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 :;; :tr::,: 
 
 2 
 
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TH 
 
 ; 
 
 
A LETTER 
 
 »o 
 
 t 
 
 THE ELECTORS OF NOVi SCOTIA, 
 
 BEING 
 
 A REPLY 
 
 TO 
 
 '' &$nU&mim icmmmA m it$ mm$. 
 
 *f 
 
 BY AN ACADIAN, 
 
 HALIFAX, ]^T. S : 
 
 PUBLISHED BY R. T. MTJIR. 
 
 1867. 
 
>> 
 
 ■-.,««, 
 
 ' V* 
 
 n'..i 
 
 '6:'^^. ^' ■■^■' ■ 
 
 1 . 1 .t 
 
bM 
 
 TO THE ELECTORS OF MOVA SCOTIA. 
 
 A FEW Canadiau emissaries arc busily engaged in distributing 
 a pamphlet entitled " Confederation considered on its merits," and 
 are endeavoring to make us all believe that the author has discov- 
 ered a new and better argument in favor of Canadian Confedera- 
 tion than has yet made its appearance. I am glad that they have 
 shown by their actions, and their great zeal in proselytizing that 
 down to the appearance of that pamphlet, they did not really believe 
 in Confederation, although you will remember that the half dozen 
 employees or pamphlet distributors were just as v.illing to cry out for 
 Confederation before they saw this pamphlet as they now are. Yet 
 at that time they believed in Doctor Tupper. They said as he said. 
 They believed as he believed. They cared nothing for the merits 
 of the question : they simply knew that Tapper supported the pro- 
 ject and that -yiis quite sufficient argument for them. It was a 
 happy change whon, instead of producing Tupper as an authority, 
 they could pull from their pockets and quote an anonymous pamph- 
 let as authority for despoiling you of jfotr coustilntional rights, — 
 as authority for denying you the privilege of being consulted as to 
 the disposition of your revenues and property, and as the apolo- 
 gist of Tupper and Archibald in voting this Province into being 
 an appanage of Canada. 
 
 While a few shop-keepers are retailing extracts of this pamphlet 
 to every person who has patience to listen to them, — while mem- 
 bers of the Legislature are distributing them in sheaves through- 
 out Nova Scotia, — while shoddy politicians wax eloquent in dealing 
 out brilliant passages of " Confederation considered on its merits," 
 — while fossil pensioners are announcing readings of this new and 
 brilliant page of Comederation literature, and when all the crawl- 
 ing race who believe they have neither brains nor intelligence to 
 understand the question, but rest satisfied with what Tupper and 
 Archibald say to them, are in a state of wild excitement over a 
 new sensation Confederation novel, — let us see if they are not the 
 Tictims of r. wild delusion, — the creatures of a frenzied excitement, 
 — and the ready victims of a mad scheme, startling and ruinoua 
 to us all. 
 
 And while engaged in the discussion you will bear in mind that 
 Tupper and Archibald, with a majority of the Legislature, 
 declared in England— in Nova Scotia — through the press and on the 
 
 f } 
 
platform, that the electors of this Province were too ignorant to 
 understand this question — that they had no right to be consulted, 
 and that they should bow in submission to the^A'a/ of Mr. Tapper. 
 
 In New Brunswick two elections have been run on the question 
 in two years, and yet in Nova Scotia we have been dbnied the right 
 — our inalienable right — to pass upon the measure at the polls. 
 Was there no other argument against the whole scheme the people 
 should indignantly protest against the measure upon this ground, 
 and show to the world that they understand their rights and know 
 how to resent so grievous an insult to their intelligence and inde- 
 pendence. At would be a fair and legitimate rejoinder to every 
 advocate of Confederation from " Prime Minister" T'lppcr down to 
 your penny half-penny shop keeper to say — that there must be 
 something weak and rotten in the scheme — something in it unfair 
 and ruinous to the people at large — something inimical to the well 
 being and future of Nova Scotia — cr else the "Prime Minister" 
 Tupper, aided and abetted by Adams Archibald and a packed 
 majority of the Nova Scotia Legislature, would not be afraid to dis- 
 cuss this matter fully and freely with the people of this Country, 
 and after such discussion invite the people to express an intelligent 
 opinion upon its merits at the polls. This we all know they have 
 despotically refused. We know they have paid no attention to the 
 petitions of the people — they have treated them with scorn and 
 contempt, and bj their false representations have succeeded in pre- 
 venting the petitions signed tty nearly forty thousand Nova Sco- 
 tians from being respected in the Parliament of Great Britain. This 
 is a great fact, and in itself an argument against everything adr 
 vanced in favor of this peculiar kind of union. 
 
