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V A*- 'f: t «!i,l. • Ir..' j\ v\ Vm-I^ .1 ^ .i. ilari'ip im''.: vl^i-j INDIAN HIOGRAl'HY: OR, AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THOSB INDIVIDUALS WHO HAVK BEKN DIRTINfil'ISHED AMONO THE NORTH AMERICAN NATIVES AS ORATORS, WARRIORS, STATESMEN, AND OTHER REMARKABLE CHARACTERS. I^^i BT B. B. THATCHER, ESQ. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. L NEW-YORK : PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY J. & J. HARPER, NO. 62 rMFK-STRKKT, AND FOR SALE BY THE PRINCIP\L RUOKSKLLERS THROUOHOUT THE UNITED STATES. 18 32. I !l [Entered according to the Act of CJongress, in the year 1832, by /. v«>n he conlnit t«> h.ivt* written it in viiin, n» no .stiiti'iiicnt or art;iiiii«Mit r.-iii zivf it nny (It'grue of vitality or popularity iti the oik; caHc or in tlit; iann«>r of izaininu thin point— .Marri.ii!** of rornhiintas with John Itoltr — Ih-atli and rhaiarler (»f INuvhatan — His piTson, mannor (>( living, talentH, indiirnrc. Mm method and means of warfare — The discipline of his warriors— The manner in ivhieh he availed himself of the I'niilish arms and silence — Causes of his hostility towards the colonists — Mis diunily— Shrewdness — liidepiMidence — < 'oiirti-sy — I.iherality — Simplii iiy — Allertioti for his rel-ilives — A review of various opinions entertained of him hy various hisUirians. 40 C'HAI'. in. — The family of Powhatan — Mis surressnr — Se(piel of the hist(»ry of Pocahontas — Her acts of kindness to the ccdonintfl at various times, and especially to Smith — Mis gratitude — Her rivilisation, and instruction in ('hristianity — Her visit to Ktig- land in Itlhl— Ueception at Court — Interview with Smith— Hif ineinorini resiMciinu her to Clueen Anne — Her death and charac- ter — Her descendants. ....... 06 CHAP. IV. — Seipiel of the history of OpechancanonKh — Kenewnl, by him and Opitchipaii, of the treaty of peace — Finesse by which he extended his dominion over the Chickahoniiniefl — Prepara- tions for War — C'auses «d'it — Profound dissimulation under which Jus hostility was concealed— Indian custom of making Conjurers — Manoeuvres against th«' Fnglish interest — The great massacre of Ii'chJ ; circumstances and consetiuences of it — Particular occa- sion which led to it — Character and death of Nemattamow — Details of the war .suliseipufnt to the massacre — Truce broken by the I'nglish — New exertii»n.s of Opechancanoueh — Rattle of Pa- miinkey — Peace of Iti'.i2— Massacre of IHll — Capture of Opechnn- canoiigh by the Knulish — Mis death and character. - - 77 CHAP, v.— Biography of other Virginian chieAains — Ohitchipa!* — Some particulars respecting Tomocomo — His visit to Knclnnd, interview with Captain Smith, and return to America — .Fapa- T.AWs, chief sachem of the Patowomekes — His friendship for the English — 111 treatment which he received from them — Totopo- TOMoi, successor of C>pechancanough — Mis services — His death in \C>M — .N'otices of several native chiefs of North Carolina — (Jranoammo, who dies in l.S"*.") — Mk.nateno.n, king of the Chowanocks — Ensenork, father of Granganimo ; and VVingina, his brother — Plot of the latter against the Hatteraa colony — Hia death— -Comment on the Caroliiiian Biography. - - 95 CONTENTS. VII Cll \I'. Vr.--H>nnpHi<( of tlir Ne-vv Kncliunl Imliiinx at llir date of llii- I'lv iMiiiilh HitllrrruMit— 'I'lir I'ltkiUnikft rnnicilcriu y — 'I'h«' \\ .im|i;in(ias Iritir — 'I'luMr lir>*t head S.k lirm known In llir i'.nn- li-li, .M*»« \«Mi I — 'I'lii- lirnt iiitirMt \v iHlwcni Immi :imiI IIhi Wliltrx — IliN Vl.xil to l'l> iniilllll, in ll-JI — 'l'rtMl> nl' |ir;irc atxl fruiii|-4|ii|) — rjn>'«''s\ Ki'iit III liiiii at Suwaiii"*, !•> llir KnuliMh — AiMiitiiirs r«--Q.(— A RtM-nnil il«*|Mitatliiii \\*\Ih iiiiii — (Vn'iiinnirs and rrmilN of tlic viiif — Mm iiiIiti oiirsr with nilur trih«s — CnnvrjanrrH of land to tlif KiikIihIi — His dratli and < liaraclrr — Aiu'tdntrs. ... . . . . 1|.", CHAP. VII. — MaHSftsoit !«u'M — M«>a!fl madt* aKikiiHt him — Kxainination of the ti;tii-*iire;« taktMi ill consiMjiienre — Philip's Hiihmission — Letter to the Plym- oiilli (Governor — Second Hiihmission in Itwl — Kemarkrt on tli«^ raiisen of Philip'* War IH CHAI'. VIM. — Preparations for war hefween Philip and the f'(»lo- iiiex — fJreat excileinent (d'llie times — l)ep(initiini nf Hiiuh t'oh) — Immediate orrasion of lio<^tilities — ('nmmencement id' them, June 'JUli, I(i7.'> — yiimmary Mketcli of the war — ('oiise(iuerire>4 to the |)arties engaged — Kxertions, ailvintiiieH and erirapes of Kirii^ Philip — His death — Anerdotes respertiinf him— < Jhservations on iiifl character — His cotiraiie, (lit;nity, kindness, iiidepeiidenre. shrewdness, and uelf-coiiunand — Fate of his family — Defwiic.e ot hiH conduct. --... _... 159 CHAP. IX. — Tlie Narraeliansett tril)e ; territory and power — Chii-f Harh*!mH at the date of the Knglish •settlements in New KiiKlarul — (.'aminicis ass(»ciates witli himself Mi a > iondmo, his nephew — 'I'heir treatment of Kouer Williams in H','M — Hostility to the Plymoiitli Colony — Invited liy the Peqiiots to tiylit rhe Knuli-'li — Treaty negotiated at Hoston, in It;.'}!'), hy Miantoi nmo — War with the Pecpiots and result of it — SiihNe<|iient hostility hetweru Miantonomo and Uncau — Sehiassen — Rattle of the Sachem's- Plain — Capture (»f Miantonomo — Sentence of the English com- missioners upon him — Execution of it. - - - - 177 CHAP. X. — Consideration of the justice of t!ic Cimnnissioners sentence upon Miantonomo — Their reasons, as alleged — 'I'lio charge against him of amhitious designs— of employ ing the Mo- hawks — Of breaking the leajrue of HVM — ' (^oncernintj tlo* Pe- quot squaws' — Of imstility to the English — of peciilatiim — Proofs of liis fidelity and friendshif) — Causes of complaint hy iiiin and Canonicus atjainsi the English — Character of hnlh Sachems — Their treatment of Roger Williams— Letters of that gentleman — Anecdotes — Death of Canonicus. ----- 191 CHAP. XI. — Canonicus succeeded hy Pkssacos— Mf.xhvm — Nini- ORET, Sachem of the Nianticks — Proposnls made hy them to the English, and. hy the English in n'turn — They ct.mmence hostili- ties against Uncas — The English resolve to make war upon thera — They make concessions — Their visits to Boston — Subsequent movomentB agaiast Uncas. An anned party sent against Nini- Vlll CONTENTS. ii ir pret and rossnniq— TJicy are accused of a leaplie with the Dutch JipaiiiHt tli«' llimlisli. _.----.. 910 CFIAT. XII. — ScMjiiol of tlu! lives of Ninicret and Pess.icufl, from 111.);} — Viiriiiiis ai'(iis;itioii>;, dt'piitatidTis, atid hustile mnveiiientfl h«t\vc«!n Uieiii ami tlif Hii;.'li— Conduct of Niniprrl in I'Jiilip's \Var— ('(.ii«f(|HtfricrH of it — Mis death — Death of I'rssarnH — Some of the i harefs ajiainst the former con- si(l(;r<(l — His iiostility to ( iiras, and the I^onp Inlanders, and ' Lea^'nc wiili tlie iMitcIi' — llt^inarks on liis character. - 931 CII.M'. Xni. — 'i'hc I't'cpiot triiie — Tlu-ir fir:'t chief-sachem known to the Kiiizlisli, I'lKoATH — siiccrcdfd liy S\ssArrs — An embassy sent to Hostoii in lt'i:il — Kcsidcncf! and stront-hold of Hassacua — His rarlicst inlcrconrse wilii the Hn!:li>h — iMnrder of Captain Htone — .lusiification of it i)y Hassaciis — He proposes a treaty of peace in I(i:M — Sends deputies to Hoston twice — Treaty conclud- ed — Anecdotes — His wars with the Narrajihansetts — Fresh con- trov(!rsy with tlie KnL'lisli — 'I hey send an armed party to demand dainajies — Conduct (if the party, and consequences of it — War Avitli tiie I'e(piots in KlMf! — Political movements of Sassacus — Knt'lisli expcditicm n^'ainr^t him in It;:}? — He is defeated — Driven from his country— Killed by the Mohawks — The English policy in his case hrietly considered. 250 CHAP. XrV. — The Pequot territory claimed by I^'ncas — Tlis tribe, family, and early history — Services in the PequoT expedition re- warded by the EniiJish — Eflect of liieir favor — Flis contest with IMiantonoino, and result — Snbseqiieiit wars and quarrels with various tribes and chiefs — As istance rendered him by the Eng- lish — Complaints hroM^'bt apainst him to them — His Christianity considered — His morality — Hvidence of his fratid, falsehood, violence, tyranny, ambition — His services, and those of his tribe to the Eni:lish — Man?ier in which ho met the accusations made against him — CnnniiiL' and servility — His treatment of neiphbor- in:r sachems — Various negotiations with the Enulish — His death — Fate of his tribe. " - - 266 CHAP. XV. — Indians who submitted to Massachusetts — The Gor- tonists — PoMHAM, Sachem of Shaomet, and Saconoco complain of them — Submit to the Government — Their examination and entertainment — Policy of ]\Iassachnsetts in the casf of Pomham — He and Saconoco much harassed by their neifrhbor?— Subse- quent history— Pomham takes part in IMiilip's war, and is killed — Canonchet, son of Miantonoiiio— His a^rreement of October, 167;") — Wef, TAMORE, Squaw-Sachem of Pocasset — Canonchet'sca- reerdnring Philip's war — Particulars of his surprisal and death — His character — Anecdotes — His reputation with the English — Defence of his conduct. ...---- 295 CHAP. XVr.— Account of the Pawtncket confederacy in New Hrimpshire— Passaconawav, their Chief Sachem — He is disarm- ed by order of the ."Massachusetts Government. His residence, asie and authority — He maintains a cond \inderstanding with the Enjilish — Visits Boston — The Apostle Elliot's acquaintance with, and notice of him — His views of Christianity — Festival, and Farewell speech to his tribe in IGGO — Death and character — Kis son and successor, Wonolanset. Anecdotes of the family- Legend of Passaconaway's feats aa a Powah. - - 315 4' 1 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. CHAPTER I. The Indian trihes of Virginia at the date of the Jamestown gettlcinonl: ihcir names, niunlicrs and power — Tlie I'ow- hatan confederacy — The Indian Villajje of that name — Powhatan — The circmnstances of the first interview Ije- tween liim and the Englisli — Opechancanol'gh, iiis ))rotlior — Opitciiipan — Ilect'ption of Captain Smith l)y Pow- hatan — Interposition of Pocahontas in his favor — Second visit of the colonists — Third visit, and coronation — Enter- tainment of Smith l)y Pocahontas — Contest of ingenuity lictwcen Powliatan and Smith : and between the hitter and Opechancanongh — Smith saved again by i'ocahontas — Politi- cal manoeuvres of Powhatan and Opecliancanough — Smitli's return to Jumestown. :^ i I At the date of the first permanent settlement effected witliin the limits ol* Virginia, and for an un- known period previous to that date, tlie coimtry from the sea-coast to the Alleghany, and from the most southern waters of James river to Patuxent river, (now in the state of Maryland) was occupied by three principal native nations. Each of these nations was a confederacy of larger or smaller tr bes ; and each tribe was subdivided into towns, faiairus or clans, ■who lived together.* The three general names by which these communities have been ordinarily known, m*e the Mannahoacks, the Alouacans and the Powhatans. ♦Jeflferson's Notes on Virginia. The author has apparently intended to use the word family in ita most enlarged sense. 10 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. (I;;; \1 Of tlioso, tliotwo former ini<:lit bn rallrd liijjhlnud or iiioimtaiii Indians. Tlicy Jdl I'ivjmI upon iIm' hanks of the various small streams which wator tlie hilly country Ix'twrcn the tails of the Atlantic riv<'rs and the Alleghany ridge. The IMannahoacks consisted of eight tribes, five of whicli were located between the Potomac and Kappahannoc, and three between tlie last named river and tin; York. Of the five tribes of the Monacjins,* two were between the York and James, and three exteuiled southward ti-om the James to the boundaries of Carolina. The most powerful respectively of the eight and of the five — the Mannahoacks and the Monacans, properly so called — seem to have given th(Mr own names to the entire nation or confederacy of whicii they were members. The; former tribe occupied chiefly what are now Stafford and Spotsylvania coiuiti(^s. The latter resided upon James river above the falls. The Powhataii nation inhabited the lowland tract, extending laterally fi'om the ocean to the falls of the rivers, and from Carolina on the south to the Pa- tuxent on the north. This comprised a much larger number of tribes than either of the others. As many as ten of them (including the Tauxenents, whose chief residence was about Mount Vernon) were settled between the Potomac and Rappalian- noc.f Five others extended between the Rappahan- noc and York ; eight between the York and James, and live between the James and the borders of Caro- • lina. Beside these, the Accohanocks and Acco- macks, on what is called tlie Eastern Shore (of Chesapeake Bay) have also been considered a part of this nation. * It may he well to take this occasion of observing, that the author's only rule in tiic orthoifiaphy of Indian term has been to follow what a[)|)ears to be the most approved usage. Stit)i uses Manakins, ijistead of IMonacans. t Both these rivers have derived their names from tlie tribes originally settled on them. The former have been coiaaionly called tiie Patowomokou. INPUN RlOCaiAPlIY. 11 Tlin territory ocriipird by the \vIiol«? of tins proat confederacy, soutli of the Potonuic, eoMipn'liiinI'd al)ont 8,000 s(|iiare miles. Siiiifli tells iis in liis his- tory,* that within sixty miles of Jamrstown \v( p- .l.COO natives, of whom 1,500 wrrc warriors. Mr. .h'tl'nsoii has computed the whole nnmlx r of Pouhataii war- riors at '-2,400, which, aeeor(rm«r to the |)rop(»rrions between Smith's estimates (hciiijj tlirei- to ten) would ffive an entire poi>nlation of r^,000, or one to each square mile. This ealcnlation is ])rol)ably quite moderate enouL'l). It would leave an average of less than one hundred "warriors to each of the thirty tribes. ]?ut wr find it re- corded by an early writer, that three himdred appear- ed under an Indian chieftain in one body at one time, and seven hundred at another; all of whom were ap- parently Oi'hisown tribe. The Cbickaliominii s alono bad between three hundred and four hundrefl fii:ht- in;i^ men. The Nansamonds and ('hesap(\'d\s showed on one occasion a Ibrce of (bur himdred. And wIm n Snfitli ascended the Potomac, in June lOOH, thouifh he saw no iidiabitants lor the first thirty miles, ho had scarcely entered "a littl(! !>ayed chm-Uc to>\ards Onavvmanient (now Xoiiiiny) when he found all the Avooda roundabout layd with ambiiscadoes to the mniiber of three or four tltouftnnd Savap's, so strani^e- ly paynted, i^rimmed and disiruised, shoutinsT, yellin|a^ and crying as so many sj)irits from bell could not have shewed monMerrible." It is well known that the valiant Crptain was wont to express bis oj)inions in strong: t(Mnis, but he has rarely been detected in any great inaccuracy. And the circumstances of this case are in his favor; for it has heen truly remarketl,that the I*owhatan con- federacy inhabited a country n[)on which nature had *A work of wliicii tli(^ \aliie is well known to all readers of tlio early American history. The title; i- — "The Tr\e Truvels, Adventures and C)l)^(•|^alion^• of Caplaine lohn Smith in Europe, Asia, Africke und .Aiiierica, l)eont the yoere 1593, und continued to this jiredeiit 1U29." We copy from tlie Lonvkm edition of the date lui^t non'.ed. 12 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. \^ t iMf beatowed sin^ilar advantages. Unlike tlie natives of more nortiiern ref^ioiis, {]uiy suffered little from cold, and lews from famine. Their settlements were most- ly on the banks of James, Elizabeth, Nansamond, York and Chickahominy rivers, all which abounded with the most delicious tish and fowl. In his Poto- mac expedition, Smith met with " that aboundance of fish, lying so t|,>icke with their heads above the water, as lor want of nets, (our barge driving amongst them) we attem])ted to catch them ivith a frying-pan." And though the captain naturally enough concluded, after some trials, that this was a j)oor instrument for his purpose, he persists in adding that " neither better fish, more plentie, nor more varietie for small fish, had any of vs euer seene in any place so swimming in the water — but they are not to be caught with frying- pans." He found the stingrays in such abundance among the reeds at the mouth of the Rappahannoc, that he amused himself by nailing them to the ground with his sword : " and thus," he observes, " we tooke more in owne houre than we could eate in a day," Vast quanthies of corn, too, yearly rewarded even the simple agriculture of the Indians, bestowed as it was upon the best portions of a generous soil. " Great heapes " of it were seen at Kekoughtan, " and then they brought him venison, turkies, wild fowle, bread and what else they had." In none of his captivities, or his visits among the natives, did the captain ever suffer from want of food ; and he often brought off his boat and his men laden with plenty. The Nan- samonds gave him 400 baskets-full at one time. The Chickahominies, though they complained extremely of their own wants, yet " fraughted" him with a hundred bushels. The woods furnished another inexhaustible supply both of fruits and game : so that, on the whole, it is very easy to believe, that a con- siderably greater population than Mr. Jefferson's esti- mate supposes, might have subsisted without much difficulty on the soil they are known to have occupied. " And now the winter [of 1607 — 8] approaching," we INDIAN BIOGRAl'IIY. 13 the 'we are informed in another passage, "the rivers l»eeame so covered with swans, px'sc, dnckesand eranes, that we daily feasted with good hread, Virginia jjcase, pumpions and putelianiins,* fisli, lowle, and diverse sorts of wild heasts, so fat {is we coidd eate theni ; so that none of onr Tuftaflfaty hnniourists desired to go for England." On one occasion, wli«;n Smith nnder- took an exploring tour into the interior, late in the season, a violent storm ohliged him and his men to keep Christmas among the savages. "And we were never more merry," he relates, "nor i'vd on more })lenty of good oysters, iish, flesh, wild fowle and good hread, nor ever had hetter tires in England." In a peaceful interval of a few months, whivho were left nieanuhih' in possession of the harp", were onh'red on no occount to <;o on shore urnil his return. The order \v;is disoheycd ; for h<' wius scarcely out ofsiirht and hearinir, when the whole of the crew went ashore. They were very near forfeit- inif their lives for their raslnn'ss. 'J'he Indians, to the nuinher of two or three hinidred, lav wait tor them ainon«;the woods on tin; hank of the river, under the direction of Opechanca.noi^gu, Sach<^tn of llu; l*a- niunkies and re|)uted hr(»th»'r of Powhatan. One Geor(i Ity that »Sa(-|i<'iii and his littnily, oil account oi" the ahnndanc*; of ^iimu* it atlitrdrd. Tlic order of procession was a proj)er Intlinn file, C)j)eclian<'anoM<.di, niarcliinuc in the centre, had the Knirhsh swords and ninsktts carried hetore him as u tropliy. Next followed Smi'li, led Ity three stout eavagi's wlio held him fast hy the arm ; w hile on either side six inon^ marched in tile, with their arrows notched, as flaidv-irnards. On arriving; at Orapakes, a villa*rf^ consistiiiir of some thirty to forty mat-honses, the women and chil- dren tlocke'd out to ^»^aze at a heinir so ditferent from any they had ever hefore seen. The warriors, on the otiier iiand, immediately hei^an a «rrand war-dance, the hest description of which is in Smith's own lan- pnafre. " A irood time they contiinied this exercise, and then cast themselnes in a rinj^ danncinr jui unexpected refM!!! An Indian, najned Mocasseter, hrought him his g-ownp, as Smith calls it — periiaps a fm* mantle, or a blanket — and gave it to him, professedly in requital of certain beads and toys which Smith had given him at Jamestown, inunc^diately after his arrival in Virginia.* Two days atlervvards, he was violently assaulted, and but for his guard would have been killed, by an old Indian whoso son had boon wounded in the skirmish which took j)laco at his capture. They con- ducted him to the death-bed of the poor wretch, where he was found breathing his last. Smith told them he had a kind of water at Jamestown which might effect a cure, but they would not permit him to go for it, and the subject was soon forgotten. With- in a few days, they began to make great preparations for assaulting the English Colony by surprise. They * A fine illustnitioH of that principle of gratitude which is as pruverhially characteristic of the Indians as their revenge, and for similar reasons. No favor is wasted upon thein, and no injury or insult is forgiven. The anecdote following this in the text is an instance in point. INDIAN* nior.uAruv. 19 Ivengo, aiid Ithia in <'rav«Ml ^^niitli's adviro n\u\ nssistnn^o in tlmt prn- nM'diiii:, (itrcriiii: liiiii !n>t oiilv liH' and lilMTty tor liis services, hut as nindi land t'ora scttlcnK'nl and (ts many woMirn flir wives as lie wanted — sncli an opin- ion liad tln'v fiu'incd of liis knowledjfe and prowesH. lie did every fhin^' in liis power to discourage their desij.ni, Ity t( IliiiL' tlieni of the mines, the cannon, and various other strafajrems and enirines of war, useci hy the linudish. lie conid only succeed in prevailinj^ Mj)on several of thein to carry a note fl)r him to Jan.fV'^town, (under pretence of irettinir some toys,) in >vhi<'h he informed his coimtrymen of his own situa- tion Siud the intention of the savajics, and rerpiested them to send him ^vitllout tiiil hy the hearers certain nrti«'les which he named. Those were to he de- posited at a jiarticular spot in tiie woods near James- town. Tlio messen;r(.i-s started otf, we are told, in as severe w«'ather as could he of frost and snow, and arrived at .Famestovvn. There, seein*; men sally out from the town to meet them, as Smith had told them would he \\u' case, they were fri^ditened ami ran oft*. But tiie note was left hehind ; and so coming a^ain in lh(^ eveninjr, they found the articles at the appoint- ed place, and then returned homeward in such haste as to reach Orapakes in three days after they had left it. All thouj^hts of an attack upon the colony being now extinjfuished in the }\stonishment and terror ex- cited hy tiie feats of Smith, they proceeded to lead him ahout the country in show and triumph. First they carried him to the trihe living on the Youghta- nund, since called the Pamunkey river ; then to the Mattaponies, the Piankatunks, the Nantaughtacunda on the Kappahannoc, and the Nominies on Potomac river. Having completed this route, they conducted him, through several other nations, to Opechanca- nough's own habitation at Pamunkey ; where, with frightful bowlings and many strange ceremonies, they 'conjured' him three days in order to ascertain, as they told him, whether he intended them well or 1 i r.. to INDIAN niO(;HAPIIV. ill.* An uWii may !»' (oriTK'd of iImho prorcoriiM^rji, wliicli took pl.'UT uiidrr ( )|M'cliariranoii;rli's 'mH|M'r- tion, from tlic r\rn'is»'s for oiio rmers of the samc! description, thr'ir bodies painted half red and Jialf hiack, their eyes wliitc and their faces streaked with red patches, aj)- parently in imitation of Knulish whiskers. These three havin«j danced ahout f«)r a considerahle time, niadt; way tor thret^ more, with red eyes, and white streaks upon black faces. At len^^th all seated them- selves opposite to the prisoner, three on the rij^ht bandof tlu? first named fimctionary (who appearetl to be tlie chief j)riest, and rin^deader) and three on the lefl. TJien a song was commenced, accompanied with a violent use of the rattles; upon which the chief priest laid dowji five ivlwat-cornsyj and began an oration, straining his arms and hands so that lie perspired fretdy, and his veins swelled. At the con- clusion, all gave a groan of assent, laid down three *Stitli, p. 53. + An iniulvertency, we pre^uine; or the words may be used rather loosely to fi!>iiity what liad as yet no distinctive name. Indian corn must be meant. INDIAN i;H)(iRAriIY. 21 irrnins iiir)ro, and r'^nrwctl t\\o sonp. Tlii<« went oil until the (in* nvjus ls\ i<'»' cncirrlrd. Otiirr crri'- inonir.s of flir sai"" cliararfrr nisiuMi, and lust of all was l>n»ii«rlit on, towards ovcnin^r, a plmtilid fciLst of" tlu' brsl |U*ovi>iunH fliry roidd tuiiiif^li. Tim lt', and hells and heads for his daugiiter.* This was apparently a mere pretext for conceal- ing the emotions which he thought unworthy of his name tus a warrior, and for preventing any j«;alousy on the part of his counsellors. And sid)sequent events would lead to the same conclusion. He detained his j)risoner hut two days. At the end of that time, he caused him to he conducted to a large house in the woods, and then; left alone upon a mat hy the tire. In a short time, a horrible noise was h(?ard ti-om behind a wide mat which divided the house : and then Powhatan, dressed in the most fantastic manner, with some two hundred followers as much bt^ifrimed and disguised as himself, came in and told Smith that now they were friends ; 'and presently he should go to Jamestown to send him two great guns and a grindstone, tor wiiich he would give him the country of Capaliovvsick, and forever estec'm him as his own son.' He wfis accordingly sent otf, with twelve guides, to .Jamestown. The jiarty quartered in the woods one; night, and reached the tort the next morning betimes. The savages were handsomely entertained while tliey staid. Two demi-cuh'erins and mill-stone were shown them, with other curiosi- ties. They proposed to carry the former to Pow- hatan ; but finding them somewh.it too heavy, content- ed themselves with a variety of lighter presents. They were excessively frightened by a discharge of the * This cclebratod sceno is preserved in a beautiful piece of sculpture, over the western door of the Rotunda of the Capitol at Washinj^ton. The group consists of five figures, represent- ing the pnu'ise moment when Pocalionta?, by her interposition, saved Smith from being executed. J^mith is attired in the military dress, reclining on his elbow, his body extended, ready to receive the death-blow from the warmace of an bidian who stands near his head. This is the work we believe, of Capellano, an Italian pupil of Canova. T 4 r 24 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. culverins. — Smith, who liad politiral as well as piu'- Bonal motives in view, had loaded them with stones, and these he fired amon«rthe houghs of a tree eover- ed with huge icieles. The effect may easily be im- agined. During the same winter, Smith visited Powhatan, in company with Captain Newport, a gentleman newly arrived from England, who had already sent many presents to the emperor. Attended by a guard of thirty or forty men, they sailed as far as Werowo- moco the first day. Ilere Newport's courage failed him. He was especially alarmed by the appearance of various bridges they were oblig<;d to pabs over in crossing the streams ; for these were so loosely made of poles and bark, that he took them for traps set by the savages. But Smith, with twenty men, leaving the boat, undertook to go forward and accomplish the journey. He accordingly went on, and was soon met by two or three hundred Indians, who conducted them into the town. There Powhatan exerted him- self to the utmost to give him a royal entertainment. The i}eople shouted for joy to see Smith ; orations were addressed to him ; antl a plentiful feast provided to refresh him after the weariness of his voyage. The emperor received him, reclining upon his bed of mats, his pillow of dressed skia lying beside him with its brilliant embroidery of shells and beads, and his dress consisting chiefly of a handsome fur robe " as large as an Irish mantell." At his head and feet were two comely young women as before ; and along the sides of the house sat twenty other females, each with her head and shoulders j)ainted red and a great chain of white beads about her neck. " Before these sat his chiefiist men in like order in his arbor-like bouse, and more than Ibrtie plattei-s of fine bread stood as a guard in two pyles on each side the door. Foure or fiue hundred i>eopIe made a guard behinde them for our passage ; and Proclamation was made, none vpon paine of death to presume to doe vs any wrong or disconrtesie. With many pretty discourses 11 ; INDIAN BIOC.IlArilV. 25 as pel'' stones, cover- be iiu- diatan, I tie man dy sent El guard erovvo- e failed earance over in y made s set by v'm^ the lish the as soon iidiicted ed him- linment, orations rovided e. The bed of ide him ids, and ur robe nd feet d along s, each a ^eat e these or-like bread le door» )chinde made, vs any courses to renew their old acquaintance, this great King and our captaine spent the time, till the ebbe left our barge aground. Then renewing their leest with feates, dauneiug and singing, and such like mirth, we quar- tered that night with l*owhatan."* The next day, Newport, who had thought better of his fears, came ashore, and was welcomed in the same hospitable style. An English boy, named Savage, was given to Powhatan at his request ; and he return- ed the favor by presenting Newport with an Indian named Nomontack, a trusty and shrewd servant of his own. One motive; for this arrangement was probably the d( sire of gaining information respecting the English colony. During the three or four days more which were passed in feasting, dancing and trading, the old Sachem manifested so much dignity and so much discretion, as to create a high admi- ration of his talents in the minds of his guests. In one instance, he came near offending them by the exercise of his shn^wdness, although that may bo fairly considered their fault rather than his. Newport, it seems, had brought with him a variety ot articles for a baiter commerce — such as he sup- posed would command a high price in corn. And accordingly the Powhatans, generally of the lower class, traded eagerly with him and his men. These, however, were not profitable customers ; they dealt upon a small scale ; they had not much corn to spare. It was an object tlierefbre to drive a trade with the emperor himself But this he atlected to decline and despise. " Captain New|)ort," said he, " it is not agi-eeable to my greatness to truck in this peddling manner for trifles. I am a gi-eat Werowance,t and I esteem you the same. Therefore lay me down all your connnoditics together ; what I like I will take, and m return you shall have what I conceive to be ♦Smith's Ilistoiy, Ricliniond Edition, p. 167.- t A Povvluitau (ciiu of ^^f iicral signilicalioii, answering fo the Norfhern Sachem, the Basheha of Maine, and the English Chief. c 'VH^ 26 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. ; i I i a fair value." This proposal was interpreted to Newport by Smith, who informed him at the some time of the hazard he must incur in arceptin«( it. But N»3wport was a vain man, and confidently ex- pected either to (hizzle the emperor with his ostenta- tion, or overcome him with his bounty, so as to ^'ain any request he might make. Tiie event unluckily proved otherwise. Powhatan, after coolly selectin/ij such of Newport's goods as he liked best, valued his own corn at such a rate, that Smith says it might as well have be(^n purchased in old Spain ; they re- ceived scarcely four bushels where they liad counted upon twenty hogsheads. It was now Smith's turn to try his skill ; and ho made his experiment, more wisely than ids comrade, not upon the sagacity of th(5 emperor but upon his simplicity. He took out various toys and gewgaws, as it were accidentally, and contrived, by glancing them dexterously in tlie liglit, to show them to great advantage. It was not long before Powhatan fixed his observing eye upon a string of brilliant blue beads. Presently he became importunate to ob- tain them. But Smith was very unwilling to part with these precious gems ; they being, as he observ- ed, composed of a most rare substfuice, of the color of the ski(^s, and fit to be worn only by the greatest kings in the world. The savage grew more and more eager to own such jewels, so that finally a bar- gain was struck, to the perfect satisfaction of all parties, whereby Smith obuuned between two and three hundred bushels of corn for a pound or two of blue beads. A similar negotiation was immedi- ately after efFect(;d with Opechancanough at Pamun- key. He was furnished with a quantity of this invaluable jewelry at very nearly the same price ; and thus the beads grew into such estimation among the Indians far and near, that none but the great werow- ances, and their wives and children, dared to be seen v^aring them. They were imperial symbols of enormous value. ■li INDIAN BIOGRAPHY 27 ted to ! same ;in<; it. tly ex- st«mta- to jjain luckily leering jed his might ley re- ounted and ho •mrade, ion his wgaws, lancing to great n fixed It blue to ob- to part observ- color eatest e and a bar- of all vo and or two nmedi- amun- of this e ; and tng the verow- jeeeen >ols of But it was not upon bcadrf only that Powhatan set a iiiifh cstiniatt'. lie perceived the vast advantage which tiie Kiiglish poss» .ssed over his own siien in their weapons; and Im^ became exceedingly anxious to place himself upc»n e(|u;d terms on one side with tlie colonists, whih; he should domineer over tln^ less fortunate foreign Indian tribes, as lie liked, on the otin'r. When Newport left the cotmtry Ibr IvMgland, he sent him twenty tine turkeys, and recpiested in re- turn the f'lvor of as many swords, which that gentle- man was inconsiderate enough to furnish him. lie subsequently passed the sami; com|)liment to Smith ; and when the latter gave him no swords in payment, he was highly ofi*en(h'd, and is said to have ordered Ins people to take them wherever they could get them, by stratagem or by force. }?ut Smith soon checked this project in his usual summary manner ; and Powhatan, finding that game a desperate on<', sent in Pocahontas with prescnth, t(» excuse himself tor the injury done "by some of bis ilisorderly warriors," and to desire that those who W(>r(; captive might be liberated for this time on their good behavior. Smith punished them sufficiently, and granted the request of the emperor 'for the sake of Pocahontas.' The council were offended at what they considered liis cruelty ; but Powhatan affected at least to be satisfied. We hear of the emperor again in September, (1608,) when Captain Newport arrived with a second sup- ply for the colony, and anew commission for himself liy this he was authorized to make an exploring ex- pedition, /or g-oW, among the Monacansof the moun- tain country ; and a barge was brought out from England in five pi(;ces, to be carried over the falls, and thence convey the company to the South Sea. Smith op|)osed this sage proposal on the ground of the necessities of the colony ; they were especially in want of provision to be laid in tor the coming winter. But a large majority Avere against him. He was even accused of jealousy towards Newport ; and 28 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. the latter dofcated all )i he ihouglit, I t f i til '.: !i opposition, by undertaking to procure u l)}irk-load of corn from Powhatan, on his pro))os('d route to tlie Soutii Sea, at Werowocomoco. lie required, however, that one hundred and twenty men sliould go with him ; ho put no confidence in the friendship of the emperor or his subjects. Smith now came forward, and volunteered to carry the necessaiy messages to Powhatan himself, and to invite him to visit Jamestown, for the purpose of receiving the presents brought over for him by New- port. Among these, it appears, were a splendid ba- sin and ewer, a bed, bedstead, clothes, and various other costly novelties ; the only effect of which would be, as Smith alleged, to cause the emperor to over- rate tlie importance of his own favor, and to sell for gold and silver nione what he had heretofore sold readily for copper and blue beads. Another of the S resents was a royal crown, sent out by his Britannic fajesty King James I. probably under the expecta- tion of wheedling Powhatan into submission to his own authority, and at all uvt^nts with orders to con- secrate the " divine right" of his royal ally in Virginia by the ceremonies of a solemn coronation. Smith took with him four companions only, and went across the woods, by land, about twelve miles, to Werowocomoco. Powhatan Avas then abst it, at the distance of twenty or thirty miljs. Pocahontas immediately sent for him, and meanwhile she and her women entertained their visiter in a style too remarkable to ])e passed by without notice. A fire was made in a plain open field, and Smith was seated before it on a mat, with his men about him. Sudden- ly such a hideous noise was heard in the woods near by, that ihe strangers betook themselves hastily to their arms, and even seized upon two or three old Indians who were standing near, under tl- ■ a|;prehen- sion that Powhatan with all his forces was come upon them by surprise. But Pocahontas soon made her appearance ; and a little explanation convinced the »!• INDIAN* BIOfJRAPIIV. 29 captain tlmt, liowevor she nii«rljf surrood or fiiil, lirr only intention was to n' ot' Hurk's homes on her head, and an Otter's skimie at her ^^irdle, another at her arme, a cpiiner ot" arrow<'s at Jier haeke, a- bow and arrowes in her hand. Tiie next had in her hand a sword, another a einb, another a pot-slieke, all liorned alike ; the rest euery one with their severall devises. These liends, with most hellish shouts and cryes, rnshin^ from amon^ the trees, ejustc themselves in a rinjj about the fire, sin^iuiif and dauneinp with th(^ most exeelh-nt ill varietie, oft failiui^ into their iidernall passions, and solenmly a<;ain to sin^ and daimee. Having spent neer an hour in this masrarado, as tliey entred, in like man- ner they departed." " Having reaecomodated thems<'lves, tliey solemnly invited him to their lod<;in«rs, where he was no sooner within the house but all these nym|)hs more torment- ed him than euer, with ('rowdin«r, j)r«'ssin^and hang- ing about him, most tediously crying, Lone you not me? Lone you not me? This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of all the salvage dainties they could deuise ; some attending, others singing and dauncing about them. This mirth being ended, with fire-brands instead of torches they conducted hhn to his lodging. Thus (!iil tlipy bIidsv thi ir featcs of armps, nn'l olbors art in dnmicing ; Suine others vs'il there u;ileii [lipe, anil uilii rs' vuyces ehuuiitiiig." Powhatan arrived on tlie following day, and Smith delivered his message, desiring him to visit "his father," Newport, at Jamestown, for the purpose of C2 % 1J 11 ' I \ 1 1 I; li i I; : ,1 30 rcciMving INDIAN niocRAPirv the nowly arrivod iJrosriit!?, nnd also con- certing a campaign in coninioti ai!;ninsl the Monacans. The subtle savage replii.-d to this artful projwsal with his accustomed intelligence and independence. " If your king has s(>nt me ])resents," said he with great composure, "I also am a king, and this is my land — Here I will stay (Mght days to receive them. Your Father is to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your fort. I will not bite at such a ])ait. As lor the Monacans, I can avenge my own injuries. As for Atquanachuck, where you say your ])rother wim slain, it is a contrary way from those paits you suppose it. And as tor any salt water beyond the mountains, the relations you have had from my peo- ple are false." Upon this he began to delineate the geography of these various regions vvitli a stick upon the ground. After some liirtlier discourse upon general and complimentary subjects. Smith returned with his answer. His servant, Namontack, who had been to England with Newport, was given back to him upon this occasion. The presents were sent round to Werowocomoco, by water ; and the two cnptains went by land, with a guard of fifty men. Tlie parties here .igreed upon the next day for the coronation ; .ind at that time the presents were brought in, the bed and furniture set up, and the scarlet cloak and other apparel put on the emperor, though with much ado, and only in consequence of Nomantack's earnest assurance that they would not injure him. As for kneeling to re- ceive the crown, which was requested ofliim, he en- tirely exhausted the patience of his visiters by his re- sistance. They gained their point in the end by stratagem. One leaned hard upon his shoulders, so as to cause him to stoop a little, and three more stood ready to fix the royal gewgaw on his head ; where- upon, at the discharge of a pistol, the guard were prepared with such a volley of musketiy as a salute, that the emperor (now a crowned-head at least) started up, as Smith says, in a horrible fear till he saw all I % INDIAN DionnAniY ni \n con- nncamt. nl with ;. "If h g;rovit land — Your yet to lor the As for ler was its you [)n(l the [ny peo- Bate the ck upon 50 upon returned ►vho had back to comoco, nd, with ed upon inie the liturc set put on only in ee that Ig to re- \y he en- his re- lend by Iders, so re stood where- I'd were salute, j started saw all was well. Soon reroverinjr his roinposiire, lie gene- rously {jave his old shoes and mantle to Newport in ucknowled^'enient of his eourt«'sy. iJnt |M'rc«ivinj( that the ?nain objert of that m f(h i"i H ! I W ^ ' 32 INDIAN DIOGIIAPIIY. for yoii only to rut yonr tliroat. Trust liim not, and fi'ivi' iiiin no (»|)i)ortunity to unzo upon your nrniH." Tlio next ni«rlit and scvfnil iwow were pju*s»'d at Kckonjriitan, wlirrr tin' Kn^jflisli wen; dotainod l)y a H^vorc storm, l)nt foinid merry rliccr, and jjfood fires. The colonists who were in th(^ hal)it of travelling with Smith had learned hardihood. "They wen; not rtnious in any weather, (he informs us,) to ly(; thr«Mi or foure ni^dits together vnder the trees." They liked huntini' too as thev marclied, and hero was u fine o[)))ortunity ; "an hundred fortie ei^jht foules, the President, Anthony FiaL'nall, and Serieant Pising ie "Iwillsparo you what T ran," said ho, "nnd that within two days. Hut, (Captain Hmitli, I havr soino (louhtH i\n to yoiu' ohjoct in tins visit. J am int()nn»Mi that you wish to confjurr inon- tlian to trade, and at all rvcnts you know my jx'Ojih; nnist hv afraid to conu! nciir yoti with tiicir rorn, so long as you go arnifd ami with siirh a rotinuo. Lay aside your weapons, thf'U. Here they are needless. We are all friends, all l*owliatnns." The information alluded to here was probably gathered li'om two or three; Germans, who had deserted the eolony and gono among tin; Indians. A great contest of ingenuity now ensued between the I'lnglishman and the savage — the latter appa- rently endeavoring to temporise only lor the purjujso of putting the Ibrnier and his men olf their guard. He t'speeially insisted on the propriety of lay in j^ aside their arms. " Captain Smith," lie continued, "I am old, and I know well the -e. In a lew minuten Smith tiuuid himsell' surrounded with Indians; and thereupon, we are told, " with his |)istoll, sword and tar^ret, he(! made such a passa«r<' amonj; these naked Diuils, that at his first siioot those next him tumhied one over another." The rest tied in all rtain th(?ni with feasts and s|)orts meanwhile. Smith supposes that the Sachem was all this time j)reparinp his forces for surprisin«r them at supper. He prohably conjectured rij^ht; and hut for Pocahontas there is reason to believe that this game would actually have succeeded. The kind-hearted princess came to Smith's quarters in the woods, alone and in the eveninfr, and earnestly ad- vised him hy all means to leave her father's territories as soon as possible. The latter was collecting all his power, she s!iid, to make an assault upon him, unless those who were sent with his supper should them- selves succeed in despatching him. In less than an hour afterwards came eight or ten lusty fellows, with great platters of venison and other I '3 i lill rn- i |*ovv- I. iW . sliarp iivaihMl [•, with IlilUlU'M s ; iiiul )nl ui»(l • imkamr was not y<'t ov^r. He had no sooner s<>t sail lor I'anumkey, than the emperor despatch) d a de|)utati<»n across tlu; wt)ods to Jamestown, to take a(lvanta«;e othis ahsence for huyin^' up aeces, shot, powder and such like."* Indians enon*"!! were at hand to carry away the articles as soon as obtained ; and the next [^ day, the deputation returned houK! unsuspected, atler ; making an agreement for the services of such trai- I torous vagabonds as were willing to desert from the colony. One or two of thos(! who had deserted ! already, had provided P >\\ hatan with as many as three hundred hatchets, fitly swords, eight 'pieces' end eight pikes. ♦ Smith's Hi&tory, p. 213. t i V 86 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. I i I i i r I » *f 1 Mcanwhilo, Smith had arrived at Pamiinkey, and here Ope( innranoutrh was entertaining him with all manner of ti^asting and mirth. On the day agreed u\)on hetween the i)arties for commencing trade, the captain, with fifteen of his men, went up a quarter of a mile from the river to the Sachem's house, the appointed rendezvous. He found no person there, exceptinj? a lame man and a boy. The other houses in the village were entirely abandoned. Pres- ently, however, came the Sachem, followed by many of his subjects, well armed with bows and arrows. Attempts were made to buy corn, but so unsuccessful- ly that Smith was provoked, and remonstrated as he had done with Powhatan. Upon this, the Sachem sold what provision was at hand, and promised to give better satisfaction the next day. Then, accordingly, Smith made his appearance again. He found fom* or five men at the house with great baskets, but whether with any thiri^ in them (loes not appear. Opechancanough himself came in soon after, and commenced a cheerful conversation, enlarging particularly upon the pains he had taken to keep his promise. Just at this moment one of Smith's company brought him word that the house was be- set. TJie woods and fields all around him were thronged with more than seven hundred .ravages, armed and painted for battle. The English, of whom there were only fifleen on shore, were generally much alarmed at this news, and could easily perceive that Opechancanough en- joyed their surprise. But Smith was now in his element. "My worthy countrymen," said he to his trembling comrades, " Had I no more to fear from my friends, than from these enemies, I should be willing to meet twice as many — would you but second me. But what course shall be taken ? If we begin with them, and seize the king, we shall have more thai^Apt hands full to keep him and defend our- seliflP If w(^ kill them all, we must starve for want of their provisiuiia. As for their fury, that is the *l i INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 37 ey, and tvith all agreed ide, the quarter house, person le other . Pres- jymany arrows, ccessful- ed as he Sachem ntiised to pearanco I use with in them f came in ,rersation, 1 taken to f Smith's was be- im were ravages, fifteen on lis news, lough en- w in his he to his 'ear from lould be ut second we begin ttve more 'end our- for want lat is the M Iroft subjert of apprehension. You know I have horetoforo nian.'i'r<'(l two or tliroo hundreds of tiiem J «lon(\ Now licre are sixteen of us, to their seven hundred. If you dare stand but to fire your pieces, the very smoke will be; <'nougli for them. Ihit at all events let us fight like men, and not die like sheep. First, however, let me propose some eoiiditions to them, and so we shall have something to light tor." The oerasicui admittini» of no arguinent, the eom- j)any pledged themselves promptly to second him in whatever he attempted, or die. The rai)tain then advanced towards the Sachem, and addressed him. " Opechancanough," saifl he, " I perceive you are plotting to nuu'der lue, but I fear von not. As vet neither vour men nor miae have done nuich harm. Now therefore take your arms — • as you see In^re are mine — my body shall be as naked as yours — tli«^ island in the river is a fit place for a eonihat, and the conqueror of us two, shall be mas- ter of all. If you have not men enough about you, lake time to muster more — as many as you will — • only let every one bring his basket of corn, and against that I will stake the vahu; in copper." The Sachefu re|)lied very soothingly to this pro- posal. Il(i was sorry to see any suspicion of imkind- ness ; and begged that the captain woidd do him the honor to accept a handsome present, (by way of peace- ofi'ering,) which was ready for him at the door of the house. The object of this suggestion was suflPiciently obvious ; for besides the forty or fifty Indians con- stituting the Sachem's body-guard within, "the bait,'* as Smith calls it, at the door, (meaning the present) was guarded by about two hundred men, and thirty more were stationed behind a large tree which lay lengthwise athwart the passage-way with their arrows ready notched. It was now Smith's turn to make a movement. He seized the Sachem in the midst of 4 his retinue, hy his long locks, j)resenting ^jaistol ready-cockt'd at his bosom ; and in this posn|^ led him out trembling with terror, among the multitude t \» < 58 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. s who surrounded the house. He immediately ^ave up his vamhrace, how and arrows, and his frightened suhjects hastened to follow his exam[)le. "I perceive, ye Pamunkies" — shouted the captain at this moment, still holding on hy the Sachem'a hair — " I perceive how eager ye are to kill me. My own long suffering is the cause of your insolence. Now shoot hut one arrow to shed one drop of hlood for one of these men, or steal hut the least of these beads, and ye shall not hear the last of me so long as a Pamuukey remains alive who will not deny the name. I am not now in the mire of a swamp, ye perceive. Shoot then, if ye dare. But at all haz- ards ye shall load my boat with your corn, or I will load her with your carcasses. Still, unless you give me the fu'st occasion, we may he friends, and your king may go free. I have no wish to harm him or you." This speech had its effect. The savages laid asmb. their arms, and brought in their commodities for trade in such abundance, that the Enp-lish at len^i became absolutely weai*y of receiving them. Once indeed, in the course of the day, some forty or fitly stout fellows made a violent rush into the house when Suiith was asleep, and some two hundred more followed close atler them ; but by Smith's usual activity they were soon driven back, and then the Sachem sent some of his ancients, or counsellors, to excuse the intrusion. The rest of the day passed in hanuony, and towards night the captain began his return-voyage down the river, leaving the Sachem at liberty. Various attempts were made to surprise him on the route, and he was at one time near being poisoned to d(;ath in his food. On the other hand, Smith was determined not to go home without his revenge upon Powhatan. He returned by way of Werowocomoco for the purpose of seizing him ; but he foNBd) when he reached that village, that the traitcwHs Germans had caused the emperor to aban- don his new house, and carry off all his &mily and .3s :!W • INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 39 •^^ f gave litened aptain I. My )lence. ' Mood f tliese 5o long iiy the mp, ye 11 haz- r I will )U give fl your him or id asmfe [ies for len^i Once or fitly house nulred Smith's then sellors, ed in :an his achem urprise r being hand, 3iit his vay of ; but lat the 9 aban- ily and provision. Those of the Powhatans who remained, treated the English so indiflerently, that the latter liad much ado to escape with their lives. They finally reached Jamestown ailer an absence of six weeks, with a cargo of four hundred and sevrnty- nine bushels of corn and two hundred jwunds of deer-suet, that entire amount having been purchased for twenty-five pounds of copper and filty pounds of iron and bead^. i 'Hk* 4 40 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. f '% I ! ' ' CHAPTER II. Conduct of Powliiitan afu^r ??inith's depjirture for Enijland, and causes of it — Hostilities rouiiied — lN;ace finally ctt<;cted by tlio ciiptmo of Pocahontas — Mamur of <^ainiii(^ this point — Marriage of Pocahontas with John llolf(^ — Death and cluiracter of Powhatan — His person, niaiuier of living, talents, iniluence. His method and means of warfare — The disei- {)line of iiis warriors — The manner in which he availed limself of the English arms and science — Canses of his liostilitv towards the colonists — His di^nitv — Shrewdness^ Independence — Courtesy — Liberality — Simplicity Affec- tion for his relatives — A review of various opinions enter- tained of him by various historians. From the date of the expedition of which the particulars have just been given, to the time of Smith's departure for England, a few months subsequent, the English and the Powhatans treated and traded with each other upon tolerably amicable terms. A prin- cipal cause of this harmony is to be looked for in Beveral fortunate incidents which went to impress the savage simplicity of one party with an inordinate conception of the superiority of the other. Soon after the return of the expedition, several n tides were stolen at Jamestown by one of the Chickahominy Indians who traded there ; and a pistol among the rest. The thief fled, but two of his brothers, suspected of being accessaries in the case, were apprehended. One of them was dis- charged, to go in search of the offender ; and the other was imprisoned, with the understanding that unless the former should be successful in his search within twelve hours, he was to be hanged. But for his comfort during that interval. Smith furnished him with victuals, and charcoal for a tire. In the evening, the man who had been discharged, returned with the pistol ; but the poor fellow in the dungeon was meanwhile very nearly smothered with the V INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 41 ngland, oHc-cted Iri point itli and talents, e disci- availed of his dncss — — Affec- is enter- ich the Smith's L'lit, the 3d with \. priu- l for in nipres3 rdinate several of the and a two of in the as dis- 11 d the [ig that search lUt for •nished In the jturned ingeon Ith the 11 smoke of his roal. Those who eamo to release him took liim iij) for dead. "Tlu; othiM- most lamentahly hewayl«'d his dentil, and hroke forth into such hitter agonies that tli(; J*resi(lent [Smith] to quiet him, told him tliat if lie woideovered. Yet we doing our hest with aqua Vita and Vinegar, it phuised God to restore him againe to life, hut so drunke and affrighted that he seemed lunaticke, the w hieh as much tormented and grieued the other, as helbre to sril ; and fi-om that time until th<' sorvo, tlint ho had as many as threi; or fotir jilaces of residence. VVerowocornoco was ahandoiied for Orapakes, with the view of keej)ing at an a«rreeal)le distance from tlie colonists. Tin; latter hecann^ a favorite resort. Tiiere, at tin; distance of a mile fiom the villa«;e, he had a house in which were deposited his royalties and his revenu(? — skins, copf)er, heads, red paint, hows and arrows, targets and cluhs. Some of these tilings were reserved fi)r tin; tinn; of liis hurial ; otliers were the resources of war. The house itself was more than one hundred feet in length — one histo- rian says fit\y or sixty yards — and as it seems to have been frequentcul otdy hy the Indian priests, prol)al>ly a sacred character attached to it in tli(! minds of the multitude, which was one of the means of its se- curity. Four rudely-graven images of wood were stationed at the four corners ; one rejiresenting a dragon, the second a bear, the third a panther, and the fourth a gigantic-mnn — all math; evil-favoredly, as we are told, but according to the b(!Sl workmanship of tho natives. The state which Pow'hatan adopted as emperor, appears in some degree from the preceding details of his history. He is said to have kept about his person from forty to fifty of the tallest men in his dominions ; which might be the case in war, and upon occasions of parade and ceremony, more regularly than in peaceable and ordinary times. Every night, four sentinels were stationed at the four corners of his dwelling ; and at each half-hour one of the body- guard made a signal to the four sentinels. Want of vigilance on their part was punished with the most exemplary strictness. According to the universal custom of the North American natives, he kept as many wives as he ^ inp tho as his iiig the imt ho idrncr. s, with e frt>ni rcHort. Ia«;«% he oyaltioa I paint, )f thcso Inirial ; ^o its(?lf* iv, histo- to have irohahly 3 of the f its sc- fd were itinj]^ a and the y, as we isliip of (mperor, itails of person liinions ; *casions Itlian in fit, four of his body- 'ant of le most North as he JNDIAN BIOCiUAI'llY. 49 thoiijfht proper; and is r<'pn\s<'iil('d to havr taken no hltk pleasure in their society. NVIien the I'njfhsh saw liini at home, reelinin;; on his eoiieh or platform, there was al\N ays one sitting at iiis head, and another at his feet ; and when he sat, two of them seated tlieniselves on either side of him. At his meals, one of them hroiight him water in u wooden platter to wash tiis iiands, h(;iore and atler eating ; and another attended with a hunch (»f feathers ft)r a towel. Some were the daiight(.'rs, and had l»een the wives of dis- tinguished rivals and enemies, eonjpiered in hattio. When he heeann; weary of tiiem, he transferred them iia presents to his favorite warriors. A general pnjof of tin; talents of Powiiatan may he found in the station which he held, as well as the reputation Ik; enjoyed tiir and wide among hisj countrymen. The Indian trihes are (h'mocracies. He who ndes over them mist accpiire and sustain his inriuence hy his ahM)lute intellect and scure provision, meant to prevent confounding them with hostile tribes.) V. Every fighting man, at the beginning of har- vest, was to pay two bushels of corn as a tribute, receiving the same number of hatchets in return. "C^I. ^The eight chief men were to see all this per- formed," on forfeit of being punished themselves. Their salary was to be a red coat, a copper chain, the picture of King James, .and the honor of being accounted his noblemen. This treaty was concluded with a general assent, manifested by acclamation ; and then one of the old men began speech, addressing himself first to those of his own age, then to the young, and lastly to the women and children, a nmltitude of whom were present. He gave them to undersand how strictly these conditions must be observed, and how safe i > INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 51 selves, chain, -J, i ' being - assent, he old ■ , ) those $ to the e sea- const. As to his particular system of war and conquest, we are not minutely informed. Like Indian warfare in other sections and times, it is said to have con- sisted, in a {jreat degree, of stratnjsrem and surprisal rather than force. In 1(508, a rehelHon which arose among the Payuntatanks, was suppressed in the following manner. They being near neighbors, a number of his own tribe was sent into their villages, who under some disguise or false pretence obtained lodgings over night. The several houses were meanwhile beset with ambuscades : and at an ap- pointed signal, the two parties, within and without, commenced an attack at the same moment. Twenty- four Payuntatanks were slain, and their scalps carried to Powhatan, who kept them some time sq^qfiended on a line between two trees, as a tro[)hy. Tlve women and children, as also the Werowance or Sachem, were made prisoners, and afterwards slaves or servants. Powhatan's warriors were regularly and thoroughly disciplined. At one of his first interviews with the English, a martial parade formed part of the enter- tain ment.