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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mithode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ;,',,' w'.fi '!?'-;-» if 1^ )<^'U':^^ .(. . 4 ' PREFACE. The manifesto-ers, . assembled at New Westminster, made a political pronouncement lately which ^^not to spealc it profanely," included some reference to nearly every modern public, or semi-public occurrence, except Mrs. Langtry's marriage. « I, too, have political ideas, likewise a programme very finely conceived, but the latter will be promulgated only, 'piece by piece, each piece being supported by sifted facts, and by careful reasoning from the lessons of experi*- ence. My general theory is that, by and by, from these separate items of the programme, to be published at inter- vtds of, say, twenty or thirty years (time being "of the essence" in such an architectonic proposition). A POLICY WITH DYNAMIC FORCE may be constituted, which, in the hands of indestraught politicians, may be of great advantage to the public. "And pray, what is this new policy of yours with the lofty name ? ' ' the reader may ask. Why, nothing new at all, good sir, merely the Paulic injunction (Romans 13, verse 7) to render to all, their dues by introducing stricter discipline into public life and some larger measure of 83rmpathy, honesty and justice. The initiatory item of my programme concerns the Provincial Civil Service. It is a dry subject, but our non- political civil servants really carry on the government, and, (perhaps, fortunately for a commentator) certain not- able incidents of the hour connected with that service, and •tartling in their rascality, contribute the personal flavour that gives zest to all political discussion. Par be it from I 101)742 me to wound, unnecessarily, any man's feelings by invect- ive or innuendo, first, because it would be unkind, secondly, because it might be impolitic, for moderation, •dear reader, is the silken thread that runs through the pearl-chain of all the virtues. But cases do occur, par- ticularly in politics, in which it would be a tactical error to treat immoderation, moderately. The brave, good citizen, then, is almost obliged to poke his fingers, with- •out ceremony, through the screen which duplicity — the master-habit of the politician, is constantly weaving to -obstruct the eye of justice and to impede fair enquiry. May I add here that, for gaiety, in this dull, half dead world, wishing to throw my remarks, as far as might be, into an epistolary form, I invited a "few of 'em" to <«nter the lists so that I could hammer them on the head, but some reluctance has been shown to acknowledge the cordiality of these invitations My only successful ' 'draws* ' have been the Hon. C. A. Semliu, the present premier, :and R. P. Green, £sq., one of the Kootenay M. L. A's, both of whom proved to be interestingly inaccurate per- ..sons, but without staying quality. In consideration of the IMMENSE POUCY, ETC., advocated, I entreat the reader to be kind to any composi- tional faults on the part of a plain, desultory man, studious of the right, but unused to the pen (that is, he finds a "pencil" in these days handier). And, now, let us attack the "koppie." I ^ PARTI. The evolution of the modern class of piddling premiers and their district parasites — "Semlinism" and "rump-rule" described, and how these sordideries actually work out. Thumb-nail sketches of notable and also of notorious public men. I THE annexed correspondence refers to one scandal only out of five which I will describe. I print it, as the subject dealt with, when impersonally regarded, is not without general interest, and also as it has opened to me opportunities of saying a few needed words^ in a candid and amiable spirit, about certain political men and things. We all should do a little something to improve, if possible, the conduct of public affairs and the tone of public life. The correspondence illustrates certain breaches of trust, politically speaking, and abuses of power on the part of our political public ser\'anls, or ''Ministers of the Crown," as we call them. These, of late years, in this province, have come to regard their tespporary position of official trust as a sort of ' ' surprise laager, ' ' whence they may ' ' pot ' ' at will, their poorer non-political brethren in the public service who are not protected here against such ill- usage, either by law or public opinion, which, together, in many other countries, impose a restraint upon ministerial tyranny or caprice. It is a little odd, thoug'h I suppose human, that official men who pose as the "friends of labour" should them- selves have taken the most effective means to lessen the general wage fund out of which all provincial labour must be paid, and that, in dealing with their subordinates, / they should have raised their work hours while lowering their pay, and have harassed some to resign, and expelled others from the public service, breaking careers and homes- without justification or, excuse- The question naturally arises whether the official gentry alluded to are, so to- speak, merely "absent-minded beggars," or the pro- verbial ' * beggars on horseback The annexed (truncated) correspondence, and these few comments by way of sup- plement, may throw some light upon that question. . I ant ^vell within the mdrk in stating, that our cancerous legislation and government have prevented the addition of at least half a dozen millions of dollars to the labour wage fund in this province during the last few years. Too true is it, that we have disgusted many customers and now lament their absence from our shop. Some c&pital, it is true, continues to come in, for the country natnrally is- too rich to stagnate, and there is always a certain amount of what may be called ' ' predatory ' ' capital which follows- vulturously, the wounded state. ,^ That larger question, however, I do not here propose to elucidate. I confine myself, at present, to the discussion of the Civil Service- question, started not by me, but by Mr. Semlin, and sud-^ denly for some reason or other abandoned by him. He is not the first of the political tribe who has hesitated to fix his opinions in that black and white in which they are open to the criticism of any man. Possibly, with humble shrewdness, he prefers a familiar scene, where they say (I hope untruly) that unveracities, mealy-mouthed