 You will ver}'^ naturally say, if this union is for the 
 benefit of Nova Scotia, why should Mr. Tupper refuse to let 
 the people judge of its merits? why reject all their petitions? 
 and why bring the influence of the Lieutenant Governor and Coun- 
 cil of Nova Scotia to bear to cause the rejection of our petitions by 
 the Parliament of Great Britain. 
 
 Mr. Tilley in New Brunswick allowed the people there to give 
 their opinion at the polls. Why did Mr. Tapper refuse the same 
 privilege to the people of Nova Scotia? This is now the great 
 question between Mr. Tupper and the people of this Province. 
 
 I should be quite content to leave the matter here, and insist 
 that Nova Scotiaus should not condescend to argue VTith either Mr. 
 Tupper or any of his staff of pamphleteers until he recognised the 
 right of the electors to judge of the merits of the argument by an 
 expression at the polls ; but I will not leave the pamphleteers even 
 the small consolation of thinking that irrespective of the rights of 
 the people this scheme of Confederation has anything to recomprend 
 
 I 
 
I 
 
 5 
 
 itself to the favorable consideration of the people of Nova Scotia. 
 
 It will be necessMy to consider the country proposed to be 
 united. Of what does it consist? New Brunswick, to the north 
 of us, contains nearly 20,000 square miles of territory — nearly 
 18,000,000 acres — of which, according to statistics, 200,000 acres 
 are under cultivation, leaving 17,000,000 acres yet to be cultivated 
 and peopled. A large portion of this territory is covered with 
 dense forests, which yield immense quantities of timber, which of 
 course find no market in Canada, but are shipped to England. 
 ' , In Canada wo find commencing with the valley of the Saguenay 
 river, and ending with the vast tract of wildernesss extending 
 north-west from Quebec, nearly 150,000 square miles of territory — 
 one vast forest — a great howling wilderness. 
 
 Turning to British America next we find over 500,000 square 
 miles of territory, or nearly 350,000,000 acres of land, the greater 
 portion of Avhich is still covered with the forest primeval. This 
 vast extent of wilderness covers the whole of Central British Am- 
 erica, the valleys of the Fiazer and Thompson rivers — the Atha- 
 basca districts, British Columbia and Vancouver's Island. Such is 
 the country proposed to be consolidated and raised to the dignity 
 of a new nationality — which is to be a rival of the ITcited States 
 of America, and which is soon to take upon itself the burthens and 
 responsibilities of a separate existence, free irom and independent 
 of Great Britain. Such is the country — such the forest — such the 
 wild, desolate tract extending over half a continent, which Mr. 
 Tupper has proposed to unite under one government, which he has 
 laid your revenues under contribution to protect, and to defend 
 which, he claims to take the bone and strength of Nova Scotia, the 
 Militia of this country, and march them off to the shores of the 
 Pacific, through thousands of miles of wilderness, to uphold the 
 honor and glory of the new flag that is to be the grand herald of 
 the departure of British troops from this continent, and of the 
 withdrawal of British protection from our Atlantic Provinces. 
 
 " Union is strength " says the anonymous pamphleteer, as he dis- 
 courses of Canadian annexation. How beautifully vyill the truth of 
 this axiom be exhibited, when this country is called upon to defend 
 British Columbia, away back on the Pacific coast — when a vast 
 wilderness, which would bridge the Atlantic, has to be penetrated — 
 where not a ro:*.d is blazed, nor an inhabitant exists. Union is 
 strength, when the vast barrier of meuntains, rivers a.id wilderness 
 proclaims its weakness, when not one inhabitant exists, nor a log 
 fort frowns defiance at the wild beast or the prowling Indian. 
 Union is strength, when miles of forest intervene between one in- 
 habitant and the other. Union is strength, is it? How long will 
 this axiom hold good in presence of a mighty military power, whose 
 
6 
 
 bouudariefl are formed by so-called British territory, from the Pacific 
 to the Atlantic. Union is strength, is it? Suppose the United 
 States to-morrow were to seize upon British Columbia? Wc can 
 fancy some unfortunate resident ef that country crying out '• Unfon 
 is strength. A paper constitution has designated us a grand nation- 
 ality. Where, O where, are the brave warriors and sailors, who dwell 
 away beyond on the AtUantic coast." 
 
 " Union is strength," says the pamphlet, and to prove this assertion 
 we are told that " two thousand years ago, Csesar found England 
 parcelled out among a multitude of petty chiefs and kings, whose 
 strength was wasted in internal dissensions. The Saxon Heptarchy 
 was a step forward ; and the annexation of Wales another ; and the 
 union of the crowns of England and Scotland, what gave Britain a 
 first place among the nations." How the writer intended to 
 have these remarks apply, does not ver}'^ clearly appear. 
 When the Canadians, two years ago, set in motion the machinery 
 to annex these Provinces, they did not find the Maritime Provinces 
 parcelled out among a multitude of petty chiefs and kings — our 
 strength was not wasted in internal dissensions. 
 
