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Tous las autros sxampialraa originaux sont filmte an commandant par la pramiAra paga qui comporta una amprainta dimpraaaion ou d'liluatration at an tarminant par la damlAra paga qui comporta una talla amprainta. Un daa symbolaa suivants apparaitra sur la damiAra imaga da chaqua microficha, salon la caa: la symbols — »> signifia "A SUIVRE". la symboia ▼ signifia "FIN". Laa cartaa. pianchaa. tablaaux, ate, pauvant fttra ffimte i daa taux da rMuction diffirants. Loraqua la doeumant ast trop grand pour itra raproduit ii un saul clichA. ii ast film* i partir da I'angla supMaur gaucha. da gaucha i droita. at da hnut wt baa. an pranant la nombra d'Imagaa nccessaira. Las diagrammas suivants illuatrant la mithoda. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 • • 'T.^ •-'" ^i '^k V'» i^'s 'I i'. fr j;: I THE SPEECH £^t '.n ov THE RIGHT HON. HENRY LABOUCHBRE, M.P. IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, ON THE NAVIGATION LAWS. LONDON: JAMES RIDGWAY, PICCADILLY. 1848. ^ ] I I I s SPEECH, 4rc' The House resolved itself into Committee; and, on the motion of Mr. Labouchere, the follow- ing passage of the Lords Commissioners' speech at the opening of the session was read by the clerk at the table : — ** Her Majesty recommends to the con- sideration of Parliament the laws which regulate the Navigation of the United Kingdom, with a view to ascertain whether any changes can be adopted, which, without danger to our maritime strength, may promote the commercial and colonial interests of the Empire." Mr. Labouchere then spoke as follows : — Mr. Bernal — In rising to redeem the pledge which was given in the speech of her Majesty, at the com- mencement of the present session, by bringing before the attention of the Committee the subject of the Na- vigation Laws, I assure them that I am deeply con- scious of the «veight and responsibility of the task which has devolved upon me. I know that those laws have long been regarded among us with a re- verence inferior only to that which we are accus- tomed to pay to those immortal statutes which are the bulwarks and safeguards of our constitutional B 2 liberties. I am aware that they have been defended by some of our greatest statesmen, and eulogized by some of our wisest philosophers and historians. But, on the other hand, 1 may venture to remind the Committee that they have been subject to frequent changes and alterations. It was remarked long ago by the sagacity of Mr. Burke — *♦ If the navigation act is suffered to run the full length of its principle, and is not changed and modified according to the change of times and fluctuations of circumstances, it must do great mischief, and frequently even defeat its own purpose." And if the changes which I am about to recommend to the Committee are of a far more vital and extensive description than any that have been previously proposed to Parliament, I en- treat them to consider, at the same time, how every- thing else has been changing around us. What changes, even in our own times, have we not wit- nessed, in all the circumstances that affect the com- mercial and industrial position of the country! The emancipation of the great South American colonies ; the introduction of steam navigation ; that awakened spirit of rivalry which a long peace has caused among all the nations of the world in the race of mercantile prosperity; and, above all, those great changes which we ourselves have adopted in our whole system of protection, and of the system under which our trade is conducted. These events, although crowded into a few years, have done the work of cen- turies, and they render it necessary that the House should well consider what may have been their effect . { inded ed by But, d the quent gago Ration iciple, to the ices, it defeat 1 I am f afar ly that , I en- every- What ot wit- e com- ! The lonies ; lakened caused race of great in our under [though of cen- House Ir effect upon our navigation laws, and what course it may be- hove us to pursue in reference to those objects which it p'.'ofesses to maintain— objects which no man can be 'nore anxious to see secured than I am myself, — I mean the commercial greatness of the country, and the continuance of its military naval power. The Committee will perhaps allow me, in a very rapid and general manner, to call their attention to the changes that have taken place in the navigation laws in this country. I believe the first naviga- tion law which is to be found on our statute- book was enacted in the fifth year of the reign of Richard II. ; and it contains perhaps the strongest provisions that are to be found in the whole code. It enacts broadly, " That no subject of the King should ship any merchandise outwards or homewards in any but ships of the King's liegeance, on pain of forfeiting all merchandise shipped in any other ves- sel." This act only lasted a single year; it was found necessary to alter it the next year, and foreign ships were allowed to be employed if English ships could not be procured. A few years later it was enacted that English ships should only have reasonable rates of freight ; and afterwards a law was introduced to fix a tariff of the maximum of the freights to be charged by vessels carrying between the ports of England and the principal ports of the continent of Europe. The distinctive character of this system was plainly that of exclusive monopoly and restric- tion. It lasted, with some modifications, but with- B 2 I . r \. out departing from this main principle, to the reign of Queen Elizabeth ; but in the first year of Queen Elizabeth a very remarkable change took place. The parliament of Queen Elizabeth passed a statute which altogether reversed the principle of the navi- gation laws which had previously existed, and adopted instead of an absolute exclusion of the foreigner, the principle of protection by means of differential duties, allowing foreign ships to come to this country as well as English ships, but imposing a differential duty upon goods imported in foreign bottoms as contra-distinguished from goods imported in English bottoms ; and, as was much the habit in those days, tiie preamble of this act set out much more frankly than, I think, we are accustomed to do, the reasons which induced the legislature to adopt this change of plan ; and they are reasons so remarkable that I will venture to call the attention of the House to them. The act stated — ** that since the making of the statutes other sovereign princes, finding them- selves aggrieved with the said acts, as thinking that the same were made to the hurt and prejudice of their country and navy, have made like penal laws against such as should ship out of their countries in any other vessels than of their several countries and dominions ; by reason whereof there hath not only grown great displeasure between the foreign princes and the kings of this realm, but also the merchants have been sore aggrieved and enda- maged." 1 I \ he reign if Queen i place. \ statute he navi- ;ed, and 1 of the f means ships to lips, but imported ed from , as was imble of I think, s which lange of le that I ouse to aking of ig them- ing that ludice of Inal laws oun tries loun tries lath not foreign lalso the enda- li The principle adopted by Queen Elizabeth was very much the principle that prevailed generally in those times, and indeed which to a very considerable de- gree prevails at the present day on the part of other commercial nations of the world. At that time, I believe, every nation that enjoyed any foreign trade at all put distinctive duties upon produce imported in alien bottoms, for the protection of their own navi- gation ; this, I believe, was the system of all foreign nations, with one very remarkable exception. There was one country which at that period was almost struggling into existence that adopted a very different principle — of course I am speaking of Holland. Holland adopted a system of the most unrestricted freedom. She gave the utmost encouragement to commerce, and made her marshes the home of the merchants of every country who chose to go there. The result of that policy was most remarkable. It enabled the Dutch to build up the most magnificent fabric of commercial greatness and political power, upon foundations naturally so slight, that the world had ever before had an example of. I ought, perhaps, to state to the Committee, that while Queen Eliza- beth made this change of policy with regard to the navigation laws, she for the first time introduced a system of restriction which did not exist under the system of the previous period. She made for the first time the coasting trade of England a monopoly. Till then the coasting trade had been open to fo- reign vessels. This second period of our naviga- tion laws lasted without any material change to the I I 6 time of the Commonwealth. It was during this second period, especially in the reign of James I. that our great colonial empire originated. The suc- cessors of Queen Elizabeth applied to the colonial trade the same principle that she had applied to the home trade. They did not make it a system of strict monopoly and exclusion, but they favoured British commerce with regard to the colonies in the same way as they had done with regard to the commerce of England, namely, by virtually placing differential duties upon goods carried in foreign vessels engaged in the colonial trade, in the same manner as they were imposed upon goods in foreign vessels engaged in the home trade of this country. This was the policy of what I call the second period ~ I mean the period which began in the reign of Elizabeth, and lasted to the time of the Commonwealth — with re- gard to the navigation system. At the time of the Commonwealth began the third period, which has lasted down to the time at which I am now addressing the Committee. The foundations were then laid of that system which has left an im- press very strongly on the laws that are still upon our statute book. This system was begun by acts passed during the Commonwealth, and confirmed by the statute commonly called the Navigation Act, and which act, when taken in conjunction with the " Statute of Frauds,** which was passed immedi- ately afterwards, mainly comprises the provisions regulating our commercial navigation. It is the Act of 12 Charles II. c. IS. It is not necessary I should state to tho Committco what are the princi- ples of the Navigation Act — they are too familiar to all of us to make it necessary for me to do so. The legislatiVre of England at that period again reverted to the system of monopoly and exclusion. They en- deavoured as fur as possible to treat the British empire as self-supported and self-relying. They sought to engross to our