Rome, jiublished in the Bul-
letin of the Society, 1871, p. So. This letti. secured a jjhotographic copy of the
Map of Hieronimo da Verrazano, which .\.r. Brevoort used. Then appeared
" Verrazano, the Navigator, or Xotes on Giovanni da Verrazano, and on a plani-
sphere of 1529, illustrating his American Voyage in 1524, with a reduced copy of
the Map. A paper read before the American Geographical Society of New York,
by J. C. Brevoort, a member of the Society." New York, 1874, 8vo, pp. 159.
This was favorably noticed by F. H. Norton, in the New York Commercial Adver-
tiser, 1875. Next appeared, in opposition to the Voyage, and to the paper of Mr.
Brevoort, " The Voyage of X'errazz^ano ; A Chapter in the Early History of
Maritime Discovery in America," by Henry C. Murphy. New York, 1S75, 8vo,
pp. 198, 4. The Nation, January 27th, contained a notice of this work ; and the
" New England Historical and Genealogical Register" for January, 1876, con-
tained a favorable notice, which called out from B. F. De Costa " Verrazzano ; A
Motion for the Stay of Judgment." New York, 1S76, pp. 16 ; this being a reprint
from the " Charlestown Advertiser." The " Nation," of New York, Dec. 7,
1876, contained a favorable notice of the "Motion." The "Revue Critique,"
Paris, January, 1876, contained copies of two powers of attorney, of importance

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VERRAZANO

in connection with the subject, aflcr.varjs print.d wiii: Englis'a inuislatious as
an Appendix to Murphy's " Voyage of Vcrrazzano." The " licvue Criti'iue "
also contained a ]>artially favorable notice of Mr. Murphy's work, by Mr. Henry
Harrisse. The " (icograjihical Magazine," London, 1S76, January, had a favor-
able notice of Mr. Murphy's book ; and L'Eco dTtalia, New York. May 9th,
1S76, contained an unfavorable notice ; followed by an equally unfa\-orable
notice, by Mr. Major, in the " Pall Mall Cazette, of May 26th, 187^), which was
reprinted in the " C.eographical Magazine " for July, 1S76. The " Amei can Church
Review," July. 1S76, contained another adverse review of Mr. Murphy, by B. F.
De Costa. See " Verrazzano " in Lulletin No. 39, p. 137, Boston Public Library,
1S76. The student may also find observations by Mr. Charles Deane, in Vol. IL
p. 219, 2d S., of the i\Laine Society's Collections, 1S77. " 'Ihe Globe of \'lpius,
1542," 1S7S, I). S, was a reprint formed of some notes of a Paper on '" Tlie Clobe
of Eujjhrosynus Vlpius, 1542, in its relation to the TkLaj) of Ilieronimo ^'erra-
zano, 1529." The pajier was read before the New York Historical Society,
by B. F. De Costa, on the evening of Dec. 4th, 1878. The daily press
of New York for December 5th, contained notices of tlie Lecture. It was also
noticed, Dec Sth, 1S7S, in "L'Eco d'ltalia." 'J"he Newport "Mercury," of
March 2Sth, 1S7S, contain'i'd an abstract of this Lecture, showing the connection
of Verrazano with that place. The '' Compte-Rendu " of the " Congres Inter-
national des Americanistes," Vol. I, 1878, p. 535, has a note in defense of the
Voyage of Verrazano, criticising Mr. Murphy's work adversely. The " Magazine
of American History," 1S7S, contained, in February, "The Letter of Verrazano,"
in May, "The Voyage of Verrazano," and in August, 'The Verrazano Maji."
The Boston "Daily Advertiser," Sept. 24th, 1S7S, contained an .-ditorial referring
to these articles. Afterward followed an article in the " Magazine of American
History," January, 1S79, on " The Globe of Vlpius." in its relation to the voyage.
The four articles, in a revised form, with this Bibliograph>, are combined in
" Verrazano the E.xplorer, " A. S. Barnes & Co., New York, 1881. See "Memo-
rial History of Boston," 1880, ])p. 32-35, 41-44.

Notices of the Voyage of ^'errazano may be found also in Biographical Dic-
tionaries and Encyclopedias, and in such works as Brodhead's History of New
York, the Gay-Bryant History of the United States, Miss Booth's History of New
York, and Mrs. Martha J. Lamb's History of New York. Verrazano is also men-
tioned in the principal school histories. The long list of works already given,
however, embraces nearly everything of a critical character that has come to the
notice of the writer, and may perhaps serve every purpose of the investigator.

•I

VERRAZAXO VIXDICATED

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

GIOVANNI da Vcrrazan.) was born at \'al di Grcve, a little vilhffe
near Florence, about the year 1485. being the son of Piero Andrea
cIi Bernardo da Verrazano and Fiamctta Capella. The portrait
of the Italian Nav.-ator wiiicli accompanies this discussion is reproduced
Irom the representation found in " Uomini lUustri Toscani," which was
copied from a painting in the Royal Gallery at Florence. A search re
cently mstitutcd failed to bring the original portrait to light. An attempt
to hnd a copy of the medal that was struck hi his honor met with no bet-
ter success. The last member of the family in Florence was Cavaliere
Andrea da \ errazano, who died in 1S19. There is nothing either to
prove or to disprove the authenticity of the p<.rtrait. and the presumption
is in favor of its authenticity. It is now faithfulh- reproduced for the
nrst time, though on a diminished scale.

In his mature years, after some experience upon the Mediterranean
\ en-azano entered the service of Francis I. of France, and became
amous as a privateer or corsair, a profession sufiicientlv respectable at
that period, having been followed by manv great navigators. In i;->,
\ errazano captured several ships bringing to Spain the Treasures of
Montezuma. This act m particular excited the enmitv of the Spaniards
who constantly sought for an opportunity to get him into their power'
n 1524 he made Ins voyage to America. In 15.7, it has been maintained;
he was captured by the Spaniards and hung at Colmenar, near Toledo

tared bj the savages, roasted and eaten. In the year ,870 the present
writer accepted and published the story of his execution, as told in ce -
tain tspanish documents since published

to hlT"^f v''' ^'-^^""'"^"t^ ^^ the affidavit of the officer who professed

have pu A errazano to death. It was nevertheless noticed that the

language of the officer apppeared needlessly positive. Of late evidence

has come to light which may yet be accepted as disproving the s ate.

THE LETTER riF VERRA2ANO

mentsof the Spanish ot'ficinl, who possibly dcccivctl himself In supposing
that Vcrrazano had been captured ; or, what is still more likclv, deceived
others, and, while professint; to have executed the Florentine, accepted
the bribe which he declares was refused, and thus let him <;o. This sub-
ject, however, is one that must be left for future investiijation.

Anotlicr member of the same Florentine familv, a brother of (iiovanni,
was named Hieronimo. This person was the author nf the Maj) which
relates to Giovanni's \'ovai,''e.

The subject of Verrazano's Voyai;^ beinj^ reserved for a separate
chapter, let us at once proceed t(j the Letter which describes the
Vi >ya_i(e.

The first known Post-Columbian description of the North Atlantic
Coast is i^iven by ^'errazano in a Letter to Francis L, which has exercised
a marked influence for more than thi-ee hundred years. Nevertheless
the authenticity of this Letter has recently been questioned. The objec-
tion based upon an alleged absence of contemporaneous reference to the
voyage might be dismissed with the simple observation, that the charge is
unfounded. Still something will be said on this i)oint. In this connection,
it has been urged by the late Buckingham Smith, the first of the two
writers who have criticised the letter adversely, that neither the Letter nor
the Voyage is mentioned by Admiral Chabot in his letters of 1525. This,
however, is not remarkable, since the vovage of \'crrazano was under-
taken before he entered ujion his office, which was in 1526, while after-
wards an expedition was sent out under his own administration, the ex-
pedition being led by Cartier, 1534. The latter was the expedition that
he would naturally recognize, though there is no proof that he did ;/('/
recognize that of Verrazano, with wlujm he was associated in a projected
voyage to the Indies in 1526 or later.

Mr. Smith has asked, respecting the voyage, " 11 there were any lame
of the sort, why should France choose to settle her population so far to
the North, preferring the cold regions her fishermen were conceded to
have found, to the milder climate, fertile vales, and inviting bavs and
water courses of New England and New York?" We have onlv to ask
in reply, Wh\- Spain proposed the colonization and fortification of the
Straits of ^L^gellan ? The Fi-cnch supjtoscd that the route to Cathay
led tlu'ough Canada. Frobisher adv(jcatcd the same policy on the part
of the English.

In this connection it should, however, be remembered that the
archives of France, much less those of other countries, have not been
searched faithfully, and, also, that the beginning of the sixteenth century

THL m:iti:r ci \ kuka/ano

vs'as an inoi)portiiiic time lor tlic publication <>t tlic results dt maritime
enterprise. The records of Dieppe siiiTercd much in the homli.inlmcnt
o( 1694. while the archives of La I\oche!lc were completely destroyed by
fire. The sixteenth century opened gloomily with the contirmatiun of
the claim of Spain to the entire North American Continent by Alex-
ander \'l.. and the first ([uarter of the century was hardly completed
when Francis I. l(nmd himself lani^aushii..j in prison, whence lie emerged
onlv to find societv in a state of confusion, lleylin. wrilini;- in 1669,
well observes lespectini,^ the inattention to the voyay^e, that the people,
"too much in love with the |)lcasures of France, or entangled in civil
wars amongst themselves, looked no farth.er after it."

At the time \'errazano undertook his voyage, every movement con-
nected with the French Marine was watched with a jealous eye. He
was obliged to leave stealthily, and excuse his action by the statement
that he had discovered a country never before seen by Europeans.

Only two Italian versions of the Letter of \'errazano are known to
exist, one of these having been published by Ramusio, at \'enice. in 155''',
and the Carli versi<jn first mentioned in 1767, and published bv the New
York Historical Society in 1S41. Ramusio docs not say where he found
his copy, but observes that it was the only one of Vcrrazano's letters to
tlie King of France that he could procure, " because the others were de-
stro3-ed during the sack of the poor citv of Florence." The Carli version,
which had been referred to in 1667, was found in the jNLagliabechian Li-
brary at Florence. It was introduced to the public in 1837 bv Professor
Greene, and printed in full in the year 1841. In his article in the North
American Review, Professor Greene observed that he was struck by the
difference of language in the t.vo versions, though "in substance," the
differences were not imjKjrtant. Nevertheless, hnding that tlie Carli vcr.
sion contained more matter than that of Ramusio, he expressed the opin-
ion, in passing, that the Italian Editor worked the piece over anew before
placing it in his collection of Voyages; though he could not explain whv
Ramusio omitted the cosmographical part, if he knew of its existence.
The suggestion that Ramusio worked the Letter over appears to have
been made without due consideration. It has never been supported by
any proof. Nevertheless the statements of Professor Greene have been
seized upon to work out a theorv in opposition to the authenticity of the
Letter. If it were conceded that the Carli version furnished the text of
Ramusio's, no discredit would be thnjwn upon the authenticity of the
original. This was not intended by Professor Greene, who accepted the
Letter, as describing a genuine voyage. But the objector improves

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

upon the supposition, by attcm|itiiiL,'' to show that llic Littir was a forg-
ery, tlie weak points of wliich Kaniusio was endeavoring to conceal.
The charge against Ramusio, the Ilaivluyt of Italy, becomes a serious
one. and demands notice here, both to vindicate his text, and to defend
his menmry. It is perfectly true that the twcj versions are not wholly
alike. It is of no consequence whether they arc alike or not. Still the
existing differences may be explained readily when we remember that
we are not dealing witii originals. When tliev are referred to an orig.
inal version, the difiiculties, if any exist, at once vanish.

All illustratit)n of this is found in connection with AUefonscc. Ilak-
luyt, when translating Allefonsce, makes him say that tigs grow in
Canada, while anr)thcr translation represents him as saying that Canada
extends to the land tif Figuicr. Without the original to refer to, one
might say that the latter was worked over from the former to conceal the
ignorance of Allefonsce. Again, in the printed version of Allefonsce of
1559, it is said that certain people in New England, at Xorumbega, are
" small and blackish," while a recent translation declares that they arc
" large and handsome." Was the author of the latter version still " work-
ing over" the narrative of Allefonsce to conceal his ignorance, as Ramusio
is alleged to have done with Verrazano's? Fortunately the original is
now known, and the explanation is easy, though in the time of Lescarbot
(1609) such was not the case, and Allefonsce was discredited. At the
end of more than two centuries and a half, we find that the strictures of
the witty Mark Lescarbot were undeserved, and possibly Vcrrazano
and his Italian Editor may both be obliged to wait an equally long period
for a full explanation. The prospect, however, need deter no one from
attempting justice now.

The Letter of Carli, which accompanies the Magliabechian version,
deserves independent consideration, as it contains internal evidence prov-
ing that it was written at the time and under the circumstances alleged.
An attempt has indeed been made to treat it with ridicule ; but, if it were
the forgery of a late period, as the theory of the objector supposes, it
must still be explained h^w the forger came to know the fact that Francis
I. was daily expected at Lyons, upon the Fourth of August 1524. Mon-
cado, witli whom Carli served, knew of the movements of Francis {Doi-.
Inec/ifos XXIV. p. 403) and, curiously, Carli refers to Moncado in his
letter. Since, therefore, these tuvj persons were not in communication,
it would appear iliat both obtained the information at the time.

In approaching ihe two versions of the Letter of A'crrazano, the critic
must bear in mind the fact that neither version proposes to be more than

TIIL LETTER W VEliKA/.ANO

a irauslation of a copy of a copy the onj^inal not being found. The
i«riyin of tlie Carli version is c'xplaiiic<l by tlie letter referred to, written
August 4tli, 15-4, at Lvoiis, by Fernando Carli, who savs that, with his
own, addressed to his father at Florence, he sends a copy of Vcrrazano's,
descri!;.ing the voyage, then just finished.

An ; '■tempt has also been made to prove tliat upon August 4th
Carli could not have obtained a copy of a letter addressed to I'rancis I.
in the beginning of July; but there is nothing in it. On the other hand,
the notion that Ramusio created his version from Carli's is not supported
by any argument. It is, in fact, an assumption that might be dismissed,
fur the reason that it is an assumption. But what is worse, it is opposed
and refuted by all the literary testimony that is brought to beur upon this
distinctly literary cpiestion. To this point, therefore, let us give our at-
tention. The stvle of Ramusio's version is less rude than the Carli ver-
sion, but mere improvement in style could not have been an object in this
case. If it were true that Ramusio knew of the existence of the Carli
version, with its cosmographical appendix and accompanying letter, he
would have been guilty of falsehood in speaking of his copy alone as " this
little that has reached us."

Some of the differences in the two versions have been noticed, and
have been referred to as unimportant, which in a sense is true. Those
that are to be pointed out for the first time arc likewise unimportant in
themselves. They become of consequence only when studied in con-
nection with the assumption that the version of Ramusio was drawn from
Carli"s.

Amongst the variations already noted arc the following : Ramusio's
version, describing the natives, in latitude 34" N., says that they \\r\^
" brownish and not much unlike Saracens," while Carli's version sa\",
" black and not much different frf)m Ethiopeans." Again, with reference
to the grapes referred to by Vcrrazano, Ramusio's version reads, "hav-
ing often seen the fruit t'ucre(jf dried, which was sweet and pleasant,"
the Carli version saying, " wc have often seen the gr.ipes which thcv pro-
duce, very sweet and pleasant," or, as another translation of the same
version reads, " tasting the fruit many times, we perceived it was sweet
and pleasant." Again the Ramusio version savs, with reference to the.
nortiicrn extension of the voyage, '"We approached the hiud that ir
times past was discovered by the Bretons, which is in fifty degrees,"
while the Carli version says that they reached the fiftieth degree, and
that " bcvond this point the Portuguese had already sailed as far north
as tlie Arctic circle." That there is anything in the Carli version demand

THE LETTER OF \ ERRAZANO

ing change, is simiily imagination ; wiiilc a carclul C(jnsiclcratii)ii oi the
Ramusio version shows that the ideas expressed are not essentially dili'erent
from the former. There is, tlieret'ore. nothing iiere to indicate that Ramu-
sio ever saw the Carli version. The color of the American Indians was
well known ; the term employed in the Carli version for tasting the grapes
{In-onlo, sucking) was the one to be employed in tasting dried fruits ; while,
with respect to the extent of the Portuguese and French voyages, Carli
savs that the former began at 50° N., and Ramusio teaches, in substance,
that the French reached that latitude. Let us, therefore, consider cer-
tain variations that are more to the point.

In the Ramusio version the reader will notice that the personal address
to the King is used oftener than in that of Carli. and that the former is
also different. Ranuisio generally says, '• your Majesty " {J'ostnr UTaesia)
and Carli, "your most serene and most Christian Majestv " {J'osira ser-
tiinissiina ct cristianissima Macstii). In two cases the former's version
varies from " your Majesty," by adding C/irisiiaiiissiina Re, in parenthesis,
or simplv C/iristianissivio, In Ramusio the address occurs eleven times,
and in the Carli version seven times; and since no reason can be assigned
for such variations on the part of Ramusio, they cannot be attributed to
him. The Venetian Secretary was a man with a purpose. Besides,
these examples of the excessive use of terms occur in the earl)- portion
of the Letter, while farther on, where literary taste or courtesy might
suggest the interpolation ()f "your Majestv," the address is i^uTiiting.
Th.s is something that Ramusio would have noticed, since, according to
the objector, he even changed the version of Carli from J'osfj-ei clarissima
genetricc to vostra Serenissivia Lladre. Here, however, if Ramusio had been
engaged in revising th ' text, we might reasonably expect the courtly
Venetian Secretary, tra ncd as he was in the careful use of forms, to have
said your Majesty s illustrious mother.

This was so clear to Dr. Cogswell, that in translating he supplied
the term om.itted ly both of the clumsy versions, and he writes "your
Majesty's illustrious mother." (N. Y. Hist. Coll. Vol. \. p. 46, C. 19.)
In another place he reduces the verbiage of " your most serene and Chris-
tian ]NLajesty," to "your Majesty." But in these cases he is translating,
not revising, and he gives the original for comparison. In translating
from Ramusio, Ilakluyt, by mistake, once introduces "your Majesty"
where it does not belong. The variations in the two texts under consid-
eration are, therefore, the works either of Vcrrazano himself or his trans-
lators and copyists.

;

71IK LLTTEK OF VEKKA/A.NU

Av;a\n Ciii-li's version says, " we set sail from a desert rock," while
Raniusio reads, " by the <,n-ace of God \vc set sail." The former says that
there was a certain depth of water •■ without liux or reflux," {Sciiza /lusso
e rcjiitsso] which is <goo<\ enough Tuscan, while the latter says, " without
fhix " (scnza jlusso). These variations are trifliny in themselves, but they
are of a character which forbids us to refer them to the \'enetian. Like-
wise, Carli says that the woods in America are not like "the rough
wilds of Scythia," while Ramusio says, '• the wild deserts of Tartary."
Again, in speaking (jf the resemblance of a part r )f the American coast to
the shores of the Adriatic, the Carli version reads, '• the Adriatic gulf
near Illyria and Dalmatia," while the Ramusio version says " Sclavonia
and Dalmatia." ' Scythia was included in Tartary, and Illyria was
inhabited by Sclavonians, who were widely distributed. The terms
employed are such as might properly be used by two translators, while
those of Ramusio are manifestly not the terms that would have been
substituted by a critic engaged in making improvements.

Carli says, referring to \'errazano's preliminary expedition, "we made
a cruise in them [the ships] well armed along the coast of Spain, as your
Majesty must have heard," while Ramusio reads, "we took our course
along the coast of Spain, as your Majesty shall understand by the proht
we received thereby."" Sound criticism will not refer these'changes to
Ramusio.

It is also to be noticed that Carli's version says of the voyage, that
the first twenty-five days Verrazano sailed in a westerly direction, mak-
ing eight hundred leagues, while Ramusio says five hundred leagues.
Then the former says a storm came February 24th, while the latter^says
the 20th. After the storm, Carli's version says that they ran four lum-
dred leagues in twenty-four days, while Ramusio's says twenty-five. In
speaking of the distance run upon the American coast, Carli's version
reads, " seven hundred " leagues, while Ramusio's reads, " seven hundred
or more. At the same time the courses given by the latter foot up only
six hundred and sixty-five. Again, Carli's version, speaking of the wind
during the first course sailed westward, the following language is used :
"Sailing westward with a light and pleasant easterly breeze," {per r.cffiro
spirando subsolano con dolcc c soavc Icvita) while Ramusio's says: " Sailing
westward with a fair easterly wind," {per Poneutc navigando con vcnto di
LcvanW ^ assai piacevok.) All this is attributed to a scholar and critic
imiiii,»'ing the version !

But we have not done with these variations, for the Carli version,
after describing the natives seen at their first landing in latitude 34° N,,

THE LETTER OF VERKAZANO

says, " We found not far from these people another wliose mode of life \vc
judge to be similar." The version of Rannisio adds to this, " as hereafter
1 will declare to your Majesty, showing now the situation and nature of
the aforesaid land." If Ramusio worked o'er the Carii version to pro-
duce his tnvn, he must have interpolated this sentence. And if so, why ?
If anv changes were made, they were designed to rcndei- the sense clearer,
or to remove objections. But this addition does neither. The latter
limb of the sentence is superfluous, while at the same time, it refers to
nothing found in either the Letter or Appendix, and on the whole, ob-
scures the text. It might indeed be said that the phrase indicated au in-
tention to write an additional Letter, but it is more reasonable, however,
to understand him as intending to describe the " other people" in their
proper place in the present communication. In that case, the explana-
tion of the omission to do so is simple. At the end of the voyage Verra-
zano wrote to the King, currciite calamo, depending in this general
account more or less upon recollection. When he came to speak of the
people first seen, by the law of association, they suggested a similar people
not far distant ; but, as the description of the countrj- occupied by the
former demanded the first place, he proceeded to his work in regula'-
order, simply observing that hereafter he would describe the second
people. In the end, however the subject was forgotten, or else he
changed his mind. To say that the unkept promise was interpolated by
Ramusio is idle. Here is found a mental action that could scarcely hap-
pen m the case of a forger constructing an imaginary narrative. It is one
of those internal evidences that stamp the Letter as genuine ; for it was
written out of a mind overflowing with information. There is no halting
or forced action, but a multitude of facts are pressing up for statement at
the same time. A similar peculiarity is shown further on, bv an example
that occurs in both versions, where the writer, speaking of the tempera-
ture being colder tlum in Rome, says that it is accidental, "as I will here-
after declare to your Majesty," a promise also not kept. This double
omission alone proves that the two versions must be referred to a iJdrd.
We say again, therefore, that the peculiar action of the writer's mind
indicates the authentic character of the comi)osition ; while a candid
consideration of all the variations renders it im]iossible to suppose that
the version of Ramusio was worked over from Carli's. , This and the
kindred assumption, that the Discourse of the Dieppe Captain was
changed to agree with the Florentine's, fall together. The charge of
dishonesty on the part of Ramusio has no ioundation whatsoever
in f?.ct.

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

Where, ihcn, it will be asked, did Ramusio obtain his version ? This
is a question with which we need not consider, yet as a matter of interest
wc may show that it was derived originally from the French. On
this point we have the testimony of Pinello, who, writing in 1629, speaks
of the Relation of Verrazano, detailing what he "discovered north of
Florida." This Relation, it is distinctly said, was in French, and he sup-
poses that it was translated by Ramusio into Italian.' It is also stated
that a Spanish translation by one Taxandra existed.* Pinello was a
Peruvian, who went to Spain expressly to pursue historical and biblio-
graphical studies, in which he was eminently successful. In recognition
of his servicer he was made honorary Judge of the Admiralty at Seville.
He wrote more than two centuries and a half ago, and must be credited
with a knowledge of the subject. It is apparent that he had information
respecting Verrazano that is not accessible now, and when he savs that
the French version was the basis of that given b}' Ramusio the statement
may be accepted. Alcedo, a Spanish author, vouched for by Mr. Smith
as of " good repute," also refers to a French version of the Letter in his
^IS. Biblioicca Americana, now in the Carter-Brown Library at Providence,
"escrita en Diepa en frances d 8 de julio, de 1524;" in connection with
which Mr. Smith admits that if the original Letter was written in French,
it would account for the marked difference in style and language of the
two translations into Italian.