 Wales was conquered and reduced under Edward the First. It 
 was only known to England by incursion and invasion. Within 
 itself there was chronic disorder, contentions, strife and bloodshed, 
 keeping tbe frontier of England in perpetual alarm. But we have 
 no Wales in British America. England and Scotland united after 
 centuries of bloody and barbarous warf^tre. They united to save 
 harrassingand cruel war«. .They united to save fighting about rival 
 kings and royal supremacy. 
 
 We in British America have no rival kings — we have no wars, one 
 Province Avith the other. We are not called upon to unite for an}-^ of the 
 reasons which led to the Saxon Heptarchy, to the annexation of 
 Wales — to the union of the crowns of England and Scotland. The 
 arguments drawn from the page of history, from the time of Ccesar 
 to the union of England and Scotland, to prove the necessity for a 
 union of the Colonies of British America, have therefore no 
 application — are unworthy of serious consideration, and shew 
 the sandy foundation upon which the Canadian annexationists 
 stand, whenever they attempt to draw a parallel between their 
 scheme of union and all great unions from the time of the Heptarchy 
 down to the present. 
 
 Now, it is very plain that a union of the Colonies was not neces- 
 sary to avoid any of tbe fearful ills which led to the union of 
 England and Scotland ; it was not necessary to put an end to 
 bloodshed and war ; it was not necessary to prevfjnt border Wurs 
 between the people of Canada and the inhabitants of New Brunswick 
 and Nova Scotia. Why, then, did Canada seek this union? Why 
 
did hor statesmen pray for this Confederation ? And wliat lias 
 Canada to give us that we do not now enjoy ? 
 
 I have already shown that there was nothing in our social or 
 political relations to render union an absolute necessity. Canada 
 has her own representative government — New Brunswick the same, 
 and Nova Scotia was flourishing and happy under her free institu- 
 tions. We had no enemies at home or abroad. We had no wars 
 — we were rapidlj' advancing in trade, agriculture and commerce — 
 our revenues were full — our ships were foun(i in every sea, and our 
 mines were being rapidly developed. Peace, prosperity and con- 
 tentment reigned in our midst. The flag of England was our pro- 
 tection and our own people were ever ready to defend themselves. 
 
 We did not ask for any alteration in our system of Government. 
 We did not ask for a union with Canada. England did not ask us 
 to be governed by Canada. 
 
 V7hy then did Canada press this union upon us? For whose 
 advantage was she seeking when urging in hot haste this unfair 
 and one-sided union? 
 
 Ever since the union of Upper and Lower Canada in 1842 that 
 country has presented a strange and often very anomalous aspect 
 to the world. Sect has been arrayed against sect — creed against 
 creed — a war of races, bitter antagonism, and lamentable bickerings 
 have marked its twenty-five years of union. That union was 
 b.'ought into existence by unfair and unjustifiable means. The 
 Province of Lower Canada was never consulted in the matter. 
 While the Upper Canadians approved of the measure the Lower 
 Canadians were in open hostility to it. Protests were sent to the 
 House of Commons. Forty thousand signatures of the inhabitants 
 were appended to petitions to the British Legislature against the 
 measure. But it was of no avail. The bill passed almost without 
 i\ discussion. ? 
 
 From tliat hour to the present what has been the political his- 
 tory of Canada? In what way has that Union proved the truth ot 
 the axiom that " Union is strength?" On the contrary, did it not 
 result in rendering that country so distracted, so utterly unable 
 to carry on representative government, that dead locks became the 
 rule in their legislation, clianges of government occurred about once 
 in every fifteen months, and the whole country became involved in 
 such strife and confusion, that the Canadian (Grovernment in 1858, 
 in a despatch to the Home Government, confessed that representa- 
 tive government was with them a failure — that they could no longer 
 work their Union, and that the only way of ridding themselves of 
 their diflBculty was to secure control of the Maritime Provinces. 
 They there suggest the necessity of a Federal Gov^ernment for all 
 the Colonies. 
 
!l 
 
 9 
 
 The application was promptly rejected at that tlmo by the British 
 Government, and since that date (1858) they have gone on fighting 
 and wrangling until at last the favorable opportunity offers for 
 them to seize hold upon the Maritime Provinces and drag them 
 into a Union for no other reason than to assist the Canadians, as 
 make weights, in their government. 
 
 Why is it then that the author of " Confederation considered on its 
 merits," instead of dealing so largely in fiction, has not given the plain 
 facts in connection with tliis Confederation movement? Why does 
 he put out of sight the history of Canada while he enters upon the 
 field of prophecy and fortells whai is to happen when Canadians 
 shall give laws to our country, — when they shall rule from Lake 
 Superior to the Atlantic. ' - .^« * ^ j^ : ' 
 
 We i*! Nova Scotia have never been cursed with dead locks, 
 with double majorities, with u war of races and creeds ; and we 
 have protested against being dragged into the strife because the 
 Canadians cannot govern themselves. That protest has been em- 
 phatic and should have received the attention of our own Legisla- 
 ture and the government of England. It has not been so received 
 and upon the shoulders of others must rest the responsibility of 
 subsequent results. 
 