inanities- and sophisms more easily pass muster. Well, as to the general question proposed for review, I would submit that the most obvious secondary test of the quality of any decent government in a self-governing country, is the way in which it treats the public servants 5 under 'who are placed, temporarily, under its supervision. Observe a man's demeanour in the household if you want -to know what sort of man he is. The standard of treat- ment of public officers should not be inferior to that which regulates the relations of employer and employee in ordin- ary industrial or commercial concerns. Needless to add that the character, standing and reasonable independence •of the district officers in particular, are important in a province like this, which has a Vast surface dotted with infant industries, carried on under varied conditions, usually far from the seat of government. The public ser- vice here has no prizes, but the employment is respectable, and a good officer, when trained and experienced, comes naturally, on the ordinary principles of human nature, to associate himself with the interest of the general public. It is the latter which suffers most, and suffers directly, from any lowering of the quality or tone of that service. A further general remark will here be in place. It takes time to make a civil servant, though I have heard the statement combatted by those who have never been in the business, or have been in it only for a couple of weeks. Inexperienced "Tom," "Dick," or "Harry (I don't mean "Our Harry"), cannot be transmogrified by a Gazette notice into an expert, or even a passable official. The government business, being oi a nature of a trustee business, has to be conducted in a particular way for the protection of the public. There is no royal road to the mastery of this art : a proper civil servant is the specialised product of definite training and experience. So is it in the case of the clerical, or executive servant of a joint stock company. Things have to be done and books kept, and accounts and statements made up in a certain manner, in the interest of the shareholders. There may not be, for >h-^ r / " instance, among the accomplished bookkeepers of private firms in Victoria, a single individual eligible for the accountantship of such a concern. The age is a specialised age in all departments of human effort, with a vendency to become more special All this apitears to be v.nknown to provincial governments of the Semlin type, or, at any rate, is practically unrecognized by them in their dealings- with the Provincial Civil Service. No doubt the relation of a premier here to that service is somewhat embarrassing. It is an unregulated service. There is no effective public opinion to warn, to cheer, or to help him, outside of the larger towns and certain well settled farming districts. Even when the government ii strong, the premier cannot easily resist the grevious pres- sure by raw partisan office^eekers, or the supposed neces' sity (for personal quarterday reasons) of yielding to their demands made through members of the House. Still, some of the old clasj? of premiers — a class of which we may, generally speaking, I think, be proud — managed, upon the whole, to overcome this difficulty. For one thing, most of them had a sense of public duty and were masters of their cabinets. This mastery is more important here than in any other country that I know of There cannot, indeed, be any government here r">rthy of the name, unless it is led by a strong, shrewd, tactful man whom the others will follow. For the evidence of this let the reader compare our former history with that of these later Merovingian times. Since Mr. T. Davie retired from politics, ministers have intermeddled freely . i!A other departments than their own — each one jobbing nr his own hand — and it has been impossible to find wlio wa" respon- sible for anything. This has caused great w^.'.r and loss to many persons trying simply to carry on tV eii private bttsinessL I need not say that our u ; rotected Civil Ser- vice has necessarily suffered under these circumstances. Mr. J. H. Turner (or the ! regU'^r political '* com- mando" he was associated wita) gavo uribrage to many electors by introducing raw men over ^he heads of faithful public oflficers of long service — this )ost him, I think, at least, two constituencies — but to give the devil his due, though in some cases Mr. Turner may have defiaitded men of their promotion, he shrank from the callous dismissal of old officers. I daresay the moral influence of his commer- cial training came in to save him from doing that. Strange, however, that he should have done across the Bay, what he would not dream of doing in Wharf Street. Mr. Semlin, on the other hand, has gone gaily to work without any limitation at all, influenced apparently by the notion that jobbing the Civil Service is an important, pro- vided means by which he and his '* commando" may conserve their present agreeable relations to the depart- ment of the Treasury. I venture here to express a doubt if all this pottering and fussing over ''patronage" and "spoils" is worldly- wise on the part of any ministry from the mere quarter- day point of view. I question if, as a fact, it helps a government, politically. Patronage and favours, under a^ popular system of government, appear to me to be a source of weakness rather than of strength. Every appointment offends many who do not get it, and the favoured indi- vidual often thinks it is something below his deserts. Favors to one "set" of folk usually rouse the hostility of another set, comprising many who otherwise would have « been indifferent How often we see the crushing defeat at j the polls of the party which has had all the offices ? A candidate's fate, in most cases, even when parties are 8 strictly organized, is determined— >if any interest is taken in the election-^by the voters, and not by the "push," ^md what the voters like is straightforward and loyal service to the general pubHc. A moral government, I imagine— ■even a government actuated by such moral principles as regulate the conduct of an average storekeeper or merchant — would be a strong one politically, though its members were not intellectually brilliant. Now, before going further, let me here say to the reader, as there are so many newcomers who "know not Joseph," (anyway not this