From the testimony of these writers, as well as from the very nature
of the case, it follows that a version of Vcrrazano's Letter existed in
French, independent of the abstracts given by French compilers. To
deny the statement of Pinello, would be to assume a superior knowledge.
Assumption, however, will not avail, and the testimony of this remote
and unprejudiced writer will stand. The version referred to must have
been obtained at an carl}- period by the Spanish spies and agents who, as
is well known, infested all the ports of France at the period when the
voyage was made. This version probably exists to-day at Seville. The
Spaniards kept themselves informed respecting Verrazano. Martyr calls
attention to his piracies' and Gomera mentions his exploits in 1553.' A
tjuarter of a century before Pinello's work appeared, Herrera made an
abstract of the Voyage of Verrazano, evidently from the French version
of the former.'

The Letter oi Verrazano, after its publication in 1556, was not referred
to in t'lny printed woik now known until 1563, when Hakluyt (Divers
Voyages p. 91) translated Ribault's voyage to Florida, written the year
before. RiuiuU. ;ijs;&essed some account of Verrazano's Vovage, though

THE LETTER OF VERRAZAN'O

his Statements clilTer slightly from Ramusio's. if any inference is made,
it must be that Ribault possessed a French version, and not the Italian of
Ramusio. Ribault was born at Dieppe, a rendezvous of Verrazano, who
is described as " of Normandy " as well as "of Rochella." In his younger
days he was doubtless familiar with the form of the well known Floren-
tine Navigator, as he went and came amongst the sailors and citizens of
this ancient town, and was acquainted with his exploits.

Next is Laudoniere, 1566, who, in speaking of the Navigator, contra-
dicts both Ramusio and the Dieppe Captain of 1539; the former with
respect to the latitude reached at the South, and the latter where he says
that the Portuguese call the New World "La Francese," Laudoniere
calling it " Terra Francisca." The latter variation is simply verbal, yet
as slight as it may be it is the only indication at hand. Whatever it may
be worth, it does 7iot prove that he drew his account from the Italian.
It has been said that Laudoniere makes the same mistake as the
Dieppe Captain in associating Louise, the Regent, with the voyage.
But in fact neither errs. The title of Regent is recognized as a
title that belonged to her. There is nothing whatever to indicate
that the title belonged to her in 1524, or that, as Regent, Louise
had anything to do with the voyage. The reference to the Letter in
Belleforest (1570 p. 75) and Lescarbot (1609) are consonant with the ver-
sion of Ramusio. This, however, supports the statement of Pinello, that
Ramusio translated from the French. Belleforest certainly did not get
from Ramusio the statement made in 1570 that Verrazano died in 1524;
or the fact that the Island called Claudia was properly ''Loise." If it be
said that the original French has disappeared, the same is true of the dis-
course of the Dieppe Captain, besides Ribault's Journal and many other
documents.

But let us inquii-e if there appears to be any other testimony hitherto
overlooked which indicates a French version of the Letter. S(jine-
thing of this kind possibly exists in the Cosmographic of Jehan AUefonsce,
the Pilot of Roberval in 1542.

The treatise of AUefonsce was finished November 24th, 1545, or two
years before the death of Frances I., to whom it was dedicated. AUe-
fonsce himself died before it was completed, and the task was finished
by his friend, Raulin Secalart, as was attested at the time. In this Cosmog-
raphic, so-called, there are certain indications showing the possible influence
of Verrazano. Something of the kind might be expected, from the fact
that AUefonsce foUowed the sea twenty years before, and as many
after, the voyage of Verrazano. He probably knew all of the navigators

THE LETTER OF VEKRA/.ANO I5

.• :;J i>rivateersmen of France who were worth knowing. Besides, he
shows the influence of the Verrazano Map in his own sketches, his Bay
of the Isles being the same as the Florentine's Bay of Refuge, a fact to be
pointed out in connection with the map illustrating Vcrrazano's Voyage.
That AUefonsce knew Verrazano will hardly be denied, though instead
of Verrazano, he once mentions Cartier, his work being simply sailing
directions '' by the aid of which pilots may find unknown countries."
Indeed, AUefonsce does not even mention his otjii voyage to Canada as
tliC Pilot of Roberval. In what way, then, docs he indicate his acquaint-
ance with Verrazano ? This is accomplished, if at all, by what is possibly
a plagiarism. AUefonsce was neither an original nor a skillful writer,
and, therefore, finding some descriptions in the Letter of Verrazano that
served his purpose, it is possible that he used ihcm with such variations
and additions as circumstances required. This was the case with Gosnold's
scribes in 1602, though the fact exhibited by the present writer in
the New England Historical Genealogical Register (January 1873) had
never before been pointed out. Gosnold and his colaborers, however, had
Haklu3't's English translation of Verrazano and wrote in English. On
the other hand, the French version probably used by AUefonsce is want-
ing, and we are not able to place the French of the two writers side by
side. Hence the verbal rcscmh\?inces, so noticeable in Gosnold and other
English plagiarists of the Florentine are lost. But the indentity of ideas
remain. In compiling his account of the new found world, AUefonsce
desired to make the most of his subject, and at one point he turns
from the north to take a general survey of the country. In doing this he
defines the boundaries, saying that Hochelaga, included in the Patent of
1 542, extended south-west as ar as Figuier, thus including the entire
region visited by Verrazano. Then he seems to turn to the Letter, and
to use the general account of the country, seeking to combine in one glow-
ing picture the attractions found from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico.
Here he transposes the order observed by Verrazano in two or three in-
stances. In the narrative of AUefonsce the forests are described after
mentioning the situation of the country, while the subject of gold is put
before it. AUefonsce makes an extravagant allusion to the gold of Cibola,
because at the time he wrote the fabulous wealth of that region was ex-
citing all minds.

After readjusting these two topics, the rest stand almost parallel with
the order observed by Verrazano. Supposing this done, it mav be noted,
hrst, that the Florentine says that the " East " stretches around this coun-
try, while AUefonsce thinks that this is " the utmost bounds of Asia."
The latter says that these countries " border on Tartary," while Verra-

>lf

THE LETTER OF \EKRAZAN'.

zano, in Ramusio's version, speaks of " the wild deserts of Tartary," and
both remark upon the productions of the East, tlic one speaking of
"medicinal" and "aromatic drugs," and the other of the medicinal
quality of the trees. Next they agree that the forests arc both vast and
various, and that the country is gold bearing, the Florentine putting the
gold in or near latitude 34° N., and AUefonsce in 35' N., or the parallel
of Cibola. Afterwards both writers mention quadrupeds and birds in
immediate connection, closing up that topic in a similar way, Verrazano
saying " many other similar [beasts] and with a great variety of birds for
every kind of pleasant and delightful sport," AUefonsce adding to his
account, " various other sorts of birds and beasts." The succeeding topic
is the xvatcr supply, and this opens the way to speak of the climate, of
which AUefonsce cannot give so good an account as Verrazano, being
obliged to generalize in speaking of the North and South at the same
time. Then follow the xvinJs and the rain and the disposition made by
nature of the general humidity. Verrazano says the prevalent winds of
Summer are north-west, with a clear sky and " but little rain," while AUe-
fonsce agrees that the west wind " brings no rain." Even '.n treating
the topic which might perhaps appear the least promising of all, AUe-
fonsce seems to be holding on to the thought of the Florentine, which
here concerns the disposition that nature makes of the moisture in the
atmosphere. On reaching this point he realizes that he is in a high
northern region, and must come directly to the point, not discussing "all
these regions." Therefore, instead of saying with Verrazano, who was
speaking of summer skies, that the sun dissipated the moisture, he tells
his reader in substance, that the moisture, which is so dense as to be
styled rain, is frozen in the winter time, and falls to the earth in the form
of snow. Here he reaches the end of his list of subjects ; but still he
has not finished, having failed to do justice to \\\t forests, which Verrazano
dwells upon with delight. Casting his eye over his manuscript, he stems
to perceive a deficiency, and adds after his account of the snow, " there
are also forests as beautiful as ever you could possibly see any wJicrc in tJu
•world; " which done he goes on with a description of the creatures that
were found in the Canadian Sea, coloring his narrative by the aid of the
second voyage of Cartier.

Let the reader study these two accounts side by side, and he will
perhaps find that the coincidences arc too striking to admit the sugges-
tion that they are the result of accident. Verrazano, apparently, was
known to AUefonsce. He used the order as a matter of convenience,
endeavoring at the same time to warni the climate of Cana la by associat-
ing it with the entire country from the South. For the convenience of

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TflE LETTER OF VEKRAZANO

the reader the Ir.ngau^fc of tlie two writers has been given in parallel
columns, the chief points bcini; italicised. An extract from Barlow's de-
scription of North Carolina in 1584 is also inserted, to show that he drew
on \'errazano in a similar manner, thouj^h " Master Winter" j^ets the credit.
A detached extract of Vcrrazano's Letter is added to throw light upon
the remark of Allcfonsce concerning La Rochelle, whic'ti appears to have
been suggested by Verrazano's remark about the parallel of Rome.

VKKU.\,^ANO BARLOW

Ascending farther, we found several This island hath many goodly woods
arms of tiie Sea which make througii in- full of Deere, Conies, Hares, and Fowle,
lets, w.ishing the shore on both sides as rove in themiddest of summers in incred-
the coast runs. An outstretched coun- ible abundance. The woods are not
try ajipears at a little distance rising such as you find in /h'/ifwiii, Moscovia,
somewhat above the sandy shore in or Henynia, barren and fruitless, but the
beautiful fields and broad plains, covered highest and reddest cedars in the world,
'icith immense forests 0/ trees moTKi or \'ds^ far bettering the Cedars of the Azores,
dense, too various in colors and too de- of the Indies or Lybanus, Pynes, Cypres,
ilghtfui and charming in appearance to Sassaphras, the Lentisk, or tree that
be described. I do not believe that beareth the Masticke, the tree that beai-
these are like the Hercynian forest or eth the rine of blacke Sinnaiv.on, of
the rough wilds of Scytliia [Tartary] and which Master Winter brought from th.e
tite northern regions full of vines and streights of Magellan, and many others
common trees, but adorned with palms, of excellent smell and qualitie. [Hak.
laurels, cypresses and other varieties un- III. p. 246.]
known in Europe, that send fourth sweet-
est fragrance to a great distance, but allf.fonsce
which we could not examine more closely It is said that the inhabitants of the
for the reason before given, and not on country pretend that in a country called
account of any difficulty in traversing tlie Cibola, in /(//////^/if 35 iV'., all the houses
woods, which, in this country are easily are covered with gold and Silver,
penetrated. and they use nothing h\xX gold and Silver

As the ''^ East" stretches around this vessels. These countries border on Tar-
country, I think it cannot be void of the tary, and I think this is the utmost bounds
same viedicinal and aromatic drugs and of Asia, (acording to the Spericity cf
various riches oi gold and the like, as de- the globe, and therefore I think it would
noted by the color of the ground. It be well to have a small vessel of about
abounds also in animals, as deer, stags, seventy tons burden, with a view to ex-
hares and many other similar, and with plore the coast of Florida. I have my-
a great variety of birds for every kind self been in a bay as high up as 42' be-
of pleasant and delightful sport ; It is tween Xorumbega and Florida without
plentifully supplied with lakes and ponds finding the bottom, and I do not know
of running water; and being in latitude whether it extends any farther.) In aU

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

34' the air is salubrious, pure and
temperate, and free from extremes of
both heat and cold. There are no vio-
lent winds in these regions, the most pre-
valent are the north-west and -vat. In
the Summer, the season in which we
were there, the sky is clear with but little
rain. V fogs and mists are at any time
driven m by the south winds, they are
instantly dissipated, and at once it be-
comes bright again.

This region is situated in the parallel
of Rome, being in 41'' 4°' of north lati-
tude, but much colder from accidental
circumstances and not by nature.

these regions there are gre.il quantities oj
timber of various kinds, such as oaks,
ash, cedar, cypress, dwarf holly and arbor
vita, which are of Medieimil tjihi/i^y.
They have some timber almost as white
as snow, and common pine, of which
they make Ship's masts, aspen trees, birch
resembling cherry tree, also very large
cedars, hickory and small nut trees.
There have also been found red plums
resembling what are call Coubrejean.
There are also large wild peas, as well as
gooseberries and strawberries. More-
over you find many 7i'ild animals such as
deer, roe bucks, porcupines, bustards,
cranes, wild geese, owls, turtle doves,
crows, ravens, and various other sorts of
birds and beasts. (Small snakes are also
found such as you may see in France.
And the Savages say that unicornes are
also found. Whatever is sown here re-
quires but two or three days to spring
up. So well does grain thrive here, that
have myself counted twenty-six Kernels
in a Single year of the same sort which
Jacques Cartier has sown. So rich is the
ground that if you sow in March your
crop will be ripe in the middle of August.
The water is much better here than in
France, and my impression is that if the
land were worked as as it should be and
thickly settled, it would be ciuite as %varm
as at La Rochelle. The frequent sno^us
that fall here, are owing to the fact that
when it rains the rain is speedily turned
into sno7Li. Rain does not occur here ex-
cept with the East 7C'ind j the west wind
brings no rain. With the north wind there
comes abundance of snow; From Novem-
ber to February it snows constantly and so
hard that the snow is often six feet deep
There are also forests as beautiful as you.
could possibly see any where in the world.

TIIK I.KTTKU (Jl VERI:A/,ANO

Such is this curunis piccx' lA testimony (rum the Cosinographic o[ ^llc-
fonsce ; tlie reader will jixlge <if its wurth. Deyuiul question it is worthy
of consideration ; for though the extracts given contain two or three sen-
tciicL'S not strictly connected willi the subject, the thread of thought is
identical with that of the Florentine." It therefore appears reasonable
to suppose that Verrazano's Letter existed in the French language in I
France twelve years before its pul)lication by Ramusio ; since it cannot •
be said that Vcrrazano plagiarised the narrative of AUefonsce, or that
both made use of a third writer to us unknown.

By a curious coincidence, Hakluyt, in borrowing from Verrazano to
illustrate his Discourse on " Westerne Planting," (Maine Coll. s. 2. vol.
II., p. 22) uses substantially the same portions supposed to have been used
by AUefonsce for the same purpose. Many instances of similarity in de-
scription could be given, since in describing the productions and charac-
teristic of a country, writers are inclined to follow the order of topics
often pursued in connection with natural history, yet such a reference of
this example would not prove satisfactory. Buckingham Smith in his
Inquiry (p. 7) summarises the passages supj)osed to have been used by
AUefonsce; while so striking arc the descriptions that in the Mercator of
Ilondius (Amsterdam 161 1) wc find them taken at second hand from
Barlow, whose plagiarism has already been quoted. The work in ques-
tion says (p. 371) "Mais dies ne sont comme in Boheme, Moscovie, ny
Myrcanie chauvcs et stcriles," c^c. There is, therefore, something in
the Letter of Vcrrazano that various writers have very naturally laid
hold upon, which may have been the case with AUefonsce. Whatever
vIlW the reader may take of this part (jf the discussion, the main argu-
ment remains ; for it is demonstrated, apart from the constructive argu-
ment concerning AUefonsce, that the two known versions of Verrazano
must be referred to an earlier version as their common source, and that
the Letter was known in France at the time of Francis I. That Cartier
should be mentioned by AUefonsce may appear to be opposed to the
argument; yet the most painstaking examination will not afford any
proof of that Cartier furnished his description.

The probability that the Letter of Vcrrazano was known to AUefonsce
is strengthened by the fact that another French writer of that period
makes a distinct reference to the voyage of the Florentine. This is the
author of what is called, " the Discourse of a great Sea-Captain, a French-
man of the town Dieppe," written in 1539, and published by Ramusio m
1556, in the same work that contains the Letter of Verrazano. This Dis-
course gives a general description of the North American Continei t, and

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

says, " following beyond the Cape of Brettuns llicrc is a land cuntiguous
to the said cape, the coast whereof extends west by south-west as far as
the land of Florida, and it runs full 500 leagues, which coast was discov-
ered fifteen years ago, by Messer Giovanni du Verrazzano in the name
of King Francis and Madame the Regent, and this land is called by
many la Francese." Tnis Discourse was written by some one in the
Expedition of Parmentier to Sumatra, 1 529, and its authenticity has never
been questioned. The original, like that of the V^errazano Letter, has dis-
appeared, and though possibly traces of it may yet be found in Spain,
where the French copy of Verrazano's Letter existed, probably having
been drawn from France during the life time of Francis L To repeat
the charge that the reference to the Letter of Verrazano in the Discourse
of the Dieppe Captain was interpolated by Ramusio can not be tol-
erated, since the whole theory of interpolation has been destroyed, by
the demonstration of the fact that the version of the Verrazano Letter
given by Ramusio was not and could not have been worked over from the
version of Carli. There being no evidence therefore to the contrary,
the recognition of Verrazano by the Dieppe Captain in 1539 must stand.
In a subsequent chapter it will be demonstrated that the Map of Hie-
ronimo da Verrazano, made in 1529, is alone capable of proving that the
Letter of Giovanni existed prior to that date, and that the Map was based
upon the descriptions of the Letter. It will thus appear that the theory
that this Letter was the forgery of a later period, or about the year 1 540,
and intended to flatter the civic pride of Florence, will not hold. It
shuts up the mind to insuperable objections, and makes too great a
claim upon our faith. It requires us to believe that the forgers under-
took their work while Francis I. was still alive ; that no precautions were
taken to prevent its publication in 1556, when the seaports were full of
men who could have denied the claim had it been false ; it is to sup-
pose that untravelied Florentines possessed exact knowledge of the con-
dition of New England ; it is to suppose that Ramusio, the learned
Secretar}- of the Venetian Council, conspired, independently of the orig-
inal movers, to aid the deception and flatter the pride of a rival city ; and
that the Florentines deliberately selected one for their hero who, accord-
ing to the objecter's theory, perished infamously upon the gallows, or
else that they adopted his name without investigating his history and
ultimate fate. It is easier to believe in the authenticity of the Letter
of Verrazano.

iS!

THE LETTER OK VERRAZANO

' The Sclavonians were spread far and and wule, but the tntt country of Sclavonia formed
apart of Hungary then as now. It is depicted on Verrazano's map, and is not represented as
extending to the coast. Illyria was called Slavonia, only because occupied by a Slav population.

'It is remarkable that Hakluyt, in his first translation of Verrazano's letter (1582), acci-
dentally omitted the clause that is omitted by Carli, "by the profit we received thereby," yet it
is im.agined that this could not possibly be an omission by Carli, but that it //nisi be an interpo-
lation of Ramusio's ! Thai Ramusio inler])olated the language "by the profit we receive there-
by," with reference to the ships from Mexico, is indefensible, since it is absurd to suppose
that at the late period of July 8, 1524, \'erra/ano would attempt to ccmvey any obscure
information respecting an event that was notorious in both France and Spain. In the cruise
referred to he had only two ships, while in capturing the treasure ships he had six. The cruise
on the coast of Spain was simply an episode in the voyage begun with four ships expressly to
explore, aiul which was finally prosecuted with one.

^ In the " Epitome de la liihlioteca Oriental i Occidental Nautica i Geografica," by Antonio
de Leon I'inello, Madrid, 1627, p. 79, are the following entries :

" Ivan Vekrazano. Relacion de lo que descubrio al Septemtrion de la Floride, en Fracas."

" Ivan BaI'TISTA Ramusso la traduxo i la imprimio en tomo 3."

* " Ivan Vekrazano. Descripcion dei nuevo Orbe, segun Taxandra." " Epitome,'

The edition of
" esta resumida

1738, T.
en Marco

i^escnpcion (lei nuevo Urbe, segun 1 axandra. " Epitome, p. 171.
II. p. 620, states, in addition, that Lescarbot followed Ramusio,
Lescarbot." In this edition t'^e editor departs from the primitive
orthography of the Florentine's name, which Pinello gives correctly. That the French and
Spanish versions existed a considerable time prior to 1627 is evident from the fact that Herrera
(Dec. Ill, L. VI. C. IX.) gave an abstract of Verrazano's Letter. That Herrera translated from
Ramusio there is no proof. The Letter was evidently well ki Avn in Spain. Alcedo, in his un-
published Bihiioteca Americana, which has a brief notice of the life of Verrazano, gives of his
writings : " Relacion des descubrimiento que hijo al Septemtrion de la Florida en noumbre de S.
M. Cristianisima : Escrita en Diepa en Frances A 8 de Julio, de 1524. /<jV/«— Traducida en
Italiano en la Colecion de Ramusio." From the MS. (Carter-Brown Library,) Vol. II., p. Sgo.
' Epis. 774. Ed. 1530. Dated Nov. 10, 1522.

^ " La Conquista" de 1553, fol. LXXXVII. See in these connections M. Brevoort's " Verr.i-
zano," &c,

" Dec. III., L. iii. C. IX.

The General account of the country by Verrazano includes e/^Z'en ■points, a// o( which are
used by AUefonsce, who amplified the most of them and reduces others, after expressing the same
minute shades of thought. The identity of the two descriptions will appear the more clearl) by
changing the ^v/</ mentioned by Verrazano from ihe /fur/h to ihi //si place, noting here that
both writers place the gold in practically the sat/u- parallel. The order thus observed by each
writer will be as here indicated ; topics 2, 3, 4, and 9, 10, 11 being closely associated with another.

Verrazano
Gold.

Forest (varied).
The " East " (Asia).
Medicinal qualities.
Animals (varied).

6. Birds (varied).

7. The water supply.

8. The temperature.
Winds.
Rains.

General humidity (moisture dissipated
by the sun).

9-
10.

II.

Ali.efonsce.
Gold.

Asia (the East).

Forest (varied).

5-
6.

Medicinal qualities.
Animals (varied).
Birds (varied).

The water supply.
The temperature.
Rains.

10.

Winds.

II.

General humidity (moisture clianged to snow).

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

THE previous chapter was occupied chiefly in considering the text
of Verrazano's Letter. The present will be devoted to the
Voyage which the Letter describes. It may be necessary,
however, at the outset to notice a theory, to which attention was called'
sometime since in a review not specially devoted to historical questions.
The theory in question supposes that the voyage of Verrazano was
never made, but was framed out of the map of Ribero, 1529, by some
Florentine forger. This theory may be stated briefly as follows : The
Carli version of the letter makes the total extc t of Verrazano's explor-
ation upon the American coast 700 leagues, a distance included between
a point 50 leagues south of latitude 34" N. and 50° N., embracing nine
courses, stated in round numbers as 50, 50, 100, 80, 15, 150, 50, 50, 150
leagues. Then, repairing to Ribero's map, the author of this theory, by
a system of measurements, endeavors to make it appear that the divis-
ions between the corresponding points, 34" N. and 50^ N., amount to
the same sum, less only five leagues, and declares that the courses
sailed according to the Letter agree with the latitudes and courses on
Ribero's map. In a refutation of this theory, Mr. Major, the Secre-
tary of the Royal Geographical Society, curtly observes: " As a matter
of fact, we find no such 'divisions' on Ribero's map;" which is per-
fectly true, and the assumed divisions might be left to take care of them-
selves. The attention of the reader may nevertheless be directed to
certain facts, as, for instance, to the fact that while the Carli version
gives the length of the fourth course as 80 leagues, Ramusio makes it
only 50. The latter also declares that the distance run was more than
700 leagues, while the total of his figures is only 670. But the integrity
of such a computation depends not alone upon the correctness of the
measurements. There must be the employment of all the factors. In
this case, however, a crucial point in the discussion is omitted. Refer-
ence is here made to the fact that a third latitude given by the Letter

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

is not mentioned at all, though this is the latitude especially to be relied
upon, as it purports to have been fixed during a stay of two weeks.
Respecting the two extreme points of the voyage, 34° N. and 50"? N.,
which the late Buckingham Smith supposes, properly enough, "to have
been guessed at rather than ascertained," no question is raised, but the
middle and exact latitude, 41° 40' N., which must be the middle term
in any attempt to deduce the Letter from Ribero, is suppressed. To
illustrate this point, a sketch is given from the Ribero map, which was
based upon the Voyage of Gomez, accompanied by one from the map of
Verrazano. Upon the Ribero map is seen indicated the course of what
the theory under consideration holds as a fancied voyage reduced to the
form of a Letter after a study of the map. In connection with this
course the latitude 41° 40' N. is not given, only the two extreme lati-
tudes appearing. This middle latitude, however, has been marked by
the present writer, and a glance shows that all is solid land west of that
point. Yet the Letter declares that latitude to have been reached by
sailing from west to east. Thus a true comparison of the Letter with
the Ribero map proves that the Voyage was not deduced from the map,
as the Voyage according to the map was simply an impossibility.
What is more, if the author of the Letter knew of Ribero's map at all,
he discredited it as worthless. For convenience, the two sketches have
been given upon the same sheet. The nine courses sailed by Verrazano
are indicated on the Ribero map by dotted lines. By a careful measure-
ment it will be found that the fifth course, instead of ending where it
would if the theory were correct, that is, in 41° 40', terminates near the
beginning of parallel 44^. If the courses described in the Letter had
been deduced from Ribero's map, the port of Verrazano, or Bay of
Refuge, would have been sought near the Bay St. Antonio.