 The writer under review gives us the position and assumes the 
 wants of Nova Scotia. He imagines in the next place ^' a diffi- 
 culty," and then proceeds to point out an imaginary remedy for his 
 imaginary difficulty. His whole argument may be condensed into 
 a few words. 
 
 Nova Scotia, he says, is a British Province, (a valuable piece of 
 information) and that it abounds in mineral wealth and that it has 
 an extensive line of sea-coast, besides other valuable resources, and 
 he condescends to adi.nowledgc that considered practically " we 
 might be called a prosperous people." •' Our manufactures are few 
 and on a stunted scale, that openings for young men and women 
 are rare, and that many of them have to go abroad to seek a liveli- 
 hood," and then states " these are facts which every eye can see 
 that chooses to look for them, and if we retain our present political 
 isolation they will continue to be facts in spite of us." 
 
 The remedy suggested is '' the union of the Colonies under the 
 new dominion Act." — the domination of Canada, — the annexation 
 of Nova Scotia to a country hundreds of miles away from us, — to 
 a countr}'- that has not a pound of capital to spare us, — that has 
 not an inhabitant to give us. 
 
 The question is asked — " What has hitherto prevented the full 
 development of Nova Scotian resources and the growth of manu- 
 factures?" and the answer given is — everj'body will at once 
 answer — " Tiie want of capital and the want of a market." Hav- 
 
 • 
 
s British 
 lighting 
 (ffers for 
 ng them 
 lians, as 
 
 ed on its 
 the plain 
 fhy does 
 upon the 
 madiaus 
 )m Lake 
 
 id locks, 
 and we 
 ause the 
 been era- 
 Legisla- 
 received 
 ibility of 
 
 imes the 
 ^'a diffl- 
 y for his 
 3sed into 
 
 piece of 
 lat it has 
 rces, and 
 illy " we 
 E are few 
 1 women 
 t a livel!- 
 e can see 
 
 political 
 
 nder the 
 
 mexation 
 
 1 us, — to 
 
 that lias 
 
 I the full 
 
 )f manu- 
 
 at once 
 
 " Hav- 
 
 ing praposed the question and given the answer, it would have 
 been fair for the writer to have informed us tvho is to supply the 
 capital? It wont for a moment be pretended that Canada has any 
 capital to part .vith, or if she has, that she has not use enough 
 for it at home. If Canada then has no capital. Confederation will 
 be of no advantage to us in that respect. We are well aware that 
 " capital will purchase skill," but that is a poor argument in favor 
 of a Confederation, that I shall presently show, takes from us our 
 revenues, that places a high protective tariff around our shores, 
 and that is seeking to drive us into a trade with a country with 
 which we have, and can have, but little social or commercial inter- 
 course. 
 
 The reference to the State of Massachusetts is simply absurd. 
 That State has had her manufactories fostered under a protective, 
 ho( house, system. She has had a market among 30,000,000 on 
 her own side, besides the markets of British America, the West 
 Indies, South America, and elsewhere. While building up Massa- 
 chusetts the Americans were pulling down the Southern States — 
 laying the train that has eventuated in building up the large notion- 
 al debt of the United States — caused millions to be slaughtered in 
 battle, and devastated the fair fields of the South from the Potomac 
 to Florida. A protective system is what Canada is looking after. 
 She is eagerly seeking to drive us up the St. Lawrence to buy her 
 manufactures, while she will endeavor to exclude from the markets 
 of British America everything that can possibly compete with her. 
 In this way the people of the Maritime Provinces are to bo benefitted 
 under Confederation. And, after all, what advantage will it be to 
 us? If we can build a shi^,, send it to the markets of England, 
 and bring bring back its value in the wares and mercliandize of 
 that country, cheaper than any skill or capital could produce the 
 same articles here, whj^ give up shipbuilding, in which we can 
 compete with the world, and establish other factories in which we 
 cannot compete with any one bej'ond our own doors ? Confederation, 
 then, while it will give us free trade with four millions — while it will 
 enable the Canadians to rule the whole Dominion — will virtually 
 shut us out from the markets of the world. 
 
 Why preach of " isolation " when the policy u. er Confederation 
 will be isolation from the mother country — isolation from other 
 nationalities— in fact a Chinese policy of legislating, forcing us to 
 look upon the great forests of Canada as the true representatives 
 of wealth, intelligonce, refinement, skill, capital and labor. 
 