>i||fr wo or three hundred Indians having painted ana disguised themselves in the fiercest man- ner possible, were divided into two companies, one of which was temporarily styled Powhatans and the other Monacans. Each company had its captain. They stationed themselves at about a musket-shot fi'om each other. Fifteen men abreast formed the front lin** of both, and the remainder ranked them- selves in the rear with a distance of four or five yards from rank to rank ; and not in file, but in the opening between the files, so that the rear could shoot as conveniently as the front. A parley now took place, and a formal agreement was made that, whoever should conquer, such warriors as survived their defeat should have two days allowed them for their o\vn submission, while their wives and children should at once become prize to the victor. m ■M. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 53 ii The parties advanced against each otlier — a sort of sergeant commanding each flank, and a lieu- tenant the rear: and the entire company came on leaping and singing to warlike music, but every man in his place. On the fii-st flight of arrows, they raised upon both sides a'terriflc clamor of shouts and screeches. " When they had spent their arrows, (writes the describer of this scene,) they joined togeth- er prettily, charging and retiring, every rank seconding the other. As they got advantage, they caught their enemies by the hair of the head, and down he came that was taken. His enemy with his wooden sword seemed to beat out his brains, and still they crept to the rear to maintain the skirmish." The Monacan party at length decreasins:, the Powhatans charged them in the form of a lialf moon. The former retreat, to > >id being enclosed, and draw their pursuers upon ^'M atnbuscade of fresh men. The Powhatans retire in their turn, and the Monacans take this opportunity of resuming their iii*st ground. "All their actions, voices and gestures, both in charging and retiring, were so strained to the lieight of their qualitie and nature, that the strangeness thereof made itg^em vrovisiou of the tribe, made a settlement upon the former with- out ceremonv, and called it New Bermudas! One more illustration must suttice. It is a passage of Smith's history relating to a detachment of vagabonds, under the command of one West, who letl James- town, and located themselves not fai' from P' -'hatan's residence at the falls of the river. " But , .e worst was, that the poore Salvages that daily brought in their contributions to the President, that disorderly company so tormented these poore soules, by stealing their corne, robbing their gardens, beating them, breaking their houses, and keeping some prisoners, that they daily complained to Captaine Smith he had brought them for Protectors worse enemies than the Monacans themselves, which though till then for his love they had endured, they desired pardon if here- after they defended themselves — since he would not correct them as they had long expected he would." A most reasonable determination, civilly and candidly expressed. But, whatever may be said of the motives or method of the warfare of Powhatan, it must be acknowledged that his character appears to no disadvantage in peace. We cannot but admire the Roman dignity with which he rejected all offers of compromise, so long as the English seemed disposed to take advan- tage of their own wrong in the violent seizure of Pocahontas. They knew that this was his favorite child, and they presumed on the strength of his at- tachment. But, much as her situation troubled him, he would not sacrifice his honor so far as to nego- ;^ w? * INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 59 Ills coni- iii^er and r brought Harrier's regard of r Thomas few Sal- provision nor with- as ! One lasage of igabonds, i\ James- --'hatan's ^e worst •ought in lisorderly »y steahng ng them, prisoners, th he had than the en for his if here- k^ould not would." candidly r method wledged ntage in dignity mise, so e advan- zure of favorite his at- ed him, [0 nego- I tinte for hrr restoration on derogatory' terms. He wasatllicted, hut lie was still more ineensed. When, however, he ascertained, l»y sending his sons to visit her, that she was well trejited, and in good health, (though, we are somewhere told, "they had heard to the eontrarie,") he began to think better of the oders of peaee. Then came Rolfe "to aeipiaint him with the businesse," and kindly he was entertained, though not admitted to the presence of Powhatan. Tlie young gentieman explained himself, however, to the emperor's broilier ; and the latter promised to intercede li)r him, as did also tlie two sons. Their explanations proved successlul. The emperor wa« not only convinced that his daughter was entertained civilly by the English, but he was pleased with the honorable intentions and touclied i)y the passionate and tender affection of Rolfe. No sooner, therefore, did the time appointed for the; marriage come to his knowledge — and no doubt Rolfe had already had the politic courtesy to ap|)ly for his consent — than he despatched three members of his own family to confirm the ceremony. " And ever since," adds the historian, " we have had friendly trade and conunerce, as well with Powhatan hiiiiselfe, as all his subjects." So jealous were he and they of injustice ; and so susceptible were they, at the same time, of mild and magnanimous impressions. We find characteristic anecdotes, to the same effect, in the curious account Mi*. Hamer has lefl on record of a visit which he paid the emperor in 1614, soon after the conclusion of peace. After some conversation upon business matters, the visiter was invited to Powhatan's own residence, where was a guard of two hundred warriors, which, (as Mr. Hamer supposes,) always attended his person. Having offer- ed that gentleman a pipe of tobacco, he immediately inquired after the health of Sir Thomas Dale, at that time President, and then of his own daughter and her husband ; wishing to know especially how these two liked each other. Hamer answered, that i I . 9 t' 60 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. \ i ^ ' ■ fll !i:4 Sir Thomas was perfectly well ; and as for Pora- hontas, she was so eoiiteiited, that she never vvoulil return to her father's court airaiii if she could. Pow- hatan lauf^hed lu'artily at this reply, and soon afler asked the particular cause of Mr. Hauler's pnisent visit. On heini; told it was private, he ordered his attendants to leave the house, excepting only the two females — said to have hcen Indian o{)le, than such a connexion ; and besides, lier sister Pocahontas was exceedingly anxious to see her at Jamestown. He hoped that Powhatan would at least oblige himself so much, as to suffer her to visit tJie colony when he should re- turn. Powhatan more than once came very near inter- rupting the delivery of this message. But he control- led himself, and replied with great gravity to the effect, that he gladly accepted the President's saluta- tion of love and peace, which he certainly should cherish so long as he lived ; that he received with many thanks the presents sent him as pledges thereof; but that, as for his daughter, he had sold her, only a few days before, to a great Werowance, living at the distance of three days' journey, lor three bushels of Rawrenoke [Roanoke]. Hamer took the liberty to rejoin, that a prince of his greatness might no doubt recall his daughter, if he would — especially as she was only twelve years of age — and that in such a case he should receive for her from the President, three times the worth of the Roanoke, in beads, copper and hatchets. -TT^. INDIAN nU)r.RArHY. 61 Porft- vvould Povv- \ utler till his lie two /ho al- roceed honrcr wliich pcror's «, hear- lighter, 8. He ^ union lexion ; pdingly ed that lUeh, as aid re- inter- lontrol- to the sahita- ahould d with I ere of; only a at the II els of ;rty to doubt Ihe was [ase he times ir and To this Powhatan readily rejoin*vl, tliat lie loved Ills (laughter as his hti* ; and though Im> hail many chilih'en, ho (jriiirhtcd in her most of all. lie could not live without seeing her, and that would h(> irn- possihie if she went among tlu' colonists, for he hnd resolvdl upon no arrounl to put himself in their pviv^r, or to visit them. He therefore desired Mr. Hamer to say no rnon* upon the siihject ; hut to tell the I'resi- d again at supper time, feasted his guest with liis best tare, and conversed cheerfully. About midnight he roused Hamer from a nap, to tell him he had concluded to let Parker (the captive,] go with him in the morning. But he must renjin(i Sir Thomas to send him, in consider- ation thereof, ten large pieces of copper, a shaving- knife, a grindstone, a net, and sundry fish-hooks and other small matters. For fear Hamer should forget these particulars, he made him write a list of them in what the historians call a table-book^ which he produced. " However he got it,"* says the narrator, " it was a faire one, and I desired hee would give it me." Powhatan evaded this modest request by say- ing that he kept it to show to wtrangers ; but when his gurst left him in the morning, he furnished him and his attendants with ample provision for his jour- ney, gave each of them a buck's-skin, "as well dressed as could be," and sent two more to his son- in-law and his daughter. There is much matter for refle<'tion in this simple narrative. The sagacity of Powhatan in discerning the true object of the visit, is worthy of the fearless dignity with which he exposed it. He gave little * Probably of some English captive. Smith wrote his fa- mous letter to Jamestown, duriog his first captivity, on what he calls the leaf of a table-book. I ii i! INDIAN DIOGRAPHY. 63 npfTor » " you . But ut you It take Hist go oftVred iy evil would ccident at til in, ;r time, iverseci ^r from Parker But ho insider- liaving- jks and I forget ►f them ich he irrator, give it >y say- when ed him is jour- Bs well is son- simple ceruing fearless /e little H ;e his fa- what he heed, it would seem, to the pretext of marriage ; and considering only the age of his -hearted monarch of England himself. In this respect he was well matched with Smith ; and it is not the least in- teresting point in the common history of the two, to olwerve the singular union of suavity and energy with which both effected their purposes. Immediately after delivering the celebrated it ■»!*' which he sent to Newport's proposal oy Smith, tae historian adds that, " many other discourses they had, (yet both content to give each other content in complimentcdl courtesies) and so Captain Sriith retunied with his answer." In the same style, when Newport came himself— perceiving his purpose was to discover and invade the Monacuns — we are told that he "refused to lend him either men or guides more than Noman- tack, and so after some complimentall kindnesse on both sides," he presented the disappointed captain * History, p. 133. 64 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. lUi ■ with soveii or '^ji^'lit bushels of rorii,an(l wished him a pleasant jour^'V to Jamostown. He would not suffer so brave a ik.ui .is Smith to be eveti beheaded, with- out having first ordered two of his queens to serve him with water and a bunch of feathers, and then feasted him in what the victim himself considered his best barbarous manner. It is very evident there was neither fear nor hypocrisy in any of these cases. None of the noble traits we have mentioned lose any of their charm from being connected, as they are, with the utmost simplicity of barbarism. The read- er of these times, therefore, may be allowed to smile at the pertinacity with which this mighty warrior and renowned monarch insisted upon Parker's being ran- somed in fish-hooks ; and the saienm gravity with whicli he divested himself of his mantle and old shoes for the gratification and reward of Newi)ort. The presents sent to him by Sir Thomas Dale were two pieces of copper, five strings of white and blue beads, five wooden combs, ten fish-hooks, and a pair of knives — not to mention the promise of a grindstone, whenever he should send for it — clearly a much bet- ter bargain for his daughter, had he wished to dis- pose of her, than the two bushels of Roanoke. The Werowances and queens of conquered nations wait- ed upon him at his meals, as humbly as certain kings of the middle ages are said to have waited upon the Pope ; but unlike his Holiness, Powhatan could make bis own robes, shoes, bows, firrows, and pots, besides plantifig his corn for exercise, and hunting deer for amusement. The Indians generally subsisted on fish in the spring, and lived light for some months after ; but " Powhatan, their great king, and some others that are provident, rost their fish and flesh vpon hurdles, and keepe it till scarce times."* In fine, it would seem, that no candid ])erson can read the history of this famous Indian, with an at- * Smith's account of the Natural Inhabitants of ViROINU, 'I INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 65 (1 him a It suffer 1, witli- to serve 1(1 then isidered lit there e cases, led lose hey are, le read- to smile rior and ing ran- ity with Id shoes t. The ere two id blue d a pair idstone, ich bet- to dis- \ The IS wait- n kings pon the d make besides leer for ;ted on months d some d flesh 3on can I an at- 11 tentive consideration of the circumstances under which he was placed, without forming a high esti- mate of his character as a warrior, a statesman and a patriot. His deficiencies were those of education and not of genius. His faults were those of the people whom he governed and of the period in which he lived. His great talents, on the other hand, were his own ; and these are acknowledged even by those historians who still regard him with prejudice. Stith calls him a prince of excellent sense and parts, and a great master of all the savage arts of government and policy. He adds, that he was penetrating, crafly, in- sidious and cruel. " But as to the great and moral arts of pohcy," he concludes, "such as truth, faith, uprightness and magnanimity, they seemed to have been but little heeded or regarded by him." Burk's opinion appears to us more correct. In the cant of civilisation, (says that exceHent historian,) he will doubtless be branded with the epithets of tyrant and barbarian: But his title to greatness, though his opportunities were fewer, is to the full as fair as that of Tamerlane or Kowli Khan, and several others whom history has immortalized ; while the proofs of his tyranny are by no means so clear. Still, it might have been as reasonable to say, that there are no such proofs in being. The kind of martial law which the emperor sometimes exercised over his own subjects, was not only a matter of custom, founded on the necessity which must always exist among ignorant men ; but it was a matter of license, which had grown into constitutional law, by common consent. It has been justly observed, that there is no possibility of a true despotism under an Indian government. It is reason that governs, — nominally at least — and the authority is only the more efiectuaJ, as the obedience \a more voluntary, F3 INTS of 66 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. CHAPTER III. VJi The family of Powhatan — His siiccossor — Sequel of the his- tory of Pocahontas — Her acts of kindness to the eolonists at various times, and especially to Smith — His gratitude — Her civilisation, and instruction in Christianity — Her visit to England in 1616 — Reception at Court — Interview with Smith — His memorial respecting her to Queen Anne — Her death and character — Her descendants. m The family of Powli atari was numerous and influ- ential. Two sons and two daugliters liave already been mentioned. There were also three brothers younger than himself; and upon them successively, according to their several ages, custom seems to have required that the government should devolve afler his own death. The eldest, Opitchipan,* ac- cordingly succeeded him, in form at least. But this prince was an inactive and imambitious man — ow- ing in some degree perhaps to his being decrepid ; and he was soon thrown into the shade by the supe- rior energy and talent of 0[)echancanough, who before many years engrossed in fact the whole f)ower of the government. Of the younger brother, Keka- TAUGH, scarcely any thing is known. He propably died before any opportunity occurred of signalizing himself in a public station. The sequel of the history of Opechancanough is well worthy of being dwelt upon at some length : but previously, the order of time reqi'ires us to devote a share of attention to the fortunes of his celebrated niece, Pocahontas. This beautiful and amiable woman, whom John Smith, in the excess of his admiration, styles " the *By various writers called Itopatin, Itoyatin, Oetan,Opitch- ipan, Toyatan — a characteristic instance of the uncertainty which attends the orthography of Indian proper names. One cause is in the custom of changing the name upon great occa- sions. Opitchipan himself after his accession was C^led Saiawpen; and Opechancanough ^ Mangopeeomen. . , - i' t INDIAN niOGRAPIIY. 67 ac- iJohn "the [pitch- rtainty One occa- |c»11ed ■>• Ninni)aivil of Viririnia," has hrcii (!istiiij:nisli(Ml in niodcrii tiitu's, cirn'tly, l)y that yiii^'lc cxtraordiiiary act of roiirap' and hinnanity to whndi tijo ;;allajit hiistoriaii was indcljtrd tor the |)n'S('rvalion of his lifo. I}ut this was hv no means the only cvidcncfi of these nohle (juahfics wliicii history has preserved. Her name in(hMMl is seareely onee mentioned hy tlie mostaneieju einvtnicles of the eolony, exeept in terms of hi<.d» j'nioirv, and ireneraliy iji ronnexion also with some snhstantial I'acls ii'oinir sironirlv to jnstifv tlie imiversal jjartiafity with whieli her memcjry is re- ganh'd to these times. In the earh(»st juid most jxlooniy days of the settle- ment, innncMfiately after Smitli's retnrn Ironi liis captivity, the fiheral and thonirhtfnl kindness of Pocaliontas went very liir to eiieer tlie des|)ondinnf hearts of the eolonists, as well as to reli<'V(? tiieir aetnal necessities. She eann^ into .lamestown with Ikt attendants onee in every fonr or live' days, for a long time; and hrt)niilit with her supplies of provisions, l)V whieii many lives are stated to have heen saved. This will app(>ar more fully from an ancient docu- ment which we shall hereaiter transerihe at len<.nh. When Smith was absent nj)on one of his Indian ex])editions, (;merjrencies occurred at Jamestown which rendered his j)resence extremely desirable. But not a man could be found who dared venture to carry a messairo to him from the council. He was known to be environed by enemitv, and the hostility and power of Powhatan W(>reat that period subjects of the most exaggerated apprehension. One Richard Wyfiin at last undertook the hazardous enterprise. Encountering many dangers and dilHculties, he' reach- ed the residence of Powhatan, a tlay or two after Smith had left it for Pamunkey. lie found that great preparations for war were going on among the Powhjitans ; and he soon became himself the object of suspicion. His life undoubtedly would have paid the forfeit of his rashness, had not Pocahontas, who knew his perilous bituaiion even better than himself, ■1? 68 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. concealed liim, and thwarted and embarassed the eearch of the savages who pursued him, so that ** by her means and extraordinary bribes and much trouble in three days travel!," as history says, "at •length he found vs in the middest of these tunno^ les," (at Jamestown.) Her conduct was the same after Smith's departure for England. Of the thirty men who accompanied Ratcliffe when he was massacred by the Indians, only one escaped to the colony, and one was rescued by Pocahontas. This was a boy named Henry Spilman, who subsequently was restored to his friends,* and from the knowledge of Indian languages which he obtained during his residence with the Patowomekes, proved highly serviceable as an interpreter. Smith himself was more than once under obhgations to the princess for his personal safety. We have alhided to that occasion when lie quartc^red, over night, near the residence of her father. " Pocahontas, his dearest iewell and daughter, in that dcirke night came through tlie irksome woods, and told our Captaine gi'eat cheare should be sent vs by and by ; but Powhatan and all the ]>ower he could make, would after come kill vs all, if they that brought it could not kill vs with our owne weapons, when we were at supper. Therefore if we would Hue, she wished vs presently to be gone. Such things as she delighted in, he would haue giuen her ; but with the tearea running downe her cheekes, she said she dui*st not be seen to haue any, for if Powhatan should know it, she were but dead, and so she ran away by herself as she came."f What an affecting instance of the most delicate tenderness mingled with the loftiest courage. It would have been strange indeed, if Smith, with all his passionate chivalry, had been insensible of these repeated kindnesses. Even Powhatan had * He was destined, however, to die at last by the hands of die favages, in 1623. t Smith's History, ii 11 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY r)9 ed the BO that miurh too good an opinion of liini lo snpposo so, for hn liad th do f >o, "at les," parture ipanied tis, only uftd hy pihiuin, s,* and bich he jniekes, Smith s to the alUided ;ht, near 1 dearest tlirough ,e gi'eat )whatan r come t kill vs supper, esently in, he running seen to le were as she le most ourage. th, with ihle of an had idsoftlie or Had tlie sa«ranry to hmv upon his mperor was jiaid for this in- genuity in his own coin, when the colonists, in lGh% took the [)rincess herself captive, relying on the well- known strength of his attachment to her, as the surest means of procuring f)eace. Her sul)seque?it history may he soon told. Rolfe had hccome ardently enamoured of h(»r heauty, and he used the fortunate occasion of her stay in the colony — perhaps wjls active in hringing it on — to procure the intercession of the President in his hehalf. Pocahontas cherished similar feelings towards him- self, and when her hrothers came to visit her she made one of them her confidant. Rolfe gained in- formation of her sentiments, and thus was emholden- ed to prosecute his suit with a spirit worthy of the success which it met with. The f)arti<'s married. In the course of a year or two, the young hrido hecame quite an <'idej)t in the; English language and manners, and was W(^ll instructed in the doctrines of Christianity. She was entitled hy her new acquaint- ances the Lady Rebecca. In 1(31(), she and her hushand accompanied Sir Thomas Dale to England. King. fames, (tliat anoint- ed pedant, as Stith calls him,) is said to have heen ofiisnded with Rolfe for his presumption in marrying 1 1 ii • to* 31;'«-.' i! M 70 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. the daughter of a king — a crowned head, too, it will be recollected. — He niigiit have thought, perhaps, following up his own principles, that the offspring of the marriage would be fairly entitled to succeed Powhatan in his dominion, liut the affair passed off, with some little nnirmuring ; and Pocaliontas herself was received at Court, by both the King and Queen, with the most flattering marks of attention. Lord de la War, and his lady, and many other cour- tiers of rank, followed the royal example. The princess was gratified by the kindness shown to her; and diose who entertaiiuMl her, on the other hand, were unanimously of opinion, as Smith expresses himself, that they had seen many English ladies worse- favored, j)roportioned and behaviored. The captain was at this time in England ; and although upon the eve of leaving that country on a voyage to New England, he delayed his departure for the purpose of using every possible means in his power of introducing the princess to advantage. A inemorial which !ie draughted with his own hand, and sent in to the Queen, is sup|)osed to have had no little influence at Court. It is well worth transcrib- ing, both as a curiosity of style, and as a document of authentic history. It reads thus ; " To the most high and vertuous Princess Queene Anne of Great Britain. Most admired Queene, The loue I beare my God, my King and Countrie hath so ofl emboldened mee in the worst of extreme danger, that now honestie doth constraine mee pre- sume thus farre beyond myselfe, to present your Maiestie this short discourse. If ingratitude be a deadly poyson to all honest vertues, I must be guil- tie of that crime if I should omit any ineanes to be thankful. So it is. That some ten yeeres agoe, being in Virginia, and taken prisoner by tlie power of Powhatan their INDIAN niOGRAPIIY. 71 and J pre- your be a guil- to be a, and their chiofe Kinnr, I reroivofl from this p'ont Salvajre px- cpc'fling frreat courtcsic, psjxM'ially from his soiino Nan- tajrnans, the most manliest, comelicst, hohh'st spirit I cuer saw in a salvage ; and his sister Poraliontas, the King's most deare and well-lxloued daughter, l)eing but a chihle of twehie or thirteene yeeres of age, whose compassionate ])itifull lieart, of desperate estate, gaue mee much cause to resj)ect her ; I being the first christian this i)roud King and his grim at- tendants euer saw ; and thus inthralied in their barharous j>ower, I cannot say I felt the least occa- sion of want that was in tiie power of those my mortall foes to preuent, notwithstanding al their threats. After some sixe weeks latiing among these Salvage Courtiers, at the minute of my execution, she haz- arded the beating out of her owne braines to saue mine, but not onely that, hut so preuailed with her fiither, that I was safely conducted to lames-towne, where 1 found about eight and thirtie miserable poore and sicke creatures, to ke(»p(» j)ossession of al those large ten'itories of V^irginia ; such was the weaknesse of this poore commonwealth, as had the salvages not fed us, we directly had starued. An, lor l)ein;L; so kinde to your seruants and yjibjeets, would so rauish her witli eontcut, as eu- deare' her d"arest blood to ellect that your Maiestie and al the King's honest subjects most earnestly de- sire. y\iid so 1 hutnbly kissosed to rcfi^ard Ikt story as n romance. " It is not even im- |)rol)ahle," says IJurk, "that considering' every thin;^ rolalin«(to herself and Smilh as a mere iietion, they may vent their sple(Mi atrainst the iiistorian ll)r im- pairin;:^ the interest oChis plot l»y marryin*; ihr prin- cess of Powhatan to a Mr. Rolte, of whom uothinj; had been j)reviously said, in delianee of all tiie ex- pectations raised hy tin; lore<.'oiniiiiiii.ai-i'(> of 1()22; (•ii.«'riionM of r)p»'chain'anoMnh — liatllc of raniiinkt-y — IN-arc of llui2 — Massacre of Hill — Capture of Opechuucanungh hy the English — llis) dcatii and character. Cai'tain Afirall ln'oii^rlit out fiom l'!n*rl.'nirrson of Poofiliontas wns fi)r;rott('n. TJiit al)ovc all, (Jj)r('lianranoii<:li was too slin-wd a man not. to porriovc, in tlio alarn)in<( disprojjorlion wliirii was daily showing itsciriHtwccn the [)ow(>r of the Enreparation l()r a war could have been mado on the chieftain's part, than he eflected in the sub- mission of the Chickahominies. It is not unlikely that he himself instijiated, ihrouiih his satellites, the very insolence whereby th(\v drew upon themselves that severe chastisement from the colony, which in- creased his owni influence over them as mu«*h as it agffravated their liostility to tin; I'^nglish. Wo fnid that, in KJIH, they conimitted several outraj^es of a most flagrant character; and although Opechanca- iiough, who was applicMl to lor satisfaction, promised to send in the heads of the offenders, this was never done, and it may be questioned, whether he was not privy to, or perhaps the cliief author and contriver of the whole aflair. At all ev(^nts, historians r(*j)re- sent, that his regal authority ovr the tribe was there- by "firmly riveted and established." Still, not only had the artful chieftain given no open cause of offence or evidence of hostility; but he absolutely succeeded, as we have seen, in complet(^ly quieting the suspicions of the colonists. In l()20, indeed, we find it recorded in the journal of Mr. Rolfe, that "/loif? Opechmiknnouf^^h will not come at f.?, that causes vs suspect his former promises." But this little uneasiness was wholly done away, on the arrival of Sir Francis Wyatt, the successor of Yeardly, in 1621. That gentleman immediately sent messengers to Opechancanougb and Opitchipan, who both ex- pressed great satisfaction at the accession of the new President, and cheerfidly renewed their former leagues with the colony. The former also declared himself pleased with the idea of the English inhabit- 80 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. ing the country. He proposed, by way of amalga- mating the two nations, that some of the white fam- ihes should s(!ttle among his people, while some of his should sctth; at Jamestown. A former promise was confirmed, of sending a guide with tlie English to certain mines represented to he situated above the falls. Nay, so far was the deception carried, that "Mr. Tliorpe [the chief messenger] thought he perceived more motions of religion in Opechanca- iiough than could easily be imagined, in so great ignorance and blindness. He acknowledged his own religion not to be the right way ; and desired to be instructed in the Christian f'lith. He confessed that God loved the English better than them ; and he thought the cause of God's anger was their custom of conjuring their children, and making them black feo?/5."* ♦ Allusion seoHis to 1>e made here to a custom which is sutiicient- ly siuj^ular to deserve some description. Smith calls it a yearly sacrifice of children. A ceremony of the kind which was perform- ed near Jamestown may best be described in his own words. " Fifteene of the properest young boyes, betweene ten and fifteenfl yeeres of age, they paynted white. Hauiiig brought them forth, the people spent the forenoone in dauncinp and singinp about them with rattles. In the afternoone they put those children to the roote of a tree. By them all the men stood in a guard, each hauing a Bastinado in his hand, made of reeds bound toi{ which time they must not converse with any, nnd of fAc*e were I.VDIAN BIOGRAPHY. u It must li.ive l)orn about this tinio tlmt Opocliaii- caiioiijrli took tlio troubl(i to send s(»m<; of his ijicii to a sarliom on the x!isf<'ni shore, lor a (|nriiitify of poison, jx'cuhar to tliat roirion, i\\\d which he wi>h(Ml to us(3 in liis operations aifainst tho Eiii^lish.* This may liave been tlie true object of tlic embassy ; and it may also liave been but a cover for soundinj^ th<» dis- ])o^;iti<»n of the eastcM'n trib(\s towards the colony. Accorifui^iy, it is recorded in th(? "()l)servations of Mast(>r lohn l*orv, secretarie of Viririnia, in his trav- els," that Nanienacus, the SaclicMU of Pawtu.xent, made an application to the colony, in ](>2I, for tho ])rivile<.^e of tra(lin from him to the easterne shore." Tlie truth j)ro'.K-')ly was, tliat th* chieftain was jealous of the EnglicK 'ntluence among tho tribes of tliat region. But the storm which liad be- ti ^atherinj; ever since the death of the emperor, w:is at lenirth ready to burst U])on the devoted coIom /. Opech. ; canou;?h had conjph'ted every preparavioii wiiiclj tlu; nature of things permitted on his part ; and nothijig rei»jain- ed, but to strike the ijreat blow which h<; intended sliould utterly extinn-nish the I'njrlish settlements forever. The twt'ntv-second day of March, 1622 — an era but too memorable in Virginian hi:iiory — was selected lor the time ; and a certain houi agreed miidr tfirir Priist.^ mid Coiiiurpr.--.''^ Master I'ory s:iys, in his •'/bservn- tidus, tlmt, the Acroniacks were a civil .ind t)a< table ppoplr : "nor doP they vse that deuilliah custouie in 7nakui(r Black Jiuycs." *SLith. Si' Id 82 INDIAN BIOGRAniY. upon, to onsuro a simnltnnooiis assault in every <1i- r«'('tion. Tlie various trihrs ('ny the stars and moon, no si» /le instance of disorder or mistake is known to have liap|)( lied. One hy one, they followed each other in ])rofound silence, treadiny their lei low-savages, "who had chosen the name morning for visiting the difTerent j)lantations, in considerahle numh(U's, for the j)urpos«' of ascertaining their strength and pre- cise situation, and at the same time })reventing any suspicion of the general design. This, it should be ol)served, had recently become too habitual a ])rac- tice with the Indians, to excite suspicion of itself. The j)e{ice was su|)posed to be inviolable. The savages were well Umowu to be in no condition for a war ; and had shown no disposition for one. The English, therefore, while they sup})lied them gene- rally with whatever they disked for, upon fair terms, neglected to ])repare themselves tor deteni'o. Tiu?y were eo secure, that a sword or a lirelock was rarely to be met with in a private dwelling. Most of their plantations were seated in a scattered and straggling manner, as a water- privih^ge or a choice vein of rich land invited them ; and indeed it was generally ♦bought, the further from neighbors, the better. The Indians were daily received into their houses, fed at their tables, and lodged in their bedchambers ; and boats were even lent them ])revi()usto the twen- *15iHk. INDIAN nionnAPHY. 83 ty^soroiiH, as tlioy passed backnanls nn«l fl>rwanls for the very purpose of completing the plan of ex- tirpation. Tlie hour being come, the savafjes, knowinsj ex- actly in what spot eveiy Enj,'lishinan was to ho found, rose n[)on them at once. The work of deat.li was coiiimenced, and th(>v spared neither sex nor age, man, woman nor ciiild. Some entered th<} Ijouscs under color of trade. Others drew the owners abroad upon vjumous })retences ; while tiie rest fell suddenly on such as w<'fe occupied in their several labors. So quick was the execution, t-liat few perceived the weapon or blow which despatched them. And thus, in one hour and almost at the same instant, fi'll three hundn'd and forty-seven men, won»en and children ; most of ihetu by their own arms, and all, (as Stith obs(>rves,) by the hands of a naked and tljuid peo})le, who durst not stand the presenting oi' a staff in the manner of a firelock^ in the hands of a woman. Those who bad suflicient w'arninir to make re- sistance, saved their lives. Nathaniel (\'iusi<', an old soldier of (.'aptain Smith'-, though cruelly wounded, ckvived (b'lvn om; of bi;s assailants with an axe ; uj)on which the whole ])arty who had surrounded him fled, and lie escjux d. At another ])lace, two ij. • .: helnt home one who had lived among them to learn their laniiuage. On the very mt>rning of the fatal day, as also the evening luifore, they came, as at other times, nnarmed into the houses of the English, with deer, turkeys, fish, fruits and other things to sell ; and in some places snt down to breakfast with the same [)ersons whom they rose up to tomahawk. Theparticidar occasion — as the historians consider it — of the (o ispricy, is too characteristic to be omitted. T'lere was a notvul Indian, named Ne- MATTANow, wiio was woiit, out of Vanity or some unaccountable humor, to dress himself up with feathers, in a most barbarously lantastic manner. This habit obtained for him among the English the name oi' Jack-of-the-fcather. IJe was renowned among his countrymen both for courage and cun- *??uth. rNDlAN BIOGRAPHY. 85 ning ; and was esteemed the greatest war-captain of those times. But, vvliat was most reinarkahle, although he had heen in many skirmishes and engag(Mm!nts with the English, he had always escaped without a wound. From this accident, seconded by his own ambition and craft, he obtained at h^ngth tiio reputa- tion of being invuhierable and immortal. Early in lO'^'i, Nemattanow came to the house of one Morgan, who kept and sold a variety of well- selected commodities f()r the use of the Indians. Siiiitten with a strong (h'sire to obtain some of them, Nematt.inow persuaded ]M organ to accoinpany him to Pamunkr to con- vey him the renmining seven or eight miles of the way. l?ut the Indian soon grew faint ; and finding himself surprised by the pangs of death, he request- ed his captors to stop. In his last moments he most earnestly besought of them two gi-eat favors ; first, never to make it known that he was killed by a bullet ; and secondly, to bury him among the English, that the certain knowledge and monument of his mortality might still be concealed from the sight of his countrymen. So strong was the ruling passion in death. Opechancanough was so ftu* from being a par- ticular fi-iend of Nemattenow that he had given the H .» r' 86 INDIAN BIOGRAniY. V President to understaud, by a meswenger, soinetinie before tlie transaction just related, that he sliou'd consider it a favor in him, if he would take measurija to have Jaek despatched. The popularity of tho war-ea[)tain was the only reason why he forbore to tak(i such measures himself. Nevertheless, with a consunnnate vviliness he availed himself of this sjune popularity, on the death of his rival — as Jack seems to have been — the better to inflame and exiis- perate the Indians aijainst the whites. He affected to be excessively ffrieved at his death, and for some- time WJLS uinisually loud in his declarations of resent- ment and his threats of revenge. A messenger came from the President, to ascertain what was intended by thciso demonstrations of hostility, and again all was (|uiet as before ; nothing could induce the Sa- chem to violate the vast regard which he had always entertained for the English. About the same time he gjive them liberty, by negotiation, to seat themselves any where on the shores of the rivers, within his dominions, where the natives had no villages. The treaty he had already made for the discovery of mines, as well as for mutual friendship and defence, was at his request engraven on a brass plate, and' fastened to one of the largest oaks growing upon his territories, that it might be had always in remem- brance.* For several years after the massacre, a war v^^as waged between the colonists and the savages, so in- veterate and ferocious as to transmit a mutual abhor- rence and prejudice to the posterity of both. The former obtained at this period the name of the Long- Knives, by which they were distinguished to a very late day in the hieroglyphic language of the natives. Every precaution and prei)aration was taken and made upon both sides, in view of a desperate conflict. Orders were issued by the govermnent, from time to time, directing a general vigilance and caution against Belknap's Am. Biog. p. 64, Vol. II. I INDIAN BIOr.UAPHY. 87 tlio onomy who now rnj^ossod all tlionirlit ; nnvas given. From tlie time of the massacre, Opechancanough seems no longer to have taken the least troubli; to conceal his hostility. He returned .i haughty answer to the fii-st demand made upon him for tlie redemp- tion of the English captives ; and tram[)led under foot the picture of the English monarch, which was sent to him a*} a compliment. Late in 1(322, when Captain Croshaw was trading on the Potomac, with the only tribe which was now willing to carry on commerce, he had scarcely landed from his vessel, when a mes- senger arrived from Opechancanough to Japazaws, hi 01 * rurchas V. 1792. If il 88 INDIAN niOGRAPHV. (kin^' of tlio Pntawonickrs,) Ix'Mriiiir two baskets of ImmkIs as a r(»yal ])n'S('nt, and solicitlii"; tlu^ kiiij? to imirdcr liis new viKitanfs oii the S|m>l. Wa \\a» ns- Hured, that wlx'tlicr Im' did his ]mvt or not, befon; tlio CM)d of two jiioons, thrnjslioidd not btains were among the slain ; and for sometime Opechancanough himself was report- ed to be one. This rumor alone, so long as believed, was equal to a victory ; " for against him, " says the historian, " was this stratagem chiefly laid." Such language furnishes evidence enough of the apprehension which his movements and reputation had excited. But he gave more substantial reasons for the respect which he still wrested from his enemy, by his prowess. A battle took place at his own village of Pamunkey, in 1625, in which the main ♦StiUi. L Imskots of : tUv, kin^ to He \\a» ns- nt, hcfon; the 1 Ki)<:liNlitiian irst (lUclosPcl tliiukin<;aii(l t the lOnplish owliatan ein- shoiild be no means. The »n of success; I slain diu'ing lan liad ever ish, since tlie fiirse adopted es the despe- d themselves its principle, [)oaed in this to tiie enemy ich the latter ling to grow directions at d many, and Several of le slain ; and " was report- g as believed, ;n, " says the lid." lough of the id reputation ntial reasons m his enemy, at his own ch the main INDIAN UIOr.RArilY. 89 body of the savages nnnibered tigiit Imndrcil bow- men, independently of d< (acliintnts front rerrioto tribes; and though the Kiiglis!), Uh\ on by (jovernor AVyatt in person, succeeded in driving the enemy from the fuld, they v/ere unabh' to pursue tliem even as far as ^latapoiiy. 'i'iiat town was their principal depot and rallying ])oiiit, and the acknowledged inability to reach it, though but four miles distant, proves that tlu^ battle was b\ no means decisive. It appears from this allair, to< 'liat all the efforts of th(! English, dm-ing an inv e war of three? years, luid not driven the tribes evtii from the neighborhood of their own settlements. ^V'hat was more discour- aging, Opechancanough was not to be deceived a second time by the arts of di|)lomacy. In 1028, the governor's proclanuition, which announced the ap- pointment of commissioners to negotiate with the enemy, declared expressly an intention to repj.'at the stratagem of 1(522 ; * but the plan liiiled of success, and the Pamunkies and Chickahominies — most im- mediately under the influence of Opechancanough — were more troublesome at this period than ever bef()re. Four years afterwards, the same tribes made an irruption so furious and alarming, that every twenti- eth man was despatched, under the command of the governor, to parley with them — a term in the records whi*^!] shows forcibly, as Hurk observes, the respect this brave people had ins])ired. But Opechanca- nough was still implacable ; and when, in the course of 1632, a peace was at last formally concluded, so little dependence was placed on tliat circumstance, that even while the commissioners on both sides were adjusting the preliminaries, a proclamation was issued, forbidding the colonists either to parley or trade with the Indians. This truce or treaty was understood to be on both Bides a temporary expedient ; but the chieftain was ♦Ancient Records of Virginia. H2 I I r .11 ,.^.. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 2? ^/ A % ^ Hi 11.25 1^ ly^ 1 2.5 " lis iio 1.4 6" m 1.6 V] 71 Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 S^ ^ \ ^ d 4. LV '^1^^ ^ <^/ \*^^ v\ 5- 90 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. m I: ,t< I ' the first to take advantd*re of it. During nine years he remained quietly making his preparations for the conflict which his sagacity told him must some day or other ho renewed. The hour at length arrived. The colony was involved in dissensions. Insurreo lions had taken place. The governor was unpopu*- lar, and the people were unprepared and heedless. Opechancanough lost not a moment in concerting measures for effecting at a single blow the bloody, but in his bosom noble design, which had already engrossed the solicitude and labor of so large a part of his life. He was now advanced in years, but his orders were conveyed with electric rapidity to the remotest tribes of the great confederacy associated under his influ'o ence. With the five nearest his own location, and most completely under his control, he resolved to make the principal onset in person. The more dis- tant stations were assigned to the leading chiefs of the several nations ; and thus the system of a war that raged from the mouth of the Chesapeake to the heads of all the great rivers, which flow into it, was so simple as to render confusion impossible. The whole force was let loose upon the entire line of the English settlements at nearly the same instant of time. Five hundred persons perished in the mas- sacre.* Many others were carried into captivity. The habitations, corn, household utensils, instru- ments of farming, every thing essential to comfort, and almost every thing necessary to life, was con-i- sumed by fire. But for circumstances in the situa- tion of the settlements, over which Opechancanough had no control, and which he could not guard against, the fate of Virginia had been decided by tliis single blow. As it was, every other labor and thought were suspended in the terrors of an Indian war. The loom was abandoned. The plough was lefl in its * Beverly's History, p. 49. -^^. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY, 91 furrow. All who wore able to bear arms were embodied as a militia for the defence of tlie colony ; and a chosen body, comprising every twentieth man, marched into the enemy's country under Governor Berkeley's personal command. The operations of the war, which raged thenceforth without any inter- mission until the death of Opechancanough — and that alone was expected to end it — are detailed by no historian. The early Virginian records which re- main in manuscript are altogether silent respecting this period ; and the meagre relation of Beverly is the only chronicle which has survived the ravages pf time. This circumstance of itself sufficiently in^ dicates the confusion and dismay of the era. Opechancanough, whose Lost sceije now rapidly approaches, had become so decrepid by age, as to be unable to walk, though his s[)irit, rising above the ruins of his body, directed, from the litter upon which his Indians carried him, the onset and the retreat of his warriors. The wreck of his constitution was at length completed by the extreme fatigues encoun- tered in this difficult and laborious service. His flesh became macerated ; his sinews lost their elas- ticity ; and his eyelids were so heavy that he could not see, unless they were lifted up by his faithful attendants. In this forlorn condition he was closely pursued by Berkeley with a squadron of hoi*se, and Bt length surprised and taken. He entered James- town, for the first time in his life, as the most con- spicuous figure in the conqueror's triumph. To the honor of the English, they treated their distinguished captive with the tenderness which hi3 infirmities demanded, and the respect which his appearance and talents inspired. They saw the object of their terror bending under the load of years, and shattered by the hardships of war ; and they generously resolved to bury the remembrance of their injuries in his present melancholy reverse .of fortune. His own deportment was suitable to his former glory, and to the principles of an Indian hero. ■f. u •w '\> H 92 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. He disdained to utter complaint or to manifest uneasiness. He believed that tortures were prepar- ing for him ; but instead of any consequent reduc- tion in his haughtiness, his language and demeanor bespoke the most absolute defiance and contempt. But generally he shrouded himself in reserve ; and as if desirous of showing his enemies that there was nothing in their presence even to rouse his curiosity, and much less to excite his apprehensions, he but rarely permitted his eyelids to bo lifted up. He continued in this state several days, attended by hia affectionate Indian servants, who had begged permis-? sion to wait upon him. But his long life of near an hundred years* was drawing to its close. He waa basely shot through the back by one of ihe soldiera appointed to guard him, from no other provocation tlian the recollection of his ancient hostility. To the last moment his courage remained un- broken. The nearer death approached, the more care he seemed to use in concealing his dejection, and preserving the dignity and serenity of his aspect. Only a few minutes before he expired, he heard an uimsual bustle in the room where he was confined. Having ordered his attendants to raise his eyelids, he discovered a number of persons crowding roimd him, for the mirpose of gratifying an unseasonable curi- osity. The dying chief felt the indignity, but dis- daining to notice the intruders he raised himself as well as he could, and with a voice and air of authority, demanded that the governor should be immediately brought in. When the latter made his appearance, the chieftain scornfully told him, that " had it been his fortune to have taken Sir IVUliam '1 1 ¥ * So write some historians, but as he is understood to hare been younger tlian Powhatan, the estimate is possibly too large by ten or twenty years. It is said that Berkeley had proposed taking him to England, as a living argument to coun- teract the representations made in tliat country as to the un- healthiness of the Virginian climate. liNDIAN DIOGRAPIIY. 