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Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul clich6, il est filmA A partir de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, an prenant le nombre d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. 'rata o >elure. I a 1 2 3 32 X 1 2 3 4 5 6 c BI Re A*' T^ \-r.. . AND IN ^. ",2. -^ ,...;• ' BRINGING ABOUT RESISTANCE TO THE LAWS; AND EVENTUALLY, /.V COJVCER T WITH A BRITISH FORCEy TO ntiSTROY THE UNION ' OF THE UNITED STATES. ■t MARCH 9, 1812. Read, and referred to the Committct- on Foreign Relations) with power to send for persons, papers and records* WASHINGTON : A. & G. WAY, PRINTERS. 1812. I (»■ To '1 '' •2 men The Stat then neii'; ami( the here cd i vern to tl intri brin in * uni( poll Ii sad cils of I \vhi thel pro Mil / MESSAGE. I To the Senate arid House of Representatives of the United States. I LAY before Congress copies of certain docu- ments which remain in the Department of State. They prove that, at a recent period, whilst the United States, notwithstanding the wrongs sustained by them, ceased not to observe the laws of peace and neufrality towards Gre^t Britain, and in the midst of amicable professions and negotiations on the part of the British government, through its public minister here, a secret agent of that government was employ- ed in certain states, more especially at the seat of go- vernment in Massachusetts, in fomenting disaflPection to the constituted authorities of the nation, and in intrigues with the disaffected, for the purpose of bringing about resistance to the laws, and, eventually, in concert with a British force, of destroying the union, and forming the eastern part thereof into a political connection with Great Britain. In addition to the effect which the discovery of such a procedure ought to have on the public coun- cils, it will not fail to render more dear to the hearts of all good citizens, that happy union of these states, which, under Divine Providence, is the guaranty of their liberties, their safely, their tranquillity, and their prosperity. JAMES MADISON. Mtirc/i 1), 1812. DOCUMENTS. A. [COPY.] PHILADELPHIA, February 20, 1812. SIR, MUCH observation and experience have con- vinced me, that the injuries and insults with which the L^nited States have been so long and so frequently visited, and which cause their present embarrassment, have been owing to an opinion entertained by foreign states, " That in any measure tending to ivoitnd their pride, or provoke their hostility ^ ibe government of this country coidd never induce a great majority of its citi- zens to concur,^'' And, as many of the evils which flow from the influence of this opinion on the policy of foreign nations, may be removed by any act that can produce unanimity among all parties in America, I voluntarily tender to you, sir, such means as I possess towards promoting so desirable and important an object; which, if accomplished, cannot fail to extinguish, perhaps forever, those ex- pectations abroad, which may protract indefinitely an accommodation of existing diflferences, and check the progress of industry and prosperity in this rising empire. I have the honor to transmit, herewith, the docu- ments and correspondence relating to an important mission, in which i was employed by sir James Craig, the late governor general of the British pro- vinces in North America, in the winter of the vear 1809. ■^ I » 3, 1812. lave con- ih which requemly rassment, ly foreign mild their mt of this f its citi' ils which he policy act that TIES IN )ir, such Jesirable iplished, hose ex- efinitely cl check |is rising docU" tportant James Ish pro- Ihe vear The publication of these papers will demonstrate a fact not less valuable than the good already proposed; it will prove that no reliance ought to be placed on the professions of good faith of an administration, which, by a series of disastrous events, has/aiien into such hands as a Castlereagh, a Wellesley or a Liver- pool....! should rather say, into the hands of the stu- pid subalterns, to whom the pleasures and the indo- lence of those ministers have consigned it. In con- tributing to the good of the United States by an ex- position, which cannot (I think) fail to solve and melt all division and disunion among its citizens, I flatter myself with the fond expectation, that when it is made public in England, it will add one great motive to the many that already exist, to induce that nation to withdraw its confidence from men, whose poli- tical CAREER IS A FRUITFUL SOURCE OF IN- JURY AND EMBARRASSMENT IN AmERICA; OF INJUSTICE AND MISERY IN IRELAND ; OF DIS- TRESS AND APPREHENSION IN EngLAND; AND CONTEMPT EVERY WHERE. In making this communication to you, sir, I deem it incumbent on me, distinctly and unequivocally to state, that I adopt no party views ; that I have not changed any of my political opinions ; that I neither seek nor desire the patronage, nor countenance of any government, nor of any party ; anr! tha ^i ad- dition to the motives already expressed, I am i> flu- ENCED by a JUST RESENTMENT OF THE PERFIDY AND DISHONOR OF THOSE WHO FIRST VIOLATED THE CONDITIONS UPON WHICH I REC E IVED THEIR confidence; who have injured me and disappoint- ed the expectations of my friends ; and left me no choice, but between a degrading acquiescence in njustice, and a retaliation which is necessary to se- cure to me my own respect. This wound will be felt where it is merited ; and if SIR James Craig still live, his share of the pain 6 will excite no sympathy among those who are at all in the secret of our connection. I have the honor to be, Sir, your obedient servant, &c &c. (Signed) J. HENRY. To James Monroe^ esquire^ Secretary of State, No. I. [COPY.] Mr. Ryland^ Secretary to Sir James Craig, Go- vernor General of Canada, to Mr, Henry. Most secret and conHdential. QUEBEC, January 26, 1809. MY DEAR SIR, THE extraordinary situation of things at this time in the neighbouring states, has suggested to the governor in chief, tiie idea of employing you on a secret and confidential mission to Boston, provided an arrangement can be made to meet the important end in view, without throwing an absolute obstacle in the way of your professional pursuits. The information and political observations heretofore recci'oed from you, were transmitted by his excellency to the secretary of statCx ivho has expressed his parti- cular approbation of them ; and there is no doubt that your able execution of such a ?nission as I have above suggested, would give you claim, not only on the gover- nor general, but on his majesty'' s ministers, \vhicl\ might eventually contribute to your advantage. You will have the goodness therefore to acquaint me, for e at all :c. SIRY. lig, Go- enry. his excellency's information, whether you could make it convenient to engage in a mission of this nature, and what pecuniary assistance would be requisite to enable vou to undertake it without injury to your- self At present it is only necessary for me to add, that the governor would furnish you with a cipher for car- rying on your correspondence ; and that in case the leading party in any of the states wished to open a communication with this government, their views might be communicated through you. I am, with great truth and regard. My dear sir, Your most faithful, humble servant, (Signed) HERMAN W. RYLAND. L 1809. lings at iggested iploying Boston, lect the ibsolute ursuits. ?retqfore ccellency IS parti' uht that )€ above e gover-' which . You mc, for I I No. II. [COPY.] Sir James Craig, Governor General of Canada, to Mr. Henry. Most secret and confidential. QUEBEC, 6th February, 1809. SIR, AS you have so readily undertaken the ser« vice which I have suggested to you, as being likely to be attended with much benefit to the public in- terests, I am to request that with your earliest con* vcniency, you will proceed to Boston, The principal object that I recommend to your attention, is the endeavor to obtain the most accu- 8 rate information of the true state of affairs in that part of the union, which from its weahh, the number of its inhabitants, and the known intelligence and ability of several of its leading men, must naturally possess a very considerable influence over, and will indeed probably lead the other eastern states of America in the part that they may take at this important crisis. I shall not pretend to point out to you the mode by which you will be most likely to obtain this important information ; your own judgment and the connec- tions which you may have in the town, must be your guide. I think it however necessary to put you on your guard against the sanguineness of an aspiring party ; the federalists, as I understand, have at all times discovered a leaning to this disposition, and their being under its particular influence at this mo- ment, is the more to be expected from their having no ill founded ground for their hopes of being nearer the attainment of their object than they have been for some years past. In the general terms which I have made use of in describing the object which I recommend to your at- tention, it is scarcely necessary that I should observe, I include the state of the public opinions, both with regard to their internal politics, and to the probability of a war with England ; the comparative strength of the two great parties into which the country is divid- ed, and the views and designs of that which may ulti- mately prevail. It has been supposed that if the federalists of the eastern states should be successful in obtaining that decided influence, which may enable them to direct the public opinion, it is not improbable that rather than submit to a continuance of the difiiculties and distress to which they are now subject, they will ex- ert that influence to bring about a separation from the general union. The earliest information on this sub- ject may be of great consequence to our government. •^m .