 With our present low tariff, with the sea before and around us, 
 with the vast resources we have at our command so long as we 
 remain unchecked and uncontrolled by the cupidity of another 
 colony, Nova Scotia might look forward to years of happy prosper- 
 
 i I 
 
10 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 ity. But the absurdity oi legislating for us iu Cana(1a in order to 
 advance ouj interests ; in order to build up a grand nationality ; in 
 order to develope raanufacteres ; iu order to bring in a tiood of 
 prosperity, the like of which the world never saw, may be seen at 
 a glance. If Canada had any capital or surplus population to 
 spare, the case m'glit be different, but we all know that Canada is 
 now owned by English bankers. 
 
 A tabular stateraent of a few items of expenditure which has 
 caused Canada to reao' t to high tariffs — may not be uninteresting. 
 
 . =* 1. Grand Trunk Railway $15,312,894 
 
 2. Great Western Railway 2,810,500 
 
 3. St. Lawrence Canal 7,000,000 
 
 - 4. TheWelland Canal 7,500,000 
 
 . 5. Chankly Canal 433,800 
 
 • 6. Lake St Peter's improvements 1,098,225 
 
 7. Harbors and Lighthouses on the St. Law- 
 
 rence and the Lakes 2,650,000 
 
 8. Northern Railway connecting Huron wiih 
 
 •' ! Lake Ontario = ....2,311,666 
 
 9. Literest on Railway debentures. 9,642,025 
 
 The whole debt of Canada as arranged at the Quebec conference, 
 was £65,000,000 which has now become a charge, not only upon 
 Canada, but upon the people of Nova Scotia. I know this fact is 
 carefully avoided and sometimes denied, but the first clause in the 
 new Dominion bill settles this point. Under the head of " Powers 
 of Parliament" we find. 
 
 1. The public debt and propert3\ 
 
 2. The regulation of trade and commerce. ,, 
 
 3. The raising of money by any mode or system of taxation. 
 
 4. The borrowing cf money on the public credit. 
 
 Kere we find the whole resources, tariffs, credit, and everything 
 available as security, placed in the irrevocable keeping cf the gene- 
 ral government. The resources and wealth of New Brunswick and 
 Nova Scotia, are by this enactment laid under contribution. To the 
 general government is confided unlimited powers of taxation, and 
 just in p-oportion a3 the necessities of Canada increase, so will 
 fresh contributions be drawn from the industrial resources of Nova 
 Scotia. Every cent of our revenue, in tbv first place, goes to the 
 general government, and it will not be the fault of that government 
 if they do not make ou" head money of 80 cents cost us double tliat 
 amount. 
 
 Talk of manufactories, of our iron, our coal, our gold, our ships, 
 our all. Why the very creation of this " New l5ominion'' is a 
 standing menance against every attempt to benefit our petition, to 
 
 
11 
 
 >rder to 
 lity ; in 
 tiood of 
 seen at 
 ,tion to 
 nada is 
 
 lich has 
 resting. 
 
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 225 ^; 
 
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 366 
 325 
 
 ference, 
 ly upon 
 s fact is 
 e in the 
 Powers 
 
 tion. 
 
 M-ything 
 le gene- 
 vick and 
 
 Tothfc 
 on, and 
 so will 
 of Nova 
 
 to tha 
 ernmert 
 ible tliat 
 
 develope our resources, or to embark in any enterprize which might 
 have a tendency to promote our best interests. 
 
 The case of Belgium, I think has been rather unfortunately al- 
 luded to. 
 
 Belgium and Holland were united in 1815. The laws of the new 
 kingdom were assimilated somewhat to those of Great Britain, but 
 from the first it was evident that there was a want of common feel- 
 ing between the Dutch and Belgians. Taxation, which largely in- 
 creased under the union, was a constant theme among the Belgians, 
 and as they had been forced into that union against their consent, 
 trouble and dissension grew out of the connection, and a reciprocal 
 aversion of the JSorthern and Southern people was exhibited amongst 
 all classes in the State. 
 
 Rebellion subsequently broke out, the Union was broken up, and 
 Belgium declared herself a free and independent State. Again 
 proving that union is sometimes the very reverse of strength. — 
 Belgium was forced into a union against her wishes. She had to 
 resort to arms to regain her independence, and after she had 
 regained it ther was seen that " isolation," as understood by 
 Canadians, was her sulvatior. 
 
 If Belgium has made the rapid strides which our author says it 
 hAS, laboring under the disadvantage of being " a small country," 
 — little larger than Nova Scotia, if she has in a state of '' isolation" 
 done that which under a Union with Holland she could not have 
 done, what becomes of the pages of beautiful similes to prove that 
 " Union is strength," and that isolation is weakness 
 
 rJ? 
 