Joseph), that fortj years have passed since I came to this country, and that, in the interval, while avoiding the political stage, I have, more or less, frequented, so to speak, the political theatre, and, as a harmless being, have been permitted to saunter sometimes into the dressing-rooms, so, perhaps, I may know a little of what went on in the brave days of old, and ■even down to Mr. T. Davie's retirement from the premier- ship, alter which came chaos. *'A gush of granny talk will, now, be in order," the impatient reader here ejaculates. Wait a bit, Mr. Flip- pancy, thou needst not fear for thy week-tissued tynpanum. I am not a mere praiser of men and times that are past; indeed, you may assure yourself that to me, as an advanced political reformer along the lines of intellectual radicalism, adapted to the permanent social forces, most of your so- called "up to date" men here, towards the close of this century, are in the category of political bats — yes, demme. Sir ! "bats." There is not, in some respects, any essential difference between the " then " to which I refer — the ante piddling-premier period — and the "Aw" that is more or less known to you. We then had Mr. Facing-both-ways, the dog-visaged demagogue, the fluent fool arid the arro- *» \ N ^ant ass, just as we now have those types, and always will have them. What I want to impress on thy subdued in- telligence is that, until lately, che evil influence of these pests (who unfortunately have real power) was largely 'Counteracted by the strength of the men at the head of affairs, and by the tactful firmness of the district oflScers of the old school. Now, alack ! we have piddling premiers, a civil service queerly recruited, or with its heart taken •out, and, in consequence, those dangerous libertines above referred to— all the more dangerous because some of them are honest — are brought face to face with the business men And investors, on whom the existence, or, at any rate, the industrial progress of the country depends. Does any human being, with even the intellect of a rabbit, require to be informed as to the effect upon the minds of those busi- ness men and investors of such speeches as \tere made by spouters of some political position, during the past summer, at Rossland and Nanaimo ? It is useless to say to strangers that the speakers are fools ; they point to the fact that the government has not disavowed these incontinent utterances. Bnt I must not wander away from my specific theme — the p \sition of our civil service. The old premiers found it possible to act, in most -cases, with reasonable fairness to public servants, and yet to keep their own political supporters together without offend- ing the public. The greatest of them is still among us, a lawyer, a scholar, and a gentleman, who combined, in a political career not always appreciated, the tact of a Macdonald with the strict virtues of a Mackenzie. Their task, in civil service matters, was, as I have said, some- what difficult, both as to the filling of new offices and of occurring vacancies. But, even as to new offices, the premier never placed himsell, absolutely, in the hands of a lO 1! parliamentary supporter. Regard was paid to the fitness^ of the man recommended, and also to the interests of the public Sir John A.'s tactic, of sagaciously conciliating "hostiles," received some exemplification. The other class of cases was more troublesome, when an unscrupulous member tried to push his raw nominee into a vacant place- which the next in rank and service was competent to fill, but the difficulty appears to have been overcome, some' how, for I cannot recall many scandals like these late Semlin ones. Is it not strange that ministers and members- have not long ago followed the practice of civilised countries in freeing themselves from various embarrass-- ments by organising the provincial civil service ? They seem fond of the mud, like the ladies with their trailing' gowns. Whispering, no doubt, is rather **bad form," but between ourselves , I venture to say whisperingly, in pass- ing, that I have reason to believe that even Mr. J. H. Turner lost a vote in the house by his commendable re- fusal to promise to hand over to a candidate the control of the civil service of his district, with powers, practically, of dismissal and appointment, in the event of his being elected. Mr. Semlin engorged the offer with the avidity of a pike. The name, the proof, the man's letter ! Who* was it ? Where is it ? (Nay, charitable listener, why pry' into these particulars? "Vex not his ghost. O let him pass " ). I will now wind a little further into this thickety and thorny subject, asking the reader to follow me close up- to the heel, as it is not my habit to waste either thoughts or words in an expository statement The trained officer, formerly, was the eye and hand of the government in his district. Having a morally assured II but position, he had no conceivable interest but to do the best for all. It mattered not to him who was in power at Victoria. As the local agent of the government which was responsible to the legislature, he was not guided by the member for the district even when the latter was a sup- porter of the existing government. So strong a man a» Colonel Baker, when I was the official head of a Kootenay district, fell naturally into line in this respect, with his sword at the proper salute. (They say he "defected'* afterwards ; I know nothing of that). A member is, necessarily, a local partizan, and partizanship is an un- known quantity to the legislature in its dealing with the districts. For this reason the legislature, as far as possible, favours specific appropriations, and the settled practice was for the government to submit the votes mainly on the recommendation to themselves by their own officer, an un- partisan person, who knew local needs. Clearly, any deviation from this rule in the direction of guidance by the partisan member instead ot by the unpartisan officer, would involve the government in something like a breach of faith to the legislature. Nevertheless, nowadays, under the piddling premiers, it is, as a rule, the partisan -supporter, and not the dis- trict officer, who virtually makes up for the consideration of the government the list of district appropriations, (partly, perhaps, now, from necessity, because the under-paid Semlin officer cannot very well move about, to