(■ 9 hat part mber of i ability possess indeed lerica in :risis. node by nportant connec- be your t you on aspiring re at all ion, and this mo- ' having ig nearer been for ise of in your at- observe, oth with bability ength of lis divid- ay ulti- |s of the ^ng that ;o direct t rather [ties and Iwill ex- ifom the (lis sub. nment, ■^?' as it may also be, that it should be informed hotstfcu- In such an event they would look up to England for assistance or be disposed to enter into a con- nection ivitb us» Although it would be highly inexpedient that you should in any manner appear as an avowed agent, yet if you could contrive to obtain an intimacy with any of the leading party, it may not be improper that yoil should insinuate, though with great caution, that if they should wish to enter into any communication with our government through me, you are authorized to re- ceive any such^ and will safely transmit it to me; and as it may not be impossible that they should require some document by which they may be assured that you are really in the situation in which you represent yourself, I enclose a credential to be produced in that view ; but I most particularly enjoin and direct that you do not make any use of this paper, unless a de- sire to that purpose should be expressed, and unless you see good ground for expecting that the doing so may lead to a more confidential communicationy than you caa otherwise look for. In passing through the state of Vermont, you will of course exert your endeavors to procure all the in- formation that the short stay you will probably make there will admit of. You will use your own discre- tion as to delaying your journey, with this view, more or less, in proportion to your prospects of obtaining any information of consequence. I request to hear from you as frequently as possible, and as letters directed to me might excite suspicion, it may be as well that you put them under cover to Mr. — , and as even the addressing letters al- ways to the same person might attract notice, I re- commend your sometimes addressing your packet to the chief justice here, or occasionally, though seldom^ 2 10 to Mr. Ryland, but never with the addition of his of- ficial description. I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, (Signed) J. H. CRAIG. John Henry, Esq. No. III. Copy of the " Credential given by Sir Jame^ Craig to Mr. Henry. (Seal.). ...The bearer, Mr. John Henry, is em- ployed by me, and full confidence may be placed in him for any communication which any person may wish to make to me in the business committed to him. In faith of which I have given him this under my hand and seal at Quebec, the 6th day of February, 1809. (Signed) J.H.CRAIG. 3 No. IV. Copies of the letters from Mr. Henry to sir Jaines Craig, rt' latinp; to his mission to the United States, in the year 1809. No. 1. Answer to the letter of Mr. Secretary Ryland^ proposing the mission^ &c. MONTREAL, January 51, 1809. SIR, I Ikivc to acknowledge the favor of your lettei of ilic 2Glh instant, written by the desire of hisexcl ^ii 11 f his of- AIG. y^ amea IS em- laced in on may I to Iiim. nder my ebruary, [G. Craig, rt- tr 180y. lylancU 1809. jr lettej sexc'l- lency the governor in chief, and hasten to express, through you to his excellency, my readiness to com- ply with his wishes. I need not add how very flattering it is to receive from his excellency the assurance of the approbation of his majesty's secretary of state, for the very hum- ble services that I may have rendered. If the nature of thie service in which I am to be engaged will require no other disbursements than ibr my individual expenses, I do not apprehend that these can exceed my private resources. I shall be ready to take my departure before my in- structions can be made out. 1 have the honor to be, &c. J. HENRY. H. W. Ryland, Esq. &c. &c. No. 2. To his excellency the governor general, &c, in atiswer to his letter of instriictionsy ^e. MONTREAL, February 10, 1809. SIR, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency's letter of instructions, the letter of credence, and the cipher for carrying on my cor. respondence. I have bestowed much pains upon the cipher, and am, notwithstanding this, deficient in some point which might enable me to understand it clear, ly. I have compared the example with my own ex- emplification of the cipher, and find a diflercnce in the results ; and as the present moment seems favora- ble to the interference of his majesty's government in 'ho measures pursued by the federal party in the I f 12 northern states, and more especially as the assembly of Massachusetts is now in session, I think it better to set forward immediately, than wait for any further explanation of the means of carryinf^ on a secret cor- respondence, which the frequency of safe private con- veyances to Canada will render almost wholly unne- cessary. Should it however be necessary at any time, I take leave to suggest that the index alone furnishes a very safe and simple mode. In it there is a number for every letter in the alphabet, and particular num- bers for particular phrases : so that when I do not find in the index the particular word I want, I can spell it with the figures which stand opposite to the letters. For example, if I want to say that " troops are at Al- bany," I find under the letter *♦'!'" that number 16 stands for •* troops" and number 125 for " Albany." The intervening words '•'• are af^ I supply by figures corresponding with the letters in these words. It will be necessary to provide against accident by addressing the letters to Mr. , of Montreal, with a small mark on the corner of the envelope, which he will understand. When he receives it, he will then address the inclosurc to your excellency, and send it from Montreal by mail. I will be careful not to address your excellency in the body of the let- ter nor sign my name to any of them They will be merely designated by the initi»»ls A. B. If this mode should in any respect appear exception- able, your excellency will have the goodness to order a more particular explanation of the card. It would reach me in safety inclosed to I have the honor to be, Boston. With profound res[)cct, Your ex'^:ellency*s most ob't serv't, gtc. J. h1':nuy. lo No BURLINGTON, VERMONT, February 14, 1809. SIR, I have remained here two days in order fully to ascertain the progress of the arrangements heretofore made, for organizing an efficient opposition to the ge- neral government, as well as to btcome acquainted with the opinions of the leading people, relative to the measures of that party which has the ascendant in the national councils. On the subject of the embargo laws there seems to be but one opinion : namely, that they are unneces- sary, oppressive and unconstitutional. It must also be observed that the execution of them is so invidious as to attract towards the officers of government the en- mity of the people, which is of course transferable to the government itself; so that in case the state of Mas- sachusetts should take any bold step towards resist- ing the execution of these laws, it is highly probable that it may calculate upon the hearty co-operation of the people of Vermont. I learn that the governor of this state is now visit, ing the towns in the northern section of it, and makes no secret of his determination, as commander in chief of the militia, to refuse obedience to any command from the general government which can tend to interrupt the good understanding that prevails between the citizens of Vermont and his majesty's subjects in Canada. It is further intimated, that, in case of a war, he will use his influence to preserve this state neutral, and resist, with all the force he can command, any attempt to make it a party. I need not add, that if these resolutions arc carried into ef- fect, the state of Vermont may be considered a-^ an ally of Great Britain. To what extent the sentiments which prevail in this quarter exist in the neighboring states, or even 4.1 u 111 the eastern section of this state, I am not able to conjecture. I only can say, with certainty, that the leading men of the federal party act in concert; and, therefore, infer, that a common sentiment pervades the whole body throughout New England. I have seen a letter from a gentleman now at Wash- ington to his correspondent in this place ; and as its contents may serve to throw some light on passing events there, I shall send either the original or a copy with this despatch. The writer of the letter is a man of character and veracity ; and whether competent or not to form correct opinions himself is probably with- in the reach of all the knowledge that can be obtain- ed by the party to which he belongs. It appears by his statement that there is a very formidable majority in congress on the side of the administration; notwith- standing which, there is every reason to hope, that the northt rn states, in their distinct capacity, will unite and resist bv force a war with Great Britain. In what mode this resistance will first shew itself, is probably not yet determined upon, and may, in some measure, depend upon the reliance that the leading men may place upon assurances of support from his majesty's representative in Canada ; and as 1 shall be on the spot to tender this whenever the moment arrives that it can be done with eftect, there is no doubt that all their measures may be made subordinate to the inten- tions of his majesty's government. Great pains are taken by the mm of talents and intelligence to con. film the fears of the common people, as to the con. currence of the southern democrats in the projects of France ; and every thing tends to cticourag'^ the be- lief, that the dissolution of the conlederacy will be accelerated by the spirit which now actuates both pp. litical parties. I am, &c. A. B. 1 lot able to y, that the cert; and, t pervades f at Wash- and as its n passing or a copy r is a man npetent or ably with* be obtain- ppears by ; majority ; notwilh- e, that the I unite and In what i probably measure, men may majesty's be on the rives that }t that all the iiiten« pains are ;c to con- I the con> rojccts ol c the be- will be both pp» . a I 15 No. 4. WINDSOR, VERMONT Febr uary 19. 