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SPEECH 
 
 JOHN M. CLAYTON, OF DELAWARE, 
 
 vtos 
 
 THE OREGON QUESTION, 
 
 DELIVERED IN THE SENATE 01-- THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 FCBRITAIIT 12, 1846. 
 
 WASHINGTON : 
 PRINTED BT GALES AND SEATON. 
 
 1846. 
 

 
 
 
SPEECH. 
 
 The joint resolution of the Committee on Foreign Relations, proposing 
 to give notice to Great Britain of the intention of this Government to anniU 
 the treaty for the joint occupation of the Oregon territory, and the resolu- 
 tions of Messrs. Hannegan, Calhoun, and Crittenden, having relation, 
 to the same subject, coming up as the special order — 
 
 Mr. JOHN M. CLAYTON, of Delaware, rose to address the committee, 
 but wished, before he proceeded, that the Secretary would read first the 
 amendment moved by the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. Allen,) and referred 
 by the Senate to the Committee on Foieign Relations. 
 
 It was read accordingly, as follows : • 
 
 A joint resolution to annul and abrogate tlie convention of the sixth day of August, one thoosand 
 eight hundred and twenty-seven, between the United States of America and Ureat Britain, rela- 
 tive to the country westward of the Stony or Kocky Mountains. 
 
 Resolved by the Senate and Huun,' of Rfvresentatives of the United States of America in 
 Congress assembled. That, in virtue of the second article of the convention of the sixth of August, 
 •one thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven, between the United States of America and Great 
 Britain, relative to the country westward of the Stony or Rocky Mountains, the United States of 
 America do now think fit to annul and abrogate that convention, and the said convention is hereby 
 accordingly entirely annulled and abrogated ; Provided, That this resolution shall take effect after 
 the expiration of the term of twelve months from the day on which due notice shall have been 
 givento Great Britain of the passage of this resolution. And the President of the United States 
 is hereby authorized and required to give such notice, and also at the expiration of said oonventioo 
 to issue his proclamation setting forth that fact. 
 
 Mr. C. then requested that the amendment reported from the Committee 
 on Foreign Relations be next read. . . 
 
 It was read accordingly, as follows : 
 
 Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Unitid Stales of America in 
 ■Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, advised to give, 
 fotthwitb) notice to the Govemaient of Great Britain that the Government of the Uhited States 
 will, in virtue of the second article of the convention of the sixth of August, Anno Domini eigh- 
 teen hundred and twenty-seven, between the United States and Great Britain, relative to the Oregon 
 territory, and afler the expiration of twelve months from the day on which such notice shall have 
 been received by the Government of Great Britain, aimul and abrogate that convention. 
 
 Mr. Crittenden then rose and moved the resolutions heretofore sub- 
 mitted by hini, in the form of a substitute, or ameiidment to the amend- 
 ment of the committee, and asked that they be read. 
 
 They were read accordingly, as follows: 
 
 Whereas, by the convention concluded on the 30th day of October, 1818, between the United 
 .States of America and the King of the United Kingdom oJ Great Britain and Ireland, for the period 
 ■of ten years, and afterwards indefinitely extended and continued in force by another convention of 
 the same parties, concluded the 6th day of August, 1887, it was agreed that any country that may 
 be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony or Rocky 
 Mountains, now conunonly called the Oregon territory, should, together with its harbors, bays, 
 ai^d Vfff^t iuid the navigation of all rivers within the some, be "free and oj^n" to the veiteliL 
 
 ir)B2'j!* 
 
citizens, fiiiJ sulyfcts, of the two Powers, but without prejui'.icf to any ehiiin which either of the 
 parties ini'j-ht have to any part of >!aiil country ; and witli lliis further provision in tiie socoMd article 
 of the saij convention of the 6th August, 1827, Ihiit ciltier I'urty niiglit abrogate and annul said 
 convention on giving dui' notice of twelve months to the other contracting party: ' 
 
 And whereas it has now lietoinc desiralile that the reupcctive claims of the United States ond 
 Great Britain should he delhiiteiy settled, and tliat said territory may no longer than need be re- 
 main sul)ject to the evil consequences of the divided allejiiaiice of its American and Uritish popula- 
 tion, and of the confusion and conflict of national jurisdictions, dangerous to the cherished peace 
 and good understanding of the two countries: 
 
 With a view, therefore, that steps he taken for the abrogation of the said convention of the 6th 
 August, 1827, in the mode presciibcd in its 2d article, and that the attention of the Governments 
 of both countries may be the more e.irncstly and iam\ediately directed to renewed eil'orls for tlic set- 
 tlement of all their ditlercnces and disputes in nvpect to said territory : 
 
 Be it resolved In/ ilie Seiate u/id Hunsn of liiipnsentaliven of the Unittd Stute.i of America 
 in Congresn amemLltd, 'I'hat the I'rcsident of the United States be, and he is hereby, authorized, 
 at his discretion, to fiive to t!ie Uritish Government the notice rci|uirei1 by its Si^iid 2d article for the 
 abrogation of the said convention of life 6th of August, 1827 : Provided, /loiuever, That in order 
 to afford ampler time and opportunity for the amicable settlement and adjustment of all their differ- 
 ences and disputes in respect to said territory, said notice ought not to be given till after the close of 
 the present session of Congress. 
 
 Mr. J. M. CLAYTON then addressed the Senate: 
 
 Two distinct propositions (said he) have been submitted to the Senate, for 
 giving notice to the Government of Great Britain tlifit the convention provid- 
 ing for the joint occupation of the territory of Oregon sliali ct^ase at the ter- 
 mination of twelve months from the giving of such notice. There has alsa 
 been offered — though it is not now regularly before the Senate, having been 
 referred to the Committee on Foreign Uelations, who have it still before 
 them — another proposition, which, on that account, is not now a proper sub- 
 ject of discussion : it is the resolution adopted on the same subject by the 
 House of Representatives. The two resolutions now before the Senate difler 
 from each other in these respects. That reported from the Committee on For- 
 eign Relations proposes to give the notice in question by authority of the 
 Congress of the United States, witiiout conferring on the President any dis- 
 cretion in the matter ; it takes the whole responsibility of the measure j 
 it proceeds on the assumption that Congress has the sole authority and con- 
 sequent responsibility of giving this notice recommended by the Executive. 
 The other proposition, now moved by my honorable friend from Kentucky, 
 in the form of an amendment to the amendment of the committee, proposes 
 to throw the responsibility of this measure, which the President has recom- 
 mended to Congress, on the President himself; it confers on him the 
 authority to give this notice, after the present session of Congress, if he, 
 under all the circumstances, shall then see it most expedient. It does not, 
 at the same time, deny his right to withhold the notice, if, from what may 
 have occurred since the communication of his recommendation to Congress, 
 it shall appear to him most wise that such notice should not be given. 
 