 CANADIAN TARIFF. : 
 
 I have under my hand a rather more reliable authority than the 
 author of " Confederation merits" on the " Canadian taritf." By 
 that authority I find that the Canadian tariff of 1849 on spi-its, 
 wines, tobacco, tea, coffee, sugar, molasses, spices, &c., were 
 charged with duties, partly specific and partly ad valorem, which 
 were gradually made exclusively specific. In 1859 this was 
 changed, and ad valorem duties, I'anging from thirty to one hundred 
 per cent, and averaging forty per cent, were adopted and mostly 
 prevail at this time, although additional specific duties have been 
 imposed since 1852. 
 
 The average percentage on good paying duty by Canadian tariffs 
 was 13 per cent, in 1854, 19 per cent, in 1859, and during the fiscal 
 year ending June 30, 1865, it was 23.3 per cent. The same 
 authority gives the public debt of Canada in 1864, not at 
 $65,000,000, but at $76,233,061, which will be found, in all 
 probability, the true statement of Canadian liability. 
 
 Now, what has Canada to offer us in exchange for our present 
 
 i 
 
 m 
 
12 
 
 position? We collect our revenue under a low tariff — Canada 
 under a tariff averaging 22.3 per cent. Our .revenues meet our 
 requirements. Ir Canada they have an annually recurring defi- 
 ciency. What has Canada, then, to offer us in exchange for our 
 revenues? We have shown that she has no capital, no men, 
 nothing thai can in any way, at present, aid us in building up our 
 Province. Without capital and labor, what can be done? Has 
 Canada either the one or the other to offer us? Look at the matter 
 as any three practical men would look upon a proposed partner- 
 ship, and what would be the answer? Why, that the whole 
 arrangement is an idle day-dream — a visionary project — destined 
 to wreck and ruin the future growth and expansion of our country. 
 And yet our author writes gaily of '' The Benefits to be Realized," 
 and says that the " oneness of the Confederacy will direct skill 
 and capital to the most available points," a broad assertion, with- 
 out a particle of evidence to sustain it. 
 
 Wher3 is the capital to come from? What is to cause such a 
 wonderful change? In what way can a mere paper constitution 
 make such miraculous results without the ordinary appliances of 
 capital, labor and machinery. Why not offer some proofs rather 
 more in point than the case of Massachusetts or Belgium? 
 
 The author of " Confederation on its merits" seems to deny the 
 fact that the debt of Canada is entirely unproductive, and refers to 
 her railways as paying a dividend of three per cent, on the capital. 
 Even if this were true it proves nothing in favor of Confederation. 
 The rates charged upon Canadian lines are fifty per cent, higher 
 than those on leading United States lines. To quote from a late 
 writer — " At present a respectable woman in Montreal cannot pass 
 her Christman with relatives or friends in Toronto short of an out- 
 lay of twenty dollars. The fatigue of a sixteen hours' journey, 
 and the risk of a broken rail (and neck) are such as to require 
 decided temptations to travel." ..|;<v 
 
 But why pass over the canals which our revenues are now liable 
 to pay for? No less a sum than $19,000,000. Are these product- 
 ive ? Do they pay anything to the general revenues of the coun- 
 try? The interest has to be met, and we in Nova Scotia have to 
 submit to be taxed fo'* their payment and upholdance. Why then 
 did not this writer who had the material at his command exhibit a 
 fair and impart! <il stcitement to the people of this country? The 
 reason is obvious. He was dealing in fiction. He was afraid of 
 the truth, and so avoided the issue. 
 
 But then we are told that Union is going to do wonders for the 
 farmers. Is it? Let us see. I have already shevvn that under 
 Urfion we have to share in a debt of $7G,233,061, not a cent of 
 which has been expeftided on our soil, in the contracting of which 
 
-^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 —Canada 
 meet our 
 ring defi- 
 ne for our 
 no men, 
 ig up our 
 ne? Has 
 the matter 
 \ partner- 
 the whole 
 —destined 
 ir country. 
 Realized," 
 direct skill 
 tion, with- 
 
 ise Euch a 
 onstijbutlon 
 pliances of 
 Dofs rather 
 
 Q? 
 
 to deny the 
 [id refers to 
 the capital, 
 ifederation. 
 leni. higher 
 
 om a late 
 3anuot pass 
 
 of an out- 
 journey, 
 
 to require 
 
 I'S 
 
 now liable 
 ISO product- 
 r the coun- 
 )tia have to 
 
 Whv then 
 (1 exhibit a 
 ntry? The 
 IS afraid of 
 
 clers for the 
 that under 
 ot a cent of 
 \or of which 
 
 we had no part, and as a matter of right, should not be called upon 
 in any Way to provide for either in whole or in part. The first boon , 
 to the farmers of Nova Scotia is to lay their farms under a mort- 
 gage to Canada for their respective shares in this debt of Canada, 
 amounting to over seventy-six millions of dollars. Upon our con- ! 
 senting to help Canada pay this enormous amount — giving her the ] 
 right and full power to fix our tariffs and regulate our taxation, 
 Canada very graciously offers to assist us in paying $8,000,000. 
 There is a clear balance against us in this transaction of over 
 $08,000,000. And yet this writer says " that Union is going to 
 do something great for our farmers." 
 