1809. SIR, MY last (No. 3.) was written at Burlington, the principal town in the northern part of the state of Vermont. I am now at the principal town in the eastern section. The fallacy of men's opinions when they act under the influence of sensibility, and are strongly excited by those hopes which always animate a rising party, led me to doubt the correctness of the opinions which I received in the northern section of this state ; which, from its contiguity to Canada and necessary inter- course with Montreal, has a stronger interest in pro- moting a good understanding with his majesty's go- vernment. Therefore, since my departure from Bur- lington, I have sought every favorable occasion of conversing with the democrats on the probable result of the policy adopted by the general government. The difference of opinion is thus expressed. The federal party declare, that in the event of a war, the state of Vermont will treat separately for itself with Great Britain ; and support to the utmost the stipulations into which it may enter without any regard to the policy of the general government. The democrats on the other hand assert, that, in such a case as that contemplated, the pcoi)le would be nearly divided into equal numbers ; one of which would support the government if it could be done without involving the people in a civil war; but at all events would risk every thing in preference to a coLiiition with Great Britain. This difference of opinion is not to be wholly ascribed to the prejudices of party. The people in the eastern section of Vermont are not operated upon by the same hopes and fears as those on the borders of the British colony. They «;■ M ivd w I; ii'ii ;i 10 afe not dependent on Montreal for the sale of their produce nor the supply of foreign commodities. They are not apprehensive of any serious dangers Or inconvenience from a state of war; and although they admit that the governor, council and three-fourths of the representation in congress are of the federal party, yet they do not believe that the state would stand alone and resist the national government. They do not however deny, that should the state of Vermont continue to be represented as it is at present, it would in all probability unite with the neighboring states, in any serious plan of resistance to a war, which it might seem expedient to adopt. This 1 think is the safer opinion for you to rely on ; if indeed reliance ought to be placed on any measure depending on the will of the rabble, which is ever changing and must ever be marked with ignorance, caprice and in- constancy. As the crisis approaches, the difficulty of deciding upon a hazardous alternative will in* crease ; and unfortunately there is not in Vermont any man of commanding talents, .capable of attracting general conjidence ; of infusing into the people his own spirit ; and, amidst the confusion of conflictin opinions, dangers and commotion, competent to lea in the path of duty or safety. The governor is a prudent, industrious man, and has more personal in- fluence than any other : but his abilities are not suited to the situation in which a civil war would placr him. t am, &c. /V% B« $ '( 1 ■ it. 17 ig states, which it tic is the reliance iding on ;ing and : and in- difficuhy will in* nont any ttracting sple his inflicting It to lead rnor is a ional in- )t suited placr B, No. 5. AMHERST, N. H. February 23, 1S09. SIR, A gentleman pjoing direct to Canada, aflbrds a safe and iavorable opjiortunity of giving you some further accoiuit of my prc^gress. I will not make use of the post offices, when 1 can avoid ; because pri- vate occasions supersede the necessity of writing in ciplier ; and the contempt of decency and principle, which forms part of the morals of the subaltern offi- cers of a democracy, would incline them to break a seal with the same ii.difterence that they break their words, when either curiosity or interest is to be in- dulged. I have not had suflicient time nor evidence, to enable me to form any opinion for myself of the lengths to which the feciei ai party vv ill carry their op- position to the national [government in the t.vent of a war. Much may be inferred from the result of the elections of governors, which wiilrin two month-, will be made in the states of Massachusetts, New Hainp- shire and Rhode Iblancl. From all 1 know and all I cai\ learn of the ge;ieral government, 1 am not appre- hensive of an immediate war. I'he enibargo is the favorite measure ; and it is probable that other means will be employed to excite Kngland to coniinit some acts of hostility, for the sole purpose of plaeiug the re- sponsibility of war on tliat country : this I most par- ticularly recommend to the eonsider.ition of ministerg. The dread of opposition, and of the loss of popularity, will certainly keep the 'uliiif^ p.iity at VVashingtorun- activc. They will risk any ihin-^' but the loss of power ; and they are well aw.re tlul ilmr power would pass away with the first calamity which their lueusurcH kii; V 18 Jtiight brine^ upon the common people (from whom that poTV'er emanates,) unless indeed they could find a sufficient excuse in the conduct of Great Britain. This impression cannot be too deeply felt by his mnjestv's ministers ; nor too widely spread throughout the Bri- tish nation. It will furnish a sure guide in every po- licy that may be adopted towards the United States. I have the honor to be, &c. A. B» f i No. 6. BOSTON, March 5, 1809. SIR, I am favored with another opportunity of writing to you by a private conveyance ; and think it proba- ble, at this season, that the frequency of these will render it unnecessary to write to you in cipher. It does not yet appear necessary, that 1 should dis- cover to any person he purpose of my visit to Boston; nor is it probable that I shall be compelled, for the sake of training more knowledge of the arrangements of tire iederai parly in these states, to avow myself as a regular authorized agent of the British government, even to those iiiHvi' vials who would feel equally bound with myscli to preserve, with the utmost in- scruiability, so important a secret from the public eye. / //a'oe sujficicnt means of information to enable me to judre of the proper pet iod for offering the co operation of Great Britain, and opening a correspondence between tie goiicrnor general of British America and those in- dividtia/s ivho from the part they take in the opposition $0 the national government f or the ir^/iucnce tiey may m 4 # ^r- •.^. f 19 possess in any Tieiv order of things, that may grov) out of the present differences, should be quaiincd lo act on behalf of the northern olaies. An apprehension of any such state of thiui^s, as is pre-supposed by these remarks, bejrinb to subside, since it has ai)peared, by the condiu ■ of the g' ntral ^ov.crnment, that it is seriously iJcuTivd at the menacing attitude of the northern staus. B'lt although it is believed that there is no prc<: ''.'.y of an immediate war, yet no doubts are cnten. ; i, that Mr Madison will flUl upon sonic new exp u- ts to bring about hostilities. Wb.at these ivay hi c;in only be deduced from whfit appears to b.- iiiMctioa'/le. A non-intercour'se with England anr' Fiance will probably supersede the em- bargo ; whi' h, bv opening with the rest of Europe a partial legitimate commerce, and affording strong temptj^iions to that which is illegal, will expose the vessels to capture, detention and embarrassment; will justify the present policy, and produce such a degree of irritation and resentment aSsAvill enable the govern- ment of this country to throw the whole blame and responsibility of war from its own shoulders upon those of the British ministry. If in this, the party attached to France should calculate with correctness, and the commerce of New England should greatly suffer ; the merchants, being injured and discouraged', would not only acquiesce in the restrictive system, but even submit to war. > On the other hand, should the small traffic permitted by a non-intercourse law be lucrative and uninterrupted, the people would be clamorous for more, and soon compel the government to restore the friendly relations between the two coun- tries. While I offer my opinion upon this subject, I cannot but express a strong hope, that if any terms should be proposed by either government, to which the other might think proper to accede, that a prin. cipal motive to the adjustment of differences should ,be understood to arisic from the amicable disposition 20 K !l m t of the eastern states, particularly of the state of Mas- sachuseris. This, as it would increase ihe popularity of the friends of Great Britain, could not fail to