own shipping all the trade and business of the empire ; reverting in this respect to the old policy of Richard II. They in eluded in this system the vast colonial trade which had sprung up during the interval. The motives which indu jd the country to adopt this change were principally political ; at least they were not, I be- lieve, mainly and originally founded upon commer- cial motives. Blackstone gives a very clear account of the reasons why, in his opinion, the legislature were induced to adopt this system. There was, in the first place, a desire on the part of the Common- wealth Parliament to impede the intercourse which those who had adopted the Royalist cause were carrying on with our colonies ; and in the second place, they had still more for their object and pur- pose, a desire (to use an expression of Blackstone) " to clip the wings of the Dutch," of whose great carrying trade we were jealous, and with whom we were then beginning to quarrel on other grounds. This system has remained in some respects unal- tered to the present day ; at the same time a great many changes in other respects have been made, with the details of which, however, I will not now 8 nr weary the Committee. The first circumstance that materially tended to break down this system was the occurrence of the events which led to the declaration of the independence of the United States of America. That declaration pro- duced many remarkable consequences. In the first place, it destroyed a great trade actually existing. It destroyed that self-supporting power which the British empire had, at least as it was supposed, hitherto possessed. The commercial connection which had hitherto existed between our West India islands and the colonies, which were then becoming independent states, had been very great, intimate, and important. The violent de- struction of that commercial connection placed this country in a most embarrassing position. It was some time before the Parliament of this country could make up their minds to adopt the course which they were ultimately forced to pursue. Mr. Pitt, on the first declaration of independence by the United States, with true wisdom and with great courage, came forward to propose to Parliament and the country to continue that commercial inter- course with the United States of America pretty much upon the same footing that had previously existed while those states were British colonies; but all the power which Mr. Pitt possessed failed in persuading the country to adopt that wise policy. Palliatives, indeed, were had recourse to, but many plractical evils to our commerce followed from this discontinuance of the connection between our colo- #1 9 ^iously onies ; failed olicy. many 1 this colo- nies and those portions of North America which had bocome the United States. Attempts were made to enable those colonies which had remained faithful to the British Crown to supply the defi- ciency that had been occasioned by the separation of the other colonies j but these attempts afforded no adequate remedy, and it was not till the greatest practical evils had taken place that Parliament con- sented to apply an eflfective cure to them. I find it stated, in an address of that period from the House of Assembly of Jamaica to the Crown, that there had been for several successive years hurricanes in that island, and that, between the years I78O and 1787 no less than 15,000 slaves had perished* from the want of the accustomed supply of food from the United States of America, and from its conse- quent dearness ; this want of supply being entirely the result of the interruption of that system of commerce which had previously existed between the West India islands and the colonies which had since become the independent United States of America. At last, step by step, free intercourse between the United States and the West India colonies was allowed, but so gradually that it is only in our own time that a free and unrestricted access has been allowed., by which the West India islands may obtain whatever supplies they may re- quire from the United States. These changes made a very wide breach in the system of our navi- gation laws. Many other changes followed. The " 10 first I will advert to is, that of the admission of Ireland into a participation of all the advan- tages of the English trade. This took place about the time of the declaration of American independence. Then came the measure for es- tablishing free ports, and the introduction of the warehousing system; after that came Mr. Hus- kisson's reciprocity treaties ; and lastly and quite recently, came the measures which we have adopted for enabling those inland countries which, by means of steam navigation and of rivers, can carry on an intercourse with the sea near to the mouths of those rivers, to use the ports which they approach as if they were ports of their own — a measure of which, in passing, I must say, that while absolutely forced upon us by a sense of justice, and in order to de- velope our trade, it is one which no man can fail to see has made a considerable breach in our naviga- tion system, a breach which it is now too late to repair, and which it will be exceedingly difficult to prevent becoming much wider than it is. Having thus, in a very general manner, asked the Committee to survey the course of legislation pursued with regard to the Navigation Laws, I will now call the attention of the Committee to the actual state of the law at the present moment. The law on the subject is mainly comprised in three statutes. The one is the Navigation Act, properly so called — the 8th and 9th Victoria, cap. 88 — which is a conso- lidation of the provisions of our Navigation laws j II admission ae advan- ook place American re for es- on of the Mr. Hus- and quite ve adopted , by means arry on an hs of those roach as if B of which, itely forced irder to de- can fail to lur naviga- ;oo late to difficult to [ner, asked I legislation ^aw9, 1 will I the actual The law »e statutes. |o called — is a conso- tion laws; the next is the act regulating the registration of British vessels, being the 8th and 9th Victoria, cap. 89 ; and the third is the statute for consoH' dating the laws relating to merchant seamen, and for keeping a registry of seamen, being the 7th and 8th Victoria, cap. 112. I will state as con- cisely as possible what is the actual result of these laws. The Navigation Act directs that cer- tain enumerated articles, the produce of Europe, shall be imported into this country for consumption only in British ships, or in ships of the country of which the goods are the produce, or in ships of the country from which they are imported. The bearing of this law obviously is as far as possible to secure the European carrying trade to our own shipping. It goes on to direct that the produce of Asia, Africa, and America, shall be imported into this country only in British ships, or in ships of the country of which the goods are the produce, and from which they are imported ; and further, that these productions shall not be imported from any part of Europe in any ships whatever. The pur- port of this plainly is to keep to ourselves what is called the " long voyage trade," not permitting even our own ships to bring the produce of Asia, Africa, and America from any European port, but obliging the long voyage to take place in British ships. It also directs that no goods shall be imported into our colonies (under which term I do not include British India) except in British ships, or in ships of the country of which the goods are the produce, being 1^ also the country from which they are imported. It confines the trade between all parts of the British empire to British ships, the only exception being in the trade between this country and India, into which some foreign ships, are admitted under treaty. The object of these provisions is as far as possible to confine the colonial trade to ourselves. These are the main provisions of the act, but they are sub- ject to several exceptions and modifications. The act further provides that British ships shall be na- vigated by a Briti.'^h master, and by a crew of whom three-fourths are British seamen ; and it defines British seamen so as to exclude natives of India. It directs, moreover, that no foreign ship shall be admitted to be a ship of any given country unless it be of the build of that country (or British built), nor unless it be wholly owned by subjects of that country, nor unless it be navigated by a master and crew of whom three-fourths are subjects of that country. The character of the British vessel is next laid down in the act for the registering of British vessels. This character depends upon three points — first, upon the building of the ship ; it must be built in some part of the United Kingdom or in the British possessions. No foreign ship, unless she has been a prize taken in war, is entitled to be considered a British vessel. The next point is the ownership. No vessel that is owned by a foreigner can be entitled to be registered as a British ship. There are some anomalies which I purpose taking the present opportunity of correcting— such as that a foreigner naturalized in England may be the owner 13 of a British ship, but a foreigner naturalized in the British colonies cannot. I now come to the third point necessary to constitute the character of a British ship — 1 mean the manning. The law may be described in this manner: — A British ship en- gaged in the coasting trade must have the whole of its crew composed of British seamen ; a British ship engaged in foreign trade must have three-fourths of its crew composed of British seamen. Every British ship is obliged to have on board a certain number of apprentices, amounting to about one-sixth in number of the whole crew. These are the main points of the law with regard to British shipping, registering ships, and seamen. I will now proceed to state the reasons that have brought me to the conclusion that these laws require alteration. They rest as I have said upon three main prin- ciples — first, to secure our colonial trade ; secondly, to secure the long voyage trade ; and thirdly, in- directly to secure the carrying trade to ourselves. 