 The two propositions differ also in another and a very important respect. 
 The latter holds out, if not expressly, at least by the clearest implication, 
 that all negotiations between the United States and Great Britain ought 
 not now to be held as finally closed, and amounts to a recommendation 
 that the Executive shall continue the existing negotiations with a view ta 
 the peaceable adjustment of the conflicting claims of the two Governments. 
 Between the two, I can have no hesitation in saying that I prefer that 
 offered by the honorable Senator from Kentucky. The other proposes 
 in effect that notice shall be given immediately, and leaves the Presi- 
 dent no discretion in the case. It assumes that Congress are so thoroughly 
 
acquainted with tlie wlioie subject, and every thing that can by possibility 
 have any bearing upon it, that, no matter what may have occurred al- 
 ready, or what may or shall occur hereafter, the notice must be given. 
 To this proposition I have insuperable objections ; I cannot consent 
 to it. But it is due to myself that I should say that my opposition to it 
 springs from no factions spirit ; I know no party leeling on £?reat questions 
 like this, which touch the foreign relations of my country, . I never have 
 entered as a party man on the ronsidoration of questions which vitally 
 alfect those relations, nor have those who are in the habit of acting politi- 
 cally with me here. Honorable Senators must well recollect the course 
 we all took on the occasion of the setllenipnt of our Northeastern boundary. 
 Senators on neither side of this Chamber acted on that occasion as party 
 men. The subji^ct was not discussed as a party measure. On the contrary, 
 after a prolonged discussion of its merits, we then came to a unanimous 
 result, and presented to England an undivided front. 
 
 The same thing happened on another occasion, when I enjoyed the honor 
 of a seat upon this floor : when we were upon the eve of a war with France, 
 because the French Governinent refused to pay us the twenty-five millions 
 agreed to by her in Mr. Rives's treaty. There wa-? no party division on 
 that occasion. An honorable Senator from Kentucky, now no longer a 
 member of this body, but then chairman of the Committee on Foreign 
 Relations, drew up and submitted to the Senate a report, at the close of 
 which was a resolution which met the unanimous approbation of all the 
 members of this body. At that time we resolved, one and all, to stand by 
 our country, and to assert our own rights. 
 
 I say therefon^ again, that there has been no occasion on which I have 
 known this Senate sink itself so low as to divide into mere parties ax\d fac- 
 tions on any great question involving the foreign relations of this country. 
 I trust in God we shall witness no such division now. That we shall all 
 perfectly agree respecting any proposition which may be submitted on this 
 Oregon controversy, is not probable, perhaps scarcely possible. Each. 
 Senator, acting on his own iridependent personal conviction of duty, will 
 press his own views of what ought to be the public policy. But, though 
 we may not be able to find one common platform on which we all can 
 stand, yet I do suppose there is not a Senator here who will cast liis vote, 
 either directly or indirectly, on a purely party ground. For my own part, 
 I here declare, with the utmost frankness, that, whatever may be my opinion 
 in regard to the negotiatio.is of the Executive department on this question 
 of Oregon, and of the manner in which those negotiations have been con- 
 ducted — whatever may be my estimate of the policy of the President on 
 this wliole subject, yet, as a member of the United States Senate, and as a 
 patriot, I mean to stand by him, so far as I can consistently with principle 
 and honor. 
 
 He has recommended to us to give to Great Britain this notice — and he 
 makes that recommendation on his own responsibility : yet, at the same 
 time, he gives us not the slightest intimation that he entertains the opinion 
 that the notice will be productive of any thing like war, or that it will be 
 followed by any measures of a hostile character on the part of England. 
 He has not warned us by the slightest word that war will be likely to re- 
 sult from this measure, or any other which he recommends to our adoption ; 
 and, if I can form any judgment from the actions of this Administration, 
 
there can be no war; for the President, wliile he recommends this notice^ 
 does not recommend that the annual appropriations shall be increased by 
 a single dollar; on the contrary, the annnal estimates are to be reduced, 
 and have been. And, further, lie rerommends a reduction in the tariil of 
 duties. There is no proposal in his message for any thing like an increase 
 of revenue by raising the duties on imports, or in any other mode. 
 
 Again : what has been tlie conduct of those gentlemen associated with 
 him in his counsels, whose appropriate and official duty it would be to re- 
 commend the adoption of measines for the national defence ? The Secre- 
 taries of War and ot' the Navy present no propositions having in view to 
 prepare the nation for war. It is true that, after the resolution introduced 
 by the Senator from Michigan (Mr. Cass) Iiad been adopted by this body, 
 the chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs did report one measure 
 •which went to increase the navy by the addition of three frigates, five 
 sloops of war, and one or two brigs and schooners ; yet, at the same lime, 
 the report was accompanied by a letter from the Secretary of the Navy, 
 declaring that this had not been recommended as a war measure at all, but 
 merely as providing a necessary increase in our marine force, the better to 
 protect the commerce of the country. The idea I got from his letter was,, 
 that, in the judgment of the Secretary, the proposed increase of the navy 
 was required, and ought to be made, supposing there would be no war. It 
 was rendered necessary to extend an adequate protection to our increased 
 and growing commerce. 
 
 To what other sources, then, ought we to look ? Who are they who we 
 might naturally expect ought to excite the Legislature to make prepara- 
 tions for war, if war were apprehended ? Whose duty is it to give us the 
 alarm? From the President, from the Heads of Department, from the 
 chairmen of standing committees, we have received no intimation of dan- 
 ger, and the leading friends of the Administration on this floor give us here 
 no more than the authorities have done. 
 