pro- mote her interests. If it could not be done formally and oflioially, nor in a correspondence between minis- ters, still i^erhaps the administration in the parliament of Great Britain might take that ^;round, and the sug- gestion would find its way into the papers both in England and America. It cannot be t'>o frequendy repeated, that this coun- try can only be governed and directed by the influence of opinion ; as there is nothing permanent in its poli- tical institutions, nor are the populace under any cir- cumstances to be rehed on, when measures become inconvenient and burdensome. I will soon write again, and am. Sec. A. B. (In Cipher.) SIR, No. 7. BOSTON, March 7, 1809. I have now ascertained, with as much accura- cy as possible, the course intended to be pursued by the party in Massachusetts that is opposed to the measuies and politics of the administration of the general government. I have already given a decided opinion that a de- claration of war is not to be expected ; but, contrary to all reasonable calculation, should the congress possess spirit and independence enougli to place tlieir popularity in jt opardy l)y so Mrong a measure, the legislature of Massachusetts will \^i\c the tone to the ,H''r 'h\ ^** i 21 % neighboring slates; will declare itself permanent until a new election of members ; invite a congress, to be composed of delegates from the federal slates, and erect a separate government for their common defence and common interest. Tliis congress would probably begin by abrogating the oftcnsivt laws, and adopting a plan for the main- tenance of the power and authority thus assumed. They would by such an act be in a condition to make or receive proposals from Great Britain ; and I should seize the first moment to open a correspondence with your excellency. Scarce any other aid would be ne- cessary, and perhaps none required, than a few vessels of war from the Halifix station, to protect the mari- time towns from the little navy which is at the dispo- sal of th? national government. What permanent connection between Great Britain and this section of the republic would grow out of a civil commotion, such as might be expected, no person is prepared to describe ; but it seems that a strict alliance must re- sult of necessity. At present the opposition party confint their calculations merely to resistance ; and I can assure you that at this moment they do not freely enteitain the project of withdrawing the eastern states from the union, finding it a very unpopular topic ; aU though a course of events, such as I have already mentioned, would inevitably produce an incurable alienation of the New-England from the southern states. The truth is, the common people have so Jong regarded the constitution of the United States with complacency, that ihey are now only disposed in this quarter to treat it like a truant mistress, whom tiicy would for a time put away on a separate main- tcnance, but, without farther and greater provocation, would not absolutely repudiate. It will soon be known in what situation public affairs are to remain until the meeting ot the new congress in May j at which time also this K-gislaturc h< si 22 tvill again assemble. The two months that intervene will \tt p period of much anxiety. In all I have written, I have been careful not to make any impression analogous t > the enthusiastic confidence entertained by the opposition, nor to the hope's and expf'cfatioris that animate the friends of an allianLi Ix t'vtf^n the northern states and Great Britain. I have abstractc d unsp'.f from all the sympathies these are calculated to inspire : because, notwithstan'^?rr< that I feel im utmost confidence in the inter;;. '^ the n . intention of the American goverr." • :. Aa ,.assing it. But as the sortof impunity recommended might, in its applica- tion to every species of commerce that would be car- rivfd on, be deemed by Great Britain a greater evil than war itself, a middle course might be easily adopted, ■^B whici from! degrj Til fumil be uf But whic| comi Britil theft a coi pros( shou ownt marls save I in a to E prod Unit beco to re resol racy, wou the 1 to c lone 'I anc( oftl 1 intt niq ^3 lat intervene reful not to enthusiastic , nor to the friends of an reat Britain, •athies thcKO 'ithstan'^'i'^ inte[?/!ty oi lis p'llity.'al oeir powjr unless in 1 an excp- v^Uact in- A. B. ISC^. to express rion-inter- the mr:!e intention 3ut as the applica. Id be car- • evil than adopted, I A which would deprive Frar ce of the benefits resulting from an . interoo'irs with America, without, in any degree, irritating the maritime states. The high pricr of all American produce in France furnishes a temptation which mercantile avarice will be unable to resisc. The conbcquence is obvious. But if, mstead of condemning the vessels and cargoes which may be arrested in pursuing this prohibited commerce, they should I.^e comp« lied to go into a British port, and there permitted to sell them, 1 think the friends of England in these states would not utter a complaint. Indeed, I have no doubt that if, in the prosecution of a lawful voyage, the British cruisers should treat the American ships in this manner, their owners would, in the present state of the European markets, think themselves very fortunate, as it would save them the trouble and expense of landinr them in a neutral port, and from thtnce re-shippirg them to England, now the best market in Europe for the produce of this country. The government rf the United States would probably complain and Bona .larte become peremptory ; but even that would only tend to render the opposition in the northern states more resolute and acrekrate the dissolution of the confede- racy. The gei.'erorJty and justice of Great Britain would be extolled, and the* commercial states exult in the successof individu; !;> over a government inimical to commerce, aod to wiiose measures they can no longer submit with patiejit acquiescence. The elections are begun ; and I presume no vigil- ance or industry will be remitted to insure the success of the federal party. I lAm, he. A.B. P. S. Intelligence has ceached Boston that a non- intercourse law has actually passed, and that Marti- nique has 5.urrendercd to the British forces. 24 No. 9. I I. I I : BOSTON, March 13, 1809. SIH, You will perceive from tlie accounts that will reach you in the public papers boih from Washing- ton and Massachusetts, th;»t the federalists of ihc northern states have succeeded in maknig the con. gress believe, that with such an opposition as tliey would make to the general government, a war must be confined to their own territory, and might be even too much for that government to sustain. Tlie con- sequence is, that after all the parade and men;ices with which the session commenced, it has been suffered to end without carrying into effect any of the plans of the administration, rxcept the interdiction of commer- cial intercourse with England and Frunce, an event that was anticipated in my former letters Under what new circumstmces the congress will meet in May, will depend on the state ekciions and the changes that may in iht mean time take place in Kurope. With regard to Great Britain, she can scarce mistake her true policy in relation to America. If peace be the first object, every act which can irritate the maritime stiltes ought to be avoided ; be- cause the prevailing disposition of tluse will gciu ral- ly be sufficient to keep the government from hazard- ing any hostile measure. II" a war between Ami rica and France be a grand desideratum, something more must be done : an indulgent and conciliatory policy must be adopted, which will have the di mocrais with, out a pretext for hostilities, and Bonaparte whosi- pas- sions are too hot for delay, will probably compel this governn»cnt to dicide wlii(!fl\ ol' the two great bellige. rents is to be its enemy. To bring about a separa- ion of the states, under distiiv.t and independent go. i 25 s that will Washing- ■sts (if ihc r the con. )n as they war must ht In- (.veil Tlie con- naces with m suffered he plans of if coinmcr- ;, an event grcss will lions and e place in , she can America. Ivhich can iiUd ; be- ll ^ciu ral- n hazaid- Ami rica |nng more )ry policy rais with- hosi' pas- mpel iWib »t iK'Hi^'C. a separa- lnd»;nt j^o. % vernments, is an aB\\r of more uncertainty ; and, however desirable, cannot be effected but by a series of acts and a long continued policy, tending to irritate the southern and conciliate the northern people. The former are agricultural, the latter a commercial peo. pie. The mode of cherishing and depressing either is too obvious to require illustration. This, I am aware, is an object of much interest in Great Britain, as it would forever secure the integrity of his majes- ty's possessions on this continent, and make the two governments, or whatever number the present con- federacy might form into, as useful and as much sub- ject to the influence of Great Britain as her colonies can be rendered. But it is an object only to be at- tained by slow and circumspect progression, and re- quires for its consummation more attention to the af- fairs which agitate and excite parties in this ccuntry, than Great Britain has yet bestowed upon it. An tmpopular war — that is, a war produced by the hatred and prejudices of one party, but against the consent of the other parly, can alone produce a sudden sepa- tion of any section of this country from the common head. At all events, it cannot be necessary to the preser- vation of peace, that Great Britain should make any great concession at the present moment ; more espe- cially as the more important changes that occur in Europe might render it inconvenient for her to ad- here to any stipulations in favor of neutral maritime nations. Although the non-intercourse law affords but a very partial relief to the people of this country from the evils of that entire suspension of commerce to which they have reluctantly submitted for some time past, I lament the repeal of the embargo, because it was calculated to accelerate the progress of these states towards a revolution that would have nut an end to the only republic that remains to prove that a govern- 4 if !'