Glancing, however, at the Verrazano sketch which accompanies that
from Ribero, it will be seen that no such contradiction appears. It is
true that the latitudes of Verrazano are incorrect, which is also true of
Ribero, though in a lesser degree. By some misunderstanding Hiero-
nimo placed the Cape of Florida eight degrees too high, and the error
extends up the coast, not being fully eliminated before reaching the lati-
tude of Greenland. This particular feature of the Verrazano Map,
however, will be spoken of more fully in the concluding chapter. It
will be necessary here simply to point out the fact that the coast is quite
distinctly delineated by Verrazano, and that the point laid down in the
Letter as in latitude 41° 40' east of Block Island, or the Island of
Luisa, may be reached, as Verrazano states, by sailing from west to east.

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

The Harbor of Giovanni da Verrazano, in 41^' 40', is niarlccd in the
map of Hieronimo as the Gulf of Refuge {G. del Refugio). The Letter,
therefore, deliberately rejects the Ribero map and agrees with that of
Verrazano. And why? It was simply because the Letter was written
from an exact knowledge of the coast, such as Ribero did not possess ;
for while the Italian map shows the coast with tolerable plainness, from
Sandy Hook to Cape Cod and the neighboring shoals, the Spanish map
shows no knowledge of the existence of Cape Cod, but exaggerates
Sandy Hook so enormously that many have fancied that the Hook was
intended to represent the Cape. Notwithstanding the comparative
rudeness of Verrazano's outline, it required nearly a century to improve
upon it. It is this outline that is indicated in both Map and Letter, by
adhering to which, and by rejecting Ribero, both Letter and Map earn
the right to be considered authentic. If the true character of the Ver-
razano Map had been understood and pointed out earlier, the adverse
theory under review never would have had existence.

Thus, by the simple method indicated, the assumed divisions of the
Ribero Map arc broken up and dissipated. Besides, it may be remem-
bered, a forger, who was so exact as to ascertain the fact that during the
period occupied by the alleged voyage no lunar eclipse took place, would
not be so dull as to blunder and miscalculate a simple latitude with the
Map before him ; much less would he give the latitude with such par-
ticularity. Nor is it likely that a forger, engaged in framing a voyage
out of the Map, would say that the country was rich in gold, while the
Map says that it is poor. Again, he would not be so bold as to give an
island of the size of Rhodes where Ribero indicates nothing of the kind,
nor would he place the archipelagoes where Ribero has placed none at
all. This theory is therefore, based upon a misconception of facts, and
cannot be entertained. Besides, as will be shown elsewhere, the in-
fluence which Ribero has been supposed to have in Italy never existed,
while Ribero was repudiated by his fellow countryman, Oviedo, in 1534.
In this connection it may be proper to give the text of Major's remarks,
though the Letter does not tally with both Maps. He says:

" As a matter of fact we find no such ' divisions ' on Ribero's map; but since
the contour of the country is the same on both maps, it is obvious that if the
courses and distances in the Verrazzano letter tally, as Mr. Murphy says they do,
with the Gomez [Ribero] map, they will do so also with the Verrazzano map,
which is exactly what we should have a right to e-xpect ; and it is equally clear
that we must look for evidence outside of the maps to trace the source whence
their cognate geography is derived. And what do we find ? That, whereas we do

THE ^"OYAGE OK VERi;.\ZANO

-3

possess a lengthy nanalive, full of minute detail, of Vcrrazzano's voyage, which
could bear the minute examination of Dr. Kohl by the light of our knowledge of
to-day, and which it would be simply absurd to suppose to be constructed on the
mere skeleton basis of a map, the following is the learned Doctor's comment on
the Clomez voyage : ' We are unable to designate the track which Gomez followed
on the ocean. No kind of ship-journal or report, written either by himself or any
of his companions, has been preserved ; and the Spanish historians Oviedo, Her-
rera and Gomara, who may have seen such a journal, are extremely brief in their
accounts of this expedition, although it had a particular interest for Spain, being
the only official expedition sent out by that country to the northern parts of our
eastern coast.' In short, the Verrazzano letter contains details which could not
have been gleaned from any previously existing accounts or maps. We must
therefore differ from Mr. Murphy, not only as to the fraudulent fabrication of
Carli's letter, but also as to the statement that without it Verrazzano's letter would
fall through."

Let us now proceed to examine the Voyage of Verrazano. Accord-
ing to Ribault, Verrazano originally sailed from Dieppe, though consid-
erable time appears to have elapsed before he was able to carry out his
original intention respecting a voyage to Cathay. This undertaking
was projected in 1523. Andrade {Clironica de Muyto alio, Lisbon, 1613)
says that the Portuguese King was informed by some of his merchants
residing in France, that Verrazano had offered his services to Francis I.,
nominally for a voyage to the Indies by a new route, but really for the
purpose of plundering Brazil. The Portuguese Ambassador accord-
ingh- remonstrated with Francis, but as the latter had just contracted
to man-y his son to the daughter of the King of Portugal, it is not rea-
sonable to suppose that the object of Verrazano's expedition was
the plunder of the Portuguese possessions. Francis simply replied that
with respect to the fleet he would arrange all to the satisfaction of his
royal brother. April 25, 1523, Silveira, the Portuguese Ambassador,
wrote to his master: " By what I hear. Maestro Joas Verrazano, lo/io is
going OH the discovery of Cathay, has not left up to date for want of oppor-
tunity, and because of differences, I understand, between himself and

men I shall continue to doubt unless he takes his departure."

(Murphy's "Verrazzano," p. 163.) That he left there can be no doubti
About the time Andrada wrote, there were, according to Pinello, two
versions of Verrazano's narrative accessible in Spain. Escaping from
the embargo laid for the time by Spanish spies, the fleet of four ships
went to sea. Being overtaken by a storm, Verrazano was obliged to
enter a Breton port with the "Normanda" and " Dalfina," two others

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

ajiparently being- lost. After making repairs he sailed to the Spanish
coast, and eventually departed upon his discovery vi^ith the " Dalfina,"
the Captain of the other ship leaving Verrazano to go alone. This was
doubtless the final result of the quarrels between Verrazano and his men
reported by Silveira. The affair appears to be alluded to by Carli where
he says: " Brunelleschi, who went with him, and unfortunately turned
back, unwilling to follow him farther, when he hears of it [the voyage],
will not be well pleased." In this curious and unexpected manner does
the concurrent testimony of widely separated writers attest the authen-
ticity of the voyage.

January 17th, 1524, Verrazano sailed from a barren rock southeast
of Madeira, though Carli says, " at the end of January last he went
from the Canary Islands in search of new countries," an error which
may be accepted among other things as an indication that the Carli
Letter did not proceed from the same hand that penned the narrative of
the voyage. Verrazano steered westward until February 24th, when
he met a " hurricane, and afterwards veered more to the north." March
7th he saw land " never before been seen by any one either in ancient
or modern times," which he readily fancied to be the case, as he wished
for an excuse for entering upon Spanish ground. Here a significant
fact may be pointed out, n:.:nely, that in crossing the ocean he took a
direct course. In 1562 Ribault was proud of a similar achievement.
The custom for a long time afterward was to sail to Newfoundland and
coast southward, or the West Indies and thence northward. Verrazano
was on forbidden ground, and as a well-known agent of France his life
was sought wherever the Spanish flag was unfurled. He therefore took
a direct course, holding towards the west amidst sunshine and storm,
until the shores of the new continent rose above the waves. This is
something that would not have occurred to Italian forgers, or if the
bold conception had entered their minds, they would not have allowed
the fancied achievement to be stated by Carli without applause. Rhetoric
would have been summoned to tell the story of a second Columbus. Ver-
razano ran down the coast fifty leagues without finding a suitable harbor.
He probably made this exploration for the purpose of ascertaining
whether or not the land seen was connected with Florida, the existence
of which country was known to all the world. In this unstudied state-
ment is found the work of an honest and intelligent explorer, who
would make it certain that his own line of observation began far enough
south to avoid missing any opening to India in the unexplored region
represented conjecturally in the Ptolemy of 15 13. Returning north-

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

ward, he landed and met the natives. The landfall is placed in 34° N.,
near Charleston. Evic'ently the calculation was a rough one. The
land " stretched to the south," which is true, thougli the coast trends
southwest. In this and similar statements there is no effort made to be
perfectly exact. All the distances are given on the decimal system,
showing that they were rough estimates, not indeed of the length of
straight lines from point to point, but approximate estimates of distances
sailed while coasting between given points. The country is distinctly
described as it appears to-day — the shore bordered with low sand-hills,
the sea making inlets, while beyond were beautiful fields, broad plains
and immense forests.

Sending a boat to the shore, the people fled, but by friendly signs
were induced to return. They exhibited the greatest pleasure upon
beholding the strangers, wondering at their dress, "countenances and
complexion." Thus in the same region, in 1584, Barlow says, "They
wondered marvellously when we were amongst them at the whiteness
of our skins." The color of the natives is described in the Carli version
as black and not much unlike that of the Ethiopians, while Ramusio's
version speaks of them as brown and not much unlike Saracens. That
Ramusio did not draw his version from Carli has been demonstrated
already, and the explanation of this variation is therefore the more easy.
We may suppose that Verrazano made two draughts of the Letter,
couched in different terms, and if so, the variation need not be attrib-
uted to the translators. It, however, must be noted distinctly that the
natives arc not described either as Ethiopians or Saracens. Still again,
the original by Verrazano may have been, and probably was, written in
French ; in which case, writing in a foreign tongue, he may have used
terms that misled his Italian translators, calling the natives "Maures"
or " Mores," which formerly included both the African and Asiatic
races. This being supposed, one translator may have rendered the term
"Saracens" and the other "Ethiopians." In neither instance, how-
ever, is there any valid objection to the terms. The supplement to the
French dictionary by Barrel (Bruxelles, 1838, p. 635) shows that the
Greeks spoke of the " Moors of Asia," and the term is still used in a
very comprehensive sense. Italian dictionaries use the word mora indis-
criminately in speaking of the people of Africa. In the journal of Par-
mentier, 1529, the inhabitants of Madagascar are called Moors, thoiigh
the island has a black race and handsome olive-colored tribes. Thio
journal also speaks of a " white Moor " {More blanc) as appearing with
the black-moors. (Vitet's Histoire de Normandie, vol. ii, pp. j"/ and 80.)

THE VOVAGK OV VEKRAZANO

The hypcrcriticism that has been bestowed upon this subject is, on the
wl.ole, remarkable. The language of other writers has also been over-
looked ; for Gosnold's scribe (1602) says that some of the New England
Indians were "black, thin bearded;" Lok calls Frobisher's Indians
"tawny Moors," and Weymouth (1605) says that the Indian women in
Maine were " well favored in proportion of countenance, though col-
ored black." Peter Mart3-r observes that there are " divers degrees of
blackness^ as respects the races. Columbus in his first letter made
known the fact that the people of the New World were not black,
which would have been attended to by a forger. Belleforest makes Ver-
razano say that the people were like the " Mores de la Barbaric.'' Her-
rcra, in describing Verrazano's vovage, probably out of one of the ver-
sions mentioned by Pinel/o, says that their color was the same as that of
other Indians {ptros Indios) Dec. III. L. VI, c. 9. These two authors did
not follow the same text, as has been hastily assumed. The Japanese
who visited Rome in 161 5 are described of a color which borders on
black {qui tire snr le noir. Archives des Voyage, I, 59). Thevet, also,
{Les Siugulariiez,p, 54), speaking of the natives of America, says that he
will leave it to the philosophers to say why their color " is not so burnt
{adiiste) as that of the Blacks of Ethiopia." With Martyr, he recognizes
" degrees of blackness." It is time to stop trifling with the subject, for
if there were any error in the Carli Version, the text that follows would
supply the correction, since even a slight attention to its statement
would convince the reader that Verrazano was not describing negroes.
Some were " beautiful," and others were fairer or whiter than the rest,
and were somewhat long haired. We have portrayed the characteristics
of Indians, not Negroes. Verrazano says that "the only exception to
their good looks is that they have broad faces." Here is the Indian
described v/ith his enormous cheek bones, though it is added Avith ref-
erence to their faces, " we saw many that had sharp ones, with black
eyes." This is plainly a description that the greatest blunderer would
not apply to the black man of the Ethiopian type. We repeat, there-
fore, that the general description forbids us from straining any special
phrase to suit the Ethiopian theory.

In describing the forests, he speaks of them as he actually saw similar
forests at a later period. The descriptions may be exaggerated, but what
early descriptions are not exaggerated ? The variety of the forests might
well impress any European mind, as they did that of Chateaubriand ;
for in France, the adopted country of Verrazano, only about forty spe-
cies of trees attain to a height of thirt}' feet, while in North America

IllE VcjVAUE of VEKKAiiANO

there arc uiie hundred and forty that reach this height, a fact that gives
the key to the peculiar wealth of color which marks the spring time and
attends upon the dying year. From the previous chapter we have
already seen that Barlow, who had Verrazano's Letter in his hand,
adopted his language in describing the forests, which were not like
those of " Mercynia." Vcrrazano says that the forests " send forth the
sweetest fragrance to the greatest distance," while Barlow says thai
before they reached the land " we smelt so sweet and so strong a smell,
as if we had been in the midst of some delicate garden, abounding with
all kinds of odoriferous fl(^wers." (Hakluyt III, 246.)

Southward the harbors were poor, and northward they saw none,
yet the coast was not dangerous, " being free from rocks, and bold,"' a
description practically endorsed by Ribault, who was, however, more
successful in finding harbors. Northward Verrazano's experience
agreed with that of Barlow, who found the region harborless. Henry
Hudson and Captain Dermer met with the same experience.

Verrazano continues the description, and says that the coast appeared
to stretch across the west, thus apparently indicating the entrance to
Chesapeake Bay. Some have supposed that " west " was written by
error for " cast," yet such an inference is by no means necessary, espe-
cially as the Chesapeake appears to be indicated upon the Verrazano
Map. The language is very general. It is said they continued to coast
along the shore, which "we found stretchingout to the west." Barlow,
speaking of Wohokon, says," this lande lay stretching itself to the west."
Verrazano does not say that they followed the coast westward. He
means to describe only the general trend of the course, not delaying to
speak of every inlet seen. Everywhere they saw a" multitude of fires."
Barlow says the same, and observes that they were intended by the
natives to show the English their numerical strength. Hudson also saw
the fires, and named one place " Barnende gat," the modern " Barnegat."
Nor must we omit what Father White says on this point (Force's Tracts,
Vol. IV), observing as he does that upon the arrival of his ship at the
head of Chesapeake Bay, " fires were kindled through the whole region.'"
Verrazano states that in all this region he "saw no stone of any sort,"
while the coast is actually free from stone. This is remarkable informa-
tion for a Florentine forger to possess. Perceiving nothing promising
in this region, Verrazano went northward, where he found beautiful
forests. He was now passing the shores of Maryland and Delaware.
Delaware Bay is not mentioned, though it would seem to be indicated
upon the map of Hieronimo.

THE VOYAGE Or \ERRAZANO

ji'

Verrazr.no could find no harb<jr, and rcnuiiucd three days " ridiii^;- at
anchor or the coast." He was probably anchored under Cape May, in
the mouth of Delaware Day, which Dermcr passed witliout mentioning
it in 1619, when sailing from New York to Virginia. He says ; " I stood
along the coast to seek harbors, * * but being a harborless coast,
for aught we could then perceive, we found no succ(jr until we arrived
betwixt Cape Charles and the Main, on the east side of the Bay Chester-
peak, where in a wilde road we anchored." The people at this place fled
from Verrazano, but in the grass, which, according to Ingram (1568),
accumulated from year to year, they found an old woman, and a girl of
eighteen, " very beautiful ; " also two boys. The people made their
canoes of logs, as described by Barlow and Father White (Maryland
Coll., 1874, p. 35). Verrazano saw the grapevines in profusion climbing
the trees, while Barlow, when describing the vines at Roanoke, with the
Florentine's description before him, says that they climb towards the
top of high cedars. Though writing of early spring, he says in the
Carli version that the grapes were " very sweet and pleasant," while
Hudson (1600) says that the "dryed" currants which the Indians
brought were " sweet and good.'" Ramusio's version says that the
grapes were dried. Which version may be the mcjre correct is not of
the slightest consequence. That the grapes were dried is perfectly con-
sistent with the language of Carli, as shown in the previous chapter.
Possibly the language was originally exaggerated. Cortez tnakes Mon-
tezuma drink wine from cellars in a country where wine and cellars
were unknown. Cartier's ''Relation Original" (Paris, 1867, p. 39) de-
scribes figs in Canada, while Hakluyt (III, 209) mentions dried plums.
The critic's deep concern about the grapes and the color of the natives
is really a case of much ado about nothing.

Passing along the coast of New Jersey, this course being roughly
put at a hundred leagues, the navigator next reaches the Bay of New
York. Verrazano says : " We found a very pleasant situation amongst
some steep hills, through which a very large river, deep at its mouth,
forced its way to the sea. From the sea to the estuary of the river any
ship, heavily laden, might pass, with the help of the tide, which rises
eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in a good berth, we would
not venture up in our vessel without a knowledge of the mouth. There-
fore w^e took the boat, and entering the river, we found the country on
its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not differing much from the oth-
ers, being dressed out with feathers from birds of different colors. They
came towards us with evident delight, raising loud shouts of admiration,

THL; VOVAL.K OF VLUKA^ANO

3»

and showing' us where we could must securely land with our boats. We
passed uj) the river about half a league, where it formed a most beau-
tiful lake, three leagues in circuit, upon whicli they were rowing thirty
or more of their small boats, from one shore to the other, filled with
multitudes, who came to sec us. All of a sudden, as it is wont to happen
to navigators, a violent contrary wind blew in from the sea, and forced
us to return to our ship, greatly regretting to leave this region, which
seemed so commodious and delightful, and which we supposed also
must contain great riches, as the hills showed many indications of minerals."

In 1619, Dermer was also driven away from this harbor, where
he fancied, from the account of the Indians, that he should find a passage
to the Western Sea of Vcrrazano. He says: "We were forced back
with contrary and overflowing winds, hardly escaping both [with] our
lives. Being thus overcharged with weather, I stood along the coast to
seek harbors." (New York Coll., i ser., Vol. I, p. 353.)

Of the Western Sea Verrazano makes no mention while describing
the coast between latitude 340 N. and New York, though its existence
is taken for granted in his cosmographical appendix, as will be pointed
out. Respecting the descriptions thus far, Mr. Buckingham Smith
frankly admits that " the general character of the land and its vegeta-
tion could have been so correctly described only from actual observa-
tion." This being the case, who except Verrazano could have written
the description, since it i;i known that Gomez (1525) did not? With
respect to the correctness of the description of New York Bay, nothing
needs to be said, as the sketch is easily recognizable. On the map of
Hieronimo this part of the coast is associated with St. Germaine, the
splendid residence of Francis I. The Bay of New York is exaggerated
as respects its size.*

The next course of the Navigator was eastward. Ramusio's version
makes the distance fifty leagues, while the Carli version says eighty,
though both are exaggerations. Sailing this course along the shore of
Long Island, distinctly indicated on the map, Verrazano reached a tri-
angular shaped island, said to be ten leagues from the land, and about
the size of the famous Island of Rhodes. This must have been Block
Island, though the latter is too small, and cannot be compared to
Rhodes in size, notwithstanding the similarity in shape. As this subject
will come up in the following chapter, in connection with the Map of
Verrazano, we may simply observe now that we have vo right to deny
tiiat a man ever saw a certain island, because he erred in his estimate of
its size. The terms throughout the Letter are the loose terms often
employed by sailors.

THK VOYACiE OK VKKKAZAN')

At this point, evidently, Verrazanu liad reached the waters of Narra-
gansctt Ray. This trian^ailar ishind, wliich, after tlic mother of Francis
I., he called Luisa, occujiies the same position in the map of llieroniino
da Verrazano that Block Island holds on modern maps. Fassip}^ this
island at a dist ice, he went un fifteen leagues more to a place in lati-
tude 41" 40' N. It is worthy of notice that the old interpreters of the
Letter had no ditlicultv in recognizing the places described. In 1583
Captain Carlisle urged the establishment (jf a colony near latitude 40"
N., while, as noted in the previous chapter, Gosnold sailed to this
place in 1602, with Verrazano's Letter in his hand. The Explorer
did not land upon the island of Luisa, but went forward, and found
an excellent harbor. The distance of this island from the land is
set down as ten leagues, though Block Island is not more than
five. Verrazano wrote, more or less, from recollection, and thus goes
wide of the mark. Brereton and Archer, the historians of Gosnold's
voyage, also misstate the distances, and some of their statements are

unintelligible.

Entering the harbor of Newport, Verrazano was met by twenty
canoes, full of astonished savages, who kept at a distance while they
viewed the structure of the ship and the dress of the strangers. Finally
they seemed to be satisfied with what they saw, and expressed their
feelings, Indian fashion, by shouting in chorus. B\' the distribution of
trinkets and toys, some of them were induced to go on board the Dal-
fina. Evidently they had never seen Europeans before, and did not
know the value of arms nor implements made of iron. The " looking-
glasses " shown them caused a smile, and they returned them as soon as
they had looked at them. Thus the Maine Indians " laughed " when
miri-ors were presenter' — by Weymouth, 1605. Verrazano says that
these people had "t^ , more beautiful in form and stature than

can possibly be - One was about forty years, and the other

about twenty-f 1 he elder wore around his neck a large chain,

ornamented witu any stones of different colors, which may have been
w.:.mpum. Their complexion is described as tawny, and " greatly resem-
bling the antique." If Verrazano had happened here at the time of the
anr'ual mourning, he might have found them black and so described
them, as the New England Indians, as well as others, painted themselves
black at regular intervals.

Respecting the " two Kings " found by Verrazano presiding over
the people, it may be observed that the Narragansett Indians were liv-
ing under this kind of government when the English came, a century

-'—'< ^^

V-

I I

THE VOVACiE OF VERRAZANO

iater. Roger Williams (Key, 120) says: " Tlieir government is mon-
archical; yet at present the chicfcst government of the country is
divided between a younger Sachem, Miantunnomoh, and an elder
Sachem, Canonicus, of about four score years old, this voung man's
imclc ; and their agreement in the government is remarkable." Here
we find the same order indicated by Verrazano, Canonicus and his
nephew being no doubt descendants of the Sachems who received the
Florentine with the kindness which Roger Williams declared to be an
eminent characteristic. The Letter states that " one of the two Kings
often came with his queen and many attendants to see us for his amuse-
ment ; but he always stopped at a distance of about two hundred paces,
and sent a boat to inform us of his intended visit, saying that they would
come and see our ship. This was done for safety, and as soon as they
had an answer from us, they came off, and remained a while to look
around ; but on hearing the amazing cries of the sailors, the King sent
the queen with her attendants in a very light boat [a bark canoe ?] to
wait near an island, a quarter of a league distant from us, while he
remained a long time on board."

It has been suggested that this was analogised from Peter Martyr
(Sec. I, Lib. IV), where he describes the visit made to the brother of
Columbus by the Cacique of Xaragua and his sister, a suggestion dis-
posed of in the "Church Review" (July, 1878). If, however, such had
been the case with reference to the language, it would prove nothing,
since Martyr's descriptions of the West Indies were published twelve
years before the Letter of Verrazano was written. To show that the
Letter was not the composition of 1524, it must be shown that the
Letter quotes from some work of a later date than 1524. There is no
proof whatsoever that tlie author of the Verrazano Letter derived anv
aid from Martyr, though if he had it would not reflect upon the authen-
ticity of the Voyage; otherwise we should have to conclude that
Barlow made no voyage, because he plagiarized Verrazano. This
brings us to the narrative of Barlow once more, who speaks of the
degree of state observed ',y the savages. At Roanoake, he says, " the
King is greatly obeyed, and his brothers and children reverenced."
Again, the " King's brother's wife " ^\ hen " she came to visit us (as she
did many times), was followed with forty or fifty women always; and
when she came to the ship, she left them all on land, saving her two
daughters, her nurse, and one or two more."