1 will proceed to call the attention of the House to the operation of each of these principles, and to state the reasons that have induced me to be- lieve that we cannot, consistently with our own well understood interests and sense of justice, leave either of these principles as it now stands, or with- out applying to it some large and fundamental alteration. I will begin with the case of the colo- nial trade. I believe that if ever there was a just demand made upon this House — I say this House, which has adopted the principle, and which I trust ii:,i h ,;l 14 will maintain tho priinciple, that there shall be no differential duties, as a system, in favour of Eng- lish colonial produce imported into the mother country — I say, if the E[ouse is prepared to main- tain that principle, then, I repeat, if ever there was a just demand made on a British House of Commons it is that which is now proceeding from every part of the British colonies, namely, that if we think it right to set ourselves free from those restrictions which we at one time thought it conducive to our own interests and those of the colonies to maintain, but which we now think it beneficial to ourselves (and, as I believe, it will be found equally beneficial to the well-understood inte- rests of the colonies themselves) to abrogate, then we ought also speedily to relieve the colonists from those other restrictions which we have imposed upon them in reference to navigation. Everybody knows that even during the system of protection our colo- nies bore most impatiently those restrictions on their navigation. When Mr. Huskisson brought forward his proposal with regard to treaties of reciprocity in 1826, he declared it to be his opinion that these restrictions upon trade and navigation had had more to do with that fatal war which took place between the American colonies and the mother country, and which led finally to the independence of the Ameri- can colonies, than the question of taxation itself. I believe there is no one who has looked with any attention into the history of that period but must be 15 convinced that the opinion so expressed by Mr. Huskisson was a well-founded one. Now, with re- gard to our West India colonies, I have already quoted an account of the injuries inflicted during several years upon the island of Jamaica for want of supplies from America after the independence of the United States ; but the whole history of the West India islands shews, that even during the period of the system of protection, they were con- stantly complaining of the injuries imposed upon their trade by our sjstem of navigation laws. The history written by Bryan Edwards is full of the complaints made by the colonists to the Board of Trade of that day, and of accounts of the struggles which took place between the West India colonies and those of Canada, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, and the Government of the mother country, in consequence of the complaints of the former, on account of the grievances which these navigation restrictions inflicted upon them. I now ask the Com- mittee well to consider, whether they think it pos- sible or just, after having adopted a policy which de- prives all colonial produce of any preference in the markets of the mother country, to maintain tliose restrictions which could only be justified as long as the produce of these colonies enjoyed protection ? (" Hear, hear,'* from the opposition benches.) I understand those cheers coming from the benches opposite. Undoubtedly those hon. gentlemen would urge the argument I am now using as a reason for 16 Mil persuading us to retrace our steps and restore protection once more to the colonies ; but I now address myself to those who are not prepared to take that step ; and I think I have a right to ask them to join me in relieving the colonies from re- strictions which are so unjust and insupportable, especially in the condition in which those colonies are now placed. I have stated that remonstrances and complaints have come from all parts of the British colonial possessions with regard to the ope- ration of this Navigation Act. I will read to the Committee some of the most remarkable documents that have thus reached the Government from those colonies. I will begin with Canada, and read to the Committee an extract from a joint address from the Legislative Council and Assembly to the Queen, praying for the free navigation of the St. Lawrence by all nations, and the repeal of the navigation laws as far as respects that colony. This address, dated the 11th of July, 1847, states:— " That measures have been adopted in the neighbouring Re- public, mth a view to divert the trade of this province to and from Great Britain through the railroads and canals of that country, and thereby to secure to them a large accession of carry- ing trade, and from which a revenue was yielded last year of about ^700,000; and that there is too much reason to fear that their attempts will prove successful, unless other and further induce- ments than at present exist are offered in favour of the route by the St. Lawrence. That to afford such inducements, and to pre- yent a calamity so much to be apprehended, we humbly pray that your Majesty will be most graciously pleased to sanction the 17 ir- fw iiso of .he navigation of tl,c ri,„ s, t Plmed .0 recommend to the ImperiJpJ '" ^""'""">r :re::;T-'"-«.-.Cmr:rtoT.i^: was agreed ,o it ;! ""^""'"f «^» ""der which it could be le de Jvi„?:r;^ "" ""^ '^-'"»«»« ment I„ r*«7'»g of the attention of Parli, by the disti„l„T.h d tdi r," '''''''''' ?"""-=■» office of Gov::; liT^^^^ "■« March 26, I847 It I, ^''"' *"'' <>«'«<> and I take the , Lev oT"'"' "■""'' «»'"' ««™c. consideration of S'g r"""'"'"^ ''' "^ ">e 'arly those who al ^™"°'"«" "PPO'-te, particu- America. " Wd £7,.::^- """ "'"""^-"' S'«- .re permitted .0 17,:: '"'7''"'^'' " "« """ed doubted, however, whether the,epor!r"^- " '"'" «" •» On. of the mo,t effleaciou, e,pedlu t "°"'"' "" '°"°''«'- of .%h..pinted .„d en.eS"n°r°"""* ''■'*«"»« •tat their material interest, wffl „ * T '. " '° """"'' "■«■» "d «ith reapect to any dt J ", ' ^ ^'""^ ''J =V«tion ; Stateatoreaort to .ZlZZT °" "" '"' ""le United ^e .armed that nothin^w: ^1^ It" " ""^ '"'''^ denoy in check than the kno.lM f^ ' ''"I' '"«'' " 1™- «»- of . floariahing rl ' tif , !'" "'" ^°"» "■« *«".=- «« Wgely engaged* ' " "'"'"' "" "«»»• of that connt^, c I: Mil 18 Those are wise and statesmanlike opinions. My belief is, that the more liberal and beneficent our policy towards the colonies shall be, the more strict and durable will be the ties which bind them to us. I might multiply extracts from the correspondence of various parties in Canada, all bearing on the same point, but I feel it unnecessary to do so. I think that if the Committee will only consider the position of the British North American colonies at this time with regard to the United States, with its system of drawbacks, giving every possible facility for the export of the produce which grows on the great lakes through the canals of the United States in connexion with the port of New York, whilst, on the other hand, every encouragement is given by the same system of drawbacks to import, by way of New York, goods intended for the use of those flou- rishing portions of Upper Canada about the great lakes; — if the Committee will only consider this state of things, it will see that we are deeply interested in affording the people of Canada every possible fa- cility, by means of cheapening freights (which can only be the result of competition), to avail themselves of the natural advantages which the St. Lawrence presents. So much for British North America. I now come to the West Indies. The strongest re- presentations have been sent to this country by the West Indians of the evils which they believe them- selves to be suflTering in consequence of the restric- tions which they conceive to be imposed upon them ions. My eficent our [iiore strict hem to us. espondence Ing on the o do so. 1 lonsider the colonies at ites, with its le facility for on the great ed States in k, whilst, on is given by |rt, by way of »f those flou- >ut the great ider this state lly interested possible fa- 8 (which can lil themselves ,t. Lawrence America. 1 [strongest re- funtry by the jelieve them- the restric- d upon them 19 by the navigation laws. I am aware that some per- sons will say that the West Indians do not under- stand their own interest in asking for this change. All I can say is, that the West Indians themselves are of a different opinion. The West Indians urge, that since we have adopted the policy of depriving their produce of the preference which it used to enjoy in the markets of this country, they are entitled to claim, as a matter of justice, that they should be released from the trammels of the navigation laws. I request the attention of the House to the following extract from a memorial to her Majesty from the House of Assembly of Jamaica : " Your memorialists could point out the advantages possessed by the island of Jamaica for becoming a commercial dep6t, espe- cially as to position with respect to both continents of America and the surrounding islands. If the navigation laws were with- drawn, foreigners would bring assortments of goods from Europe, Asia, and North America, and c her foreigners would come to purchase and re-export these ; and, as the Government of Eng- land already permits the abolition of all ditferential duties hitherto enforced for the protection of her manufactures, no injury could arise from an extension of this permission ai^d a relaxation of the navigation laws. Your memorialists would call to your Majesty's consideration, that the prosperity of your Majesty's colonies cannot but be beneficial to the people of England, who always have been able to undersell the manufacturers of all other coun- tries, and could not fail to find in the free ports of Jamaica a pro- fitable outlet and dep6t for their productions, both for consump- tion and exportation ; nor could any loss occur to them in regard to their shipping, which has ever competed successfully with that of the world ; a great demand would inevitably arise both for ships and manufactures and merchandize of all kinds. The c 2 fl •'' I m I .1 H 1 It 1 ! I i '20 bcDeiit to Jamaica from luch relaxation of the navigation lawi would be infinite ; it is the most deiiirable boon that her inhabit tanta could solicit or receive from your Majesty's Government ; it would aid Jamaica out of her difficulties ; it would be hailed with exultation, and acknowledged with every sentiment of gratitude and respect, and it would bo an honourable and generous conces* ■ion on the part of Great Britain, which would exalt her in the esteem and admiration of all other nations." I will also trouble the House with an extract from a despatch of Lord Harris, the Governor of Trinidad, to Earl Grey ; it is dated January 20, 1847:— " But what I intended to ask is, whether any relaxation in the terms of the navigation laws might be hoped for ; such as I am informed has already been granted to the Mauritius, and which the nature of the population of this island and its position might warrant, so as to allow the goods of all nations to be brought here in any vessel without restriction ; it would undoubtedly