■) 26 Qtent founded on political equality can exist in a sea- son >f trial and difficulty, or is calculated to insure dthcr security or happiness to a people. I am, &c. A. B. I" w Ml No. 10. BOSTON, March 29, 1800. SIR, Since my letter of the 13th, nothing has occur- red which I thought worthy of a communication The last weeks of this month and the first oi .i,ril will be occupied in the election of governf>rs und other executive officers, in the New England slates. The federal candidate in New Hampshire is already elected, by a majority of about 1000 votes. His competitor was a man of large fortune, extensive connexions and inofiensivc manners. These account for the smallncss of the majority. In Connecticut, no change is necessary, and none is to be apprehended. In Rhode Island, it is of no consequence of what party the governor is a member, as he has neither ci- vil nor military power, being merely president of the council. In Massachusetts, it is certain that the federal can- didate will succeed. A few weeks will be sufficient, in order to deter- mine the relative strength of parties, and convince Mr. Madison that a war with Great Britain is not a measure upon which he dare v^-nlure. Since the plan of an organized opposition to the projects of Mr. Jcffiirson was put into operation, the whole of the 1 ^ New England states have transferred their political power to his pulitical enemies ; and the reason that he has still so many adherents is, that those who consider the only true policy of America to consist in the cuU tivatiun of peace, have still great confidence, that nothing can force him (or his successor, who acts up to his system, or rather is governed by it) to consent to war. They consider all the menaces and " dread* ful note of preparation" to be a mere finesse, intended only to obtain concessions from England on cheap terms. From every sort of evidence, I confess I am myself of the s ^entments of the democrats of this country. I am, See. A. B. No. 11. BOSTON, April 13, 1809. SIK, I send to Mr. R. n pamphlet entitled •' Sup. pressed Documents.'' The notes and comments were written by the gentleman who has vvrirtrn the ''- analysis," which 1 sent by a furmcr convcyanoe. Il i 28 These works have greatly contributed to excite the fears of the men of talents and property, who now prefer the chance of 'maintaining their party by open resistance and a final separation^ to an alliance with France and a war with England : so that, should the government, unexpectedly and contrary to all reason- able calculation, attempt to involve the country in a measure of that nature, I am convinced (now that the elections have all terminated favorably) that none of the New England states would be a party in it. But, as I have repeatedly written, the general government does not seriously entertain any such desire or inten- tion. Had the majority in the New England states continued to approve of the public measures, it is extremely probable that Great Britain would now have to choose between war and concession. But the aspect of things in this respect is changed ; and a war would produce an incurable alienation of the eastern states, and bring the whole country in subor- dination to the interests of England, whose navy would prescribe and enforce the terms upon which the commercial states should carry, and the agricul- tural states export, their surplus produce. All this is as well known to the democrats as to the other party ; therefore they will avoid a war, at least until the whole nation is unanimous for it. Still, when we consider of what materials the government is formed, it is impossible to speak with any certainty of their measures. The past administration, in every trans- action, presents to the mind only a muddy commix- ture of fjlly, weakness and duplicity. The spell, by which the nations of Europe have been rendered inert and ineflieicnt when they attempted to shake it off', has stretched its shadows across the Atlantic, and made a majority of the pt oi)le of these states alike blind to duty and their true interests. I am, Sec. A. B. 29 excite the who now ty by open ance with ihoul4 the ill reason- untry in a w that the at none of lit. But, 3vernment ; or inten- and states jres, it is ould now lion. But iged; and on of the in subor- lose navy >on which le agricul- All this the other least until , when we is formed, of their ery trans- commix- The spell, rendered o shake it antic, and ales alike fc . , ' ■: 1, . No. 12. ^■. BOSTON, April 26, 1809. SIR, , :: .:'\ Since my letter No. 11, I have had but little to communicate. I have not yet been able to ascertain with sufficient accuracy the relative strength of the two parties in the legislative bodies in New England. In all of Uiese states, however, governors have been elected out of the federal party, and even the southern papers indicate an unexpected augmentation of federal members in the next congress. The correspondence between Mr. Erskine and the secretary of state at Washington, you will have seen before this can reach you. It has given much satis- faction to the federal party here ; because it promises an exemption from the evil they most feared (a war with England) and justifies their partiality towards Great Britain, which they maintain was founded upon a full conviction of her justice and sincere disposition to preserve peace. Even the democrats affect to be satisfied with it, because, as they insist, it proves- the efficacy of the restrictive system of Mr. Jefferson. But the great benefit that will probably result from it, will be, that Bonaparte may be induced to force this country from her neutral position. Baffled in his attempts to exclude from the continent the manufac- tures of Great Brita'.n, he will most likely confiscate all American property in his dominions and depen- dencies, and declare war. Nothing could, more than this, contribute to give influence and stability to the British party. The invidious occurrences of the re- bellion would be forgotten in the resentment of the people against France ; and they would soon be wean- ed from that attuchmcut to her which is founded on the . B. '«''!:; fl \'\ ' I ■. ao aid that was rendered to separate from the mother country. While Great Brita^rf' waits for this natural, I might say necessary resuh of the negotiation, would it not be extremely inexpedient to conclude a treaty with the American government ? Every sort of evidence and experience prove, that the democrats consider their political ascendancy in a great measure dependent on the hostile spirit that they can keep ahve towards Great Britain, and recent events demonstrate that their conduct will be predicated upon that conviction : it is therefore not to be expected that they will meet with corresponding feelings a sincere disposition on the part of England to adjust all matters in dispute. They are at heart mortified and disappointed to find that Great Britain has been in advance of the French government in taking advantage of the provisional clauses of the non-intercourse law ; and if they shew any spirit at the next session of congress towards I'Vance, it will be only because they will find Bonaparte deaf to in- treaty and insensible of past favors ; or that they may think it safer to float with the tide of public feeling which will set strongly against him, unless he keep pari passu witli England in a conciliatory policy. I am, &c. A.B. No. 13. BOSTON, May 5, 1809. SIR, Although the recent clianges that have occur, red quift all apprehension of war, and consequently lessen aii hope of a separation of the slates, 1 think it 31 iiecessary to transmit by the mail of each week a sketch of passing events. On local politics I have nothing to add : and as the parade that is madie in the National Intelligencer of the sincere disposition of Mr. Madison to preserve amicable relations with Great Britain is, in my opi> nion, calculated to awaken vigilance and distrust, ra> ther than inspire confidtnce, I shall (having nothing more important to write about) take leave to examine his motives. I am not surprised at his conditional removal of the non- intercourse law with respect to G. Britain, because it was made incumbent on him by the act of congress; but the observations made on his friendly disposition towards G. Britain is a matter of no little astonishment. The whole tenor of his political life directly and unequivocally contradicts them. His speech on the British treaty in 1799; his attempt to pass a law for the confiscation of "British debts" and British property ; his commercial resolutions ground- ed apparently on an idea of mak'n.g America useful as a colony ^o France; his conduct while secretary of state; 3II form an assemblage of probabilities tendii.g to con- vince me, at least, that he does not seriously desire a treaty in which the rights and pretensions of G. Bri- tain would be fairly recognized. It seems impossible that he should, at once, divest himself of his habitual animosity and that pride of opinion, which