Verrazano and Roger Williams agree respecting the state maintained
by these savage potentates, and the same testimony is borne by Dermer

THE VOiAGK Of VHKRAZANU

and Lcvclt. The declarations of the Letter, that the savages " imitated
us with earnestness and fervor in our acts oi worsliip," agrees with the
experience uf navigators and tlie known politeness of the Indian (Hak-
luyt III. 221, and Herrera IV. 24S). The Indians guarded their women
carefully, according to Verrazano, and Martin Pring (1603) uses Verra-
zano's Letter in speaking of this characteristic.

Verrazano relates that " on entering the woods, we observed that
tiiey all might 'i traversed by an army ever so numerous," having
also noted that fa. dier to the south the " woods are easily penetrated."
" Mourt's Relation" (1620) says that the woods are for the "most part
open," and " fit cither to go (jr ride in." The " New English Canaan "
of Morton (^1632), speaking of the country in 1622, says, "the trees grow
here and there, as in our parks, and makes the country very beautiful
and commodious." Wood, in his " New England Prospect," says that
the natives kept the forests clear. Having now entered up a rocky
region, the material of the arrow-heads changes ; and Verrazano notes
that instead of using bone, the chief material employed on the coast
southward, they used for the most part "emery, jasper and hard mar-
ble," meaning white quartz. Brereton in 1602, with Verrazano's Letter
in his hands, speaks of " emery stones " and " alabaster very white,"
which perhaps was nothing but quartz, as true alabaster does not occur.

The fruits of the country appeared to be different from those of
France and Italy, while species of trees unknown in Europe were
observed. Verrazano also mentions that the natives took the deer in
traps, one of the first facts noted by the Pilgrims when they came into
the country.

The Letter says that their dwellings were circular, and that some-
times twenty-five or thirty lived in the same house. Roger Williams
confirms the statement ; while, upon the other hand, whoever wishes to
know how Indian houses were represented in Italy, should consult
Bordone's Iso/e (hi Mondo, (Ed. 1 528, Book 1. 6) ; and for France, Thevet's
Cosmographie, (Ed. 1575, II. lOo;), where a solid Romanesque architec-
ture, takes the place of the pointed style of Bordone.

This is the place where, according to the Letter, any fleet might ride
in safety. In the sketch which accompanies this chapter, it is markfd
as the gulf of Refuge {del Refugio). Here Verrazano notices that the
Indians are long-lived, which is confirmed by Williams, Gosnold and
Lescarbot. (Nouvelle France, Ed. 161 2, p. 770.) The manufacture of
mats, mentioned by the Florentine, is confirmed by all writers. There
is also abundant confirmation for the statement that the natives were

,1 !

THE VOV.\r;E OF VERRAZAXO

' kind and cliaritable towards ilicir relations, making loud lamentations
in adversity," and at their death join " in weeping, mingled with singing
for a long time." One of the most curious pieces of information gtven
by the Florentine, is the fact that they had a way of curing sickness
" by the heat of the fire." Roger Williams describes the process, which
consisted of putting the patient in an underground oven intensely
heated. {R. I. Coll. I. 158.) This was another curious fact for a Floren-
tine forger to know. Those who wish to learn what was actually
taught in Italy on this particular subject, may consult Benzoni. (JfoHcio
Nuovo. 1565, p. 55.) This "forger" appears to have indulged in a whole-
sale correction of standard Italian authorities.

The Letter is characterized by various omissions, it is true, and there
is no positive description of the aboriginal money called " Wampum," a
currency that did not become of interest to Europeans until long after
1524. Ribault (1562) says nothing about wampum, nor does Ingram
(i56Si, nor Barlow (1585), Pring (1603), nor the Popham Journal (1607).
Worse than all, Marco Polo, in his account of China, says nothing about
tea; a melancholy way of writing history, the critic thinks. Verrazano
also fails to mention the use of tobacco, but this is the case with Ribault,
Barlow, Ingram and the Popham Journalist. Various writers, after the
example of Verrazano, fail to give any specimens of the Indian language.
So, likewise, nothing is said about bark canoes, unless indeed the '^' very
light boat" already referred to, was of that character, which is not
improbable. This failure to refer to the bark canoe has been considered
the "most remarkable omission of all," and the critic says that "this
light and beautiful fabric was peculiar to the Algonkin "tribes." We
shall see, however, that it was not so peculiar to the New England
Indians. The truth is that the omission forms a proof of the authenti-
city of the voyage. We have at present no distinct proof that the bark
canoe was used at all on the Rhode Island coast in very earlv times,
while the log canoe was used all along the Atlantic coast nearly as far
east as the Bay of Fundy. It is probable that even on the Maine coast,
the bark canoe was not often used at the time of Verrazano's voyage
farther north ; where the trees were small, the use of bark was a neces-
sity. In Maine and Massachusetts the trees were large, and fire would
build a canoe, a process of naval construction which doubtless prevailed
until the introduction of steel knives and hatchets. Then the use became
divided, and where canoes were required for inland portages they were
made of bark, while for more or less of the rough coast work tlie log
canoe was used. Lescarbot (Nouvelle France, Ed. 1612, pp. 561, 576)

I
I

I I

36 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

describes their manufacture ; and, speaking of the visit of the French to
Saco, Maine, he says, " presently the sea was seen all covered over with
their [the Savages'] boats, laden with nimble and lusty men holding
themselves up straight in them, which we cannot do without danger,
those boats being nothing else but trees hollowed out." (Purchas IV.
1633.) The original reads, dis ardrcs crcitsf:;. Champlain describes the
log canoe at Cape Ann, and the mode of its production {CEmrcs, III. 59-
60). The log canoe, the primitive canoe of all nations, was still the
representative canoe of New England in 1604, and was the canoe of the
Rhode Island coast in 1524. The allusion to it by Verrazano was
correct.* Altogether the amount of curious and exact information which
he gives is remarkable, audit goes far to substantiate the authenticity of
his Letter, the curious points of which have been brought out the clearer
by adverse criticism.

Of the Harbor of Newport, Verrazano gives an exaggerated yet tol-
erable description. The wrong latitude given to it in the map will be
explained elsewhere. He describes the harbor, properly, as opening
towards the south ; and " in the midst of the entrance there is a living
rock {pictra viva) formed by nature, and suitable for the construction of
any kind of machine or bulwark for the defence of the harbor." The
island referred to is probably Goat Island, where the lighthouse now
stands; while the " shining stones, crystals and alabaster" are referable
to the brilliant lime-rocks many years ago cut away to the water's edge
by General CuUum, to build the modern forts that protect the city and

harbor.

Verrazano left the Bay of Refuge May 5th (i6th, new style), and
proceeded on his cruise, sailing a hundred and fifty leagues along the
coast in sight of land, and without delay, as the wind was fair. He per-
haps went outside of the island of Martha's Vineyard, and upon reach-
ing the northern end of Cape Cod, shaped his course for the heights of
Plymouth, both to learn the character of Cape Cod Bay and to keep in
si'-'ht of land, through which he may have hoped to find a strait. In the
Letter no mention is made of Cape Cod, but that remarkable place is
J.epicted upon the map, together with the neighboring shoals of Nan-
tucket. Verrazano probably was the first navigator in the sixteenth
century who saw Cape Cod, which he rounded, and thus reached a
point eastward from the Harbor of Refuge. The highlands of Ply-
mouth and the Blue Hills may have been sighted, after which the course
would lie outside of Cape Ann to the borders of Eastern Maine. Here
the people appeared rude, like the country, marked on the map, " mucha

THE VOVAGE OF VKRKAZAXu

.'.yv/'-." The natives bartered from the rocks, and -avc the Frencli -t
'u":ed th"""^- """T'^"-^"^ nevertheless forcJll a landu I' td
be descnbn g the Maine coast, and is repeating himself, as he may have
oone elsewiiere. The region reminded him of%.he .Vdriatic Gu ^and '
comparison of the charts of the two regions will sh, w that the 'r 1:
blance is striking. Buckingiiam Smith applicc . description to MW
and coi^oxled that it .as admirable, dill, .gh, h.:.tCBS i

{R.Ar^,o Unnrrsalc, 1640, p. i;.) confounds tl.' .egion with the Gulf of
St. Lawrence, aixl says that Verrazano counted thirty-seven inste d

If' fihy-Tw.' ' ' " ''' '''"""'''" '"'""'^ ''""'''^ ''-"^'^ H— -^ ^^

he shore to Nova Scotia-in this i- .ance a manner on the lookout for
a. trait opening the w to Catha , .nd discovering the series of island
ex ending along Massachusetts iay eastward to Cape Sable-sho Id

uhile Mr. Murphy, in his - \ .yage of Verra^ano," (p. 56 says that
]n runnmg this course the Florentine would have " been finally locked
an the Bay of Fundy." This might seem „. prove conclusivel tha
Verrazano was never on the coast, but the same argument would banish
Gomez, as neither the accounts uf his voyage no? the Map of Rib ro
which is supposed to mirror it, gave any hint of the Bay of Fundy'
the trouble, however, is to be found in the fact that Mr. Smith had
never seen the Map of Verrazano, while Mr. Murphy was imperfectly
a quamted with it ; for, though the Letter gives no description of the
ba\. the Map of \ errazano shows that he saw it. East of the Pcnob
scot are two openings, one of which, " Terra Onde." "the deen I'lnd "
indicates this great inlet. Among other maps after Verrazano i's the
so-called map of Cabot, 1542, which lays down " r/. /W.," and Mer
cator, 1569, makes it '■ r. /^onJo." Dr. Kohl calls attention to the
circumstance that the Bay of Fundy is not referred to in the Letter of
Verrazano, nor mentioned by Gomez; yet he recognizes the fact that
the bay ^v^s known, and says : •• We find on the first old Spanish maps
in the latitude where it ought to be, names like these : ' Rio hondo "or
onda ja deep river) ; or • Bahia honda,' or fonda (a deep bay) ; or • o-ulfo'
(a gulf): once also 'La Bahia de los Ensenada' (the bay of the'deen
mlet). I presume that these were Spanish names for that bay " The
"terra onde" of Verrazano, however, is apparently the first indication
of the bay, and it proves that the place was known to him at the time

THE VOVAut: OF VEKRAZANO

he made the voyage. The objection of the h(jstile critic, therefore, is
not well taken, and has no weight.

It is not probable, however, that Verrazano explored the Bay of
Fundy, as he was approaching the end of his voyage, while the
region was full of perils, especially for a navigator ignorant of the
locality. Wiiat he actually saw was nevertheless recorded, and, as we
have seen, was reflected in the cartology of following times. Still
progress in delineating the outlines of the coast was slow. The penin-
sula of Nova Scotia was fully indicated by the fraudulent Thevet
{Cosmo^raphic Univi-rsellc, 1575), who took his narrative from some
Frencii navigator, and gave it as the result of his pretended personal
observations. In 1593 a geographical work published at Antwerp gave
a rude map, indicating Nova Scotia as an island, but it was not until
the beginning of the seventeenth century, when Lescarbot and Cham-
plain published their maps, that the delineations of the coast began to
take an exact form. Nevertheless, as late as 1624, De Bry.in one of his
general maps, calls the bay a river, as Mercator does, styling it " r.
fundo." A hundred years later the name was spelled " funda," though
at present it is called " Fundy."

Many voyages might be quoted that make no reference to important
points, which nevertheless appear in maps accompanying the text.
Such is the case with the Voyage of Verrazano. This instance, more-
over, demonstrates the truth of the statement made bv Verrazano. that
he had a " little book" which contained many details not recorded in
the letter. It appears that the b(jokin question was used by his brother
in the construction of the map, which is the earliest map now known
indicating the Bay of Fundy. The two writers who have criticized the
sujjposed ignorance of the author of the Letter respecting the bav,
instead of detracting from the trustworthiness of the narrative, simply
emphasize the value of the Florentine's observations, and call attention
to points that demonstrate the authenticity of the voyage. In fact, it
will appear in the end, when all the testimony respecting his career is
presented, that few navigators are more indebted to hasty criticism than
the Florentine Explorer.

Three points among others were fixed in American cartology by the
Voyage of Verrazano, the Bay of Fundy, Cape Cod and Sand)-
Hook. Cape Cod was generally known as " C. Arecifes" and " C.
Baxos." Its position is clearly defined by such writers as Oviedo,
Gomara and Linschoten, and various map-makers at different periods.

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

under the influence of Verrazano, showed some knowledge of its exist-
ence. Dr. Kohl fancied that Cape Cod was indicated by " C. Muchas
Isles," forgetting that this was a cape near the Penobscot, and over-
looking the fact that this name was placed by Homen east of " B. Este-
van guterres," the latter word being a misspelling of Gomez, whose
Bay was the Gulf of Maine. From these and other considerations, the
reader will perceive that the failure of Verrazano to explore the foggv
Bay of Fundy, where only the most skillful navigator is able to feel his
way, is not so remarkable after all. The wonder is that he should have
observed as much as he did during the short time he remained upon this
new and unknown coast. Whoever has been baffled for weeks together
by the fogs of that region will have nothing to say against Verrazano.

Verrazano next sailed northward again, making, according to Ramu-
sio's version, a hundred and fifty leagues, while according to the state-
mcr.t of Verrazano's Cosmographical Appendix he reached the latitude
of 50" N. In the previous chapter the fact is pointed out that there is
no real disagreement on the point between the two versions of the
Letter. But whether or not he really went so far north as 50° is of little
consequence. Nevertheless it is a surprise to find any one assuming
that Verrazano meant to teach that the coast up to the limit of his
voyage was seen by him for the first time. It is true that he speaks of

land

34'' X. tliat was never seen before, a remark alreadv

pointed out as exculpatory, though by no means suggested by fancy.
But the rat/ grievance, in the eye of the critic, is found in Verrazano's
statement that he had " discovered {discopcrtd) seven hundred leagues
and more of new countries." The condemnation of this statement is
followed by Mr. Murphy in the "Voyage of Verrazzano," (p. 57) with a
disquisition proving that Europeans had a " prior knowledge " of those
countries. This prior knowledge cannot and need not be denied. It is
remarkable that any one should suppose this prior knowledge to be in
the slightest degree inconsistent with the statement of Verrazano, that
he had " discovered " more than seven hundred leagues of new countries.
The facts were always perfectly understood. Ramusio' states that
Aubert in the Pensee had visited Canada in 1508, fi'om which time and
long before, the region of Cape Breton, Newfoundland and Labrador
was continuously visited by Basques, Bretons and Portuguese, the latter
having gone to 50° N. and probably farther. To represent either
Verrazano or Cartier as the first European who saw the country would
be absurd. When Cartier, in 1534, explored the gulf of St. Lawrence,
he was piloted to a harbor by a French vessel whose commander was

THE VOYAGE OF VEKRAZANO

familiar with the ground. The next year, when he reached Quebec,
the natives, who had already seen more Europeans than they wished to
see, tried to frighten him away, and also used words proving that they
had been in previous communication with the French. As early as 1527
there was a considerable fleet of various nationalities that for a long
time had been accustomed to visit St. John's. These things were well-
known in Europe, where no person of the commonest geographical
information could be ignorant of what was so notorious. Every tyro
knew of the fisheries of Newfoundland and Cape Breton, and of the
fleets annually sailing thither ; therefore to suppose that the author of
the Vcrrazano Letter, whoever he may have been, was ignorant of the
facts, and represented the navigator as opening up a country never
before visited by Europeans, is indefensible.

The Letter, nowever, was written by a man conversant with science
and with the progress of maritime discovery, who, as already pointed
out, even knew that no lunar eclipse took place during the voyage of
Verrazano. What, then, did Verrazano mean, by saying that he " dis-
covered " more than seven hundred leagues of new countries ? This
brings us face to face with the truth which may not be forgotten in such
a connection, namely : That the meaning of " discover " {discoperto) has
changed and narrowed since Verrazano and other earlier writers des-
cribed our coasts. Verrazano meant just what Barlow meant, when,
in 1584, he said that his expedition "discovered part of the country
now called Virginia." Again, he meant what the Dutch taught in 1614,
by saying that they had " discovered and found " " new lands between
New France and Virginia, the sea coast whereof lies between forty and
forty-five degrees." (Holland Doc. I. 11.) All this region had been
visited and mapped by both French and English, as the Dutch well
knew. The word " discover," therefore signified to explore or survey.
This was the sense in which Verrazano used the term, and it will be
impossible to force any other interpretation of his words.

It is said by Mr. Murphy in the " Voyage of Vcrrazzano," (p. 39, 11)
\}vL<iX.\\iQ'' Voyages Avantiircux^' attributed to Allefonsce, and published
in 1550, "gives almost a contemporary denial * * of the Verrazzano
discovery of the country." The view is based upon the statement of
the work in question, that the river of Norumbega " is newly discov-
ered by the Portuguese and Spaniards." This work, however, is not
the work of A jfonsce. Respecting the force of the terms, it may be
said that " newly" signifies either " recently " or " anew." If the latter,
then the declaration is that Norumbega had been rediscovered by the

THE VOYAGE C'F VERRAZANO

Portug'ucsc and Spaniards. If, on the other hand, it was intended to
mean that in 1559 it had lately been discovered fur the first time, the
statement also gives a denial to the voyage of AUefonsce, who sailed on
the New England coast, and wrote of Norumbega nearly twenty years
before. It also discredits the voyage of Gomez in 1525, notwithstand-
ing Norumbega was the region called by his name. The truth is that all
the compiler of the work, incorrectly attributed to AUefonsce, meant
was that Norumbega had been re-explored recently by the Portuguese and
Spaniards. Still, even if the language in question did give a denial to
the Verrazano disco^ "ry, such denial would have no force, in the face of
the incontrovertible fact, that in 1529 the brother of Verrazano laid
down Norumbega upon his map, which represented the navigator's voy-
age. On this map, a copy of which was presented to Henry VIII.,
some distance southwest of Cape Breton is found " Oranbega," simply
a form of Norumbega, so variously rendered on the old charts.

Verrazano does not mention seeing any fishing vessels around Cape
Breton, and in fact may not have seen any. Ships often steam from New
York to the Irish coast to-day without sighting a sail. Yet Verrazano,
like all the world, knew that fishermen were there. Such cheap infor-
mation might well have been introduced by a forger devising an imag-
inary voyage, but it was not required on the part of a veritable explorer
like Verrazano. Therefore it is that we find him making no effort to
describe the northern regions, already so well known, while the regions
to the south, about which Europe would desire information, he describes
with the greatest particularit}-.

In his brief resuiiu' of the voyage Verrazano makes a poor account
of distances, which Humboldt assures us are of little use in such
connections ; while respecting the courses sailed he is hardly more
exact, onl}- three of the many are given between Newport and New-
foundland. To criticise such a general narrative with the measuring
rod in hand, would be both unscientific and unjust. The author of the
Letter teaches that his statements iii this respect are of a general char-
acter, where he informs the King that accounts of his explorations
would be found in the " book," which he hopes " may prove service-
able " to navigators, saying ; " We therefore determined our progress
from the difference of longitude, which we ascertained by various
instruments by taking the sun's altitude from day to day, and by calcu-
lating geometrically the distance run by the ship from one horizon to
another."

To recapitulate the points of the voyage of Verrazano would be to

THE VOVAGK OF VEKKAZA.N'J

repeal nearly the uliulc chapter. It must, tlierefore, suffice to remind
the reader of the fact, that at every stage of the exploration we have
the careful, yet unstudied narration of an actual voyager. Proceeding
from south to north, the character of the country, the people and its
productions, undergo their proper changes. This lakes place wiliiout
any effort on the part of the writer to indicate that his knowledge is
superior. The most curious facts are stated without any triumph or
ostentation. The spirit of the literary forger is nowhere to be found.
In the description of the voyage is discovered a simple, i)lain and modest
attempt to state in general terms what the navigator (observed in passing
along the coast of a new and unexplored country. The truthfulness of
his narrative has been attested by witnesses of the greatest value, since
no higher compliment can be paid to a traveler than to have his des-
criptions recognized as truthful, and copied by those who come after
him. This, however, was done by successive writers and observers for
nearly a hundred years, during which time the achievements of Verra-
zano exerted a marked influence upon American exploration. Thus the
Dieppe Captain, AUefonscc, Ribault, Barlow, Archer and Gosnold all
give the highest testimony to the authenticity of the voyage, which
adverse criticism has assailed in vain.

' The American Church Review, July, 1876,

' The small dried grape of Corinth was called a " currant," the latter term being a corruption
of the former. On account of their resemblance, the term "currant" was applied to the whole
genus A'i/'es by the Englian, after the dried fruit came to be imported. The " Currant" of Hud-
son may therefore prove to be nothing less than the grape of Verrazano, both describing the same
thing, one speaking according to the Knglish style, and the other after the manner of the men of
the Levant, a region with which he was familiar.

■' One of the Plymouth Company in 1621, discovered what was supposed to be a great inland
sea, and if a map had been made without further exploration, we should have found on it a great
sea behind a narrow isthmus, after the Verrazano pattern. A reminder of the discovery at Ply-
mouth is found in the name still used, " the Billington Sea." Dexter's " Mourt," p. 71.

* See Stenitz on "The Ship;' Pinkerton's Voyages (XIII); De Bry's " Perigrinaliones in
Americam" (Part I, ed. 1590, Plate 12).

' If Ramusio " worked over ' the Letter of Verrazano, why did he not square the statements
of the Letter with the voyage of Aubert and others, which he published in the same work with
Verrazano's ?

THE VERRAZANO MAP

THE Verrazano Map, of which the North American section is now
presented with the coast names f.;r the first time, was drawn by
Ilieronimo da Verrazano, the brother of Giovanni the Navi-
gator. Concerning Ilieronimo, comparatively little is known. The late
Buckmgham Smith would not believe that any such person as the map
maker was ever known, and associated the investigations of Tiraboschi
with " speculative history." What he refers to in this phrase is a passage
in a letter written by Annibal Caro from Castro, in Sicilv, prior to Octo-
ber, 1537, and addressed to members of the household of M. di Gaddi,
at Rome. In the course of his letter, Caro says: "As for you, Verra-
zano, a seeker after new worlds and their wonders, I cannot as yet tell
you anything worthy of your map ; for we have not yet passed through
any country which had not been discovered already, either by you or
your brother." A "slight examination" of the life and writings of
Caro was sufficient to show that at this time he was a teacher in the
Gaddi family, and that, while absent on a journey, and " sportively
addressing his pupils," he "makes reference to their studies and exer-
cises in geography and map making." Such was the theory that Mr.
Smith devised for the purpose of getting rid of the map maker. The
subject is referred to here for the purpose of illustrating one of the
methods employed in seeking to discredit the voyage of Verrazano.

When some knowledge of the map of Hieronimo was afforded by
an imperfect photograph furnished to the American Geographical
Society, It became sufficiently clear, even to the prejudiced, that the
Verrazano addressed in 1536 by Caro was no school boy, but that the
map maker alluded to was a person who had achieved a reputation
seven years before, he being no other than the author of the Verrazano
Map of 1529, now preserved in the Borghian Museum of the Propaganda
at Rome. In the year 1876, however, some documents were printed at
Pans in the Retw Critique, which proved anew the relationship between

THE VEKKAZAN') MAI'

Giovanni ami 1 licroiiiim). These docutiicnts exist at Kuiien, bciiij,
powers of allorncy executed by Giovanni, in which, May, 1526, he refers
to " Jcrosmc de Varasenne, his brother and heir," signing liiniself "Janus
V'errazanus" — this being the only copy of his autograpii now known
to exist. Jcrosnie, nr Ilieroninio, appears to liavc been his brother's
agent. In 1536 he was in some way connected with the household of
Gaddi, a rich Florentine resident at Rome. Probably he maintained
the relation of a tamiliar friend, (^f his death, at present, we have no
account. The identity of llieroniuKj never should have been doubted
any more than the voyage of Giovanni. In the autograph of Giovanni,
which appears in the Rouen document, the name is spelled, as in the
map, with a single c. The following is a/(?t simiU :

[tMUiS S/eKKAy/un^

Oit/i//^* :'^

"Janus " also .Tjjpears in the Carli version of the Letter. " Verrazano "
is spelled with double c, but that version, as already pointed out, is not
the original. T'.ic double .■: is introduced by error. The photographer
of the map in Rome made the same error, writing in double c, when the
original spelling, perfectly legible, was before him. The single ,:• occur-
ring in both the Rouen document and the map is significant, while the
recurrence of Janus in that document and in the Carli version of the
Letter, so far as it indicates anything, teaches that the Letter and the
Rouen document proceeded from the same source. A manuscript ser-
mon b}' one of the family, according to Mr. Brevoort, is signed with a
single z.''