procure information, and, in some cases, they do say, he boggles at figures and spells *'both" with an "a" in the middle. Thus, the above cardinal principle of administration has- come to be disregarded, and the legislature is set at naught. I reover, in further ilhistration of the modern farce, though members are not permitted in the house to propose f--fsed of his intriguing with the **nimp" of pre-election committees in mining towns. Mr. Hume has some knowledge of parts •of a distant district, and he would not^ I imagine, connect himself, if he could avoid it, with anything unjust or un- fair. Personal friends of Mr. Semlin assure me that, in his •own dwelling, he would share his cheese with a mouse. ' Yet "Semlinism" exiists, and it works out as de- iscribed, and, by its direct action, good men's careers and homes are broken and the public honour stained. Surely somebody must be held responsible for these savage pro- lubject entioned trying In I when ;, or an 3, first, produce toming, t some- smooth ss and rewdly, popular regard oncem, liry was session, ed with nt than t to ask le grave In the 19 judgment of right-minded men, a general accusation with- out details is like so much beating of the air. The above request, in fact, delights me, for with humility I catalogue myself as a man of detail. Nobody will mistake me for a "public meeting," as the Queen said Mr. Gladstone seemed to do in addressing her — a "public meeting" without knowledge of detail. Detail is my life-breath — my passion. To hunt a rat in a dyke (if the refined reader will allow the simile) has for me a positive fascination, and when I hold him up by the tail, all my labour is repaid. Ift our large province there are many administrative districts, I select for my purpose only two government offices, which happen to be more or less known to me. The jobbery, savagery and folly of the action of the government as to these two offices are almo-'- 'ncredible, yet, in all probability, that action is but the sample of a hideous bulk throughout the province. There is no reason in supposing that the active devil (so to speak) in a small section of Kootenay becomes a reposing saint by crossing its borders. The offices referred to are those of the Slocan and Nelson divisions. The assemblymen for these divisions support the present government, and one of them, Mr. Hume, representing' the Nelson political dis- trict, is Minister of Mines. The' plea of " I didn't know it was loaded," therefore, is not available in the present case. There cannot be better proof of the government's policy or impolicy with respect tu the civil service , than that afforded in the districts of Slocan and Nelson. Take the Slocan office first. Before Mr. Semlin came into power, except that the officers were underpaid, every- thing was well at that office. The Lieutenant-Governor and the House may satisfy themselves on this point by the li ao evidence of those who did business at the office ; of thr superior officer of the general district, of the Inspector of Government Offices, and, if necessary, I believe, of the experienced heads of department* at Victoria. The small cost of the office in proportion to the business done was- noteworthy. The staff consisted of Mr. A. Sproat, mining recorder (performing also the duties of Gold Commissioner), and Mr. Thompson, the clerk The latter, a bright and attentive young official, who- had worked hard for several years on a pittance in the hope of qualifying himself through rrerit for advancement, was kicked out of the office like a brute to make room for a raw Seralin "heeler." He was "only a clerk " the- Semlin apologist says, ' ' what of that ? ' ' This of that, thou brass-collar thrall ! it is a social offisnce to refuse full recognition to the persistent effort of a youth to acquit himself well upon his first entrance into life ; and, for my part, I regard with loathing the men or the government that denies such recognition. Few men, indeed, do deny it, for the almost sacred certainty of this recognition by employers, sooner or later, is one of the mainsprings of industrial and commercial activity. It is left to the self- styled "friend of labour," in his connection with the civil service, which he controls, tp rob labour of its fruits, and to take away the hope that softens the hard work of the aspirant. Worse, far worse, than Mr. Thompson's case, is the case of my sou, Mr. Alexander Sproat, on account of his^ longer service, and other circumstances of his position. He was the first appointed officer in the Slocan, then an uncomfortable, new "camp," which, as Mr. Robson and Mr. Davie informed me, it was not easy to get a suitable government officer for. My son shared the initial discom* 21 forts ; he started and shaped the government business, and ^rew with the district, filling the offices of mining recorder, •constable, collector, assistant government agent (virtually), Deputy Registrar of the County Court, Gold Commissioner And Stipendiary Magistrate. Though I say it, he was generally regarded as one of the most efficient officers in the service. I never named him to any government, nor, during his seven years in office, did he ever name a govern- ment, or a political man, to me. He strove to succed, by merit, in the career which he had chosen. The sum of his training and experience, like that of all officers similarly circumstanced, constituted, or should have con- stituted, not only a personal, but a public asset Notwith- standing this record, and that he had a family, Mr. A. Sproat, like the cler'- Mr. Thompson, was expelled from all his employments m order to make room for the raw Seralin * ' heeler ' ' aforesaid, and with aggravations against which the law would protect a labouring Chinaman. He was not notified, for instance, of the inteution of the gov- •ernment; he was dismissed as from a date already past, and his pay ibr even the days of work (apart from his monthly status) was withheld without reason for months, and pro- l)ably, never would have been remitted to him had not Mr. Semlin felt the lash on his own back. Possibly, some of this treatment was owing more to stupidity than to malice — all tyrannj indeed, being stupid — yet what sort of men are these to be jntnisted with the authority of the Crown ? I may add th>*t I was not at fiirst aware that Mr. Green, M. L. A. , was implicated in this outrage. His