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Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont fiimis en commandant par la premiere page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la derniire page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaftra sur la dernlAre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symboie — ► signifie "A SUIVRE ", le symbols V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., psuvent dtre filmAs A des taux de reduction diffirents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul cSichi, il est film6 A partir de I'angle supirieur gauche, de gauche ik droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant la nombre d'images nicessaire. Les diagrammes suivants iiiustrent la mithode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 if R A -=- ,j -as- K'l IB REPORT, OR MANIFESTO ty OF THE CAUSES AND REASONS Of liil f fli :'. PRESENTED TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 8T THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN RELATIONS. JUNE 3, 1812. Read, and ordered to lie on the table. WASHINGTON : A. & G. WAY, PRINTERS ! A' 1812. pTifP V *'**> ^ in /cy^, ^^t^^^^ REPORT. The coimnittee on foreign relations to whom was rejerred the message of the president of the United States, of the 1st of June^ 1812, REPORT.... THAT after the experience which the United States have had of the great injustice of the British government towards them, exemplified by so many acts of violence and oppression, it will be more diffi- cult to justify to the impartial world their patient for- bearance, than the measures to which it has become necessary to resort, to avenge the wrongs and vindi- cate the rights and honor of the nation. Your com- mittee are happy to observe, on a dispassionate view of the conduct of the United States, that they see in it no cause for censure. If a long forbearance under injuries ought ever to be considered a virtue in any nation, it is one which peculiarly becomes the United States. No people ever had stronger motives to cherish peace : none have ever cherished it with greater sincerity and zeal. But the period has now arrived, when the United Stales must support their character and station among the nations of the earth, or submit to the most shame- ful degradation. Forbearance has ceased to be a vir- tue. War on the one side, and peace on the other, is a situation as ruinous as it is disgraceful. The mad ambition, the lust of power and commercial avarice of Great Britain, arrogating to herself the complete dominion of the ocean, and exercising over it an un- bounded and lawless tyranny, have left to neutral 'f- • ! t li I 1^ nations an alternative only between the base surrender of their rights, and a manly vindication of ihcm. Hap- pily for the United States their destiny, under the aid of Heaven, is in their own hands. The crisis is for- midable only by their love of peace. As soor. as it becomes a duty to relinquish tint biluacion, danf^er disappears. They have suffered no wronj^s, 'hey have received no insults, however great, for which they cannot obtain redress. More than seven years have elapsed, since the com- mencement of this system of hostile aggression by the British government, on the rights and interests of the United States. The manner of its commence- ment was not less hostile than the spirit with which it has been prosecuted. The United States have inva- riably done every thing in their power to preserve the relations of friendship with Great Britain. Of this disposition they gave a distinguished proof at the mo- ment when they wd:re made the victims of an opposite policy. The wrongs of the last war had not been for- gotten at the commencement of the present one. They warned us of dangers, against which it was sought to provide. As early as the year 1804, the minister of the United States at London Was instruct- ed to invite the British government to enter into a negotiation on all the points on which a collision might arise between the two countries, in the course of the war, and to propose to it an arrangement of their claims, on fair and reasonable conditions. The invitation was accepted. A negotiation had commen- ced and was depending, and nothing had occurred to excite a doubt that it would not terminate to the sa- tisfaction of both the parties. It was at this time, and under these circumstances, that an attack was made, by surprise, on an important branch of the American commerce, which affected every part of the United States, and involved many of their citizens in ruin. The commerce on which this attack was so unex- pectedly made, was that between the United States and the colonies of France Smin nn,i *i raiice, commerce lemn act l.e tee. t e n° ' '^"'"'°»«d by u so. «ar ; and san^i::^, ' .i:::::;^^"^;;! t-in 5 uicii tupstd, without any interference xvith it law of nations we i i^;, !"'' "'"\'^'«'"y admitted venerable cod;. t"" sovlrd^r'T '" " '" ""■" co.extensive uiih ;rJ,i ■^".