 With " Union the port of Halifax would he the rival of Mont- 
 real." Montreal is a city containing over 100,000 inhabitants. 
 Halifax about 30,000. The former has got to wait a half century 
 at all events before they can realize this great promise, but in the , 
 meantime they have to share in the debts of Canada, have to assist [ 
 in paying for her Canals, have to be taxed for her Railroads, for " 
 her great internal improvements — and will have the satisfaction of 
 seeing the produce of Canada driving out .their own products. , 
 Already they are being taxed for the article of Flour. This is to ; 
 force us to buy flour away up in the backwoods of that Province, 
 instead of at Boston or New York, where our natural market lies. 
 
 This view of Union will not be very encouraging to the farmers 
 of Nova Scotia, who h? ve been , singled out by our confederation t 
 author for special reference. 
 
 The Fishermen next receive 'i complimentary notice. "The 
 only thing that will save them and make them independent will 
 be a market at home." If this remark has not long since set every » 
 fisherman from South to N rth laughing we very much mistake 
 their intelligence. They could send their fish last year as free and 
 imrestr'cted as they can under confederation. How, then, is this 
 Union to benefit the fisherman ? It affords him no protection, while 
 it will enhance the price of the necessaries of life. It will bring 
 them no greater price for tiieir fish, while it will tax the very bread 
 they require, — their Sugar, Molasses, Tea, and absolute essentials 
 will all be L'id under contribution to '^lU up the treasury- ©f this 
 great Confederation- -that will give us 80 cents per head of our 
 own money — that will assist us in paying $8,000,000 by our assent- 
 ing to assist them in paying over ^76,000,000. 
 
 Surely the farmers and fishermen have great cause to rejoice in 
 view of the wonders of Confederation. 
 
 At page 27 our autkor gives us a summary of the revenue, show- 
 ing how it is to be apportioned, and how much of it is available to 
 the general and local governments. 
 
 To show how utterly unreliable are his facts, figures, similes. 
 
14 
 
 it' 
 I 
 
 ! 
 
 and precedents, I shall here give a review of this part of his pamphlet 
 from a leading Halifax journal : 
 
 " The total resources, on the scale of last year, are $479,000, 
 including the increased grant of $60,000, and the total expenditure 
 is $465,090, leaving, the author triumphantly adds, $14,000 for 
 contingencies. On comparing this statement of expenditure with 
 that of the Financial Secretary, it will be observed that the author 
 of the pamphlet has wilfully understated the amount granted last 
 year for roads and bridges, and at the same time has not taken 
 any account of the large sums expended on th^ Asylum for the In- 
 sane, &c., in excess of the grants. According to him, the estimat- 
 ed expenditure for roads and bridges is $160,000, whereas the 
 amount actually voted and expended was $274,000, or only $114,- 
 000 more. If this sum alone, leaving all others out of view, be 
 added to the $465,090, it makes the amount expended for local 
 purposes last year $579,090, to meet which we are to receive 
 $479,000, showing a deficiency of over $100,000. True it is 
 that this $114,000 was for special purposes; but every year 
 there are special services to be undertaken, and new require- 
 ments springing up, for which our increasing revenues enables u» 
 amply to provide. Thus this $100,000 was paid out of the revenues 
 of last year, without the imposition of any new tax, and we still had 
 a considerable sura to apply to other special purposes. But if Con- 
 federation had taken place a year ago, the improvements repre- 
 sented by this $100,000 could not have been made, unless the 
 amount had been raised by direct taxation. Our revenues last year 
 were sufficient to meet this expenditure, whereab if we had been 
 Confederated, it would have been absorbed by Canada. This one 
 fact alone most clearly demonstrated the injustice to which we shall 
 be subjected if this scheme of Union is ever consummated, and 
 proves that we must either refrain from all new improvements, or 
 resort to direct taxation, in addition to our other increased taxa- 
 tion, to carry them on." 
 
 I think this disposes pretty effectually of the farmers, fishermen, 
 and distribution of revenue. 
 
 STRENGTH AND RESOURCES OF THE CONFEDERACY. 
 
 By this expression I understand the pamphlet to mean our ability 
 and strength to take upon ourselves the responsibility of our own 
 defence — to set up a separate existence — to become the rival of the 
 United States, or, as Dr. Tupper put it, the " enemy of the United 
 States." 
 