promote an extensive and direct commerce between Trinidad and France and Spain, which is now much retarded and restricted by being carried on by way of Martinique and the Spanish Main. Another great advantage would accrue respecting immigration, as the freight of immigrants would be much reduced. When Coolie labour was first proposed to be introduced, American vessels could have been procured to bring them at £9. per head, whereas the present charge is nearly aC 18." I feel, however, it would be an unpardonable waste of time if I were to argue the question whe- ther it would be advantageous to the West Indies to abolish these restrictive laws. Looking at the po- sition of the West India islands, which qualifies them to be the entrepots and depositaries of the merchandise of that part of the world, it is impos- n ;ation law» her inhabi- ;rnmeut ; U hailed with of gratitude roxta conces- t her in the in extract overnor of anuary 20, laxation in the such as I am iu8, and which position migbt to be brought Id undoubtedly a Trinidad and ^d restricted by Spanish Main, immigration, as When CooUe iveaselscould id, whereas the npardonable aestion whe- Bst Indies to at the po- Ich qualities iries of the is impos- sible to foretell what development of trade might take place if those colonies were allowed the free use of their own energies in unrestricted intercourse with the other parts of the world. I am unwilling to detain the Committee longer than is necessary by quoting from the e'idence taken before the Com- mittee which was t ^)pointed on the motion of my Hon. Friend the member for Stoke-upon-Trent ; • but I cannot allude to that gentleman without offer* ing my tribute of gratitude to him for the great ability and industry which he has brought to bear upon the question, and for what he has done to pro- mote just and sound views on the subject. It was but the other day that Mr. Gillespie, one of the greatest North American merchants, came to me at the office of the Board of Trade, and stated, that if the navi- gation laws should not be repealed as far as regarded the West Indies he had made up his mind finally to abandon the trade. Mr. Gillespie*s opinions must carry great weight with them. I believe he is a protectionist, and though he is sorry that we reduced the duties which gave a preference to colonial pro- duce, yet he says that, having done that, we must repeal the navigation laws. If we did not do that, Mr. Gillespie thought that we should commit an act of monstrous injustice. Gentlemen opposite may cheer, but I think I am entitled to say, even upon their own principles, that if a majority of this House will not retrace their steps and reimpose differential * Mr, J. L. Ricardo. msssa Ml ' in; iin I duties for the protection of colonial produce, we must not retain restrictive laws which would drive Mr. Gillespie and other enterprising merchants from the colonial trade, in which they are prevented by the operation of those laws from competing with foreigners. I could also read to the Committee me- morials to the same effect from Ceylon and Australia. Thus much with respect to the navigation laws, as they relate to the colonies. . ,. I will now advert to that portion of the navigation laws the object of which is to secure to this country the long voyage trade, and which prohibits even British ships from bringing to England the produce of Asia, Africa, or America. At present a British ship could not bring from Havre or Hamburgh sugar, cotton, or any other article, the produce of those three quarters of the globe. This branch of the navi- gation laws is almost universally condemned. I shall be surprised if it finds protectors even in the ranks of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, for several among them have intimated that they are prepared to abandon part of the navigation laws, and I suspect it is this part. Let us see how it operates in the way of pro- tection. If the cotton of the United States, or the Alpaca wool of South America, be made into cloth, or the sugar of Brazil be refined in a foreign port, or if mahogany be converted into furniture, it may be brought into this country, because it is then no longer raw produce, but manufactures, with which we have to deal. The consequence is obvious — lUce, we Id drive nts from ented by ing with ittee me- lustralia. I laws, as avigation s country bits even e produce a British rgh sugar, P of those the navi- d. I shall e ranks of ong them abandon t it is this ay of pro- ies, or the into cloth, ign port, |re, it may s then no lith which [obvious — the navigation laws give a premium to the foreign manufacturer against our own manufacturer. That is not the only evil which results from this portion of the navigation \a.yfs ; it also deprives our shipowners of a great deal of business. Some con- versation took place in this House not long since about the difficulty of bringing some cotton from Havre to this country. The cotton bad been carried to Havre on English account in foreign vessels, and landed at that port. Political events in France destroyed the market for cotton in that country. It could havo been sold at Liver- pool to advantage, but in the existing state of the law no British ship could bring it. The conse- quence was that the British merchant who sent the cotton to Havre lost his money ; the British ship- owner lost the profit he would have made by bring- ing it to England, and the British manufacturer lost the profit he would hj,.ve gained by working it up into goods. Can so absurd a restriction as this be of any advantage whatever ? The attempt to secure what is called the long voyage for our shipping by these means is perfectly futile. I remember that a friend of mine, a Member of this House, lately im- ported into Havre a cargo of ground nuts, which are articles of African produce, extensively used in the manufacture of oil. This gentleman came to the Board of Trade, and begged that the Treasury would grant him permission to bring his merchandize from France, where it was unsaleable, to th'ta country, ?'^'' * ** fe -! i" ' ; ' ir ' juy a HH i 'JHBiii i t 'j tpjMtkij i I ir, I i''l !iil \\] it 24 where he could find a ready market for it ; but I was reluctantly obliged to tell him that such a pro- ceeding would be in the teeth of the absurd restric- tion imposed by the navigation laws, and that neither I nor the Treasury was able to dispense with the law of the land. I cannot for a moment believe that the Committee can suppose that the commercial and ma- ritime state of this country can depend upon the maintenance of such preposterous restrictions. The truth is that commerce has outgrown these restric- tions. They may have produced a comparatively small amount of mischief in former times ; but we are now running the race of competition in a vastly extended system of commerce, against rivals who are unencumbered by similar restrictions. To con- tinue such a system would be like putting new wine into old bottles ; the result could not but be disas- trous. On this point abundant evidence was given before the Navigation Committee ; but I will read to the Committee only two extracts from the evidence given by as many witnesses. Mr. R. V. Swaine, a merchant at Hamburgh, said that, — " If the navigation laws were repealed, the whole of the Al- paca wool, South American sheep wool, and nitrate of soda, and almost all the palm oil from the coast of Africa brought to Europe for account of Hamburgh merchants in foreign bottoms, would go to London or Liverpool. The palm oil which now goes to Hamburgh would go to England in Haiiburgh vessels. The operation of the navigation laws, with respect to the supply of Peruvian wools to this country, such as are brought to the con- tinent of Europe first, is unquestionably unfavourable to British tii 25 but I apro- •estric- aeither the law bat the ind raa- 50U tbe IS. Tbe restric- aratively J but we i a vastly vals wbo To cou- ivas given ill read to j evidence Swaine, a ie of the Al- [ate of soda, brought to Jign bottoms, lich now goes lessels. The Jlie supply of It to the con- kle to British manufacturers, because the German manufacturer is purchasing that article now at a less price than the manufacturers can purchase it in Lancashire and Yorkshire, and the consequence must be that the German manufacturer can afford to sell his cloth at a less price than the English." Mr. G. Houghton, a merchant in London and the Canary Islands, said, — " The navigation laws interfere excessively with the trade with the Canaries. The cochineal produced there is obliged to be shipped to Cadiz, owing to the few English vessels coming direct to England. Having once been landed in Europe, it cannot come to England, as being the produce of Africa, except for ex- portation, although the Canaries arc virtually part of Spain. The consequence is, that it now goes almost entirely to France. The barilla trade is circumscribed much in the same way. Co* chineal can be sold at 4d. or Gd. per pound more for consump- tion than for exportation. This prevention of the importation of cochineal from Europe into Great Britain gives a very great advantage to the French and other foreign manufacturers over the English manufacturers, as the cochineal of the Canary Islands is of a very superior quality. The effect is an addition of 6d. per pound to the price, besides tbe injury caused by the prohibition of its use in British manufactures." But, Sir, the Committee will form an indequate idea of the impolicy of these restrictions, if they look only to the cases of actual injury produced by them. Of far greater importance than that is the trade which they prevent being carried on at all. It is hardly possible to estimate the extent to which com- merce would be developed if it were relieved from these restrictions, and the navigation of the country conducted on the same liberal principles as those which Parliament has applied to our system of duties. ^ my mt ' r \'.