his pre- sent situation enables him to indulge; but above all that he should deprive his friends and suppor- tcrs of the benefit of those prejudices which have been carefully fostered in the minds of the common people towards England, and which have so ma- terially contributed to invigorate and augment the democratic party. Whatever his real motives may be, it is in this stage of the affair, harmless enough to inquire into the cause of the apparent change. He probably acts under a conviction that in the present temper of the eastern states, a war could not fail to n 32 produce a dissolution of the union ; or he may have profited by the mistakes of his predecessor ; and is inclined to seize the present opportunity to prove to the world that he is determined to be the president of a nation rather than the head of a faction ; or he has probably gone thus far to remove the impression on the mind of many that he was under the influertce of France, in order that he may with a better grace and on more tenable grounds quarrel with Great Biitain in the progress of negotiating a treaty. Whatever his motives may be, I am very certain his party will not support him in any manly and generous policy. Weak men are sure to temporise when great events call upon them for decision, and are sluggish and inert at the moment when the worst of evils is inaction. This is the character of the democrats in the northern states. Of those of the south, I know but little. I am, &c. A. B. I ■: No. 14. BOSTON, May 25, 1809. SIR, My last was under date of the 5th inst. The unexpected change that has taken place in the feelings of political men in this country, in consequence o'" Mr, Madison's prompt acceptance of the friendly proposals of Great Britain, has caused a temporary suspension of the conflict of parties; and they both fei^ard him with equal wonder and distrust. They all ascribe his conduct to various motives, but none believe him to be in earnest. nay have r ; and is prove to ;sident of )r he has ession on luertce of jrace and It Britain iVhatever party will IS policy, at events I and inert inaction. ; northern little. . B. S0 The state of New York has returned to the assein- bly a majority of federal members. All ihis proves that an anii-commeroial faction cannot rule the northern states. Two months ago, the state of New York was not ranked among the states that would adopt the policy of that of Massachusetts ; and any favorable change was exceedingly problematical. I beg leave to suggest, that in the present state of things in this country, my presence can contribute very litde to the interests of Great Britain. If Mr. Erskine be sanctioned in all he has conceded, by his majesty's ministers, it is unnecessary for me, as in- deed it would be unavailing, tn make any attempt to carry into effect the original purposes of mv mission. While I think it to be my duty to give this miimation to you, I beg it may be understood that I consider myself entirely at the disposal of his majesty's go- vernment. I am, &c. A. B. ■1 i 18G9. H. The feelings uence o<" friendly mporary ley both They )ut none No. 15. MONTREAL, June 12, 1809. I have the honor to inform your excellency iliat i received, through Mr. secretary Ryland, your excellency's commands to return to Canada, and, after the delays incidtnt to this season of the year, in a journey from Boston, arrived here yesterday. Your excellency will have seen by the papers of the latest dates from the United Stales, that a formidable opposition is already organized in congress to the late measures of Mr, Madison ; and it is very evident, that if he be sincere in. the professions of attachment 5 \i\ ^__ 34 ;| n\ lo Great Britain, his party will abandon him. Sixty, one members have already voted against a resolution to approve of what he has done ; and I have no doubt the rest ot the democratic party will follow the example, as soon as they recover from the astonish- ment iiito which his apparent defection has thrown them. The present hopes of the federalists are founded on the probability of a war with France; but, at all events, the party is stronger and well organized enough to prevent a war with England. It would be now superfluous to trouble your excellency with an ac- count of the nature and extent of the arrangesTients made by the federal party, to resist any attempt of the government unfavorable to Greav Bi irnin. They were such as do credit to their ability and principles; and while a judicious policy is observed by Great Britain, secure her interests in America from decay. My fear of inducing a fiilse security on the part of his majesty's government in thfir efficiency and even- tual success, may have inclined me to refrain from doing them that justice in my former letters, which I willingly tike the present ncc:r)s'hn. to mv I value robation same re- iq. dated 35 May 1st, 1809, relating; to the mission in which I was er ployed bv Sir Jamts Craig, by his letter of in- structi*)nh bearing date February 6. 1809. (Signed) JOHN HENRY. No. V. (COPY.) Mr. Ryland to Mr. Henry. QUEBEC, 1st May, 1809. MY DEAR SIR, The news we have received this day from the states will, I imagine, soon bring you back to us, and if you arrive at Montreal by the mid- dle of June I shall probably have the pleasure of meet- ing you there, as I am going up with sir James and a large suite. The last letters received from you are to the 13th April; the whole are now transcribing for the purpose of being sent home, where they cannot fail of doing you g'-cat credit ^ and I most siiicercly hope they may eventually contribute te your permanent advantage. It is not necessary to repeat the assurance that no ef- fort withi.i the compass of my power shall be wanting to this end. I am cruelly out of spirits at the idea of Old Eng- land truckling to such a debased and accursed govern- ment as that of the United States. I am greatly obliged to you for the trouble you has'e taken in procuring the books, though, if Spain fails, I shall scarcely have heart to look into them. 1 can add no more now but that I am, most heartily, And affectionately yours, (Signed) ' H. W. R. J. Henry, csquircy Boston, w. ill' « 'ii if 'ii'i I! a.|i|": 36 [COPY.l Mr, Ryland to Mr. Henry. 4th Ma> , 1809. MY DEAR SIR, You must consider the short letter I wrote to you by the last post as altogether unofficial ; but I am now to intimate to you in a more formal manner, our hope of your speedy return, as the object of your journey seems, for the present at least, to be at an end. We have London news by the way of the river, up to the 6th March, which tallies to a day with what we have received by the way of the states.... Heartily wishing you a safe and speedy journey back to us, I am, my dear sir, Most sincerely yours, (Signed) H. W. R. Have the goodness to bring my books with you, though I shall have little spirit to look into them un. less you bring good news from Spain. No VI. (COPY.) A memorial of Mr. Henry to Lord Liverpool^ inclosed in a letter to Mr. Peel. The undersigned most respectfully submits the following statement and memorial to the Karl of Liverpool. Long before and durine; the administration of your lordship'spredecessor, the undersigned bestowed much personal attention to the state of parties and to the political measures in the United States of America. ?K -*!«• ■■*■ :'* ■*■ * :l 37 809. [ wrote to but I am inner, our t of your be at an /ay of the 1 day with rney back iT. R. with you, » them un« .iverpool^ m ibmits the Earl of 3n of vour »\ved much and to thf; America. Ik Soon after the affair of the Chesapeake frigate, wfieii his majesty's governor general of British America had reason to believe that the two countries would be involved in a war, and had submitted to his majesty's ministers the arrangements of the English party in the United States, for an efficient resistance to the general government, which would probably terminate in a separation of the northern states from the gene- ral confederacy, he applied to the undersigned to un- dertake a mission to Boston, where the whole con- cerns of the opposition were managed. The object of the mission was to promote and encourage the federal party to resist the measures of the general government, to offer assurances of aid and support from his majesty's government of Canada, and to open a commmiication between the leading men en- gaged in that opposition and the governor general up- on such a footing as circumstances might suggest, and finally to render the plans then in contemplation subservient to the views of his majesty's govern, ment.f The undersigned undertook the mission which lasted from the month of January to the month of June inclusive ; during which period those public acts and legislative resolu- tions of the assemblies of Massachusetts and Con- necticut were passed, which kept the general govern- ment of the United States in check, and deterred it from carrying into execution the measures of hostility with which Great Britain was menaced. For his services on the occasions herein recited, and theloss of time and expenses iiicurred,the undcrsinjned neither sought nor received any compensation ; but trusted to the known justice and liberality of his ma- jesty's government for the reward of services which could not, he humbly conceives, be estimated in pounds, t Vide the despatches of Sir J. Craig in June, 18Q€. . ^' ; I ill. i '1 ^ I' 38 shillings, and pence. On the patronagje and support which was promised in the letter of Sir J. Craig, under date of the 26ih Jan. 1809, (wherein he gives an assur- ance " that the former correspondence and