 Already we have a debt to pay, upon starting, of over Ninety- 
 one millions of Dollars — a debt now fastened, by an act of Parlia- 
 
15 
 
 ^mphlet 
 
 79,000, 
 mditure 
 ,000 for 
 ire yrith 
 I author 
 ited last 
 t taken 
 • the In- 
 estimat- 
 reas the 
 ^ $114,- 
 dew, be 
 'or local 
 receive 
 rue it is 
 iry year 
 require- 
 lables us 
 revenues 
 still had 
 t if Con- 
 its repre- 
 iless the 
 last year 
 lad been 
 This one 
 1 yre shall 
 .ted, and 
 nents, or 
 led taxa- 
 
 Ishermen, 
 
 /ICY. 
 
 )ur ability 
 four own 
 val of the 
 he United 
 
 r Ninety- 
 of Parlia- 
 
 
 i 
 
 inent, upon the resources and industry of this country — a debt out 
 of which we contiacied but $8,000,000, leaving the enormous sum 
 of $83,233,000 against us which we have been no parties in con- 
 tracting. These startling facts lake the romance out of the beau- 
 tiful picture of Confederation. Add to the $91,233,000 for the 
 building of the Intercolonial Railroad, for the benefit of Canada, 
 and we have at starting, even before the scheme can be put in ope- 
 ration, a national debt of more than $106,000,000. 
 
 Then we have half a continent without a ship of war or a gunboat 
 in a harbor or lake, without a regular soldier at our disposal, or the 
 means to pay for any. 
 
 Should our young nationality be called upon to defend itself — 
 to place gun boats on the Canadian lakes — ships of war in the St. 
 Lawrence — war vessels in the harbors of Halifax and Saint John, 
 and in the Bay of Passamaquoddy — with gun boats up the Saint 
 Croix ; should we have to tax the bone and sineiv of " our young 
 nationality " to form ati army for the protection ot this great forest 
 country — to stretch them away along the American frontier from 
 the Atlantic to the Pacific — to lay a levy upon our mercantile ma- 
 rine, or draw from tbeir employment the hardy fishermen who are 
 toiling for a livelihood, and where every head is to be taxed to 
 build up a province like Canada — under such circumstances, what 
 would the '• strength and resources of the confederacy " amount to. 
 
 Suppose a war to break out with the United States, is any man ; 
 mad enough to think that we could cope with them. That our ^ 
 sparsely populated districts could contend with the well drilled army ^ 
 and navy of that great military and naval power. Whoever thinks , 
 so, let him turn his attention to the war between the North and ' 
 South. There we bad the spectacle of the Southern States, com- 
 bining their wealth, capital, skill, men, and everything they pos- 
 sessed, to overthrow the government of the United States, and es- 
 tablish a " new nationality." They spent millions of treasure, they 
 sacrificed hecatombs of their bravest sons and failed. The power 
 of the North was too much for them. And vet we are asked to be- 
 lie ve that we could defend ourselves against the whole powers of 
 the United States, embracing North and South. The absurdity of 
 the idea can be seen at a glance. 
 
 The conclusion of the whole matter is that we in British America 
 are unfit as yet for national life ; we have not the materials at 
 command in wealth and population to undertake so rash an 
 experiment. 
 
 The enormous debt we shall have upon us at starting should 
 have retarded the growth of this new nationality idea, as it is 
 plain that the contemplated future of this " New Dominion " can 
 never be realized so long as the great country stretching away 
 
16 
 
 
 from New Brunswick to the shores of Lake Superior is compara- 
 tively a forest. 
 
 The absurdity of the "isolation" argument, as put in this pam- 
 phlet cannot be better shewn than by referring to Great Britain. 
 She has no connection with the great back country of Europe. 
 She stands alone, with the sea washing her boundaries. Yet Eng- 
 land is not isolated because she owns a vast portion of the 
 globe. Nova Scotia cannot be " isolated " as long as she dwells 
 beneath the shadow of the British Crown. Isolation arguments 
 will only be applicable when we are dragged from beneath the 
 protecting wing of the Mother Country, and made to look to the 
 forests of Canada for protection instead of to Great Britain. 
 
 Such then is a fair view of what Confederation will do for us. 
 It is the creature of Canadian faction. It was conceived in the 
 womb of Canadian necessities. It will paralyze our industry and 
 cramp our resources. It loads us with a heavy debt for which we 
 never can nor will receive any benefit. It places the power 
 of taxation in a government 800 miles away from us. It destroys 
 our self-government ; breaks down our institutions ; seizes upon 
 our revenues, and renders us liable at any moment to be dragged 
 into a separate existence and finally swallowed up by the 
 United States. These are the true merits of Confederation, 
 These are the reasons why in Nova Scotia Mr. Tupper has been 
 afraid to discuss the question fully and freely, apd then take the 
 opinion of the people at the polls. It is for the people of Nova 
 Scotia then, by all lawful ways and means, to break down a consti- 
 tution reared in defiance of their wishes, inimical to their interests, 
 that shatters their independence, and that, if unchecked, will 
 speedily sweep them into a separate existence, rendering them 
 indeed isolate and defenceless. 
 
I