complicity, however, in no way absol/ .ti the government, because a district member, being constitutionally debarred as such, from any executive function, is not responsible therefor, to the Lieutenant-Governor or the public. We are driven 22 II back on the premier and his "commando " on every turn of aflFairs. Personally, I was very sorry to read Mr. Green's letter of attempted "explanation." I supported him in his election, because I classed him as a straightforward man, and as I thought that Mr. Retallack, his opponent, though an equally valued friend^ and an honourable, able man, was, in the mystery of human conduct, too old for his years. Mr. Green's letter on this Slocan scandal con* flicts with the letter of Mr.'Semlin on the same subject^ (see annexed correspondence) but the two letters agree in a characteristic unacquaintance with common facts, and in audacious misstatements on the part of the writers. I have simply torn the letters up and thro>\ n them back in their faces. The whole exhibits "Semlinism" at its rascal worst — a digest of anarchy, as Well as an engine of indi- vidual oppression. Passing over the Kaslo administrative district (con- tiguous to the Slocan district), in which the undermining of Mr. John Keen (who, like those above named, has the fatal quality of being a first-rate officer) appears to have been temporarily suspended, I will now ask the reader to accompany me to Nelson, which, in some respects, has the most important Government Agency on the mainland Here ' ' Semlinism, ' ' again, has been notably illustrated. The recordership at Nelson was held by Mr, R. F. Tolmie, a public servant of nearly twenty years' standing. During his two years service at Nelson, he showed himself to be an obliging, very capable officer. He was dismissed with less ceremony than if he had been a labouring China- man, without notice, explanation, justification or excuse — his own claims — the demands of ordinaiy courtesy, ' the interests of the office, being put aside as unworthy of any consideration. Some sons of Belial, in the little town. 23 ■ afterwards, when even government supporters showed alarm at these successions of iniquity, began to hint that Mr. Tolmie was a man who had political opinions of his own, and, by .implication, political friends, and that, for •this reason, it was "up to date" politics to deprive him of his employments. But no charge of this kind, or of any kind, was ever communicated to Mr. Tolmie, who, as above said, was in every respect a thoroughly good officer. In the more spacious days of * former premier I could name, the above manly idiosyncrasy of the worthy recorder* supposing it was true of him, might have been regarded as a reason for raising his pay and conciliating his friends, for a man, subdued by force, is only half subdued. But why all this palaver? The simple truth is, that the recorder was thrust out, in pursuance of the Semlin policy and practice of jobbing the civil service, for personal and wholly unworthy ends. The Tolmie case, at Nelson, is similar to the Thompson and Sproat cases at New Denver, already mentioned. Weil, owing to this Tolmie dismissal, and to the ' ' demission of office ' ' (as we Scotsmen say) on the part of the Gold Commissioner at Nelson, (which "demission," otherwise, does not come into the present narrative), the two offices of Recorder and Gold Commissioner, etc., at Nelson, A^ere vacant, and the government, in consequence, which had shown amply its destructive genius in the cases mentioned, had an opportunity of showing its constructive capacity. The great Panjandrum himself could not have presented, for the edification oC the public, a better test case of the constructive civil service policy of the govern- ment. Be it known that the Nelson office is a head office, to and from which money comes and goes, in lumps. Sub- division returns and accounts are there sifted and arranged 34 for transmission to Victoria. The recorder is more than a recorder ; he is a sort of assistant government agent. For the above reason alone, apart from all considerations of justice and fairness to the service, and for the further advantage of preventing blasphemy in the Victoria depart- . ments, on account of the vagaries of wild agents, these offices at Nelson should have been filled with trained ser- vice men. I know that well meaning governments some- times may misapprehend ^ distant situation, but nothing of the sort can be pleaded in this case, for, as I have said, Mr, Hume, one of the ministers, is a Nelson business man. Now, ^f-hat did the government Jo in the matter (to take that first) of a successor to the noxiously competent Mr. Tolmie ? Gazing anxiously over the veldt (probably after prayer and meditation like their contemporary sinner Oom, Paul) they spotted a barkeeper. I must not here allow myself to be misunderstood. As a man of varied experiences, who has been, more or less, in touch with ail classes, the notion of judging anyone by his occupation, apart from his charac^^er and conduct, could not possibly enter my mind, besides which, my acquaintanceship with the above " profesh ' ' has been extensive, and, I hope; on both sides appreciative. The government office duties at Nelson, as above said, are com- plex, though perhaps not more so than a supremely com- posed cocktail, but my point is, that a skilled man in one employment is not necessarily skilful in another, and that the government had at hand, to fill the recordership at Nelson, many of its own trained servants, with high char- acters and just claims to pro-notion. You would not, for instance, (had you the power) place a tailor in charge of the '* Warspite's" engine-room — but what am I saying? 