 We are in the situation so justly described by the Senator from Michi- 
 gan, (Mr. Cass.) We are totally unprotected, entirely open and uncovered 
 in case of a hostile attack from without. Our fortifications are in a state 
 of dilapidation; or, if otherwise, we are without any in the very positions 
 where they would be most needed should a war come upon us. The 
 'Senator from Florida (Mr. Westcott) and the Senator from Michigan 
 (Mr. Cass) have described our situation in this respect most correctly. 
 And I here render my thanks to the Senator from Florida especially for so 
 fully and so truly representing the undefended position of an important 
 portion of my country. There is now no adequate protection for the city 
 of Philadelphia, the second city, in population and wealth, in the Union. 
 There is nothing in the shape of a fortification between Wilmington and 
 the Capes of Delaware. There is in the Delaware bay what has been 
 nominated a breakwater harbor, erected at vast expense by the Gov- 
 ernment, for the protection of commerce, which harbor is entirely with- 
 out defence. This harbor furnishes a safe haven for vessels taking 
 refuge in it, and would furnish such a haven for any portion of the 
 British navy that might enter that bay incase of war. It would be to 
 them a most valuable acquisition ; for, from that point, they could strike 
 . New , York, and all the most important cities on our coast, as well as 
 utterly lay waste and demolish the towns on the banks of the Delaware 
 
*. 
 
 this notice^ 
 :reased by 
 e reduced, 
 ho tarifl of 
 an increase 
 3de. 
 
 iated witli 
 d be to re- 
 The Secre- 
 in view to 
 introduced 
 this body, 
 le measure 
 gates, five 
 sanne time, 
 tlie Navy, 
 3 at all, but 
 le better to 
 letter was,, 
 f the navy 
 o war. It 
 : increased 
 
 ly who we 
 :e prepara- 
 tive us the 
 , from tlie 
 on of dan- 
 ve us here 
 
 om Michi- 
 
 uncovered 
 
 in a state 
 
 Y positions 
 
 us. The 
 
 Michigan 
 
 correctly. 
 
 ally for so 
 
 important 
 
 or the city 
 
 he Union. 
 
 ngton and 
 
 has been 
 
 the Gov- 
 
 ely with- 
 
 ils taking 
 
 on of the 
 
 mid be to 
 
 luld strike 
 
 is well as 
 
 Delaware 
 
 itself. Such is our present condition in reference to defence. Yet, under 
 this state of circumstances,, and with the fact before their eyes that we pos- 
 sess a commercial maruie almost if not quite equal to the commercial 
 marine of England herself, which is now exposed defenceless to the depre- 
 dations of any enemy by sea, not one member of the Administration has 
 apprized us that there exists the slightest danger of a war. 
 
 I look to these things as much more significant of what is to. happen 
 than any thing I find in the published correspondence between our Secre- 
 tary and the British Envoy, Were I, indeed, to judge from the tenor of 
 that correspondence, so far as it has been communicated to us by the Ex- 
 ecutive, I should say that there did exist very imminent danger of war ; 
 because I confess that 1 do not perceive on what ground, as there stated, 
 the existing controversy will be peaceably settled. We have refused 
 utterly all arbitration, either as to boundary or title. We have refused 
 a reference of the question in dispute, not merely to crowned heads, but to 
 a mixed commission, or a board composed of private citizens. Nearly 
 every proposition that looks toward a peaceful settlement of the dispute 
 has proceeded from England ; and, though I have heard it asserted that 
 the tone of the British press before the departure of the last steamer was 
 pacific, yet it can hardly have escaped the notice of any one, that the reason 
 given for this was the hope, and perhaps the belief in the minds of many, 
 that this Government would be willing to sacrifice our own tariff and the 
 protection of our own manufacturing industry, and that we should enter 
 into a commercial treaty of some sort with England with reference to that 
 subject. I will here take occasion to say that, if any man puts his hope of 
 peace on such a foundation as that, he will find himself mistaken. 
 
 I say that, if I looked only at the diplomatic correspondence between the 
 ollicial functionaries of the two Governments, I should certainly conclude 
 that there was imminent danger of war ; but looking, as I do, at the con- 
 duct of the Administration and its friends, I am bound to say, as I do now 
 say, here in my place, that I cannot apprehend there will beany war. Can 
 any than suppose that the President of the United States would bring this 
 nation to the very verge of war with one of the most powerful nations of 
 the world, without giving to Congress the least intimation that we were in 
 irriminenl danger of such an issue ? To suppose such a thing is impossible. 
 I differ on many important points from the present Administration of this 
 Government, and r did not contribute my aid to put the existing Chief Ma- 
 gistrate into power; but I do not so far distrust the President's patriotism 
 and integrity <.s to suppose that he would harbor the idea of pujtting the 
 country into the very attitude of war, while refusing to the Legislature the 
 slightest intimation of its approach, and while deliberately withholding 
 from the co-ordinate branches of the Goyernraent all propositions or sug- 
 gestions for the national defence. 
 
 r do not hold that the giving of the notice recominended will teiid to 
 war. The President, under all the circumstances of the CEUse, asks from 
 us the po wef to give such notice. He stand'" '. ^n official position where 
 he has the fullest. opportunity to know all the benefits, as \vel.l as all. the 
 probable evils, likely to flow from such a measure. He, has all the negoi- 
 tia'tipn under his eye, and has a knorledge of facts which I.'have not. He 
 is,.or.may be, in daily communication with the British Minister^ I am not. 
 The people have giveti these great responsibilities to hinij andl.am not the 
 
mail to tako lliem from Iiini. Ho asks power to give tliis notice, and I, for 
 one, am willing to intrust him with that power. I would say to the Pres- 
 ident, " You have the means of knowing all the hearings and probable 
 consequences of tlie measure yon recommend ; you liave the power in 
 your hands, and at your peril exerciae that power, under the responsibilities 
 you bear." I would say this ti) the President, but I would pass no reso- 
 lution conipeMng him to give ihc notice. I will vote for a resolution giv- 
 ing him the discretion to ijive it, or not to give it, as he thinks best, but I 
 will go no further. 
 
 I hold thut the President of the United States has it in his power, (I do not 
 say he has the right,) if to him it seems best, to bring on ti war with Eng- 
 land; for, thouE;h the ("onstiiution has reserved to Congress ulone the power 
 officially to declare war, ynt, if il"> President does so control our diplomatic 
 correspondence with Great Britan. as to bilig on a war, it does not de- 
 pend upon any action oi ours to say that war shall not come. Congress, 
 certainly, has done nothing to bring on that event; if there is any danger 
 of it, it has not been incurred from the action of Congress. The whole 
 action, thus far, litis been confined to the Executive ; but he may go ■^tili 
 further. lie may, (as others before him in like circumstances have done,) 
 without consulting Congress, permit actual hostilities to take place. We 
 cannot shut our eyes to the fact, that it is in the power of the President to 
 prpvolcc a war, if he is so disposed. If he does, I shall deeply deplore it; 
 but the fiuilt will not rest on my head, or on the heads of those who act 
 politically with inc. The majority of this nation have intrusted him with 
 power, and they are responsible. 
 