93 Berkeley prisoner, he. should not have exposed him as a 9ho\v to his people."* Such was the death of Opechnnctinongh. His charaetor is too well explained hy liis life to nMpiiro any additional coniment. His own country men were more extensivt^ly and iiwrc completely under hw influence than they had been under that of Powhatan himself This is the more remarkal)le from the fact that Opitchipan, whose age and family at least en- titled him to some deference, retained the nominal authority of emperor so long as he lived. Beverje.y sa^'s, that Opechancanougli was not esteemed by the Indians to be in any way related to Powhatan ; and that they represented him as the prince of a foreign nation residing at a great distance somewhere in the Southwest. lie might be an emigrant or an exile from the empire of Mexico, or from some of the tribes between that region and Virginia. The same historian describes him as a man of large stature, noble presence and extraordinary parts. Stith calls him a politic and haughty prince. Burk entitles him the Hannibal of Virginia. He was perhaps tlie most inveterate and trouble- some enemy which any of the American colonies have ever met with among his race. The general causes which made him so, independently of his inherent talents and principles, are to be looked for in the situation of the tribes under his command, and especially in the relations existing between them and the colonists. He saw, that either the white or the red man must sooner or later establish an exclusive superiority; and he very reasonably decided upon doing all in his own pov/er to determine the issue in favor of his country and himself. But more particu- lar provocations were not wanting. Even afler the peace of 1686, great as the anxiety was for its preser- vation, " the subtle Indians," says Beverley, " resented the encTQachments on them by Hervey^s grants." A f 4 ' Beverfey . 94 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. r ' i late historian expresses liimself in warmer terms. It was not enough, he writes, that they liad ahandoned to their invaders the dehghtful regions on the sea- shore, where their fathers had been placed by the bounty of heaven — where their days had rolled on in an enchanting round of innocence and gayety — where they had possessed abundance without labor, and independence without government. The little that remained to them was attempted to be wrested from them by the insatiable avarice and rapacity of their enemies.* ♦Bulk, Vol. II. II INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 95 il CHAPTER V. Biography of other Virginian chieftains — Opitchipan— Some particulars respecting Tomocomo — His visit to EngliinH, interview with Captain Smith, and return to America — Japazaws, chief sachem of the Patowomekes — His frieM(Ite Hatteras colony— His death — Cuniment ou the Carolinian Biography. The characters we have heretofore noticed are far tlje most nroininent in the Indian history of Virginia, indeed, they are almost the only ones which have been preserved with distinctness enough to excite I'nuch interest in them as individuals. Still, there are several which ought not to he wholly passed by ; and the want of a vivid light and coloring in some of them, may perhaps be compensated, at least, by the appearance of milder qualities than are predominant m the portraitures we have hitherto sketched. The extant information respecting certain members 6f the Powhatan family, whose history has not been concluded, may soon be detailed. Opitchipan is not mentioned subsequently to the great battle of Pa- munkey, in 1625, when for the first time he appears to have placed himself at the head of his countrymen, in opposition to the English. As the name of Opechancanough in not even alluded to in the records of that period, it may be presumed he was accident- ally absent. Generally^ he seems to have been out of favor with his reigning brother, and to have con- tended against his influence, such as it was, in all his designs hostile to the colony. Opitchipan disap- )si 96 INDIAN BIOGRAPHV. ' « m I! 'I il I' » it proved of the preat massacre of 1622 ; and early in the ensuing season we find him sending in Chanco, tlie Christian convert who disclosed the conspiracy in that ctiso, with a message to Governor Wyatt, that if he would send ten or twelve men, he would giv« up all the English prisoners in his possessioh — (which, as we have seen, Opechancanough had re- fused to do.) He even promised to deliver up his implacahle hrother — if brother he was — bound hand and foot. " Captain Tucker," says Stith, " was accor- dingly sent upon this service, but tvithout ihe desired success. However, Opitchipan sent back Mrs. Boyce, naked and unapparelled, in manner and fashion like one of their Indians." So insignificant, even with these savages, was the power of mere family rank, as opposed to the authority of reputation and talent. One of the chief counsellors and priests of Pow- hatan, and the husband of his daughter Matachanna, was ToMOcoMo, who went to England with Poca- hontas, and I'tJturned with Captain Argall. Smith, who calls him Vttamatomakkin, says he was held by his countrymen to be " a very understanding fellow." The same inference might be made from the com- mission which Powhatan gave him, on the occasion just alluded to, to take the number of the people in England, and to bring him an exact and minute account of their strength and resources. Tomocomo set about that business with equal simplicity and zeal. Inuiiediatcly on his. arrival at Plymouth, he procured a long stick, whereupon to cut a notch with his knife for every man he should see. But hie soon became weary of his task, arid threw his stick away. When the emperor inquired, on his return, how many people there were, he could only compare them to the stars in the sky, the leaves on the trees, and the sands on the sea-shore. Mr. Purchas, (compiler of the famous collection ef voyages,) was informed by President Dale, with whom Tomocomo went out from Virginia, that Opechancanough, and not Powhatan, had given him I 11 INDIAN niOfiRAPHV. 97 hlrt inslruotions ; and that the objort of tlirm was not 8() iniu'li to a.sr(M*tain the popnlation, as to form an estimate of the amount ot corn raised, and of forest trees growing in En^^land. Nomantack anri the otiier savages who had previously visited that country, being ignorant, and having seen little of the Kritisli em|)ire exeept London, had reported a very large calculation of the men and houses, whih; they said almost nothing about the trees anu(Is. At all events, ,la|m/aws must liavecndit liir the deli- rate arrani;enii'iit hy wliij'li the |>ririeeMs wils liiKt notiiied ot'lier lorloiii eondition. ^^Iiijxizau's Inadin^ ofl oil the. (Utpta\i\e\t J'out^ to reiiiemlM r he had dono liiH part, the eaptaiiie, when he saw his time, per- Koaded PoeahontiLs to the ^nni-rooiiie, fainiii^Mo have some eonferenee with lapa/aws, which ivits tmlif that shee should not pcrcieue h(c was any way guillie of her captiuHir" In !()!!>, Ijipazous — so railed hy master John Rolfe — eariK! to Jam«'slown, lor the tirst time, to desire that two ships mifrht he s<'iil t(» tra«le in his river, corn hein^ mon^ ahinidaiit than titr a lon^ time hofore. Parties were sent, aeeordir)»rly ; hnt, ^ir some reitsons, not ex[)lained, they met with in- (lifTerent sneeess in tlu; eonnnenM*, and so eonehided to take ci^'ht hnndred hnshels of rorn hy force. That Japazaws was not nnieh in I'anlt, would appear from the circumstance that he liad no part in the j^reat conspiracy of KJS!^ ; immediately atler which we finer mine ast. Ide he ri^er lived a king (he affirmed,) whoso country hordorcd on the sea, and who took such an abundaiicc ol'iHarls from it, that not only his skins and his nol)lcriR'n's, but his beds and his houses were garnishiMl witli that ornament. Mr. Lane expressed a wish to see a specimen of them ; but Meiiat(mon readily n'plied, that the king of that ricli country reserved them ex- pressly for tradinf^ with white nien.* The source of the Moratuc was described as springing out of a vast rock, standing so near the sea, that in storms the surges beat ovc^r it. As lor the copper, that he said was generally collected in great bowls, covered with skin, at a place particularly described, and yielded two parts of metal for three of ore. There might be a shadow of foundation for some of these relations ; but the chief object of Menatenon — who was a captive among the colonists at the time of his making them — must have been to render himself an important man in their eyes, and perhaps to lead them into some hazardous enterprise. Hearing them talk much about mines and pearls, and the South Sea — which were all hobbies with the credulous adventurers of that period — he adapted his discourse accordingly, and his eager hearers were simple enough to believe every thing he as- serted.f They even undertook the proposed expedition in search of the copper mine and the South Sea ; and had actually advanced nearly two hundred miles up * " This King was at Cliowunock two yearcs agoe to trade with blacke pearte, his worst sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; but that king he, [Menatenon] sayth hath store of white, and had traflicke with white men, for whom lie reserved tliem." f '* The Mangoaka Imue such plentie of it, they beautifie their houses witli great plates thereof: this the salvages report; and young Sliiko, the King Chawonocks sonne my prisoner, tliat had been prisoner among the Mangoaks, &c. * ♦ ♦ Menatenon also confirmed all this, and premised me guides to this mettall coiintrit, ^-c. k M li .1! Ilii i! no INDIAN BIOGRAPIir. the conntr}', before faniinr; and fatiinin, and ffic hostility of innunieral)lo sava^'s (•onii)eIlcd them to turn about. It hchmuh tliut Wingina had hoard of* this expodition — perhajw from Monatenon — and like that cunning though crippled Sachem, he did all in his power to make it both specious in prospect and fatal in result. After having said every thing to excite the curiosity and avarice of the colonists, till he saw them determined to go, he sent word to the different powerful trib<'s living on their pro[)osed route, that the English were coming against them ;■ and that the sooner they suppressed this new enemy, the better. H(!nce it was, that the party setn^ral times came very near being cut off by the savages ; and hence, instead of being plentifully supplied with choice provisions, as exfiected, they were glad to live several days upon two dogs ' boiled down with saxefras leaves.' Fortunately tor the colony, several circumstances concurred in the period of distress which succeeded this enterprise, to prevent Wingina from making open war upon them. One was the influence of his father, Ensenore, the best friend, next to Gran- ganimo, whom the English had ever found among the natives. But the safe return of the expedition made a stronger impression upon the mind of Win- gina. Rumors had been circulated that the party were all starved or slain ; and then he had "begun to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not defend vs, so that old Ensenore had no more credit for vs ; for he began by al the deuises he could to inuade vs."* But the return of the expedition after having defeated all enemies — "asswaged a Uttle his deuises, and brought Ensenore in respect againe, that our God was good, and wee their friends, and eur foes should perish, &c." The last observation suggests another circumstance * See the journal of Governor Lane, as preserved in the old« oollcctions. I i INDIAN niOfiRAPHY 111 winch wont to rcstmiii tlic rninity of tlic clrirtlaiii. This was a mortal <*pi(h'mir, ot' niiknovvii charHCtrr, whirh prevailed (wohisivi'ly amon^ the Indians, and carried ofl' preat nunihers. Th<; eolonists had tlni art to make these simple hein«fs re^'ard it as a punish- ment for the hostility hitherto manitestcd towards the, Knplish. \Vin<:ina himself, who lived in the imme- diate vieinity of the colony, was exceedingly over- come hy his superstition. Twice lie was very sick, and came near dying. lie then dismissed the priests who usually attended him, and sent for some of the P^nglish to pray for him, and to he — as Master lleriot «xpresse5 it, in his "Ohservations" upon this voyage — "a meenes to our God that liee might line with liim after death." lie sui)posed that lie had offended the Deity of the English hy his hhisphemy. They were themselves in great repute, of course. " This marifei- lous accident in all the country wrought so strange opinion of vs that they could not tell, whether to thinke vs Gods or men." Of the two, they considered the former most prohahle, for the whites havrng no women among them, the inference in their minds was, that instead of being born of women, they were men of an old generation many years past, and risen again from immortahty.* All which, we are told, so changed the heart of Pemissapan ( — a name assumed l)y Wingina since the death of Granganimo — ) that, at Ensenore's suggestion, when the Englisli were reduced to extremities for want of food, he sent in his 8ul)jects to make fish- weirs for them, and to plant the fields they had hitherto thought of abandoning. But in April, 1586, Ensenore died ; and as Wingina had now completely recovered his health, and most of the enemies which the colony had among the tribes took this opportunity of renewing their machi- nations, he relapsed into his former hostility. Ar- rangements were made for collecting seven or eight hundred Indians, under pretence of solemnizing the * Heriot. £;fefc,.*"" 112 INDIAN BIOGIIAPHV. }; ■;m 'i fiinprni of Ensonoro. Half of thorn were to lie in ninbiiHh lor those oftlio coloiiistH wlio daily strapffled aloiiff th(^ coast ill pursuit of crahs, fish and other proviHiona. The other detachment was to assault the settlement of Roanoke, at a signal by fire in the ni^lit. Even the particular houses were allotted to be burned by [)articular persons or parties. Twenty were charj^ed to beset the dvv«"llinf? of Governor Lane, and fire the reeds which covered it ; this would brinj:^ him out, naked and unarmed, and then they could despatch him without danfjer. The same order was made for Mr. Heriot's,an(l various other habitations, which were to be fired at the same instant. In the meantime, as it was of preat consequence to reduce the strength of the colony by disj)ersin«; it, Wingina provided for breaking up the weirs, and strictly pro- hibited all trade in provisions. He kept himself aloof also with a similar view. The plan was well concerted, and not without suc- cess. The Governor was soon obliged to send off twenty of the colonists to a part of the coast called Croatan, merely that they might collect the means of their own sustenance. Ten more were sent to Hatte- ras for the same purpose ; and other small companies scattered themselves about on the seacoast, to gather oysters and roots. But the ingenuity of the civilized party, driven to desperation, finally prevailed against the chiefl;ain's naked shrewdness. The Governor sent him word he was going to Croatan, to meet an English squadron which had touched there with supplies, covering the object of this fabrication by also requesting the services of a few Indians to fish and hunt for the colony. Desirous of gaining time, Wingina prom])tly replied, that he would himself visit Mr. Lane in eight days. No doubt he expected to complete his conspiracy in this interval. Bftt the Governor was not so to be deceived. He resolved, on the contrary, to pay the Sachem a visit the next day after receiving his answer. Previous to that, however, he proposed to surprise the Indians at INDIAN lUOCK.VPnV 11:3 Winpna'sold spftlrincnt on tlir, i>laiir eiijerp'iii'ies. " I'Vu" wlieii I sent to take tlio canows," says Mr. Lane in Lis Journal, "they met fine ^^oin<; froni the shore, overtlin^w her, and eut otl* two Salvajres' IkmuIs ; wln'revpon the cry arose, beinj? by their spies |M;reeived ; for tliejf kept as ffood watch oucr vs as ive oner thtmy A skiriiiish ensued. And the Iinlians fled into the woods. The; next niorninjj, the (iijvernor (Tossed over to u place on the main called Dassamonpeak, and sent Wiii^inu word ho was poin;; to Croatan, and haviii;^ certain com|)IaintH to make to him respecting liLs siihjecta, would he happy to call upon him by the way. On the faith of this ])rop(>sal, the chieflain, with s<^vcral of his })rincipal imcmi, met the (jiovernor's party on their route. But no conversation took place. The Governor jjave an appoirit(ul watcliwonl to his men on approachiniv)p«i8 of the N«\v F.niiliind Indiiuw at thn dato of th« IMyiiioiith Si'ttK'inoiU — 'I'ln- l'nkiu»»kot conrcdfrarv — Tlie Wampanoiifif triU' — TImmi- first Iwad-Sachein, known to the English — Massasoit — The firnt intcrvirw Ix'tween hini und the whites — His visit to ri\iMt.iuh, in 1()21 — Treaty of peace and fri('n(lshi|) — Knihansv sent to liini at SowainH, by the Kng- |i}tives were either rescued or redeem- ed, by the benevolent interposition of some of the *Tlus celebrated eminence (frecjucntly called, by corruption of the Indian name, Mount-Ho|)c) is a mile or two east of the village of Brii»tol. It is very steep on all sides, and ter- minates in a large rock, having the appearance to a distant spectator, of an immense dome. t It is gratifying to learn from Smith that Hunt was pun- ished, though not according to the baseness of his infamous crime. '* He betraied foure and twentie of these poore Sal- uages aboord his ship, and most dishonestly and inluunanely for their kinde usa.»e of me and all our men, carried them with him to Maligo, and there for a little priuate gaine sold those silly Saluagos for Rials of eight ; but this vilde act kept him ever after from any more imploiement to these parts."-=r' (Grenerale His^torie of New England, published in 1632, INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 117 monks upon that island. " When I arrived," says Dernier in his letter to Purciias, "at my savage's native country, finding all dead, I truvellelMiV ^ become the subject of our Sovereign Lord the King aforesaid, his lieirs and successors ; and gave unto him all the lands adjacent, to him and his heirs for- ever." This acknowledgement of the sovereignty of the King, if it really made a part of the agreement, certainly deserved a place as a distinct article ; being by far more important than all the others. The gi*ant of land, — and this grant constituted the entire title of the Plymouth settlers, as against the natives, — is confirmed by subsequent transactions, and espe- cially by the acts of Massasoit. But his submission to the authority of King .Tnmes, as a subject to a sovereign, is more doubtful ; nor does it by any means accord with the seventh express article. That the treaty itself also was not preserved precisely as it was probably imderstood, may be inferred from the variations of it giv^en by Mourt in his Relation. Ac- cording to his sixth article, for example, a just recip- rocity is maintained, by providing that the English should leave their pieces behind them in their inter- views with the Indians. This distinction between alliance and subjection, — at least in the mind of one of the parties, — seems to have been too much over- looked. Such, however, was the first treaty made ^vith the Indians of New England, — a passage in its history of great interest. It was made upon peaceable and honorable terms. The Indians came in voluntarily to make it ; and though they received as a considera- tion for the immense territory granted at the time, only a pair of knives, and a copper chain witJi a jewel in it for the grand sachem ; and a knife, a jewel to hang in his ear, a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter for Quade- pinah,* — yet were all parties satisfied with the sub- stance as they were gratified by the ceremonies of *So minutely is the transaction described in The Journal of a Plantation at Plymouth, preserved by Purchas, and' re-published among the Historicul Collections of Massachusetts.' There is reason to tliink that Winslow was the author. 1141 INDIAN BIOGRAPHTT. 121 the agreement. It is pleasing to learn from liistory, that this simple negotiation was remcml)ered and adhered to on hoth sides for the unparalleled tenn of half a century ; nor was Massasoit, or any of the Wampanoags during his lifetime, convicted by the harshest revilers of his race, of having violated, or attempted to violate, any of its plain, just, and delib- erate provisions. The two parties seem to have regarded each other on this occasion witli a curiosity of equal interest and minuteness ; for while the sachetn was inspect- ing the armor of Winslow, and his Wampanoags exerting themselves to blow the trumpet in imitation of their hosts,* the English by-standors, on the other hand, were making tiicir own observations. The writer of the Journal of a Plantation settled at Plymouth, describes M.assasoit as " a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, gi'ave of countenance, and spare of speech." In his attire, he issaid to have differed little from the rest of his followers, ex- cepting that he wore a large chain of white bone- beads about his neck, which was, probably, one of the royal insif^nia ; and that he had suspended from it behind, a little bag of tobacco, which he drank, says the writer, " and gave us to drink." His api)ear- ance otherwise does not seem to have been particu- larly elegant ; his face being painted of a sad red, like murrey, and both head and face so oiled that he " looked greasily." His only weapon was a long knife, swinging at his bosom by a string. His atten- dants were probably arrayed for this gi*eat occasion with peculiar attention to etiquette ; some of them being painted black, others red, yellow, or white ; some wearmg crosses and " otlier antick works ;" and several of them dressed in furs or skins of various descriptions. Being tall, strong men also, and the fii-st natives whom most of the Colonists had ever **' He marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as well as we could." — Journal. I '' If fi m.V I t rw 4 p. > < « it ■ ii S"v , h'', < :i r 11^^ 122 INDIAN BIOGRAPIir. seen near at hand, they must have made to them a somewhat imposing, as well as interesting spectacle. Leaving a few of their number among tlie whites, as hostages, the Wam[)anoags retired to the wodds about half a mile distant and spent the night ; and Winslow acted as their hostage. The English were not yet prepared, it would seem, to put faith in the professions of savages ; for they kej)t strict watch all night, besides retaining the security just named. Their guests, on the contrai-y, enjoyed themselves quietly in the woods ; and there were some of their wives and children with them, who must have come upon this courteous visit from a distance of forty miles. The sachem sent several of his people the next morning, to signify his wish that some of his new friends would houor him with their presence. Stan- dish and one Alderton* " went venturously " among them, and were cordially, if not royally welcomed with an entertainment of tobacco and ground-nuts. " We cannot yet conceive," continues our still un- satisfied informant, "but that he is willing to have peace with us ; for they have seen our people some- times alone two or three in the woods at work and fowling, when they offered them no harm, as they might easily have done." They remained at ♦heir encampment till late in the forenoon • the Govdnor requiting the sachem's liberality, meanwhile, by send- mg an express messenger for his large kettle, and filling it with dry peas. " This pleased them well ; and so they went their way ;" — the one party as much relieved, no doubt, as tlie other was gi*atified.f * From wlioni the outer point of Boston harbor is said to have been named. ■j Such was the earliest visit, of ceremony or !>i!c'.ness at least, which the natives of New England paid to ini: Colonists. The account given of it, though ex partem as all such descrip^ tions nuist be, is honorable to the former in tlie highest degree. They show that many, if not most of the savages, who were fairly dealt with, were at fust as sensible and as prone to kindness as could have been wisiied. Thev went unarmed { INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. V23 ) them a spectacle, e whites, le woods ^ht; and lish were ith in the ct watch t named, lemsclves ! of their ive come of forty 3opIe the f his new e. Stan- " among v^elcomed und-nuts, still un- T to have ►le some- vork and 1, as they 1 at ♦heh» Grovcinor , by send- ttle, and em well ; paity as jratified.f is said to yUc'.ness at : Colonists, ch descrip^ est degree, who >vere 8 prone t() unarmed % We meet with Masfsasoit aj^ain in July, lG2t ; an embassy bein^ then sent to him at his own residence, Atoutaup or Sowams. This embassy consisted of Edward Winslow and Stephen Hopkins ; and the objects of it were, says Mourt,* " that forasmuch as his suhjects came often and tvithoiU fear upon all occa- sions amongst us, so the English went now to visit him, carrying with them a coat from the Governor to his frieihi the sachem, as a token of good will, and desire to live peaceably. It was farther intima- ted, though with great delicacy, that whereas his people came frequently and in gi*eat numbers to Plymouth, wives, children, and all, and were always welcome, — yet being but strangers in the land, and not confident how their corn might prosper, they could uo longer give them such entertainment as they had done, and still wished to do. If Massasoit him- self, however, would visit them, or any special friend of Jiis, he should be welcome. A request was then made, that the Pokanokets, who had iurs, should be permitted to dispose of them to the Colonists. The Governor wished him also to exchange some corn for seed with the Plymouth peofrfe. The remaining article in this message is more illustrative of the relations understood to exist and to be desirable between the parties. On the first arrival of the Colonists at Cape Cod, it seems they had found corn buried there in the ground. Seeing no inhabitants in the neighborhood, " but some graves of the dead newly buried," they took the corn, with the intention of making full satisfaction for it when- ever it became practicable. The owners of it were among the settlers without fear, disposed to be honest and friendly at all events, and as hospitable as their moans per- mitted. It will appear in the sequel, that they continued so for a long course of years, as tliey also continued faithful to their express obligations. in * See iMouRT's Relation, part of which is also preserved the Collections, The name of die publisher only seema hi ' I, 'ti ri to be attached to it. 124 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. il. - : ; I I'? h i\ !'* 1? ; supposed to have fled through fear. It was now pro- posed, that these men should be informed by Massas- oit, — if they could be found, — that the English were ready to pay them with an equal quantity of corn, English meal, or "any other commodities they had to pleasure them withal ;" and full satisfaction was offered for any trouble which the sachem might do them the favor to take. This proposal was equally politic and just. The visitei-s met with a generous, though humble hospitality, which reminds one of the first reception of Columbus by the West-Indian islandere. Tliey reached Namaschet about three o'clock in the after- noon ; and there, we are told, the inhabitants enter- tained them with joy, in the best manner they were able ; giving them sweet bread* and fish, with a less acceptable accompaniment of boiled musty acorns. Various civilities were exchanged after this primitive and savory repast, — as ancient, by the way, as the eai'ly Greeks, — and some time was passed very pleas- antly in shooting a crow at a considerable distance, to the vast astonishment and amusement of the Indians. They were then directed to a place about eight miles distant, (Middleborough) where, says the Journalist, they should find " more store and better victuals." They were welcomed, on their arrival, by a party who were catching gi*eat numbers of fine bass in Taunton river, and who gave them a supper, and a breakfast in the morning, besides the privilege of lodging in the woods near by over night. Attended by six of their hosts the next day, they were assisted in passing the river ; and here they met with the first indications of ill-will, in the per- sons of two old Indians upon the opposite bank. These two, espying them as they entered the river, ran swiftly and stealthily among the high grass to * Called maziunif and made of Indian corn, no doubt. Gookin says, that a meal whi( h they made of parched maize was so sweet, so hearty, and so toothsome^ that an Indian would travel many days with no other food. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 125 meet them ; and thon, with loud voicos and dra\>n bows, demanded of the stranjjors wlio they were ; "hut seeing we were friends," it is addeil, "they welcomed us with such food as they had, and we bestowed a small bracelet of heads on them." The remarks which follow this, upon the conduct of the six attendants, we caimot forbear citing at large, irrelevant to our main purpose as they arc. " When we came to a small brook," says our accurate writer, " where no bridge was, two of them desired to cany us through of their own accords ; also fearing we were, or woidd be weary, offered to carnr our pieces ; also if we would lay off any of our clothes, [it being excessively hot,] we should have them carried ; aiid as the one of them had found more special kindness from one of the messengers, and the other savage from the other, so they showed their thankfulness accordingly, in affording us lielp and furtherance in the journey." After one more entertainment on the way, our travellers reached Sowams. Massasoit was not at hoiue, but arrived soon after, and was saluted by his visiters with a discharge of musketry. He welcomed them kindly after the Indian manner, took them into his lodge, and seated them by himself. They then delivered their message and presents, the latter com- prising a horseman's coat of red cotton, embroidered with fine lace. The sachem mounted this superb article without delay, and hung the chain, which they also gave him, about his neck, evidently enjoy- ing the unspeakable admiration of the Wampanoags, who gazed upon him at a distance. He now answer- ed the message, clause afler clause ; and particularly signified his desire to continue in peace and friend- ship with his neighbors. He gathered his men around him, in fine, and harangued them ; they oc- casionally confirming what he said by their custom- ary ejaculations. Was not he, Massasoit, conmiand- er of the country about them ? Was not such a town within his dominions — and were not the peo* L2 « I l\ I 111. ii'..- I. f 126 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. pie of it his subjects — and should they not bring their skins to him, if he wished it ? Tims he proceeded to name about thirty of his small settlements, his attentive auditors responding to each question. The matter being regularly set- tled, he lighted tobacco for his guests, and conversed with them about their own country and King, mar- velling, above all, that his Majesty should live with- out a squaw. As it grew late?, and he oifered no more substantial entertaimnent than this, — no doubt for the sound reason, that he had nothing to ofler, — his guests intimated a wish to retire for the night. He forthwith accommodated them, with himsolf and his wife, they at one end and his visiters at the other, of a bed consisting of a plank platform, raised a foot or two from the ground and covered with a thin mat. Two of his chief men, probably by way of compliment, were also station«;d upon the same preujises ; and this body-^uard performed their pressing duty of escort so effectually, that no other circumstances were necessary to i?i.-^ke the honored guests " worae weary of their lodging than they had been of their journey." On the following day, many of the petty chiefs, with their subjects, came in from the adjacent coun- try, and various sports and games were got up for the entertainment of the English. At noon, they partook, with the sachem and about forty others, of a meal of boiled fish shot by himself^ (probably with arrows.) They continued with him until the next morning, when they departed, leaving Massasoit " both grieved and ashamed" that he could not bet- ter entertain him. Very importunate he was, adds the journalist, to have them stay with him longer ; but as they had eaten but one meal for two days and a night, with the exception of a partridge, which one of them killed ; and what with their location at night, the "savages* barbarous singing of themselves to sleep," musquitoes without doors, and other tri- fling inconveniences within, could not sleep at all ; t J 'i INDIAN BIOGUAPIIY. 127 they begpcd to be excused, — on the score of con- Bcience, Sunday bein«( near at hjuid, — not to mention that tliey were f^rowing li<^ht-headed, and could hardly expect, if they stayed much longer, to be able to reach hojn(!. Ma^sasoit's friendsliip vvtw a^ain tested in March, ir/i*^, when an Indian, i^nown to be under Squanto's influence,'* came ruiuiiiifi^ in among a party of colo- nists, witii his face gaslied, and the i)iood fresh upon it, calling out to them to flee for their lives, and then looking behind him as if pursued. On coming up, he told tliem that the Indians, under Massasoit, were congregating at a certain place for an attack upon the Colony; that he had received his wounds in consequence of opposing their designs; and had barely escaped from them with his life. The report occasioned no little alarm ; although the correctness of it was flatly denied by Ilobamock, a Pokanoket Indian resid(;nt at Plymouth, who recommended that a messenger should be sent secretly to Sowams, for tlie purpose of ascertaining the truth. This was done, and the messenger, flnding every thing in ita usually quiet state, informed Massasoit of the reports circulated against him. He was excessively incens ♦Which, it may >)e here observed, was quite considerable. Squanto was ambitious and niedillesome, though not malicioua — well-disposed and serviceable to the English, but a little too anxious to have credit for that fact among his countrymen. He amused himself with telling them that the whites kept the plague barrelled up in their cellars, that they intended war upon various tribes, &c. for the sake of being employed, sometimes hired, to act as mediator; and of course he always succeeded in settling the diiiliculty. Squanto died in Novem- ber, 1622, on an expedition fitted out by Governor Bradford for obtaining corn among the Indians. His last request was, that the governor would pray for him that he might go to the Englishman's God in Heaven. He bequeathed his little prop- erty to his English friends. So perished the last aboriginal of the Plymoutli soil. He sometimes played * Jack upon both sides,' as Hubbard says, but his death was justly considered a public loss. 128 INDIAN DIOGUAPHY. \'A '1 ■ i\ .' C(l ngniriRt Sfninnto, hut soiit Iiis timnks to tlic Gov- ernor for the opinion of liir* fnh'lity, whirh h« un- d(»rstoo(l hitn to retain ; and (hrccKMl tlin messenger to assuro him, tliat he wlionld instantly apprize hinn of any conspiracy which iniglit at any future time take phire. That tlie declarations of Massasoit, upon this occa- sion, w('r«5 far tvoni heinj? mere words of compulsion or of courtesy, is al)undantly proved hy his conduct durin»( the iHixt season, 1(523. Early in the spring of that year, news came to Plymouth, that he was very sick at Sowams ; and it was determined to send Mr. Winslow to visit him once more, in token of the friendship of the colonists. That *;entlcman immedi- ately conmienced his journey, heing provided with a tew cordials, and attended hy " one Master John Hampden, a London gentlcirian, who then wintered with him, and desired nnich to see the country," — no douht the same character so eminently distinguish- ed afterwards in the politics of England. They heard, at various places on their route, that the sachem was already dead ; and their guide, Hobamock, indulged himself all the way in the most unbounded grief. They found him still living, how- ever, on their arrival ; and the multitude of depends ents and friends who thronged his lodge, made way as fast as possible for their admittance and accom- modation. He appeared to be reduced to the last extremities. Six or eight women were employed in chafing his cold limbs, and the residue of the numerous company were exerting themselves to the utmost, meanwhile, in making what Winslow rather uncharitably calls " such a hellish noise as distem-r pered those that were well."* He had the good sense * Probiil)ly an Indian Fowah wa? loader of the chorus. Of tl»ese barbarian quacks, Roger Willianis says, that *' the poore people commonly dye under their hands," for the very good reason that they *' administer nothing, but howle, and roar, and hollow over tliem, and begin the song to the rest of the people about tliem, who all joyne (like a quire) in prayer to INDIAN BFOr.RAPllV. 129 to wait for the ronrlusion oftho coroinony ; and the pxluuistp'l pcriorrncrs hcinj^ then siitistied thoy liad done all that in them lay for th, The m** of ^ Ousamequin. In considercftion of the aforesaid bargain and sale wee the said Myles' Standish Samuel Nash and Con- stant Southworth, doe bind ourselves to pay unto y* said Ousamequin for and in consideration of y^ said tract of land as followeth 7 Coats ay' and half in "^ a coat 9 Hatchets 8 Howes 20 Knives 4 Moose skins 10 Y''* and half of cotton Myles Standish * Samuel Nash Constant Southworth.*' J! ■ :■■! \\ \i\ m n 132 INDIAN BIOGRArnV. it •■II I ^< The original documont of wliioli we have hero given a Hteral and exact copy has been preserved to this day. It is in the handwriting of Captain Standish. The precise date of Massasoit's death is unknown. In 1653, ii(« Pi 'f. said, " lie caused me to sjjend in goirij^; from one to another among those that Were siek in the town [Sowams] ; retpiesting me to treat them as I had Jiim, and to give to eaeh of them some of the same I gave him, saying thei/ were good folk" But these nohle traits of the character of Massas- oit are still more ahundantly illustrated by the whole tenor of his intercourse with the whites. Of his mere sense of his positive obligations to them, in- cluding his fidelity to the famous treaty of 1()21, nothing more need be said, excepting that the annals 6f the continent furnish scarcely one parallel even to that case. But he went much farther than this. He not only visited the Colony in the first instance of his own free will and accord, but he entered into the negotiiitions cheerfijlly .ind deliberately ; and in the face of their manifest fear and suspicion. Hence- frrth the result!? of it were regarded, not with the mere honesty of an ally, but with the warm interest of a friend. It was probably at his secret and delicate suggestion, — and it could scarcely have been without his permission, at all events, — that his own subjects took up their residence among the colonists, with the view of guiding, piloting, interpreting for them, and teaching them their own useful knowledge. Wins- lo^v speaks of his appointing another to fill the place of Squanto at Plymouth, while the latter should be sent about among the Pokanokets, under his orders, " to procure truck [in furs] for the English. The vast grant of territory which he made in the first instance has been spoken of It was made with the simple observation, that hi^ claim to it was the sole claim in existence. It was also without con- sideration; the generous sachem, as Roger Williams says of the Narragh an setts in a similar case, "being shy and jealous of selling the lands to any, and choos- ing rather to make a gift of them to such as they affected." Such is the only jealousy which Massa- soit can be said ever to have entertained of the English. Nor do we find any evidence that he I INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 135 m one to the town as I had the same f Massas- the whole !. Of his them, in- ' of 1021, :he annals lei even to than this. t instance tered into r, and in Hence- with the ri interest d delicate n without 1 subjects , with the hem, and . Wins- the place should be Is orders, ide in the lade with was the out con- Williams 3, " being id choos- as they Massa- of the that he ropcnted of his liberality, or con.si(l(Tely watched over the int i f I I S'i 136 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. was asked why such a report had been circulated the day previous. " That Winsriow might be the more welcome," answered he, " and that you might be tlie more liappy, — it is my custom." He had come thus far to enjoy this surprise personal!^ , and he returned homeward, more gratified by it, without doubt, than he would have been by the most fortu- nate foray among the Narraghansetts. It is intimated by some writers, rather moi*e fre- quently than is either just or generous, that the sa- chem's fear of the tribe just named lay at the foun- dation of his friendship. It might have been nearer the apparent truth, considering all that is known of Massasoit, to say, that his interest happened to coin- cide witli his inchnation. At all events, it was in the power of any^ other of the sachems or kings throughout the country, to place and sustain them- selves upon the same footing with the colonists, had they been prompted either by as much good feeling or good sense. On the contrary, the Massachusetts were plotting and threatening on one hand, as v/e have seen, — not without provocation, it must be al- lowed, — while the Narraghansett sachem, upon the other, had sent in his compliments as early as 1622, in the shape of a bundle of arrows, tied up with a rattlesnake's skin. Nor should we forget the ^vretched feebleness of the Colony at the period of their first acquaintance with Massasoit. Indeed, the instant measures which he took for their relief and protection, look more like the promptings of compassion, than of either hope or fear. A month previous to his appearance among them, they were reduced to such a pitiable condition by sickness, that only six or seven men of their whole number were able to do business in the open air; and probably their entire fighting force, could they have been mustered together, would scarcely have equalled that little detachment which Massasoit brought with him into the village, delicate- ly leaving twice as many, with the arms of all, be^ u INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 137 en men hiud him ; as lie afterwards exchanjjfcd six liostages tor one. No wonder that the colonists " could not yet conceive but that he was willing to have peace with them." But the motives of the sachem are still further manifested by the sense of his own dignity, which, peaceable as he generally was, he showed [)romptly upon all suitable occasions. Both the informal grant and the formal deeds we have mentioned, indicate that he understood hiniself to be the master of his ancestral territory as nuich in right as in fact. There is nothing in his whole history, which does more honor to his intelligence or his sensibility, than his conduct occasioned by the falsehoods circulated among the colonists against him by Squanto. His first impulse, as we have seen, was to be offended with the guilty intriguant ; the second, to thank llie Governor for appealing to himself in this case, and to assure him that he would at any time " send word and give warning when any such business was tOr wards." On further inquiry, he ascertained that Squanto wt\s taking even more liberties with his reputation than he had been aware of. He went forthwith to Plymouth, and made his appeal person- ally to the (|Overnor. The latter pacified him as well as he could, and he returned home. But a very short time elapsed before a message came from him, entreating the Governor to consent to the death of the renegade who still abused him. The Governor confessed in reply, that Squanto deserved death, but desired that he might be spared on account of liis in(^ispensable services. Massasoit was not yet satis- fied. The former messenger was again sent, " with divers others," says Winslow in his Relation, "de- manding him, [Squanto] as being one of Massasoit's subjects, whom by our first articles of peace we could not retain ; yet because he would not willingly do it [insist upon his rights] without the Governor's approoation, he offered him many beaver-skins for hi^ consent thereto." The deputation had brought M 2 138 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. M' <'•! r/< I' tliese skins, accordingly, as also tljo sarlicm's own knife, lor tfie exerution of the rriniinal. Squanto now surrendered himself to the (jlovernor, us an Indian always resigns himself to his fate upon simi- lar occasions; hut the Governor still contrived a pretext for sparing him. The deputies were " mad with rage and impatient of delay," as may be sup- posed, and departed in great heat. The conduct of the sachem in this case was mani- festly more correct than that of his ally. He under- stood as well as the Governor did, the spirit of the articles in the treaty, which provided, that an offend- er upon either side should be given up to punish- ment upon demand ; and he was careful to make that demand personally, explicitly and respectfully. The Governor, on the other hand, as well as the culprit himself, acknowledged the justice of it, but manoeuvred to avoid compliance. The true reason is no doubt given by Winslow. It is also given in the language of John Smith. " With much adoe," says the honest Captain, "we appeased the angry king and the rest of the saluages, and freely forgaue TusquANTUM, because he speakins^ our language we could not be well without him" The king was angry, then, as he well might be ; and the Governor took the trouble, he was both hound and interested to take, to appease him. It is not to be wondered at, perhaps, that the particulars of this transaction are so little dwelt upon by the writers of that period. Winslow barely states, — speaking, in another con- nexion, of the Indians being evidently aware of the weakness of the Colony, — that, what was worse, " now also Massasoit seemed to frown upon us, and neither came nor sent to us as formerly." This ])as- sage is no less significant than brief; but not more so than a subsequent dry observation respecting Squanto, ** whose peace, before this time, (the fall of the same year) tvas wrought with Massasoit." Such were the life and character of Massasoit. It is to be regretted, that so few particulai-s are pre- 1 . .:. » » *sr«rv.s^ INDIAN niOr.IlAPIIY. lr]9 )r, us an forvnd of tlio fonuor, and tliat so litrlr justir'o, ron- Hcqurntly, can bo dono to tin; latter. IJut so far as liis history p)os, it rcrtaiidy iiinkcs liim one (»f tho most romarkabl(! men of liis rafc. Tlicn^ is no no- bler instance in ail history, of natinnal ii(i«;lity, (tor which ho maiidy must have; tho rrrdit,) or of iiidi- vidnal friendshi[>. This instinct of a r each town respectively, did then likewise ratify and con- firm the aforesaid ancient leajj^ue and confederacy ; und did also further promise to the said VVoosame- quin and Moanam his son, and his successors, that they shall and will from time to time defend them, when occasion shall reli as shall rise up against them to wrong or oppress them un- justly." Agreeably to the terms of this covenant, the Rec- ords of the Colonies for 16()1 set forth, that a message was that year sent by the United Commissioners to Uncas, chief Sachem of the Molegans.* The complainants in that case were the General Court of Massachusetts ; and the charge alleged against Un- cas was a violent " Invading of Wesamequin and the Indians of Quahakutt whoe are and longe haue bine Subjects to the English,^'* The dominion here assum- ed, is probably intended to api)ly only to the Quaha- kutt Indians, and not to Massasoit. Uncas, in his answer, professed that he was ignorant they were subjects of Massachusetts, " and further says they were none of Wesamequin's men but belonging to Onopcquin his deadly enemie." &c. He then alleges "that Wesamequin his son and ♦See the message and reply at liugc in the Life of Uncas. >«<» i«-r ^.> INDIAN IJIOCIRAPHY. 143 (liunrs of his men hnd fnvfrht nfrninsl him diners iimes.^^ T\n'' last parajnnpli of tlir answor — which was pivf'M ill by Major Mason in hi'half of Liu'UH — is ns follows : " Ah'xaiulcr allis [alias] Wanisntta SacluMn of Sowanis1A.\ BIOGRAPHY '.m . . I '/ ,i tlieroforf, tliat none was ever received, the writers just cited not being remarkably prone to omit matters oftliiskin-l. The rumor might originate from cir- cumstanees really suspicious ; but were tliis true, and far more, if it were both tiilse and malicious, like the charges against Mussasoit, we may well question both the justice and the policy of tlie steps taken by the Plymouth Government. " They presently sent for him, to bring him to the court," says Hubbard, — a very remarkable proceed- ing, related with a corresponding brevity. The business was intrusted, it also appears, to a gentleman who was neitluT afraid of danger, nor yet willing to delay in a matter of tliis moment. We are then told that this gentleman, Mr. Winslow, forthwith taking eight or ten stout men with him, well armed, set out for Sowams ; that he fortunately met with Alexander, at a few miles' distance, in a wigwam with eighty of his followers ; that they seized upon the arms of the party, which had been left without the wigwam, and then went in and summoned the sachem to at-, tend them to Plymouth. He obeyed, reluctantly, being threatened that " if he stirred or refused to go, he was a dead man." Such was his spirit, however, adds Hubbard, that the very surprisal of him threw him into a fever. Upon this, he requested liberty to return home, and the favor was granted to him on certain conthtions ; but he died upon the way. This account agrees with Mather's. "The Gov- ernment sent that valiant and excellent commander," fcjayti the Reverend Doctor, " to fetch him down be- fore them. The major-general used such expedition and resolution in this affair, that, assisted with no more than U n men, he seized upon Alexander at a liunting-house, notwithstanding his numerous attend- ants about him ; and when the raging sachem saw a Eistol at his breast, witli a threatening of death to im if he did not quietly yield himself up to go down to Plymouth, he yielded, though not very quietly, thereimto." Mether attributes liis de^th, furthermore,^ INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 145 to the " inward fury of his own guilty and liaughtv mind." Now, even if the sachem were not eompel- led to travel faster or further than was decent in his unfortunate situation, as one of our authorities is careful to argue ; and granting to th(; other, that he was treat71. Even the same anthorities who record this suhmission, speak of his rentivin^ his ancient covenant, (as indeed the instru- ment itself shows.) A distinct article recognises Massasoit as an independent sovereiffn. Philip, then, held the same relation to the Englisl), that his father and hrother had done lor the fifty years, during which the two parties had treated and associated upon equal and intimate terms. He was hound by the same engage?nents, and j)ossessed of the same rights; and it only remains to he seen, if due regard was paid to these circumstances upon either side. Now, we look upon the assault of Alexander, in 1G62, in the first place, as not only a sufficient cause of suspicion and resentment, hut of war ; and that, upon the best construction which can he put upon the most favorable of the ex-parle relations that appear upon record. By the old treaty itself, which Alexander also took the gratuitous trouble to reneWy — and without any reference to courtesy or humanity, or to national fidelity, or to personal friendship, existing up to this date, — the English were bound generally to treat him as an allied sovereign, and especially to make a preliminary demand of satis- faction, in all cases of complaint. We have seen that the charge brought against him in 1662, — vague and unsupportedasitwas, — was not so much as explained to the sachem, previously to his being taken from his own territory by an armed force, and carried before an English Justice of the Peace. In no other instance does the Plymouth Colony seem to have exercised an authority of this nature, even over the meanest sub- jects of the sachem. " Inasmuch as complaint is made, that many Indians pass into divers places of this jurisdiction," say the records of the Colony for 1660, " it is enacted that no strange or foreign Indians *"" permitted to become residents, and 'that notice be ■I be given to the several sagamores to prevent the same.