25 ^ow, the needle and scissor men will be after me hot- footed, " Ay me ! how many perils do enfold The righteous man, to make him daily fall.' I halt abruptly here, for a minute, at a painful stage -of the narration. The recorder who, under the system of **Semlinism," was thus appointed to succeed Mr. Tolmie At Nelson, did not hold the office very long. As it does not appear that he was dismissed or that he resigned on account of "competency " (which is the established cause of dismissals by the present government), I must think that the peculiar circumstances should be formally investi- gated, in justice to the late incumbent, and to the present ministry, and to the public. On certain assumptions, which I hope will prove to be unfounded, the ministers are not likely to undertake such an investigation willingly, or to publish the result of it. Their friends say they are beginning to find that ' ' Semlinism ' ' is too large a morsel for the public to swallow, but, on my principle of absolute fairness in controversy, it would be premature, before the house meets, to assume that the government propose to smother the facts connected with this — their first "con- structive" attempt at Nelson. Bear in mind here, good reader, that, as already said. I am dealing with two government offices only in this large province, yet, see how the incrimmating evidence grows, and what a part this noxious new system, working through local "rump rule "and local adjutants "Jones and the Fribble" (polite for ass), plays in the fortunes of the civil service, which is the practical government of the •country. But I do not, even here, "rest" the enumera- tion of details in support of the indictment which has been preferred, though, perhaps, I might safely do so. There a6 is something yet to be added, very illustrative in its way r namely, the action of the government as to the other vacancy at Nelson, that of agent and Gold Commistioner. This vacancy did not result from an abuse of power, as in the cases of Thompson, Sproat and Tolmie, above mentioned ; it fell to the government to fill it, and great was the filling thereof, and also the unfilling, and the nominal refilling, as now to be narrated. The appointment, of course, should have been given- to someone in the service, in common justice, and also for the reason that no untrained man can perform its duties satisfactorily. This latter fact, perhaps, is not sufficiently recognized by the general public, but it is unquestionably true. An ordinary business man is not qualified without official training to be the head of a district office — not that the qualifications for the latter situation are of a very high class, but because they are of a special character. Raw men, it is true, have acted as such heads, and, with the help of trained subordinates, gradually become more or less- efficient, amid the curses of the suffering local public, and the more decorous, distant blasphemy of the departnlents at Victoria ; but even this modified success has not always- been the outcome of their unjustifiable appointment. I " hae ma ain doots " if any member of the ministry could fill the office in question, though I daresay Mr. Cotton would make the experiment, he having, apparently, spme of the characteristics of the late Lord John Russell, of whom Sydney Smith said that he was ready, at a moment's notice, either to perform an operation for the stone, or take command of the Channel Fleet. Well, gazing again anxiously over the veldt, the appointing eye, on this occasion, rested upon Mr, J A, Turner, of Nelson, a highly respectable man, well skilled- noi abs nes as / ^^ lie of Lke the lied in his own line, which, I believe, is, or lately was, that of a grocer in a large way of business, with various other property interests. If the office in question was to be jobbed, and trained public servants excluded, a more estimable '* jobbee " than Mr. Turner could not have been selected But, unfortunately, for the government, Mr. Turner is too honourable a man to occupy an untenable position for a minute Why he accepted the appointment is known only to himself ; perhapg he sacrificed himself to show how a government office could be "run " on "plain'* business principles, forgetting that it can only be " run "" in a certain established, uniform way, deemed necessary for the protection of the public. Anyhow, in no long time, fretted by the formalities, and entangled in red tape, and with the Auditor-General's red pencil enlarged in the horrific visions of the night into the " mast of some great ammiral, ' ' clothed in wavering flames, this worthy experi- menter incontinently *' chucked his job." I was present {a lu Blavatsky) at the hurriedly assembled ministerial council, when the news reach _*d Victoria. "Dearie me f our only man up there kicking, and the session coming on," moaned Mr. Semlin ; "what can be done, Mr. Hume?" "Oh," said Mr. Hume, "I know Mr. Turner well, I am certain he will withdraw his resignation, that is, he might, but I don't think he will, what do you think your- self?" So it was agreed that Mr. Hume should repair to Nelson for a conference with the "kicker," and that Mr- Cotton, who had an incompleted argument there, should follow him up. The end of it all was that Mr. Turner did, nominally, withdraw his resignation, and under a leave of absence, he sailed away to England with some good busi_ ness "propositions" in his pocket If those turn out well^ as many sincerely hope they may, Mr. Turner will never i I 1>!Pi mtmmmt 38 :again be seen behind a government counter. The Inspec- tor (not police, but the other man) meanwhile is in charge of the office. I do not know that there is anything else to add, at present, to the foregoing cumulative proofs of tyranny and incompetence The whole story is painful — nothin/j; like it in the annals of this province, or of any other province. And now, having concluded Part IL of this comment- ary, I will add, that, if apy reader cares to see a c^ ^ple of the political tribe, so to speak, skinned, dressed, and hung up in workman-like style, he may take a glance at the *' Appendix," though that refers to one count only of the :five spectfic counts in the foregoing indictment. PosTCRiPT — Walking in the street to-day, homeward, ^ith an aproned English-bred workman — open Saxon eye — dusty as to whiskers, and with dinner-pail in hand — we exchanged views on politics. I had most of the talk, and strove to impress on my companion the value of the ' ' moral hinge ' ' in public affairs. He said little on the march, but, at parting, said he, with something like the portent of a wink in his nether eye — "You 'av'nt 'it it hoff, this pop. Judge, with all your lieddication. The 'demnity's the'inge; some chaps over there, with three years' 'demnity ahead, as good as cash, aint agoing to vote for no blooming dissolootion, and, if the Governor dissolootes, the same kind of kiddies will come up again " — and off he went. Whatever could the man mean, and why that portent -of a wink? "The 'demnity's the 'inge!" It sounds a a little profane. fC the Re to Th con APPENDIX Sir: Victoria. P. o. Box 425. officer of good chLc^.f.