\ ifi,- 26 I shall now address myself to the remaining branch of the subject, namely, those provisions of the navigation laws which have for their object to secure the indirect or carrying trade to this country. I feel it unnecessary to discuss whether the attempt to secure the carrying trade to this country at a former period, was or was not wise policy. I have no wish to disguise what my own opinion is, namely, that at no time did the measures adopted effect the objerf. they were intended to attain. But we shall greatly deceive ourselves if we suppose that the question whether or not we shall retain the carrying trade exclusively to this country is one the decision of which rests with ourselves. The House must recollect that this is a game which two can play at. Foreign nations have given no very obscure indica- tions of what their intentions are upon this point. My impression, derived from those best able to form an opinion, is, that foreign nations are determined not to trade with us except upon equal terms, and the practical question which the House has now to de- cide is, whether we shall engage in a contest with every commercial nation in the world for the main- tenance of privileges which are many of them worthless, and some positively injurious; or whether on the contrary we shall, by making timely conces- sions and adopting a more liberal policy, place our commercial interest on a surer foundation of pros- perity than it has hitherto rested upon. From one country we have already received an important inti- I 1 emainitig visions of object to s country. le attempt ointry at a ^ 1 have IS, namely, I effect the ut we shall e that the he carrying ,he decision House must can play at. ;ure indica- this point. ble to form determined ms, and the s now to de- Icontest with ir the main- ny of them • or whether iely conces- ky, place our lion of pros- From one iportant inti- 27 tnation upon this point, not in the way of menace, for it was given in no hostile or unfriendly tone, but of warning. It comes from the same country which induced Mr. Huskisson to make his great alteration in the navigation laws in 1823, — Prussia; and on this c ision Prussia speaks with the voice of Germany. Our commercial treaty with Prussia is on the point of expiring, and an intimation has been given by M. Bunsen, the Prussian Minister, that it will not be renewed by Prussia upon the same terms as before. M. Bunsen says in a note ad- dressed to Lord Palmerston, dated May 10, 1847, — "The treaty of 1841 does not allow Prussia, as the aggrieved interests aud public opinion in Germany, which powerfully sup- ports those interests, would require, to restrict in an analogous manner the admission of British ships ; for the second article of this treaty accords to Great Britain the right of the most fa- voured nation with respect to the importation of sugar and rice. The expiration of the treaty at the end of the present year will restore that liberty to the Prussian Government, and a change in the laws affecting navigation has been the subject of its serious consideration. The nomination of a Parliamentary Com- mittee to examine the English navigation laws, and to report during the present session of Parliament thereupon, has never- theless held out to the Prussian Government a hope that Great Britain will, at no remote period, by means of a general legisla- tive measure, cause the restrictions to disappear which at present weigh upon German navigation and commerce, and which so no« toriously impede the development of the commercial relations of the two countries.*' The allusion to the Committee on the Navigation Laws in this extract is deserving of a passing no- if! . ■ III 'Itl 1 1'-, Irl !i>. ^!!r!i tice. Hon. Gentlemen opposite said that the ap- pointment of that Committee would be productive of nothing but mischief, whereas it is evident that it had the effect of suspending the blow which Prussia was already prepared to strike, and which, but for the appointment of that Committee, would have already fallen upon our shipping interest. I have reminded the Committee that a voice of warn- ing came from Prussia, I will now speak of another country from which has proceeded a voice, not of warning, but of invitation ; I allude to that great re- public of the British race, which is second only to ourselves in commercial and manufacturing industry — the United States of America. In the autumn of last year, the American Minister, Mr. Bancroft, put himself in communication with my Noble Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and myself, and informed us, that the Government of his country, believing it was the disposition of Parliament to make a large and liberal alteration of the navigation laws, was most anxious to co- operate with us in that work, and in conjunction with us to" give an example to the rest of the world, which he hoped would be productive of the most important and salutary effects. Mr. Bancroft*s language, in a conversation which 1 had with him upon this subject, was, *• We are ready to do any- thing you like ; if you can do but little, we must do little — if you can do much, we will do much — if you shall do all, we shall do all." My Noble •29 Friend requested Mr. Bancroft to put his views in. the shape of a formal communication, and the con-, sequence was that he addressed a letter to the Se- cretary of State for Foreign Affairs, which I will now read to the Committee : — "American Legation, Nov. 3, 1847. " The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Ple^ nipotentiary of the United States of America, has the honour to inquire of Viscount Palmerstbn, her Britannic Majesty's Princi- pal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, if her Majesty's Government is inclined to remove existing restrictions on inter- national commerce. Universal reciprocity, in the widest sense, is held by the American Government as the only thoroughly ap- propriate basis for intercourse between two great nations. The prohibition of the indirect trade has but restrained enterprise ; it has done good to neither country. To abrogate it would at once set free dormant commercial wealth, without injuring any one. Should her Majesty's Government entertain similar views, the undersigned is prepared, on the part of the American Govern- ment, to propose that British ships may trade from any port in the world to any port in the United States, and be received, pro- tected, and in respect to charges and duties, treated like American ships ; if reciprocally, American ships may in like manner trade from any port of the world to any port under the dominion of her Britannic Majesty. The removal of commercial restrictions, while it would be of mutual advantage to the material interests of both countries, could not but give openings to still further relations of amity between them ; and by its influence on the intercourse of nations create new guarantees for the peace of the world. "George Bancroft." I will not read the reply of my Noble Friend to that communication ; but simply observe, that he 1i) filH 30 stated to Mr. Bancroft, that though he was not prepared to enter into negociations on a subject which would imply the abandonment of some of the most essential principles of our navigation law, and that such a course, with a view to any final arrangement, would not be justifiable on the part of the Government without the previous sanction of Parliament, yet that Government were prepared to make such proposals to Parliament as would meet the views expressed by Mr. Bancroft on the part of the United States. Thus, concurrently with this warning from Prussia, in which Prussia spoke in the name of Germany, and I believe I might add, all other foreign countries, we have this invitation from America ; and I should for one most deeply lament if we were to throw away the opportunity thus presented to us. I should indeed lament if we were prevented from availing ourselves of this opportunity, believing as I do that it is a matter of grave concern that our navigation laws should be placed on a sound footing, and also that no time should be lost in doing so — that we should not follow the course which, I am sorry to say, has been too frequently the case in preceding alterations — that they have come somewhat too late, and not till great practical evils have been inflicted. I have now stated to the Committee in a general manner what the navigation laws are, and I have stated my reasons for believing that we cannot, con- sistently with the interests of this country, maintain l.ltV 31 those laws in their present shape. I shall now pro* ceed to state what are the alterations that on the part of theGovernment I an:, desirous to make, and I will begin with those parts of the navigation laws that I do not propose to alter. It is not my intention, then, to make any material alteration with regard to the coasting trade of this country. I have not adopted this resolution because of any belief that if we were to throw open the coasting trade foreign- ers could by possibility, to any great extent, avail themselves of it. On the contrary, I am bound to admit that, if there is any part of our navigation ' that is more protected by nature from foreign inter- ference than another, it is our coasting trade ; but, on the other hand, if that is the case, I thiu!: it must also be admitted that throwing open toe coasting trade would produce no very great amount of good. I cannot think that if foreigners are by nature so practically excluded from the coasting trade, an alteration of the law would produce any great relief or benefit to any interest. Under these circumstances, and being desirous not to recommend to the Committee any alteration of which I cannot lay the foundation on a case of urgent and abso- lute necessity, I think that as a matter of pru- dence and circumspection, in dealing with a sub- ject of this magnitude, in which the feelings as well as the interests of the country are involved, and seeing, moreover, that no practical advantage could be gained by throwing open the coasting ( ,■'■ ; I > !!'