^ *' 154 INDIAN DIOGRAPnV. I( i i' A remark might bo made upon the policy of lawn like these, so lur us the PoitarioketH were ('ouecriied ; as also of the aets of ]G/>2, and 1()5.'3, vvhieh prohibi- ted the sale of casks, barques, boats and horses, to the Indians, besides providing a punishment for sueh of them, resident in the Colony, as should violate the Christian sai)bath, or discharge their guns in the night-time. But these regulations the Government had an undoubted right to make, as Massasoit and Philip had possessed a right, — which, however, they were complaisant enough to relinquish, — of selling their own lands to purchasers of their own choosing. Such was the sta*e of things previous to the sub- mission of 1G71. With regard to this, it is quite clear that, even if Philip was made to understand the instrument which it is well known he could not rcad^ he could look upon it only as an insult, imposed upon him under circumstances amounting to duress. In- dependently of any force, too, he must have thought himself justified, by the manifest disposition and the summary measures of the English, in availing him- self of any stratagem to lull suspicion and to gain time. He might or might not, at this period or be- fore, have meditated acting offensively against them, in revenge of the indignity suffered by his brother and his nation ; but it was certainly both prudent and patriotic in him, to put himself on the defensive. He had a right, it appears to us, both to drill his own people in martial exercises, and to make alliances with his Indian neighbors. It might have been a safe policy in the Plymouth Government, to have considered these things, in re- card at least to what they might call the jealous and barbarous prejudices of the Indians, before proceeding to extremities with either Alexander or Philip. On the contrary, while they enacted laws, and encourag- ed accusations, and took the execution of the penalty of them into their own hands, they used no means to conciliate Philip, but sending for him to appear be- fore " the Plymouth Court." Whether they wero :l INDIAN niorJFivpnY. 15.5 CHiitious in nil other n'sprcts nftor thifltitiio to avoid oflrnro, it is not to l)« cxpcrt^ul that liistory .shf)uhl enable uh to ch'ttn'minc. We find, however, that cer- tain of the Colonists, in I()73, took upon them to ne- gotiate; treaties for land with |)rivate snhjeets of IMii- h|) ; and tlK'r<; is no reason to doubt, that they entend und kept [mssession arcordin^rly. As the snehenw are known to havt; been as UMiacious of their territory in riaini, as they were liberal of it in disposal, it may well be conceived that this first instance of a similar nature upon rc^cord, should occasion Philip no littJo dissatisfiiction. In imitation of the Knjflish courtesy, he nii^ht hav(! despatched Nimrod, Tobias, Woonk- oponcpunt, or some other of his "valiant and excel- lent " majors-generals to " fetch down " the ofli'endin^ grantees to Sowams. He seems to have taken no express notice of the afl^air. Hut that he understood his territorial riffhts, is apparc^nt from the singular cotnmunication which fi)llows. It is preserved in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical feociety, (volume second of th«; first series,) as precisely copied from the original, which is still preserved at Ply- mouth. " King Philip desire to let you understand that he could not come to the Court, for Tom, his interpreter, has a pain in his back, that he could not travel so far, and Philip sister is very sik. " Philip would intreat that favor of you, and aney of the magistrats if anei/ En^lifth or Engians speak about ancAf land^ he pray you to give them no answer at all. This last sunmier he made that promis with you, that he would not sell no land in seven years time, for that he would have no English trouble him before that time^ he has not forgot that you promis him. " He will come as soon as possible as he can to speak with you, and so I rest, you very loving friend, Philip, dwelling at mount hope nek."* * Since the text was written, our opinion has been confirmed by meeting with the following significant query in a petitioa II ^ 4 i 1 ;| H / » r i ''I ■A' If ! 156 INDIAN BiocKvrnv. 1^ s This uiiiciiie letter is addrrysed '• To the much honered Governor, IMr. TIioimuk Friiiee, dwelling nt Plynioutli." Ah l*liili|) liiinsclf eoiild neither roud nor write, the honor of th ■' I 'it t », ri ..Jtw. .^t. 158 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. H h >■ ;. J h * ■ ill had been thrust, was still open, and his hat and gun left near by :.-^ if he had drowned himself. " Fur- thermore," Says Mather, " upon the jealousies of the spirits of men that he might have met with some foul play, a jury was empanelled, unto whom it ap- peared that his neck was broken, which is one Indian way of murdering.'''* The next step of the Plymouth Government was to seize upon three Pokanoket Indians, on* the testi- mony of a fourth, ^''found^'* says Hubbard, " hy a strange providence.'''' This man swore that he nad seen the murder committed from a hill near the pond. It must be inferred that he swore to the identity of the prisoners, for it appears they were convicted from "his undeniable testimony and other circum- stances,"* and forthwith hangecl. Whatever may be said of the legale the moral probability certainly is, that they were guilty. They were probably appointed to execute the judgment of Philip upon Sassamon, one of them being Tobias, a man of some distinction. At all events, Philip must have thought himself jus- tified in taking this summary measure with a vaga- bond who was mean enough to avail himself, as Sassamon did, of being tolerated in his territory after having betrayed his confidence, and apparently for the very purpose of following up his own treason. * The Colonists were but too n .idy, throughout tliese transac- tions, to believe any thing and every thing which supported a charge against Philip. One of the undeniable circumstances is, probably, stated by Mather. The dead body bled afresh, says the Doctor, on the approach of Tobias, " yea, upon the repetition of the experiment, it still happened so," albeit he had been deceased and interred for a considerable while before. K ', '.I < - L' n INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 159 sassainon. CHAPTER VIII. Preparations for war between Philip and the Colonies— Great excitement of the times — Deposition of Hugh Cole — Imme- diate occasioii ofl'.ostilitics — Commencement of ihem, June 24th, 1675 — Summary sketch of the war — Consequences to the parties engaged — Exertions, adventures and escapes of King Philip — His death — Anecdotes respecting him — Ob- servations on his character — His courage, dignity, kindness, independence, shrewdness, and self-command — Fate of his family — Defence of his conduct. Whatever had previously been the disposition or determination of Philip, it is iiniversully agreed, that subsequent to tlie transaction mentioned at tlie close of the last chapter, he took but little pains either to conceal his own hostility or to check that of liis sub- jects. It vvouhl be incredible that he should. He well remembered what had happened to his brother in much more peaceable times ; and, as several his- torians intimate, he must actually have apprehended ' the danger his own head was in next.' A passage in one of his letters heretofore cited, is to the same pur- pose — " as also suggestions of great danger in case they [his subjects] there [at Plymouth] appear ; urith harsh threats to the sachem, that may be considered." Every preparation was now made for the impend- ing crisis on either side. The following ancient document, taken from the records of Plymouth, shows that the agitation of all the parties concerned had already arrived to a high pitch. It is the deposi- tion of one Hugh Cole, taken in court previous to Sassamon's death, and attested by Nathaniel Morton as secretary :* " Hugh Cole, aged forty-three, or thereabouts, be- ing deposed, saith ; — That in February last past be- fore the date hereof, he went to Shewarnett, and •Vide 6Ui. Vol. Man. His. Coll. 1st Series, U d\ M M«» 160 INDIAN niOGRAPIIV. ^n ■' ! ) '*>?(, I^M |i:-( two Englishmen more witli him: and that their business was to persuade the Indians to ^o to Ph/mouthj to answer a complaint made by Hezekiali Luther. The Indians (saith he) sceinir us, came out of the house towards us, being many of them, at the least twenty or thirty, with staves in their hand ; and when the Indians saw tliere were but three of us, they laid down their staves again. Then we asked the Indians what they did with those staves in their hands ? They answered, that they looked for Eng- lislimen to come from Plymouth, to seek Indians, to carry them to Plymouth. But they said they were not willing to go. And some time after, in the same morning, Philip, the chief sachem, sent for me to come to him ; and I went to Mount Hope to him ; and when I came to Mount Hope, I saw most of the Indians that I knewof Shevvamett Indians, there at Mount Hope, and they were generally employed in making of bows and arrows, and half pikes, and fixing up of guns. And I saw many Indians of several places repair towards Mount Hope. And some days after I came from Mount Hope, I, with several others, saw one of Captain Willett's rangers, coming on post on horseback, who told us, that king Philip was marched up the neck with about three score men ; and Zacary Eddy, on his report, went to see if he could find them ; and he found them towards the upper part of the neck, in several companies. One Caleb Eddy fiirther saith, that he saw many there in arms ; and I was informed by John Padduck, that he saw two several guns, loaded with bullets or slugs. And I further testify, that those Indians that I saw come towards Mount Hope, as aforesaid, came better armed than I usually have seen them. Further saith not." The Pokanokets mustered at Mount Hope, early in the spring of 1675, from all quarters, and the whole country was in agitation. The ungovernable fury of some of these fierce warriors was the imme- diate occasion of the war which ensued. They had it '. }-.. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 161 hat their Ph/moiithj I Luther. Lit of the the least 111(1 ; and ee of us, we asked i in their for Eng- idians, to hey were the same or me to ! to him ; most of ms, there employed ikes, and dians of )e. And , I, with I rangers, hat king >ut three went to towards mpanies. kv many 'adduck, ullets or ians that id, came Further le, early and the k'ernable e imme- hey had I not the power which Philip himself had, of enduring provocation with the reservation of reven*fe ; and they were by no means so well aware, on the other hand, of the advantages to be gained by such a course. At length, a party of them expressed their feelings so intolerably — soon after the execution of their three countrymen — that an Englishman at Swanzey discharged his musket at one of them, and wounded him. This affair took place June 24, 1675, a day memorable in American history as the com- mencement of Philip's War. "Now," says a reverend historian of those times, " war was begim by a fierce nation of Indians upon an honest, ha'rm- less Christian generation of English, who ftiight very truly have said unto the aggressors, as it was said of old unto the Ammonites, '/ have not sinned against thee, but thou doest me wrong to war against me.* " Such no doubt was the persuasion of a large majority of the cotemporary countrymen of the learned divine. Hostilities were now promptly undertaken. A letter was sent to Philip, in the month of June, which, of course, did no good ; applications were also made to the Massachusetts Government for immediate assistance ; forces were raised and stationed through- out the Colony ; and matters very soon after pro- ceeded to a length which made compromise or conciliation impossible. We do not intend to give for the present the well-known particulars of this celebrated war. It is sufficient to observe, that it was earned on for more than a year with a violence, and amid an excitement unparalleled, perhaps, in the history of the country ; and that it terminated with the death of Philip, late in the season of 1676. The result of it was decisive, as the sachem was well aware that it would be, of the fate of the New England Indians. The Pokanokets were nearly exterminated. The Narraghansetts lost about one thousand of their number in the celebrated swamp- fight at Sunke-Squaw. All the Indians on the 02 4 m *:1 )1 511 h I 162 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. n H' t»i M I Connecticut river, and most of the Nipmucks who survived, fled to Canada, (where they were subse- quently of great service to the French) and a few hundreds took refuge it) New York. The EngHsh detachment of Captain Church alone, are estimated to have killed about seven hundred between June and October of 1676. Large numbers of those who were captured were sent out of the country, and sold as slaves. But the triumph of the conqueror was dearly bought. The whole fighting force of the four Colo- nies seems to have been almost constantly in requi- sition. Between one and two thousand men were engaged at the swamp-fight alone, — an immense force for a population of scarcely forty thousand English throughout New England. Thirteen towns were entirely destroyed by the enemy ; six hundred dwelling-houses burned ; an J about the same number of Englishmen killed, so that almost every family lost a relative. The mere expense of the war must have been very great ; for the Commissioners of the United Colonies afterwards estimated the disburae- ments of the Old Colony alone, at more than one hundred thousand pounds. Such was the war of King Philip — sustained and managed, upon his side, by his own single-handed energy and talent alone. Not that the sixty Wam- panoags of the sachem's own house-hold, as it were, or even the various tribes of tlie Pokanoket country, were his sole supporters; but that all the other tribes, which supported him, did it in consequence of his influence, and were induced to unite and operate together, as they never had done before, under his control. Some writers have asserted, that he en- gaged the various Atlantic tribes as far south as Virginia to assist him ; but of this there is no proofj and it is rendered improbable by the great want of inter-communication among these tribes. Nor is it true, as other writers have stated, tliat all the natives of New England itself were involved \ ! INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 163 with Philip. On tlie other luuid, it was the most trying circuinstanoe of the j^-oat strii<(gle of the sachein, that he had not only to rely npon bringing and keeping together scores of petty cantons, as jealous of each other from time immemorial as so many Highland clans ; but he had to watch and resist, openly and secretly, aJl who would not join him, besides the mu'titudes who deserted, betrayed and opposed him. The New Hampshire tribes mostly withdrew from the contest. The praying Indians, of whom there were then thousands, either remained neutral, or like Sassamon turned against their own race. One of Philip's own tribes fortiook him in his misfortunes ; and the Pequots and Mohe- gans of Connecticut kept the field against him from the very first day of the war to the last. It may be supposed, that some of these tribes were surprised, {IS Philip liimself was, by the sudden breaking out t)f the war, a year before the time whicli had been fixed for it. This was occasioned by the proceedings in which Sassamon was concernofl, and by the un- governable fury of a few of the young warriors. Piiilip is said to have wept at these tidings of the first outrage of the war. He relented, perhaps, savage as he was, at the idea of disturbing the long amity which his father had preserved ; but he may well have regretted, certainly, that being once forced upon the measure, he should enter the battle-field unprepai'ed for what he well knew must be the last, as it was the first, great contest between the red men and the whites. But the die was cast, and though Philip never smiled after that memorable hour just alluded to, his whole soul was bent upon the business before liim. Day nor night, scarcely was there rest for his Ihnbs or sleep for his eyes. His resources must have been feeble enough, had his plans, now em- barraaried, succeeded to his utmost wish; but he girded himself, 'ls it was, with a proud heart for the mortal struggle. The strength of his own domin- ions was about six hundred warriors, ready, and 164 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. r !i I'H A U ' hi u more than ready, lonor since, for the war-cry. The whole force of his old enemies, the Narragliansetts, was already engaged to him. He had negotiated, also, with the Nipniucks and the tribes on the Con- necticut and farther west, and one after another, these were soon induced to join him. Nor was it six weeks from the first hostilities, before all the Indians along the coast of Maine, for a distance of two hun- dred miles, were eagerly engaged, in what Philip told them wtts the common cause of the race. That no arts might be left untried, even while the court were condemning his three subjects, he was holding a grand war-dance at Sowams, and muster- ing his tawny warriors around him from all quarters. Several tribes afterwai'ds confessed to the English, that Philip had thus inveigled them into the war. And again, no sooner were his forces driven back upon the Connecticut river tribes, about the first of Septem- ber, 1675, than he enlisted new allies among them. The Hadley Indians, who had joined the English, — very likely at his instigation, — were suspected, and fled to him. Their Springfield neighbors, soon after, joined three hundred of Philip's men, in an attack upon that town ; and thus the whole Nipmuck country was involved. In the course of the ensuing winter, the sachem is said to have visited the Mo- hawks in New York. Not succeeding in gaining their alliance by fair argument, he was desperate enough to kill some of their stragghng young men in the woods, in such a manner that the blame would obviously be charged upon the English. But this stratagem was defeated, by the escape of one who had only been stunned by the sachem. The latter was obliged to take abrupt leave of his hosts; and from that time, they were among his worst enemies. His situation during the last few months of the war, was so deplorable, and yet his exertions so well sus- tained, that we can only look upon him with pity and admiration. His successes for some time past had been tremendous ; but the tide began to ebb. The INDIAN BIOfillArirY. 1G5 whole povvor of tlin Coloiiirs was in the field, aided by I;uid('^l ands('outinf;-i)artios of his own race. The Sacont'ts, tiie suhjeets of a near relation of his own, enlisted under Church. Otiier tribes coniplain- eh of tlietn about a peck of unstrung wampum^* Even so late as the month before the sachem's death, a nejrro, who had fought under him, informed the English of his design of attacking certain towns, beiniif still able to muster something like a thousand men. In his last and worst days, he would not think of peace ; and he killed with his own hand, upion the spot, the only Indian who ever dared to propose it. It was the brother of this man by whom he was himself soon after slain. These are clear proofs, then, that Philip possessed a courage as noble as his intellect. Nor is there any doubt that history would have furnished a long list of his personal exploits, but that his situation com- pelled him to disguise as well as conceal himself. If any thing but his face had been known, there was nothing to prevent Church from shooting him, as we have seen. And universally influ(;ntial as he was, — the master-spirit every where guiding, encourag- ing, soothing and rewarding,— it is a ftict worthy of mention, that from the time of his first flighi from Pocasset until a few weeks before his derth, no Englishman could say, that he had either seen his countenance or heard his voice. Hence Church describes him as being always foremost in the flight. The price j)ut upon his head, the fearful power which pursued him, the circumstance that some of his own acquaintance were against him, and espe- cially the vital importance of liis life to his cause, all made it indispensable for him to adopt every stratagem of the wary and cunning warfare of his race. * Note to Hutchinson's Histoi-y of Massachusetts. Mather says, that these very Indians had covenanted by a formal treaty, a montli before, that tliey would not assist Philip. INDIAN BIOCJRAPHY. 169 IS cause. We liave snid sornothiiiff of IMiilip's icloas of his own Hovort'ijrii di^niity. H<'iu'e the fate of Sassainon, and of the sava«re wlio |)ro|)ose(l prace. There \» a wril sctth'd tradition, tliat in I^J^Io lie went over to the island of Nantucket, with the view of killing an In- dian called John Gihbs.* lU' landed on the west end, intending to tnivel alon^the '^hore, undiscover- ed, under the hank, to that ])art oi the island where (iihhs resided. By some lucky accident, the latter received a liint of his approach, made his escape to the Kn^lish settlement, and induced one Mr. Maey to conceal him. His crime consisted in speaking the name of some deceased ndative of I*hili|) (his brother, perhaps,^ contrary to Indian etiquette in such cases provide(l. The English held a j)arley with the sacher!!, and all the money they were able to collect was barely sufficient to satisfy him for the life of the culprit. It was not a mere personal insult, but a violation of the reverence due from a subject to bis king. It appears, that when he visited Boston, before the war, lie succeeded in persuading the govern- ment, — as, no doubt, was the truth of the case, — that notwithstanding tbe old league of his father, renewed by himself J or rather by force of it, he was still inde- pendent of Plymouth. "These successive engage- ments were agreements of amity, and not of subject- tion any further, as lie appreliended." He then desired to see a copy of the treaty, and requested that one might be procured for him. He knew, he added, that tbe praying Indians had submitted to the English ; but the Pokanokets had done no such thing, and they were not subject. The letter of the Massachusetts to the Plymouth Government, written just afler this interview with the sachem, is well worthy of notice. " We do not understand," say the former, " how far he hath subjected himself to you ; ♦ The fact, as to the visit itself, is authenticated by the extant records of Wantucket. . M •r I! I Ui^ no INDIAN HIOfillAPIIV. r » but the treatment you Imve ^ivrii him, do^H not rori- der liint such asuhjrct, as that, if thrn; hn not prosf^nt aiiHWoring to suriirnons, tlicn; she infer- red from Uookin's statement; "I have heard him speak very good words, aiguing that his conscience is convicteii, &c." The sachem evidently made lum- self agreeable in this case. In regard to his ])ersonal appearance, always a matter of curiosity in the case of great men, sketches pm-porting to be portraits of him are extant, but none of them are believed to have more verisimilitude than the grotesque charicature prefixed to the old narrative of Captain Church (the model of the series) ; and we must therefore content ourselves to remain ignorant in this matter. As to his costume, Josselyn, who saw him at Boston, says that he had a coat on, and buskins set thick with beads, " in pleas- ant wild works, and a broatl belt of the same ;" his accoutrements being valued at £20. A fiimily in Swanzey, (Mass.), is understood to be still in posses- session of some of the royalties which were given up by Ana WON, at the time of his capture by Church.* * Anawon is said to have been Philip's chief counsellor and captain during tlie war ; and also to have fought under Massa- INDIAN in(")(iIlAriIV. 171 Thorc wore two horns of frlnz^'d powdor, n red-rloth blanket, ntul tliroe richly J«nre justly fean^d. How much greater his success nn«; ' tl have been, had circumstances favored, instead of rpposing him, it is fortunately impossible for us to <>&limatc. It is con- fessed, however, that had even the Nar»'aghansett^ joined him during the first siinimer of ihe war, — as nothing but the abrupt commencement of it prevented them from doing, — tlie whole country, from the Piscataqua to the Sound, must have been over-swept and desolated. But as it was, Philip did and endured enough to immortalize him as a warrior, a statesman, and we may add, as a high-minded and noble patriot. Whatever might be the prejudice against him in the days of terror produced by his prowess, there are both the magnanimity and the calmness in these times, to do him the justice he I ;,Ii 't. 1 1 :.: ♦' ImI i >i I ^1 I 1^1' ■ .^TiT Jin ' , it '1' m \ II III 'Ml. » I'lM ' f 176 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. deserves. He fought and fell, — miserably, indeed, but gloriously, — the avenger of his own household, the worshipper of his own gods, the guardjan of his own honor, a martyr for the soil which was his birth-place, and for the proud liberty whicl\ was his birth-right. ( m y m \ \ INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 177 CHAPTER IX. ) Tlic N.'irrag1ian?ett tribe; tewitory and power — Cliief Sa- chems at tl)e date of the English settlements in New England — Canonicus associates with himself Miantonomo, his nephew — Tlieir treatment of Roger Williams in 1634 — Hostility to the Plymouth Colony — Invited by the Pequots to fight the English — Treaty negotiated at BostAi, in 1636, by Miantonomo — War with th.c Petjnots and residt of it — Siibsecjuent hostility between Miantonomo and Uncas — Sk^uassen — iKitJle of the Sachem's-Plain — Capture of Miantonomo — Sentence of the English conunis^iionei's upon him — Execution of it. Next to the Pokanoket confederacv, none has a stronger eiaim on the early notice of the historian, than the Narraghansett ; a nation, composed of various small trihes, inhabiting a large part of the territory wlii.'h afterwards formed the colony of Rhode-Tsland. Their dominion extended also over the islands in the hay of their own name; and the Sagamores of a part of Long-Island, Block-Island, Cawesit, and Niantick were either their tributaries or subject 'iO tliem in some other way. They had once been able to raise more than four thousand warriors; and so late as PJiilip's time, we have seen th<^^' could muster two tliousand, one half of whom were provided with English arms, and were skilful in the use of them. From time immemorial, they had waged war with both the Pokanokets on the North and the Pequots on the West. It might be expected, that the rulers of such a confederacy, thus situated, should be men of talent and energy ; and this expectation Avill not be disap- pointed. Throughout the history of the New Eng- land Indians, as we find no people more resolute in declaring what they believed to be their rights, or more formidable in detf!n(|ing them, so we find no sachems more readv uud able than tliieirs,on all occa- sions, to sustain the jiigh spirit of their subjects. r ♦ .1: I! V H % i' i 178 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. f\ i^\ 'J-' -^ r i There is an unnecessary confusion in the informa- tion conveyed by some of our best annalists, respect- ing the particular personage who governed the Nar- raghansetts at tlie date of tlie first intercourse between them and the English. Governor Hutchinson, for example, speaks in one case of Canonicus as being their chief sachem. In another, alluding to the death of Miantonomo, while the former was yet living, he observes, that although they had lost their chief sachem, yet they had divers other stout ones, as CanonicuSy Pessacus and others. The ambiguity has arisen frotn the circumstance, that although Canonicus exerclfted the chief authority of the country when the English first arrived, he soon aft;er became associated in the Covernment with Miantonomo, his nepliew. What were the par- ticular conditions «4' the royal co-partnership, or what was the occai-ion of it, cannot now be determin- ed. So^oe wvilery suppose, that the sole authority belonged to the younger of the two, and that the elder acted in the capacity of regent ; but considering that the association continued tluring the whole term of the joint lives of the two, it appears more probable, that Canonicus, finding hir iself far advanced in years,* as well as encumbered with the ^charge of an extensive dominion, at the period of the first Eng- lish settlements, thought proper to make such an alteration in his regal state as seemed to be required by the exigencies of the times. He therefore select- ed as an associate, the most popular and active prince of his own family. Mr. Hu I uinson himself appears finally to adopt ♦Roger Williams tells us in his Key to the Indian Lan- guages, first printed in 1643, that he was about fourscore years of age. Elsew here, it is stated, that " Cononicus, being tlie sole governor or chief sachem, employed his nephew Mianti- nomy, to manage his warlike affairs, as general of his army, and in hif declining years took him as a partner in his government for assistance. His. Narr. Country. Mass. Hi^. CoU. I ' a ■ n : ,jt:A ^ '.ftA . INDIAN' inOGRAl'MY. 179 nforma- respect- he Nar- jctween son, for iS being to vas 'o«/ their ones, as the yet nstan(;e, Lithority vcd, he ?rnrnent the {)ar- ship, or termin- ithority lie elder ing that ;errn of •obable, ced in e of an St Eng- uch an jquired select- prince adopt >N Lan- tre years ing the Mianti- is army, in his the conclusion we have just stated. In a part of his liistory* subsequent to t!ie passajjo above; cited, he refei's to inibrniation derived from authoiitic manu- scripts, vvhicli furnished the opinion of the Narra- ghansetts themselves upon the subject. The oldeist of that peo|)le reported, when the English first ar- rived, that they had in former times a sachem called Tashtassack, incomparably superior to any other in the whole country in dominion and state. This chieftain, said they, had only two children, a son and a daughter ; and not being able to" match them ac- cordiug to their dignity, he joined them together in wedlock. They had four sons; and of these, 'Cano- nic us, "u'Ao was sachem when the English came^''^ was tlie eldest. Mr. Hutchinson observes, that this is the only ])iece of Indian history, or tradition of any sort, from the ancestors of our first Indians, he had ever met with. The brotiiers of Canonicus here refl'rred to, arc o(u*asionally spoken of by th(; old writers, but not as having signalized themselves by any thing worthy of notice. The fact that Canonicus and his nephew adminis- tenul the government in harmony, as well as in union, is shown most clearly by the letters of Roger Wil- liams.f It is well known that, in 1034, when that reverend gentleman was compelh^l to leave the Mas- sachusetts colony, (on account of his religious opin- ions,) he fled to Seekonk. But that place lying withm the limits of the Plymouth jurisdiction, and the people of that colony being unwilling to embroil themselves with Massachusetts, Governor Winslow informed him of the difiiculty which, was a])prehend- ed, and advised him to ocupy a spot on the other * History of Mass. Vol. I. pp. 72. and 458. tSee Vol. I. Mass. His. Coll. 3d Series. The same writer Bays in his Key to the Ii;dian Langnajjes — " Tlieir agreement in the government is remarkaoje. The old Sachem will not be offended at wliat the young Sacliem doth ; and ♦he young Sachem will not do what he conceives will displease his uncle.'* ■. ' t ■ f I m Hi i\ ^}i 180 INDIAN BIOUUAPHV. side of tho rivor, witlioiit tfie boundaries of either jurisdiction. Upon thin, Mr. Williams, utterly tbrlo.*n, crossed the river, and throw liiinseif on the niercy of Canonirns. The savajj^e chieftain — to his eternal praise, be it recorded — received him with a hospitality worthy of an emperor. At first, indeed, lie was suspicious of his visiter's tnotives ; aiid he was none the more pre- })ossessed in his favor, trom his subjects having recent- y Huff(U'ed excessively from a formidable epidemic, which he supposed to have been introduced by the English. " A; my first coming among them," Mr. Williams writes, "Caunounicui^* (morosus aeque ao barbarus senex) was very sour, and accused the English and myself of sending the plague among them, and threatening to kill him especially." Soon afterwards, however, he not only permitted the refugee, and tlie poor wanderers who had followed him from Salem, to have a resting place in his domain, but he gave them all " the neck of land lying between the mouths of Pawtucket and Mosha- suck rivers, that they might sit down in peace upon it, and enjoy it forever." Mr. Williams divided this land equally among his followers, and founded the town of Providence. The settlement of Rhode Island commenced at Patuxet a short time afterwards, Canonicus conveying to Williams nearly Jie whole of what is now Providence county at one time. The kindness of the; Narraghansett rulers is the more creditable to their feelings, inasmuch as the former relations between them and the English col- onies had been far enough from friendly. Early in 1622, their threats of hostility were so open, that the * The following are but a few of the other modiiications of this name in use. CoNONicus. Trumbull's mss. Vol. 19th. Caunonicus Baylies' History of Plymouth. CoNAUcts. Winslow's Good News from New EifGLAKD. Cannonicus. Gookin. Cananacm's. Documents in Hazard's Collection. CooNooNACus, Canoonacub aud CoNowNAcu*. iJaiDe. INDIAN DIOGRArilY. 181 I^J of either i tbrlo.Ti, ineicy se, be it orthy of icious of lore pre- % recent- pidemic, 1 by the m ») Mr, leque ao ised the amon^ Soon ted the [bllovved in his of land Mosha- ce upon ded this ded the Rhode ;rwards, B whole le. s is the as the ish col- ]arly in that the ns of this LAni>. Engli:i ■■■-■ *• • \] i I 182 INDIAN DIOr.RAPHV. I ( i ■ ed him of tho Poqiiot appllrntion ; Mr. Williams for- warded the n(!ws ininiodiMtrly to (int till after, accordiufj to their manner."* It is well known, how fully th(^ Narrairhans(!tts diS' charj^ed their oni^acrements in the expedition which took plac(» about this time a«;ainst the l*«!(juots. They also tiu'uished, throuirh iMr. Williafns, not a little use- fid information n'spectini,' tlu' common enemy, by which the expedition was jruided at the outset ; and offered the use of tho harbors of thn Narraghansutt coast, for tho Enirlish vessels. The jt)int invasion of the allies took place in May. The Eiifjlish forces, takinir the Narra38, the Pequots \u'\nq; complete- ly conqnered, IJncas, the chief sachem of the Mohe- gans, (who had assisted in the war,) and Miantonomo, were invit(!(l to meet the Connecticut maffistrates at Hartford, to ajTree upon a division ot cajitives. These were two hundred in number, besides women and children. Ei«rhty of them were allotted to the Narraj^hansett sachem ; twenty to a neighboring chief) Ninigret ; and the other one hundred to Uncas. The Pequots were to pay an annual tribute of wam- pum at Hartford. It was also covenanted, that there should be a perpetual peace; between Miantonouio and Uncas ; that all past injuries should be buried ; that if any should be committed in future, complaints should be submitted amicably to the arbitration of the English, both parties being bound to abide by their decision on pain of incurring their hostility. No open enemies of the English were to be harbored, and all individual crin»inals were to be given over to justice. ♦According to some writers they did not even meet Major Mason, in conference, as above related. Mr. Wolcott, (Gov. of Conn, from 1751 to 1754,) in Wis poetical ** Account of Mr. Winthrop's agency in ol)taining a charter for Connecticut," gives tile following notice of that interview: The news of this our inarch, fame doth transport With speed to great Miaantinomoh's court. Nor had that pensive king forgot the losses, He had sustained through Sassacus'e forces. Checr'd with the news, his captains, all as one. In humble manner do address the throne, And pre their regiments To war: a cohort which came marching down To us, who lay encamp'd before the town. Their ciiiefs go to our general, and declare What's tlieir inleulion and whose men tliey are, &c. J INDIAX r-ifGUAPIIV 185 ly, in tiie complete- he Mohe- lutonomo, :istrate8 at captives. 3S women ed to the ringchiefj :o Uncas. 3 of warn- that there fintonomo f3 l)nrie(i ; oniplaints lion ofthe ! hy their ity. No harhored, m over to leet Major ott, (Gov. jurit of Mr. inecticut," port on. c, &c. The terms of tliis troaty oth them and the I'wi'riish, that either was his eneniy ; beeanso he knew them to be bonnd togeth(M" by alliane(i of offence and defence. ]Jnt it seems prob- able, that he intenfled only to fifrht tlie IMolie^ans. His old ^n'tidtre airtiinst the Peqnols revived aj(ainst them, as a branch of the Pecpiot stock. Tncas, too, was liis irreatest |)ersonal rival: and INIiantonomo was ambitions to st.nid at the head of all the New KiiLdand Indians. It", however, as has been asserted by sojne, his main (h'siirn was to resist the roach, and gave him intelligence. The enemy was already near, anvoiinnoMi() wns (wcccdinply prcssful. Sonu3 of the hravest men olTneas at hn^^th came up witli liiui ; l)ut not daring actually to hkirmish with liiin, or iM-cfcrrinir to leave that honor to their leader, they contrived to impede his fli*;ht hy twitciiinf^ him hack, and then passed him. I'ncas now came up, and rusiiinL? l()rward like a lion j(n<'dy of his |>rey, he 8ei/en)bal»ly «'\pf*cted better tn-ntment with the Kn<:lish fiuin with I'ncas, and he now eannstly pleaded to their custody. I'ncas coiiseoted Hartford, but insisted on having prisoner. At the meeting of the conunissioners the whole affair was laid before them. Jn their oj)inion it was fully proved that Miantonomo had made attempts against the life of Tncas, by all the means and measures heretofore alhnh'd to, and by poison and sorcery besides ; that he had murdered the l*e(pu>t assassin with his own hand, instead of giving hiu) u|) to justice ; that he was the author of a general plot among the Indian tribes against the colonies ; and that he had moreover gone so fiir as to engage the aid of the Mohawks, who were now within a dav*s journey of the English settlements, waiting oidy fi»r Miantonomo's release to serve him according to his pleasure. "These things being duly weighed and consider- ed," say the conunissioners in their report,* " we apparently see that Vncas cannot be safe while Myantenomof lives, but that either by secret treachery or open force his lite will still be in danger. Where- fore we thinke he may justly putt such a false and blood-thirsty enemie to death, but in bisowne Juris- * Hazard's Collertions, Vol. II. p. 7. f Ha/,. Coll. Vol. II. p. 7. — The reader will observe the variation of the Sachem's name here used. There are several others in Hazard. Hutcliiii-ion writes Myantino.mo and MiANTONOMO in the same volume; Baylies, both terms in dte course of the same page; Trumhull adds an h. Wintlirop admits this spelling with the qualiiication that the rhicf was otherwise called Mecl'mf.h (as he was) ; biu he afterward:* regularly uses Mli^NTUNNOMOH. Mason, (account of the Peqtiot war,) writes My antonimo and Miantomo; WoI- cott, Miaantinomoh ; Roger Williams, Miantunnomu, and several other variations. Wu are thus particular only iu ilie hope of uumsing the curious. \ m 190 INDIAN BIOfiRAPHY. I li. H flircon, not in tlio En^Hisli plautarons; and ndvising tiiat in tiio nianncr of iiis (i«-atii ail merry and ni(>(l(^- ru(.'on Ik' Klirwrd, contrary to tin' practice of the Indi- ans who exercise tortures and cruehy, and Vncas haveinf( hitiierlo shewed liiniself a friend to the Eng- lish, 'nd in this cravein*^ their advice, it' the Nano- ]iitts Indians or others siiall unjustly assault VnctLs fortius execucon, vpon notice and request the Kn^dish promise to assist and protect him, an farr as tJiey may, against such vyolence." Tlie commissioners furthi^r directed, that Uncas should immediately he sent for to Hartford, with some of his trustiest men ; and informed of the sentence passed u|)on his captive. He was then to take him into the nearest part of ins own territory, and there put him to death in the presence of certain discreet English persons, who were to accompany them, " and see the execucon for our more full satisfaccon, and that the English meddle not with the head or body at all." The Hartford Government was subse- quently to furnish Uncas with forces enough to defend him against all his enemies. These directions were promptly obeyed. Uncas made his appearance at Hartford, received his pris- oner, and marched off with iiim to the very spot where the capture had happened. At the instant they arrived on the ground, a jMohegan who marched behind Miantonomo split his hea.l with a hatchet, killing him at a single stroke ; so that he was j)roba- bly unacquainted with the mode of his execution. Tradition says that Uncas cut out a piece of his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph. " He said it "was the sweetest meat he ever eat — it made his heart strong." The royal victim was buried, by the con- queror's order, at the place of his death ; and a great heap or pillar was erected over his grave. The field of battle, situated in the eastern part of the town of Norwich, is called the Sachem^s Plain to this day INDIAN niOlJKArilY 191 1 mlvising ind iihmIo- rtlio Iiidi- nd Viicaa • the Kng- he Nano- :Iy assault efjiirst tlio an i'urr as mt Uiicas with 8o:ne spiitenco take him find tht're 1 discreet iiy them, itisfaccon, ; liead or vEks subse- uough to !. Uncas his pris- /^ery spot e instant marched hatchet, as proba- xecution. [•e of his le said it his heart the con- d a great Whe field town of s da^ (*( ) CHAPTER X. Consideration of the justiro of the f'onituissionprs' srntoncc upon Miantonoino — Tlipir rrasoii"*, as alU'i^cd — 'I'lif r'li;i|(fe against him of anihitioii.'^ dcsiifiis — Of cniplo) insf tla* Moliau ks — Of break ill!,' tin* Um'^ih' of Ki.'JS — " ('uiicciiiiiiy tin; I't'tniot K(|iiavv.s" — Of liostility t(» llu- Knijlisli — Ofpcciilalion — l'|•()of^^ of liis fulclify and frini(L-.|ii|) — (,'ausrs (if coniplaint \>\ liini and Canoiiicurt a^^iiinst the Kiili — Charactfr of holh Sachoin.s— TlM'ir tiratiiH-nt of Roller Williaiiis — lA^'ttcrs of that gcntleuiaii— Aiicf«li)tfs — Death of Caiionii'im. It is not easy to deformino, at tliis prriod, tlie jiis- tice of the sentence by >vhi('h IMianlononio \\i\h IcmJ to the slau^ditcr. As bt'Twccn hiinsclf and his enemy, considering Indian custom and character, it might be considered just ; and the siitrcrer woidd certainly have been the last to complain of it. Jhit though Uncas may not be blamed for usinjr the privilege of the victor, a ditrcrent opinion has been entertained of the interference of the Knglish. Their justification, as laid before the Narraghansett nation, afier Miantonomo's death, wtis as follows: "They may well vndersinnd that this is without violacon of any couenant letweene them and vs ; for Vncns being in confedei h on with vs, and one that hath dilijfentlv observed his i ouenants before men- tioned for aught we know, and recjuiring advice from vs, vpon serious consideracon of the premises, viz. his [Miantinomo] treacherous and murtherous dis- position against Vncus &c. and how great a disturber he hath beene of the common peace of the whole countrey, we could not in respect of the justice of the case, safety of the countrey and faythfulness of our frend, do otherwise than approve of the lawful- ness of his death. This agreeing so well with the Indians owne manners, and concurring with the practice of other nations with whom we are aquaint- ed, we pereuade ourselves how euer his death may be '» ;; V t J f i ! > ^ ' 1 1 ■ r If ■ ) i pi il ( "S I ■ I II It 1 \ 192 INDIAN niOr.RAPHY. r f prirnotis at |)rrs( to (ill that iiilialiitr this coiitiMriit." Sii|)posin«f rvny thiiii; to he tnio which is hero and i'IscwImtc allc^rrd, it may still he douhted wlictluT tin- coitMiics ronid Ik; jnstitlrd in the part takr'ii hy tiicir commissioners; — hut such is not thu rase. J lis killiufr the Perpiot was one point ajjainst him ; hut what coidd he more natiu'al than for them to misunderstand his |)romis(* in tiiat case, or for liiin to supjjose that administerii»<; justice with liis own hand would ho the most satisfactory course he could take. Stress is laid upon Miantonomo's "amhitious designesto make himself vniversal Sapamore or (Jov- ernor of all these parts;" hut this, whether laudahlc or reprehensihie in itself, was clearly no usurpation as a<;ainst them. As to his hostility towanis tho Enj^lish, sullice it to say lu're, that the evidence of it seems to have heen furnished chiefly hy his enemies, whose direct inten-st it was to oppress him hy en- gaginj^ the Kn«;lish interest in their own favor. As to the employment of the Mohawks, in particular, the most that was made to appear, even throuj^h this medium, was, that they were awaitini^ Miantonomo's release — "and then they will carry on their designes, wliether against the English or Vncus or hoth, is doubtful:'^ Let us ohserve the testimony of Mr. Williams in regard to this aflair, horrowing from a letter written immediately after it took place. " A fortnight since, I heard of the IMauquawogs coming to Paucom- tuckqut, their rendezvous ; that they were provoked by Onkas wronging and robbing some Paucomtuck Indians the last year, and that he [Uncas] had dared the Mauquawogs, threatening if th.ey! came, to set his ground with gobbets of their flesh &c." ■ He admits, that a few of the Narraghansetts had * Haza/rd's Col. Vol, II. p. 9. Commissioners^ Report. INDIAN niOCJRAPHY. 10.1 *, ts of it will (linns, but eh is IjfTo u (louhtcd n iIk; part I is not tliu ainst him ; •r thoin to or for liim li liis own e lio could ^ambitious re or (»ov- >r laudable usurpation vvanis the ilencc of it s cru'inies, iin by en- uvor. As particular, roujfli this ntoiionio's r designes, r both, is riWmms in er written gilt since, Paucom- provoked ucomtuck liad dared , to set his isetts had »' Report. ' joined the Mohawks: but these, whether they were well or ill disposed towards the Mu;rlisli, were at nil events eonsi(lere^ Unrns. "Onr (i(>v('nK)r nnswrnMJ, if Onkus had done him or hi.t frinuh wronir^ ^tnd woidd not /afire scdis/'arliou^ we ahoultllmve him to t(tkf hi.t own coursed* TIm' accMMiiit wliirli lollows rirxt of tlHM-xplaiiation j(iv<*ii upon oil*' point hy flu' amiKj-d parties, is t«nt- ficirntly rliaractf risiir of tlicir intrlli^rncc, at least, to Ik' (|iM»t«Ml at Inii^tli. "First thru, t'oiH'frnin^ the IN'fpiot scpiaws. ( *aiiaiininis aiiswcnMl tiiat In* never saw anv, Imt heard (»t' some that earne into theso parts, and he hadr earry iImmm haek to iNIr. (iovernonr ; out sinee he never luard of them till I earn*', and now he Nvould have ilic country srarehcd lor ihrm. Mi- antunnomn ans\vrn'nvcv them home airain. Then he hid the natives that hrou^i^ht them to carry them to me, who de|)Mriinjr hron^rht him word that the s(piaws were lame, and they could not travel, whereupon he sent me word, that I should send for them. This 1 must acknowled<:c, that this messaf^e I received from him, and sent him word, that wo were hut few here, and could not fetch them nor con- vey them, and therefore desired him to Hen'.\|»lariation rti»'R, is j*uf- r-c, at least, i"f'riiiri«f tlie lat Im' iH'vtT into tiicNO iovrriionr; i«\ and now Im'iii. Mi- of Imt six ; to liini, at u]d think . He an- fovernour ng at his ynie9. ho!He, told him of a sipiMW, wlijch was a snclicm*!* daiiirlitcr, who uhilr he iivrij \\;ix lii«<, Miantun- nonnif's, ^rrat Iriiinl. //« [MiJiiit<»ii<»iiio] thmfhre (iisirrd in kint/iuss lo hi.g htr or re- da in hrr [ot' Mr. Williams.] In reply to a cli.irL'*' toiicliiiii: his fidt'lify to the English alliance, ('aii»)nint was thrust at with a pike several times hy the Etijriish sentinels, and finally driven ofV. IMr. Wil- liams snijirested, that |)rol»al)ly he was not recoirnised ; hut he thoiiLdit that he was, and several of the Nar- rajj^hansetts were of the same opinion, and ask^d if thci/ should have dealt so with "Mr. (lovtrnoury Mr. Williams still denied, that he could have heen known; to which Miantonomo answ«'red that, at least, his whole company* were disheartened, " and they all and ('utshanif|uene desired to he ;rone : and yet, saith he, two of my men (Waqouckwhut and Maunamoh) were their guides to Stsquanket from the river's mouth." *Hc was at tlu; head of two bundiod of his warriors, jiif^t n-turufd iVoin an fxp<>dition against tlu' P«(|Uots, in which they hail taken ten prisoner.--, and iiad faitlifully hron^ht them In at this time. See the Lit'i: of Cltshameh'JI*' •»» a ^^^' ceeding Chapter. '\ \% { li V ■m 1 IILl 1 % 196 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. ?/ .. H^-( ii To a third accusation, that he had received prison- ers and wanipinn of the enomy, which belonged to the conifnon stock, and were nevertheless monopo- lized by i.irnself. Canon icus replied, that although he and IMiantonoino had paid tlieir own warriors many hundred fathom of wampum, he never had received one Pequot or one yard of beads. Mianto- iiomo added, that he had received nothing but one email present from four women of Long-Island, who were no Pequots, but of that Island, and who, for safety's sake, had thereby put themselves under his protection. Other facts, if not opinions, appear in some of the early annals, which would lead to similar conclusions respecting the fidelity of the Narraghansetl chiefs. Governor Winthrop says, in his journal of February 1()37 — " Miantunnomoh &c. sent twenty six, with forty fathom of wampum, and a Pequot's hand." lu March, he records intelligence received from the same source, concerning the Pequot movements, with proposals of fresh assistance. On the 22d of the month, " Miantunnomoh sent us word, that Mason had surprised and slain eight Pequods"&c. Again, during the same suminer, " Miantunnomoh sent here some Pequod squaws, which liad run from us ;" and live days afterwards, " the Narraghansetts sent us the hands of three Pequods " &c. The two last statements agree with the declaration of the sachems to Mr. Williams, a[)parently upon the same points. We Iiave seen that Canon icus accused the English of having broken their promises. Omitting the proof of that statement, it is imi)ossible to doubt at least, that it was made in the most earnest sincerity. The writer just cited informs us incidentally in his Key TO THE Indian Languages, that Canonicus, in a solemn address to himself, before a large assembly, had once used the following expression — "I have never suffered any wrong, to be offered to the Eng- lish since they landed, nor never will. If the Eng- lishmen speak true," he added, " tlieu I shall go to my !ii , if . "TTf; ^ !(1 prison- longed to monopo- altiiough warriors ever had Mianto- ; but one and, who who, for under his me of the nclusions !ti chiefs. February six, with ind." lu from the 3nts, with d of the jt Mason Again, sent here IS .» and ent us the atements s to Mr. English the proof I: at least, ty. The his Key us, in a ssembly, "I have he Eng- ;he Eng- go to my INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 197 grave in peace, and liopc thnt the Eiifrlisli and my postority will live in pf-aco and love tom'tlicr." Mr. Williams observed, that he hoped he had no ocrasion to question the friendliness of the Kni:lish. Tpon this the sachem took a stick, broke it into ten pieces, and related ten instanct^, hiyinfr down a stick to every instance, which jravc hirti cause for apprehen- sion or sus|)icion. With retrard to some ot' tliem, he was afterwards convinced of his being mistaken, and readily acknowledged himself to be so ; but not as to all. The truth [>robL'bly is, that provocations of some sort had been receivnl upon both sides; but that the English bad any peculiar reason to complain, and especially to assume the violent administration of punishtnentor prevention, certainly cannot be admit- ed. There is no evidence extant to support such a position. Mr. Williams indeed acknowledges, with his usual frankness, that individual Narraghansetts had perhaps now and then committed offences in " matters of irioney or |)ettie revenging of themselvea in some Indians upon extrenm provocation :" but be also slates, in the same paragra[)h, that he "could not yet learn y' ever it pleased y'' Lord to permit y* Narighanseits to staine their hands with any Eng- lish blood, neither in open hostilities nor secret murthers, as both Pequts and Long Islanders did, and Monhiggans also in y*" Pequt wars."* This statement we suppose to be uncontradicted, and the authority is certaiidy deserving of credit. Now, for a moment, let usexanjine the other side of the question, bearing in mind how little likely we are, under the circumstances, to be furnished by history with the truth, and least of all with the whole truth. Some instances in point l:.ave already been given. The excessive jealousy and the frequent complaints of the English were in themselves calculated to pro- duce, if not to justify, what they referred to. " The * Ms. Letters. R2 ll» ill 198 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. '■ i: governor of the Massachusotts" — says Mr. Winthrop, in his journal of ](J3H — "wrote also to Mr. Williams to treat with Miantunnotnoh about satisfaction^ or otherwise to hid them look for war." This was a harsh messajre, at thu best, to send to a sovereign ally, who had faithfully served the English cause. The only reason for it whieh appears in the context is, that Jai^emoh, a Niantick chief, was understood to have committed certain depredations on a settlemt'iit of Long Island Indians wlio were tributary to the English. Now some of th.it tribe, we have seen, put themselves under Miantonomo's protection : and thej-e are no means of determining whether that chieftain did not in this case, like the English, feel Aime//" aggrieved by Janemoh. We do find it re- corded, however, that, in the summer of 1637, Mian- tonomo came to Boston. The governor, deputy, and treasurer, treated with him, and they parted upon fair terms. He acknowledged on this occasion, that all the Pequot and Block Island country belonged to the English, and promised that he would not meddle with them but by their leave. " In fine, we gave him leave to right himself for the ivrongs which Jane- moh and Wequash Cook had done him : and for the wrong they had done us, we would right oui*selve8 in due time."