pohtical information transmitted by the undersigned, had met with the particular aj^probation of his majesty's secre- tary of state, and tjiat his execution ol the mission (propose d to be undertaken in that letter) would give him a claim not only on the governor general, bu' on his majesty's ministers,") the undersigned has relied, and uow most respectfully claims, in whatever mode the Earl of Liverpool may be pleased to adopt. The undersigned most respectfully takes this oc- casion to state, that Sir J. Craig promised him an em- ployment in Canada, worth upwards of one thousand poundsayear, by his letter (herewith transmitted,) un- der date 13th September, 1809, which he has just learn- ed has, in consequence of his absence, been .given to another person. The undersigned abstains from com- mentmg on this transaction ; and most respectfully sug- gests that the appointment of judge advocate general of the provinceof Lower Canada, with a salary of five hun- dred pounds a year, or a consulate in the United States sine curia, would be considered by him as a liberal discharge of any obligation that his majesty's govern- ment may entertain in relation to his services. SIR, Copy of a letter to Mr. Peel, inclosing the fore- going, June 13, 1811. SIR, I tal.c have to inclose to you a memorial ad- drf«;s' tl to the r.arl of Livtrpool, iincl lug you will I I I support ig, under andssur- [ political , had met y's secre- i mission ould ^\\c al, bu' on lias relied, ■vcr mode apt. .s this oc- im an em- : thousand itted,) un- just learn* II .given to from com* ;tfully sug- general of il five hun- ited States >s a liberal 's govern- es. the fore- 811. lorial ad- vou will 59 have the goodness either to examine the documents in your office, or those in my own possession, touching the extent and legitimacy of my claim. Mr. R) land, the secretary ol Sir J Craig, is now in London, and from his r fficial knowledge of the trans- actions and facts alluded to in the mt moriul, can give any information rtquired on that subject. I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) J. H. No. VII. [COPY.] 3/r. Peel^ secretary to lord Liverpool^ to Mr. Henry, DOWNING STREKT, 28ihJunc, 1811. SIR, I havl; not failed to lay before the earl of Li- verpool the memorial, togetiicr with its several inclo- sures, vvhicli was delivered to me a few days since by j^ineral Loft, at your desire. Hjs lordship has directed me to acquaint you that he has referred to the correspondence in this office ol the year 1808. and liiids two letters from sir James Craig, dated 10th April, and 5th May, trans- mitting the correspondence that had passed during your residence in the northern states of America, and expressing his confidence in your ability and judg. ment; but lord Liverpool has not discovered any wish on the p.ut of sir James Craig that your claims for coinpeusation should be referred to this country, nor indeed is allusion made to any kind of arrange ment or agreement that had been made bv that oflitw . irii I I llr '1! til w 40 ii.;'ii ( li ' ji with you. Under these circumstances, and had not sir James Craig determined on his immediate return to England, it would have been lord Liverpool's wish to have referred your memorial to him, as being better enabled to appreciate the ability and success with which you executed a mission undertaken at his de> sire. Lord Liverpool will however transmit it to sir James Craig's successor in the government, with an assurance that from the recommendations he has re- ceived in your favor and the opinion he has formed on your correspondence, he is convinced the public service will be benefited by your active employment in a public situation Lord Liverpool will also feel himself bound to give the same assurance to the marquis Wellesley, if there is any probability that it will advance the success of the application which you have made to his lordship. I am, &c. (Signed) ROBEUTPEKL. }. Henry, Esq. No. VIIL >fo other answer than a despatch to sir George Prcvost, and the letter marked B. i. I il 11 r _ I Air. Henry to Mr. Peel. 27, Leicester square. LONDOM, 4th September, 181L SIR, I have just now learned the ultimate decision o1 my lord Wellesley, relative to the appointment which I was desirous to obtain; and find that the subsibiing relations between the two rnuntrirs forbid thr^ rreatini^ K 41 nd had not liate return pool's wish jeing better iccess with n at his de- mit it to sir :nt, iviih an i he has re- has formed I the public imployment >und to give iley, if there e success of [lis lordship. a new office in the United States, such as I was solicit- ous to obtain. In this state of things I have not a mo- ment to lose in returning to Canada, and have taken my passage in the last and only ship that sails for Qncbec this sfasDn As I huve not time to enter de novo into explanations with the gentleman who is in your office, and as I have received assurances from you, in addition to the letter of my lord Liverpool of the 27th June, that " his lordship would recommend me to the governor of Canada, for the first vacant situation that I would accept," 1 beg the favor of you to advise me how I am to get that recommendation without loss of time. I have the honor to be, he, &cc. (Signed) J. H. Robert Peel, esquire. •F.KI.. ! Prcvost, and r square. ni. .' decision o1 tmcnt which le subsisting th'^ (Tcatinir [COPY.] B. No. IX. * Copy of the letter written by lord Liverpool to sir George Prlp- vost, lunusht'd to Mr. Henry by the under secretary of state. Original in the despatch to the governor general. DOWNING STREET, 16th September, 1811. SIR, Mr. Henry, who will have the honor of deli- vering this letter, is the gentU man who addressed to n\v the memorial, a copy of which I herewith trans- niit, and to whom the accompanying letter from Mr. Peel was written by my direction. In compliance w ith his request, I now fulfil the as- vsurance which I have given, of stating to you my opinion of the ability and judgment whicii Mr. Hen- a 'i|i; -'^T"" •Mi 1! Vv 1,; \ I i' 42 ry has manifested on the occasions mentioned m his memorial, and of the benefit the public service might derive from his active empioj'ment in any public situ- ation in which you should think proper to place him. lam, &c. (Signed) LIVERPOOL. ci;'i i'r George Prcvost, Bart. kc. 8cc. (COPY.) No.X. Mr. Ryland to Mr. Henry. Tuesday evening, July 2, 1811. DEAR HENRY, It gives me real pleasure to find that the apprehension 1 had formed with respect to the fulfilment of your expectations is likely to prove erroneous. As every thing which passed relative to your mission was in writing, I think you will do well in submitting to Mr. I'ecl all the original papers. I myself could give no other intbrmation relative to the suiijcct than what they contain, as you and I had no opportunity of any verbal communication respecting it, until after your mission terminated, and I never wrote you a letter in the governor's name which had not previously been submitted to his correction. The impression I had received of your character and abilities made me anxious to serve you even be- fore 1 had the pleasure of a personal acquaintanrx* with you, and the same desire has operated on me ever since. I anj therefore entitled to hope that any opin- ion which 1 may have given you as to your best mode of obtaining an emplovnicnt under govcrntncnt will be 43 received with the same candor that gave rise to it. I think you will do well to persevere as you propose. I have no doubt that every letter from you which sir James sent home will be found in Mr. Peel's office, as the established practice there is to bind the despatches and inclosures yearly up together. Sincerely wishing you every success, I am, most faithfully, yours, H. W. RYLAND. John Henry, esquire. B. J^ord Liverpool's despatch to Sir George Fre- vost, with its inclosures. DOWNING STREET, September 16, 1811. .SIR, Mr. Henry, who will have the honor of deliver- ing this letter, is the gentleman who addressed to mc the memorial, a copy of which I herewith transmit, and to whom the accompanying letter from Mr. Peel was written by my direction. In compliance with his request, I now fulfil the as- surance which I have given of stating to you my opi- nion of the ability and judgment which Mr. Henry has manifested on the occasions mentioned in his me- morial, and of the benefit the public service might de- rive from his active employment in any public situa- tion in which you should think proper to place him. I am, sir, Your most obedient humble servant, (Signed) LIVERPOOL. i v""' i iir" ' 1 Hi !l 1 i): 1 1 di ■ s ! 31. i 44 Accompanying lord Li verpoors despatch to sir George Prevost. Document No 1. Extract of the official letter of sir jfames Crai^^ referred to in the memorial. Most secret and conBdential. QUEBEC, 26th January, 1809. MY DEAR SIR, The extraordinary situation of things at this time in the neighborinji; states, has suggested lo the governor in chief the idea of employing you on a se- cret and confidential mission, provided an arrange- ment can be made to meet the important end in vit \v, without throwing an absolute obstacle in the way of your professional pursuits The information and political observations heretofore received froju you were transmitted by /lis excellency to the secretary of state ^ ivho has expressed his particular approbation of them, and there is no doubt that your able execution of such a mission as I have above sug- gested, ivould give you a claim, not only on the governsr general, but on his majcsty\^ ministers, which ivould eventually contribute to your advantage. At present it is only necessary for me to add, vhat the governor would furnish you with a cipher for carrying on your correspondinccc, and in case the leading piirty in any of the states wished lo open a communication with this government, their views might be communicated tlirough you. I am, &,c^ (Signed) To Johnllenrv, l'.sr[niie HERMAN VV. RYLAND. 