■ trade, while it would cause considerable alarm among the shipowners and merchants of the coun- try, — an alarm, nevertheless, which I could not share, — I think that, on the whole, the more prudent and advisable course is not to ask the Committee to interfere with that branch of our navigation. I may also add that I think there may be just objec- tion to any change in this branch of our trade for another reason ; there may arise many difficulties with regard to the management of the revenue and police of our coasts, if the admission of foreign- ers to the unrestricted use of the coasting trade is conceded. On these grounds, the Government have come to the determination, that it is not right to interfere with the navigation laws relating to the coasting trade of the country. For reasons somewhat similar, but, I think, stronger in degree, I do not intend to propose any alteration in the laws which restrict the fisheries to English vessels. Those laws will be affected in an indirect way by the general alteration of the navigation laws ; but, so far as regards mere fishing, I propose no alteration. Having made these reservations, I shall propose to the Committee to deal in a very large and general and comprehensive manner with the remainder of the system of our navigation laws. The truth is, that system hangs so together, that it is very diffi- cult to separate one part from another, and on the best consideration I have been able to give the subject, I believe there would be little practical % 83 advantage in doing so. Moreover, I am bound to say, that having looked into each of the several parts of our protecting system, — that part, for ex- ample, which restricts the importation of goods the produce of Asia, Africa, and America, from Eu- ropean ports, either in foreign or British ships, and also that part which is devised to protect our car- rying trade, — I cannot believe that this country has any real interest in retaining these laws, at least so far as regards foreign countries that may be disposed to reciprocate with us in respect of these matters. I therefore propose, by Act of Parlia- ment, altogether to strike out of the statute-book the existing restrictions ; but I shall desire the Com- mittee not to deprive the Queen in Council of that power which she already possesses, under so many statutes, of imposing countervailing duties, if she so think fit, on any foreign nation that may treat our shipping with injustice. I do not propose that the exercise of this power shall be obligatory on the Crown. I do not propose that the Crown, for the mere sake of retaliation, shall be obliged to impose restrictions on the ships of a foreign coun- try which imposes similar restrictions on ourselves; but I do not think that it would be expedient so com- pletely to strip this country of all powerof retaliation, under all possible circumstances, and under any amount of aggravation and injustice, as to deprive the Crown of the powers which it already possesses under so many Acts of Parliament. I do not know o tl'! •Iri t. \ nv' ( 34 whether I have clearly explained to the Committee the plan which I mean to submit, but I slmll be ready to do so, if required, still more explicitly. Sir R. Peel. — What restrictions, if any, are to be placed on the fisheries ? Mr. Ladouchhre. — With regard to the fisheries I make no alteration, and whatever privileges fishers have on our coasts they will still retain. Those rights depend upon the law of nations and upon various treaties with other countries, especially with France. There are certain enactments, which I adverted to in the beginning of my speech, to which it is now necessary to call the attention of the Com- mittee. These are the acts which regulate the cha- racter of British vessels, — the ownersiiip, the build- ing, and the manning of vessels. I think, in ex- posing the British shipowner in the manner I pro- pose to competition with all parts of the world, it is but reasonable that he should be afforded every facility for obtaining his ship at the cheapest rate. I therefore propose to do away 'vith the restriction which at present limits the rig -.t of acquiring a British register to a British-bul^c ship. I propose that a ship built abroad, but owned by Englishmen, shall be entitled to a British register, whether that ship be employed in the coasting trade or in foreign commerce. With regard to the owner- ship, I do not propose any material alteration. There are some anomalies which I hope to re- move, but with regard to the general principle of rendering British ownership necessary, I do not 35 7'"' ""y '''""e"' With ro™r,l to th„ «'atn British ship onga-^cd in 1/ '"""^ shall have a crew nntWI '"'*'""*'' *««'« '""men, an I !„" "'^ T"'P'"«<' "f British foreign tmde h„ Ji|| ,7 ^ f' '"^'"'S'^'' '» «'« threff„n.,h:; : ; '^7;;-;-' "7 «'"• have ■•» one alteration with reZ f„ ""'""• ^''^■•'' P^pose, and thiri hTI -^ to manning that I shall I p'oceed to the" „h . r •""' '" "■^""»" before p '0 raise" SiltrnXlXtl''"^"-- Posi..on. and/t/Zt ::;,:::;-'■«'' P-nt of placing the Lascars on^hesa'/'!-'"'"'""^ Bntish seamen. To thi, „ V **""« "'"> -'■•"ed b, their tcintrr "'^ "" '""^ ""iform fidelity thev I ' """^ ''^ ">« ne^ion. Then I „ „ 1 T ^''^'^'' "> B^tish con- necessity o takinT'' '"T"'- "> "hrogate the obh-gatiJn has "ofT"""" ' '"''^'^ "- burdensome nat aL T' '■"="»^-"-' » 37 her country This is the cet by com- i. I believe jring its pur- ■ able-bodied ide a nursery the slightest ^ay improved le commercial ry to have a ird ship ; but 1 the option of so choose, to 1. In his ex- s Committee, nt authority, ployraent at times no alternative but law requires that Isea-faring persons many seamen are the old sailor, who from getting full Iterference with the Ithe shipowner, and tes entails a tery linconvenience. If 1 ship with SfOable- bodied men. I now send her with 14 able-bodied men and 6 ordinary men, and 6 apprentices. The ships could be better manned if we were not compelled to send boys, and there would in that case be more security for the lives of the people on board." I think I have now given an outline of the mea- sure I have to submit to the Committee on the part of the Government. I will now recapitulate the scheme I had laid before them. I propose to re- serve unaltered the law affecting the coasting trade and fisheries of this country, and of all our colonial possessions. With regard to the coast- ing trade of the colonies there is a modification to which I will hereafter allude, but, with this ex- ception, I propose absolutely to throw open the whole navig?>tion of this country, of every sort and description. I propose, however, to retain to the Queen in Council the power of putting such re- striction on the navigation of foreign countries as she may think fit, if those countries do not meet us on equal terms, — not making it obligatory on the Queen in Council, but enabliij^, h to use such power in such a way as may be best for the interests of the country. I ought toh-. .. stated, as regards the coasting trade of the colonies, tiat I propose to reserve it in the same manner a^ I do the coasting trade of the mother country ; br.t I mean to allow each colony, if it shall think fit, to pass an act, throwing open the coasting trade to foreign ships, such act to have the consent of the Crowr in the usual manner ; in short, that each colony shall bo allowed to deal with its coasting trade as it thhiks 1 €. i\ m '■ViV ' I Iji 38 proper. If such a power were not given, the case of Canada and the St. Lawrence would not be pro- vided for at all. As to the manning, ownership, and building of ships, I propose that, to entitle a vessel to be called a British ship it shall not be necessary that she be British built, though it will be necessary that she be a British owned and Bri- tish-manned ship, retaining the regulation that now exists of three-fourths of the crew being British. I propose, however, altogether to do away with the necessity of having a certain number of apprentices. These are the outlines of the alterations which I have ventured to submit to the consideration of the Com- mittee. I do not disguise from myself that they are of a very grave and serious nature — that they go to the very foundation of what have hitherto been considered the navigation laws of this country ; and I can assure the Committee that it is only after giving the subject full deliberation, and having come to a full conviction in my own mind that the alter- ations in question would be most conducive to the interests of this country, that I have ventured to propose these alterations to the consideration of Parliament. I caiinot believe that the alterations which are contemplated will really injure the com- mercial marine of this country. I look to the results of the removal of former restrictions and the progress towards commercial freedom. I re- collect the prognostics mode of the ruin which would befall the trade of this country in consequence of "•»»—*"•"■• en, the case I not be pro- ;, ownership, to entitle a shall not be hough it will ned and Bri- tion that now ig British. I (vay with the f apprentices, i which I have ,n of the Com- jelf that they ire— that they have hitherto this country ; it is only after d having come Ithat the alter- iducive to the e ventured to nsideration of Ithe alterations ijurc the com- look to the strictions and ■edom. 1 re- i which would »nsequeuce of 39 the alterations made by Mi. Huskisson in 1826. But I beg to remind the Committee of what has been the result of those alterations, which will appear from the following statement of the tonnage of ship- ping which belonged to the ports of the United Kingdom and its colonial possessions in 1824 and 1847 respectively : • United Kingdom. Colonies. 1824 . . 2,348,314 . . 211,273 1847 . . 3,307,921 . . 644,603 Increase ' . . Total. 2,559,587 3,952,524 1.392,937 There may have been ebbs and flows of prosperity since, but I think these figures, which indicate so great and steady a progress, clearly prove that the relaxation then made by Mr. Huskisson has not been productive of that injury which many persons expected it would cause. If I turn to the general co".t» ; "^e of the country, and especially to that po-^cioM i" it which has been particularly exposec'i to ^i -i ipetition with other countries, and then compare it vAth that part of our own trade which has been especially protected, I find no- thing to discourage me from proceeding in the course of commercial liberality. I hold in my hand a return v/hich has been the subject of much comment^ and which was produced before the Committee or the navigation laws ; I mean the statemeTit of u.: tonnage of British ships that en- tered the ports of the United Kingdom from difTe- reut foreign countries and British possessions in i \^ f'l *ii 1 1 40 each of the years 1824 and 1846; distinguishing the tonnage employed in the trade \vith British possessions, and which is protected by the naviga- tion laws, from the tonnage employed in the trade with foreign countries, and which is unprotected from competition with foreign ships. Now, a great deal has been lid about the unfairness of the statement made '^at return, and thus far I agree with the objcc 1 ):^s urged against it, namely, that the term " unprotected," used in the heading of the return, is not strictly applicable. If the de- signation had been ** less protected" instead of *• unprotected,'* it would undoubtedly have been more correct. I must say, however, in favour of the officer of the Board of Trade, by whom this return was drawn up, that the distinction between " protected" and " unprotected" was made by Mr. G. F. Young, who fought most stoutly the battle of the navigation laws ; and therefore with reference to Mr. Young's evidence, at any rate, no blame could be thrown on the officer of the Board of Trade. But I think we must allow that there is a broad distinction between the closely protected trades, and those which are in some degree open to competition. The result of this return is this, that while in the protected trade the British ton- nage for the year 1824 was 893,097 tons, and amounted in 1846 to 1,735,924 tons, being an in- crease of 842,827 tons, or 94.37 per cent., the tonnage in the less protected trade was 904,223 tons in 1824, and 2,558,809 tons in 1840, shewing 4. 