* Not far from the time when the above mentioned complaint seems to have been made through Mr. Williams, the latter writes to Governor Winthrop as follows. " Sir, there hath been a great hubbub in all these parts, as a general persuasion that the time was come for a general slaughter of natives, by rea- son of a murther committed upon a native [Narra- ghansett] within twelve miles < ' us, four days since, by four desperate English. * * An old native comes to me, and tells me, that the natives round about us were fled, relating that those four had slain an Indian, who had carried three beaver-skius and beads for 4 * Winthrop'fl Journal, Vol. I. 243. hn '< ' INDIAN BIOGRAPHT; 199 Vinthrop, Willianis 'action^ or ws a harsh ally, who The only (t is, that I to have ?m<;nt of y to the ave seen, tion : and !ther that jlish, feel nd it re- 37, Mian- , deputy, rted upon sion, that onged to )t meddle we gave lick Jane' 1 for the Dureelves entioned ugh Mr. itlirop as jbbub in the time I, by rea- [Narra- ys since, re comes about us 1 Indian, •eads for Canaunicus's son, and canio homo wit!) five fathom and three coats ; that three nativeH whirh cariuj after him found him groaning in tlie path ; tiiat he told them, &c." The particuhu's of this riagrant outrage — even to tlie christian and surnames of tlie four murderers — are given with a miniiiem'ss vvliich |)re- cludes tiie possibihty of mistake. And yet we find no mention of this transaction in the English his- tories. Miantonomo perhaps made his complaint to the proper authority, without success. But more probably he endured the injury in silence, an a new evidence that his allies were become his enemies. Still, it should not be omitted, that Miantonomo never declined to make all the explanation tor which a fair opportunity was given him.* As late as lt)42, two messengers were sent to him by the Massachu- setts government, witli articles of comjilaint ; requi- ring bun to come himself or sc^nd two of his chief counsellors to the governor, in order to give satisfac- tion for certain gri(^vancos alleged. lie attended this sunnnons promptly and personally. On his arrival at Boston, he catne forward in court, and demanded that bis accusers should be brought before him liice to face ; and that if they failed in th(!ir proof, they should suflTer the sunw pimishment which their ac- cusations were calculated to bring upon himself. The whole deportment on this occasion was grave and dignified. His answers were given with great deliberation, and never except in the preseiu-e of the counsellors who attended him, that they might be witnesses of every thing which passed. Two days were spent in treaty. He denied all he was charged with, and affirmed — what we have already suggested — that the reports to his disadvantage were raised and circulated, either by Uncas, or some of his people. Such an effect, (it should be here observed) had ♦ •* The messen i 202 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. »( ?■• >.\ i t K •H '1 proofj as well as prol»abiIity, in flivor of the accused. In more than on<^ case, if not generally, tiie fault was on the side of llncas ; and that heinj^ true, it must naturally occur to every reader, to inquire, in the lanjfuag(; applied to a similar case by Mr. Williams, — " Graunt these suhjects, H^liat capacitie hath their late massacre of y° JVarr^anseits {with whom they had made peace) without y Engiish consent, tho' still under y English 7iame, put them into ?"* A very forcible query, it must be admitted ; and to show its relevancy to the present subject, let us look again for a few facts. Soon after the Pequot war, when the chieftains who had assisted the English in carrying it on, con- vened at Hartford for a division of the spoil, Mr. Williams accompanied JMiantonomo on his journey. "By the way," says he, ("lodging from his house three nights in the woods,) we met divers Nanhiggon- tick [Narraghansett] men complaining of robbery and violence, which they had sustained from the Pequts and Monahiggins in their travel from Cun- nihticut [Connecticut] ; as also some of the Wun- iiashowatuckoogs [subject to Canaunicus] came to us and advertised, that two davs before about six hun- dred and sixty Pequts, Monahiggins and their con- federates had robbed them and spoiled about twenty- three fields of corn ; and rifted four Nanhiggontick men amongst them ; as also that they lay in way and wait to stop INIiantunnomue's passage to Cunnihti- cut, and divers of them threatened to boil him in the} kettle." These tidings being confirmed by various authori- ties, Mr. Williams and the other English in the com- pany, were strongly in favor of turning back, and going to Hartford by water. But Miantonomo de- clared that not a man should retreat ; he would keep strict watcli by night, and in dangerous passes the fiachems should all march with a body-guard, but * Ms. Letter?, dated 1654.. INDIAX BlOr.RAl'nT. 20;3 i4 accused. fault vvaa e, it must 'p, in the Williams, hath their I they had Hill under y forcible relevancy for a few chieflains t on, con- ipoil, Mr. ! journ ev- il is house mhij]fgon- f robbery from the 3m Cun- he Wun- ame to us six hun- leir con- t twenty- ggontick way and 'unnihti- him in authori- the com- ae k, and omo de- uld keep isses the lard, but they /ijiotjld die, as he himself would, rather than turn. back. They moved on, thcrelon", the Knirlish with Miantonomo and his wife in front, and a flank- guard of forty or filh' men on either side to prevent surprisal. They arrived safely at H.artford, nnd the conference took place. I'ncas was accused of con- niving at the trespasses of his men upon the Nar- raghansetts, and he retorted with cjiargrs of the same kind upon Miantonomo. The rr'sult of this angry discussion was, as follows. " At Inst we drew them to shake hands, Miantunnomu nnd Okace ; and Miantumiomu invited (twice, earnestly) Okace to sup and dine with him, he ami all his company (his men having killed some venison :) hut he would not vield, altho' the magistrates persuaded him also to it." The magnanimity manifested by the chicflain on this occasion, was unitbrndy a prominent part of his character. When he visited l?oston in 1(540 — as he always did, at the recpiest of the Massachusetts gov- ernment — he was entertained first by the govern- ment at Roxbury ; but when the parley was to com- mence, he refiised to treat through the medium of a Pequot interpreter. The governor being unwilling to yield this point to him — as good policy, if not manners apparently required that he should — he departed abruptly for Boston, without so nuicli as taking leave of his host. Tlie latter informed the court of this conduct, "and would show him no countenance, nor admit him to dine at our table as formerly, until he had acknowledged his failing, which he readily did as soon as he could be made to understand itJ*^* He observed, [lowever, with some dignity, that when the English should visit him, he should cheerfully permit them to use their own fash- ions, as they always had done. Previous to the expedition against the Pequots, both Miantonomo and Canonicus had expressed a n * Win. Jour. Vol. II. 204 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. wish tliat whatever was done with the warriors of the enemy, their women and cliildren should be spared. Tliere was a chivalry in this request — and it does not seem to have been soon forgotten — which accords with all that is known of both these chief- tains. Canonicus might have suppressed the Plym- outh colony in l(J2'i, at a single blow ; but he thought it more honorable to give them formal notice of his hostile intentions, by a messenger; and when he be- came convinced that they had been misrepresented to him, he at least ceased to be their enemy if he did not become their friend. In the same spirit, Mian- tonomo, while in the custody of the govenior of Con- necticut, cautioned him to increase his guard. He openly declared — what was the fact — that attempts were and would be made by his Narraghansett sub- jects for his rescue. There is a most affecting evidence of the same noble disposition, in the report of the commissioners for 1644. The Narraghansetts, now constantly com- plaining of the conduct of Uncas and his tribe, brought a charge, among other things, that the latter had embezzled a quantity of wampum which had been put into their hands for the ransom of 3Iian- tonomo, while the chief was yet living. How much truth there might be in the allegation, cannot well be ascertained. The commissioners however report, that they gave a fair hearing to the ' Narrahiggansett' deputies on the one hand, and to Uncas on the other. The result is thus stated : " That though severall discourses had passed from Vncus and his men that for such quantities of wam- pom and such parcells of other goods to a great value there might have been some probabilitie of spareing his life, yet no such parcells were brought. But Vncus denyeth ; and the Narrohiggansett Depu- ties did not allready, much less proue that any ran- some was agreed, nor so much as any treaty begunn to redeeme their imprisoned Sachem. And for that wampoms aud goods sent as they were but small \,' INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 205 irriors of hould be lest — and 1 — which !se chief- le Plym- G thought ice of his en he be- ireaented if he did •it, Mian- r of Con- ard. He attempts isett 8ub- :he same lissioners itly com- lis tribe, he latter )ich had if 3Iian- 'W much not well T report, srgansett' le other. sed from of wam- a great ilitie of jrought. t Depu- iny ran- begunn for that ^t small t parcells and scarce considerable for such a purpose, a part of them disposed by Myantinoino himself to Vncus his counsellors and captaines for some lUvour either past or hoped for and part were f^uen and sent to Vncus and to his Squafor presendne; his life so lonf^ and vssins^ him curteously during his ImpnsonmenU^ What could be nobler than this? The warm and constant friendship of the two sachems lor Willianis himself, is a sutlicient indica- tion of noble natures. Canonicus was suspicious of him at first; "but with Miantunnomu," writes Mr. Williams soon after his removal, " I have far belter dealing. He kept his barbarous court lately at my house. He takes some pleasure to visit me, and se.nt me word of his coming over again some eight days hence." When the treaty of ItJIlG was negotiated at Boston, Miantonomo not being able to understand perfectly all the articles, or perhaps not placing en- tire confidence in the Massachusetts government, desired that a copy should be sent to his friend Williams — if he was satisfied, it was intimated, no objection or difticulty would arise upon his own part. The conveyances of land heretofore spoken of, were made to him in the same feeling. "It was not price or money," says the grantee, " that could have pur- chased Rhode Island : but 't was obtained by love, that love and favor which that honored gentleman, Sir Henry Vane, and myself, had with the great sachem, Miantunnomu, about the league which I procured in the Pequod war. The Indians were very shy of selling lands to any, and chose rather to make a grant [gift] of them, to such as they af- fected." It might be supposed, that Mr. Williams had pecu- liar facilities for instructing the sachems in the doc- trines of Christianity : but he did not attempt a great deal in this way, and his reasons for it are given in his Key to the Languages.* He observes, that he *In 1654, (Maes.) he writeB — "ai my last departure for s A '4 r ♦ ,' ^1.": ' 1 i ' 20G INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. I \ once hoard M inntonomo conversing with Bcveral of his cW\oA' WHrriors ahout ko«"piii{^ the F'^nghsh Sabhath. At another time, a (^onrHM'tient Indian undertook, in Miantonorno's presence, to dispute Mr. WiUiams's doctrine, that the souls of the ^ood shouhl po to heaven, and those ot'tlie wicked to hell. Our Fath- ers have told us, said he, that all ffo to the South- West, and this I believe. " And why so," asked the sachem, " did you ever see a soul go to the South- West ?" To this the other rejoined, that the evidence was the sam(? in this n'Sjiect for the Indian doctrine as for that of Mr. Williams. "Ah !" answered Mian- tor»omo, " but he has books and writings, and one which God himself has made ; he may well know more than we or our fathers." The anecdote cer- tainly shows a great confidence of the Bucheinin his English acqtiaintance. We shall close our remarks upon this part of onr subject with citing at large one of the letters to which we alreafly liave been so much indebted for facts. It is sufficiently characteristic of both the writer and the chieftains his friends, to repay us for the labor of perusal. It is supposed to have been written in October 1637. " The last of the week. I think the 28//i of the Sth, Sir. This bearer, Miantunnomu, resolving to go on his visit, [to Boston] I am bold to request a word of advice from you concerning a proposition made by Canaunicus and himself to me some half year sipce. Canaunicus gave an island in the bay to Mr. Oldam, by name Chibachuwese, oji condition, as it should seem, that he would dwell there near unto them. The England, I was importuned by ye Narigansett sachims, and especially by Naneknnat, to pressent their petition to ye high sachiiiis of England, yt tliey niiglit not l)e forced from their re- ligion, and for not changing their religion be invaded by war: for they said they were daily visited by threatenings by Indians yt came from about ye Massachusetts yt if they would not pray they should be destoyed by war." I^Is^ Letters. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 207 s«evprnl of I Sabbath, ertook, in Villinms's lid po to )ur Fath- le South- asked the le South- evidence I dortrine red Minn- and one ell know dote cer- ein in his rt of onr to which for facts, riter and ! labor of ritten in fthe Sth, to go on word of nade by ar sipce, .Oldam, t should n. The liima, and to ye high their re- i bv war: )y Indians i not pray Lord (in wliose hands all hearts are) tiiniinpr their afiertions towards myself, Iheif desired me to move hith- er and dwell ncnnr to them. 1 have aiiswtn'd onre and ap:ain, that ibr the present f iniiid not to rrniove. hut if I have it from them I woidd pivi; them satisfac- tion for it, and build a little house, and put in some swine, as understan(rm«: the ])lace to have stf>rf of fish and pood feedin*» for swine. Of laton occasion, motioned your desire and his own of putting some swiu-1H, and ho luus i)oen copied by late writers (iiicludin<; Holmes:) but the former date is believed to bo tho bettor uuthenticalcd of tho two. One or two historians indeed seem to contbmid the old sachem with a younf^er man, who was kill(Ml in Philip's war, by the Mohawks, in Juno 1(>7(). This person bore the same name, and may have boon one of his descendants. Between twenty and thirty yeai*s before this, Mr. Williams, (the host authority on all that relates to the Narraghansetts,) writes, that "their late famous long-live Caunnonicus so liv'd and died, and in ye same most honorable manner and solem- nitie (in their way) as you laid to Sleepoyour Prudent Peace-Maker, Mr. Winthrop, did they honour this, their Prudent and Peaceable Prince."f * Report of Commissioners appointed in 1683 by Charles H. to enquire into the claims and titles to the Narraghansett CouuTRY. bth. Vol. of Mass. His. Coll. 1st, Series. f Ms, Letters. S2 ;• il « « m < I 210 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. CHAPTER XI. "CanonicuH succeeded by Pessacus — Mexham — Ninigret, Sachem of the Nianticks — Proposals made by them to the English, and by the English in return — They commence hos- tiliiien against Uncas — The English resolve to make war wpon them — They make concessions — Their visits to Boston — Snbsecpient movements against Uncas. An armed party «ent against Ninigret and Pessacus— They are accused of a league with the Dutch against the English. Strictly speaking, there was no successor to Ca- nonicus in the government of the Narraghansetts, the Hneage, talents and age of tliat sachem having given him a peculiar influence over his countrymen, which none other among them could command. At his death, therefore, the authority which he had monopolized at one time, and afterwards shared with Miantonomo and others, reverted into that form of dominion (half way between oligarchy and democ- racy, and occasionally vibrating to each extreme,) which is common among the Indian tribes. One of the Narraghansett chiefs, afler that period, was his son, Mexham, otherwise called Mexamo, Mixamo, Meihammoh, and by Roger Williams also Mriksah and Mejhsah. Considering the mul- titude of his names, he is rather less distinguished than might be supposed. Mr. Williams however gives him the credit of inheriting 'his father's spirit' of friendliness for the English. In another passage, speaking of the Nipmucks, he says 'they were un- questionably subject to ye Narrhigansett sachims, and in a special manner to Mejhsah, ye son of Caun- onnicus, and late husband to this old Squa-Sachim now only surviving.'* This letter bearing date of May 7th, 1668, Mexaham must have died previous to that time. The name of his widow and succea- *MS. Letters. .'.i .♦ I INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 211 IVlNIGRET, them to the nmence ho9- inake war ts to Boston irined party iccused of a sor to Ca- ghansfitts, rn having mtrymen, ommand. ^1 he had ared with t form of i democ- extreine,) It period, Mexamo, WilHams the mul- iiguished however •'s spirit ' passage, -vere un- sachims, •f Caun- •Sachim date of previous succes- sor, (sometimes called Quaiapex, and more frequently Magnus,) who wjis a woman of great energy, figures not a little in the history of King-Pliilip's war. We may herealler have occasion to mention both hus- band and wife. A more distinguished character was Pessacds, generally believed to have been the brother of Mian- tonomo,* and therefore nephew of Canonicus — a better authenticated theory than that of Johnson's, who (in his Wondkr-Working Providence,) calls him a soji. He was born about the time of the English settling at Plymouth, and was theretbre not far from twenty years old when his brother was killed. His name being associated with that- of Canonicus in the deed of 1G44, alluded to in the preceding chapter, it may be presumed, that the mantle of Miantonomo, after his death, fell upon the shoulders of Pessacus. It will soon appear, how much he interested himself, both as sachem and brother, in the revenge of that outrage. It is impossible to pursue the career of either of these chieftains, eminent in history as st)rne of them are, without connecting them not only with each other, but with a foreign party who still reijnains to be named. We refer to Ninigret,! chief sachem of the Nianticks, generally considered a Narraghansett tribe, and certainly the most considerable of all those which profited by the alliance of that people. Miantonomo spoke of them to Governor Winthrop, in 1()42, " as his own flesh, being allied by continual intermarriages ;" and the governor consequently had * Wintluop. t Variously entitled by various writers. e. g. NiNiGRATE, by Hutchinson. Nynigrett, Mason's Pequot war NiNicRiTE, Hubbard. NiNicRAFT, Same and others. NiNEGRAD, Prince. Nenneoratt and Nennegrate, &c. Hazard. NanekUiNat, NiNiGLUD, &c. R. Williains and other*. I V. ii I m r ^ ■' 212 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. "some difficulty to bring him to desert them" In fact, they were rather coiif(Hh?rates tlian tril)utarie8 to Caiionicus during his Hfe, and the relationship of blood, with no other bonds of sympathy, would have abundantly sufficed to keep up an intimate connexion afler his death. Prince states that Nini- gret was the uncle of Miantonomo ; but other wri- ters re|)resent him as the brother or brother-in-law ; and considering the age of the parties especially, the latter supposition is much the more plausible. Ei- ther will explain the regard which he will be found to have cherished for the memory of the dead chief- tain, and for the person of Pessacus, the living brother. We first hear of Ninigi-et in 1G3Q, from which time to 1G35 a violent war was carried on between the Narraghansetts and Pequots. In this he is said to have taken no part ; and the lair inference is, that he was not from his relation to the former under any necessity, and probably not under obligation, to assist them. A similar conclusion might be dra%vn from the di- vision of captives made at the close of the war of 1637, when Ninigret's services were acknowledged by the compliment of twenty Pequots — in the same manner, though not in the same measure, with those of Uncas and Miantonomo. Like the latter, howev- er, Ninigret took no personal or active part in that war: and like hi»n, he permitted his subjects to go volunteers under Mason. Mr. Wolcott thus mentions him on the occasion of Underhiil's aiTival in his ter- ritory,* on his way to the Pequots : And marching through that country soon they met The JVan'as;hansett Prince, proud Ninigrett, To whom the English say, we lead these bands, Armed in this manner, thus into your lands, ♦ The principal residence of iVinigret, and tiie centre of his dominion, was at Wekapaug, now Westerly, R. I. It was formerly a part of Stonington, Conn, 'm " In ibutaries itionsliip ^, would intimate at Nini- her wri- in-law ; ially, the »le. Ei- je found id chief- e living ti which b(3tween e is said 3 is, that T under ation, to n the di- 3 war of wledged he same ith those howev- t in that cts to go fientions his ter- iy met ids, ;re of his It was ^l ^ INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 213 Without design to do you injury, But only to invade the enemy ; You, who to the expense of so much blood Have long time born their evil neighborhood, Will bid us welcome, and will well excuse That we this way have took our rendezvouz, &c."* If what is here intimated was true, that the Pe- quots had been bad neighbors to the Nianticks, as they certainly had been to the Narragliansetts, it is no matter of wonder that numbers of those tribes engaged in the English expedition ; and it indicates the pride, if not magnanimity, of their two young chiefs, on the other liand, that neither wouhl con- sent to fight against the common enemy of both. From Major Mason's account of the affair, it would apyjear that t!ie English took this independence of Ninigret rather in dudgeon. "On the Wednesday morning," says that writer, " we man^hed from thence to a Place called Nayanticke, it being about eighteen or twenty miles distant, where another of those Narraghansetts lived in a Fort ; it being a Frontier to the Pequots. They carryed very proudly towards us ; not permitting any of us to come into their Fort." Upon whicli Mason set a guard about them, forbid- ding the Indians to go in or out, and quartered in the neighborhood over night. Whether this ' Sa- chem ' was Ninigret or one of his subjects, the con- duct of Mason could hardly have left a very gratify- ing impression on the mind of that cliieftain. Pos- sibly, if borne in mind by the reader, it may throw some light upon subsequent events. From tlie time of Miantonomo's death, all the sa- chems we have mentioned as succeeding to his power, came prominently into intercourse with the Enghsh. Ninigret and Pessacus, particularly, were * " A Brief Account of the Agency of the Hon. John Win- throp Esq. in the Court of King Oliarles the second, Anno Doin. 1632; when he obtained a charter for the Colony of Connecticut." Vol. IV. Mass. His. Coll. i) If 'i it 214 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. distinguished by a conlinual series of controversies alternately wirli that people, and the Mohegans, and very often with both. Tiiey inherited tlie strong prejudice of the ylaughtered Narraghansett against Uncas and Jiis tribe ; and most bitterly was that prejudice exasperated by the slaughter itself. Anticipating such an excitement, the commission- ers, imniediat(;ly after the execution of the sentence, despatched messengers to Pessacus, who were di- rected to inform him that they had heard of the quar- rel between himself and Uncas ; and to propose that he should send delegates to Hartford : these should meet delegates from Uncas, and thus all differences be adjusted. A conference accordingly was agreed upon, and it took place as proposed. The result was stated, in the connnissioners Report : " They did require that neither themselves [the Narraghan- setts] nor the Nay anticks. should make any warr or injurious assault vpon Vncus or any of his company vntil they make proofe of the ransome charged &c" — alluding to the allegation that Uncas had embezzled money, deposited in his hands for Miantonomo's re- demption. The following agreement was subscribed by the four " Narrohigganset Deputies," as they are called in the Report. It should be observed, that although " the Nayantick sachems " are ostensibly here repre- sented, the only evidence going to justify such a phraseology, so far as we know, is in a previous state- ment (in the Report,) that when the English messen- gers had been sent to propose this conference, the Narraghansett sagamores "consulting among them- selves and with Kienemo one of the JVayantick sachims had sent a sagamore &c." We copy literatim and punduatim : " Weetowisse one of the Narrohiggansett sachims Pummumsh (alias) Pumumshe and Pawpianet two of the Narrohigganset Captaines being sent with two of the Narrohiggansett Indians as Deputies from the JVdrrohigganset and JVayantick sachims to make roversies :ans, and e strong [ against vas timt mission- ientence, ivere di- he quar- )ose that e should ferences i agreed e result "They rraghan- warr or ompany i &c"— ibezzled mo's re- by the ailed in Ithough repre- such a js state- messen- 11 ce, the f them- sachims lira and ;achims let two ith two ^rom the make I INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 215 proofe of the ransome they pretended was given for their late saohini's life as also to make kiioune some other greevances they had against Vnrus sachiin of the Mohiggins did in conclusion promise and engage themselves {according to the power committed to them) that there should he no war hegun by any of the Narrohiggansets or jVaifantick Indians with the Mo- began sachim or his men till aller the next planting tyme, and that after that, betbre they begin warr, or vseany hostility towards them, they will give thirty dayes warneing thereof to the Government of the Massachusetts or Conectacutt. Hartford the XVIIjth of September, ir> 14 (Signed with the marks of) Weetowisse Paw^pianet CnrMOUGH PUMMUMSHE." This, considering it an agreement authorised by Pessacus, was certainly as much as could be reasona- bly expected of him ; for such was his eagerness to revenge the death of his brother, that he liad himself sent messengers to confer u|)on the subject with the Massachusetts Government. Only a month or two after that event, they carried a present from him, of an otter coat, with wampum to the value of fifteen pounds. Proposals of peace and friendship were tendered ; but a request was added, that the Gov- ernor should not assist Uncas, whom he (Pessacus) intended shortly to make war upon. The Governor replied, that he desired peace, but wished that all the Indian tribes, including the Mohegans, might be par- takers of it ;: and that uidess Pess.ncus would consent to these t^rms, his present could not be received. The messengei-s saidy they had no instructions upon this point ; they would however return, and consult with Pessacus; and meanwhile the Governor was requested to retain the present, whicli he did. After this, (in April, 1()44) and previous to the Hartford conference, the Governoi' sent messengers on Ills own part to the Narragliansetts, probably to » (*'! I m ff lii -'I % I 'i 1 ■ 'il ti 216 INDIAN BIOGRArilY. \! '^it /. i sound the disposition of Pessacus. They went first to the wigwam of tl»e old sachem Canonicus, whom they found in such ill humor that he did not admit them, (as they stated) for two hours, during which time they were not altogether at ease, being obliged to endure the pelting of a rain-storm. On entering, they found him lying upon his couch. He noticed them, not very cordially, for the purpose of referring them to Pessacus ; and for him they waited four hours more. When he came, he took them into a shabby wigwam, and kept them talking with him most of the night. On the whole, he appeared de- termined to wage war on Uncas forthwith ; not in the manner of Miantonomo, but by sending out small war-parties, to cut oft' the straggling Mohe- gans, and to interfere with their hunting and fishing. There is reason to believe, that he either had taken, or was about taking some measures in pursuance of this scheme ; and that the message of the com- missioners was therefore rather as much in conse- quence as in anticipation of his acts. On the 23d. of April, messengers came to Boston from Pomham, (a chief, hereafter noticed at length, who had put himself under the Massachusetts protection,) with in- telligence that the Narraghansetts had captured and killed six Mohegan men and five women ; and had sent him two hands and a foot, tc engage him in the war. If this statement was true — and we know no particular reason for doubting it — the commissioners might certainly consider themselves fortunate in checking hostilities, so far as they did in September. They convened again, at Boston, early in 1645 ; and messengers were again sent to the Narraghan- setts, with directions afterwards to visit the Mohe- gans, inviting all the sachems to meet them for a new adjustment of difficulties. The instructions given to these men* imply, that tl -^ commissioners supposed Pessacus to be in a state of warfare with Uncas at *See records of the United Colonies. Hazard. INDIAN BIOGUAPIIY. 217 vent first s, whom lot admit g which ^ obliged entering-, 1 noticed referring ted four n into a vkh him ared de- > ; not in Jing out g Mohe- 1 fisliing. ad taken, ursuance the com- n conse- the 23d. ^OMHAM, had put with in- ured and and had Ti in the enow no issioners mate in ateniber. n 1645; rraghan- Mohe- or a new IS given upposed Jncas at •d. th«ttime — whether it was now past " planting-tyme," or not — but the same records show that the messen- gers brought back "a letter from Air. Roger Williams wherein hce assiu'es vs the wurr would pnscntli/ break forth and that the Narrohiggausett sachiius had lately concluded a neutrallyty with Providenco and the Towncs upon Aipiidnett [Rhode] Island." It would seem, tlicui, that the treaty was not yet broken — wln'u the messengers were stjut. Pessacus at first told //lem, that he would attend the commis- sioners' summons, and that meanwhile there should be no o[)eratious against Uncas ; but he soon afur- wards said, that his mind was changed. They then went to Ninigret. He expressed great discontent on account of certain military assistance which tho English had sent to defend Uncas ; and threatened liaughtily, (said the messengers) that unless that force were withdrawn, he should consider it a violation of the treaty. " lie would procure as many Mow- hauques as the English should afront [meet] them with, that would lay the English cattell on hea[)es as heigh as their houses, and no Englishman should stir out of his doore but he should be killed." After meeting such a reception here, the messen- gers were afraid to set out for the IMohegan country, and they therefore went back to Pessacus, and re- quested iiim to furnish them with a guide, lie offered them an old Pequot squaw — in derision (as tl»ey sup- posed) — and even while they were sjieaking, several of his Indians who stood close behind him, ap|)eared to them to be frowning ratlier grimly, besides brand- ishing their hatchets in a most ominous manner. " Wherevpon," [on the return of the messengers] says the Report, "the commissioiK rs considering the great provocations offered and the necessyty we should be put unto of making warr vpon the JVarro- hiscs^ansets ^"C." it was agreed," First, that our engage- ment bound us to ayde and d«?fende the Mohegan Sachem. 2dlv, That this avde could not be intend- ed onely to defend him and his in his fort or habita- T t li. if 1 r] t >iM ^■ll 218 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. \V' con, but (according to the common acceptacoti of such covenants or engagements considered with the fraude or occasion thereof) so to ayde him aa hee might be preserved in his hberty and estate. Sdly, That this ayde must be speedy least he might bee svi'al lowed vp in the meane tyme and so come too late.** The engagement here alluded to was made at Hartford in tliese words : "That if they assualt Vncua the English are engaged to assist him." Whether they had assaulted him or not — whether, if they had, it was under circumstances which started such a casus fcederis as to justify the English interference—- and whether, under any circumstances, the latter could justify sending an expedition designed " not onely to ayde the Mohegans but to offend the Nar- rohiggansets Nyanticks and other their confede- rates"* — need not now be discussed. Nor shall we inquire whether any blame was chargeable, on the other hand, to Uncas, as having himself secretly pro- voked hostilities — which, it may be observed, is a matter that in its nature cannot easily be deter- mined. Preparations were made for a war; but, at the suggestion of some of the Massachusetts Govern- ment, it was concluded to make still another of- fer of compromise to the Narraghansetts, returning at the same time, by way of manifesto, the present of wampum *long since sent and left by messengers from Piscus [Pessacus].' A conference took place between some of the messengers and some of the Sa- chems, at which M7\ IVilliams officiated as interpreter, and the result was almost necessarily pacific. Seve- ral of the allegations of the English (* which Bene- dict upon oath had formerly certified*!} were denied, *** Instructions for Serjeant Major Edward Gibbons, com- maunder in chief of our military forces and for such as are joyned to him as a counsell of warr." Hazard. ■f Report of Commissioners, 1645. Benedict Aniold ia bere referred to, a person employed as messenger for a long INDIAN BIOGBArHY. o 219 icon of d with him as I estate. e might 5o come Tiade at t Vnciis Vhether ley had, such a srence— 16 latter ed "not he Nar- lonfede- shall we , on the Btly pro- ed, is a )e deter- , at the Govern- iher of- 3tuming esent of 3sengers >k place rtheSa- lerpreter, Seve- h Bene- denied, 3ns, com- h as are 4.n)old is r a long says the commissionors' Report, a.d others excused ; and as the tinglish desired further conference, it was agreed "that Pissicus chiefe-sachem of the Narra- ghansetts and Mixano Canownacns his eldest sonn and others should forthwith come to Bostone to treat with the commissioners for the restoreing and settleing of peace." This promise was faithfully kept. The sachems just named, with a Niantick deputy, made their appearance at Boston within a few days, followed by a long train of attendants. Some altercation took place between them and the commissioners, iii the course of which the latter charged them (as the Report shows,) that, notwithstanding the Hartford treaty, "they had this summer (lt)45) at severall tymea invaded Vncus &c." At length, with great reluc- tance, and " after long debate and some private con- ferrence they had with Sergeant Cullicutt they acknowledged they had brooken promise or cove- nant in the aforemenconed warrs." They then offered to make another truce, but that not satisfy- ing the commissioners, they wished to know what would. Upon which the commissioners, "to show their moderacon required of them but twoo thou- sand fathome of white wampon for their oune satis- faccon," beside their restoring the boats and prison- ers taken from Uncas, and making reparation for all damages. A treaty, containing these and other stipulations, and providing tliat the payment of one instalment should be made in twenty days, was drawn up and finally subscribed by all the deputies. Four hostages were given for security, including a son of Pessacus ; the English army was disbanded ; the sachems returned home; and the 4th of Septem- ber, which had been appointed for a fast, was now ordered to be observed as a day of thanksgiving. ' m Beriea of years. He seems to have been in this case the only witness against the Sachems ; aud what his testimony amount- ed to.» we have aJready seen. i' 220 INDIAN BIOGRAniY. \Vc have thought it thn Ioph necpssary to specify nil the provisions of this ' trooty,' innsinueh as the riirumstancos under which it was made, amount, as appears to us, to such a dure^^s as not only must liave jjreatly exasperated the Sachems, but clearly invalidated the treaty itself. This ]K)int, however, we siiall leave to In; decided hy every reader who will trouble himself to becoitie familiar with those mimitiai which cnimot here be stated. It is sufii- eient to add, that the ]{<'poit itself, as above cited, shows the consideration (so to speak) upon which the whole transaction was founded, to have failed, or rather never to hav(* existed. The 'acknowledge- ments,' indeed, lik(^ the agr( < nients, under the cir- cumslances w(^ count nothiii«i; but even these, as the eorrmiissioiuM's state them, only intimate that the Narraghansetts had invaded IJncas ^ this summer^ — that is, (for aught we are told) subsequent to 'plant- ing-tyme,' when the Ibrmer treaty expired — and not then without previous and repeated declarations to the English, as we hjive seen, of their intended movements. No n.marks need be made upon the invasion of the English, or upon the requisitions on the deputies at Boston. One provision of the treaty was, that the Narra- ghansetts should meet Uncas at New Haven ip 1646, which they failed to do, though Uncas himself at- tended the meeting of the commissioners at that place. Nor did they make their payments of wam- pum according to promise. Three instalments, to the amount of one thousand three hundred fathoms, being now due, they sent into Boston one hundred fathoms — mostly, it is said in ' old kettles ' — excusing themselves on tlie score of poverty and the failure of the Nianticks to contribute their proportion. So small a sum the commissioners would not accept ; and the messengers who brought it therefore sold their kettles to a Boston brazier, and deposited the money in his hands, to be paid over when they should bring the residue of the debt. Messengers specify I as the ount, as y must clearly owever, or who h those is suffi- ce cited, which e failed, wlcd^c- tlie cir- !i('se, as that the ummer ' *plant- and not ions to itended pon the lisitions Narra- n 1646, self at- at that " wam- ents, to ithoms, undred censing failure m. So accept ; re sold ted the n they jengers INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. were sent for Pessacus, but he failed to mfr f» his appearance. The summons being repeated in 1647, on the 31st of Jidy, "Thomas Stanton returned with Pessacks answere as following^. Pes8ack being charged for not meeting the conmiissioners at New Haven the last yeare, his answere was, he had no warninge. It is true, said he, I have broken my covenant these two years, and it is and hath been the constant griefe of my spirit 2dly, The reason why he doth not come at this time is, because he hath bene sickc and is now sicke ; had I bene but pretty well, said he, I would have come to them." He also stated, that he when the last treaty was madt, he had acted in fear of the Kn^lish army ;* and he proposed to send Ninigret to Boston Ibrthwith, with full authority to treat in his own name. Ninigret accordingly came on the 3d of AugusL When the commissioners demanded an explanation of his past defaults, he at first affected ignorance of what agreements had been made by the Narraghan- Bctts. He then argued the matter, and inquired upon what pretence the alleged debt was originally founded. He was reminded of all the old subject* of complaint, including his own declarations of hos- tility towards the English, In respect to the latter, he said that the messengers had given him provo- cation. As to the money, he considered it impossible ever to pay it, but nevertheless wished to know how the reckoning now stood. It appeared, on exami- nation, that Pessacus had paid seventy fathoms of wampum the first yean As for the kettles sold to * Report of the comin. for 1647. " He doth say when he made his covenant he did it iu feare of tiie army that he did see, and tho' tlie English kept their covenant with him there and let him go from them, yet the army was to goe to Narra- gensett ynunediateiy and kill him there, therefore said the commissioners sett your hands to such and such things or ek the army shall goe forth to the Narragensetts." ExceUentljr u-ell£tated! T2 i! h A\ I ii 'fil^ 'm>- I 222 INDIAN niOGRAPIIY. ihi' brnzior**, tlint nroprrty Imd sinco born nttaclird by one Woddy, a lioston nian, for pDods stolfii from liiin l)y n Narrai,'hans(iit Iiidian. Nini^rret oxreptod to thiH prorodnro. It was n»*ithf>r tho proportyof IN'HsaruH, ho said, nor of the thiof ; it was deposited as part payment of the debt, and on;;ht so to be rc- oeived. Ilavin;; pained tliis point, he next proposed tliat eredit shonid be given him for one hnndred and five fathoms, sent l)y the hand of an Indian named Cntehamaquin.* It was rejoined, that the snm refer- red to had been intended as a |)resent to the Gover- nor. Ninign^t, " behip; pressed to chare Ihe miestione himselfej he answered^ his tou7}2:e should not hebje his hearty let the debt be satiffJed at it may — he intended it for the Governnvrey \\o liad sent ten fatlionis to Cntehnmaqnin for his own troubh» ; bnt that eovetona Indian, nnsatisfied with so fiheral a commission, had appropriated all biit Ibrty-five fathoms to his own nse and 'lied' abont the residne. The facts came ont upon a cross-examination, institnted by Ninigret in presence of the commissioners.f * Wliorn wc suppose to be tiic Sacliem of Rrai»)trec, (near Boston), po well ki)o\vn (or his violent opposition to Mr. El- liot's pvt!!irlniit(, and callod uIho Kiiohinukin and some half i]o7,on other nainrs. Ho fjuhniittod to the Mapsaciiusetts Government in 1643. Noal says', that soon after his appear- \ws, at Mr. Klliot's Icrturc, and nrotestintf against the huildinjj of a town for tiio Christian Indians in what he considered his dominions, ' he himself turned Christian.' But that reverend missionary does not himself state (juite so mucli. In that old tract, The Light Appkaring &c. he says, that after a certain pungent discourse whidj ho took occasion to level at the S»uchern, and not long after his remonstrance just mentioned, *' Elder Heath his observation of him was, that there was a great change in him, his spirit was very much lightned, and it much appeared both In his countenance and carriage, and he hath carried all things fairly ever since." We are glad to leave him thus — he died soon after his reformation. t Hazard Vol. H. p. 80 ((juarto 3d. Phil. 1794) " Hereupon Cutchamaquin was sent for and before Ninegrate questioned &r. He at first persisted, and added to his lyes, but was at last INDIAN niOOUAPIir. fittafliod f'li from xreptfd porty of i"|K)site(l I) bo re- irojjosed Irpil and nainod in roft'r- Govor- mestione jeh/e his ended it lioniH to •ovetoiifl ion, had lis own arno out Vinigret pc, (near Mr. El- )mo half achusetts 1 appoar- huildiii«T lered his roverend that old t after a vc\ at the ntioned, n was a led, and ige, and We are ition. lereupon lestioned IS at last ITp tlion ask«Ml time to jrivo in his final answer, und tho commissioners allowed him a day. Having eon- Rulted meanwhile with his ('om|mnions, he appear- ed the next morning a^min. He was sorry to tind, he said, that the lHird<;n of the business had beeti Bhilled from the shoulders of Pessaeus upon his own, but he had determined to do what he eould ; and be would tlnTetbre send some of his men home to eolleet th«^ arrears due to tin; Knj^lish. In the eourso of three days he should know tlie result, and in ten bo thou^rht the wampum mi^ht be forwarded, lie woidd himself remain at Boston till that time, and send word to the Narraj^hansetts of the arrangement. "But if the collection," he added, "shouhl fall >^bort of the sum due, he desired some forbearance, being sure that the residue would be shortly paid, and that the English would at all events perceive his great desire to give them entire satislaction." The cotn- inissionei-s accepted these i)roposaIs, and Ninigret despatched bis messenger. They returned on the lOth of tlie month, but brought only two himdred fathom of wam[)iun. The conunissoners complained of this new default, and Ninigret wtus a little embarrassed. He said, it must be owing to his own absence ; but as it was, be wished that the wampum intended, but not yet re- ceived, as a present to the Governor, should go in part payment of the tU^bt. For the remainder, he desired a respite till the next spring, when, if it were not fully paid, the English shoidd have bis country and his head.* The commissioners accordingly gave him convinced l)y Ninegrate &c.'* A good illustralion of the im- propriety of giving implicit credit in such (;as(!S. *The account, which may be confcidered a curiosity, now Btood thus. Mr. Pf Uiiim received allmost two veares since, > «a r .u 1 . ^ ■ ■ ir > 70 lutnouie above what was given Vncus ^ Left by the Narraghaiwetts in Mr. Slirimpton's ) -« fithome hands, in kettles and wampum 5 In Cutchamoqvin's hands by Ninegrett 105 do M , t If il 'l •I I ■. 224 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. I m leave to return home, and allowerl him twenty daya for sending in one thousand fathoms ; if he failed, he must suffer the consequences. If he did what he could, and Pessacvs failed, as heretofore he had done, they should punish him, and expect Ninigret's as- sistance. At their meeting in 1648, the commissioners re- ceived information of new movements of Pessacus and Ninigret, in disturhance of tlie common peace. Both sachems were said to be withdrawing their old men, women and children into swamps, hiding tlieir corn, and preparing for the reception of the Mohawk, whom they had engaged to assist them. The inva- ding army was to consist of eight hundred men. The Mohawks had four hundred guns, and three [>ounds of powder to a gun. Ninigret iiad made inquiry whether the English would probably defend Uncas, and seemed to calculate, in that case, upon the ne- cessity of figliting them. The Pocomtock tribe were also engaged to assist him. But both these and the Mohawks were finally discouraged from under- taking the expedition, by the prospect of having to contend with the English. But depredations were soon afler committed by some of the Narraghansetts upon the English ; and as for Uncas, the hostility against him was carried so far, that he came very near lo'ing his life by an Indian hired to assassinate him, having been run through the breast with a sword, as he was going on board a vessel in the river Thames. At the com- missioners' meeting in 1G49, he appeared, laid hia complaints before them, and demanded the protection of his ally. Ninigret also presented himself As to hiring the Indian to assassinate Uncas, he observed, the confession of the criminal himself was the only '1 ^ evidence in the case, and that was forced from him '4' Received of Ninegrett 16. Aug. 1647. 24&3 do The aura being 448;. (' ty daya iled, he ^hut he id done, et'a as- lers re- essacus peace, beir old ig tlieir ohawk, le inva- The pounds uiquiiy Uncas, he ne- )e were ind the under- lying to tted by li ; and Tied so by an en run } going e corn- aid his •tection As to served, le only m him INDIAN BIOGRAPHY; 225 by the Mohegans. As to the arrears of wampum, of which much was said, he thought there had been a mistake in the measure, and that "^luy two hundred fathoms were due, while the English at this time ac- knowledged the receipt of only one thousand five hundred twenty-nine and a half in ths whole. But the commissioners were dissatisfied with his answer ; and they therefore once more set themselves to mak- ing vigorous preparations for war. The measures adopted in 1G50, may be learned from the following passjige of the commissioner's record for that year. " Taking into consideration the seueral oflTensiue practices of the Narraghausctts whereby they have broken their couenents and en- deauoured to disturbe the peace betweene the English and themselves ; and how they yet delay to pay the wampum which hath been so long due [having sent but one hundred fathom since the last meeting at Boston :] it was therefore thought meet to keepe the colonies from falling into contempt among the Indi- ans, and to preuent their itnprouing said wampum to hire other Indians to joyne with themselves against vs or Vncas, that twenty men well armed bee sent out of the Jurisdiccon of Massachusetts to Pessicus to demand the said Wampum wliich is three hundred and eight fathom, and vpon Refusall or Delay to take the same or to the Vallew thereof in the best goods they can find ; Together with so much as will satisfy for their charges &c." The messengers were farther instructed to go to Ninigret, and make the following complaints. 1. That the commissioners were told he had married his daughter to the brother of the old Pequot chief, Sassacus, and had made some pretensions to the Pequot territory. 2. That fVeekwash Cooke had complained to them of certain grievances received at his hands. 3. "That about twelve years sence a Mare belonging to Elty Pomary of Winsor in Con- necticatt was killed wilfully by Pequiam aNyantick Indian brother to Ninegrett which Mai'c cost tvventy- u^i it a j:: I: \. '% Al' P t' 'I 226 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. li i il .' V\ nine pounds, for which satisfaccon hath often been re- quired."&c. They were then to demand payment of all charges due the English, and as also categorical answers to a certain list of questions. The party sent out by Massachusetts in pursuance of these orders was commanded by Major Atherton. On meeting with Pessacus, and stating the purpo- ses of his visit, some altercation ensued. As the Narraghansett warriors meanwhile appeared to be collecting around him, Atherton marched directly to the door of his wigwam, posted a guard there, enter- ed himself with his pistol in hand, seized Pessacus by his hair, and drawing him out from among his attendants, declared he would despatch him instantly on perceiving the least attempt for his rescue. This bold stroke made such an impression, that all arreara- ges were paid on the spot. Atherton then visited Nin- igret, and having stated the accusations, suspicions and threats of the commissioners — though without obtaining any farther satisfaction — returned home.* In 1G53, the commissioners sent messengers to dem.ind of Ninigret, Pessicus and Mexham, answers to the following questions. They are given in full, as a curious illustration both of the policy of the for- mer and the character of the latter. The object and occasion are sufficiently manifest on the face of them, 1. Whether the Duch Governor hath engaged him [Nini*»ret] and others to healp them to light against the English, and how many ? 2. Whether the Duch Governor did not attempt Buch a Conspiracy ? 3. Whether hee [Ninigret] hath not received of the Duch Governor guns powder bullets and swords or any ammunition to that end; and how much or many of the said provision for warr.^ 4. What other sachems or Indians to his Knowl- idsr that are so pnomo-pn ? »gag€ i\ * Trumbull's expression is — *• Having in this spirited man- ner Accomplished his lusinesa^ he returned in safety." Hit' tory of Conn. Vol. L been re- laymeiit Bgorical rsuance therton. purpo- As the d to be ectly to J, enter- 'cssacus long his iistantly . This arreara- ed Niii- spicions without home.* igers to Hiswers in full, the for- ect and >f them, fed him against attempt d of the ords or uch or Knowl- ted inan- INDIAN BIOGRAPIIV. 227 5. Whether himselfe or the Rest are Resolved ac- cording to theire engagement to fight against the Enghsh ? 6. If hee bee Resolved of his way what he thinks the English will do ? 7. Whether it bee not safest for him and his men to be true to the English ? 8. Whether the Duch hath engaged to healp him and the Rest of the Indians against the EngUsh? 9. If hee haue engaged against us to aske vpon what grounds and what wrong wee haue donn him ? 10. Whether hee thinks it meet to com or send hi£, messengers to give satisfaction concerning these queries ? 