45 Accompanying Lord Liverpoors despatch to Sir Geo. Prevoet. Document No. 2. Extract from general instructions referred to in the memorial. QUEBEC, February 6, 1809.. SIR, As you have so readily undertaken the service which I have suggested to you as likely to be attend- ed with much benefit to the public interests, I am to request that with your earliest convcniency you will proceed to Boston. The principal object that I recommend to your at- tention, is the endeavor to obtain the most accurate information of the stute of affairs in that part of the union, which from its wealth, the number of its in- habitants, and the known intelligence and ability of several of its leading men, must naturally possess a very considerable influence over, and will indeed pro- bably lead the other eastern states of America in the part that they may take at this important crisis I shall not pretend to point out to you the mode by which you will be likely to obtain this important in- formation. Your own judgment and the connexions which you have formed must be your guide. In the general terms which I have made use o*" to describe the objt cts which I recommend to your at- tention, it is scarcely necessary to observe, that I in- clude the slate of public opinion, both with regard to the internal politics and the probability of a war with England ; the comparative strength and views of the two great parties into which the country is divid- ed ; iind the views and designs of that which may ultimately prevail. h:. (WW ' " I ft l< ■ I: I: \\ IJ< 46 If the federalists of the eastern states should be buccessful in obtaining that decided influence which may enable them to direct the public opinion, it is not impossible that rather than submit to a continu- ance of the difiiculties and distress to which they are now subject, they will exert that influence to bring about a separation from the general union. The ear- liest information on this subject may be of great con- sequence to our government ; as it may also that it should be informed how far thev would, in such an event, look up to England for assistance, and be dis- posed to enter into a connexion with us. These I leave to your judgment and discretion. (Signed) J. H. CRAIG. [The letter of instructions is long. The ubove are the prin- cipal points in it, except as to secrecy.] Copy of Mr, Henry's memorial^ accompanying lord LivttpooVs despatch. To the right honorable the carl of Liverpool, the under- signed most respectfully submits the follomng memo- rial: Long before, and during the administration of your lordship's predecessor, the undtrsigned be- stowed much personal attention to the state of par- tits and political measures in the United States of America ; and had an opportunity faj * * * * ************* ,* *********** * * ******* and to unite the * * ************ * * * * * * * the information transmitted by (o) Sec the letters of Mr. Henry addressed to tke secretary of sir James Craig, and by him traiismittcd to lord Liverpool, In the mouth of April, iSoa. 47 ihe undersigned to sir James Craig, and by him to lord Castlereagh, «' . witb his lords/iip^s approbation ; CbJ and when the hostile preparations in the United States suggested to sir James Craig the necessity of making corresponding arrangements of precaution and defence, for the security of his majesty's colonies, he applied to the undersigned to undertake a secret and confidential mission to the northern states, to * * * the party already mentioned, to direct their operations, and transmit regular information of the same, and to endeavor to render their plans subservient to the in- terests of Great Britain, fcj The undersigned rea- dily undertook the mission, and spent five months in the active and zealous discharge of the duties connect- ed with it. ***** -xe * * * * * * ************ ************* ******** /'dj * * * * * which deterred the general government from the pur- pose already mentioned, and from a coalition with France ; fcJ while the information which he transmit- ted to sir James Craig, probably saved the trouble and expense of arming the Canadian militia. All this the undersigned performed without ever shcvving his com- mission, or appearing as an authorized agent; from a thorough conviction, that a discovery of his mission would furnish the French party with the means of dc stroj ing the influence of the party adhering to Great Britain, in every quarter of America, and enable the j^eneral government to go to war upon popular and tenable ground. In the application of sir James Craig to the under- .igned, to undertake the mission aforesaid, he says. J[ fb) See document No. 1, herewith submitted. (c ) See documents No. I and 2, herewith submitled. (d) Sec letter No. 1, of the series transmitted by sir Jame Craig to the colonial department, under date Feb. 14, 1R09. (<•) Sec the lersjaindcr of tlic sforerjaid letters. If i • !'i' m I 48 *' T/ie infonnation a?id political obsefuatioiis received from you heretofore^ iverc all transtiiitted to the secre- tary of state ^ who has expressed his particular appro- Ihition of them ; and there is no doubt that your able execution of such a mission as I ha'ue above suggested^ would give you a cUmn fiot only on the governor general f of British America J but on his tnajesiy^s tninisters,^^ The undersigned being now in England, on his private aftairs, and on the eve of departure for Ameri- ca, most humbly and respectfully submits his claims, under the stipulations aforesaid, to the carl of Liver- pool, in the confident expectation that his lordship will treat them wiih that justice and liberality which, upon investigation, they may be found to merit. It may not be superfluous to add, that the under- signed has never received, in any shape whatever, any compensation or patronas^je for the services he has rendered. This fact, Mr. Ryland, the secretary of sir James Craig, now in London, can vouch lor; as well as for the truth of all the matters set forth in this memorial. I have the honor, he. (Sig.ied) J. HENRY. Leicester square^ 27, yu?ie 23, 18 n. ?!' I Mr. Peel to Mr. Hetiry, accompanying lord Liverpool's despatch to sir George Prevosf. DOWNING STREET, 28th June, 1811. SIR, I have not failed to h\y before the earl of Liver- pool the memorial, together with its several inclosurcs. (/J See document No. I, hevcM'itli transmitted 49 received he secre- ir appro- lour able uggestedy r general misters •>■) i, on his )r Ameri- is claims, of Liver- dship will lich, upon he under - whatever, ices he has jcretary of ch lor ; as »rth in this [RY. ing lord >, 1811. \v4\ich was delivered to me a few days since by general Loft, at your desire. His lordship has directed me to acquaint you, in reply, that he has referred to the correspondence in this office of the year 1808, and finds two letters from sir James Craig, dated 10th April and 5th May, transmitting the correspondence that had passed du- ring your residence in the northern states of America, and expressing his confidence in your ability and judgment ; but lord Liverpool has not discovered any wish, on the part of sir James Craig, that your claims for compensation should be referred to this country ; nor indeed is allusion made to any kind of arrange- ment or agreement, that has been made by that officer with you. Under these circumstances, and had not sir James Craig determined on his immediate return to England, it would have been lord Liverpool's wish to have re- terred your memorial to him, as being better enable J to appreciate the ability and success with which you ex- ecuted a mission undertaken at his desire. Lord Li' verpool will, however, transmit it to sir James Craig's successor in the government, with an assurance that, from the recommendations he has received in your fa- vor, and the opinion he has formed on your corres- pondence, he is convinced the public service will be benefited by your active employment in a public si- tuation. Lord Liverpool will also feel himself bound to give the same assurance to the marquis Wellesley, if there is any probability that it will advance the success of the application which you have made to his lordship. I am, sir, Your most obedient Humble servant, (Signed) ROBERT PEEL. MM Il of Liver - luclosuresr J hi'.'h' ' " 50 Accompanying lord Liverpool's despatch to sir George Prevost. Extracts of letters of recall from the mission^ in conse- quence of the arranj^emcnts entered into between Mr, Erskine and the Americati government, QUEBEC, May 1, 1809. u The news we have received this day from the United States will, I imagine, soon bring you back to us. The last letters received from you are t« 13th April. The "whole are transcribing to be sent home, where they cannot fail of doing you great credit and eventually contribute to your permanent advantage.** (Signed) J. Henry, csquivci H. W. RYLAND, Sec. 4th May, 1809. *' I am now formally to intimate to you our hope of 3'our return, as the object of your mission seems, for the present at least, to be at an end. " Sincerely wishing you a safe and speedy journey back to us," I am, &c. (Signed) H.W. RYLAND, Sec. J. Henry, esquire. Prevost. n conse- een Mr* 1809. from the ou back E t« 13th mt hornet redit and >, Sec, , 1809. our hope 3n seems, yr journey D, Sec.