41 an increase of 1,654,686 tons, or 182.98 per cent. With reference to that return I will call the atten- tion of the Committee to the comparative effects produced on British and foreign ships engaged in this less protected trade. I hold in my hand a comparative statement of the tonnage of British and foreign ships that entered the ports of the United Kingdom from the same foreign countries in each of the years 1824 and 1846, shewing the actual and per centage increase that has occurred between those years : — TONNAGE. British. 1824 1846 Tons. Tons. 904,223 2,558,809 Foreign. 1824 1846 Tons. Tons. 758,599 1,803,177 British Increase. 1,654,586 tons ; or, 182.98 per cent. ' Foreign Increase. , . 1,044,578 tons ; or, 137-70 per cent. This statement shews, therefore, that the general amount of commerce in the less protected trade had increased more than in that trade in which a strict monopoly existed, and also that the increase in British shipping was greater than in foreign. I have stated shortly my reasons for believing that the British shipowner and British commerce will not be injured by the alterations in the law which I propose for the consideration of the House. I do not, either, entertain any apprehensicns that the British shipbuilder will be injured by these altera- ?'!'. Ill' 'I r I I li' tions. When I consider the great natural advanr tages which this country possesses in regard to the manufacture of ships — in iron, in cordage, in paint, and in a greater choice of timber than any other country in tlie world has at its command, I cannot believe that there is any danger which the British shipbuilder will suffer, when he is brought into competition with the shipbuilders of other coun- tries. It is a great mistake, when comparing the cost of ships. > look merely to the actual amount of money which has been expended in their con- struction. V-^ mu'-* Tilso consider the quality of the ships built and their durability, and I believe it can be proved that, taking ship for ship, and considering the excellence and durability of British ships, we are able to build ships fully equal to those which are constructed in any other part of the world. If the trade of ship-building depended merely on the cost of construction, the British ship- builder would have been driven out of the market long ago by our own colonists. Those ships which cost least in construction are at this moment built by our North American colonists. For many pur- poses they are very useful ; but it is very far from being the case that they have superseded the em- ployment of the dearer sort of ships built on the coast of England ; and, while there is no doubt that colonial ship-building has greatly increased, the trade of ship-building on the coast of England has also increased enormously. I have mentioned i8 the great advantages which the English ship-builder enjoys, but I am told that he has to contend with great disadvantages in the rate of wages which he has to pay. Now, my opinion is, that the disad- vantage which he labours under in that respect is far more nominal than real. I believe that, taking the value of tiie work done into consideration, English labour is not the dearest, but cheaper than any other labour in the world. Look at what takes place in our dock-yards. It has been tried to build British ships of war in the dock-yards of Bombay. The timber there is excellent, and labour is nomi- nally very cheap, but it has been found by expe- rience to be far cheaper to build a ship-of-war at Portsmouth or Plymouth than at Bombay. My honourable and gallant friends connected with the Board of Admiralty, will tell the Committee that the nominally cheap labour obtained in the dock-yards in India is found to be dearer than English labour at home, though six Hindoos may be hired for the same wages which would be paid to one English- man. I will also advert to a circumstance which I think ought not to be left out of consideration, namely, that if we repeal the navigation laws, materials for ship-building will be brought to England at a cheaper rate than at present, and in that manner also the ship-builder will derive con- siderable advantage from the repeal of those laws. Upon the whole, I am satisfied, that when the Com- mittee comes to consider this part of the subject, 44 vjlf iir m they will be convinced, that while they do an act of justice towards the British ship-owner, they will not destroy the valuable and important trade of the British ship-builder. I can see no reason whatever for our lagging behind any nation of the world in the trade of ship-building, and if there does at present appear in the United States any evidence of superiority over us in that respect, I think 't may be ascribed to the spirit of monopoly which has hitherto prevailed here. It appears to me, that any one who is prepared to contend that ships can- not be built in England as cheaply, considering their quality, as in any other country of the world, ought also to contend that we cannot conduct any manufacture as cheaply as it can be done in foreign countries. I cannot conceive any argument of that kind which would not apply to our great cotton and many other manufactures in the same degree. : I now come to the objection which I know has the greatest weight in the minds of many men, and if I believed myself in its truth and validity, 1 confess I should think that all the arguments I have adduced in favour of these changes ought to go for nothing ; I refer to the objection that this alteration in the navigation laws would be destructive of the military marine and naval greatness of this country. Adam Smith has declared his opinion that, as the defence of the country is better than opulence, the navigation laws impose a wise and salutary restriction. I will not inquire whether, in the days of Adam Smith, ilii! I ill iMii tlliSiilHM r-a!«B!KiV«!EB»^5j 45 that opinion was well-founded or not, although, speaking with that diffidence which it becomes me to use in questioning the soundness of any statement made by so great ?. man, I may venture to state my own opinion, that this declaration involves ore of the few errors which Adam Smith ever made. At any rate, whatever truth and force there might have been in the application of those laws in the time of Adam Smith, I believe that his arguments in their favour would not apply now. The ques- tion with me is, will the removal of these restric- tions in the navigation laws increase or diminish your mercantile commerce ? I am not prepared to go the length of those who contend that you can separate maritime commerce from naval power; for I do not believe that maritime power can be placed on any other basis than a commercial marine, and if I thought that the changes which I propose would have the effect of crippling our commercial marine, I should not recommend them to the con- sideration of the Committee. But, as I contend that this will not be the consequence of these altera- tions, I cannot see how it is possible, so long as our commercial marine is maintained, that the military marine of this country should suffer. Mr. Hus- kisson truly stated that the only secure founda- tion of our naval power was to be found in the beneficial employment of our commercial marine. I apprehend no danger to our mercantile navy from a free competition with the ships of foreign coun- 46 L. fL'i 4 tries, but I must admit that there arc causes in operation which threaten the continuance of its prosperity. I hope the attention of gentlemen has been directed to the very remarkable correspon- dence which has been laid on the table of the House, and which is contained in the letters of our consuls abroad in reply to the inquiries addressed to them from the Foreign Office. I think no gen- tleman can have perused those documents without feeling deep concern at many of the statements there made. Our mercantile navy suffers exceed- ingly in comparisori with the mercantile marines of other countries, not from the want of protection, but I regret to say from evils inherent in itself, which no amount of protection will cure, but which, on the contrary, I believe the removal of protection will have a great tendency to eradicate. We find that while the character of British sailors, so far as skill in the handling of ships goes, stands as high as ever, the character of British ship- masters, in many branches of our trade, is at a low ebb, partly on account of their want of nautical skill, and partly owing to their low moral characters. Owing to these causes, our ships are fast losing their character in the commerce of the world. I must say I think it is better to look these evils in the face, than endeavour to dismiss the truth from our minds. The consequence is, that merchants prefer in too many instances, to trust their cargoes to American, Bremen, Swedish, and other vessels, rather than to 47 British shipa, because of the injurious effects pro- duced in respect to the latter by the want of pro* fessional capacity and of proper moral conduct on the part, in too many cases, of the shipmasters, which injures the discipline of the crew, and is the cause that proper care is not taken of the cargo. One can scarcely read a page of the documents I have just referred to without being struck by the painful description of those matters. I will not go further into this part of the subject at present, but I have thought proper to call the attention of the Committee to it, because it is my firm conviction that these evils have grown up very much in conse- quence of this principle of protection, which has led shipowners to believe that they may depend upon that, and need not exert themselves otherwise to improve the condition of their ships, and I be- lieve that the etfect of the stimulus of competition would be, that the shipowners would take care that those they employ should be men of improved cha- racter. There are other questions connected with the merchant navy of this country which ought to re- ceive the attention of the Committee. Two of those questions, which I propose to submit to the House in the course of this session, relate to the Light Dues, and to the Merchant Seamen's Fund. There are other measures, which, though not brought before the House in the present session, will, I trust, before long, be dealt with by Parliament in a manner ad- vantageous to the merchant navy of this country, — I allude to the pilotage question : to any measure ^f^ ) li ri n ^1 I <;, ;, 41 that can be adopted for insuring a better descrip- tion of shipmasters, and other measures for the improvement of our merchant navy. With respect to the present system of restriction, considering it in connexion with