The Map of Verrazano forms one of those indefinite, yet effectual,
protests made against the system of Ptolemy towards the middle of the
sixteenth century, when the shape of the American continent was
being developed. The system of Ptolemy supposed that no continent
existed in the Atlantic, and that it was possible to sail from Western
Europe to India. This was the view of Columbus, who had no original
ideas, being a mere copyist, and died in the belief that he had actually
demonstrated the truth of the old theory. Thus Strabo (c. i.) wrote:
" Nor is it likely that the Atlantic Ocean is divided into two seas by
narrow isthmuses, so placed as to prevent circumnavigation. How

. o »

5. ^x',. '"'_.,(. 1; •

'J. •,'■:;'/ v».

i&t^

'/ I

"ST" I

f n it

: » >> i

r s.

i I

THE VKRRAZANO MAP

much more probable that it is confluent and uninterrupted ? Those who
circumnavigate the earth do not say that they have been prevented from
continuing their voyage by any opposing continent, but through want
of resolution and the scarcity of provision."

The Map of Verrazano represents the improved Italian cartography
at the time whe^ it had reached the peculiar phase, expressed not only
by the outlines of the map, with its narrow isthmus separating the
Atlantic from the Pacific Seas, but by the observation of the navigator
himself, where he says to the King of France, " My intention in this
voyage was to reach Cathay, on the extreme coast of Asia, expecting,
however, to find in the new land some such obstacle as there has
proved to be, yet I did not doubt that I should penetrate by some pas-
sage to the Eastern Ocean." He then refers to the fact that the Ptol-
emaic system supposed an open sea between Europe and Asia, without
intervening land, a theory that Ilieronimo was relinquishing with regret.
October 15, 1524, Cortes wrote to the Emperor of Spain that he intended
to send a fleet to search for a strait between Florida and Newfound-
land ; while in 1525 Gomez undertook such a voyage.

The Verrazano Map is the earliest known map which shows an
isthmus near latitude 42° N. The author fixes the date of the map at
1529, by saving that "Nova Gallia" was discovered five years since.
The words " Mare Occidentale " are not found on the map.

The earliest Spanish map of North America now known to the
geographical world, was made in the year 1500 by Juan de la Cosa. It
shows a solid coast line, while Cuba appears properly represented as an
island. Ruysch, in his map of 1508, shows a coast line, but it resembles
that of Eastern Asia, upon which he engrafted the outlines of New-
foundland. Cuba appears as an island of almost continental proportions.

Before Ruysch's Map appeared at Rome, a map of the world was
engraved in Lorraine, being originally intended for publication in 1507,
though it was not brought out until published in the Ptolem of 1513.
Evidently it was drawn between 1 501-4, and sent from Lisbon to the
Duke of Lorraine. At all events the engraver finished his work before
Duke Ren^s death, which took place December 10," 1508. At this
period the Portuguese were active in the Gulf of Mexico, and doubtless
explored Florida. There is a manuscript in the Admiralty at Seville,
which shows that in Ma}^ 150^, Juan de la Cosa went to explore Uraba ;
and that, July 13th, he sent a courier to his government, complaining
that the Portuguese hav.. _een to the country discovered by Bastides.
In August, Cosa went to .Spain, to lay the whole matter before the

THE VEKRAZANO MAP

Court, as the Portuguese had arranged to make still another voyage.
At Segovia, Cosa presented to the Queen two charts of the New World.
These, apparently, are lost. (Ramon de la Sagra's "Cuba," II, 488.J
The Lorraine Map of 1513 (LlewcU's " Moyen-Age," II, 145) contains
nothing in particular that is taken from cither Cosa or Ruysch, though
it appears to have had its origin somewhat in common with the latter.
It indicates the progressive spirit so evident in Martyr's Map, published
in 151 1, which laid down Florida a " bcuneni." On this point the reader
may also consult Varnhagen. ( " Le Premier Vovagc de Amerigo
Vespucci," 1869, p. 24.) The map of 1513 shows North and South
America, with Florida and the Gulf of Mexico fully defined, though the
Cape is placed in 35° N, With this map we have the commencement
of the North America portion of the Map of Verrazano, whose author,
either without sufificient study, or by a clerical error, adopted the wrong
latitude, which was too high by about eight degrees. For the extreme
northern portion of his map, Ilieronimo used some chart similar to that
( )f Pedro Rcinel, which appears as Number III. in the accompanying sheet
of sketches. The intermediate portions of the coast were made up from
material and hints afforded by his Brother's Voyage. Another reason
perhaps for leaving the latitude of Florida as given in the map of 15 13.
and as also found in one of the maps of Kunstman's Atlas (Sheet 4^
may be found in the fact that Giovanni did not explore Florida, while at
the time Hieronimo drew his map he had not heard of the Exploratior
made in that region by Ayllon, 1523. He knew, however, of the Voyage
of Garay, made to the northerly part of the Bay of Mexico, in 1521, foi
the purpose of discovering any rich cities that might be situated along
the coast ; thus carrying on tlie work of Cortes and Ponce de Leon
Garay being succeeded by De Soto. Garay's survey was extended
nearly to the peninsula of Florida. The limit of his voyage is stated
upon the Map of Verrazano, precisely as upon the undated sketch given
by Navarrcte (III, 148) in connection with the Cedula of Garay. The
legend is omitted in our present representation of the Verrazano Map
on account of the lack of space. It runs, however, as follow : " Qm
comiiicio a discoprir franc dc gtvra nltiina dclla Nin'a Ilispania; " or, " here
begins the voyage of Francis Garay, the limit of New Spain." By
commencing with the Cape of Florida eight degrees too high, the
central portions of the coast shared in the error, which is not eliminated
until reaching Newfoundland. This must be understood very distinctly,
since confusion will otherwise ensue when the reader comes to examine
the regions representing the Bay of New York and the Rhode Island

THE VERRAZANO MAP

coast, which are placed six or seven degrees too high. Under the cir-
ciinistances, the latitude may be thrown out altogether, as the conficrur-
ation of the coast is recognizable. *

Prior to the time when this map was made, a passage to the west,
through the North American Continent, was supposed to exist notwith'
standing the fact that the map of 1513 gave a conjectural coast line as
high as latitude 55^ N. This point, therefore, renders it necessary to
reler to the " Isole del Mondo " of Benedetto Bordone, written in 1521
being sanctioned by the Pope the same year, and by the Venitian Sen-
ate m 1526, though not printed until 1528. This work (L. Primo, pp. 6
and 1 1 verso) gives two maps, which, taken together, exhibit the chief
portions of North and South America. With respect to North Amer-
ica, the remarkable thing is, that for its outlines Bordone adopted the
outlines (;f Greenland as found upon the Zeno Map, published at Ven-'ce
in 1558.'

After speaking ot regions of Northern Europe, Bordone says • " To
these is added the island newly discovered by the Spaniards and Portu-
guese, in which there is a country called Laboratory which is in the
Western Ocean, trending towards the north part, west opposite Ireland
It is eighteen hundred miles long, and extends towards the west two
thousand miles, and thence turns south and south-west, in a manner that
It forms a strait witli the new world, which is east and west with the
Strait of Gibraltar, and ihis part extends a thousand miles; and from
what the navigators say until the present day, though no person has set
foot upon the land, it Is well inhabited." The maps accompanvino- the
account agree perfectly with the description, which we must remember
was prepared for publication and approved three years before the vox-
age of Verrazano. Bordone next proceeds to describe the people
according to Pasqualigo, who gave an account of the voya-e of the
Cortereals, published in 1508. Bordone's work having been published
in 1528, was doubtless seen by Hieronimo, who, instead of copying the
open strait, put a narrow peninsula in that region, accordin-r to his
Brother's Letter. "^

That the Map of Verrazano was drawn at the period claimed is cer-
tain, since a copy of it was presented to Henry VIII. If it had been
the forgery of a late period, the maker would have complimented the
navigator sufficiently to avoid the errors of latitude. This chart is evi-
dently the one referred to by Annibal Caro in 1537.

Amongst the names placed by Jerome upon the peninsula of Florida
are those of ''Dieppe" and " Livorno," which, it has been said, w^re

THE vi:ric/\zano map

given to indicate the beginning of his brother's exploration on the
American coast. Livorno, however, appears as " G. Livor," or the
Gulf of Leghorn, applied to the waters on the west coast of Florida by
ihe map of 1513, which is number IV. of our sketch. The name, how-
ever, disappears in the later editions. The names taken from the map
of 15 13 were used by Verrazano in entire good faith, as was the case
with those from Reinel.

The exploration of Verrazano, instead ol beings limited by the names
on the map, beginning with Livorno, is indicated in part at least by
three flags, of which tlie most southern stands near the isthmus of the
western sea. When the latitudes of the map are corrected, the flag is found
where, according to the Letter, it should be found, namely, near 34°
N. The northernmost flag probably was not intended to show the limit
of the voyage, but rather the limits of the region explored by Verra-
zano, as the Breton flag succeeds the three Hags of Verrazano. We
know that these flags were intended to indicate the claims of Francis L,
because upon the original map they are blue, which about that period
was made the color of France, in opposition to the white flag of Eng-
land. Francis L, it would appear from Vernouel (Les Couleurs de la
France, p. 25), had something to do in confirming the use of this color.
These flags bear no device whatsoever, and tlie precise time when the
lilies came into general use is not apparent.

A careful study of the map will show that, with all its defects, it
possesses excellencies not found on any other map of the sixteenth
century, and proves at the same time that, with the exception of Florida
and Newfoundland sections, it was based upon an original survey of the
x\tlantic coast from North Carolina to Cape Breton. Speaking of the
Letter of Verrazano, Mr. Smith says that it " was written at a time so
far back, that the entrances of the coast of the ' Lay of the Land ' were
imperfectly or not at all known, and that it was dated too far forward,
to be in proper relation with the progress of maritime discovery."
Nothing could be more remote from the truth than this. Rhetoricians
tell us that, if we wish to test a figure, we should paint it. The same is
true of a geographical description ; and when that of Verrazano is thus
treated its value is evident. Hieronimo, in a sense, painted the voyage
of his brother, the Navigator, the result being so admirable that it
required nearly a hundred years for geographers to make any real
improvement upon his work. As Mr. Smith never saw the Verrazano
Map and knew nothing whatever about it, he may be excused for giving
utterance to opinions like those set forth in his " Inquiry."

, n/^

lacahrSO
rio </e/oi9<»v/ai/«|

!.1i

■•■/^

•». 1 / •/- v'

y iittJaealli'Xl

No. 1. OiiiiiiK'oriiKitiiipuriiiiroi

inus il:i Vi'naz.ino, ]6i9, in llif Mi;-^
Honm (irihc Prnpngniuta Kouil'.
Siw: 102 X 51 inchcu.

No. 2. The North American ponsl Miii;
of No. ], with thf iiiiinos I'roin the
ori;;iiiMl iinil iiuw firnl imliliOii^il.

No, 3. ThoNorlhiTn section ofltciii.
ill* map, rorrcspontlinj; with New
FuuiiiJI.iDil Scclioti .-.hown ill No. 2.

No. 4. Section of It limp in the Ptol-
eiiiy of 15l;l, from which wnn dc-
tnveil the ot.thne nnd beverni iinniei)
lor the Florida Section in No. 2

No. 5. Section of lh« Globo of Vlpii.n,
1GI2, after tbo Verrazano Mtip

No. 5. Secliun of the fliistiiWi -
lUmu^iu map, from Vernizan'i.

No. 7. ijcction I'l-om the .Map of All-
fonsce, 1543, alter Vernizano.

No. 8. Section of Lok's Map, lf,S2,
copii.l hy him from tlio Verraz-
lino Mnp.prcscnicd to Henry V HI.

Nolo. All e.\cepl No. 1, are shuH-n en
a wale one lourtb of tho orii/inni

^> A i,i cone

^"X-

V*v \,

'-^J-

)

Ij-

THE VLRRAZAXO ^lAP

The false latitudes of tlie maii have jireventerj it from being under-
stood. In considering- it, therefore, the latitudes must be discarded.
When this is done, the student will have no difficulty in recognizing the
outlines of the North Atlantic coast. For general correctness, the
delineation is not equalled by any map (jf the sixteenth centurv. Much
that is wanting in the Letter appears in this Map. The peninsula of
Florida is uiunistakable, and, moving northward and striking the coast
in the region of the Carolinas, we find the well known Cape Hatteras in
Cape " Olimpo." Near " Santanna " is the mouth of Chesapeake Bay,
and at Palamsina is the entrance of the Delaware. The coast of Ne'w
Jersey follows with the well known Sandy Hook at its northern extrem-
ity ; " San Germano " marking a large bay, which is the Bay of New
York. This bay is exaggerated, because it formed a prominent point in
the narrative. The peninsula indicates Long Island, supposed to be
attached to the Continent, and which was not known to be an island
until the seventeenth century, the entrance to Long Island Sound being
narrow and filled with islands. The coast still stretches eastward,
beyond the Island of " Luisa," or Block Island, to a cape called " Bussa,"
and a long Syrtis indicating Cape Cod and Nantucket Shoals. The
harbor of Verrazano is given east of Luisa, as " G. del Refugio." Pass-
ing Cape Cod, the coast turns more northward, and then, properly,
eastward again. The great river near the Cape of " San Luis " might
stand for the Penobscot or the Saco, the latter being, perhaps, the more
probable. From this region to Cape Breton the map has no special
features, the coast being delineated as it often was in subsequent times,
the Bay of Fundy not appearing with much distinctness, if at all. No
map now known to the public of an earlier date than the seventeenth
century, except Homem's, 1558, shows that bay, though its existence was
known, the peninsula of Nova Scotia having been" compared to the
peninsula of Italy, 1575, as indicated in the previous chapter.

Under the circumstances, it is remarkable that the outline of the
coast should be so recognizable. In the Map of Ribero, based upon the
Voyage of Gomez, 1525, no indication whatever is found of the peculiar
region between New York Bay and the Penobscot. Gomez is credited
with having observed and named the Hudson "San Antonio," which
Verrazano mentions as the river of the " Steep Hills; " but, if he came
to New York Bay and went eastward, he has given no hint whatsoever
of the region now embraced by Long Island, Connecticut, Rhode Island
and Massachusetts. As it is, we have no account of his visiting the
region in question, and it would be quite as reasonable to suppose that

THE VKKKAZANO MAI'

ii i

tiie naining of the Hudson on the nKi|i of I'iibcro was one result (;f the
V'oyaj,';e of Veira^ano, in 15J4. Tlie Penobscot is the only re^Mon clearly
defined by Gomez, and his visit cannot. pcrhaf)S, be denied. In the
Ribero map, Sandy Hook is wildly exag<;erated. Attention has already
been called to the fact that many supposed that it was intended to
represent Cape Cod; whereas that cape has no representation in the
sixteenth century maps, beyond what was given by Verrazano. After
the year 1529, the knowledge of the coast between the Delaware and
the Penobsci)t suffered a decline. The map of Hieronimo was used, Inil
the high latitudes given to the region confused the copvists, and Long
Island eventually disappeared, being known no more until it reappeared
in the Dutch " Figurative Map" (Holland Documents) in connection with
the explorations of Adrian Block; though AUefonsce evidently knew of
the existence of Long Island Sound. In the meanwhile the coast was
represented in a crude fashion, New England being obliterated, while a
great gulf, which Dr. Kohl confused with the " Gulf of Maine," was
thrown in between Sandy I look and the Penobscot. Apart from the
Verrazano Maj), and those which show its influence, Cape Cod had no
delineation in the maps, though its position in relation to Sandy Hook
and Cape Breton was understoofl by historians and cartographers.
This view of the subject is amply vintiicated by tlie careful study of the
maps subsequent to Verrazano. Let us next proceed to notice the effect
of this map upon subsequent delineations of the coast.

The earliest existing map now known, showing the influence of the
Verrazano Map, is that of Agnese, 1536, with an open sea and isthmus
near 40"^ X. There is nothing to indicate that Agnese /riViv/iv/ Verra-
zano. Besides, the map referred to by Carli, October. 1537, must have
been in existence in Italy for some time at the date of the Letter.

The Ptolemy of 1540 breaks up the solid continent, which on the
map of 15 13 extends from 35" N. to 55" N. It also shows an open sea
in a modified form, the land northward being called " Francisca," a
name evidently recognized by the Portuguese prior to Cartier's voyage
in 1534.

The influence of the Verrazano Map is next seen in the plan of a
globe published by Gerard Mercator at Louvain. in 1541. This work,
republished and accomj)anied by a celestial globe in 1551, was bought
for a trifle by a representative of the Royal Library at Brussels in 1868,
when the collections of M. Benoni-Verelst were disposed of at Ghent.
The plans contemplated a globe about fifteen inches in diameter. It
was dedicated to Nicholas Parrenat, Lord of Granville. In 1875 it was

Tin-: \i:kka/aN(i mat

i-cju-oduLcd mfiusiiiiih-hy tlic Dcly^ian Guvcnmicnt, the edition bciii'^-
limited to two hundred copies. Thougii it bears the date of 1541, the
material from which it was composed beloni^^s to an earlier i)e'rii)d, as
it makes no reference to the explorations of Cartier. The Sea of Ver-
razano is not indicated. The North Atlantic coast line ai)pears to have
been drawn in accordance witli "some of his ^^reat globes," which
WiUes says (Ilakluyt III, 25) '• continued the West Indies, even to the
North Pole, and consequently cut off all passage by sea that way."
The central portion of the coast line would appear to have been copied
out of the Verrazano Map, showing thereby that the map in some
form was probably known to Mercator. The general plan of Merca-
tor's globe resembles that of Vlpius, made the following year, indicating
that botli may have worked from a common model, one using coast
lines and the other names from \'errazan(j. The globe of Mercator.
like tiie Map of Verrazano, shows the Bay of New York, Long Island'
and the regions of Narragansett and Cape Cod. The Syrtis of Verra-
zano is represented differently by Mercator, showing possiblv the influ-
ence of some other map. The whole region near that Svrtis is dotted
to indicate the shoal water found on modern charts. The nomenclature
of the map is different, and one is at loss to know upon what principle
Mercator at this early period introduced some of the new names, as
there is no distinct account of any voyage to the region wiiich might
have suggested them. Cape Ct.d appears to be indicated bv " Mala-
bngo," which woukl signify commotion or strife, the meaning being
anal.^gous to the '• Bussa " of Verrazano, and the " Baturier" and " Mat
lebarre " of Champlain. In fact, all navigators who saw the cape incline
to designate it with reference to the tumult created bv the shallow
water on the coast. Tiie Island fif Luisa is not laid down by Mercator,
though wc shall see that it appeared in his subsequent map. The
Italian names of Verrazano are discarded, his work not being designed
for use by people of that nation. The peninsula of Florida and the
neighboring region bear names that appeared in several maps of Ptol-
emy, beginning with 1513. The central latitudes are also thrown toe
high, as in the Verrazano Ma]) ; and, to get rid of the excessive east-
ward projection of the latter's coast line, Mercator at the wrong p.jint
extends his coast line northward, making the part corresponding with
Long Island trend in that direction, instead of toward the eastt But
whatever may be the deviation, there can be little doubt but that Mer-
cator was influenced by Verrazano.

The open Western Sea of Verrazano reappears upon the globe ol

THE VEkKAZANO MAP

Vlliius, 154:;, ;i portion of wiiicli is given in ikctch nuinL>.ic(l V. This
globe was made for Ccrvinus, the Cardinal-F'resbytcr of Santa Croce,
afterwards raised to the [>ontificate as Marcellus II. The globe affords
the clearest proof of the growing influence of Verrazaiio. The coun-
try is called " I'lrrazmia iii'c Nova Gallia" having been iliscovered
" Aiuio Sal. M. D." The maker of the globe probably intended to
complete the date, but did not. The statement that Cervinus was
unable, with all his facilities, to learn the date (jf the voyage is a pure
invention. The names on the globe afford convincing proof that the
map of Verrazano was used. Amongst the lUies are " Selva de
Cervi," " Piaggia de Calmo," " Lungavilla," " G. di San Germanus," and
" Rcfugium promont." A careful comparison of the map nf Jehan
Allefonsce of about 1552 (see sketch III.) with the maps of Verrazano,
Gastaldi and Ramusio, will show that they all belong to the same
family. The sketches of Allefonsce are very rude, but it is evident
that his Bay of the Isles is tlie same as the Bay of Refuge on the map
of the Florentine. The resemblance is clear when compared with
the map in the Ramusio of 1556, to which reference will be made in its
place. The Island of Luisa, without the name, appears to be indicated
by Allefonsce, who puts the Norumbega River too far south, inserting
it in the delineation v.hich represents the region of Narragansetl.

The next map to be mentioned is Ruscelli's, 1544 (Kohl's Maine, p.
297), which indicates the influence of Verrazano by its isthnuis and
Western Sea, but tiie author of the map falls back upon the ideas of the
old geographers, who made America a part of Asia. The nomencla-
ture of this sketch is scanty, though near latitude 40? N. is seen " Mon
tagiie Verde," a name then in general use. In his coast line, as in his
general system, Ruscelli distinctly repudiates Ribero, whose alleged
influence in Italy never existed. The map published by RaiiiUiio at
Venice in 1534 has been attributed cither to Ribero or to the anony-
mous map of 1527, which, together with Ribero's map, passed into
Italy at an early period. (Murphy's " Verrazano," p. 125.) This, how-
ever, is a mistake. The map upon which Ramusio based his sketch of
1534 was a map in the Museum of the Propaganda, of which a section
IS given herewith. Ribero was repudiated by his own countryman,
Oviedo, in 1534, when that writer described the North Atlantic coast
from the map of Alonzo Chaves.

A sketch from the map is given in connection with Ramusio's ''Indie
OcciilcHtali," Venice, 1534, that the reader may make the comparison,
which shows that the published map was based upon the manuscript

Tin; \i;kkazam') map

chart. This map is uiuhitcd, but it is an c-ariy production, and no part
of it has ever been published until now. A tjenenil account of it isgivrn
by Thonimasy. {Xoinrl/cs Aiiimhs .us J'oj',ii,rs, T. XXXV, 1855, n. s.) It is
of considerable int- ^st, apart from the {frcscnt discussion, for the reason
that on the line ol division traced by F^)pe Alexander VI. on a map
which divided the New World between Spain aiul Portug'al, there is the
following : Car/a ifhisionis CasicUaruiii ct Portugiuu. The inscription i?
given verbatim. The map h:is been consirlered as of Italian origin.

"•^'^■-i \ l.Exiraetfi-oTtiajtiapiH'tia

■^ -J Propaqanda-fJiom^i

2.Fxiraet froTTt HieMorptil
^ n\ RamutiVs/noitOccmantnii:.

•^ ]] Venice , 153^ .

Here attention may be directed to the fact that our second map
from the Propaganda has been referred to as the work of Verrazano.

TIIL VERrU\ZANO MAP

Of this, however, no proof is given, and the error may be explained
easily, though it appears in a very sumptuous and valuable work some-
what recently published at Rome, and entitled " StudJ Bibliografici,"
etc. At page 358, under the year 1528, is the following: " 177 [No.].
Carta Xautica di Gerolaino Verrazzano." This is the map of which we
speak, and from which our copy was taken by the writer. At the most,
we could refer nothing more than the mechanical cvecution of this par-
ticular map to Hieronimo. In the volume referred to, the true Verra-
zano Map is catah^gued in its proper place.