*':'^"e'"}' "f every state is gated. orcimii , ' ?i:i;:r.',r;:' '""""''- "''-■ by conquest. N. u.ral naU t' 1 ave a X';^"^" o every port of either belligerent will- ■"'''' ly blockaded ; and in all anic le 'ul, I, " "°' ''*^'''- t^band of war. Such is the abs d -Tf T <^°"- tension, that your committee are a,»r? " 'M're- ter the able manner in uhich i, ,n i' "P,^<="'"y »'- reftttedand exposed, t t 1,' "o"kl off" '"'''°^T to the understanding of the houe^fh ?" '"'"" it; and if any thine"Li^ldLrt?n ,V , • P"'''''g^don injustice of t'he Brili rive 'n, "enUnl' f"" "'"'^ " would be the contras?whi"h her conduct 'rr!°"- '" regard to this trade, and in reird ?n . ■ •?"'"''"' by neutrals, with her mvn coonS 'j,?'?''""'"''^ !he world that Great Britain eg dates ero^^nT ,'° in war and in ncace at hnm/. o ^, ."7 "^^ own trade, she finds for h^rlm^r: ' X "in wa Ih:"";"'"' ^ restraints of her colonial syst n in fa 4 „?' ^ " ' « "'"• ""'' "^^' '= -"• was^ugges^d IKtd t: l!f| 6 ^1: ^* a right to do it ; or that a neutral in taking advantage of the relaxation violated a belligerent right of her enemy. But with Great Britain every thing is lavv- ful. It is only in a trade with Her enemies, that the United States can do wrong : with them all trade is unlawful. 1 TJ • In the year 1793 an attack was made by the an- tish government on the same branch of our neutral trade, which had nearly involved the two countries in war. That difference however was amicably accom- modated. The pretension was withdrawn and repa- ration made to the United States for the losses which they had suffered by it. It was fair to infer from that arrant^ement, that the commerce was deemed by the British government lawful, and that it would not be again disturbed. Had the British government been resolved to con- test this trade wntluieutrals, it was due to the charac- tcr of the British nation that the decision should be made known to the government ot the United States. The existence of a negotiation which had been invited by our government, for the purpose ot preventing differences, by an amicable arrangement ot iheir respective pretensions, gave a strong cU'im to the notification, while it afforded the fliiresl opportnni^ ty for it. But a very difterent policy animated the then cabinet of England. Generous sentiments were ' unknown to it. The liberal confidence and friendly overtures of the United States were taken advantage of to ensnare them. Steady to its purpose and intiex- ibly hostile to this country, the British government calmly looked forward to the moment when it might give the most deadly wound to our interests. A trade, just in itself, which was secured by so many strong and sacred pledges, was considered safe. Our citizens, with their usual industry and entcrpnze, had embarked in it a vast proportion of their shipping and of their capital, which were at sea under no other pro- vction than the law of nations, and the confidence f!^ ~' *:; c'ssi',:';;" ■""'' -:"" '•■*' '^Jd r 's -'» srsK'S itrgaidecl, no sordid motives felt VVJthr.Mt i i • from 1\LZb!:, "•"t' •^°='^' °f ""^ ^°"'i"ent in a s ate o hln.l ? ' "''^'"^,"'<^- "-"^ declared to be Ult,i • • 7°'^''''df • By ihis act, ti.e well estab ""zed Iv G R t» u ^^' ;?'= '""^ °'' "^"°"^. "s recog. im it h. f ^'^""herself, no blockade is lawful un. i)lock;de1nt fi m'''"!"'"" ''°'='= ''^ "PPli^d to this VVl^ther'r n • '""'■"• ,°"S'« "»' 'o be pretended: x.cnMve a blockade, considering the warl ,Jhich Ml she is engaged, requiring such extensive naval opera- tions, is a (lucstion vvhidi it is not iiecessary at this time to txamine. It is sufficient to be known that such torcc was not applied, and this is evident iVoni the terms ot tlie blockade itself, by which, comparatively, an in- considerable portion of the coast only, was declaretl to be in a state of strict and rigorous blockade. 1 lie objection to the measure is not diminished by that circumstance. If ihe force was not applied, the block- ade was unlawful, from whatever cause the tailurc mit?ht proceed. The belligerent who institutes the blockade cannot absolve itself from the obliganon to apply the force, under any pretext whatever, tor a belligerent to relax a bloekade which it could not maintain, with a view to absolve itself from the obli- gation to maintain it, would be a refinement in injus- Fice not less insulting to the understandmg than re. puenant to the law of nations. To claim merit ior the mitigation of an evil which the party either !vad not the 'power, or found it inconvenient to mllict, would be a new mode of encroaching on neutral rights.' Your committee think it just to remark, that this act of the British government does not ap- pear to have been adopted in the sense in which it has been since construed. On consideration ol all the circumstances attending the measure, and parti- cularly the character of the distinguished statesman who announced it, we are persuaded that it was con- ceived in a spirit of conciliation, and intended to lead to an accommodation of all differences between the United States and Great Britain. His death disap- pointed that hope, and the act has since become Lubserviem to other purposes. It has bt^en made by his successors a pretext for that vast system ot usurpation, which has so long oppressed and harras- sed our commerce. . . The next act of the British government whicli claims our attention, is the order of council ot lanua- rv7 1807, by which neutral powers arc prolnbitca trading from one port to another oF France, or lier lies or any other country with uliich G. B J -<-^. .m T »« III Will not freely trade. By this order ili ritiiin al- might 1,;, . r r' ,■■.