the effects produced by it to which I have referred, I am convinced, though many persons believe that their interest is promoted by it, that they would find it ultimately nothing but certain ruin. This system of protection and monopoly will avail them nothing for the remedy of the evils to which I have referred, but will only narrow and confine the general commerce of this country. The navigation of this country must de- pend upon its commerce ; and to suppose that any- thing which cripples and narrows that commerce can be favourable to the navigation of the country is an idle illusion ; and the class connected with navigation, as well as every other class, will find their true interest, in the long run, in being allowed to compete with other countries, in being relieved from as many fetters as can possibly be removed from them, and, above all, in not being incumbered by a protection which does them no good, and is deeply injurious to other classes. I have now gone through, though I am afraid imperfectly, this great subject, and I humbly and respectfully recommend the proposals I have made to the deliberate and impartial consideration of Parliament. I believe that their effects will be greatly beneficial to this country at large, and to no interest more beneficial than to that which I -^--■-^'rr amtnwi'#^i.''g"r 49 value as much as any man can — I mean the commer- cial prosperity and maritime greatness of the British empire. I feel convinced that the tendency of these alterations will he, instead of producing discontented colonies, jealous rivalries among foreign nations, crippled trade and contracted manufactures, to give us good will from other countries, union among our- selves, and the extension of commerce upon a sound and a permanent hasis; and I believe that we shall be placing the prosperity of England on the safest as well as on the noblest foundation, il we connect it, as we shall do by these measures, with the general interests, with the expanding trade, and with the continued peace, advancement, and well- being of the whole civilized world. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving the following resolution : — *' That it is expedient to remove the restrictions which prevent the free carriage of goods by sea, to and from the United Kingdom and the British pos- sessions abroad, subject, nevertheless, to such con- troul by her Majesty in Council as may be necessary, and to amend the laws for the registration of ships and seamen." Mr. Elliot inquired, how far the proposed al- terations would affect the law requiring the employ- ment in every ship of a number of men proportioned to the amount of tonnage ? Mr. Labouchere thought his Honourable Friend was mistaken as to the present state of the law. He believed that, according to the existing law, pro- 50 vided a British ship maintained the proportion of three-fourths British seamen to one-fourth foreign seamen, it might carry as many or as few seamen, in proportion to the tonnage, as the owners pleased. It was only when the first-mentioned proportion was violated, and more than one- fourth foreign seamen were maintained on board a British ship, that it became necessary to have a certain num- ber of British seamen to the tonnage. But he apprehended that this latter restriction would prac- tically be found seldom to come into operation. Mr. FoRSTER had expected that the Government would have taken advantage of the present oppor- tunity to explain their intentions with respect to the light dues. • . .. Mr. Labouchere observed, that he did intend in the course of the evening to call upon the House to take some preliminary steps to enable him to bring in a Bill with respect to the light dues, but he thought it best not to mix up the one subject with the other. In reply to Mr. Hume, • • Mr. Labouchere said, that Ceylon would be treated as any other British colony. ^ Mr. Gladstone said that he intended to act in accordance with the general feeling, not to enter into a discussion until after the plan of the Govern- ment was laid before the House, and some short delay allowed for consideration, and would now only ask, for the further elucidation of the Govern- ment plan, for information on one or two points. * ■■Wft'^ l ligW ■' .51 He did not perfectly understand that part of the Right Hon. Gentleman's statement which referred to the fisheries. He apprehended that the Right Hon. Gentleman said that for the same reason which made it expedient to continue the existing restric- tions in respect to the coasting trade, he thought it desirable to continue the restrictions in respect to fisheries, but he did not know whether the Righ* Hon. Gentleman had only a view to those existing rights to fisheries within certain limits and banks enjoyed by British ships, or whether he extended his view to the restraints imposed by our commer- cial law on the importation of fish in foreign vessels, the effect of the provisions in the Customs* Regulation Act being to prevent foreign vessels from coming direct from their fisheries to a British port. That was a question of considerable im- portance, not only with respect to the supply of the markets of this country with fresh fish, but also with respect to the supply of train oil, which was carried on upon a large scale by American ships. He also wished to know whether it was the intention of the Government to pro- pose any measures to Parliament, or to take any measures which it nnght be within the com- petence of the Executive to adopt, either in regard to the education of young persons for the seafar- ing life, or in regard to the examination of masters and mates. He had been in hopes that, on the pre- sent occasion, the House would have heard some general statement of the effect of the measures S'i adopted some years ago for the voluntary examina- tion of the latter. He should have been glad to know whether the Government thought that that system was of an extensive character, and satisfac- tory as far as it went, or whether they thought it desirable to give it a further extension ? In reap. " to the education of persons for the seafaring life, he was anxious to know whether the Government had that subject under view. It might be matter well worthy of the consideration of the Education Com- mittee of the Privy Council, whether it might not be in their power to give aid from the public funds to a class of persons, at the ports of this country, whose education was at present exceedingly defec- tive ? He should also be glad to know whether the Right Hon. Gentleman could give the House some general information of the views and intentions of foreign powers other than those two, Prussia and the United States, to which he had alluded ? Could he say that the views of Sweden and Denmark, for instance, were likely to coincide with the general measures he had introduced ? This was a matter of importance ; and if the Right Hon. Gentleman could answer the question affirmatively, that would give satisfaction. Mr. Labouchere apprehended that if Parliament assented to the plan of the Government it would undoubtedly be in the power of foreign vessels en- gaged in the deep sea fishery to bring the produce of the fishery direct to this country ; though, with respect to the coast and bank fisheries, he thought 53 I examina- en glad to t that that id satisfac- thpught it ' In reap - ring life* ^^ .rnment had matter well cation Com- it might not public funds this country, dingly defec- jv whether the e House some intentions of Prussia and luded'? Could lid Denmark, [th the general was a matter m. Gentleman ly, that would L if Parliament lent it would Ign vessels en- Ig the produce though, with les, he thoUfaht it would be desirable to preserve to our own people the existing privileges. With respect to the inten- tions of foreign powers, the Government had not thought it expedient to enter into communications with other powers besides those he had alluded to, until they knew the sentiments of that House on the subject. It was better that the House should decide on general views and principles, than that the Government should go through Europe asking, " Who will assent to these principles ?" The first was the more likely method to attaia the object in view. The Right Hon. Gentleman had adverted to the important subject of the examination of ship> masters. The system of voluntary examination had been in operation for some time, and he was gene- rally able to say that that system had been adopted to a considerable extent. Persons desirous of be- coming shipmasters had availed themselves of it, and a considerable number had passed their exa- minations, and there had been manifested an in- creasing disposition to take advantage of the system. Under these circumstances he should hesitate to propose to the House that which was very much objected to by persons connected with the merchant navy, a compulsory system of ex- amination. Parliament might be obliged to have recourse to that at !!ast, but he was dis- posed to give the voluntary system some further trial. With regard to the suggestion of the de- sirability of encouraging schools in the sea-ports to give useful instruction for the seafaring life, he 54 * ! attached great importance to the subject, and should be glad to see the House at a fitting opportunity direct its attention to it. He took this opportunity of saying that the Government of this country, part of whose duty it was to protect and promote the interest of the mercantile marine, had not the ad- vantage at present of sufficient professional assist- ance; and on the occasion of reconsidering the light dues, he contemplated taking advantage of the occasion to propose the constitution of a depart- ment of the Board of Trade, to be called the De- partment of the Mercantile Marine, and to consist of unpaid officers, one of the Lords of the Ad- miralty, and other competent persons connected with the merchant service, giving it the benefit of their advice. This department would be no addi- tional expense to the country, and would afford the Executive Government the means of considering all questions connected with the merchant service more advantageously. He could assure the Right Hon. Gentleman that no man was more deeply impressed than himself (Mr. Labouchere) that it was the duty of the Government and Legislature to take every means in their power to improve the condition and to promote the interests of the mercantile marine of this country. As he had before stated, he be- lieved that the measures he had proposed would be beneficial to it ; for if he thought otherwise, he should be the last man to have brought them for- ward. ^ »^ rx f I *t NORIiAN AND SKBKVi PIIMTIIU, MAIDIN L41II, COTKNT OAROIN. *#??!^1SH!l!*'^»f8*?»B»'w^x^-'"»*w ^rrfmUK