11. Whether hee hath hiered the Mohakes to healp him against us ? The answer of Mexham, as reported by the mes- sengers, to the first question, was thus. "I speak vnfeignedly from my hart without Dessimulation that I know of noe such plott that is intended or ploted by the Duch Governour against the English my frinds. Tliough I bee poor it is not goods guns powder nor shottthat shall draw mee to such a plott." ressacus said, "I am very thankfull to these two men that came from the Massachusetts and to you Thomas and to you Poll and to you Mr. Smith that are come soe fare as from the Bay to bring vs this message, and to enforme vs of these things wcc knew not of before^ To the second, Mexham answered * No.' Pessacus said, "that for the Governor of the Duch, wee are loth to Iniient any falsehood of him^ though we bee far off from him, to please the English or any other that bring these Reports. The Duch Governor did never propound such a thing." He also represented the evident folly o^his leagueing with a remote people against his nearest neighbors. He gave a negative to the fifth question. The sixth he supposed to be already answered. To the seventh, he said, "wee desire to keepe it [peace] feirmly to our 1 4.1 /; % i H 228 INDIAN BIOGRAPIIY. :t. i . I charge dieing day as neare as we can." The eighth and nhith, both Mexhani and Pessacus thought they had answered already. As to the tenth, they rephed, that Pessacus was too old* to "trauell two dales togetlier, hut they wouhl send some men into the Massachusetts to speak with [tell] the Sachems that they had sent to Mr. Smith and Voll his man to spcake to Mr. Browne that they loved the English sachems and all English in the Bay." The implied in the last query they absolutely denied. The answers of Ninigret, which were given sepa- rately, are the more worthy of notice that he was known to have visited New York during the previous v/inter, and had been accused by various Indians, including some of the Mohegans, of having formed an alliance with the Dutch against the English. He utterly disclaimed such conduct. " But," he added, " whiles I was there att the Indian Wigwames there cam som Indians that told mee there was a shipp com in from Holland, which did report the English and Duch were fighting together in theire owns countrey, and theire were severall other shippes cominge with amunition to fight against the English heer, and that there would bee a great blow given to them, but this (said he,) / had from the Indians^ and I cannot tell how true it is." Next, four queries were answered in the negative. As to the sixth, " What shall I answare these things over and over again ? What doe the English thinke that I thinke they bee asleep and suffer mee to do them wronge ? Doe we not know they are not a sleepy people ? The English make queries for gunpowder, and shot and swords. Do they thinke wee are mad to sell our lieus and the Hues of all our wiues and children and all our kin- dred, and to haue our countrey destroyed for a few guns powder shott and swords? What will they doe vs good when wee are dead ? " The eighth, ninth, and eleventh, were denied. To the seventh he * Probably meant for too ill. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 229 lith and hey bad replied, dales into the uis that man to Etiglish charge ied. ;n sepa- he was previous Indians, : formed sli. He 1 added, es tliere a shipp English •e owne shippes English given to iSf and I les were « What again ? hey bee Doe we English swords, and the ur kin- r a few ill they eighth, enth he replied, that he knew no reason for breaking his league with his old friends the EngHsh ; and why should he ally himself to a few Dutchmen, so fiir off, when he lived next door to them ? The answer to the tenth would puzzle the most mystifying politician of modern times. " It being indifferently sfxiken whether hee may goe or send yet bee knowing nothing by himselfe wherein hee hath wronged the English but that hee may goe yet being In(liff(;rently spoken hee would send to speak with the Englisii."* Letters having been also sent to the sachems from the commissioners, Pessacus and Mcxham sent word in return, that they wished for a good under- standing, and hoped it might be preserved. They requested, furthermore, that the English would make known the names of their accusers^ and the other sources of their information respecting their alleged league with the Dutch. Ninigret replied as follows : " You are kindly vvelcom to vsand I kindly ihanke the Sachems [magistrates] of the Massachusetts that they would Nominate my Name amongst the other to require my answare to the propositions : had any of the other Sachems been att the Duch I should have feared theire folly might have donn some hurt one way or other, but they have not been there. 1 am the Man that haue bene there my self c^ therefore 1 must answare for what Thaue doun. I doe utterley deney and protest against any such acteings doun by mee or to my knowlidge att or with the Duch. What is the story of these great Rumers that I hear att Pocatockej that I should bee cut off and that the English had a quarrdl against mee. I know of noe such cause att all for my parte. Is it because I went thither to take Phisicke for my healthe ? Or what is the cause I found noe such entertainment from the Duch Gov- ernour, when I was there to giue mee any Incor- * We copy punctuatim, from the Records of the United Colonies, as preserved in Hazard's Collections. Perhaps the Interpreter was to blame for this problematical sentence. u ! i It M I p 230 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. ragement to sturr mee upp to such a lea^e against the English my frienHs. It was winter-time, and I stood a great parte of a day knocking at the Govern- or's dore, and he would neither open it nor suffer others open it to lett mee in. I was not wont to find such carriage from the Eng^'"h my frinds." The messenger promised to be sent by Pessacus was sent accordingly. The English examined bun very closely, but ascertained nothing new INDIAN BIOGRAFHT. 231 CHAPTER XII. Sequel of the lives of Ninigret and Pe?sacuB, from 1653— Various accusations, dcpututions, and hostile uioveiitcnts between them and the English- -Controversy iHJtween Nini- gret and Harmon Garrett — Application for justice in 1675— Conduct of Ninigret in Philip's VVar« — Consequence? of it — His death — Death of Pessacus — Some of the charges against the former considered — His hostility to Uncas, and the Long Islanders, and ' League witli tlie Dutch' — Remarks on his character. In September, 1G53, new complaints were made against the Narra^liansett and Niantick Sachems. It was reported to the commissioners, that they had attacked the Long Island Indians, and slain two Sachems and thirty others. Tliis was deemed a case requiring their interference ; and niessengere were forthwith despatched as usual, to demand explanation and satisfaction, on penalty that the commissioners would otherwise " proceed as th(?y should find cause." These men executed their errand, and returned on the 19th of the month. According to their own account, they were not very graciously received, as indeed it was hardly to be expected they should be. They declared upon oath that, on entering the Niantick country, they saw about forty or fifty Indians, all in arms, who came up to them as they rode by ; and the leader having a gun in his liand, ** did, in the presence of Thomas Staunton Serjeant Waite and Vallentyne Whitman, put his hand back as if hee would have cocked it ; Richard Waite said this man will shoote; whervpon the English men faced about, Rode vp to the said Indians, asked what they intended to doe and bedd them goe before, which some of them did but others would not ; and particularly the said Captaine Refused. The English rode on in the way towards Ninigrett, but coming vp into the Woods, the former company of Indians first 232 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. '* i fell on shouting in a triumphing way. After the Enghsh Messengers came to a greater company of Indiana all armed, whoe comaund them to stand to ahght and to tye there horses to a tree showed them, which the Messengers refused to doe. The Indians then strove to hecompase the English, which they would not suffer, hut being Informed that Ninnigrett would come thither they stayed awhile, but Ninnigrett not coming the English tould the Indians that if they might neither passe nor Ninnigrett come then they would return home. The Indians answared hee would com presently, but hee not coming the English rode forward and mett Ninnigrett ; the Indians run- ning on both sides hollowing, the English Messen- gers made a stand, when they mett Ninnigrett have- ing many armed men with him and him selfe a pistol! in his hand. Ninnigrett sat doune and desired them to alight which they did. The Indians then sur- rounded them and som of them charged their guns with powder and bullets and som primed their guns. The English in the meen time delivering their mes- sage to Ninnigrett his men were so Tumultus in speaking especially one whoe they said was a Mo- hauke that they were much desturbed."* The messengers were afterwards informed by one of Ninigret's chief men, " tliat the aforementioned Mohauke came to see what news, for they heard that the English toere coming to warr against the JVarra- ghansdtSf which if true the Mohaukes take what is doun against the Narraghansetts as doun against themselues." After leaving Ninigret, two Indians, with bows and arrows in their hands, came running out of the woods, and roughly demanded of Staunton whither he was going, when he was coming back, and which way he should come. — Upon this report, the commissioners decided to make war at once, with the exception of Mr. Bradstreet alone, (the * Thjs Valentyne is apparently the eaine whom Ninigret familiarly called * VoU/ and another chief, * Poll.* I I INDIAN BIOGRAPIIV. 233 Vfter the ipnny of stand to Bfl them, Indians ich they innigrett nmigrett It if they »en they red hee English ans run- Messen- }tt have- a pistoll ed them len sur- Bir guns nr guns, jir mes- ultus in } a Mo- by one ntioned 2rd that JVdrra- what is against ndianS) unning aunton ^ back, report, t once, e, (the Vinigret member from Massachusetts,) who protested against such a proceeding, and thereby prevented it. In 1654, the commissioners were informed, that Ninigret was not only pro8e(!uting hostilities against the Long-Island Indians as before, but had hired the Mohawks, Pocomtocks and Wampanoags to assist him. They immediately sent messengers demand- ing his appearance at Hartford, and tlie payment of the tribute so long due, as they alleged, for the Pe- quots under his dominion. One article in the mes- senger's instructions was expressed thus. "That vnlesse hee either com himselfe forthwithe to Hart- ford or give som satisfying securitie to the couunis- sioners for the true aiul constant paiment of the said Tribute the commissioners shall thinke of some course forthwithe to despose of the said Pequota some other way." On the 18th of September, the following report was made of the result of the inter- view. 1. When Ninigret was told, that the commissioners had perused the letter he had sent to the governor of Massachusetts* concerning the suspicions he had of Unca^, he answered, that he knew nothing of such letter, and expressed great wonder at its being charg- ed upon him. Again, as to the breach of covenant alleged against him, he desired to know who could say that he had any Pequots under him. 2. Mr. Eaton and Mr. Hopkins, being both at New Haven, had told him that he was to pay for the Pequots only ten years. And 3. Those ten years had elapsed three years before.f * We see no previous mention of thi3 letter. It must have been one of many cases where tlie commissioners were deceived by false testimony. t Such an agreement was made in 1651, between the com- missioners, Uncas, and some of Ninigret 's men. The ten years were to commence with 1650; but, probably, Ninigret was either uninformed or mii?infurmcd respecting this stipula- tion. Frequently, treaties were not understood even by those who Bubicribed them. U2 ;' it 1' » ■t a 1 «! fS Pi 234 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. '^ ■\ ^ \ I 3. In respect to the Iiong-Islanders he answered in the following remarkable manner : " Wherfore should he acquaint the commissioners therewith when the long-islanders had slayne a sachem's son and sixty other of his men ; and therefore he will not make peace with the long-islanders, but doth desire the English would lett him alone, and doth desire that the cotnmissioners would not Request him to goe to hartford : for bee had doun noe hurt what should he doe there ; bee had bene many times in the Bay, and when was Uncas there ; Jonathan [the messenger] asked him whether he would send two or three of his men that might act in his Rome and steed if bee would not goe him selfe bee answared what should bee or his men doe att hartford ; Add- hig if youer Governor's sonne were slayne and seu- erall other men would [you] aske counsell of anoth- er Nation how and when to Right yourselves ; and againe said bee would not goe nor send to Hartford." 4. "Concerning the vpland Indians his answare was they are my frinds and came to healp mee against the long-islanders which had killed seuerall of my men ; wherfore should I acquaint the com- missioners with it; I doe but Right my owne quarell which the long-islanders began with mee." This spirited reply, alone sufficient to immortalize Ninigret, brought on open war. A body of troops was raised in the three united colonies, and sent into the Niantick country, under Major Willard of Massachusetts, with orders to demand of Ninigret the Pequots subject to his control, the tribute already due from them, and also a cessation of hostilities against the Indians of Long Island. On refusal to comply with these terms, they were to reduce him to submission and tribute by force, and take hostages for security. The place of general rendezvous was ap[)ointed at Stanton's house in the Narraghansett country. On arriving there. Major Willard found that Ninigret had fled into a swamp ten or fifteen miles distant from the army, leaving his country, com. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY, 235 and w'lj^wnms, at the invader's niorry. Mrsscngpni were sent to him, inviting him to a confrrenro, and pledging? the safety of his jxTson. Ho returned an- swer lliat aggressions had alnaihf been made upon his territory and property, and he did not tliink it safe for him to visit the Major. He wished to know, too, what had oecasion<'d tlie present invasion. What had he done to the Ki\iJ!;Ush^ that tliey heset him in this maTiner ? — Whatever the diffieuhy was, he was ready to settle it by messengers, but not in person. A day or two afterwards, as lie was still in close quarters, six new messengers were sent to him, two of whom, only, after mueh debate with his guards and scouts, were admitted to his own presence. They began with demanding the Pequots ; to which he replied, that most of that people hud left him already — (nearly one hundred had deserted to the English army — ); and the few that rejnained were hunting and straggling U|) and do /n the country. He how- ever set his mark to the ibllowing agreement, dated Oct. 18, 1654. " Wheras the commissioners of the vnited colionies demaund by theire Messengers that I deliuer vp to the English all the captiue Pequotes in my countrey I heerby ingage myselfe to surrender the said Pequotes within seuen daies to Mr. Winthrope or Captain Mason Witnesse mv hand. Witnesse Thomas Stanton and Vallentine Whit- man Interpretors Witnesse alsoe Thomas Bligh." The messengers next demanded the tribute due for the Pequots. He replied, that he never engaged to pay it. " Why then," said they, " did you pay it, or i)art of it, at New Haven ?" " Because," he readi- ly answered, " I feared they would be taken from nie if I did not, and therefore made a gratuity out of my own wampum to |)lease T/ott." Being now forbidden in the commissioners' name, to pursue hostilities against the Indians of Long-Island, he Btood silent for some time, and then asked if it was iff M \ I it: 4 im.^ 236 INDIAN BIOGRAPHt. jii, ri|(ht thnt his men— such mpn— should lose their livt'H and llioir blood, aiul not be revenged. Tlie ErijfliHh obrtrrved, that ho should have ofTt'red his CQiri|)iaii)t8 to the rornini»sioncrs ; hut to this he made no re|)ly ; nor yet to the uneeronionious it" not uncivil dechmition of the nicsaiTipers, that in case he pave any farther troid>h^ to any of the friends of the Enghsh, they siiouhl forthwith take the hberty to set his head upon u pole. The conference en(U;d with their requestinf^ hini to pay the expenses of the expe(Htion, which lie refused to do : " H«!e was not the cause of it, but loiige-IsUind Indians ItilhMl him a man att Connecticott." Thus the aftair ended. The commander was censured l)y the couunissioners, for neglecting a good opportunity of humbling a trouble- some enemy, but no farther strictures ensueil.* Tiiey contented themselves with stationing an armed vessel in the road between Neanticut and Long- Island, with orders to prevent hostile movements on the part of Ninigret, and with encouraging his Indian adversaries by promises of English assistance. The next year, Ninigret continuing his attack.s, they thought themselves under obligation to furnish it. From this time forward, there is little of interest in the life either of Pessacus or Ninigret. We hear of them occasionally, but not much farther than is sufficient to indicate their existence. Whether they gave less reason to be complained of than before, or whether the English at length grew weary of send- ing messages to them, cannot be ascertained ; but there is probably some truth in both suppositions. One ol'tlie last deputations to Ninigret, in 1G56, was occasioned by complaints which he made to the Eng- * A Mss. private letter of Major Willurd is extant, (in tho possession of Mr. Shattuck, autltor of a very valuable History of Concord, which we hope may l)e soon published,) in which, alluding to this expedition, he rather mysteriously speaks of his 'hands being tied.* Whether this alludes to his general in- structions, or to something more secret, every reader will judge for himself. »e their I. Tiie 'red liis le made n not case he 8 of the ty to set ed with of the was not d him a J. The iiers, for trouhie- uiHiied.* \i armed I Long- lents on ^iiig his sistance. ks, they sh it. interest Ve hear than is er they jfore, or )f sand- ed ; but ions. 156, was le Eng- t, (in tho History n which, iksof his neral in- rill judg« INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 237 lisli of ffrif^vanroH rerieved frotn tho liOnir-Tslnnderfl. He failed to jirove thcrii as allep<'d, and the rojiunis- sionors took that occasion to reinind him of his own duties and deliudts, in their wonted maimer. '^Flio h'sson was repeated in Id.")?, some atfraysaiid assaults having meanwhile occurred, which threatem'd to bring on more serious troubles ln'tween the Indian tribes. The most reiriarkabl«! circumstance connect- ed with the deputation «)f this season, is the dissent of theronnnissioners of Massachus<'tts, who ti'equent- ly had occasion to diHer with tlu'ir associates in regard to intercours*^ with the Indians. The terms of this opinion, expressed in the records, are worthy of notice, as throwing a casual light on the charges brought against Ninigret. " There hauing bine," say they, " many messengers to this purpose formerly sent from the commissionei-s to the Indian Sacherns, but seldom obserued by them, which now to Renew againe tvhen many complaints have bine made against Vncan by seuerall Sachems and other Indians of his proud Insolent and prouocking speeches and Trecherous actions, and with much proba- bUitie of /ru<^, besides his hostile uttempts Dt Potunck &c. — seems vnseasonable ; and can in Reason liavo no other attendance in conclusion than to Render vs to and contemptable in the eyes of the Indians, or en^a^e vs to vindecate our honer in a dangeroiuie and vnes»^ sarie warr vpon Indian quarrells, the groun j's whereof wee can hardly euer sati^factoryly vnderstand, \.c.^* There is manifestly great truth, as well as some severity, in this declaration. We may hereafter al- lude again to what is said respecting Vncas. We now refer to the instructions of messengers sent two years after the embassy last named, merely to illustrate the style of diplomacy which still con- tinued to be used. They were directed " to Repaire to Ninnigrett, Pessicus, Woqnocanoote, and the Rest of the Narraghansett Sachems, and distinctly and clearly deliuer to them the following message." One article of complaint runs thus: * ''PI i . J^ 238 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. " The comissioners doe require ninety-five fath- om of wampam ordered by them to bee payed the last yeare for the Insolencyes committed att mistress Brewster's feet to her great affrightment and stealing corne &c. and other affronts." Again : " The comissioners doe charge Ninni- grett with breach of couenant and high neglect of theire order sent them by Major fVUlard six yeares since not to Inuade the longe Hand Indians ; and doe account this surprising the longe-Iland Indians att Gull Hand and murthering of them to be an insolent carriage to the English and a barbarous and inhu- maine acte ; therefore the comissioners haue pro^ videdfor his entertainment at longe-Iland if hee shall dare further to attempt vpon them before hee hath satisfied the comissioners of the justnes of his quar- rell, ordering the English there to assist the Indiana and driue him from thence." It will be recollected, that Ninigret had always disclaimed the right of the English to interfere in this contest with his neigh- bors, though he explained to them, so far as to justify himself on the ground of having been first aggrieved and attacked by his enemy. More recently he had chosen — probably for the sake of keeping peace with the English — to make complaints to them ; but because he had failed to prove tliem ( — and no doubt they were mostly incapable of being proved, in their very nature — ) the commissioners had taken no other notice of his suit than to send Thomas Stanton and others to reprimand him at once for his present in- eolence and his old sins. Still, he was not utterly discouraged, for he did not invariably fail of having justice done him. In 1662, the commissioners being informed of his in- tention to sell a certain tract of land in his actual possession, which was nevertheless claimed by one Harmon Garrett, they sent to him — not a message of threats by Thomas Stanton — but " a writing vnder theire hands sertifying the said Harmon Garrett's claime, which being made knowne to Ninnigi'etti the ive fath- d the last mistress d stealing B Ninni- egled of ares since and doe dians att I insolent lid inhu- aue pro- liee shall hee hath lis quar- I Indians collected, It of the s neigh- to justify ggrieved he had ace with m ; but 10 doubt in their no other ton and !sent in- he did im. In his in- 9 actual by one 5sage of I vnder rarrett's rett| the INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 239 said Ninnigrett by his Messengers to the comissionera att theire last meeting att Plymouth made claime to the said land, and Refered the Determination therof to the next meeting of the court att Bostoij, desircing that notice might hee given to the said hurmon Garrett ait the said Meeting of the comissioners to appeer. This honorable projwsition was adopted. Garrett made his appearance, and Ninigrct sent his attorney to meet him at Boston. Garrett stated, that his father was a great sachem, and was possessed of the lands in controversy, and that Ninigret was the said Sachem's younger brother. On the other side, Comman in behalf of Ninigret, showed that his master was possessed of said lands according to the Indian custom, being allowed to be the chief sachem, and having married the sister of Harmon Garrett ; and that said Harmon was not of the whole [Nian- tick] blood, because his mother was a stranger. This evidence was furnished orally by divers Narra- ghansett and Pequot Indians, as also by Uncas and others in writing. The commissioners decided, that it was "not meet to prejudice the title of Niunigrett, being in posession by any actc of theires, and that the writing giuen vnder theire hand att New-hauen conserning harmon Garrett bee not vnderstood nor made vse of to prejudice Niimigi*ett's title and poses- sion, but aduise all the English to forbeare to disturbs Ninnigrett."* The good effect of this decision is to be seen in the almost total silence of history in regard to Nini- gret for the next twelve or thirteen years, when we find him coming forward, confidently and amicably, in a similar case. The particulars may be best gathered from a letter written by Mr. John Easton, (probably a magistrate living near the sachem,) to the Governor of Plymouth Colony. It runs thus : " Ninigret, one of the two chief sachems of the Narraghansetts in our colony, importuned me thus if! \\1 S .1 i ^ I: I I* M * Records wf the Colonief . Hazard, Vol. II. i 1 240 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. to write to you, that, as he saith, it is the Indian custom or law, that wlien any sachem's men are driven and cast ashore, or tiieir goods, upon any other sachem's juriscliction, or taken up by any other sachem's men, tiiat the poods are to be restored to the sachem wliose men they were ; and this spring, twelve Indians, at a time, were drowned in the sea, coming from an Island, and some of their goods drove up in your jurisdiction at Dartmouth ; and he desireth you to inform those Indians [at Dartmouth] that they should restore to him all the goods of those drowned that they have got."* This letter was written in March, 1675, just on the eve of the great war of King Philip. The friendly disposition of Ninigret was now p»it to the test. The Nipmucks, Nashaways, Pocontocks, the Hadley and Springfield Indians, the Pokanokets of Philip, the tribes of Maine, and still nearer home the Narraghrii- eetts, were involved in the conunon controversy o " the times. But Ninigret remained faithful to th» English ; and though he took no (lersonal part in the war, some of his warriors distinguished them- selves more than once by their zealous cooperation with their allies. Ninigret was one of the signers of the treaty of July, wherein the Narraghansetts bound themselves to remain neutral ; and in October, his counsellor, Cornman, signed a confirmation of the same instrument, in his name, (at Boston,) witli an additional agreement to surrender up such Po- kanoket refugees as might be found in his territories. Several of the Narraghansett sachems did the same, but Ninigret, alone, seems to have maintained his fidelity. At all events, he alone had the credit of it, and the consequent benefit. The Narraghansetts were completely subdued, and their country overrun and subjected. The tribe and territory of Ninigret were spared ; and several of their descendants were living on the premises so late as 1738, when few, if * Sixth volume of tlie Mass. His. Coll. 1st Series. * i e Indian men are pon any uiy other stored to is spring, 1 the sea, ir goods ; and he rtmouth] of those St on the friendly St. The (lley and iiip, the •raghnii- versy o " to till part in them- f)eration signers hunsetts )ctoher, ition of n,J with ich Po- ritories. e same, ned his lit of it, lansetts »verrun finigret ts were few, if INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 241 any, of the Narraghansett blood could be found within the limits of Rhode Island.* The precise time of the death of Ninigrct is not recorded. It is not probable that he livrd long after Philip's war, for two goofl reasons. He is rarely if at all mentioned, subsequently ; and he must have been already quite advanced in age. It was now over forty years since that Pequot war, at the date of which he is mentioned by Prince. Pessacus must have died previous to Phillip's war. We do not find his name in the Colonial Records after 1658, though it would certainly have been among the signatures to the treaty last mentioned, had he been living at the date of its execution. The English regarded liim as the leading man of his tribe. The three principal complaints made against Nini- gret, and the occasion of the ill-treatment he receiv- ed from the English, were his hostility to Uncas, his interj['ourse with the Dutch, and the wars which he waged with the Long Islanders. Respecting the latter, enough has already been said. Enougii ap- pears in the protest of the Massachusetts couunis- sioners, alone, to show that the English had but a poor reason for interfering as they did. They barely alleged that these Indians were their friends ; but nothing is more obvious than that such reasoning, however satisfactory to themselves, could only render them, in the words of the protest, " low and con- temptible in the eyes of the Indians." " There being noe agreement produced or proved," — said Mr. Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, in KJoJi — " whereby the collenies are obliged to protect the Long Island Indians against Ninnegrett or others, and so noe Reason to engage them in theire quar- rells the grounds whereof they cannot well vnder- stand : I therefore see not sufficient light to this vote." It is obvious that even an * obligation,' by agree- ♦ Callcnder's Century Discourae. w i. n ! 242 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. ment, to protect those Indians, might not imply a right to do so as regarded other parties — but grant- ing such a right as consequent upon sufficient prov- ocation, it still remains to jjrove upon wliich party lay the blame of the first attack. Ninigret always asserted that he acted in self-defence, and no doubt such was his real opinion. The English only rep- rimanded him upon old scores, when he laid hia grievances before them; and then sent an armed vessel and a body of troops to fight for his enemies. The Long Islanders told a different story ; but this was at best but one Indian testimony against anoth- er ; and how much theirs in particular could be re- lied upon, appears from the fact, that within a year or two after this same affair, they themselves com- mitted the most flagrant depredations upon the English. Trumbull says, that in 11157, "afler all the trouble and ex|>ense which the English had been at for their defence, they became tumultuous, and did great damage to the inhabitants of Southampton." To conclude this discussion, we introduce some passages of a manuscript letter from Roger Williams to the government of one of the colonies, which has already been cited. It bears date of Oct. 5, 1654, and was written to prevent war.* " The Cause and Roote of all y^ present mischief is y« Pride of 2 Barbarians, Ascassassotick, y' Long Island Sachim, and Nenekunat, of the Narigansett. The former is proud and foolish. The latter is proud and fierce. I have not scene him these many years, yet from their sober men I hear he pleads. First, y* Ascassassotick, a very Inferior Sachim (bearing himself upon y^ English) hath slain 3 or 4 of his people and since y' sent him challenges and darings to fight and mend himself. 2dly. He, Nenekunat, consulted by Solemn mes- sengers with the cbiefe of the £!nglish Governors, Major Endicott then Gov"^ of y Massachusetts, who Hent him an Implicite consent to right himselfe. ♦Col. Rec. ofR. I. ■: ■ ■p> ^ i>* INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 243 imply a It grant- nt prev- ail party ; always lo doubt nly rep- laid his I armed jnemies. but this ; anoth- d be re- i a year Bs com- mon the after all lad been )us, aiid mpton." iG some V^illiams lich has 354, and lischief y^ Long gansett. atter is e many ads, Sachim in 3 or ^es and n mes- ernors, ts, who mselfe. 3. After he had taken revenge, upon y" Long Islanders and brought away about 14 Captives, yet he restored them all again upon y« mediation and desire of y« English. 4. After this peace made, the Long Lslanders pre- tending to visit Nenekunat at Block Island, slaugh- tered of his Narigansetts neere 30 persons at mid- night, 2 of them of great note, especially Wepiteam- mock's sonn, to whom Nenekunat was uncle." Mr. Williams afterwards says; "1. I know it is said y^ Long Islanders are sub- jects : But I have heard tliis greatly questioned, and indeed I question whether any Indians in this Coun- try, remayning Barbarous and Pagan, may with truth or honor be cald y" English subjects. 2. But graunt them subjects, what capacitie hath their late massacre of y* Narigansetts (with whom they had made peace) without y^ English consent, though still under y« English name, put them into ?" As to a league between Ninigret and *the Duch Governor,* his own reply to the charge has been given. It will furnish some amusement, at least, to review parts of the evidence upon which it was founded. Ninigret and Pessacus sent an Indian named Awashaw to the commissioners, in pursuance of their agreement to give what satisfaction they could in regard to this subject ; " whoe beins^ demand- ed why JVinigret went to the Monhatoes the last icinter, answared that Ninigret told him that hee went thether to bee cured of his disease, hearing there was a Frenchman there that could cure him ; that Mr. lohn Winthorpe knew of his going; that he carried thirty fathom of wampam, ten whereof he gave the Doctor and fifteen to the governor ; and the governor gave him in Lieue thereof sleived coates but not one gun, but the Indians there gave Nini- grett two guns." This was in 1G53. Not long before, it seems that Uncos — the last man whose evidence should have been noticed at all — had called on Governor Ilaynes at Hartford, Vk 'i I ^1 ^^ -^A 'ffi r'i 244 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. f; 1 •i-l i and informed him of Ninigret's visit to the Dutch ; as also that he had made a league with them, hought up a large quantity of ammunition, and negotiated with the New York Indians for a war against Uncaa and the English. Furthermore, it was said that Ninigret had sent to a neighboring Saehem, to procure a man skilful in poisoning, and had firom- ised him one hundred fathoms of wampum in return. The wampum was sent by a canoe, which Uncas intercepted, with se\en Indians aboard, one of whom his men had killed, (according to his own story,) and two others had confessed Ninigi'et's whole plot. We are inclined to hold, that this testi- mony should be received only 'jo far as it goes against Uncas himself, showing tliat he took the liberty, on the strength of his suspicion alone, to assault a canoe belonging to Ninigret, and to murder one of his subjects. When these accusations were stated by the commissioners to Awashaw, the mes- senger just mentioned, and he was particularly questioned who and what was in the canoe, he re- plied, " that in the canoe that was sent back which was taken by Vncas his men, hee sent in it sixty fathom of wampam to pay for the two guns which he had of the Indians whiles hee was att the Mon- hatoes, and the Remainder of the Phissicke he had there." Being asked what corn Ninigret sent to the Dutch in the Vessel taken by the English [another aggression it would seem,] he said, " that hee In- tended not to send any corne to the Duch Governor, but what corne was aboard the Duch vessel was for the hier of the vessel that brought him home." It ap- pears, he had returned by water, while some of his men ihad walked : and he paid for his passage in corn. Awashaw on this occasion had an Indian in com- pany with him, named Newcom Matuxes. The mea»^s resorted to for obtaining proof of the accusa- tion, t farther illustrated by the information grave- ly giv us in the Records, that this fellow " spake wid^ une lohn lightfoot of Boston, an Englishman, INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 245 whofi as Lightfoot snitli, told him in Duch that the Dnchmen would cult ott* the English on Long-island. Newcom also confesseth that Ninnigrett said that hee heard that some shipps were to come from hol- land to the Monhatoes to cutt off the English ; and that when the said Newcom lived att Southhold an Jn'^^lan tould him that the Duch would come against i: 1. iish and cutt them of, but they would sane the wt. aen and chiMren and guns for themselves; But Captaine Simkiru \*d the said LAghtfoot doe both affeirme that the said JVewcome toidd them that the Duch men toiUd him as before^ tho' he now puts it of and saith that an Indian tould him. Further hee the said Newcom tould captaine Simkins (as hee confi- dently afeirmeth) that if he would goe to serue the Duch the Duch would giue him an hundred pounds a yeare." It matters but little, we conceive, whether Captain Simkins recollected correctly or not, his reminiscences amounting to nothing in any case. Ninigret had himself expounded the transaction, much more completely than all these witnesses together. But the examination was still pursued, " Thomas Stanton [Interpreter] being there alsoe to charge it vpon him. The said Newcom not being able to cleare himselfe from the guilt of the charge, the comissioners then tould Awashaw that had the said Newcom not bine a Messenger sent by Niiuiigrett hee should not have escaped without some punish- ment, and therfbre they willed Awashaw to tell Ninnigrett hee would doe well to send the said Newcom againe to vs, tlie better to cleare hiniselfe from all suspition.^"* This manoeuvre has a little too much the air of a pretext for getting a farther o[)por- tunity to cross-examine and confuse poor NeAVCom ; he had tiuis far been able to make out a respectably clear statement. Before leaving town, Awashaw sent a request to the commissioners for another interview: which being granted, he inquired who liad informed them VV2 i .>\ : i i . 4V. I, 246 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 'i of these platters nji^ainst Ninijp*et. They mentioned in reply " ioverall Indians, and more particularly iht Monhen^e Indian^ and the JVarraghanseit taken by Vncas his men." A washaw then requested restitution of the wampum taken hy these men. The commis- sioners onl"" said, that they had not yet ascertained the trutli ot that attair ; hut when they had thought of it more, he should know their decision. The foUowin*^ amusing document is a fair speci- men of the testimony furnished against Ninigret hy other Indians. It is the deposition — taken in May, l()5ii — of one Adam, oi whom nothing farther is known. After mentioning what the Dutch Governor had done among the Indians, which is not to our purpose, "Further hee saith that Ninnegrett the Fiscall [Treasurer] and the Duch '' ernor were vp two daies in a close Roome with other Sagamores ; and there was noe speaking with any of them except when they came for a cole of fier or the like and much sewam [wampum] was seen at that time in Ninnegret's hand and he carried none away with him ; further hee saith that Ronessocke a Sagamore on longe Island tould the said Addam that the Duch Governor hid him fly for liis life ; for that the plott was now descovered : and hesides hee sends word dayly that they had as good appear now for when hee is cutt of the English will cut them all of. This was testifyed ahoard Tuson near the white stone before John Leverett William Davis." Other evidence, considerably relied upon, was an Indian squaw's relation to a person in Wethersfield, (Conn.) — being an assertion, in general terms, that the Dutch and the Indians were leagued against the English. In line, the commissioners say, " wee heare that some of the Duch att or about the Monhatoes tell the English they shall shortly have an East India breakfast, in which it is conceived they Refer to that INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 247 lentioned ilarly the taken by 3stitution commis- !ertained tliought ir speci- igret by in May, irther is rovernor t to our Fiscall vp two •es; and 1 except ike and time in ay with igamore le Duch he plott Is word r when e white lETT AVIS." was an 3rsfield, IS, that nst the ee heare [ihatoes it India to that horrid Trcachervs and crewill plott and execution alt Aniboina. * * * And not to multiply Indian Testi- monies which from all parts of the countrey presse vpon the colonies — [we quote the only definite state- ment we can find] — nine Indian Sagamores whoe line about the Moidiatoes did vouUentarily without any Motion or Reward from the English send thciro Messengers to Stanford declaring and afeirming that the Duch had solissited them by promising them guns poudcr swords weapons war-coates and coates to cutt of the English " &c. It is of no consequence, 8o far as regards Ninigret, whether these Sagamores conspired to tell a falsehood or to tell the truth. Nor do we intend to enter at length into this ancient controversy between the colonies and tlie Dutch. It is sufficient to observe, that the charges of the former were officially and distinctly denied by the latter. Governor Stuyvesant. in a letter to the commissioners dated May 26, 1G58, and written by the order of the Counsel of New-Netherlands, says — "As touching what happened in the Amboyna busines in the East Indies is unknown vnto vs, neither hath there been any of vs tliere, therefore wee sease to answare to the saiiie or to trouble your- selues or vs therein. ' It is in parte as youer Worships conclude that about January there came a strange Indian from the North called Ninnigrett, Commaunder of the Narra- ghansetts. But hee came hither lo'ith a passe from Mr. John Winthrope vpon which passe as wee re- member the occasion of his coming was expressed viz : to be cured and healed," &c. On the whole, the reader of our times, on perusing these records, can hardly go farther with the commissioners than to extenuate their harshness towards Ninigret, like their treatment of Miantonomo, on the score of their exaggerated fears. Upon the quarrel with Uncae, we shall waste no words. Ninigret and Pessacus no doubt considered the circumstances of Miantonomo's case a sufficient f n I 1 i t' mi^ m 248 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. cause foi wur upon tVio English. But this tlipy waived ; and even 'ingnfjed, at their instance, to for- bear hostilities agninat Unras for some months, ex- pressing at the sauK? time a strong desire to be upon friendly terms with the English, if they could be left to pursue their own business in their own way. It is neither necessary nor possihle to determine upon which side the provocation began l)etween these sachems and Uncas. It has been seen, that the latter took many liberties for which the English never called liim to account, as well as some for which they <'xp«.'(li- li from hi.s policy in t part of is now necticut. nd tribe, of aring at the Inglish. power 1 were iijgland, Their London ief har- pinuek thenj. d most le Nav- es had against aUnost ►wn to probtt- INDUM BlOGRArHY. 251 bly derived the national name. lie appears to bavo been a great warrior, lie was going on eon(|Meriiig and to eorKjiier, when tlie earbest sctth-nients of th«; Kiigiisb were made upon the ]Massacbiis<.>tfH eoji.st. Tribe afler tribe retreated before him as br advanced, till bis terrible myrmidons wcto at length in a situa- tion to loeate themselves at their ease on the best soil, and brneath the most genial skies, of New England. As early as 1G31, Waghinaent, a Fiehem of one of the expelled or subjeetod tribes just f.ientioned, trav- elled aeross the wildciiess to IJostou ; and attended by a Massaebu setts Sagamore, nod one Jack Straw (an Indian who had formerly livv'd with Sir Walter Raleigh in England,) made a plicati' i i\n the alli- ance or assistance of the Massaeluise* government against Pekoath. He gave a glowii 4 description of his native land ; and promised i^'some of the , 'nglisli would go there and settle, tht' he would supply them with corn, and pay them eighty beaver-ski?;^ yearly. This proposition being rejected, he desired that at least two men might be permitted to accom- pany him, with the view of examining the country. He showed great anxiety to effect that object, but to no purpose ; the governor suspected some strata- gem, and politely dismissed his visiter with the com- pliment of a good dinner at his own table.* The successor of Pekoath, and the last as well aa first great sachem *^f his tribe known ]iersonally to the whites, was S.;:-,.c us, a warrior of high renown, who, when the English commenced their settlements in Connecticut, soon afler the transaction last men- tioned, had no fewer than twenty-six sachems or war-captai IS luider his dominion, and could at that time muster, at the smallest calcidation, seven hun- * fVinthrop's Journal. Waghinacut persevered, however, and succeeded. He went to Plymouth, and CJovernor Wina- low sent out a party, at his ?un:gestion, wlio are understood to have been the first discoverers of Connecticut river and Umj adjacent parts. i| A .i':t '"I I m 252 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. W i dred bowmen. The site of his principal fortress and residence, was on a most beautiful eminence in the town of Groton, commanding one of the best pros- pects of the Sound and the adjacent country which can be found upon the coast. Another strong-hold was a little farther eastward, near Mystic river ; and this also was finely situated upon a verdant swell of land, gradually descending towards the south and southeast. Sassacus, and his warlike Pequots, are almost the only American chieftain and tribe who, in the light of history, seem to have been from the outset dis- posed to inveterate hostility against all foreigners. They were, as Trumbull observes, men of great and mdependent spirits ; and had conquered and govern- ed the nations around them without control. They viewed the English especially, as not only strangers but mere intruders, without right or pretence of right to the country, who had nevertheless taken the liberty to make settlements and build forts in their very neighborhood, without asking their consent — and even to restore the Indian kings whom they had subjected, to their former lands and authority. Un- der these circumstances, it is no matter of wonder, that the whites had scarcely located themselves within the bounds of Connecticut, when "that great, spirited and warlike nation, the Pequots, began to nmrder and plunder them, and to wound and kill their cattle."* And yet — sotting aside the general offence commit- ted, or at least by Sassacus understood to be commit- ted, in the act of making settlements without leave — it does hot clearly appear whether the first particular provocation was given on the one side or the other. It is only known, that in the summer of 1633, one Captain Stone, on a voyage from Maine to Virginia, put into the mouth of the Connecticut river, and was there murdered by the natives, with all his crew. ♦Trumbull. Jrtress and nee in the best pros- try which troug-hold 'iver; and It swell of south and ilmost the the light >utset dis- breigners. great and d govern- d1. They strangers ;o of right he liberty heir very sent — and they had ity. Un- wonder, lemselves hat great, began to and kill commit- commit- t leave — •articular »e other. 633, one Virginia, v^er, and lis crew. , INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 253 Three of them, who went ashore to kill fowl, were first surprised and despatched. A sachem, with some of his men, then came aboard, and staid with Captain Stone in his cabin until the latter fell asleep. The sachem then knocked him on the head ; and his crew being at this time in the cook's room, the Indians took such guns as they found charged, and fell upon them. At this moment, all the powder on board the vessel, in the hurry of sudden alarm, was accidentally exploded. The deck was blown up; but most of the Indians escaping, returned, complet- ed the massacre, and burned the wreck. Such was the English account of the proceeding. The Pequots had a different story to tell. In October, 1634, Sassacus sent a messenger to the Governor of Massachusetts, to desire friendship and alliance. This man brought two bundles of sticks with him, by which he signified how many beaver and otter skins his master would give, besides a large quan- tity of wampum. He brought also a small present. The Governor received it, and returned a moose coat of the same value ; but sent word to Sassacus withal, that a treaty could not be negotiated, unless he would send men proper to negotiate, and enough of them.* Accordingly, but a fortnight afterwards, (though the distance to the Pequot country was a five-days* journey,) two more messengers arrived at Boston, bringing another present of wampum. They were told, in answer to their renewed application, that the English would willingly come to amicable terms with Sassacus, but that his men having murdered Captain Stone, he must first surrender up the offend- ers to justice. The messengers readily replied, that the sachem concerned in that transaction had since been killed by the Dutch; and that all the other offenders had died of the small pox, excepting two. These, they presumed Sassacus would surrender, if ♦Winfhrop Vol. I. X i If, (I I n ?l 1 1 i,( 254 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 'f I I 1% 111 !i li H )! 'I r^ the guilt were proved upon them. They asserted, that Captain Stone, after entering their river, had taken two of their men, and detained them by force, and made them pilot the vessel up the river. The cap- tain and two of his crew then landed, taking the guides on shore, with their hands still bound behind them. The natives there fell upon and killed them. The vessel, with the remainder of the crew on board, was blown up — they knew not how or wherefore. This — in the words of the journalist who gives the particulars — was related with so much confidence and gravity, that the English were inclined to believe it, especially as they had no means of proving its falsity. A treaty was concluded on the following terms, 1. The English to have as much land in Connecti- cut as they needed, provided they would make a settlement there : and the Pequots to render them all the assistance they could. 2. The Pequots to give the English four hundred fathoms of wampum, and forty beaver and thirty otter skins ; and to surrender the two murderers whenever they should be sent for. 3. The EngUsh were to send a vessel immediately, "to trade with them as friends, tho* not to defend them," and the Pequots would give them ail their * custom.' The agreement was put in writing, and subscribed by the two messengers with their marks. The chief object proposed by Sassacus in effecting it, appears to have been, not the assistance of the English in his wars, but their commerce in peace. He thought himself competent to fight his own bat- tles ; and perhaps would have made no attempt to conciliate even the English, but for having quarrelled with the Dutch of New York, who had hitherto sup- plied him, and thereby lost their trade as well as mcurred their hostility. Meanwhile, he was at deadly war, as usual, with the Narraghansetts. The very next morning afler serted, that had taken force, and The cap- taking the nd behind illed them. J on board, lerefore. gives the confidence 1 to believe 3roving its following I Connecti- d make a )r them all r hundred hirty otter vi^henever mediately, to defend 1 ail their ubscribed •■>. 258 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. . ' !l il u J '' reach of their guns. Their out-housps were razed, and their stacks of hay burned ; and so many of the cattle as were not killed, often came in at night with the arrows of the enemy sticking in them. In March, they killed four of the garrison, and at the same time surrounding the fort on all sides, challenged the English to come out and fight, mocked them with the groans and prayers of their dying friends whom they had captured, and boasted they could kill Englishmen " all one JHesJ*^ Nothing but a cannon loaded with grape-shot, could keep them from beat- ing the very gates down with their clubs. Three persons were next killed on Connecticut river, and nine at Wethersfield. No boat could now pass up or down the river with safety. The roads and fields were everywhere beset. The settlers could neither hunt, fish, nor cultivate the land, nor travel at home or abroad, but at the peril of life. A constant watch was kept night and day. People went armed to their daily labors, and to public wor- ship ; and the church was guarded during divine service. Probably no portion of the first colonists of New England ever suffered so horribly from an Indian warfiire, as the Connecticut settlers at this gloomy and fearful period. Nor was the employment of his own subjects the only measure adopted by Sassacus against his civil- ized enemy. He knew them too well to despise, however much he detested them. He saw there was need of all the ingenuity of the politician, as well as the prowess of the warrior, to be exercised upon his part ; and he therefore entered upon a trial of the arts of diplomacy with the same cunning and courage which v/ere the confidence of his followers in the field of battle. The proposal of alliance offen- sive and defensive which he made to his ancient rival and foe, the chief sachem of the Narraghansetts, was a conception worthy of a great and noble soul. And euch was the profound skill with which he supported the reasonableneBs of that policy, that, (as we have INDIAN BIOr.RAPHY. 