„rZZ^-''°"^ T« P""'- I am, Sir, Vour obedient servant TheHoatheP.ovinciSeta^*'-^'^— Victoria. [Copy] PRovmcAL Secretary's Office Victoria, k. c. • Dear Sir: ""• September. 1899^ fh. u '" ■'"P'^ '° y™" of the 7th in« I ;, the honour to say that I am informed that the ;« r Recorder «,as taken from Alexander Sproat Esl auf to an officer whose time was not „«, ,^' ^ S'ven The remuneration, twen ^ " Ma ^ZT ""'^ """P""- considered insufficient to mainta^ Mi*c^^' T """"^ ™ officer of the Government he cl^d :::t tZ;^:'^.. 30 We thought it better, in the public interests, to amalgamate the offices rather than pay a high price for very little work. I remain, yours truly, (Signed) C. A. Semlin, Provincial Secretary. G. M. Sproat, Esq., P.O. Box 425, Victoria. fCoi^] Victoria, P.O. 425, 29th September, 1899. Sir I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the nth inst., in which you reply to mine of the 7th idem., by confirming the rtimpur that Mr. Alexander Sproat has been deprived of all his employments in the Slocan District, and is left unemployed. Not knowing how far you might have been prepared to admit my status in addressing you, I limited my above letter to a single request, namely, as to the above allegation, but you practically invite discussion by preferring some explana- tion of the conduct of the Government. I notice that you do not write from your own informa- tion, but according to the policeman's old formula, from " information " received. It will be well, I suggest, for you to change yoi.r in- formant because the information upon which your letter pro- ceeds is notably inaccurate. There never was a $25 mining recordership at New Denver. Nor can I perceive in your letter, generally, anything a-elcvant to the circumstances. The leading idea seems to be, that, having deprived a worthy officer of all his employ- on ofl thi coi 31 ments except $25 a month, the further deprivation of the five and twenty may be efficacious as a tonic. You will err in your further necessary investigation of this matter; if you allow your mind to regard it as a question of " offices." The question is not one of offices at all, but of men. All the offices at New Denver, for some time after you became premier, were held by one man, Mr. Alexander Sproat, an educated, trained officer of 7 years' good service, absolutely unpartisan, and generally respected. They are held now, by another man, an inexperienced man. The question I pin you to is, the reason for this arbit* trary act; which revolts the common feeling, dishonours the Crown; and is detrimental; in the highest degree, to the pub- lic interest. That the Crown, under the British system, must have absolute authority over all its servants (except the few on whom the law confers a certain fixity of tenure) is a matter of commoh sense — I am speaking of an iniquitous abuse of that power; which, if allowed by the public, under the oligar- chic system that prevails here, would tend to make the Victoria cabinet a menace to good government. It i.^ not, as a harsh critic, that I address you, but as a man of public spirit, willing to assist you in discovering damaging facts which, apparently, you do not appreciate. I bear in mind, duly, that your government is almost the only one wi have seen composed wholly of men without any official experience, and absolutely the only one known here that could not find a man of its own for each of the great constitutional offices. 32 y As the public wanted a change, I welcomed your acces- cession to office, on account of your long service in the legislature and your general repute as a moderate, fair-minded man, who might be expected to do well But, now, I find you in default in a matter of the first importance, not even commonly informed respecting it. And, as far as my inquiry has proceeded, no satisfying explanation is even suggested ; nothing but blind tyranny appears. The already veneraJble scapegoat, Mr. Joseph Martin (whose courtesy and clearness of perception struck me during the only interview I ever had with him), was not in office when the present outrage occurred, nor had his successor taken his desk. Mr. Hume and Mr. Cotton, who both are known to be eminently sincere men (though as automata signing letters in the premises), fell upon my neck and wept, on the mere mention of injustice to a distinguished public officer. Under these baffling circumstances, as there appears to be, to say the least, an imperfect correlation of the psychic forces among the more or less elusive ministerial personages in the Rattenbury caravanserai (notwithstanding the nour- ishing mottoes on the inside walls , I will solicit some information upon the present subject from Mr. R. F. Green, the member for the Slocan District, whose duty it is, in part, to prevent such misadventures, and, on receiving his reply, will take leave, again, to address you, with such gentle com- ments, perhaps, as the public interest may demand. In the meantime, if. by changing your informant, or, (to make a novel suggestion), by your informing yourself, you can, at this end, " cough up " any relevant explanation of the mis- conduct of the government, I shall be pleased to have it before me, for use in the summing up. \7 n fi e al th \r 33 With great respect, I ha/e tie honour to be, Sir, Your very obedient humble servant The Hon. the Provin^i Secr^;!''" ""^^"^^^^ ^'-^-^T. Victoria. - Kaslo, B. C, O. M. Sfroa,, E.,., P. « s„ ,.,-, "" ''"- "^'- Dear Sir : depa«u.e for the S.lL: Lr": .T, ^ .""= ''Vl "^ last evening. In reolv I „• ,/u ^ ^'■""^ h^c Mr. Alevan'der SpZhaJ 1 f '=' '° ''' '"=" >'°- -"• Recorder to the 'pos i "7 ^ T™"''"'™'" '«" "« S.oea„ .nining d,vL„„, t„e ^fl-'e r Mrr'T^ ^ "'= became vacant under ordinary <-ivil <; ^ Recorder thus mended Mr, A. Mclnnis a 1 . ■"■'" '"'''■ ' '•''°'^- fumU the duties of the :t7o': Iv,'' ^"^ ^°"'"^'-' '° crnment appointed him. '"""°"' '""' »e Gov. abo,istr;tt:.?rras::.h,:'«,r"''''"" ^-'^^^^ ^-" -e o«ce shouid a,so acct':ht:~;f' Si:™ / 1 remain, "^'ours faithfully, R- F. Green. 34 (CopvJ ViCTORTA, Box 425. 