 My own course on this lloor, on this question, shall he to lead our coun- 
 cils, so far as is in my power, to whatever will contribute to an honorable 
 peace between the two nations. 1 avow myself a friend to peace — to an 
 honorable peace. I trust and hope — nay, I believe — that the President of 
 the United States intends there shall be no war, but desires an honorable 
 peace. I will not so far reflect upon him as to suppose he desires a war 
 with Great Britain. 
 
 I shall not at this lime go into any discufeion of our title to the territory 
 of Oregon. I shall withhold that for another place. If it shall please the 
 Senate to go into Executive session, I shall be free to declare my sentiments 
 there ; but I hold it highly improper to carry on such a discussion here, and 
 consider it as going to prejudge the action of the Senate, when a treaty shall 
 come before us, provided the President shall negotiate one. I will not now 
 say that uur boundary ought to he the parallel of 19°, or llie parallel of 
 54" 40'; or any other parallel. Let him decide that poinr, and make his 
 treaty in such a manner as shall best please himself and his associates in 
 power, and then I will deliver my sentiments upon such treaty when it 
 shall be presented. On a delicate subject of this character I do not hold it 
 to be my duty at present to speak. I trust that whatever discussion may 
 take place here on the general subject, Senators, knowing the psssibility, 
 and even the probability, that a treaty in some shape may come before 
 them, will forbear to express any definite opinion as to our title to any part 
 or the whole of Orpgon. 
 
 But the honorable gentleman from Ohio over the \v,\y 'Mr. Allen) told 
 the Senate that he considered us as standing commili J ior the " whole of 
 Oregon." How so ? By a certain resolution passed at C.\k: Baltimore Con- 
 
9 
 
 :c,and I, for 
 to the Pres- 
 d probable 
 e power iu 
 Jonsibilities 
 iss no reso- 
 Dliition giv- 
 best, but I 
 
 ur, (I do not 
 • with Eng- 
 <i the power 
 •diplomatic 
 )es not de- 
 Coiigress, 
 any danger 
 The whole 
 lay go 'till 
 lave done,) 
 ^lace. We 
 ^resident to 
 deplore it; 
 se who act 
 d him with 
 
 J our couu- 
 honorable 
 ice — to an 
 resident of 
 honorable 
 ires a war 
 
 le territory 
 
 please the 
 
 sentiments 
 
 here, and 
 
 reaty shall 
 
 ill not now 
 
 Parallel of 
 
 make his 
 
 ociates in 
 
 when it 
 
 not hold it 
 
 jsion may 
 
 lessibility, 
 
 lie before 
 
 I any part 
 
 .len) told 
 whole of 
 lore Con- 
 
 vention. Now, 1 would like to know how the Senator or any body else 
 stands co.nmitled by a certain resolution made at tlie time when a Con- 
 vention had been called for the purpose of nominating a candidate for the 
 place of Chief Magistrate of tiio United Stales? The resolution referred 
 to had for its object the enlistment of partisans in behalf of the party which 
 oflercd it. There was no discussion in that body as lo the ground or evi- 
 dences of titlo. The resolution was passed in liigh party times, and with- 
 out a momcni's reilection ; it cDmniitted me to nothing; and, as I- tliink, 
 committed nobody else. Those who choose lo consider themselves as com- 
 mitted by such a resolution, and thereby p'^-^'iided from any discussion in 
 this Chamber of the question of title, must act n their own responsibility. 
 I liold that there is greater danger of involving the country in war by 
 withholding the notice than by giving it in ilie form I advocate, and which 
 has been proposed by my honorable i'ricnd frota Kentucky. The measure, 
 as it stands, in that form, is pacific; and i( the notice shall Le sa given, it can 
 oiusent no just cause of offence to England. Many of the leading presses 
 in England have so declared. A Hritish paper I now hold in my hand, 
 entitled the Manchester Guardian, advances ilie doctrine that a notice to 
 terminate the convention of joint occupancy will be the very best means 
 of preserving peace. I will venture to read to the .Senate an extract from 
 that paper, because it contains sentiments in which I fully concur. The 
 editor says : 
 
 " With re.sp<!ct to tho notice for Icrininiitiiii; llie joint occupiition of OrcRoiJ? wc arc not surp 
 that President Polk tntiy not receive it from the Erj^lisk (uiKcrnmeiil before he can pomih/y be 
 in a cunditiun to f/^ivc it himself. Uut, whether given by the one side or tiic otlier, we Jo not 
 conceive lliiit it will add matcriHily, if at all, to the ch.iiire of a hoBtile collision. It has been o!i- 
 vioun cnounh for sonic time past, that, unless the ({ucstion can lit; amieahly settled in a very short 
 I)erio<l, say in twelve months at the latest, hardly any-thinK en': prevent war; and therefore, a 
 decisive step, like that of givuig notioe for putting an end to the sulisisting agreement, is rather 
 favorable than othe. vvisi.. When both Governments know that the alternative is an arranaiement 
 in a year or war, they will see that there is no time to bo lost in useless discussions, and will 
 probably hit upon some compromise to which Iwth can accede. We are aware that this opinion 
 is rather at variance with the views of a large portion of the [tress, both in England and the United 
 States, by whom the proposal to give notice to terminate tho joint occupation is regarded as decid- 
 edly unfavorabl(! to the preservation of peace ; l)ut wc sec nothing in their arguments to change 
 our own opinions on the subjec).." 
 
 As I observed, that is my opinion. I hold that we shall incur much 
 greater danger of war by continuing the joint occupation of Oregon, with- 
 out giving this notice, than can possibly arise from giving the notice. 
 
 I presume I may consider it as the settled determination of Congress to 
 pass some bill for the occupation of Oregon: I do not mean its exclusive 
 occupation, for I have no idea that Congress intends any such thing as 
 that. Should we undertake to shut out England at once from all parts of 
 the territory, i-t would be equivalent practically to a declaration of war 
 against her, and I therefore trust and confidently hope that no such step 
 will be taken. But I presume that some bill will be introduced, similar 
 to the law which has been enacted by Parliament, extending the judicial 
 jurisdiction of Iowa over our citizens in Oregon, as Great Britain has ex- 
 tended that of Canada over iier subjects in that territory ; so that our citi- 
 zens shall be as fully protected by American tribunals and American 
 officers as the subjects of Great Britain are by her officers and her courts. 
 It seems to me that the honor of our country, as well as the safety of such 
 of our citizens as have gone and are going to Oregon, demands thus much 
 at our hands. 
 