Turning next to the Ptolemy of 1548, we find a map drawn by Gas-
taldi, which is the counterpart of Ruscelli's. These two cartographers
worked together. This map recognizes the Sea of Verrazano, and
repudiates Ribcro. Another map in the same volume recognizes Ver-
razano without the open sea. It puts a cape in 40^ N., taken from
Ramusio's map of 1534, and incorporates northwaid a coast line from
Verrazano, at the same time expunging the refcicnce t{j the voyage
(jf Gomez. In this map a tr. .ngular-shaped island (" Brisa") lies oppo-
site one ot the deep indentures. It bears six of the Verrazano names,
three of which are peculiar to the Florentine, namely, " Angoulesme,"
"p. Refugio," and " Monte de Trigo." It will be observed, however,
that the parts of the coast line used are removed from the central por-
tion of the coast where they were placed, and removed to Nova Scotia,
for the purpose of keeping them in the latitude erroneously assigned.
It is evident that the Italian geographers had obtained no new knowl-
edge of that part ui the roast, and were laboring under the mistake into
which they were led by the false latitudes of Hieronimo. Therefore,
the delineation iA the entire coast of Long Island, Rhode Island, Con-
necticut and Massachusetts was carried northward to the refdon of
Cape Breton. This mistake was perpetuated by others, who had no
fresh surveys of the coast to show them where the delineations in
question belonged. Thus error was accumulated upon error.

To the names already given as occurring on the Verrazano Map,
those of "Nurumbega" and " Brisa " may be added. The latter is
intended for " Luisa." The map by Gastaldi, found in Ramusio's third
volume of 1556, follows the Verrazano outline more closely, though,
through a mistake of the Engraver, who blunders tw.ce, " Brisa " be-
comes " Briso," while the island loses its triangular form. Tn the same
volume of Ramusio is a map that relates to Parmentier's voyage to the
East Indies 1529, when he named three islands, respectively, "La
Parmentiere," "La Marguerite" and "La Louise," in honor, first of

i I

rHK VKRKAZANO MAI'

himself, and alterwards uf the sister and mother of Francis I. Two of
the names appear in the map as " La lauyse " and " La formetie " (Vitel's
"Ilistoire," 11,88;. Thus the Regent had iico ishinds named in her
lienor. Gastaldi's map of 1556 evidently was intended to illustrate the
Letter of V^errazano.

Iwo years later, Ilomcm, at Venice, drew a map which again re-
called the Verrazano >Lap, throvgh Gastaldi,and bv means of the names
"Monte do Trigo " and "Golesme" for "Angolesmc." The Island of
Luisa and the "Port of Refuge" arc delineated, but their names are
omitted. Again, in 1561. Ruscelli reproduced, substantially, a copy of
Gastaldi's map of 1548. In these maps there is no reference'to the name
of \ errazano, though his voyage is recognized by the nomenclature.

We next come to Mcrcator's map of 1569, when the plan is found to
be entu-ely different, this evidently being in accordance with those of
his work which, according to WiUes, did open a gulf between "the
West Indies and the extreme northern line." Willes (Hakiuyt, III, 25)
mentions that the globes of the Italian Moletius, whom he associates
with Mercator, possessed the same features. This map of \-^G<j shows
all the new discoveries in the North, but leaves the Atlantic coast line in
a poorer condition than in 1541. MercrUor had now seen the map of
Ruscelli a:id Gastaldi in the Ptolemies and in Ramusio's Collection of
\ oyages, and he allowed himself \.o be overruled by them. Accordingly
he placed the indented coast and the Island of " Briso " where the
mistakes f)f Gastaldi and Ramusio had located them, near Cape Breton,
and omitted his former representations of the coast covering the line
between New Jersey and New York. In the place of this he left a great
bay occupying the space that should have been given to the outlines of
L.jng Island and the New England coast. He was nevertheless true to
the Verrazano idea, as expressed both in the Map and Letter. This is
an important point, for he had now read the Letter and was reassured of
the f' t that there should be a triangular shaped island near latitude
41^ 40' N., also thn the region should be made approachable by water
from the West. He accordingly laid the island down, with Norumbega
at the West, in common with Allefonsce, calling this island ." Claudia,"
instead of Luisa, giving the name of the wife and not the mother of
Francis L The origin of the names " Briso " and " Claudia " on the map
of Mercator is therefore perfectly clear. In the future this map may be
remembered for its double representation of the Island of Luisa and the
V'"er!azano Vovasre.

Finally we proceed to England, and learn that a map was presented

THE VEKI-L.\ZANO MAI'

to Henry Vlll. by Verrazano. A sKctcli by Luk, based upon this map,
appears in Hakluyt's *' Divers Voyages" of 1582. It is numbered VIII.
in our list of sketches.

In support of liis theory of a northern passage, Hakluyt says in that
work : " Master John Verazarms, uiiich had been thrise on that coast, in
an old and excellent niappe which he gave to King Ilenrie Eight, and
is yet in the custodic of Master Locke, doth so lay it out as scene in the
map annexed to the end of this bokc, being made according to Verazanus
plat." In a work lately published by the Maine Historical Sijciety,
Hakluyt also says that " there is a mightie large olde mappc in {)arch-
ment, made, as yt shoulde seme, by Verarsanus, traced all alonge the
coaste from Florida to Cape Briton, with many Italian names, which
laieth oute the sea, makingc a little neck of lande in 40. degrees of
latitude, much like the streyte necke or istmus of Dariena. This mappe
is now in the custodie of Mr. Michael Locke." Again he says, " there
is an olde excellent globe in the Queencs privie gallery at Westminster,
which also seemeth to be of Verarsanus makingc, havinge the coaste
described in Italian, which laieth oute the very selfe same streite necke
of lande in the latitude of 40. degrees, with the sea joynninge harde on
bothe sides, as it dolh on Panama and Nombre di Dios ; which were a
mattei of singular iniportannce, yf it shoulde be true, as it is not
unlikely."

The map of Lok, which Hakluyt says was based upcjn Verrazano's,
shows evidence of the Verrazano Voyage by the inscription " Marc de
Verrarsana, 1524," placed over an open sea west (jf the istluuus in latitude
40° N. That this date was given by Lok, as several others were, is not
proven, though probably true; but to say that Verrazano C(juld not
have claimed or suggested the discovery of an open sea, because no sea
existed, would be indefensible, for the reason that it might be affirmed
with equal propriety that Frobisher could not have claimed the
discovery of an open sea leading to Cathay, though he made this claim
absolutely " with vehement words, speeches and oaths," and " by the
discovery of a new world, was become a second Columbus" (Calendar
of Colonial S. Papers, 1513-16, p. 58). Frobisher's Strait is laid down
by Lok on the map showing the Verrazano Sea, and is found on
Frobisher's own curious and rare map of 1578, covering from twelve t(<
fifteen degrees of latitude. Both of these fancied seas grew out of real
voy-iges. That of Verrazano was in accordance with his geographical
ideas, and may have been suggested by the natives, who were continu-
ally representing an open sea at the West. Popham in 1607 wrote to

'illt: VEKKAZANf; MM'

tviii^^ James from Sa;,^aclah(jc, Maine, not only that " nulniej^^s and l:!i-
aamon " were found, but that tlie colonists were within a short distance
of the R'lcitic. His letter, f,nven in the Maine Collections (Vol. V., s. i.,
p. 360), contains the ftjllowin^^ : " So far as relate to commerce, there
arc in these parts siiagbarks, nutmegs and cinnamon, besides pine wood,
and Brasilian cochineal and ambcri,ais, with many other products of
great value, and these in the greatest abundance. Besides, they posi-
tively assure me tliat there is a sea in the opposite or Western part of
this l^rovince, distant not more than seven days' journey from our Fort
of St. George, in Sagadahoc, a sea large, wide and deep, the boundaries
of which they arc wholly ignorant of. This caiuiot be any other than
the Soutiicni Ocean, reaching to the region of China, which unquestion-
ably cannot be far from these regions."

This notion prevailed d<nvn to a comparatively late pericjd. In 1651
Stephens(jn published " New Brittanie," containing a very curious
map, in which the Hudson River is represented as running to the
Pacific, while the region (jf Georgia is represented as no wider than the
tlistance on the Atlantic coast from Cape Hatteras io Cape Charles.

On the space appropriated to the Pacihc is written "the Sea of
China and the Indies," near which is a portrait of Sir Francis Drake.
The legend upon the coast is as follows :

'• Sir Francis Drake was on tliis sea and landed An" 1577 in 37 de"-.
wiiere her tooke P(;ssession in the name of Q: Eliza: calling it new
Albion. Wliose happy shoers, (in ten dayes march witii 50 (ootc and
30 Imrscmcn from the head of lames River, ouer those iiiUs and through
tie rich adjacent Valleys beautyfied with as profitable rivers, which
necessarily must run int(j ye pcacefull Indian Sea, may be discouered, to
tlie exceeding benefit of Great Brittain, and joye of all true English."
Such was the view of the English at this late period, who fancied that a
tract of land not more than two hundred and fifty miles wide existed
between the head oi the James River and the sea. Verrazano undoubt-
edly believed the notion, and even may have fancied tliat he saw the sea.
To object to the authenticity of his voyage for this reason would be idle.

In order to show the bearing of Lok's map upon the Vovage, it is
necessary to consider the method of its construction. Using a copy of
the Verrazano Map in some res >ects different, perhaps, from the Roman
copy, yet substantially the same, and furnished as we know with the
Italian names, Lok employed what best suited his purpose, which was
the illustration of his theory of a western passage to Cathay, at the same
time introducing fancied improvements. Following the incorrect rep-

!i'

!!.

THE VEKKAZANO MAP

resentation of Cape Breton, he nevertheless amended all the latitudes,
while the outline of the New England coast is noticeable for its resem-
blance to Gastaldi's, evidently drawn from a copy of the Verrazano
Map, possessing variations similar to those on the map of Henry VIII.
The island of Gastaldi, called " Briso " through the fault of the engraver,
is called "Claudia" by Lok ; but the relative position is the same in bcjth
maps, the island lying west of the Gulf of Refuge, which contains other
islands, with two separate islands eastward, while further west is the
region called, on the other maps, "Angouleme." Lok, like Gastaldi,
makes Norumbega insular. Lok changes names, but delineates the
corresponding tilings. He changes the shape and position assigned to
the island of Luisa by Mercator, though he adopts the name of Claudia,
instead of Luisa. He also rejects the error of Mercator in duplicating
the island. Lok understood perfectly well that the two islands, called
by Mercator Claudia and Briso, were the same. He indeed supposes
that Claudia was the correct name for the mother of Francis, but
Hakkn-t knew that Lok was in error ; and, in the margin of the Verra-
zano Letter, says, "Claudia was the wife of King Francis," thus correct-
ing Lok, not Verrazano. Therefore, until it can be shown that not only
the name of Luisa but the island itself w^s wanting in the map of Henry
VIII, it will be useless to deny that that map, like the Propaganda copy,
contained a clear recognition of tlie Voyage.

If it should be said that Lok did take the island, as well as the name,
from Mercator, it may also be said that he copied the Azores from
Mercator, and therefore that the Azores were not in the map of Henry
VIII. It is too late now, however, to pursue such a line of disputation,
as the reality of the influence of the Verrazano Map throughout a long
period is something that in the future may not be denied.

It remains to make few observations concerning the nomenclature of
the map, which, however, will demand continued study in the future.
The names are about one hundred in number, and some of them are
repeated, in accordance with the practice of old cartographers. On the
Florida section the influence of the names on the map of 15 13 is notice-
able. Several of the names are not easily explained,' though " Olimpo"
is probably Cape Olimpe, in Cyprus. "La Victoria" is a name used
upon the South America portion of the map. It is a reminiscence of
Magellan. Proceeding up the coast, it will be perceived that various
names are suggested by the Letter of the Navigator, and have a manifest
fitness. Near the Gulf of St. Lawrence is " Baia Sancti di loanni." At
this point the map of Allefonsce has a relation to that of Verrazano,

THE VERRAZANO MAP

.hou-ing " Isle dc Salnct Jolian." Some of the names of the Newfouiul-
land section arc not ([u'lte legible on tlic original map, and where doubt-
ful readings occur, they have been indicated. The significance of the
most of the names, however, is apparent at a glance ; " farilhan " being
the "Farralones," or detached rocks, a name found in every part of the
world in various forms, but with a single meaning. •• Monte de Trigo,"
is the Spanish for wheat. In the voyage of Cartier (Ilakluvt, HI, 213)
there is a reference to this mountain, described as a " hill like a heap of
corn." Fuoco is Fire Island.

About twenty of the names found on tlie central i)ortions of the
coast are French, more or less disguised in an Italian dress. But the
author soon perceived the fact that they were taken from a route of
travel across France from Dieppe to La Rochelle, a route with which
Hieronhiio was acquainted, as it is sufficiently evident that he passed
some time in France, probably in attending to the interests of his
brother. Beginning at Dieppe, the route passes Longueville and St.
George, touches at Rouen, \v!iere Giovanni had provided for the recog-
nition of Jerome, his "brother and heir," as his commissioner and "at-
torney." Thence the road runs direct to San Germano, or St. Gcr-
main-en-laye, the favorite residence of Francis I., whose name was
associated with the principal places mentioned. The Forest of St. Ger-
mainc, one of the largest in France, was perhaps in mind when Hiero-
nimo wrote " La Foresta " upon his map, though at the same time he
must have remembered the splendid forests described in the Letter.
" Lamuctto " may have been suggested by the waeth; or famous kennel
biiiit by Francis I. in the forest, though a village of the name still exists.
'^Bcividerc" might perhaps recall the terrace of St. Germaine, which
commands the celebrated view of Paris. "Casino," or the little house,
if one were inclined to indulge the imagination, might have referred to
one of the pavillions,' but Casino is also connected with San Germano
in Italy. Selva de Cervi recalls the deer parks of Francis in tf.- "Selva
Ledia," as well as the deer parks of America. Around St. Germaine
the two brothers may have lingered from time to time, awaiting the
decisions of Francis respecting the expeditions that interested him so
greatly.

Next the route passes to Vendome, a place famous for its connec-
tion with the family of Francis I. ; thence on by the way of St. Anne,
St. Savin and Mont Morrillon, the latter signifying the black grape[
which appears to have been translated into the Italian " Morrelo " or
nightshade. Afterwards Nantiat is reached— in the map axUed Lanun-

Tin; VEKKA/ANO MAI'

tiate, which may refer also U) the festival of the Anmiiiciatioii, whicn
occurred while Giovanni was on the coast. Thence the ro:id touches
Angoulenie, the birth place of I'rancis, who was called by Louis XII
" Le j^^ros garf;on (i'AnL,o)uiLine." Next we find St. Savinien and Au\-
pruncles, conduct iii^,'^ to La Rochelle, the Navif^;itor being described by
Ilerrera as " Iloriu (Ic la Rochelle." Names like San Siano and San
Gf)rgio doubtless had Italian connections, yet it is curious to observe
how these names, taken together, indicate the route between the two
great seaports ol France. The nr)menclature, therefore, is similar to
what might have; been expected from an Italian some time resident in
France, where, in the sunshine of royal favor, Mieronimo probably
compiled his map, at the same time attending to the interests of his
brother. The Navigator's "little book" doubtless afffjrded suggestions
to Jerome. " Le figla di navarra" appears to refer to the King of
Navarre, the husband of Margurite of Angouleme, sister of Francis I.
It might also be considered a recognition of Margurite herself, as she
was acquainted with American exploration, and based one of her stories
upon incidents in the voyage of Roberval."

This same route of travel is indicated upon the globe of Vlpius,
1542, which was copied from the Verrazano Map. In this series we
have the additional names of Normanvilla, near Diepi)e, and P(jrt
Royal, the home of the Jansenists favored by Margurite; while on
Ramusio's maj) of 1556 is found " Paradis," the name of Margurite's
Hebrew teacher.

Ramusio m 1553 said that. Oviedo (who rejected Riberoj and some
" excellent Frenchmen " had sent maps to Italy, and that they would
be put in their [)roper place with some rejiorts of New France, amongst
which no doubt was the Verrazano Letter. The reports were not
printed until three years after, and jjossibly other maps were in tlie
meanwhile acquired. But whether so or not, a sketch of the Verrazano
Map was used in the map of 155'''. Jerome doubtless left sketches with
the French navigators. In this connection it must, however, he
observed that the use of the Verrazano Map by Ramusio was antici-
pated no less than fourteoi years by the Florentine globe maker. It is,
therefore, probable that the drawings, which appeared to have been
received Vjy Ramusio about the year 1553, were those which related to
Carticr. The sketch published by him in 1556 makes no mention of
Carticr, while the fact that Canada is left blank shows that it was drawn
at an early period, before that region was known. We, therefore, may
( laim Ramusio's map, in one sense, as a Verrazano Map.

Tin-; vki:ka/a\o map

Some of thcskctdics hy tl:,. •'excellent Frenchmen" were used in
i-rancc, simultrmeoiisly with their appearance in Italy, in 1^4- The
great maj. of Henry ILfsee Jomard's Atlasj hears ei^ht of the Verr'i
/..no names m a modified f.,rm, as follows: C. chi Mont, R. des c-moe's
U. (le hone \ >ste, Les (iermaines, Anorobaga, C. de longuc, R. her-
ij.ol.,, Mot de fngo. To these nnght be added ; R. des I'ahnes and R
oe bone mere- 1 he maker of this map appears to have known of the
.S\rti;, ()] Verrazano.

Dr. Kohl, n(.t being acquainted with the Verrazano Map did „,.t
understand the <.rigin of Ramusio's, while for the same reason others
have made the mr.st of what was snpj.osed to be a fact, namclv, that
ttie I-rench map of ,54,, rbawn in the time of Francis I., cr.nfained no
ren,m,scence of the Voyage of Verrazano. The identificatir.n of these
names, however, should moderate the objector's zeal

liuicrn (Ra/^no,n Omrrrsa//, cd. 1640, p. ,;3, savs that the French
gave the names " porto del reh.gio, Porto reale, il Faradiso, Flora An
goie.ne. It would thus appear that he had seen a Verrazano Ma',, or
the globe of Vlpms, and perhaps both. The authority for his statern'ent
's not given, but whether he had any authority or not, it is sufficiently
truf, since the names resulted in m a Frencii voyage.

'.Vith this brief descriptir>„ and riefense of the" Maj> of Verrazano
we rest the present discussion. In treating of the names we have con'
hned ourselves to th<;so found upon the North American j-ortions In
due time it is to be hoped that the entire map may be produced in fac
swuh; since it merits at least that much attention on the part of crco<rra
phers. No subsequent examination <A the Map, however, will be likely
to render the American names much clearer. Acids applied to the
I.archment might perhaps make the orthography of several worrls a
little more distinct, but those about which there can be any real doubt
are bey(jnd question quite unimportant. f)ur own readings have been
confirmed by the independent judgment of two very competent eccle-
siasf ics and scholars, resident at Rome, to whom the writer is indebted
for his introduction to the priceless maps of the Borghian Museum of
tl.-e \ ropaganda. The reader may not therefore look forward to any
substantial improvement in the rendering of the coast names upon the
Verrazano s.<etch accomjanying this discussion. The modei-.i student
now for the first time .^ c s before his eyes, "traced all alonge the coaste
from Florida to Cape Britton," the "many Italian names " that met the
wondering gaze of Henry VIII., of Michael Lok and Richard Haklnyt
a. they bent over the " mightie large olde mappe " which, as the latter'

THE VERKAZANO MAP

informs us, was made by Vcrrazano. Whcilicr the copy preserved
at Rome is tb ; orijjinal map or not, it may now be difficult to deto;-
minc. If not original^ is beyond doubt a fair copy ol a very early date.
That a copy was presented to Henry VIII. can no longer be questioned.
There is found on the map the kind of ships, with both sails and oars,
that were built in the Breton ports at the time (July 1:2, 1522;, when
Andrew, Bishop of Murray, Scotland, according to Gaillard {liistoire
FratK^ois Premier, VII, 223-4), exhorted Francis I. to make himself master
of the sea ; but what is more to the point, a variety of facts and argu-
ments concur in proving that Hakluyt's testimony is true, and that we
have before us a coi)y of a very ancient document, marked by all the
peculiarities of authenticity. The historic world may, therefore, possi-
bly incline to believe that it has not waited until now in vain for the
Propaganda to yield up its testimony to the Voyage of Verrazano.

In closing wc desire to call attention to a few points which have been
substantiated in discussing the Letter, the Voyage and the Map. With
respect to the Letter, it has been made to appear that it certainly existed
ill two versior\ — Ramusio's and Carli's — and probably in French and
Spanish ; strong reasons even lead to the conclusion that the original
version was written in French. Again, by a comparison of texts,
the charges against Ramusio have been dissipated. With respect to the
date of the Letter, the discussion yields fresh proof, and establishes the
fact that it was written at the period claimed. Now, also, that the
contents of the Map arc known, we are able to prove thai the Map
was based upon the Letter ; and since a copy of the Map itself was
presented to Henry VIII. by Giovanni da Verrazano, the Letter must
have existed prior to 1527-8 ; thus disposing of the theory that it was the
work of a forger near 1540-5. In dealing with the Voyage, it has been
shown that it could not have been deduced from the map of Ribero,
1527, as physical impossibilities interfered ; the same also being apparent
from the fact just stated, that the Letter preceded the Map presented to
Henry VIII., 1527-8, and, therefore, that both Letter and Map described
the Voyage before the work of Ribero existed. The internal evidence
of the Letter to the authenticity of the Voyage has also been developed,
showing the inaccuracy of the charge that the descriptions of the country
and people found in the Letter do not agree with what actually existed ;
since it has been shown that the accounts are at variance with those of
untravelled European writers of those times, and convey facts that could
have been gleaned only by an actual voyager, like Verrazano, in sailing
along the coast, the descriptions often being so striking as to be copied

'I UK VEKKAZANO MAI'

sequent adventurers, and bein- full, also, with respect to those
)f the coast of which nothing- was known.

; genesis of the Map has liiccwisc been pointed out for the first
nd the chart of Hieronimo da Verrazano takes its proper place in
I Cartology within about three years of the date of the Voyage •
ts influence upon later maps has been rendered apparent in a way
IS impossible before the Verrazano coast names were made known
at every point, there is exhibited the action of a strong and
■ent mmd in free communication with the new world, and we
)re claim that Verrazano is Vindicated.