259 razed, and the caitJe with the n March, ■lame time nged the em with ds whom ould kill a cannon om beat- nnecticut )uld now he roads J settlers and, nor life. A People •lie wor- g divine colonists from an > at this Bcts the lis civil- despise, w there cian, as :ercised 1 a trial ng and llowers 3 offen- it rival ts, was And ported ) have heretofore Heen,) Miantonomo himself wavered in his high-minded fidelity to the English cause. But for the presence and influence of Roger Williams,* the consummate address of the Pequot must have carried his point. Ihe measures taken by the other colonies, in con- sequence of the state of things we have been describ- ing, and the minutiae of the famous expedition of Ma- son, are too well known to be repeated at length. The contest was not long continued, but it required the most serious eftbrts on the part of the English ; and not only did Massachusetts and Piytnouth feel themselves under the necessity of aiding Connecticut in the suppression of this common and teiTible foe, but many of the Narraghansetts also were calhed on to aid, with the Nianticks, the Mohegans and other tribes upon the river. Sassacus must have felt, that the day of restitution and reparation was indeed come upon him for all his ancient victories and spoils. Every people in his neighborhood who had suffered, or expected to suf- fer, from his pride or his power, now gladly witness- ed the onset of a new enemy against him ; and large numbers availed themselves of the opportunity to do personal service. Not less than five hundred Indians of various tribes accompanied Mason in his march against the great Pequot fortress. Not a few of them, without doubt, remembered old times as well as Mi- antonomo himself, though they acted very differently in consequence. These gallant allies were so eager to go against the Pequots, that nothing but the van of the army could satisfy them for their own station. " We hope," ♦ That gentleman, in one of hia letters preserved on the Mass. Records, writes — *' That in ye Pequt Wars it pleased your honoured Government to employ me in ye hazardous and waighty Service of negotiating a League between Yourselves and the Narigansetts : when ye Pequt messengers {who nought ye NarigansetVs league against the English) had ahno§t ended yt my worck and life together." :^ 5 ■ ' r 260 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. It; said they, (—or something, no doubt, to that pur- pose — ) " We hope it will offend not you nor yours The chiefest post of honor should be ours." Upon which " Mason harangues them with high compliments And to confirm them he to them consents. Hold on, hold ?nen, says he, as you've began ; Vm free and easy ; you shall take the van." But, — ("as we always by experience find, Frost-bitten leaves will not abide the wind ") — These formidable veterans had gone but a few miles, when every man of them fell in the rear, and that unluckily to such a distance that not one could be found. They were in the enemy's country, and the truth was, they — " Had so often, to their harm, Felt the great power of Sassacus's arm. That now again just to endure the same. The dreadful sound of great Sassacus' name. Seemed every moment to attack their ears. And fill'd them with such heart-amazing fears, That suddenly they run and seek to hide, Swifter than leaves in the autumnal tide."* This was in the evening. As the Engl' h ap- proached the fortress about day-light, they halted at the foot of a large hill, and Mason sent word for his allies " to come up." After a long time, Uncas and Wequashf alone made their appearance. " Where is ♦ Wolcott's Account. fVide "A Brief History op the Pequot War: Especially of the memorable Taking of their Fort at Mys- tic in Connecticut in 1637, written by Major John Mason, a Principal Actor therein, as the chief captain and command- er of Connecticut Forces: Boston: Printed and Sold by S. Kneeland and T. Green in Queen St. 1736." The following is the motto of this tract. — *' We have heard with our ears, O God. * * * how thou didst drive out the heathen with thy kaud, and plantedst them: how thou didst afflict the people and cast them out," &c. The author of New England's First Fruits calls this INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 261 that pur- nents Je find, t a few ear, and le could try, and War: t Mys' Mason, iraand- byS. lowing' ars, O th th lie an Z Is this the fort?" inquired Mason. "On the top of that hill," answered they. " And where nrc the rest of the Indians ?" — Uncas said, " they were behind, ex- ceedingly afraid;" and the must that Mason could induce them to do, was to form a semi-circle at a particularly respectful distance, for the purpose of witnessing the attack of the English upon the ene- my's fort, and waylaying such of i\i*t Pequots as might escape their hands. The resistance was manly and desperate, but the whole work of destruction wiis completed in little more than an hour. The extent and violence of the conflagration kindled by the assailants, the reflection of this pyramid of flames U[)on the forest around, the flashing and roar of arms, the shrieks mn\ yel- lings of men, women and children within, and the shouts of the allies without, exhibited one of the most awful scenes which the pens of the early histo- rians have described. Seventy wigwams were burnt, and five or six hundred Pequots killed. Pa- rent and child alike, the sanop and squaw, the gray- haired man and the b»»be were buried in one pro- miscuous ruin. It had been Mason*8 intention to fall upon both the principal forts of the enemy at once ; and finding it impossible, he says, " we were much grieved, chiefly because the greatest and bloodiest sachem there resided, whose name was Sassacus." The execution of this design would have saved him much subsequent loss and labor. That great warrior was man a famous captain, a proper man of person, and of very grave and sober spirit. He became religious after the Pequot war, lived sometime among the whites, and then preached to his countrvincn until his death, which was occasioned by a dose of poison wherewith some of them repaid him for his la- bors. A Massachusetts clergyman says of him, in 1643: •* He loved Christ, he preached Christ up and down, and .then suffered martyrdom for Christ; and when he dyed, gave his soule to Christ, and his only child to the English, rejoycing in this hope, that the child should know more of Christ than its poore Fa- ther ever did." •i II li" .J n 262 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY, \i \' ■. so little discouraged by the horrible havoc already made among his subjects, that immediately on receiv- ing the intelligence he despatched, perhaps led on in person, a reinforcement of three hundred warriors, who pursued the English very closely for a distance of six miles, on their march towards Pequot harbor. But the reception which this body met with from the English, drove them to desperation. The whole remaining force of the nation repaired to the strong- hold of Sassacus, and vented all their complaints and grievances upon his head. In their fury they even threatened to destroy him and his family : and perhaps nothing but the entreaties of his chiet coun- sellors, who still adhered to him in his misfortunes, prevented his being massacred by his own subjects m his own fort. A large number deserted him, as it was, and took refuge among the Indians of New York. The fort was then destroyed, and Sassacus himself, with seventy or eighty of his best men, re- treated towards the river Hudson. To kill or capture him, was now the main object of the wai*; and the Pequots were pursued west- ward, two captured sachems having had their lives spared on condition of guiding the English in the surprisal of their royal master. The enemy were at last overtaken, and a great battle took place in a swamp in Fairfield, where neaHy two hundred Pe- quots were taken prisoners, l)esides killed and wounded. Seven hundred, it v. as computed, had now been destroyed in the course of the war. As Mason expresses himself, they were become " a prey to all Indians ; and happy were they that could bring in their heads to the English — of which there came almost daily to Windsor or Hartford." So Winthrop writes late in the summer of 1637 — " The Indians about still send in many Pequots' heads and hands from Long Island and other places." &c.* But Sassacus was not destined to fall by the hands ♦ Journal, Vol. I. ■'il'i ■/ INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 263 )c already f>n receiv- Jed on in wnrriors, 1 distance t harbor, vith from 'he whole le strong- >mpiaint8 fury they lily: and ief coun- 'fortunos, suhjects lim, aH it of New Sassacus men, re- n object 3d west- eir lives I in the were at ice in a Ired Pe- ed and ed, had ar. As * a prey d bring •e came inthrop Indians hands s hands of the English, although thirteen of his war-rantains had already been HJaiii, and he was himself driven from swamp lo swamp, by nij?ht and day, until Hfo ■was hardly worthy of an eftbrt to preserve it. Even his own men were seeking his life, to such extremi- ties were they compelled by fear of the En'»lish. One Pequot, whose lil)prty wife granted him on con- dition of finding and betraying Sassacus, finally suc- ceeded in the search. He came up with him in one of his solitary retreas ; but finding bis design suspect- ed, and wanting the courage necessary for attacking a warrior whom even his Narraghansett enemies had described as "all one God,"* he left him in the night, and returned to the English. The sachem was at last obliged to abandon his country. Taking with him five hundred pounds of wampum, and attended by several of his best war- captains and bravest men, he sought a refiige among the Mohawks. These savages wanted the magna- nimity to shelter, or even sf>are, a formidal)le rival, now brought within their power by his misfortunes. He was surprised and slain by a party of them, and most of the faithful companions who still followed his solitary wanderings, were partakers with him of the same miserable fate. The scalp of Sassacus was sent to Connecticut in the fall ; and a lock of it soon after carried to Boston, * as a rare sight,' (says Trum- bull,) and a sure demonstration of the death of a mortal enemy. Thus perished the last great sachem of the Pe- quots ; and thus was that proud and warlike nation itself, with the exception of a small remnant, swept from the face of the earth. The case requires but brief comment. However this tribe and their chief- tain might have been predisposed to treat the En- glish, and however they did treat their Indian neigh- bors, they commenced their intercourse with the whites, ostensibly at least, in a manner as friendly ♦Mason's History. ill b i^ 264 INDIAN i OLRAPilY. i;* I; s and honorable as it was indnpondent. Previous to the treaty, indeed, complaints had i^rown out of the murder of Stone ; hut the KnchHh had no eviilence at all in that ease, while the evidence of the Pequota was, according to their own acknowledgenrient, cogent if not conclusive, in Hupport of their innocence. We may add, that it was confirmed by what ia known incidentally of the character of Stone. Gov- ernor Winthrop, speaking of his arrival at Jioston in June 1(>33, on board a small vessel loaded with " corn and salt," adds, that " thd governor of Plym- outh sent Captain Standish to prosecute against him for piracy." The particulars of the accusation need not be stated, for oidy a few months after this, we find the same person mentioned as charged with an- other infamous crime ; " and though it appeared he was in drink, and no act to be proved, yet it was thought fit he should abide his trial," &c. He was fined a hundred pounds, and expelled from the Massachusetts jurisdiction. As to the next proceeding recorded — the expedi- tion of the English in 1()35 — we have only to re- mark, 1. That the demand of one thousand fathoms of wampum, with no justifiable nor even alleged reason for it, was an imposition and an insult. 2, The English should at least have taken time to see Sassacus himself, his subjects having no more authority than disposition to treat without him. 3. The English, with no apparent provocation, not only insulted but assaulted the Pequots, merely to see if they would ' show fight ;' and then burnt their towns ancf boats ; not a hair of their own heads being mean- while injured, and Sassacus himself being still absent. With such inducement, the chieftain began a war of extermination ; and then indeed it became neces- sary that one of the two nations at issue should be completely disabled. No civilized reader entertains a doubt as to the result which, under such an alterna- tive, was most to be desired. But he may neverthe- less have liis opinion, respecting the morfd propriety INDIAN BIOCRAPHT. 265 h- ;>viou8 to ut of the evidence Pequots It, cogent noceiice. ' what ia 3. Gov- iostoii in led with )f Plym- inst him ion need this, we with an- eared he it it was He was rem the as well as the state policy of the inensnrrs which brought on tfiat horrihie necessity. Let the wliolo truth, then, he exposed. If it shall he found, (as wo believe it must be,) that under the influence of strong and sincere though fatal excitement, a rashncHs ot the civilized party was the ultimate cause of the ruin of the savage, let that injustice be acknowledged, thouph it should be with shame and with tears. Let it l>e atoned for, as far as it may be — in the only way now possible — by the candid jud^nnent of pos- terity and history, upon the merits and the misfor- tunes of both. 'k expedi- y to re- fathoms alleged suit. 2. time to lo more lim. 3. ot only ) see if r towns i; mean- absent. |i a war neces- >uld be rtains a ilterna- verthe- Dpriety ; 1 I 266 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. CHAPTER XIV. •■ ",i The Pequot territory claimed by Uncas — His tribe, family, and early history — Services in the Pequot expedition re- warded by the English — Effect of their favor — His contest witli Miantonomo, and result — Subsequent wars and quarrels with various tribes and chiefs — Assistance rendered him by the English — Complaints brought against him to them — His Christianity considered — His morality — Evidence of hia fraud, falsehood, violence, tyranny, ambition — Hie services, and those of his tribe to the English — Manner in which he met the accusations made against him — Cuimingand servility — His treatment of neighboring sachems — Various negotia- tions with the English —His deatli — Fate of his tribe. V On the conquest of the Pequots, the whole of their territory, about thirty miles square, was claimed by the Mohegans. The be^t opinion is, that this tribe was originally a part of the Pequot nation ; and that their subsequent name was derived from the jjlace of their subsequent residence. The first chief sachem of the Mohegans personally known to the English, was cNCAS,* who was a Pequot by birth, and of the royal line, both by his father and mother. His wife was a daughter of Tatobam, one of the Pequot sachems. Probably he had been himself a war-captain under Sassacus. But when the English began their setde- ments in Connecticut, he was in a state of rebellion against him, in consequence of some misunderstand- ing between them, for which either he had expatriated himself, or Sassacus had expelled him from his do- minions. At this time, his influence was inconsidera- ble ; but his great address and ambition soon made him the leading Sagamore of the Mohegans, as they * Onkos. Mason*8 Pequot Expedition. Uncass. Wolcott. Ok ACE. Roger Williams. Onkus and Okoko. Winthrop. Uncus, UnquaSjUnkowah, &c. Hazard. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 267 ibo, family, pedition re- His contest ind quarrels ired him by I them — His ence of his [is services, m which he ind servility 3US negotia- tribe. le of their led by the tribe was that their ;e of their ichem of ?lish, was the royal wife was sachems, in under eir settle- rebellion derstand" patriated n his do- on sidera- on made ?, as they ird. aftenvards madr that tribe the leading one in Con- necticut. — [See Appendix No. I.] The English were more indebted to Uncas for his zealous services in the Pequot war, than to all the other Indians together, though they at first entertain- ed doubts of his fidelity. Governor Wolcott says : * ' T was here [at Hartford] that Uncass did the army meet, With many stout Moheagans at his feel. He to the general [Mason] goes, and doth declare. He came for our assistance in the war. He was tliat Sagamore, whom great Sassacus' rage Had hitherto kept under vassalage. But weary of his great severity, He now revolts and to the English fly. With cheerful air our captain him embraces. And him and his chief men with titles graces ; But over them preserved a jealous eye, Lest all this might be done in treachery.* But he was soon convinced, that his suspicions were unjust. Thi3 Mohegans embarked with Mason's ninety men, on board a pink or pinnace and a shallop, both which, the water being low in the river, fell aground several times. The Indians disliked this new species of navigation, and especially so much of it as pertained to the flats and sands ; and Uncas was still more impatient to recommend himself by an active commencement of the war. He therefore requested, that he and his men might be set on shore, promising to join Mason again at Saybrook. His request was granted ; and he not only redeemed his pledge, but, meeting a considerable party of Pequots on the route, he attacked them with great spirit, and killed seven of their number — " which," says Captain Mason, " we looked at as a sf^ecial Providence ; for before we were somewhat doubtful of his fidelity." This good opinion was daily confirmed by the Sachem's conversation and conduct. " Indeed," our writer elsewhere adds, " he was a great friend and did great service — I shall never forget him." At the commencement of the campaign, the various iff >,ii .!j,. m III % "ill n r ' [f 268 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. Indians who engaged in it, were in high glee. They gathered into a ring, and one by one made solemn protestations how gallantly they would demean themselves, and how many men they would kil' But Uncas said very little, until Mason inquired ol* him what he thought tliese Indians would do. "Nothing," answered he, gi*avely ; "The Narra- ghansetts will leave you to a man. I can only say for myself, that I never will." And he never did. The Narraghansetts, who had vaunted themselves on the example they should be obliged to set the English, to encourage them in their attack upon the enemy, soon fell into the back ground, and many of them retiu-ned home. The English marched on through the woods by moonlight, until, finding themselves altogether aban- doned by these spirited allies, they halted, and sent messengers to know what had become of them. At last, — * After long waiting for the same, Up trusty Uncass and stout Wequash came. Of whom the general in strict terms demands, Where stands the fort, and how their judgement stands About tlie Enterprise! and what's the cause riiey left their post [the van] against all martial laws.* ' From the answer given to these questions, it would appear that, however it might be with the Sachems, the Indians generally were in horrible fear of the Pequots. The apology however was cogent ; " when once they were engaged," said thviy, " ' t is hard to gH A dispensation from them to retreat.''* But no such reasoning influenccvl the resolution or the fidelity of Uncas. Even after the great suc- cess which attended the assault, most of the Indians deserted, or at least disappeared, in consequence of an apprehension of falling in with the wandering Pequots. But Uncas remained steadfast. He also did active service afterwards, against a band of the INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 269 }e. They le solemn I demean 'ould kill quired ot* von\d do. e Narra- only say ever did. iselves on J English, e enemy, of them voods by tier aban- and sent of them. stands laws.* ' it would achems, of the " when solution at suc- Indians ince of udering le also of the enemy who had settled themselves at Pawcatuck, contrary to the terms of their submission to the English ; joining his friend Mason, on that occasion, with one hundred of his men and twenty canoes. A small harbor in the southern part of the town of Guilford, (in Connecticut) has to this day a name derived from one of his achievements. He and his MohegaUvS, with a few of the English, having under- taken, when the enemy fled westward, to scour the shores near the sea for the purpose of cutting off stragglers, came up with a Pequot sachem and a few men, not far from this Iiarbor, and pursued them. As the south side of the harbor is formed by a.long narrow neck of land, the Pequots went out upon that point, hoping that their pursuers would pass by them. But Uncaw, perceiving the stratagem, ordered some of his men to give chase, which the enemy observing, swam over the mouth of the harbor. There they were waylaid, and taken as they landed. A council being held, and the sachem sentenced to death, Uncas himself is said to have i?hot him with an arrow, cut off his head, and set it up in the crotch of a large oak-tree near the water. The skull re- mained there many years, and the name of the Sachem's-Head has been ever since attached to the harbor.* The remuneration t/) Uncas for the part which he took in this war, was a portion of the Pequot terri- tory, (which he af^ervvards sold to the English,^ and one hundred capir es of that Iribe; and this, vvitn the honor of having subdued his great Pequot rival, and the reputation of being upon the fiiost flattering and favorable terms of intercourse with the English, made him at once a character of high dignity and of no little influence. Indians began to collect around him from neighboring tribes, and iie could now muster four or five hundred warriors. The state of Con- necticut treated with him, and made him presents, Iftf i* I h ♦Historj' of Guilford, Mass. His. Coll. Y2 .A'h 270 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. and permitted him to exercise dominion and to give deeds of territory, in all respects like an independent and sovereign authority, while he enjoyed at the same time the benefit of ti»eir personal patronage and the protection of his tribe from their enemies. In July, 1638, Uncas visited in person the authori- ties of Massacliusetts at Boston — the only visit of mere ceremony which is recorded of him in history. Ostensible ceremony, we should |>erhaps say ; for considerintr the time, the company, and especially the deportment on that occasion, there can be little doubt that the Sachem had an object in view which Hghtened the weariness of his long journey. He came attended by thirty-seven men, and ac- companied by Governor Haynos, whom he had called uj)on by the way. He offered the Governor of Massachusetts a present of twenty fathoms of wampum, which being in o])en court, the Coun- cil thought fit to refuse it, " till he had given satisfac- tion about the Pequods he kept," &c.* Upon this he appeared much dejected, and even affected to apprehend that his life was in danger. But he was not long at a loss. Evidence was produced which counteracted the main suspicions that rested upon him ; and he promised to submit his controversy with ihe Narraghansetts to English arbitration, and to follow any arrangement they should make as to his Pequots. The present was now accepted, and about half an hour afterwards, he wont to tbe Governor, and ad- dressed him in the following terms! " This hearV — he said, laying his hand on his breast — " is not mine, hut yours. I have no men. They are all yours. Command me any hard thing — / will do it. I tvill not believe any Indiaii's words against ihe English. If any man shall kill an Englishman, I will put him to death were he never so dear to me." The Governor gave him a handsome red coat, defrayed the ex- n ■» m ■ &. ' Winthrop. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 271 1 to give ependent d at the ►atronage enemies, autliori- visit of 1 history, say ; for (specially I be little w which r • and ac- he had jrovernor horns of e Coun- satisfac- pon this Fected to ; he was d which ;ed upon itroversy tion, and ke as to t half an and ad- heart " — not mine, II yours. ' tvill not iish. If t him to Governor the ex« pauses of his visit, and furnished him with provisions for his return-jouniey, and a general letter of pro- tection — and so "he departed very joyful." This transaction throws some light upon what is far the most singular point in the history of the cunning Sachem, viz : that he invariably maintained at once the best terms with his civilized ally and the worst with his Indian neighbors. The latter circum- stance indeed naturally ensued from the former ; on account of which, as well as from other causes par- tially explained heretofore, the inveterate hatred which liad so long existed between the Mohegans and the Narraghausetts, previous to their union with the English for the suppression of the com'mon enemy of all, broke out again soon after the treaty of 16^8, and continued from that time forward until the proud Narraghansetts in their turn fell beneath the power of the English. Ostensibly/, (as we have seen in the life of Miantonomo,) the war was brought on by tiie quarrel of Uncas with Sequassen, of whose outrage he complained to the Governor and Court of the Colony. The high estimate he set upon his own dignity appears from his demanding six of Sequas- sen's men for the murder of his subject. With great difficulty he was finally persuaded to accept of the offender alone. But Sequassen objected even to these terms ; for ho vould do nothing but fight. A con- test eitsued, and Uncas was the victor. Jlis subsequent war with Miantonomo, and the proceedings which ensued rpon his triumph over that formidable chieftain, have been detailed. From this period, so long as the Narraghansetts remained able to send an army into the field, there was no rest for Uncas or his people, day nor night. Truces and promises were negotiated and passed between the parties by the English ; but the power which impos- ed, or the influence which induced these obligations was scarcely withdrawn, when the unextinguishable flame blazed ftrth, the more furiously for its brief Buspcnsiori. The Narraghansetts repeatedly invaded i m. 1 ?ft I H ■ifi h 272 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. I , l V> the Mohegan country in the course of the year 1645, assaulted IJncas in his own fort, killed and captured numbers of his men, and fiually so pressed him, that both Connecticut and New Haven were obliged to send troops to his assistance, as Hartford had done before, to prevent the enemy from completely sub- duing him and his country. In 1648, the Mohawks, Pocomtocks, and other tribes were induced to take part against him. Nine years aftenvards, he was again beset in his fortress, and again rescued by the Connecticut forces ; and so late as 1660, tlie same emergency led to the same measures. On tha*^ occasion, he was besieged until his provisions W':re nearly exhausted, and he saw that, without speedy reljfjf, ho and his men must soon perish by famine or sworsi. in this crisis, he found means of conmiunicatiug his danger to the scouts of the En.lish, who \u\A boon sent out from Saybrook Ibrt. The case hcung urgent, one Leffingwell, an ensign of the garrison, and a bold enterprising man, loaded a canoe with beef, corn and pease, and paddled it under cover of the night from Saybrook into the Thames river, where he had the address to get the whole into the besieged fort, which stood near the water's edge. The enemy soon ascertained that Tineas was relieved, and raised the siege. Tho Sachem is said to have rewarded Leffingwell for his services by a deed of the town of Norwich.* And not open and honorable arms, (as civilized foes would consider them,) alone, were employed against Uncas. One of the Pequots, in 1643, shot him through the arm, at the instigation, as was gener- ally supposed, of Miautonomo ; and the war with that chieftain was brought on by similar attempts oc the part of Sequassen. The Narraghausett sachems hired an Indian to assassinate him in 1649, and he succeeded so far as to give him a wound in the breast with a sword, which for some time was thought mortal. Sorcery and poison were also tried. ♦Trumbull. INDIAN BlOGRAPIir. 273 year 1645, captured him, that jbhged to had done stely 8ub- md other m. Nine fortress, s ; and so the same ged until lI lie saw nust soon he found scouts of Saylirook rwell, an ing man, ' paddled into the ) get the near the ned that e. Tha II for his civilized mployed )43, shot is gener- ^ar with impts OK sachems ', and he d in the thought Attempts were meanwhile made to injure him in the estimation of the English ; his enemies believ- ing, and with good reason, that the withdrawal of their protection would be fatal to him. Sequassen, whose hatred wjis inveterate, went so far, in l()4r», as to form a plan for murdering Governor Haynes and other of the principal inhabitants of Hartford, with the view of havmg the crime charged upon Uncas. Watohibrough, a Waranoke Indian was engaged to do the business ; and he and Sequassen, after leaving matters in a proper train, were to take refuge among the Mohawks. The price of blood was already paid in girdles of wampum ; but Watohibrough wanted courage to perform what avarice only had led him to undertake. Having altered his mind thus far, he soon bethought himself that the English had given rewards to those who discovered a similar conspiracy on a former occasion ; and concluding they would do so again, he went to Hartford, and disclosed every thing he knew. Messengers were immediately sent to demand the attendance of Sequassen, for the pur- pose of clearing himself from the charge ; but he thought it more politic to avoid the messengers, and so escaped unpunished. The English authorities invariably took cognizance of all these and similar proceedings ; and no doubt, but for their interference, and the expectation of it, many more of the same nature would have taken place, and might finally have succeeded. Thus it was the extraordinary good fortune of Uncas to be a favorite with his early allies, from first to last. He complained of no grievance in vain : and as a natural consequence, he uniformly complained upon good occasion, as well as frequently upon bad or none. The Mohansick Sachem, of Long-Island, com- mitted trespasses on his men ; and forthwith " hee desires the commissioners that hee may be righted therein ;" and four persons are immediately appointed to *^xamine the Mohansick Sachem, " and if proof bee cleare to labor to convince him thereof, require satis- tH f 1 f < 274 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. ' faccon, and in cnso of reasonable cornplyance en- deaiior a Composure thereof: hut if no satisfaccon will hee giuen for Iniuries, proceed then to lett him know they give the English just cause of offence, and ivill bring trouble vpon thenuselues"* The possibility of his giving false testimony against his enemies and rivals, seems scarcely to have enter- ed the Commission(;rs' minds. Upon rumors of fresh assaults by the Narraghonsetts upon the Long- Islanders, in 1653, they sent messengers to the for- mer, requiring their attendance at Boston, for the purpose of compromising the qufxrrel. These mes- sengers were farther instructed to notify, not only to the Long-Islanders, but to Uncus, that if they or any of them had any thing "to enforme charge or pro- pound either in the foremencioned or any other," they were to send witnesses accordingly — " and by Thomas Staunton or otherwise you are to giue notice to Captaine Mason, Vncus &lq. that there may bee not fayling for want of Witnesse or Euidence.^^ It is not wonderful, that Ninigret asked the messengers, on this occasion, after being told of their errand — " Why doe the English slight wee, and respect the Longe- Islanders and the Mohegins, seeing all around mee do love mee and are my frinds ? "f In 1654, great complaints were made against Uncas himself. On that occasion, the same messenger sent to the Mohegan sachem was sent also to Nini- gret ; but although the former was the accused party, it will be observed, that a peculiar provision was made to accommodate him, while the only one made in relation to Ni'iigret's visit was, that " hee may not bring with him aboue twenty or thirty men ; nor may Newcome, or as the Indians call him, Mattackist, come with him whoe last yearegaue offence att Bos- ton." It is clear, that the plaintiff in this suit was no favorite ; and it is further remarkable, that the mes- ♦ Records of the Colonies t Ibid for 1653. 1649. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 275 yance en- atisfaccon lett hirn ff'tnce, and ny against ave en ter- ra of fresh le Long- o the for- , for the Jese mes- ot only to ey or any e or pro- y other," ;" and by iue notice !y bee noe It is not igers, on i— « Why 3 Longe- 'und mee ist Uncas lessenger to Nini- ed party, ion was ne made may not en; nor ittackist, att Bos- t was no he mes- senger was directed to take tlio present occasion of reminding hirn of his old debts and defaults, and (as if to prevent his a|>pearanc(;) r(M|iiiring satisliictioii to be given at the time of his visit. The following are the mcsscngei-s instructions : " You are to informc both V^ncus and his brother Woweque that the Commissioners haue receiued information of some purpose of theires to invade the Narraghansetts or Ninnigrett; they liaue alsoe heard of some ditFerences lately groune betwixt Vncus and his brother and betwixt them and theiremen. They are not willing to receive reports without due enquiry; they haue therefore sent for Ninnigrett, the better to secure the longe-Island Indians, and to h(mre what hee hath to alh^ge against the JMohegens, and com- pose all other differences. The Commissioners ther- fore desire and exf)ect that both Vncus and his brother doe forthwith Come to hartford, &c. You are alsoe to informe both Vncus and his brother* and theire men, that the English doe oune Vncns so longe as hee carrieth himself e tvell, and shall bee loth hee suffer wrong. 5> &c. Next follow the " Instruccons for John Gilbert and John Baily whoe were sent to continue att Vncv^ his fortt during his absence. "You shall Repaire to Mohegen, and acquaint Vncus and all other Indians that you are to reside att his fortt by the Connnisioners of all the Collonies, to the Intent that Vncus and all others may know the realitie of the Englisli to continnew his frinds whiles hee continueth faithfull to the English ; and because the Commissioners have now sent for Vncus to speak with him concerning some affaires of con- cernment relating to himselfe Ninnigrett and Wo- weque, and being Informed soma sturrs may arise in his absence to his prejudice you shall vse youer Indeauors to keep all things quiett and informe the ♦Woweque, a very troublesome fellow, elsewhere noticed under some ten or fiftwn other namei. ild 4 li s4 ?fi 5 fi • ,1. 'hi 276 INDIAN BIOGRAPilT. Indians that such attempts wil bee offenciue to the Enirhsh." &c. No fears seem to have been entertained, that * sturrs' would arise in ihr Niantick country during Ninigrel's nbsenco, altiiough the message itself was founded upon the rumor of an attacii to be made upon him by the other party. So, wlien Captain Mason had been commissionc^d to march against Ninigret with an armed force, on a former occasion, he was ordered "to advise particularly that Vncus Fort be secured when any strength is sent forth against the enemie, lest hee and wee recieue more damage by some Indian stratageme than the enemie." A multitude of other decisions and directions might be cited to the same purpose. Uncas was in 'ess favor with the English towards the latter part of his life than formerly, for reasons which will soon be mentioned. He did not however come to an open rupture with them at any time ; and his subjects, though frequently insolent, were never hostile. On the contrary, they assisted their ally on many occasions, the Commissioners never hesitating to notify them when their services would be accepta- ble, and they never hesitating to attend a summons. For this zeal, directed as it invariably was against their Indian neighbors, and generally their old enemies, it would be easy to suggest more reasons than one. They thought themselves fortunate in these secure and sanctioned opportunities of revenge and plun- der, even had they not also been richly repaid by the protection of the English, reciprocated to them in all emergencies of their own. Their last services during the lite of Uncas were during Philip's war, when a par- ty of them was commanded by Onecho, a son of Un- cas, and by other sachems. The father was then too old a man to endure much more labor and weariness. It has been stated, that Uncas was at least convinced of the truth of Christianity, and that he died in the &ith; but we fear this information con hardly be INDIAN nior.RAPiir. 277 iue to tlie ined, that ry during itself was be made I Captain h against occasion, lat Vncus th against e damage mie." A Ds might 1 towards r reasons ; however :ime ; and ere never ir ally on lesitating ! accepta- lons. For nst their lemies, it han one. ;e secure id plun- id by the em in all s during en a par- n of Un- then too eariness. mvinced 1 in the irdly be relied upon. The only proof of it wc have seen i0 derived from the following anecdote. In the summer of l(i7(), a gn-nt drought prevailed throughout New England, which was extremely severe in the Mohegan country. The com was dried up in August, and the fruit and leaves fell from the trees, as in autumn. The Indians were alarmed, but knew not what to do. According to custom, they applied to their Powaha to intercede with the Great Spirit for rain, after their manner; but these men labored to no piu-j ^e. They then went to the Eng- lish settlement at rwich, and Uncjis went with them. He told x.ir. Fitch, the clergyman at that place, that it was a hard case with them — the Powahs could do them no service — they must apply to the English God. Mr. Fitch appointed a fast-day at these and other suggestions. The weather on that occa- sion proved to be clear ; but about sunsot, at the close of the religious services, sojne clouds arose. The next day also was cloudy. Uncas now went to the house of Mr. Fitch, with many Indians, and again lamented the great want of rain. " If God shall send it," said Mr. Fitch, " will you not attribute it to your Powahs ? " No," answered the sachem ; " we have done our utmost, but all in vain." The clergyman then told him, that if he would make this declaration before the Indians, they should see what God would do for them. Uncas then made a speech to the Indians, confessing with particular emphasis, that if God should grant this favor, it could not be in consequence of their powawing, but nmst be ascribed to the clergyman's prayers. Of the sequel we only know, that upon the day following there was so copious a rain that the river rose more thaii two feet. This testimony proves but little. On the other hand, Mr. Fitch himself in a letter cited by Gookin, gives a very clear opinion as follows : " — Since God hath called me to labor in this work among the Indians nearer to me, the first of my time ^:| ■Si • L« II r '! ■i- 4 it J IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^ l.w u° ^^ ■ 1.1 2.5 m \11 ^ m 11112.0 L25 1.4 III— •• 6" - ► ^^ <^ ^3 /] >^ /A '^ '/ Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STRICT WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 873-4503 ^!^^>^ ) .v^!^ 4^ J ^ o^ 1 . 278 INDIAN BIOCRAPHY. X was spent among them at MoJieek, wliere Unkas, and hi8 son, and Wanuho are sachems. These at first carried it teachably and tractably ; until at length the sachems did discern that religion would not con- sist with a mere receiving, and that practical reli- gion will throw down their heathenish idols, and the sachems' tyraimical authority. Discernuig this, they did not only go away, but drew off their people, and would not suffer them to give so much as an out- ward attendance to the ministry of the word of God. * * At this time Unkas and his sons seem as if they would come on again. But it is no other but in envy against these [the converts] and to promote some present self-design.^^ Wnen Mr. Gookin, with the Apostle Elliot, visited the towns of the Massachusetts Praying Indians, in 1674, he says, that on one occasion, a large part of the night was spent at Sagamore's wigwam, in com- pany with the ]>rincipal Indians then at the settle- ment, in prayer, singing psalms and exhortation. There was one person present, who sat mute during all these exercises. At length he arose and said, that he was an agent for U ncas, the Mohegan sachem, and that in his name he challenged a right to, and domin- ion over this people of Wabquissit.* "Uncas is not well pleased," added he, " that the English should pass over Mohegan river, to call his Indians to pray to God." Mr. Gookin replied, that Wabquissit was within the Massachusetts jurisdiction, and that no barm need be feared at all events ; the English only wished to bring the Indians to the knowledge of Christ, and to suppress among them the sins of drunk- enness, idolatry, powowing, witchcraft, murder, and the like. This was plainly a lecture meant for the benefit of Uncas himself, and his agent was specially request- ed to inform him of the answer made to his protest. *The South-East corner of Woodstock, and still called< Wabequasset. It was in truth, as it still is, part of Connecti- cut, though claimed by Massachusetts, as well as by Uncas.. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 279 e Unkas, These at atleiif^h not con- ;ical r(;li- I, and the this, they opie, and i an out- word of seem as other but I promote ot, visited idians, in 3 part of , in com- ic settle- lortation. e during ^aid, that lem, and i domin- Rs is not should \ to pray lissit was that no lish only edge of f drunk- der, and 5 benefit request- ! protest. till called* Couuecti- ly Uncas.. In another connexion, we find Mr. Gookin's opinion expressed to the same effect, without the same oir- cumlocution. "I am apt to fear," is his language,* " that a great obstruction unto his [Mr. Fitch's] labors, is in the sachem of those Indians, whose name is Unkas ; an old wicked and wilAd man ; a drunkard, and otherwise very vicious ; who hath always been an opposer and underminer of praying to God — some hints whereof I have given in the narrative of my journey to Wabquissit, before mentioned." The Sachem once took the trouble to visit Hartford for the express purpose of complaining to the Colonial authorities of the attempts made to convert his sub- jects to Christianity. His piety, then, will hardly bear rigid examina- tion. Whether his morality was quite so objectiona- ble as Mr. Gookin supposed, or whether that good man was unduly prejudiced against him for his opposition to the ministry, may not be easily decided. There is but too much reason for believing, however, that there was great truth in most of the charges, and a most pertinent application for the lecture referred to above. The United Commissioners themselves seem to pay but a son'y compliment to his previous habits when, so late as 1672, they directed a letter to be written to him, "to incurrage him to attende on the Minnestrey." What is more to the purpose, we find a complaint entered against him before them, in 1647, by one of his Pequot subjects, named Obechiquod. The griev- ance was, that Uncas had taken possession of and detained the man's wife ; and though Foxon, the deputy of the Mohegan sachem, ingeniously argued, that this accident had happened only in consequence of Obechiquod's having unlawfully withdrawn from the jurisdiction of Uncas, and lell his wife behind him, to be of course appropriated, according to Indian law, by any other person who desired such a connex- ■ r '^iiv' JM I) f ' W :t ! 11 4i ♦ His. Coll. Chapter X, m. 280 IxNDIAN BIOGRAPHY. ,1. ? I I ion; yet nven the Commissioners felt themselves obliged, upon a hearing of the whole case, to express their abhorrence " of that lustfull adulterous carriage of Vncus." He was adjudged to restore the com- plainant's wife, and allow the husband to live where he chose, on condition of his assisting Uncas in his wars whenever the English desired. He was dis- charged from another accusation of the same nature made by Sanops, a Connecticut Indian, at the same time — the eviaence not being sufficient to convict him. The proofs of fraud and falsehood are still more abundant. Miantonomo hesitated not to aci^use him of foul play, even m the Pequot war ; and the ac- count given by Roger Williams of the reports which he rendered in to the English authorities, of the Pe- quot captives who fell into his hands, goes very far to establish the charge. Six, whom he had taken at one time, he represented to be Mohegans, although an Indian who gave information of the fact to Mr. Williams, knew them as Pequots personally, and perfectly well, and mentioned the names of all. His conduct at the Hartford conference in 1637, has already been the subject of comment. Some time after Miantonomo's arrival, who had been delayed by his machinations, he sent in messen- gers to the court that he was lame, and could not visit them. Governor Haynes observed, that this was a lame excuse, at best, and immediately des- patched a cogent request for him to attend without fail or delay. He came at length, and the Governor then accused him of the flagrant outrages which he and his subjects had committed on the Narraghan- setts. Some altercation ensued between the rival chieftains, but, by the persuasion of the English, they were finally induced to shake hands. Miantonomo then cordially invited Uncas to sup with him, his men having just killed some venison : but he would not consent. The sachems were now called upon to make returns of their Pequot prisoners. Mianto- INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 281 emselves 9 express I carriage the com- ve where ;as in his was dis- ie nature the same > convict till more (•use him i the ac- *ts which f the Pe- I very far taken at although ct to Mr. illy, and all. in 1637, Some id been messen- ould not hat this ely des- without rovernor '^hich he rraghan- he rival ish, they itonomo lim, his e would d upon Mianto- nonio made his promptly, and no fault was found. " Okace [Uncas] was desired to give in the names of his. He answered, that he knew not their names. He said there were forty on Long-Islaud ; and that Juanemo [alias Junemoh] and ihree Nuyantaquit Sachims had Pcquts, and that he himself had but twenty. Thomas Stanton [Interpreter] told him and the magistrates, that he dealt very falsely : and it was affirmed by others, that he fetched thirty or for- ty from Long-Island at one time. Then he acknow- ledged that he had thirty, but the names he could not give. It pleased the magistrates to request me to send to Nayantaquit, that the names of the Pequts might be sent to Cunniliticut ; as also to give Okace ten days to bring in the number and names of his Pequts and their runaways, Mr. Haynes threatening also (in case of failing) to fetch them."* This trans- action speaks clearly enough for itself. The Sachem's treatment of the Pequots surrender- ed to him on this occasion, does him little more credit. In 1647, ten years after the conquest, these unfortunate people sent in a complaint to the com- missioners, in which they stated that Uncas had drawn wampum from them unjustly, on all manner of pretexts, and without any pretext. When his child had died, for example, he made, or pretended to make, a present to his wife, and ordered the Pe- quots to do the same. Frightened by his threats, they collected one hundred fathoms of wampum, and gave it as directed. Uncas appeared to be pleased, and promised to treat them from that time forward as his own ancient subjects. But only a few days afterwards, his brother (Woweque) came and told them, that Uncas and his Council had determined to kill some of them. They now thought it necessary to appeal to the English protection, and they set about collecting a quantity of wampum to be sent in to Connecticut with that view. Uncas received ♦ Letters of Williams in Mass. His. Coll. Third Series. Z2 I 'It iu t 1 ' ■] /v 382 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. iii V ! a hint of their movements ; and the next morning he came to the fort where they were, with a body of warriors, armed, and apparently bent upon killing some of their number. They however escaped safe to Connecticut. It was farther alleged, that they had given Uncas wampum forty times. Twenty- five times they had sent it by him to the English, in payment of tribute ; but they knew not that any part of it was delivered. — Also, that Uncas favored the Mohegans to their prejudice. If they won anv thing of one of them in play, it could never be col- lected. — Also, that he had cut all their fishing nets for not aiding him — as they were not bound to do — in certain of his forays against the Indians of Long Island. The reply of Foxon to these charges — no doubt by instruction from his master — is full of his usual ingenuity. 1. As to the wampum — " he belieueth the Pequats haue for tribute and vpon other occa- sions at sundry times paid wampam to Vncus, but denyeth that they in particular had giuen him any for the English ; but the Moyhegens and they had sometimes joyned togeither to giue in wampam, which had been sent as a presente twice into the Mattachusets, and sometimes to Mr. Uaynes at Hartford, but he thinckes the nomber of twenty-fiue times to be altogeither false." 2. " He concieues that the Pequats being an vnder people might haue some wrong from the Mohegens in play and durst not presse for their right, but denyeth that Vncus had any hand therein." 3. " He acknowledgeth that the Pequats did bring in 100 fathome of wampam at the death of Vncus child, and were promised favoure as is expressed, but the latter was only a treacherous plott of Vncus brother perswading the Pequats to withdraw from Vncus into theire oune Country, and there he would come tnto them, and to prouoke them thereunto h% tould them (though falsly) that Vn«U8 had ckter- mined to kill some of them." INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 285 but 4. " Though Vncus at first apprehended noc in- convenience in such a present to the English, yet beinff after informed it was a plott on a fruite of crooked counsell giuen them by Tassaquanott, Sas- sacus his brother, who had suggested vnto them that most of the cheife Sachems were cutt off, Vncus to them but a stranger, why should they serue or giuo wampam to him,hercwith Vncus wasjustly offended.** 5. " He had heard some of the Af ohegans tooke fish from them, but knoweth not that hee cutt theire netts, though he cannot deny it.** The Commissioners decreed, that the Pequots should return to the dominion of (Jncas, who should recieve them without charge orrerenge for the .man- ner in which they deserted him ; and on the other hand, that he should himself be reproved for his tyranny, and seriously informed, that the English would not support him " in any unlawfull, much less treacherous and outrageous courses." Unquestionably, this * brother' of Uncas was quite as troublesome to himself as he was to the white people. Mr. Winthrop complained, at this very meeting, that he had fallen upon the Nopnet Indians entirely without provocation, with one hundred and thirty Mohegans, and carried off wampum, copper kettles, great hempen baskets, bear-skins, deer-skins and many other tilings to a great value. These facts were admitted by Foxon, who also asserted that Uncas had no part either in the assault or the spoil, he being at New Haven when the affair happened. Other complaints being brought forward and proved, the Commissioners directed that Uncas should either disown his brother entu-ely, or else regulate him m a more suitable manner for the fiiture. This was correct. It is clear that he either instigated these flagrant outrages, or at least connived at them by sufferance. He was able to prevent them, as &r as he thought proper. It would be tedious, though not wholly without matter of amusement, to det