• Looking at things as they will probably be at the end of the present 
 session of Congress, I ask, which of the two courses is most Hkely to result 
 in war — the giving of this notice as it has beeli modified by the honorable 
 Senator from Kentucky, or the refusal of the notice in any shape ? I tak« 
 it for granted we are to establish our courts in Oregon as England has es- 
 tablished hers. Her sherifl's, her marshals, her constables, enforce the jus- 
 tice administered by her conns. We have the same riglit to employ our 
 sheriff's, our marshals, and our constables, to enforce the decisions of our 
 own courts; and iiow can it escape any tliinking and intelligent raitld,that 
 in such a state of things the danger of mutual collisions must increase every 
 day ? I do not, indeed, say that collision will be unavoidable; but I feel 
 very confident, knowing as I do the character of those who will go into 
 that territory, and have gone there, the conflicting views entertained by 
 them and the British subjects in Oregon on almost all questions, especially 
 those respecting civil liberty and the advantages of republican government, 
 that the danger of collision between them will be imminent, and must be 
 daily increasing. There will be in Oregon, as was well stated by the 
 honorable Senator from Michigan, (Mr. Cass,) a double-headed Govern- 
 ment ; and there will be greater danger to the people of both nations there 
 in such a state of things than if there was no Government at all, and a state 
 of entire anarchy prevailed. Judge Lynch being the sole arbiter of all 
 diflerences. Wo can all readily understand this. Suppose an American 
 citizen is su^ for debt, or prosecuted for assault and battery, for homi- 
 cide, or any other crime; do you suppose he will submit himself to the 
 jurisdiction and the sentence of a British judge? — that he will not appeal 
 to his own countrymen to rescue him from the hands of an English consta- 
 ble ? Reverse the case : Suppose the American to be the party prosecut- 
 ing, and the culprit to be an Englishman — think you he will not refuse the 
 authority of an American judge, and appeal to his fellow-subjects to deliver 
 him Irom the grasp of a Yankee constable ? If this joint occupation con- 
 tinues, there will soon happen collisions and encounters between armed 
 posses of Englishmen and Americans ; blood will be shed; and what will 
 happen then ? Our people will come to us witK their story, and the Eng- 
 lish subjects will go to their Government with theirs, and neither represent- 
 ation will probably lose any thing by distance. We shall doubtless hear of 
 much that the Englishman never was guilty of, and the English Government 
 will hear as unjust charges agaiiist our people. These representations will 
 inflame the passions of nien. Certain individuals in this country, who 
 seek to fan those passions to a blaze, will avail themselves of so favorable 
 an opportunity. The appetite for war, always so easily excited, will in- 
 crease on both sides, until at last, contrary to the wishes and eiforts of the 
 best and wisest men of both countries, we shall be precipitated into a war. 
 There is one great evil in this matter well worthy of the consideration 
 of the Senate, Already the apprehension Of such a struggle has paralyzed 
 comiiierce, and capital is fast retreating into chests, and drawers, and old 
 stockings. The business community are every where alarmed; and every 
 moment of the day that alarm increases, and commerce is more and n. -re 
 affected. The foreign commerce of the United Slates at this day consists of 
 2,417,000 tons, while the foreign commerce of England. is 8,420,759 tons; 
 so that we are nearly equal to her; alid I doubt, upon the whole, whether 
 England has greater conmiercial interests to protect than ourselves. We 
 
ii 
 
 the present 
 ely lo result 
 e honorable 
 pe ? I take 
 land has es- 
 ►rce the jus- 
 employ our 
 lions of our 
 t mind, that 
 urease every 
 ;; but I feel 
 vill go into 
 ertained by 
 s, especially 
 jovernment, 
 nd must be 
 ited by the 
 led Govern- 
 lations there 
 ,and a state 
 biter of all 
 n American 
 , for homi- 
 nself to the 
 
 not appeal 
 jlish consta- 
 y prosecut- 
 3t refuse the 
 ts to deliver 
 ipation con- 
 ^een armed 
 d what will 
 id the Eng- 
 r represent- 
 tless hear of 
 Jovernment 
 jtations will 
 'Untry, who 
 10 favorable 
 ed, will in- 
 Iforts of the 
 
 into a war. 
 msideration 
 s paralyzed 
 ers, and old 
 
 arid every 
 e and n.^re 
 f co|tisi&ts of 
 0,759 tons; 
 le, whether 
 elves. We 
 
 have seven hundred whale ships, a great India commerce, and a large and 
 growing trade Avith China ; but do you suppose that any rneichant, in the 
 present disturbed state of our foreign relations, with this dispute unsettled, 
 will siejid out his whale ships again after they have got safely into port ? 
 Will our Indiamen be despatched again to the opposite hemisphere on 
 voyages which must detain them for many months in distant seas? Far 
 from it. The rate of insurance now is almost equal to a war premium; 
 and the longer this controversy remains open, the more will our commerce 
 be crippled. My wish therefore is, that it should be brought to a speedy 
 arid an honorable settlement. If we give the notice now proposed, we 
 shall present thel question to Great Britain in such a view as will, I believe 
 and hope, induce her to come to a settlement, and that speedily. 
 
 But if this resolution of notice shall fail, the President, (I- will not say 
 feeling mortification, but) feeling that his proposed measures have not 
 been accepted, and that, on the contrary, his policy has been slighted and 
 overlooked, may perhaps resolve, for reasons best known to hmiself, to 
 throw the whole responsibility on Congress, and suffer things to remain 
 as they are until another Congress shall be elected, which will give the 
 notice that we refuse. 
 
 I am not, as you well know, in the secrets of the President ; I speak 
 nothing ex cathedra ; I reasori only from facts before me ; and I fear that 
 the effect of our refusal may be to induce the President to stop all negotia- 
 tions, and make his appeal directly to the country on this question of giving 
 notice. That appeal will practically be directed to that most dangerous of 
 all social elements — party feeling. Every latent prejudice against England 
 will then be excited and roused to its utmost pitch; and while the commerce 
 of the country is paralyzed, and men are exasperated by the destruction 
 of theii: business, I fear that, in the end, representatives will be sent here who 
 Avill go still further than I am disposed to go. It is due, however, to 
 myself to say, in reply to the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. Allen,) that I 
 have not the remotest idea that, under any circumstances, men will ever , 
 be sent to this Chamber who will be ready to go beyond 54° 40' ! ! I 
 earnestly hope that no men may be sent here, who will be in favor of 
 measures that tend to a war with Grea' '\itain, much less with Russia. 
 