".heTr"f'cct''!'f ' Rout.''' '"' ""•=' "" '°^' ''''^'"B be.n made for .he writer by author-

^rcHtiout;"^.irr;? nt';s;^^' '"" ""'""'■ -'"^«^-' -^^ - >•- At.a,. au.,

s given in a moaiiita fcn;in, and the north-east portion, called " Terra de Lavo-atore " i.
cord.ngto he Mapof Cosa or from some map that agreed with Cosa'. b'. vTv'di
dopt /enos Greenland as America? To explain this fully would require ,n, re sVace

e^';^;ndh'dV^t^lo^';^l• ",?"'- ""' ■^'r'""^' ^"'^^^ '° "^ "-' '" '^^i ll^e k now lldp
re,.i..ind lad I.een 1. -t (Nortiimen ni Maine, p. 3S) .and Zeno's .account of I'-m co-.Vv
d y discredited the view given by I'tolemy being adopted by Jiordone, as a ter and co7

ho n>o,e reliable Both the pre and post-Columbian editions of Ptolemy made reen"

of Europe, pushing <,ut into the sea from Norway. liordone followed tWcoUn ion'

hatZeno was v,-ro,ig ,n placing the name of Greenland upon tl.e count es at lee "

ctualy saw the Zeno map in 1521 or earlier is not only evident from The outlneoi;

filled m with r^rountains after the style of Zeno. but also fr,.m his draui^go Iceland
da The style of the letters forming the word " Islanda" are exactly bke ho e of

^the curious and convincing fact is that Bordone u.es the same stvle of l-fteV^^;, . X
loeverexammes this subject will lind the most decided proof that Bo done wa, fami^
.e Zeno Chart in 152 1 which overturns the theory that that nua ^vas t^To " ry ^

15 = 8. Bordone s, which shows a strait onenint' thrmurh tl,i w "'"'^t'-'y °' '"e
Uitudeof the. Azores marked -Stre.to pte li:? 'nfedo t; "'". the"s "" iaTt'ofThe
la. The region south of this strait bore the title of the New World whi. h^h^l
3y the Spanuards. it being thus conceded by him that Zeno mide °he d s ov ry of land
St. The testimony of Bordone is all the more valuable, for the reason thnHM w. r <

X^z^'' '"' ^'""°" '° ^'"°' ^-' -''^'^'y '-aVny^r;:;r^!:^;i:ru:i2;

graphers must keep clear of Fluellen at Agincourt (Henry V., A. iv s -- "I warr.nf
rnd in the comparisons between Macedonand Monmouth th.-^t the situuions look von

eat Monmouth, but 1 is out of my prains what is the name of the o her rWer but 't s
IS alike as my fingers is to my fingers, and there is salmons in both." ' "

eptamercn," Story, Ixvii, relates the alleged experience of a wife left w„h ).- 1 u 1

THE VERRAZANO MAI'

informs us, was made by Vcrrazano. Whether the cupy pre
at Rome is the original map or not, it may now be difficult tc
mine. If not original, is beyond doubt a fair copy ol a very carl
That a copy was presented to Henry VIII. can no longer be qucs
There is found on the map the kind of ships, witli both sails an
that were built in the Breton ports at the time (July 12, 1522
Andrew, Bishop of Murray, Scotland, according to Gaillard {J
Frafigois Prfffiur, I'/f, 223-4), exhorted Francis I. to make himself
of the sea ; but what is more to the point, a variety of facts an(
ments concur in proving that Hakluyt's testimony is true, and t
have before us a copy of a very ancient document, marked by
peculiarities of authenticity. The historic world may, therefore
bly incline to believe that it has not waited until now in vain
Propaganda to yield up its testimony to the Voyage of Verrazai
In closing we desire to call attention to a few points which ha^
substantiated in discussing the Letter, the Voyage and the Map.
respect to the Letter, it has been made to appear that it certainly
ill two versior^ — Ramusio's and Carli's — and probably in Fren
Spanish ; strong reasons even lead to the conclusion that the (
version was written in French. Again, by a comparison o.'
the charges against Ramusio have been dissipated. With respec
date of the Letter, the discussion yields fresh proof, and establis
fact that it was written at the period claimed. Now, also, t
contents of the Map arc known, we are able to prove thac tl
was based upon the Letter ; and since a copy of the Map its
presented to Henry VHL by Giovanni da Vcrrazano, the Lettc
have existed prior to 1527-8 ; thus disposing of the theory that it
work of a forger near 1540-5. In dealing with the Voyage, it h;
shown that it could not have been deduced from tlic map <jf
1527, as physical impossibilities interfered ; the same also being a^
from the fact just stated, that the Letter preceded the Map prcse
Henry VIII., 1527-8, and, therefore, that both Letter and ^Lap dc
the Voyage before the work of Ribero existed. The internal e
of the Letter to the authenticity of the Voyage has also been de\
showing the inaccuracy of the charge that the descriptions of the 1
and people found in the Letter do not agree with what actually (
since it has been shown that the accounts are at variance with t
untravelled European writers of those times, and convey facts th;
have been gleaned only by an actual voyager, like Vcrrazano, in
along the coast, the descriptions often being so striking as to b<

5? =^

2^5

4f«

■ - \ - ^
^ -4 •/:

■^ -v:

J -^ ii

5 ^

.4.^
^ ^ *;

•-1 t 4

v
^

-I-

Tx^

•^ ^ ^-I

■ - n

■IIIK VEkKAZANO MAI'

by .ubscquciU adventurers, and being full, also, with respect to those
pnrts of the coast of which nothin- was known

The genesis of the Map has likewise been pointed out for the first
t.me, and the chart of Hieronimo da Verra.ano takes its proper place in
the old Cartology within about three years of the date of the \l, -a J-
while Its niflucncc upon later maps has been rendered apparent in a way
that was nnposs.ble before the Verra.ano coast names wi;e made knowf
rhus. at every pomt. there is exhibited the action of a strong and
ntcU gent rnmd m tree communication with the new world, and we
therefore claim that Verrazano is Vindicated.

iza,ion™'.K:f'..";'|'?'it .''" '"^' ■'"'■ "" "'^^ '^^^'■"'^ '^«" --'= f- 'h' -iter by author-

sec ^Et:^:^SiZ^;^:a^'-'-lVls:''- ^'"' ''-''-'' "-^"^'^ "«■ ^" '^^ At,a.. Also.

fo Ji ai^JiJdtn .t'll'tSo/ Co^a"::! ilo^l'^lT^.^'T.''' ""^f "l'''^ ''^ Lavora.o.e/' is
Bordone adopt Zeno's Grcefdand a. a"L ' To T";i. n thrf:il/''\'r^^^'"- ""' ^^"^^ ""'

land a par, of Euro,,..., p^^ur^^^t^^^^:,^'^^^:^'^ v'T' f.^'^'Tr ■"'"''-' *'^'^^"-
llm.kins- that Zeno was'v.-r,,,,); i„ i.Iai nj the n mr, f ' ' I . "^ ^r""'""'' ""' conception,
That he actually saw the Z..no n"ap m ?2 c!r eXr s n fnlT T" 'r' '''^"?'"" "^ ""=^^«'-
own map, filled in with mountains'^ her he tvie o Zeno ,r'^ Tf ' '""", '^'- °""'"^^ °f '"^
or " Lslanda." The style of the letters form L the won ft ^".'" '"' ''""'"t-^ °^ ^'-''^'^"J.

laid open by the Spaniards, it bein- thus conceded bv hi niha Z.nn 1 , . ', '^''"■''' ''^"' '"=^"
at the West. The testmiony of liordone is all the rnore vil fhl. f T ''^ 'I'^covery of land
This geographer makes r /aMusion to 7^nn ., i . , , '/""^ the reason that it i^ ,«,//V^^/,

familiar with the map "°' '"'' ^^•"'^"■!y h^d not seen hi. narrative, though

' Uo," an error easily recognized.

^Geographersmustkeepclearof Fluellen at Agincourt (Henry V A iv c - •• ,
you shall find in the comparisons between Macedon and Mnnmr,,7 ,u\ u ' ' " ' ^ warrant
is both alike. There is a river at Macedon and Zr?i= ,7""'"°""' '^at the situations, look you,
called Wye at Monmouth, but ifis out of rAy prains Xus^r'n^ a rn^r at Monmouth ; it i^
all one ; 'tis alike as my fingers is to my finJJrs':;^ tKi^s'armons'i; bot^' "'" "'"' ^"' '''^

by RoL^rrde^riTiair"' ui^s^^ 'Z"Tr!. r'^^'^^' -'^^ '- '-^"--i

Univer,elle," ii, p. 1019. See lo Harrtse-r'-'^X^' etc. ^ ^^ ^ ^^'"''- " ^"^"'^^'"Phie

\,u

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

./j

1.0

I.I

■^ 1.^ 1122

t vs. IIIIM

1.8

1.25 lil.4 111 1.6

'•Q^^

■^A

^'/^

|i- r

THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS

The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, with the Italian people, were
regarded in many respects as palmy days. At that flourishing period
many of the sons of Italy proved themselves worthy of their noble
origin ; and as the ancient Romans bu'It highways of marvelous magni-
tude upon the land, the modern Italians opened the distant paths of the
sea. Columbus was inspired by the spirit of Crcsar, though while the
one conquered with the astrolabe and compass, the other prevailed with
the sword. America does not recognize the debt which she owes to the
pent up cities of the Italian peninsula, whose inhabitants, inspired by an
irrepressible ardor, went forth to transform what was a " Sea of Dark-
ness" into a Sea of Light. The desire to abolish Ultima T/iule, and
make good the prophecy of Seneca, animated all classes of society.
Even the monk in his cloister labored to furnish the sailor with the
best aids that nautical and geographical science could supply. Andrea
Bianco gave his charts with reminiscences of long-forgotten voyages,
and Toscanelli added to other gifts conferred by him upon Columbus
reasons for believing that the east could be reached by sailing west. At
an early period the Genoese sent out expeditions upon the Atlantic
(Gravier's ^^Navigations Eitropi'iitius," etc., p. 5), but for the most part
the Italian navigators engaged in the service of nations more favorably
situated for the conduct of maritime enterprise Amongst (;thers,
Marco Polo, Ordericus and Vcrtomanus distinguished themselves i;i
the east, while in the year 1380 the Zeiio Brothers were wrecked in
the northern sea, Antonio Zeno himself, as the best authorities now
admit, reaching Greenland and the coast of North America. It
remained, however, for Columbus to impart a practical value to the
labors of his predecessors, though Amerigo Vespucci was immor-
talized by the Monks of St. Die, who gave his name to our continent,
.aying, that since the old continents were named after women, the new
one should be called after a man.

While Columbus was active, John Cabot, the Venitian, and his son
Sebastian, were pursuing the same absorbing objects, the elder Cabot,
indeed, having seen the mainland of America before Columbus. Other
Italians perlormca their part, Pigafetti sailings around the world in the

TiiK GioiiK OK Vi.nus-l 542.

♦*

lii: GioiiK nv \'Lrirs-l 542.

Sngraved Jbr the MaguKine of >4fitfHcan llUtar$.

1,11

THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS

L-xpedition ol Magellan, of which he was the historiographer. Amongst
those less known was the learned priest and mathematician, Albert De
Prat(;, the friend and correspondent of Cardinal Wolsey. Verrazano
shed permanent lustre upon his nation by his exploration of the north
Atlantic coast. The first tourist to visit and describe this country was
Benzoni, also an Italian; and the Venitian, Ramusio, taught our own
great Ilakluyt how to record and treasure up the achievements of
explorers and navigators for the benefit of mankind. Purchas gives his
quaint testimony on this point, exclaiming: " Happy Italy, that first, in
the last Age of the World hath discouered the great Discouerers of the
World." Yet what benefit has Italy derived from all these toils? The
largest tribute received from America is found in the aspersion of her
citizens, and, notably, those of her fairest and most enlightened Capital.
Well may Purchas turn to present the obverse of the picture, and say :
" Unhappie Italy, that still hath beaten the bush for others to catch the
Bird, and hast inherited nothing in tiiese Easterne and Westerne
Worlds." (V. 807.)

The present paper, however, is devoted, not to the Italian sailors^
but to a work by one who sought to register the achievements of his
compatriots in an enduring form. The Globe of Euphrosynus Vlpius,
constructed in 1542, is now preserved in the museum of the New York
Historical Society, having been found in Madrid by the late Bucking-
ham Smith. This important and deeply interesting instrument was
discovered in the collections of a Spanish dealer in 1859, ^^^^ brought to
New York the same year, after the death of its owner, being purchased
for the society by the late John David Wolfe.

This globe is lifteen and one half inches in diameter, and is supported
upon a worm-eaten stand of oak, the iron cross tipping the north pole,
making the height of the instrument three feet and eight inches. The
northern and southern hemispheres were constructed separately. They
shut together like a spherical box, being held firmly by iron pins.
Everything is done in accordance with the best science of the age, and
proves that the globe was intended for careful use. The latitudes are
found by the nicely graduated copper equator, upon which the names
of the zodiacal signs are engraved ; while the equatorial line of the globe
itself has the longitude divided into sections covering five degrees each.
Four distinct meridional lines divide the globe into quarters, while four
more lines are faintly indicated. The latitudes are found by the aid of a
brass meridian, the Tropic of Cancer being called JlsTI^'^'S, and Capri-
corn, Hyemalis. The Arctic and Antarctic circles are also faintly

THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS

indicated. A brass hour-circle enables the student to ascertain the
difference of time between any two given points, while the graduated
path of the Ecliptic is a prominent and indispensable aid. The author
of the globe evidently intended to secure simplicity of arrangement
throughout. The date of the globe is fixed by the following inscription:

EGIONES ORBIS

TRADITAE^AVT -hroSTRAEMlS^Qj
MEMORIA COMPEKEA SIN*!?

VjlvPHKOSYNVS VEPIVS X>ESCRIBiE
^_ BAT ANNO SAETTIS:,^?

The literal translation runs as follows; "Regions of the Terrestrial
globe handed down by ancients, or discovered in our memory or that
of our fathers. Delineated by Euphrosynus Vlpius, 1542."

Of Vlpius nothing is positively known. The name has no promi-
nence amongst the map and globe makers of Italy. The resemblance of
the globe to that planned by Mercator, 1 541, taken with the fact that
Mercator and the Italian, Moletius, were in a sense associated, might
possibly lead us to inquire whether or not Moletius had any influence
in connection with the production of the work of Vlpius. Hakluyt's
reference to " an olde excellent globe in the Queen's privie gallery at
Westminster," which " seemeth to be of Verarsanus makinge " (Maine
Coll. s. 2. V. II. p. 114), is also of interest, for, like the globe of Vlpius,

Tilt: GLOBE OF VLPIUS

it had "the Coaste described in Italian." and a " neckc of landc in the
latitude of 40." Possibly the Globe of VIpius is the globe which is here
described. Nevertheless, the globe is of Italian workmanship, and
apparently made in Rome. It is dedicated to Cervinus :

This may be rendered : " Marcclhis Cervino, Cardinal-Presbyter and
Doctor of Divinity of the Holy Roman Church. Rome." The wheat
or barley heads appear to have formed a device in the family arms, as
they arc given with his portrait, while the Deer form a proper allusion
to his name.

The present representation of one hemisphere of the globe, without
being a fac simile, is nevertheless sufficiently correct for historical
purposes, and may be relied upon. The Old and New Worlds are
represented as they were known at the time, the latitude of Florida,
which was too high on the Verrazano Map, being given quite correctly,
while the excessive easterly trend of the North American coast line on
that map is corrected.

This work is of great historical interest, for the reason that it bears
direct and independent testimony to the Voyage of Verrazano in 1524,
certified first by the Letter of Verrazano to Francis I., confirmed by
Carli, and attested by the Map of Hieronimo da Verrazano; this
witness being followed by the author of the Discourse of the Dieppe

THE GLOBE OF VLl'IUS

Captain, in 1539. Vlpius, in 1542, stands as the fifth witness to the
Vuyage by the following inscription: " Verrasana sk'c Nova Gallia a
Vcrrazauo Florentino compcrto anno Sal. M. D.; which may be rendered ;
" Verrazana or New Gaul, discovered by Verrazano, the Florentine, in
the year of Salvation, M. D." That this inscription was suggested by
tiic Verrazano Map no one has ever questioned. The principal adverse
critic of Verrazano frankly concedes that the Globe of Vlpius
" affords indubitable evidence that the maker had consulted the map."
(Murphy's " Vcrrazzanij," p. 114.) Nevertheless attention has been
called to the fact that, in an appendix to his work, the same critic refers
to what is called an "authority," which says that the Map of Verrazano
was originated sometime after 1550. If this were so, it would appear
that the Verrazano Map was based upon the Globe of Vlpius in connec-
tion with certain maps, and that, instead of having influenced the
production of other maps, it is itself a composition made up of early
material. We are, therefore, obliged here to glance at a question which
really answers itself.

The declaration is: " Wc are assured from Rome, on high authorit}',
that this map api:)ears to belong to a period subsequent to 1550, and is
regarded by its custodians as only a copy at the best." (Murphy's
" Verrazzano," Appendix.) Here are two statements ; First, that the map
appears to belong to a period subsequent to 1550 — otherwise, that it
originated then ; Second, that, at the best, it is only a copy. With
regard to the first proposition it may be said, that an examination of the
map reveals the fact that it shows no exploration of a period later than
1 529, while it affords a fair i)icture of discovery down to that year.
If, therefore, this map was planned subsequent to 1550, the author must
have intended to produce what would have the appearance of an early
map, or otherwise, a fraud. But again, if this map was simply the
fraudulent invention of an Italian during the last half of the sixteenth
century, it is necessary to inquire how it happens that the draughtsman
produced a map patterned riter the map described by Hakluyt, as
respects size and composition, for both answer to the description of
" mightie large " map, and both have the Isthmus, together with the
Italian names on the coast of North America.

That the two maps were cf the same character, appears from other
considerations ; for, in whatsoever Hakluyt may have erred, he could
not have referred any parchment to Verrazano that did not show
decided signs of age. Hakluyt had a full acquaintance with the
period of Verrazano, and had learned from Ramusio the approximate

THE GLOUE OK VLPIUS

time of h,s death, which, at the furthest, could not have taken place
much later than issa He kneu- the precise character of the maps of
15-^9, and when he affirmed that the map was "././.,•• he believed that the
character of the work justified the statement that it was presented by
the riorentme Nav>^l,^ator to Henry VIII. He does not say that the
globe was presented to that king, and therefore wc can claim for the
map alone that it existed some time near the year 1:29. Such then
ben.g the facts, ,t is simply without reason to say that the Propaganda

iZ"'V:^T 'T7T.''' '55°''" ^^^ '"^-"^ of a historical
fraud. At that penod the designs had been in existence a long lime
and could not have been produced as part of a fraud. Whoeve;
declares that this map belongs to the late period named must Hnd his
claim to be an authority absolutely denied

havfhl;^7^'^"V' T^ ^' asked why the Propaganda Map could not
ha\e been framed subsequent to 1550, taking the Globe of Vlpius 1:40
as a model and with an honest intention. This could not have been
the case, for the reason that the more recent explorations shown
by \ Ipms are ignored. Any honest map-maker, projecting a new map
would give discoveries down to his time. If, therefore, tlie Propaganda
Map was based upon the globe, the map as already declared, must be a
fraud, and we are again confronted with the question. How did a fraud-
ulen draughtsman frame a map like that in England, with its isthmus
and western sea. which Lok in evident recognition of a legend corre-
sponding with the legend of the Propaganda Map, called "Mare de
Verrazano ? Again it would also be necessary to inquire where
Vlpius obtained /.;. plan. To argue the subject 'farther is needless
since It IS so evident the two maps and two globes are indissolubh'
connected, the two existing mementoes of the Verrazano Vovao-e
havmg their counterparts in the map and globe described by Hakluyt
m England The introduction of the "authority" from 'Rome is
hereforc, unfortunate for the objector, since it sugests a line of defence
for the Propaganda Map that otherwise might not have been presented.
A paleographic commission may pronounce upon the date of the map
basing Its opinion upon the character of the chirography ; but whatever
may be f conclusion, no material point in the Verrazano controversy
will probably be afTected, since, whether a copy or an original, its value
remains, and cannot be lessened without the discovery of some eviden-e
to prove that the copy was not well done. Under the circumstances
however, any commission that undertakes to declare that the map was
fraudulently projected at a period subsequent to 1550 for acceptance as

THE GL013K OV VLr'IL'S

;i document of 1529 would stultify itself. The Map of Vcrrazruio ante-
dated the Globe of Vlpius, and the influence of the former upon
cartology ma) not be questioned.

It will be observed that Vlpius does not give the e.xact date of the
discover}' by Verrazano, and the fact has led to the suggestion that
Marcellus was not able to determine the year. That he tried to learn
the exact date there is no i)roof. The explanation of the omission is
sufficiently simple, for the Vcrrazano Map is undated.

It will doubtless prove of interest to note upon this map the line
running from pole to pole and cutting through the border of South
America. This is the line drawn b)' Pope Alexander VI., by which,
in 1493, he gave away the New World to Spain. That nation, according
to his decree, was entitled to lands discovered by them west of the
line, while the Portuguese were to confine their new possessions to the
region east of the line, inscribed, " Tirminus Hispanis ct Lnsitanis ab
Alcxaudo VL P. Jf. asstjpttjfus," or, " The Boundary of Spain and Portugal
assigned by Alexander VI., Supreme Pontiff."

This was done at a time when the Papal power was no shadow, yet
the Holy See was often set at naught, and many were the bitter
contests that sprang up between the rival powers. From Bernal Diaz
we learn that Francis I., communicating with the Emperor of Spain,
and speaking of the division made between Spain and Portugal, said
" he should like them to show him our father Adam's will, that he
might convince himself whether he had really constituted them the sole
heirs of these countries." The " will " does not appear to have been
produced, and certainly was never probated. Francis, therefore, took
the liberty of sending Verrazano and Cartier to North America.

On the North American section of tlic globe various new points are
indicated, and the advance of the Spaniards in New Mexico is notice-
able. This part of the continent is called " Verrazana, sive Nova
Gallia," while on the Verrazano Map is found, " Ivcatania." Purchas
says (V. S07), that South America was called " Peruviana," and North
America, " Mexicana ; " which explains the action of Hieronimo da
Verrazano, who employs the name of Yucatan in accordance with the
same principle.

At the northwest, near Alaska, is " Tagv Provincia," the " Tangut "
of Marco Polo (C. 58), the coast being joined to Asia. The peninsula of
Lower California does not appear, though exploration had been
extended to that region, as proved by Domingo del Castello, on his map
of 1541. (Lorenzana " //istoria dc Nueva Rspaiia," 1770, p. 328.)

THE (JLOLE OF VLIILS

Amongst the cviHcnces of the Spanish advance is the name of "Civola"
in New Mexico. This is a reference to the "Seven Cities of Cibola "
which were credited with such vast wealth, it being declared that the
houses were snj.ported by massive pillars of crystal and gold. Modern
explorers hnd it difficult to fix upon the sites of the ancient cities.
{Tcrnaiix Compans; with De Nagerus narrative. 1S38; and Ilakluyt lit
3C2.) The wealth of Cibola eventually became the sul)ject of sport 'is
was the case respecting the whole continent, at first supposed to be a
part of the East Indies, and remarkablv auriferous. Hence Shakespere
m the Comedy of Errors, where he grossly describes the kitchen-wench'
w!io was " spherical like a globe," so that one could " find oui countries
m her, makes Antipohis :,sk : " Where America, the Indies? " Dromio
of Syracuse replies : - O, Sir, upon her nose, all o'er embellished with
rubies, carbuncles, sapphires, declining their rich aspect to the hot
breath of Spain, who sent whole Armadas of Carracks to be ballast at
her nose." (A. III. s. 2.)

Nova Galitia, a region conquered by Gusman (Alredo's " Diccton-
ario Geogrdficor \\. i;;), is seen to the southward; and, in its proper
place, m the middle of a lake, the city of Mexico may be recognized
South America is styled " Novvs Mvndus," and presents a very
lively picture. Fiom the Straits of Magellan to Chinca, just north of
the Tropic of Capricorn, the coast is marked " Terra Incognita." Peru
IS called New Castile, and is said to be auriferous and fertile. " Gvito,"
or Quito, happens to be placed nearly in the centre of the continent and
close by we read, " Domus olim ex solido aurir or. The House formerlv
of solid gold. This may be a reference to El Dorado.

A large portion of the country is abandoned to " Anthropophao-i "
and "Canibales." Near Patagonia is the "Terra de giganti." The
giants themselves are wanting, like Ralegh's men withlicads in their
breasts, notwithstanding we are told by Pigafetti and other vovagers
that there was a plenty of giants in those days ; yet, further north the
chamelon roost upon a broad-leaved j.lant, and still higher u]., one of
the tall ostriches, recently described by Darwin, is trying to exhibit him-
self, using as a pedestal the house formerly of solid gold.

In Brazil the aborigines appear in the scant wardrobe which thev
were accustomed to affect, and display, on the whole, what may be
regarded as an animated disposition. A couple of Brazilians, broad ax
in hand, are on the point of taking off a fellow being's head, while a
third, with a knife, is artistically dressing a leg. Near by, two other
amiable representatives of the tribe are engaged in turning a hu-c spit

THE GLOBE OF VLI'IUS

upon which, comfortably trussed up, is another superfluous neighbor,
\vhom the blazing tire is transmuting into an acceptable roast. The
parrot, evidently an editied spectator, gazes placidly down from its
perch in the tree. Such was life in Xovvs Mvncvs in 1542. The
Amazon and the La Platta Rivers api)ear, but Vlpius does not show
anv clear knowledge of the Orinoco seen by Pinzon.

No true indication of the terminus of the continent is given, but
south of the Straits of Magellan is seen a v.ist continent sprc'ding
around the pole. This imaginary continent was referred to in classic
times as '' Austrinis Pars." {I\Taiii/iis "Astroiiomica," B. I. 1. 234.) Its
existence was considered probable, for the reason that it seemed to be
required in order to maintain the balance of land and water. " Regio
Paia/is," a part of this continent, lies southwesterly from the Straits of
Magellan, the name perhaps having been transferrred from the coast of
Africa.

In the more easterly portion of this continent is written, " Terra
Aiistralis adJiiic incoinpirta," being an unexplored region, while in
passing around the border of this continent we come to " Brasieeli,"
a corruption of " Brazil," a name applied to an island in the Atlantic
before the discovery of America. On the Globe of Schoner, 1520, it is
called " Brazilia Inferior."

