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A solemn ur citizens the > consequences was concerned, disorders, with !n content with was enforced, ronccrned,) the ttension of the ns into a more (f which orcur- imendablc zeal mcerned, trans- ')line. n is concerned, Is not peace as other 1 Is our whom we ad- i distracted re- lower of a preat 3rave and mag- ;nanimity in the .0 the weakness very obligation :ry weakness to lions are apt to jriors in power, ion to power, to eat Britain, the her in the front r, when nations tain, to whirl) I e, in good fuith, ;ween the treat- an save the na- id, of the Gov- what it perfidi- Yet, sir, as no !, I perceive, in s of remote ad- nsating for any f faith and jus- tice will, I trust, obviate, to some extent, the evils of the former precedent of perfidy and injustice. There i* nothing dishonorable in doing justice to Great Britain — nothing humiliating. The dishonor and humiliation consist in having withheld it from Mexico. It is better for our youthful nation of free institutions, that an occasion has arisen thus early to reinstate its character by rectifying its policy, than, after persisting in error for a series of years, to confess and correct it, perhaps after fruitless and exhausting contests. Am I not justified, then, in maintaining that, had the same promptness and energy been displayed by the Government, in behalf of Mexico, whilst her Province was in revolt, which it has displayed in behalf of Great Britain, now that a Province of hers is in that state, the present difficulties would, in human probability, not have existed? Would not our citizens have been taught to respect the laws and their duty, instead of violating both, under the impunity which like conduct towards Mexico had experienced? Were they not, by the previous passivencss of the Government, in substance told that their sympathy (perhaps commendable in itself) might, without impropriety, be exercised hy fighting for others the battles of revolt? Did they not thus, in the first instance, thrust themselves into this Canadian revolt, with scarce- ly a suspicion of illegality? If, sir, the indignation of mankind could fasten exclusively on the adminis- tration, by whom this pernicious policy has been practised, I should experi- ence the less sensibility: it might sink into quiet infamy, without a tear of mine, and hardly a regret over its fall. But the national honor is implicated, and, unfortunately, tarnished by the process which has infamized the hands to which it was committed. My purpose, sir, in rising, was not to discuss now the merits of tho subject to which the President's message immediately relates; but to offer my opinion of the principles and considerations by which the two Powers ought lo be, and, I think, must be, governed in its adjustment; and to avail myself of tho earliest occasion that presented to recall the attention, not only of Congress and the country, but of the administration itself, to the unfortunate and disastrous policy which marked our relations with Mexico during the Texas revolt; lo the striking contrast it exhibited with our present policy towards Great Britain; to the expectation which our citizens on the frontier naturally entertained, that, as the laws and their obligations were ihe same, the course of ihe administration would be the same, by allowing similar im- punity to similar violations; to iho precipitate change in its policy by iho adminiittration, and the attempt it now makes to cast the whole blame on citizens whom it has substantially betrayed into their present proceedings; nud to the responsibility of ihe administration for whatever of outrage has occurred on the Canada frontier, either by or against our people, arising from the fair operation of remote causes, lo be found in ihe pernicious ex- ample it had previously set in regard to Mexico. Sir, neither nations nor individuals can be too early or profoundly pene- trated with the sentiment, that inflexible justice to others, under all conceiva- ble circumstances, is their true glory as well as interest. An immediate and temporary advantage may be gained, as experience has shown, by its viola- tion ; hut experience has equally shown that, sooner or later, in some form or other, through the wise though often inscrutable dispensations of a great Providence, retribution will come, as it ought to. The application of that sentiment to the present conjuncture is simple and easy. For the injuries which are admitted by the President to have been done Great Britain by our citizens, we must, in proper time and form, afford her justice. The attack : h ■' i on the Caroline, on the other hHiid, presents an occasion for tho most scrn> pulous nxamiri'ition hy the (tovcriinicnl into the fads oT that transaction, which, if found as now represented, oxhihils an aggression upon us, which (jraat Britain, in proper tinio and form, must redress. And that this reciprocal justice will he extended by hoth Powers, who is authorized to entertain the slightest douht 7 I must be allowed, then, to express my utter dissent from any attempt which may be hero made, either by the friends or the enemies of the admin- istration, under u slate of information admitted to be doubtful and imperfect, on grounds of acknowledged passion, to forco tho two nations into false posi- tions. Let us display calmness, moderation, and dignity, which are not only consistent with a fnni and indexible purpose to exact tho most scrupulous justice, but afford the best proof ef a determination to do so. Yet if, after all, against human expectation, the Government of Gieat Britain shall, on pro- per application, refuse to disavow the late aggression of her subjects, and seasonably redress it, and force the necessity of an appeal to arms, our present power and pasVhistory leavu on my mind no apprehensions of any result incon- sistent with the national glory, and the complete vindication of a just cause. And when that deplorable contingency shall arise, it will be seen who are foremost to vindicate by arms the violated rights and oflfended honor of tho country — t .ose under whose auspices that honor has been stained, by withholding justice from an infant republic, because weak, or those who will tolerate no denial of justice by others, because they deny justice to none. I am sensible, Mr. i^eaker, that 1 may seem to evince an unreasonable solicitude on this subject. I persuade myself, however, that I entertain a sincere and profound devotion to the preservation of the national honor, upon principles which will ever ensure, at the hands of other nations, a scrupulous respect for our national rights. If our internal policy is doomed (o perpetual vacillation, amidst the clouds of party and faction, I trust that at least the policy which governs our intercourse with foreign nations may, in the sight of all mankind, tower, like tho mountain peak, above the region of change or cloud, reposing on its foundation, not of passion, or rash and headlong excite- ment, with their floods and sands, or short-sighted temporary expediency, but the everlasting rock of undcviating justice. I "*<*. V >r the riiost jcru- ihat transaction, n us, which (irest t this reciprocal to ontcrtuin the rem any aitompi ies of the adniin- ul and imperliBct, IS into false posi- hich are not only most scrupulous so. Yet if, after lain shall, on pro- ber subjects, and arms, our present "any result in con - in of a just cause. be seen who arc ided honor of the )oen stained, by or those who will ustice to none, an unreasonable that I entertain a ional honor, upon ions, a scrupulous nned to perpetual that at least the ay, in the sight of rion of change or J headlong excite- rary expediency, / /r\ •■^\ iifrz-