 I have said thus much with a view to explain some of the reasons which 
 wil' induce me to vote in favor of the amendment proposed by my friend 
 fronj Kentucky, (Mr. Crittenden,) and against that reported to the Senate 
 by the Committee on Foreign Relations. I should not have troubled the 
 Senate at this time at all, but for the extraordinary course of remark which 
 ha.s been indulged in by the Senator from Ohio, (Mr. Allen.) He is the 
 chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations in this body. He is the 
 leading man in the first committee of the first deliberative assembly in the 
 world. As such, whatever falls from him will go from one extremity of 
 this land .to the other, and will every where be listened lo with profound 
 interest. But it will not stop .there; by the first steamer which leaves our 
 shores for England, the remarks of the gentleman, as given through the 
 reporters to the world, will be read with the deepest attention, and will 
 excite general alarm. By every mart it will be presumed, from the gen- 
 tleman's official position, tha», in the remarks they read, he speaks the sen- 
 timents of th'is .Senate, or, at least, of a great portion of its members. He 
 has made in this Chamber a speech, the delivery of which occupied two 
 
12 
 
 •••1 )..,., 
 
 ■days, and the great body of wliich consisted of the most violent denuncia- 
 tions of England, accompanied by a declaration that she dared not go to 
 war; that she had become so weak and imbecile that she dare not vindi- 
 cate her own rights. He has told us that the British Government will 
 tumble to pieces if she sliall dare to make war with this country. The gen- 
 tleman at the same time has extolled in the highest terms the bravery of his 
 own conntrynKMi, and spoken proudly of their military prowess. In this 
 sentiment I agree wiih him, and have nothing to object against the assertion 
 of it. IJlit that an honorable Senator, holding so distinguished a position, 
 should rise before this body, and elaborately endeavor, by his utmost power, 
 to excite the feelings of his own country against England, and, worse than 
 that, to excite the feelings of every Englishman against this. country, is, iu 
 my judgment, deeply to be regrtl.'ed. It seems to have been the favorite 
 object of that honorable Senator to seize every opportunity of discussing 
 this subject with the avowed purpose of preparing the hearts of the people 
 for war. He has openly acknowledged this. Now, had he confined his 
 efforts even to preparing the hearts of l)is own countrymen for a war with 
 England, it would not have been so bad by half as to prepare the hearts 
 of the English people for a war against us. The gentleman has resorted 
 to every consideration he could enforce, seemingly with the express design 
 of exciting and rousing the pride of every English heart against us. There 
 is no Englishman who shall read that speech who will not ipel indignant to 
 find that in the Chamber of the American Senate his nation has been openly 
 denounced, and that it has been declared on this floor that she dare not go to 
 war Sir, what would be the feeling of every American bosom on reading a 
 speech like that reported in the British .apers, as delivered by a leading 
 member on the tloor of Parliament ? I im his position at the head of the 
 Committee on Foreign Relations, that geii' man may very nati .ally be sup- 
 posed to be the connecting link between ti President and the Senate, and 
 therefore presumed to speak the sentiments and feelings of the President 
 himself. We may judge Avhat will be the feeling of Englishmen on reaii- 
 ing his language from what we should experience within ourselves in the 
 like case. Should we not riie with great indignation from reading a speech 
 iu which every topic of reproach andconlempt was dwelt upon, and applied 
 to this coimtry and its Government, and in which it was openly asserted 
 that we dare not go to war with England? 
 
 In reply to such language, I will say (and I hope that these poor re- 
 marks of mine niajj accompany his to England and elsewhere) that I do 
 not believe that this Senate, or any considerable portion of it, approve sen- 
 
 no desire, 
 an opporti 
 veil assut 
 disown ah 
 The Senat 
 Well, sir ; 
 sentiment 
 British h( 
 every Iris 
 ernment. 
 will be int 
 
 I do not 
 seeking to 
 strength c 
 my duty, 
 nation ths 
 point of vi 
 iu danger 
 are wha 
 depreciatii 
 what her ( 
 to condem 
 That bono 
 to inform i 
 ought to a 
 army and 
 mtional in 
 unanimou! 
 he facts, 
 trength o 
 been lost 
 rom almo 
 
 I eniirel 
 snd Klori( 
 :iounced a 
 From the I 
 guarded C( 
 path of the 
 
 The hon 
 vith us, b< 
 herself; a; 
 
 timents like those he uttered in its presence. I do not believe that, if that \e admits 
 
 speech was approved by any gentlemen in this Senate, they constitute, at 
 the utmost, a third part of our number. I cannot suppose that any one 
 who heard the gentleman approved of such an attempt to rouse the feel- 
 ings of England against this country, or provoke her to a war. Nor do I 
 believe the Senator spoke the sentiments of the President of the United 
 States, or of either branch of Congress, or of any considerable portion of 
 the members of either, nor those ol'the American people. No, sir; that is 
 not the feeling and these are not the sentiments of the American people. Iiow than 
 They respect the English as a great and a brave nation. True, they never javal pow 
 will submit to be trampled on, and they will fight sooner than submit to 
 dishonoi. We have told England so a thousand times. But they have 
 
 t was in ] 
 itor, and I 
 hinking tl 
 1802, I thi 
 iv'as befort 
 [Mr. Ai 
 [lower of ( 
 
nt denuncia- 
 ed not go to 
 re not viiidi- 
 3rninent will 
 ^ The gen- 
 ravery of his 
 ess. In this 
 the assertion 
 td a position, 
 tmost power, 
 I, worse than 
 ountry, is, iu 
 I the favorite 
 of discussing 
 of the people 
 confined his 
 r a war with 
 ire the hearts 
 has resorted 
 xpross design 
 >i lis. There 
 I indignant to 
 s been openly 
 3are not go to 
 ion reading a 
 by a leading 
 e head of the 
 I .ally be sup- 
 e Senate, and 
 the President 
 men on reaii- 
 rselves in the 
 ding a speech 
 ,and applied 
 only asserted 
 
 re- 
 do 
 
 lese poor 
 re) thai I 
 approve sen- 
 3 tliat, if that 
 constitute, at 
 that any one 
 use the feel- 
 ir. Nor do I 
 jf the United 
 )le portion of 
 0, sir; that is 
 rican people 
 le, they never 
 an submit to 
 nt they have 
 
 13 
 
 no desire, by inrult and abuse, to inflame England into a war. Had they 
 an opportunity of expressing to that gentleman their real sentiments, I am 
 '.veil assured that nine-tenths of their luunber would tell him they utterly 
 disown aiid disapprove of all such attempts to excite the two nations to war. 
 The Senator tells us, and tells England, that she dare not go to war with us. 
 Well, sir; and the moment it shall be believed in England that that is the 
 sentiment of the American Congress, what will be the result? Every 
 British heart will throb with one united feeling. Every Englishman, 
 every Irishman, every Scotchman, will rally to the assistance of iiis Gov- 
 ernment. Only induce them to believti that we think that orthem,and Avar 
 will be inevitable. 
 