On a peninsula, a part of which appears in our representation of the
globe, may be found the following inscription : " Lusitani vltra promo-
torium bone spei i Calicutium tendentes banc terra viderut, veru non
uccesserut, quaobrem neq nos certi quidq afferre potuimus ; ' " The
Portuguese, sailing beyond the Cape of Good Hope to Calcutta, saw
this land but did not reach it, wherefore, neither have we been able to
assert anything with certaint}'."

The Old World is depicted substantially as it appeared in the
Ptolemies. With respect to the East Indies, a clear improvement is
made upon the Verrazano Map. Vlpius, in common with Verrazano,
exhibits the great lakes of Central Africa, recently rediscovered.

Near the bank of the Nile a robed ecclesiastic sits upon a canopied
throne with a triple crown upon his brow and a triple cross in his hand.
The figure is explained by the legend, " Hie dnat psbit Jo/lanes," or
" Here rules Presbyter John," usually called " Prester." Of human
subjects he appears to have none, and his lordly supremacy seems to
concern the sagacious elephant, the winged dragon, the scaly crocodile,
the fierce rhinoceros, the unruly hippopotamus, and certain long-necked
birds, one of which is engaged in some performance not described by

lllfc; OLUliE OF VLPIUS ,-,

Herodotus. Prester John has been reo^arded as a king in Thibet, but
the Portuguese claim that he was a convert to tlie Nestorian faith in
Abyssinia. (^Purchas, V. 734.)

In Asia may be seen a multitude of cities and provinces. Canton is
figured as a collection of houses, near which is a bird, in company with
a couple of goats with ears that reach to the ground. A tiger, a leopard
and a giraffe exhaust the animal kingdom.

Upon the ocean all is life, animation and enterprise. Tall ships
laden with the wealth of " Ormus and of Ind," move bravely homeward
with bellying sails, while light galleys glide gaily hither and thither
around the borders of the newly found lands. The fish form a noticeable
feature, and Leviathan displays his huge sides, even that

" Leviathan, which God of all His works
Created liugest, that swim the ocean stream."

The Conger eel, without much regard to the proprieties, stretches
complacently over several degrees of latitude, herein following the
example of the gold fish {Aum/a), which puffs itself up to half the size of
the whale. The Kraken of Pontoppidan, or at least what resembles the
sea-serpent of Nahant, appears in the Atlantic off South Africa, cor-
iiigating his hirsute back. Vlpius, like Mr. Waterhouse Hawkins,'may
have taken a scientific view of the subject; yet whatever niav have' been
his opinion, he could not have expressed a poorer view than that of the
writer in '-.Vafun-" (Sept. sth, i8;8), who resolves the sea-serpent into a
flock cf birds. The Whale {nah-na) is not so well executed as the rest,
and is attended by the Dolphin {Orca), also called Marsuin by the
French. (Ramusio III, 419.)

The fish represented upon the globe are so well done that they might
claim a ful' and separate treatment, evidently belonging to the earliest
scientific delineations in Ichthyology. The first book on Fish perhaps
was that of Paul Jovius (Rome, 1524), but it contains no illustrations. It
is possible that no illustrated work appeared prior to 1542. Jovius sent
out his work f rt m the Vatican, with which he was connected. Ichthyo-
logical studies aj)pear ^.o have been pursued with diligence at Rome,
where Salvinus publisned his book in 1554. The fish upon the globe
bear a close resemblance to those of Rondelatius (Lugduni, 1554C On
globes and maps prior to 1542 maybe found a variety of uncouth
marine monsters, but correct representations of fish are scarce.

Besides the histori : groups of islands, there are many of lesser note,
together with a few noi: found to-day. East of Cape St. Roque is " De
Ferna Loronha," or Fernando de Noronha, discovered in 1506 by the

THE (JLOBE OF VLPIUS

\i I.

\4 '

Portuguese navigator of that name. This lonely, harbnrless isle, wit'u
its remarkable peak (Scribncr's MontJily, Feb., 1876), appears ready to be
'.vhat it is now, the Sing Sing of Brazil; while .St. Helena, discovered
on the festival of that saint, 1501, is waiting to imprison one of the
world's great disturbers. There is also " Insvle Tristan Dacvnha," found
by the Portuguese. Dacuna. in 1506 ; and " Insvle Formose," while in the
southern part of the Indian Ocean is " Insvle Grifonvm," or the Isle of
Grififins.

Bermuda is prominent, having been laid down for the first time on
Martyr's Map of 151 1, and southward is " Catolica," possibly an alternate
name for the " Island of the Seven Cities," which were reported in various
places, the inhabitants being "good Catholics." Near this spot, on
Ruysch's Map. 1 50S, is the word " Cata." An island which appears to be a
duplicate of Cape Breton lies eastward of that region, and is called
" Dobreta." It probably represents Sable Island. Northward is "S.
Crvcis," not found to-dav. Here we might pause to remark upon the ease
with which islands that have no existence are found in the sea, and the
corresponding difficulty of getting rid of them. Upon some of our best
maps may be found such islands as " Jaquet Island," " Three Chimnies,"
" Mayda," " Amplimont," and " Green Rock." " Amplimont " is given in
Bescherelle's Geographical Dictionarv. On Colton's Atlas these islands
lie in the track of navigation between France and Newfoundland. It is
said that the}- originated with icebergs in the fog-banks, or possibly in
the fog-banks themselves. I , should be noticed, however, that this part of
the ocean is volcanic, and that islands of considerable magnitude have
risen from the sea at different times. The earliest eruption on record in
the north Atlantic is that mentioned on the Map of Ruysch in the
Ptolemy of 150S. Between Iceland and Greenland is the legend " Insu/e
Jiac 1456 anno Dno fvit totalitcr combusta ;" or, " This island was entirely
burned up, A. D. 1456." In Webster's work on St. Michael's Island may
be found an acount of the volcanic islands. Thomas Hickling, United
States Consul, describes the formation of one named " Sabrina."

It would not, however, be proper to treat all these islands of Vlpius
now missing in accordance with the volcanic theory. Amongst them is
'• Ins. viride," which may be regarded as a reminiscence of pre-Colum-
bian voyages by the Portuguese and others to the fishing banks near
Newfoundland, the largest being known as the " Grand Bank." while
the lesser bear various names, amongst which is the "Green Bank."
The latter shoal, known to be very rocky, was evidently taken by
some map-maker for solid land, and laid down as an island. Thi3

mmm

THE ULODE OF \LPIUS

mistake is often made in our times. To a similar origin may be assigned
'•Jaquet Island," which came from the Jaquet Bank, a shoal near'the
edge of Grand Bank. - Mayda " is simplv the "Maidas" of the
early maps, while the "Three Chimnies," if not explained by some
eruption, may have originated in such peculiarities of the bottom as that
known as the " Wiiale Hole " on the bank of Newfoundland.

It^ would be a more difficult task, perhaps, to explain the origin
of I'S. Branda," or Brandon, which appears on the Globe of Vlpius.
It is true, as already indicated, that sailors often shape islands out of
the fog. An instance is found in the Is/t de Fer, a reflection of which,
often noticed by sailors, and called the land of Butter {Tcrrc de l>eurre),
was gravely ceded by the Spanish Government to Louis Perdignon. A
similar explanation has often been given to St. Brandon by writers who
are inclined to make their labors light. When an eclipse of the moon i;.
observed by certain savages, they begin to beat drums to drive the
evil^ spirits away. Many enlightened persons, however, infer that
siiauows are formed by the intervention of something approaching the
nature of a solid. It is n.it forcing philosophy to demand a more
reasonable explanation than any hitherto offered of such islands as
St. Brandon. The Fata Morgana is perhaps quite as unsatisfactory as
the theory of Satanic delusion, sometimes resorted to for the purpose of
explaining the mystery. St. Brandon's Island, without any great
stretch of the imagination, might be referred to a burning" insular
peak, so far as the etymolgy may be concerned ; while, again, as the
Irish monks were abroad upon the sea at an early period, some (jf them
may have landed upon an island that afterward disappeared. In the
case of the monks, it would have received due embellishment, since they
were as fond of the marvellous as certain classes are to-day.

Turning to the Greenland section of the globe, a gratifying improve-
ment upon Verrazano's outline is found, showing that Vlpius had con-
sulted the maps of Ruysch, 1508, and Orontius Fine^ 1531, thoagh it
w'U be well to remember in this connection thr.t Behaim's Globe of 149:;
shows land in the same direction. The Greenland section of Vlpius
also indicates that the knowledge in possession of the Zeno Family at
^'enice found some expression in Ital;> before the publication of 'the
Zeno Voyage and Map in 1558. Vlpius gives a clear denial to the
Ptolemies respecting the situation of Greenland. The editor of the
Ptolemy of 1482 knew of the Chronicle of Ivar Bardsen, and some of
the names mentioned by him appear upon the editor's map ; yet at the
same time he assigns a false position to Greenland, which is made an

THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS

I'-

extension of Norway, while Iceland is laid down in the sea jcest of what
is j^iven as Greenland. Vlpius, on the contrary, and in accordance
with the fact, places Iceland aisi of Greenland, thouj^h both arc thrown
too far towards Europe. The waters of Greenland are represented as
navigated, and nothing is perhaps more susceptible of proof than the
fact that communication was never lost with Greenland from the tenth
century down to the present day. Vlpius, who seems to copy Ruysch's
outline, leaves the space between Greenland and the west as unex-
plored, while Ruysch, on the other hand, makes Greenland, together
with Newfoundland, part of Asia, Gog and Magog being in close
proximity. It remained for the Zeno Map, published sixteen years
after Vlpius, to show the position of Greenland more distinctly, and at
the same time to reveal the sites of the eastern and western colonies of
Greenland, so erroneously supposed in later times to have been situated
on the opposite coasts of that country. (Northmen in Maine, p. 30.)

It will be necessary next to speak of the coast names on the
North American Continent, though it has been indicated previously
that certain of them show an agreement with the names on the Verra-
zano Map. Along the eastern border of the Gulf of Mexico, adjoining
Florida, may be seen " Rio Del Gato," or the Cat River; " Rio de Los
Angelos," or River of the Angels; "P. de. S. lohan " ; " Navidad,"
or Nativity ; "Costa Verde," or the Green Coast; " Costa de Corsales,"
which could hardly mean the Coast of the Corsairs. Perhaps it was
placed here in honor of Andrea Corsali, the Florentine navigator in the
service of Emanuel, King of Portugal, though no record is fo. J of
any voyage made by him to this region. " B. de Los Baxos," or the
Shoal Bay, completes the list of names on this part of the Gulf.

On the Atlantic coast the names commence near South Carolina with
the " B. della >j*," Bay of the Cross. Next is " Valkombrosa," the
Shady Valley," which, with the neighboring coast, covered with sedge
or reeds {Calami), reminds us of Milton's lines :

" Thick as autumnal leaves that strew the brooks
In Vallombrosa, where the Etrurian shades
High over-arch'd, imbower, or scatter'd sedge."

" Punta del Olivio " is evidently the same as Verrazano's Cape
" Olimpe." Then follow " Selvi di Cervi," the Deer Park of Verra-
zano, and "Calami," similar to the " Carnavarall " of the Spanish
maps. This brings us to "Lvngavilla" and "G. di. S. Germano," both
Verrazano names, the former being Li.ngueville, near Dieppe, and the

THE GLOBE Or VLI'IUS

^TTl f ^•..^^^'•'"^^"^-^"-Laye, the splendid residence of Francis I " R
del Sole, R.ver of the Sun. if not for Solis, is followed by 'Norman:
Villa, a French city near Lon^ueville "T <^ I i •• j™^"
southern New Jerse^ " Porto^ R:';;:. fol.o'Ji-s.'w ;^:udd'l"w:
reach the nver intended for the Penobscot or Nori^mbega, Tl t" L on
the Map of A lefonsce, is thrown too far south. The coas beincdj^v"

2::^::%"^^^^' 'T-^'- -'' ''- ^^"•■'-" ^----'^

AHeWe as the F ' V" .^'^^' °^ ^^- ^'■''^"^'^' delineated by

A iclonsce as the ''Franciscan Cape." Next is " Ref.givm Promont "

ntended for the Cape of Refuge" of the Verra.aL M^p - ch

afforded Verrazano a landlocked harbor, to-day identified wihN v.

s confused The next name is " Corte Magiore," unless indeed
'Mngiore belongs with the succeeding inscription. The si<^^fic.
non IS obscure, like that of " Flora." though the litter occurs in ^ ver^l"
of the Ptolemies of the period, including Mattiolo's, 1548 and ,n
Ramus.o s Verrazano sketch. Finally. " Cavo de Brettoi^i "Is reached
or Cape Breton, a name usually referred to the French, but which may
have been given by the Portuguese. The form, it wil be ob er ved b

use IS no plain. The reading ,na_y be "cdmeri," and thus refer to the

the Oc"e.nVr '^w'tr^T^^ ^t"T""^ ^' '^^«"^^' '^^o. sigi 'fy^'
the Ocean Cape. W ith " 1 erra Laboratoris " we reach, not Labrador
the Portuguese "Land of the Laborers," but New F^undland Bv
mistake, •• Laboratoris " is applied to New Foundland, as later to Cane
Breton the inland waters of which are to-day called '' Bras d'or pTe
viously lengthened fron, " Brador." which, according to the la'ncro;
some one. signihed " the Arm of Gold." Thus easily L names emp ied
of their original signification. The coast line to •' C. Frio7 the Cold
Cape of the Portuguese, represents New Foundland. one oa t o wh^c
IS marked " Terra Corterealis." " C. Branco " is the WhZ r
"C 'le Rom Victo "off 11 '^ "ranco is the White Cape, and

given to New Foundland by the old cartographers, that of " Bicca

aos always adheres, being derived from ^ J.., a stick, often used

Zr^\nu''?f '■^''" ^'^^" ^^^'•"^- ^'^^'^^ dos Mo OS," at the

spe lin'of f c : T '" ." .''°''.^' ^''^^'- " ^^ ""^'^^^^''^^ " ^ ^ di-
spelling of G. da Tormento," or the Gulf of Torment, found on Reinel

and other charts, apparently referring to the stormy we.;ther. " IlhX"

mer"n ■'•'".. f' ^' ^'"'"' " ™'^-^' ^'^"^^^^ '"^^ Shallow River. " ct-,.
mero is the first cape, " G. do plagel " is the Gulf of the Sand Bank

THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS

and " Dos Demonios," or the Island of ihc Demons, is often found.
Greenland lies adjoining, being called " Groestlandia." It is separated
from Labrador by the sea. As in several other maps, the name is
repeated on an island lying webtward as " Grovclat." The greater
portion of the region around the Pole is shown as land, but north of
Asia is an immense lake, " Mare Glaciale," found on the Nancy
Globe.

Only two of the names between the Gulf of Mexico and the Gulf of
St. Lawrence remain to-day. The French were nevertheless ambitious,
and would have founded New France on the central portion of our
coast if circumstances had proved more favorable. Trivial incidents
sometimes turned them aside. But for a head wind when off Cape
Cod, sailing southward in 1605, Champlain might have reached tne
Hudson, and instead of planting Port Royal in Nova Scotia, he might
have established its foundations on Manhattan Island, in the region
where Port Royal ("Porto Reale") was laid down by Vlpius. This
would have made the greatest city in America a French city, and,
possibly, changed the destiny of the continent.

It will be seen that Vlpius gives to France only that to which she
was entitled. As far northward as the coast of the Carolinas, the terri-
tory is considered Spanish, while thence to the Gulf of St. Lawrence it
is French, the rest being Portuguese, as allowed by the general use of
Portuguese names. In 1542, when Carticr set out upon his expedition
to colonize on the St. Lawrence, it was clearly understood at Rome
what the French claimed. At the same time the globe, as point I out,
bears the line of Pope Alexander, by which the most of the New World
was given to Spain. These facts, however, are consistent with one
another, even on the supposition that the globe was made at the Vatican
under the direction of the Cardinal-Presbyter Cervinus. That person,
though loyal to the Papal throne, which he was destined to occupy, was
not over friendly to Spain, having three years before refused a pension
of ten thousand piastres from Charles V., who wished to win his
support. Therefore, while recognizing the decree of Alexander, he
might have been fair with the French, and thus conceded what they
had accomplished in the New World by the aid of his countryman,
Verrazano. However this may be, the French are recognized, and the
most of the region now occupied by the United States was claimed for
France as New Gaul. Cluverius (Introductio ad Geographium, ed.
1629) also speaks of New France as Gaul {''Nova Francia Gallis") Did
he know of the Globe of Vlpius? Cartier's voyage of 1534 is not men-

THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS

tionecl, as he made no discover ' ,, but the Gulf of St. Lawrence, which
he entered, is left open. Ribcro on his map indeed closes the Gulf, yet
It was well known iu the French at a very early period.

The open sea and isthmus on the Globe of Vlpius form a topic of
special interest, but as it has been discussed already in connection with
the Map of Verrazano, it will suffice here to add a few facts by way of
illustration. The sea and isthmus were copied from Verrazano, and the
existence of a body of water in close proximity to the Atlantic was
generally believed. Often it was represented as lying further to the
south, and hence some suppose that what was re'fcrred lo may have
been the Bay of Mexico. Again, the sea was supposed to lie near the
St. Lawrence River, a belief that led the French to attempt the coloni-
zation of that rude and inhospitable country, in preference to the sunny
and fertile regions explored farther southward by Verrazano. The
Spaniards, on the same principle, as previously noted, propo-^ed to
fortify and colonize the Straits of >Ligellan. The St. Lawrence was
supposed to lead directly into the " Sea of China." When Champlain
went to Canada in 1608, he declared that he would not return until he
reached the sea.

In 16 1 2 he made a seventeen days' journey into the wilderness
from Montreal to f^nd the sea upon whose shore Vignan professed
to have seen the wreck of an English ship. This man, who marched
before Chamj^lain through the tangled forests, has been called an
impostor, and, with a musket leveled at his head, Vignan confessed
himself one; yet no doubt he was as much deceived as Champlain
having acted upon the trusted relation of another, a course which he
supposed would succeed, and bring him great credit. De Bry {Brn'is
Narraiio, Ft. 2, 1591) represents the sea in his map, while the Virginia
colonists entertained a similar idea. As late as 165 1 the western sea
was represented within about two hundred miles of the Atlantic coast,
as appears from a map of that year, found in some copies of " The
Discovery of New Brittaine." This error had its day, and then died ;
though not^without manifesting a remarkable vitality. The belief was
shared by Vlpius in common with Verrazano, the latter being as positive
on the subject as Frobisher himself, both having committed the belief
to maps.

Before drawing to a close, it may be desirable to give a brief sketch
of the life of i>Larcellus. The portrait is a reduction ixv fac simile of that
found in the work entitled, ^^Uomiui Illnstri Toscanir etc. Apart from
all connection with the globe, it will be prized bv collectors for its great

THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS

rarity. It is to Marcellus II. that wc arj indebtefl, in no small deirrt-e,
for what, upon the whole, may be regarded as the most skillfully made
of the ancient globes n'Mv known.

Marcellus Ccrvinus de Spanniochi was the son of Riciardo Cervinus
and Cassandra Bcnci, being born May 6th, 1501, at Montesano, a city (^f
southern Italy, situated about seventy miles southeast of Naples. The
family was originally of Montcpulciano, near Siena. For that reason
Pope Marcellus takes his place among the Sienese. His father was
Apostolic Receiver for the March of Ancona. The early studies of
Marcellus were conducted at Siena. Upon going to Rome he was
appointed Secretary to Pope Julius III. In 1538 he served at the Court
of Charles V. as Papal Ablegate. December 19th, 1539, he was created
Cardinal. He also received the Bishopric of Neo Castro. December
15th, 1540, he was made titular Bishop of Reggio, Jacques Laincz per-
forming the actual duty; and February 29th, 1544, Bishop ofGubbio.

Marcellus was present at the Diet of Spires, and April 30th, 1543,
was made one of the three Presidents of the Council of Trent. April
3th, 1535, he was unanimously elected Pontiff, and the following day ho
was crowned. A violent stroke of apoplexy put an end to his life April
30th, after a reign of twenty-two days. If Marcellus had lived, he
would have ta^-en rank amongst the greatest of the Popes. Protestants
praise him, ant the worst enemies of Rome are obliged to concede his
worth. His example was indeed unique ; for the reformation of the
clergy which, as Ranke observes, others talked about, he exhibited in his
own person. He was zealous for a pure administration throughout the
Church. Though, like his father, possessing certain astrological tastes,
he was sincerely devoted to pure science, literature and criticism. He
advocated the reformation of the calendar, in accordance with a plan
devised by his father. At the time the impression went abroad that the
world was to suffer from an universal deluge, a belief which, it is said,
drove Clement VI. to the high grounds of Tivoli, Marcellus, then but
little known, wrote a treatise to dissipate the notion. Amongst his
elegant Latin poems is one " De Somnio Scipionis."' His disposition was
somewhat severe, and he wished to inaugurate strong measures against
the Lutherans and Calvinists; being desirous, also, of reassembling the
Council of Trent. His severity even led him to propose the abolition
of music in the Church ; but when at Easter, Palestrina, then Chapel
Master of the Vatican, composed a Mass for six voices, its effect was so
great that the Pontiff burst into tears. He at once abandoned his
purpose, and the Mass has since been known as the Mass of Pope

THE GLOBE Or VLPIUS

Marcellus II. The fastes of this Pontiff were elegant. He was himself
an accomplished draughtsman, and a good sculptor. He loved to
surround himself with learned and scientific men. Being fond of history
and antiquities it is presumable that he was interested in geography

^eyoteH T" 7 f" '^" ^'°^' "^ ^''P'"^ '''' "^^^^' '542. he was wholly

fl e Vnf- T ; "' ?r'""'' ^''"^' ''^•^'^ "^'^'S^^ ^^-'t'^ the care o'f
the Vatican Library. He was distinguished for his height, though his
figure was spare. His eyes were black, and the expression of his
countenance, according to his portrait and written testimony, was pleas-
ing and agreeable. It is recorded that, while possessing gaiety of dis
position, he seldom laughed. Two medals, described by D'Artaud
were struck in his honor. {"Nisroired.s Sourcrains Pontife/ Romainsr) '
This account of the Life of Pope Marcellus quashes the last indict-
ment drawn against Verrazano, where it is declared : " Eyen the Globe
ol Luphrosynus Vlpius, a name otherwise unknown, is represented
FlnrTr ^^^" ^°"^t'-"<;;^d for Marcellus, who had been archbishop of
1 lorence. They are all the testimony of Florence in her own behalf."
(Murphy s • Verrazzano," p. 150.) As it happens, however, Cervinus
was never Archbishop of Florence, and held no office in that city, which
or generations attempted no recognition of Verrazano, it not bein-
TTri h"' ? xn^-^' ""^ ''""^ Navigator's Letter existed in the archives"

wrth?nv t 7KT' T '"°'' "^'" '^' ^^""^^ °^ Verrazano, is associated
^^ ith an> trauc. The charge is based upon a misconception of the facts

"ictron'r r'-"'"r"'i • V'' ^'"^"'"^"^ •" ^-^^-" ^^ - R---^" pro

u ? "' r 5" "" '"'""'^ '"'-'■ >'"* ^" ''''''''^ t" Marcellus himself, who

uas known for his ability and skill in this kind of work. Neverthele s
by whomsoever it may have been designed, this ancient globe has come
to us from the Eternal City, finding a permanent resting place at last
not without a certa n fine justice, in the great metropolis which looks
out upon the splendid harbor visited and described by him whose name
IS so prominently engraved upon the portion representing the New
Dossess" Zr^ 7 °^ the globe could be written, it would be found to

possess the charms of romance. This may be the very globe that, as
Haklu3-t said, sa..ef/. to be of Verrasanus making," and thich pu;en
Elizabeth was accustomed to consult in the gallery at Westminster If

nnHfV ^?'''"''^''' '' '"""'' England? It certainly went to Spain,
and there, the instrument upon which perhaps more than one Pope read
the decree of his predecessor, Alexander, was finally banished to the
realm of worthless antiquities. Yet it is a rare souvenir of the past It
embodies many of the great aspirations of the sixteenth century' It

THE ULOUE OF VLPIUS

Stands connected with its maritime enterprise and adventure, and
with its naval and geographical romance. It forms an epitome of the
world from the beginning to 1542. Especially does it prove to the
student how the exploration of our continent tried the courage, tested
the endurance, baffled the skill and dissipated the fortunes of some of
the noblest of men.

THE GLOHE uF VLlll':

-1542

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