    (pH;ntly connnitted thenifl<>lv(;s in reality Wy ra^h nprerhrs and ru4: ^ acts, itut Uncas never lust sight of his interest in his pride. The pliability of Indian evidence, and themancnu- vres of Indian politicians, appear singularly in the case of Nccwjish Cooke. Uncas was at New Haven, attending a meeting of the Commissioners, in U'AG^ when one William Morton cann; forwanl, and charg- ed him with having hired WampuHln;!, a Peipiot Powah then present, "by himselte or some other with a hatchet to wounde another Indian and lay U vpon N'eckwash CooAe." The consideration for tho bargain was said to be fiftcu'n fathoms of wampum, and the In«. One> lip*s war. CHAPTER XV. Indians who submitted *jo Massachusetts — The Gortonists— PoMHAM, Sachem ofShaomet, andSACONcco complain of them — Submit to the Government — Their examination and entertainment — Policy of Mas>8achusetts in the case of Pom- ham — He and Saconoco much harassed by their neighbors —Subsequent history — Pomham takes part in Philip's war and IS killed — CANONCHET,sonol"Miantonom(>-Hi8 agree- ment of October, 1675 — Weetamore, Squaw-Sachem of Pocasset — Canonchet's career during Philip's war — Partic- ulars of his surprisal and death — His character— Anecdotes — ^His reputation with tlie English — Defence of his conduct. Among a considerable number of chieftains who submitted to the Massachusetts Government, were several whose territory v/as without their jurisdic- tion, and in some cases within that of other Govern- ments. The most notorious case of this kind is connected with that much-discussed transaction in which the notorious Gorton and his associates were engaged ; and by which they brought themselves into a disagreeable collision with civil and martial authori- ties in all directions. To explain that affair very briefly, — Gorton, having become obnoxious as the founder of a new religious sect, left the Massachusetts jurisdiction for Plymouth. Here he met with much the same treatment. He was whipped for disturbing the Church, and required to find sureties for his good behavior; which not being able to do, he either removed or was driven to Rhode Island. There he treated the Court with con- tempt, and by order of Governor Coddington was Imprisoned and again whipped. He then took ref^ uge in Providence, where Roger Williams, though he disliked his principles, yet gave him shelter. But he had hardly located himself and begun to gather a company of disciples around him, when the neigh- boring English settlers complained of him to Maaaa- I ' ilM •i. k\ 296 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. chusettSf under the apprehension that he was about to supplant their own possessions by purchasing the Patuxet territory from the Nurragansett original owners. Massachusetts issued a warrant to the Providence people to submit to their jurisdiction. Gorton denied their authority to interfere with him or his company, where they now were, and signified this opinion in a contemptuous letter. But, perhaps for the sake of being still farther out of the reach of Massachusetts, or from discord among themselves, the Gortonists soon removed to a tract of land called by the Indians Shaomet or Showamet, (since Warwick in Rhode Island,) having previously purchased it of Miantonomo, for the consideration of one hundred and forty-four fathoms of wampum, " with the free and joint con- sent, [as the deed itself is expressed] of the present inhabitants, being natives." The instrument was dated January 12, 1642-3, and was subscribed with a bow and arrow as the mark of the grantor, and of a hatchet, a gun, &c., as the marks of" the Sachem of Shaomet, Pomham," and other Indians. Possession was given upon the premises, at the same time. From this moment, Pomham, — who, though he signed the deed of conveyance, and was offered a share of the consideration, (which he would not accept,) affected to consider himself aggrieved, — neither gave rest to his neighboi*s, nor found any for himself. Whether, according to the relation which existed between himself and Miantonomo, and the customary degree of subjection attached to it, he had reason to complain of that chieftain in the present case, cannot well be decided. But it may be safely said, that the part soon afterwards taken by Massa- chusetts, was at least an unusual stretch of authority, however it might correspond with the general policy of that government wherever the formidable Narra- ghansett Sachem was concerned. Whether at his own suggestion or that of others, Pomham, and Saconoco, a Sachem equally interest- INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 297 C(l in the land, but otherwise of no note in history, went to Boston a few months after the sale, and by an interpreter, made complaint of tlie rnanoBUvres of the Gortonists whereby, as they alleged, Miantono- mo had been induced to compel them to an arbitra- ry disposal of their territory. They further desired to be received under the protection of Massachusetts, and withal brought a small present of wampum. Tho matter being referred to the next Court, and Gorton and Miantonomo notified to attend, the latter made his appearance. He was required to prove the in- terest he had claimed in the Shaomet Sachems and territory, but it is said he could prove none; and upon the testimony of Cutchamequin and other In- dians who were present, it appeared that the Shao- met chiefe were not tributary to the Narraghansett, though they sometimes made him presents, — a mark of deferenc'e and not of subjection. Upon this an order was passed, authorizing the Governor and cer- tain magistrates to treat with the applicants at their discretion.* These Commissioners soon after conferred with the Sachems ; and, giving them to understand upon what terms they should be received, "they found them very pliable to all." So, indeed, it might be inferred from the answers made by the Sachems to the requisitions touching the ten commandments. The servility which some of them indicate — as rep- resented in the Commissioners* report, at least, — is hardly redeemed by the shrewd simplicity of others. Being asked if they would worship the true God, and not blaspheme him, they waived the first clause, and replied thus to the latter. " We desire to speak reverently of the Englishman's God, and not to speak evil, because we see Englishman's God doth better for them than other Gods do for others." As to * swearing falsely,' they replied, that they never knew what swearing was, or what an oath . * Winthrop's Journal, Vol. II, V i I- < m r (M I (1 h ' I; , ■ ■ \ 5! 298 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. was. As to working unnecessarily on the Christian Sabbath, — "It is a small thing," answered they, "for US to rest on that day, for ive have not much to do any daUy and therefore we will forbear on that day^ In regard to honoring parents and seniors, they said, " It is our custom to do so, for when if we com- plain to the Governor of the Massachusetts that we have wrong, if they tell us we licy we shall patiently bear it." The following articles are also part of the report : , 5. Not to kill any man but upon just cause and good authority, &c. Answer, It is good, and we desire to do so. 6. Not to commit fornication, stealing &c. Answer. Though they be committed among us, we allow it not, but judge it evil. 8. For lying, they say it is an evil, and shall not allow it. And finally, as to being christianized, they said, " as opportunity serveth by the English coming among us, we desire to learn their mannera." Whatever may be thought of the right of Massa- chusetts to interfere in this case, and especially of the policy of interfering as regarded the Narraghan- sotts and the other colonies, it must be admitted, that the submission itself, so far as concerned the appli- cants, was conducted with the honesty, as well as civility, generally characteristic of the intercourse of that Government with the natives. The Governor having sent for the Sachems to appear at Boston on the 22d of April, (1643) they attended, with their interpreter. The submission was then explained to their entire satisfaction. They were also expressly informed, that they were not to be considered confederates, but subjects, to which they manifested their assent. So, adds the historian, they dined in the same room with the Governor, at a table by themselves, and having much countenance shown them by all present, and being told that they and their men should always be welcome to the English, provided they brought a note from Benedict hristian ?y, " for I do any rs, they ve com- ;hat we atiently t of the 186 and and we Answer, allow it hall not ed, they coming Massa< ially of [•aghan- ed, that appli- well as urse of ems to 3) they mission They not to which torian, nor, at enance It they to the nedict INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 299 Aniold (their interjiretcr,) and havinfjf some small tilings bestowed upon them hy the Governor, they departed joyful and well satisfied. The submission was as follows : "Tliis writing is to testify, that we, Pomham, Sachem of Showarnct, and Sacho.vocho, Sachem of Patuxet, have and by these presents do voluntarily and witliout any constraint or perauasion, but of our own free motion, put ourselves, our subjects, lands and estates under the government and jurisdiction of Massachusetts, to be governed and protected by them according to their just laws and ordei*s, so far as we shall be made capable of understanding them ; and we do promise, for ourselves, our subjects,, and all our posterity, to be true and faithful to the Gov- ernment and aiding to the maintenance thereof to our best ability ; and from time to give speedy notice of any conspiracy, attempt, or evil intentions of any we shall know or hear of against the same, and do promise to be willing from time to time to be in- structed in the knowledge of the worship of God. In witness whereof, we have hereunto put our hands the 22d of the 4th month, 1643. The y mark The 9 ^^^^ of Saconoco. of Pomham." Thus was consummated the title of Massachusetts to the jurisdiction of the Shaomet land. It was at this very time, as well as afterwards, claimed also by Plymouth, and by Rhode Island.* Gorton always alleged, that it belonged to Miantonomo, and that Pomham was secretly influenced by Massachusetts to withdraw from him and seek protection under their authority. No doubt that Government was sufficient- ly aware of the interest they had, not only in hum- bling the Gortonists, but in extending their jurisdic- tion as far as possible towards or into the territory of the Narraghansett chieftain, then, as Hutchinson I I ■ »■■■■ ^^■^■l■ ■_! ,. II ■ I I I I ■!■ Ill I N IP * Winthrop, Vol. II. pp. 251. and 317. V h f 1 ■\ \ t 1 I 1 f| H '•II If 4 i : j'' 1 i > i ) 1 ' m *i ■ I ^S }.. <^ ■ ' 300 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. t calls him, the greatest and most powerful sachem of New England. Spoakinj? of the petition of certain settlers, in 1<)4.5, lor perinission to begin a plantation, where Corton and his company had erected three or four small houses "on the land of Pomham, who had submitted himself," &lc. Mr. Winthrop himself states, that the Court readily granted their petition, promising all encouragement, &c. — " for it was of great concernment to all the English in these parts, that a strong plantation should be there^ as a hidwark %fc. ofrainat the JVarrafrhansetts.^^ It may be, that this consideration assumed, in the view of the Massachu- setts Government, the imperious interest of what is commonly called Stale-necessity. Hence the measures occasionally adopted subse- quent to the submission, for affording Pomham the Eromised relief; a policy which certainly accorded etter with their stipulations to him, than with their relations to some other parties. The Gortonists harassed him beyond measure, but they were at length subdued. The Narraghansetts, (atler Mian- tonomo's death,) threatened and frightened him still more. In April 1645, " that it might really appgar that the Massachusetts did own and would protect him," which would seem to have been heretofore doubted, an order was taken for sending men and an officer to Shaomet, to stay there a few days, and act on the defensive against the Narraghansetts.* These men being volunteers^ however, refused to go, unless they were each paid ten shillings a week, furnished with arms and ammunition, and allowed such booty as they might be able to collect in case of fighting. Whereupon the Court, not choosing to establish such a precedent, sent word to Pomham, that the required force would be at his disposal, whenever he should forward sufficient funds to enable them to perform. On the earnest importunity of the Sachem, early in May, his request was finally granted ; and, with the aid of the Engli sh, he erected a fort up on his lands. * Winthrop. 'hem of f certain uiitution, n\ three run, who himself petition, was of fie parts, hxdwark that this assachu- what is d subse- ham the iccorcled ith tlieir ortonists were at T Mian- him still )' appear protect retofore 1 and an and act These a, unless irnished h booty fighting, ish such •equired should )erform. early in vith the s lands. INDIAN BIOQRAPIIV. 301 This was in 104(5. But Pomham and Sarono- co were not d^'stined quietly to enjoy their posses- sions, as the following detail fnuri Mr. \Vinthrop'» records for U)47, will abundantly illustrate. The Gortonists had at that period rrturned to Shaoiiiet, which they now named Warwick ; and, as the Sachems alleg(?d before the Commissioners of the United Colonies, manifested a decided disposition "for eating up all their corn, with their cattle," &c. These functionaries hereu|)on wrote to certain per- sons in the vicinity of the premises, to view the damages, and require satisfaction ; which process, howev< r, had scarcely been commenced, when Jus- tice Cogglt'shall and others from Rhode Island came to Shaomet, claimed jurisdiction for that colony over the land in question, and forbade^ the appraisers to proceed. Upon this, the latter returned home. Another warrant was issued, with the same result. Pomham was reduced to extremities ; but still undis- cotiraged, he renewed his complaints once more. Massachusetts now sent three special messengers, to demand satisfaction of the trespassers, and to warn them to leave the territory. Tlie application did no good; and therefore, "as we could do no more at 1)resent," writes Mr. Winthrop, "we procured the Indians some corn in the mean time." The mea- sures subsequently taken for redress, it would be alike tedious and needless to enumerate. As to Pomham, with whom we have chiefly to do, it must be confessed, that his character assumes but little dignity throughout this proceeding. In after times, his career was occasionally more independent, while at the same time it gave evidence that his early attachment to the English was by no means one of indissoluble affection, or of principle sacred in his own eyes. It is not a little remarkable, that after all the trouble and expense taken and incurred by and between the colonies, and especially by Massa- chusetts, for his protection ; and notwithstanding the authorities of the latter governmeDt fondly and we Bb I . iii ' h h \- \ >; V A' 1'* i > • i ■■ k '1 4i 302 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. ' I V *! trust sincerely roprosentcd his submission as the fVuit of their prayers, uud the first fruit of their hopes, in the greut process of civih/in^ and christianizing the natives ;* this incorrijfihie savnp:e not only loosen- ed his connexion with th(; En^^hsh, but engaged against them, with his whole force and influence, in the great war of King Philip. That course, fatal as it was to himself and his in- terests, was upon the whole the most creditable passage of his life. And once adopted, he pursued It with an energy that altogether sets asist crit- 3en the INDIAN BIOOUAPIIY. 303 red man and th«» whito. Grrat was the cxuhation of the conquerors over this first siiccesH, so encour- aging to thenisolvt'H, and so disastrous to their savage and terrihie foes. The event took place in the neighhorhood of Dedhniu, (in Massachusetts) where Fomham, with a suiull hand of fjiiiliful war- riors, half-starved and desperate, were still roaming the woods in the close vicinity of the English settle- ments. Ahout fifty Indians were captured ; and the Sachem seems to have been the only man of the company who would not he taken alive. "That which increased the victory," says Mr. Iluhhard, " was the slaughter of Pom ham, whicU was one of the Stoutest Sachetns that belonged to the JVarrtighan' sells:''' His spirit and strength were such, that after being mortally wounded in the fight, so that he could not stand, he caught hold of an English soldier who came near him, and had nearly destroyed him by his violence, when the poor fellow was rescued by his comrades, and the dying chieftain relieved at once from his agony and his foes. lie had little to live for, had there been a disposition to spare him. His territory was long since subjected to a foreign power by his own act, and afterwards desolated. His subjects were dispersed and destroyed. His grandson had been slain in the field within a few months; and among the captives at the time of his own fall, historians particularly notice one of his sons, "a very likely youth, and one whose counte- nance wouhi have bespoke favor for him, had he not belonged to so bloody and barbarous an Indian as his father was." This unfortunate lad was probably executed, by order of the Plymouth government, together with the other principal captives of the last months of the war. At best, he was spared, like the son of Philip, only to be enslaved in a foreign land. * Narrative of Indian Wars. It will be observed in what terms the true allegiance of the Sachem is mentioned. Hil ' ^ ■ * II 304 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. i ' 1 1 H\ Among other distinguished chieftains of the Nar- raghansett tribe, who perished inucli in the same manner, and about the same time with the last named, was Nanuntenoo or Quananshltt, commonly call- ed by the English Canonchet. He was the son of Miantonomo, and probably, after the death of Mex- ham and Pessacus, succeeded to his father's high rank, — being generally entitled by historians the Chief- Sachem of his tribe. His reputation, both with his countrymen and his foes, was worthy of the noble blood in his veins. Mr. Trumbull observes, that he inherited all his father's pride, and all his insolence and hatred towards the English. What is still more conclusive in his favor, Mr. Hubbard calls him a * damned wretch,' enlarges upon his cruelty and blasphemy, and exults over his final destruction. This — not the facts alleged, (which are wholly with- out proof,) but the assertion — furnishes, as a modern writer has aptly remarked, irresistible evidence of his heroic character. There is abundant other evidence, however, to the same effect. The only ostensible deference of any description which he ever paid to an English authority — detesting, as unquestionably he did, their very name — was the act of subscribing the cele- brated treaty of October 1675, negotiated at Boston. The object of it was to quiet the jealousy of the English, who suspected him of having contracted engagements with Philip. One provision went to ratify a treaty executed at Hartford during the month of July previous, (by four of the Narraghan- sett Sachems, nominally in behalf of all.) Another, and the principal one, was expressed thus : * " And wheras a considerable Number of people both men weomen and Children appertaining to those Indians who haue bin in actuall hostillitie against the English are now fled to the Narraghan- setts Countrey ; and are vnder the Custody of the * Records of the Colonies. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 305 he Nar- he same t named, >nly call- e son of of Mex- r'b high leChief- vith his e noble that he isolence ill more 3 him a Ity and ruction, ly with- modern ence of ever, to 3nce of English id, their e cele- Boston. of the itracted vent to ng the aghan- 11 other, people ing to stillitie ighan- of the said Sachems there ; after a full and long Conference had concerning that matter, wee doe in the Name and by the Power to vs giuen and betrusted in the behalfe of the Sachems of the aboue said Coun- trey fully and absolutely couenant and promise to and with the abouenamed Comissioners att or before the 28th Day of this Instant month of October to de- liuer or cause to be deliuered all and euery one of the Said Indians, whether belonging vnto Phillip: the Pocasset Sqva* or the Saconettf Indians Q,ua- baug hadley or any other Sachems ; or people that haue bin or are in hostilitie with the English or any of theire Allies or abettors ; and these wee promise and Couenant to deliuer att Boston to the Gouernor and Councell there by them to be disposed ia the behalfe of and for the best securitie and peace of the Vnited Collonies. Richard Smith Iames Browne Samuel, Gorton Iunr fnterpretors John Nowhenetts Indian Jnterpretor .- Sealed and deliuered in the presence of vs. CIuananchetts marke. Sachem in the behalfe of himselfe and Conanacus and the old Gueen and Pom* ham and diianapeen. (Seal) Manatannoo Councellor marke his marke. and Canannacus in his behalfe (Seal) Ahanmanpowetts marke Councellor and his (Seal) Cornman cheiffe Councellor to Ninnigrett in his behalfe and a (Seal.)" * Weetamore, Weetamoe, or Weetanno, a kinswoman of Philip, and the active ruler of the tribe, though married to an insignificant fellow named Peter Nunnuit. All her subjects joined Philip with herself, excepting Alderman, who had the honor of shooting that Sachem with his own hand. Weeta- more was drowned in August, 1675, attempting to escape from the English over a stream in Swanzey ; and her head, in the barbarous style of the times, was set upon a pole at Taunton, much to the chagrin of such of her tribe Jis were compelled to witness the spectacle. Pocasset, now Tiverton, was on the coast, opposite the north of Rhode Island. •f Or Sogkonate ; a tribe on the same coast with the Pocassets, governed also by a Squaw-Sachem named Awashonks, or Awasunck, somewhat celebrated for her maECuline qualities, Bb9 r 4- k :'\^' I i I 111 ft » 'I '■i If 306 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. i t It is well known, how speedily the execution of this instrument was followed up by sending a strong English force to invade the Narraghansett territory, and subdue that spirited people at the point of the bayonet. Canonchet is supposed to have been enga- ged in the great swamp-fight, the most fatal to the In- dians, and they most desperately fought upon their part, of the whole war. It continued to rage with the utmost violence for three hours from the moment of assault, until the enemy's wigwams, to the number of five or six hundred, were fired, and the field of contest became almost instantaneously an immense mass of terrific conflagration. The Savages, inspirit- ed by their leaders, defended every wall and post with the fury of maniacs ; and when they at length slowly retreated, they left; the ground behind them encumbered with heaps of the slain. Quarter was neither asked nor given. Three hundred of the Narraghansetts, at the least estimate, are supposed to have been killed, besides more than double that number wounded, and an unknown multitude of women, children and old men burnt in the wigwams. But the victory was dearly bought. Of the one thousand English soldiers of which the civilized portion of the invading army consisted, according to their own statement, eighty were killed and one hundred and fifty wounded. Abandoning the cap- tured fort, they retreated sixteen miles the same night — and that in the depth of winter — leaving the enemy to return the next day to their former position. It is not our intention to discuss at length the pro- priety of the summary course adopted by the colo- nies in this case. The principal offence of the Nar- raghansetts, as set forth in the Manifesto, was their evasion and delay in surrendering the hostile Indians and for the part she took in Philip's war, first against the Eng- lish and then with them. Captain Church, who effected this change in her politics, has given a minute account of his in- terviews with her. 83 late as 1S03. Ten of her tribe were living la Compton, INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 307 ution of a strong territory, at of the en eng"a- o the In- •on their age with moment number field of mmense inspirit- md post It length id them rter was of the jpposed ^>le that tude of gwams. he one ivilized cording nd one le cap- B same ng the 3sition. le pro- 3 colo- e Nar- 3 their ndians le Eng- ted this his in- mpton. who took refuge in their country. This refusal was certainly inconsistent with the stipulations of July and October preceding ; but these stipulations were enforced in the first instance by the presence of an English army, which had already invaded the Nar- raghansett territory. Those of the tribe who made proposals of peace, immediately after the swamp-fight, imputed the blame of hostilities wholly to Canonchet. He had made them belieVe, that by the former treaty they were not obliged to surrender Philip's followers, un- til his brothf^r, (who, with three other Indians of rank, was detained as a hostage at Hartford,) had been released. Probably, Canonchet did not him- self misunderstand the plain provisions of tliat in- strument, although, as he does not appear to have been present at the execution of it, it might be mis- represented to him. It is more likely, that he con- sidered it an absolute nullity, as having been obtain- ed by force, unjustly and insultingly imposed. The .construction referred to by his subjects, he counte- nanced with the view of overcoming scruples on Jheir part in the protection of Philip's Indians. Whether that protection — independently of the forc- ed promise to surrender the refugees — was or was not a sufficient cause for the war which ensued, it must be allowed at least to do no dishonor to the humanity and honor of Canonchet, and the other Sachems, who persisted in that policy at every hazard and almost in the very face of their enemy. With him and them it was unquestionably a measure of sacred principle. No noble-minded chieftain upon the Continent, educated as an Indian chieftain al- ways is, would have given up men who appealed to their hospitality — their own brethren, in distress and nakedness, driven before the bayonet of a mortal enemy of a distinct race and of vastly superior pow- er — and least of all, when, if surrendered, they were surrendered to a certain alternative of slavery or death. Some of his tribe would have compromitted III ^) ^ii lil: 111 m a: IP : 308 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. their dignity through fear, but not the son of Mian- tonomo. "DeHver the Indians of Philip!" said the haughty Sachem at one time — " Never ! Not a Wam- panoag will I ever give up. No ! — Not the paring of a Wampanoag's nail ! " Those vs^ho are familiar with the history of the war will recollect, that the most critical period of it was immediately subsequent to the swamp-fi^ht. This was owing to the desperate exertions of the Narraghansetts, and especially Canonchet and their other Sachems. They were indeed driven about the country far and wide, and reduced to such extremi- ties for food, that corn sold for two shillings a pint ; but their sufferings only made them the more fero- cious, and the more bold. "That young insolent Sachem, Canonchet, (writes Mr. Hubbard, in his usual complimentary style,) said they would fight it out to the last man, rather than they would become sei*vants to the English." The destruction of Lancaster took place early in February. Medfield was desolated ten days after- wai'ds ; and - in March happened that memorable engagement, not far from Providence and upon an- cient Narraghansett ground, in which Captain Pierce with his detachment, to the number of fifty English soldiers, were cut off to a man. Canonchet com- manded in this affair. The spirit of his warriors, as well as the superiority of the English skill in the use of their arms, appears from the fact that the Indians lost between one and two hundred killed. Warwick, Seekonk, and Providence were next successively ravaged by the victorious foe. Plymouth was assault- ed, and eleven of the inhabitants slaughtered ; and another party had the courage to commit horrible ravages within eleven miles of Boston itself. The prospects of Philip were never so flattering to him- self and so disastrous to the English, as at this memo- rable juncture, when the exasperated and fearless son of Miantonomo was supporting him with the whole force of his dominions. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 309 as The manner in wliioh the Narraghansett Sachems treated Roger Williams, at this period, amid all the excitement of siiff(;riiig on the one side and success on the other, is worthy of eveHasting remembrance. That genth^man was one of the few English who remained at Providence, exposecl to the full torrent of war, and with no other security than such as he attributed to long acquaintance, friendship, and good faith, with those who were now become the inveter- ate enemies, anil were openly calculating upon the utter extermination of his race. He had even the hardihood to reproach some of the Sachems who frequently came to converse with him, for their cruelties ; and to threaten them with the sure, though it might be lingering vengeance of the English. "Massachusetts," said he, "can raise thousands of men at this moment ; and if you kill them, the King of England will supply their place as fast as they fall." " Well ! " answered one of the chieftains, " let them come. We are ready for them. — But as for you, — Brother Williams, — you are a good man, — you have been kind to us many years. — Not a hair of your head shall be touched." This noble pledge, bearing upon the face of it the mark of the chival- rous spirit of Canonchet, was regarded throughout the war with the most sacred fidelity. It was not in vain that the young Sachem remembered the warm affection which his father had entertained for his English neighbor and confidant. But to resume the narrative ; — " It was now full sea with Philip's affairs," says Mr. Hubbard, "for soon after the tide of his successes began to turn about the coast, which made way for the falling of the water up higher in the country." The disasters of the Pokanoket Sachem commenced with no less a mis- fortune than the death of Canonchet. And a matter of rejoicing indeed it was to the Colonies of the English — if we may credit the historian last cited — "that the ring-leader of almost all this mischief^ and the great incendiary betwixt the Narraghansetts 'I I- hi. 310 INDIAN BIOGRAPHV. J! At and us, died himself by that sword of war which he had drawn against others." The last assertion might perhaps have been spared to advantage, but the epithets furnish the best evidence in favor of the subject of them which the case could be supposed to present. Early in April, it seems, Canonchet, weary of desolating the towns of the English, had betaken himself to the Indian haunts on the Connecticut river. Here he continued to take a most active part in the war ; the whole body of the savages to the Westward trusting, (as our eulogist expresses him- self,) under the shadow of that aspiring bramble. Nor was it in battle only that they placed reliance on his courage and genius. It was necessary, as it was difficult, to provide the means of sustenance, from day to day, for something like one thousand five hundred warriors, with their women and children. Canonchet suggested the plan of planting the lands on the West bank of the river, recently taken from the English. But how should even the means of planting be obtained ? A council was summoned to solve this question ; but not a man could be found who would hazard his life, at this season, in that section of the country where corn must be procured. The Sachem himself went forward, and proposed, with the assistance of thirty volunteers, who soon found courage to second him, to undertake a journey to Seekonk, in the immediate vicinity of Montaup, the old residence of Philip. The adventure proved fatal to him. On the 27th of March, Captain Dennison, of Connecticut, had commenced a volunteer expedition against the en- emy, with about fifty English soldiers, and eighty Niantick, Pequot and Mohegan Indians, severally commanded by Catapazet, Casasinamon and Oneco.* By the time Canonchet reached SeekCii':, where *The sou of Uncas. The Pequot Sachem was a uian of uo particular note. Catapazet was subordinate to Ninigret. ge, which ssertion but of the )osed to ;ary of betaken lecticut ive part to the ;8 him- ramble. ance on ) it was e, from nd five tiildren. e lands ;n from ;ans of )ned to found in that ocured. oposed, Q soon oarney ontaup, le 27th It, had he en- eighty verally neco.* where Itt of 110 et. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 311 he encamped on Blackstone river near the Pawtuckct falls, Dennison's party, following the sea-coast, had arrived in the same neighborhood. The former was 80 little apprehensive of danger, that he dismissed all his thirty attendants but seven. The English, on the other hand, received the first intimation of his being near them, from two old straggling scjuaws, who confessed, on being captured, that Canonchet was not far off. The intelligence put new life into the weary soldiers, and they pressed forward till they came upon fresh tracks, and these brought them In view of a cluster of wigwams on the bank of the river. In one of those wigwams Canonchet was at this moment reposing from the fatigues of his journey. His seven remaining followers sat around him ; and he entertained them with the recital of the bloody victory over Pierce's detachment, which had taken place but a week or two before.* Suddenly the speaker suspended his narrative. His silent audience started to their feet, and stood aghast. The trained eai' of the savage had already detected the approach of an enemy. Two of the company were immedi- ately despatched to the summit of the hill, at the foot of which the wigwam was situated. These men, frightened by the near apj)roach of the English, who were now (says Hubbard,) mounting with great speed over a fair champagna on the other side of the hill, ran by, as if they wanted time to tell what they saw. A third was sent, who executed his errand no better. But of two others who were sent up, one had the courage to return and inform the Sachem, in great *So writes Mr. Hubbard, and Trumbull and others fol- low his authority. Baylies (Memoir of Piyrnoutli Colony,) doubts the correctness of the statement, alleging that Canon- chet did not leave the Connecticut river until April, whereas Pierce's defeat happened on the 26th of March. We do not however conceive that the distance was so great, but it might have been traversed more than once after the battle and before the surprisal. i. 312 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. haste and trepidation, that the whole English army was upon him. Canonchet had no means of defence, and no time for dehberation. He could only attfjfnpt an escape by running round the hill opposite his pursuers; and he had not gone far in that direction, when Catapazet, with twenty of liis followers, and a few of the Eng- lish who were lightest of foot, nearly intercepted him as they descended the hill, and immediately com- menced a vigorous and close pursuit. Canonchet was a fleet runner, but the swiftest of Calapazet's men began to gain upon him. He threw oft' his blanket, and then a silver-laced coat which had been given him on the renewal of his league at Boston. His wampum belt was finally abandoned ; and this betraying his rank to his pursuers, they redoubled their eftbrts, mitil they forced hitn to betake himself to the river, in which he plunged forward with great haste. Unluckily, his foot sliped upon a stone, and this not only delayed him, but brought him down so far at to wet the gun which he still carried in one hand ; " upon which accident, he confessed soon after (we are told,) that his heart and his bowels turn- ed within him, so as he became like a rotten stick, void of strength."* Thenceforth he submitted to his destiny without a struggle. He was a large, muscular man; and as Hubbard himself allows, of" great courage of mind," as well as strength of body ; but the foremost of the hostile party, one Monopoide, a Pequot, laid hold of him without his making the slightest resistance. The first Englishman who came up was Robert Stanton, a young man of some twenty years old ; yet adventuring to ask him a question or tw^o, (continues the historian, with a touch of feeling which does him credit,) the manly Sachem looked somewhat disdainfully upon his youthful face, and replied in broken English, "you much child — no understand * Hubbard* s Narrative, p. 129. IxNDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 313 ish army no time 1 escai)c ^rs; and Eitapazet, he Eng- )ted him ly com- nouchet lapazet's ' off his I ad been Boston, and this (doubled himself ith great 3ne, and [lown so i in one ed soon Is turn- jn stick, ithout a and as mind," t of the id hold istance. Robert Id ; yet ntinues h does newhat )lied in irstand war — let your chief come — him T will tr" with." The English offered him his life if he woiUv* submit to their government, but he would make no submis- sion of any kind. They suggested his sending one of his men to j)ro|)ose terms to his Narraghansett warriors in the west ; but he refused with scorn. He was then told of the enmity he had manifested to- wards the English. " And many others," he replied haughtily, " will be foun»l of the same mind with my- self. Let me hear no more of that." When informed of what his fate must inevitably be, he only answered, " It is well. I shall die before my heart is soft. — I shall speak nothing which Canonchet should be ashamed to s|)eak. — It is well." Even those who have censured the Sachem most, touched with the fine dignity of his last hours, would fain search in the theory of a Pythagorean Metempsychosis for the secret of his greatness. Some old Roman ghost, say they, must have possessed the body of this Western Pagan.* He was soon afterwards taken to Stonington, in Connecticut, where Dennison's expeditou liad been fitted out; and there was executed upon him the sentence of death. That all concerned in the cap- ture of so proud a victim might be gratified with a share in the honors of his slaughter, the English contented themselves with being spectators of the scene, while the Pequots were permitted to shoot him, the Mohegans to behead and quarter him,f and Ninigret*s men to kindle the pile upon which he was burned. As a token of love and fidelity to their civilized allies, his head only was reserved, to be pre- sented to the English council at Hartford. It is remarkable, that Oneco, on this occasion, took the same part in the execution of Canonchet, and under veiy similar circumstances, which, near forty years before, his father Uncas had taken in that of Mianto- uomo, the father of Canonchet. * Hubbard. t Baylies' Memoir of Plymouth Colony. Cc ^ m m. 314 INDIAN BIOGRAPHT. Thus fell, in the prime of hin manhood, the last Chief-Sachem of the Narraghansetts, the grand" nephew of Canonicus, and the son of Miantonomo. The Ensiish historians of his own period may be excused for the prejudice wiili which they regarded him (as they did ail who fought for the same cause with the same courage,) and which nevertheless af- fords to the reader of these days the most satisfac- tory proof of his high reputation and formidable talents. " This," says one writer, " was the confu- sion of a damned wretch, tliat had often opened his mouth to blaspheme." Again: — "as a just reward of his wickedness he was adjudged by those who took him to die." It were useless to dispute these positions, for every reader of history possesses the means of forming a just opinion whether or not they are sound. But at all events, (as an author of a more liberal period has observed,)* we may surely at this day be permitted to lament the unhappy fate of this noble Indian, without incurring any imputation for want of patriot- ism. In the entire compass of I?idian,and we might perhaps add,civilized history, there is no finer instance of that generous and chivalrous character, which — whatever it might be termed under other circum- stances — in the situation of Canonchet, and with his sincere and strict principles, can only be approved and admired, as humanity to the suffering who sought his protection ; as fidelity to his own and his father's friends ; as a proud and lofty sacrifice of royalty, liberty and life itself to honor ; as patriotism to his country, and as religion to his gods. * Baylies* Memoir of Plymouth Colony. li the last grand' tonomo. may be Bganled e cause eless af- satisfac- midable confu- ned his reward se who >r every ming a But at 'iod has rmitted Indian, patriot- B might nstance ^hich — ;ircum- d with proved sought 'ather's oyalty, [ to his INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. CHAPTER XVI. 315 Account of the Pawtucket cotifedenicy in New Hiimpahirc — Passaconaway, their Chief Sachem — FIc is disarmed by order of the Massachusettei (■overnmeiit. IIih residence, age and authority — He maintains a good undcrHtaiiding with the Gngliiih — Visits Boston— The Apostle Klliot's ac- quaintance with, and notice of him — His views of Christiani- ty — Festival, and Farewell speech to his tribe in 1H60— Death and character — His son and succcs».sor, VV^onolan- SET. Anecdotes of the family — Legend of Passaconaway 'h feats as a Powah. Turning our attention to a part of the country and to a people which have not yet been the subject of special notice, we shall now introduce, with the fol- lowing passage from VVinthrop's Journal, an indi- vidual of far too much distinction to be wholly over- looked. The date is of July, 164Q : — ** There came letters from the court at Connecticut, and from two of the magistrates there, and from Mr. Ludlow near the dutch, certifying us that the Indians all over the country had combined themselves to cut off all the English — that the time was appointed after harvest — the manner also they should go, by small companies to the chief men's houses by way of trading &c. and should kill them in the house and seize their weapons, and then others should be at hand to prosecute the massacre. * * Upon these letters the Governor called so many of the magis- trates as were near, and being met they sent out summons for a general court to be kept six days after, and in the meantime it was thought fit, for our safety, and to strike some terror into the Indians, to disarm such as were within our jurisdiction. Ac- cordingly we sent men to Cutshamkin at Brantree to fetch him and his guns, bows &c. which was done, aud he came willingly, and being late in the night when they came to Boston, he was put in the i lii J I' ''& ' 316 INDIAN DIOGRAPHY. I ^ I '•■' pr'iHon, but tho next inoniin^, finding upon cxomi- nntion of liirn nnn, no ground of suspicion of liis partaking in uny uuch (M>nHpirany, he was diHuuHHed. Upon the warrant which went to IpHwieli, Rowly<; an li on all occasions, in the town-jail. Even the report of a gun, in the night-time, in the neighborhood of the town, was now sufficient to rouse the good citi- zens far aud wide ; and the shouts of a poor fellow at Waterlown, who, liavinglost himself in the woods, cried out somewhat lustily for help ! — help ! — against an apprehended assault of the wild-cats round about him, produced an alarm hardly less serious than would probably have followed an actual foray of the Mohawks. This excitement, ,ve say, furnishes an apology for the harsh treatment of the Grand-Sachem. The government, upon cool reflection, appears to have been sensible of having gone too far, and what is creditable to them, they were not ashamed to make such explanations of the matter, promptly and polite- ly, to the injured party, as were fitting their own true dignity as well as his. Governor Winthrop, speaking of the treatment of the Squaw and the Son as * an unwarranted proceeding,' and conceiving "that Pas- saconamy would look at it as a manifest injury," called the court together, and proposed measures of reparation. Cutcharaequin was accordingly sent to the old Sachem, to disclaim any order for kidnapping the woman and child, and discharging a musket at the boy, and to explain to him the real purpose and principle of the warrant. Passaconaway li^.ened with composure, and returned answer ihat when- ever the two absent members of his family should be returned, he would of his own accord render in the required artillery, — (and this, it would seem, the wai*- Earty which went out from Boston on the Sabbath, ad not after all been able to eiFect.) One of them was still in custody, and the other had taken refuge in the woods. ^^ Accordingly,^^ adds our authority, " about a fortnight after, he sent his eldest son, who delivered up his guns, " &.c. The fair inference is, that the conditions made by the Sachem were per- formed to his satisfaction. At all events, he considered it a good policy to I' lit INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 319 •ii e report lood of )od citi- [• fellow ! woods, -against id about LIS than y of the logy for 1. The to have what is to make d polite- wn true peaking 1 as * an hat Pas- injury," lures of sent to napping isket at ose and /^.ened when- ould be in the le wai*- abbatb, )f them refuge thority, )n, who nee is, ire per- •licy to maintain peaceable relations »iih his much excited neighbors ; he was too old, as most of his near relatives — children or grand-children — seom to have been too young. On the other hand, tht Fiiglish movements in this case, taken together, ccrtair.ly in- dicate a respectful estimate of his character ; aiMl in fact the policy by which he was gained over, was so much valued, that either Mr. Winthrop alludes to his one act of submission repeatedly, or else the Goveri>- ment troubled itself to have the scene actually re- hearsed as many times : — "At this Court," says the Journal, for the spring of 1644, "Passaconamy, the Merrimack Sachem, came in and submitted to our Government, as Pum- ham &c. had done before." And again, in 1645 — "At this Court, in the third month, Passaconamy, the Chief Sachem of Merri- mack, and his sons, came and submitted themselves and their people and lands under our jurisdiction, as Pumham and others had done before." One of the most distinct notices of the old Saga- more occui-s in that ancient tract, " The Light Ap- pearing &c." most of which was written by the apostle Elliot, in 1649. He preached about that time at Pautucket, that being " a fishing place where from all parts they met together." " The Chief Sachem at this place," says Mr. Elliot, " and of all Mermak, is Papassaconaway, whom I mentioned unto you the last yecre, who gave up him- self and his sonnes to pray unto God ; this man did this yeere show very great affection to me, and to the Word of God." The writer adds, that the Saga- more even urged his solicitations importunately, using withal many " elegant arguments, with much gravity, wisdome and affection." He observed, among other things, that the preacher's coming there once a year did them but little good, " because they soone had forgotten what he taught, it being so seldome, and so long betwixt the times." Another sound suggestion was, that the Sagamore had many subjects who ? f i: i 320 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. "would not beleeve him that praying to God was so good," whereas as no doubt they might be con- vinced by the preaching itself. Nor did Mr. Elliot, he thought, allow himself leisure enough to explain and prove what he asserted. It was "as if^ one should come and throw a fine thing among them, and they earnestly catch at it, and like it well, because it looks finely, but could not look into it, to see what is within, — whether something or nothing, — ^stock, stone or precious jewel." So it was with praying ; it might be excellent, as it seemed, — ^but on the other hand it might be hollow and empty, — he wished to see it opened. Whether this sensible advice was followed as far as it could be, is uncertain ; but there can be little doubt that the Sagamore himself became, if not almost a Christian, yet strongly prepossessed in favor of the English. In 1660, an English gentleman, who had been much conversant among the Indians, was in- vited to a gi*eat dance and feast, at which among other ceremonies, Passaconaway, now very old, made a farewell speech to his people. He cautioned them especially, as a dving man, to tike heed how they quarrelled with the English. He said, that though they might do the whites some damage, it would prove the sure means of their own destruction ; and that, as for himself, he had formerly tried his utmost by the arts of sorcery to hinder their settle- ment and increase, but all to no purpose. It is remarkable, that when Philip's War broke out, fifteen years after this transaction, Wonolanset, the Sagamore's son and successor, withdrew both himself and his people into some remote place, where he wholly escaped the disasters and excite- ment of the times. Probably there was no other instance of the kind among all the tribes. The allusion made by Passaconaway to the arts of porcery should be explained, by observing that he had formerly been, for a long term of years, one of the most noted Powahs, or Conjurors, ever heard of INDIAN BIOGRAPHY* 321 \\ fod was be con- . Elliot, explain if one g them, because 36 what — stock, ►raying ; le other shed to as far as le doubt I most a • of the ho had was in- among ry old, utioned d how d, that lage, it uction ; led his settle- broke ANSET, V both place, excite- > other arts of hat he pne of ard of among the Indians of New England. Perhaps his domhiion itself, and certainly the gn;ater part of his influence, was acquired by his talents exercised in that capacity. He indeed excelled his contempora- ries, as all historians allow, in general sagacity and duplicity, as well as in moderation and self-com- mand ;* but these were the very qualities proper for playing off that game on the extreme superstition of the Indians, which has so frequently been tried among them, and yet so rarely with a very prevalent or very permanent success. But Passaconaway's attempt was no failure. He induced the savages to believe it in his power to make water burn, and trees dance ; to metamorphose himself into a flame ; and to raise, in winter, a green leaf from the ashes of a dry one, and a living serpent from the skin of one which was dead. Few modern practitionei*s, we presume, have surpassed the old Sagamore in the arts of legerdemain. These, how- ever, were not his substantive ])rofession, or at least not long. The politician soon emerged from the slough of the juggler. The Priest became a Sachem ; the Sachem, the Grand Sagamore of Penacook ; and the Sagamore preserved not only his own power, but his son's after him, by a series of diplomatic de- monstrations, and a few words of * elegant' civility, which, without disparaging his importance with his countrymen, made him the most agreeable neighbor to the English. That Passaconaway was living as late as 16^ appears from the following annecdote of that datf^ Manataqua, Sachem of Saugus, made known to the chief of Panacook, that he desired to marry ^ daughter, which being agi-eeable to all parties, the wedding was soon consummated, at the residence of Passaconaway, and the hilarity was closed with a great feast. According to the usages of chiefs, Passaconaway ordered a select number of his men to II ♦See Hubbard, Hutchinson, Belknap, &c. •I f I :'.-'•;, ?^'- 322 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. :ll i accompany the new married couple to the dwelh'ng of the hushand. When they had arrived there, several days of feasting followed, for the entertain- ment of his friends, who could not be present at the ceremony in the fii*st instance, as well as for the es- cort ; who, when this was ended, returned to Penn- akook. Some time after, the wife of Manataqua expressing a desire to visit her father's house and friends, was permitted to go, and a choice company conducted her. When she wished to return to her husband, her father, instead of conveying her as before, sent to the young Sachem to come and take her away. He took this in high dudgeon, and sent his father-in- law this answer: "When she departed from me, I caused my men to escort her to your dwelling, as became a chief. She now having an intention to return to me, I did expect the same," The elder Sachem was in his turn angry, and returned an answer which only increased the difference ; and it is believed that thus terminated the connexion of the new husband and wife.* In the Third Volume of Fai*mer and Moore's His- torical Collections, may be seen an account of the death of an Indian called Saint Aspinquid, May 1st, 1682, at Mount Agamenticus on the coast of Maine, where his tombstone is said to be still visible. It is aldo stated, that he was born in 1588, and of course died aged about ninety-four ; that he was over forty years old when he was converted to Christianity; that from that time he employed himself in preaching the gospel among the Indians ; and that his funeral obsequies were attended by many Sachems of various tribes, and celebrated by a grand hunt of the war- riors.} * Manuscript documents, cited in Drake's Indian Biogra- phy. tAt which were slain "ninety-nine bears, thirty-six moose, eighty-two wild-cats, thirty-eight porcupines," and a long list of otEer animals of various names. iff - INDIAN BIOGRAPHY 323 as moose, ; list of We are inclined to liaznrd the hypothesis, that this Saint was no other than our Sagamore ; that Aga- menticus was the retreat of Wonolanset, or at least of his father, during and subsequent to Phihp's war; and that the latter obtained his new name hom his new fi-iends, and the title attached to it from an Rnglish source. It certainly would be remarkable, that so many and such particulars should appear of the death of a man never before heard of. And on the other hand, the reputation and the age attributed to Aspinquid, agree strikingly with those of Passa- conaway. By his * preaching ' must be meant his sacred character and the great exertions he made to keep peace with the English ; and the date- of the alleged * conversion,' we suppose to have been the same with that of his fii-st acquaintance with the whites in 1629. Our sketch may be fitly concluded with one of those popular traditions concerning the old Chie^ which happens still to be in such preservation as to form now and tlien, in some sections of the country, the burden of a fireside tale. It is probably a fair illustration of the opinion entertained of his abilities by the credulous of his own era. He said, that Sachem once to Dover came, From Penacook, when eve was setting in. With plumes his locks were dressed, his eyes shot fiamej He struck his massy chin with dreadful din. That oft had made the ranks of battle thin ; Around his copper neck terrific hung A tied-together, bear and catamount skin ; The curious fishbones o'er his bosom swung, And thrice the Sachem danced, and tlirice the Sachem sung* Strange man was he ! 'T was said, he oft pursued The sable bear, and slew him in his den ; That oft he howled through many a pathless wood, And many a tangled wild, and poisonous fen, That ne'er was trod by other mortal men. The craggy ledge for rattlesnakes he sought, And choked them one bv one, and then I .1 i 1/ I- ^7' |i - ) 324 INDIAxN BIOGRAPHY. 0'ertCM)k the tall gray moose, as quick as thought, And then the mountain cat he chased, and chasing caught. A wondrous wight! For o'er 'Siogee's ice. With brindled wolves, all harnessed three and three. High seated on a sledge, made in a trice, On mount Agiocochook,* of hickory, He lashed and reeled, and sung right jollily J And once upon a car of flaming fire, The dreadful Indian shook with fear, to see The king of Penacook, his chief, his sire. Ride flaming up towards heaven, than any mountain higher. f ♦ The Indian name applied to the White Mountains. There is a curious tradition, preserved in Josselyn's New England, of the veneration of the Indians for the summits of these mountains. They considered them the dwelling places of invisible beings, and never ventured to ascend them. They had also a tradition, that the whole country was once drowned, with all its inhabitants, except one Indian with his wife, who, foreseeing the flood, fled to these mountains, were preserved, and afterwards re-peopled the country. — Ed. t See F. and M. His. Coll. END OF TOL. I. iught. higher, f There is a [)d, of the lountaind. sings, and itinn, that habitants, flood, flea re-peopled