 I do not belong to that class of men whom the Senator has described as 
 seeking to depreciate their own country, and to exalt the character and 
 trength of England, or of any other foreign Power; but I liold it to be 
 my duty, as a sentinel placed on this post, to tell this Senate and this 
 nation that we are not in a condition, either in a military or a naval 
 point of view, to meet the danger of a war if it should come. If we were 
 in danger of a Avar with France, I should hold it equally my duty to de- 
 clare what the real posture of the country actually was. This, is not 
 depreciating the power of my country ; it is but Avarning my cou'itry of 
 what her duty is. Was it a very friendly part in the Senator froai Ohio 
 to condemn the whole speech of the Senator from Michigan, (Mr. Cass?) 
 That honorable Senator thought that it belonged to iiim as his public duty 
 to inform the Senate and the country, that we are in danger of Avar, and 
 ought to arm the nation to meet it; that, in the present condition of our 
 army and navy, they were an insufficient defence for the protection of our 
 lational interests ; and that duty he discharged with all. his energy. We 
 unanimously voted that the appropriate committees should inquire into 
 ;he facts. No Avise nation Avill go into a contest either overrating its own 
 ngth or underrating the strength of its enemy. More battles have 
 been lost and more wars have proved disastrous from this caiise than 
 from almost any other. 
 
 I entirely concur with the views Avhich the Senators from Michigan 
 and Florida have expressed on this subject. They are not to be de- 
 nounced as alarmists for honestly describing our defenceless condition. 
 From the high places they occupy, they have exposed the naked and un- 
 guarded condition of their coimtry, and, so doing, they were strictly in the 
 path of their duty, and are entitled to its thanks. 
 
 The honorable Senator frotrj Ohio tells us that England dare not go to war 
 vith us, because she is exceedingly weak — so Aveak that she cannot defend 
 herself; and this because her navy has lately lost that supremacy Avhioh 
 le admits that it formerly enjoyed. He says it is not now as powerful as 
 was in 1802 and 1803. In this sentiment I entirely differ from the Sen- 
 itor, and I Avnil make an effort to show that he is mistaken. So far from 
 [linking that the naval power of Great Britain is less now than it was in 
 1802, 1 think, on the contrary, that at this hour it is greater than it ever 
 vas before. 
 
 [Mr. Allen here rose to explain. What he had said was, that the naval 
 power of Great Britain Avas.less, relatively to the naval power of the world*, 
 Qow than in 1802 — that it bore then a greater proportion to the united 
 laval power of all other nations than it did now.] 
 
14 
 
 Mr. Clayton resumed. This position is still more objectionable thati 
 the other, as I shall endeavor to shovy. 
 
 I have in my hand some statistics, which have been carefully collected 
 from the best authorities. Here Mr... C. entered into the details of the 
 following statement : 
 
 
 Crmmcrcial 
 
 Vessels of 
 
 Number 
 
 Number 
 
 ■ 
 
 Countries. 
 
 tonnage. 
 
 war of all 
 classes. 
 
 of guns. 
 16,242 
 
 of men. ' 
 
 Remarks. 
 
 • • 
 
 England - 
 
 2,420,759 
 
 671 
 
 40,000 
 
 98 steamers. 
 
 Frajice - - 
 
 625,769 
 
 348 
 
 8,816 
 
 29,095 
 
 61 steamers. 
 
 United States - 
 
 2,417,002 
 
 76 
 
 2,358 
 
 8,724 
 
 5 steamers. 
 
 Russia - 
 
 239,000 
 
 226 
 
 10,394 
 
 25,000 
 
 8 steamers, many cpntracteJ for. 
 
 Denmark 
 
 95,375 
 
 73 
 
 754, 
 
 at least. 
 
 67 gunboats. 
 
 ■Swedifn - 
 
 118,125 
 
 397 
 
 1,407 
 
 at least. 
 
 2 steamers and 377 gunboats. 
 
 Holland • 
 
 214,284 
 
 132. 
 
 1,544 
 
 - 
 
 132 gunboats. ■ • . 
 
 Tgrkcy - 
 
 - 
 
 31 
 
 1,902 
 
 
 3 stcaiQers, 
 
 Egypt - 
 
 ^ 
 
 20 
 
 1,460 
 
 
 
 England has 
 
 610 
 
 guns 
 
 to each 100,000 tons of 
 
 commerce. 
 
 France 
 
 1,030 
 
 do 
 
 do 100,000 
 
 do. 
 
 United States 
 
 lUO 
 
 do 
 
 do 100,000 
 
 do. 
 
 Russia 
 
 3,467 
 
 do 
 
 d.> 100,000 
 
 do. ' ' ,' 
 
 Denmark 
 
 877 
 
 do 
 
 do 100,000 
 
 do. ■• • 
 
 Sweden 
 
 703 
 
 do 
 
 do 100,000 
 
 do. 
 
 Holland 
 
 777 
 
 do 
 
 . do 100,000 
 
 do. 
 
 Having accompanied the items of the above table with appropriate re- 
 marks in explanation, Mr. C. proceeded to say: 
 
 And now what are the results collected from these authentic materials ? 
 I wish the Senate and the country to be well acquainted with them, in 
 order that that country may understand the true state of things; that 
 it may be aware of its own weakness, and thus be induced to awake 
 to its duty of self-defence. For tlie protection of every hundred thou- 
 sand tons of our commercial wealth we have 100 guns ; but England has 
 ■640; France has 1,030; Russia has 3,407; Denmark has 877; Sweden 
 703, and Holland 777. In other words, England has seven times as many 
 guns as we to defend the same amount of commerce ; France has ten times 
 as many ; Russia has thirty-five, times ais many ; Denmark eight times, 
 Sweden «ej;ert times, and Holland eight times as many. Englaqd hf o. /e 
 thus see, mounted nearly as many giins for her defence as all the rest of 
 the civilized world, ourselves included ; and she is about seven times as 
 well pi'otected in this respect as we are. Indeed, it would seem that every 
 other civilized nation yields her own great interests not less than seven 
 times as much protection as we give to ours. France, foir example^ has but 
 about one-fourth of our commerce, while we have about one-fourth of her 
 navy. Our commerciar marine, compared with that of Russia, is as ten to 
 .one, while her naval power, compared with ours, is about as five to one. 
 