25th December, 1899. R. F. Green, Esq., M. L. A. Kaslo: Dear Sir : I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 19th inst. , in reply to mine of the 8th in-t. on the subject of the Slocan scandal. The delay in replying, which you explain, is unimport- ant — the main point being to get everything respecting the scandal down in black and white, as far as possible, so that when printed, the reader may form his own conclusions. I hope you will not take it amiss if I say, with some regret, that your unacquaintance with fact is on a pir with that of Mr. Semlin, though with less excuse in vital matters affecting the Slocan, as the premier has many things to attend to. Your letter is short, but contains a misstatement in almost every line of it, I -,v^ll prove this in a few paragraphs, beyond all possibility of question, without impugning your candour, or dttributinrr '^r you deliberate falsification. A man immersed in intrigue often disregards everything but his object. You make the assertion and base an argument on it. that the Slocan Gold Commissioncrship was " abolished." As many prospectors, mine-owners, and lawyers, in- cluding my own nondescript .self, possess official documents purporting the contrary, and, as the question much concerns business, will you be good enough to state the date of the Order in Council effecting such abolition ? The common belief is, that the office has not been abolished, but was transferred, on your recommendation, to your nominee Mr. Mclnnes, who, now, performs, or is ;? » 35 charged with the performance of, its duties, together with those of the recorlership, precisely as these dual functions were performed formerly, by Mr. A. Sproat The Govern- ment here, denies your statement as to abolition. Next, you speak with similar confidence of "Civil Ser- vice rules." I am not aware that our Civil Service is org:^ jzed, or has any rules, except as to hours of attendance and such like. The only thing connected with the service that I know of, which, in its persistency, has one characteristic of a " rule," is the practice of the government in bartering Crown appointments for parliamentary votes. Your main point, however, and what you evidently consider the turning point in the case, is that, on Mr. A. Sproat's " promotion " to the Gold Commissioner his office of recorder became " vacant." This, like your other statements, is wholly without foundation. Are you, the member for a mining district, unaware of the Mineral Law Amendment, by which the offices of Gold Commissioner and Mining Recorder may be held by one man, or of the commonly known fact that Mr. A. Sproat did actually hold these offices, under that provision, with one salary ? Let me state to yon the true history, which you have not taken the trouble to ascertain, or have forgotten. It had long been the wish of the Slocan people to have a Gold Commissioner of their own, and an independent admin- istrative district. They adopted resolutions to that effect, in public meeting. Yielding to the common desire, but not wishing to create offices for two men, the Turner Govern- ^li. V 36 ment added the duties of Gold Commissioner to the Recorder- ship, which had been long held by Mr. A. Sproat. (The pay-vote was naturally described as for the higher office ; that is an immaterial detail). ^ The " two men tenure " was arranged later, by the present government, and by yourself, in order to carry out the irtrigue now being exposed. The method adopted was not devoid of a '' two-bit circus" cleverness. Having, by means of this designs 1, temporary dualism, got your own nominee into one of these offices, namely, the recordership, you procured the restoration of the former unity of tenure, with the change only that your raw nominee was placed in charge of both offices, and Mr. A. Sproat was thrust out after seven years' of good service. The latter was left with only the Deputy Registership of the County Court (to which the Semlin government had appointed him), and the same government, on your demand, transferred that office also to your man. These are the facts, more succinctly stated, perhaps, in the annexed copy of Mr. A. Sproat's letter to Mr. Semlin, dated 2 1st August last, and they pulverise your statements. I presume tliat, under these circum-itanocs, you are jocularly inclined in suggesting chit Mr. A, Spront had to "accept the fortunes" of the Gold Commissioner's office. These fortunes led it into the recipient bosom of your own nominee, whither Mr. A. Sproat could not very well pursue it What now bfcgins to loom through the haze is the out- line of a hitherto concealed dirty intrigue, with an iniquitous abuse of official power. ^ ^ 37 You are a good witness for the prosecution, though called for the defence, in the case of the public r:'*'sus •' Seaalinism." I thaiik you for the side-light which your letter throws upon the question at Issue, and for the assistance it will be -to me in sumfoing up the situation. 1 am, Dear Sir, Yours faithfully, (Signed) G. M. Sproat. Sir : N»w Denver, B. C, August 2 1st. 1899. 1 am in receipt of your letter of the nth instant, in- forming me that my appointment as Registrar of the County Court has been revoked, and that Mr. A. Mclnnes has been appointed to the position. The Hon. the Minister of Mines innformed me by letter of the 7th July that my services as the Gold Commis- sioner would cease on the 30lii of the previous month. I am somewhat surprised to find that in the exercise of your prerogative to dismiss me at any time, you should deem me to be undeserving of being apprised before hand. Are you aivare. Sir, that I was Mining Recorder here froir. Mav. 1S92, until July, 1898? I was then made Gold Commissioner. 1 was still to perform the duties of Mining Recorder; and I did so, as the Statute provide.!. Mr. Mclnnes was appointed Mining Recorder, later. I hav2 been dismissed, and he is to perform the duties of Gold Commissioner, as the Statute provides. If he, as Mining Recorder, is competent to perform the duties of a Gold r 38 Commissioner, was I, as Gold Con missionev, incompetent to perform the duties of a Mining Recorder? - You giv- no reason for my dismissal, therefore, agair?:: my inclination and to my -egret, I am of the opinion ^ >it ! have been dismissed in order that another man— a»V; ;jj,., experienced man— should be provided wi'.h a po^lUon. I will be pleased to receive payment for my services as Gold Commissioner 8 day. in July, and as Registrar up to the 1 2th instant. I am. Sir, Your faithfu' and obedient servant, (Signed) Alex. Sproat. The Hon. the Premier of the Province of B. C. and the Hon. the Provincial Scretary. tbtmm^L^ WP