 If the Senator is desirous of ascettainitig the comparative strength, of 
 England, as compared with that of the rest of the world, he has here the 
 means of doing it. He will find, on that examination, that l^ngland is 
 guarded at every point; that her military marine is greater at this time 
 
 than it eve 
 ourselves { 
 success, th 
 And no^ 
 strength, o 
 I have so 
 the moM rt 
 
 If we have 
 we ought I 
 ready to m 
 tion wheth 
 own boson 
 The peo 
 dence in th 
 this questi( 
 arises from 
 country, 
 defence of 
 the Senatoi 
 bravery, o 
 do not undi 
 lieve that i 
 President's 
 whether w 
 language a 
 council rou 
 as to his rij 
 representee 
 
 
 Sir, whi 
 any people 
 well know 
 indisputabl 
 in the worl 
 upon to de< 
 take heed! 
 
 If we art 
 ever was fi 
 shall all str 
 
lable than 
 
 f collected 
 lils of the 
 
 l& 
 
 ;■•♦.,•, 
 
 mUacteJ for. 
 gunboats. 
 
 ropriate re- 
 
 materials ? 
 iih them, in 
 lings ; that 
 
 to awake 
 dred thou- 
 Ingland has 
 7; Sweden 
 ;es as many 
 as ten times 
 ight times, 
 iqd hf o, /e 
 the rest of 
 ^en times as 
 a that every 
 
 than seven 
 iple^ has but 
 aurth of her 
 
 is as ten to 
 ve to one. 
 
 strength of 
 las here the 
 
 j^ngland is 
 It this time 
 
 than it ever was before since she has beena nation. If we could choose for 
 ourselves a period the most favorable for attacking her with a prospect of 
 success, this would be the very *rorst for us we could select. 
 
 And now let it not be supposed that I seek to deprqciate our own 
 strength, or to exaggerate hers. I have not taken the largest statements 
 I have seen of the force of Great Britain, but adopted those which vfar-e 
 the most reliable, I hold, in the language of Hemmings, that 
 
 "To broach a war, and not to 1)6 assur'd 
 ' > Of certain means to make a fair defence, 
 
 Howe'er the cause be right, may justly seem 
 A wilful madness." 
 
 If we have a clear and indisputable right to the whole territory of Oregon, 
 we ought to select for its assertion and maintenance a period when we are: 
 ready to maintain it. Without further expressing any opinion oji the ques- 
 tion whether we are ready now, I leave every Senator to decide it in his 
 own bosom, for himself. 
 
 The people of the United States have not manifested any want of confi- 
 dence in the Executive; they have not formed themselves into parties on 
 this question; the difference among thera, so far as any difference exists, 
 arises from an honest difference of opinion as to the foreign relations of the 
 country. I believe that my countrymen are as ready to go to war for the 
 defence of their just rights as any people on the face of the earth. All that 
 the Senator from Ohio said, and all that he can say in regard to their 
 bravery, or their ability to protect themselves, I heartily concur with. I 
 do t»ot underrate their prowess in battle — far, very far, from it. But I b'?- 
 
 ieve that if they could all be gat»liered together in one mass in front of the 
 President's mansion, knowing that lie has the power to decide the question 
 whether we shall have war or peace, they would address him in some such 
 
 anguage as was used by the conqueror of Agincourt, when he called his 
 
 council round him, and asked them to give him their honest, sincere opinion 
 
 to his right to go to war with France. On that solemn occasion he is 
 
 represented by the greatest of our dramatic poets as saying to them ; 
 
 "God forbid. 
 That you should fashion, wrest, or bow your reading, 
 Or nicely charge your understanding soul 
 VVi^h opening titles uiiscreate, whose right 
 Suits not in native colors with the truth; ■ 
 
 For God doth know how many, now in health, 
 Shall drop their blood in approttation 
 
 Of-what your wisdom shall incite us to: ' • j. 
 
 Therefore take heed how you impawn our persons, W',' 
 
 . How you awake the sleeping sword of war; ' . '. 
 
 We charge .yo>* in the name of God, take heed .'" 
 
 , Sir, while I aditiit, nay, insist, that my countrymen are as brave as 
 any people on earth, and as prompt U) vuidicate their rights; and while I 
 well know that, if you convince thetn thar their title to Oregon is clear and 
 indisputable, they will be as ready and as able to maintain it as any nation 
 in the world can be, I would charge this Senate also, should they be called 
 upon to decide upon the question of war or peace, in the name of God, to 
 take heed! . * ' ' ' ;.^ .-;;-• .•.'^•';'\.V-*'- ; 
 
 If we are to have" a war with England, an empire more pdw^^^isrftil than 
 ever was Rome in her palmiest days, let us have a- just cause: then we 
 shall allstfike together, and I have no doubts or fears as to the issue. But 
 
first let the people, first let us ourselves, be convinced that we are in the 
 right. Do not let us go to battle in a bad cause ; in one that is righteous I 
 know that we can fight as well as any people that ever lived. 
 
 If this matter must come to a war, the responsibility will rest on the head 
 of the President of the United States and his Cabinet; and it will be, as has 
 truly been observed, such a war as the world never yet saw. It will be 
 "the carnival of death, the vintage ol the grave." It will be a war be- 
 tween men who profess to be Christians ; with a people allied (o ourselves 
 in feeling more than all the nations of the world ; a people far advanced 
 before all mankind in intelligence and the arts and improvements of civil- 
 ized life; a nation which approximates more than any other to our own 
 principles of free government; a people who "know their rights, and, 
 knowing, dare maintain them ;" a people skilful in war, brave to a proverb, 
 and amply supplied with all the means and sinews of war. 
 
 If we go to war with this people about our title to all Oregon, at this 
 time, the responsibility will not rest on me. Not on me — not on me or 
 mine, oh God ! let any portion of the guilt or the sin of such a war ever 
 be found ! 
 
are in the 
 righteous I 
 
 on the head 
 II be, as has 
 It will be 
 a war be- 
 ourselves 
 r advanced 
 Its of civil- 
 o our own 
 rights, and, 
 a proverb, 
 
 on, at this 
 
 on me or 
 
 a war ever