•■•'"■."•-■ ""- pretension 01 i.t\. „....„, heretofore disclaimed !)v every ntlitr power to proM3.t netitrals disposing of pur.s^of thei? c g^ s with vast accumulation of injury. Jivery eiiemr howevergrea. the number, or distant from eaci Xr.' IS considered one, and the like trade even with now 7,::Tr t\ f "«'^'"''' "■''"■ f^°"' native , pi licy. had excluded or restrained her commerce, was also prohibited. In this act, the British government Aware that the measures authorized by it. could find no .'.--ex., in any belligerent rightf ile "wt nT.f • P'^°'''h«,'''« S"'<^ "I our produce, consist- ng of innocent articles, at any port of a be ligeren no blockaded ; to consider eve/y belligerent as one If there was but one, were bold encroachments. But ^restrain or in a,.y manner interfere « „h our cm," merce with neutral nations, with whom Great B,^ua cause o'rr- "r " T"'\ ""^""^ ^'"-- '■^"' - jus! i b c cause of war, for the sole reason that they restrained or excluded from their ports her comnie^ce w™ ut criy incompatible with 'the pacific relat o, 'Jibsis t.' ing between the two countries. We proceed to bring into view the British order i„ council of November 11, ,807, whfc supers^ed every other order, and consummated that system of hostility on the commerce of the United States, w^ich has been since so steadily pursued. By this order » trance and her allies, and every other country at war with Grea Britain, or with which she was not at war from wh„;h the British flag was excluded, and all the colotjies of her enemies, were subjected o the same mo^t'tt^rf' "h"-"''^ ""^ """"'■i' blockaded iAI most strict and rigorous manner , and all trade in ar '-oles, the produce and manufacture of the saitleo, m M ; li^ 10 tries and colonies, and the vessels engaged in it, were subjected to capture andv condemnation as lawiul prize. To this order certain exceptions were mado nhicii we forbear to notice, because they were not adopted fron\ a regard to neutral rights, but were dic- tated bv policy to promote the commerce of En- g];i!xl and so far as ihcy related to neutral powers, W( re said to emanate from the clemency of the Bu- tish governrnenr. Itwould be superfluous in your committee to state, that by this order the British government declared direct ;;'id positive war against the United States. The dominion of du ocean was completely usurped by it, all commerce forbidden, and every flag driven from it, or subjected to capture and condemnation, which did not subserve tiie policy of the British go- vernment by paying it a tribute and sailing under its sanction. From this period the United States have incurred the heaviest losses, and mo-st mortifying hu- miliations. They have borne d^e calamities of war without retorting ihem on its authors. So lar your committee has presented to the view of the house, the agi^ressions uhich have been commit- ted under the authority of the Briii.^h govmiment on the commerce of the United^ States. We will now procc ed to other wrongs which have been still more severely felt Amor.g these is the impressment of our seamen, a practice whieh has been unceasing- Iv mninlained b} Great Britain in the wars to whieh sne has been a party since our revolution. Your conimirtee cannot convey in adrquale terms the deep sense v^hich they entertain of the iiijnstice and op -^ pression oi this 'proceeding. UndtT tlie pretext ol impressing Britisli seamen, onr UAUjW citizens are !seiz-d in Briusli ports, on the high seas, and in every other quaricr to which live British power extends; are taken on board Erlti^h men of war, and (.ompelled to serve there as Eiitish subjects. In this mode our citizens are wantonlv snaU-'ied from their coimlry and !" ■ 'i II. 11 their lamilii^s ; deprived of tlieir liberty and doomed to an ignonunious and sluvibh londuge ; compclkd lo fight the Datdcs of a loreign couiury, and often to perish in them. Our flag has given ihtrn no protec- tion ; it has been unceasingly violated, and our ves- sels exposed to danger by the loss of the men taken from thvm. Your committtc need not rcmr.rk that while this practice is cor\tinued, it is impLs->ible for the United States to consider themselves an inde- pendent nation. Every new case is a new proof of their degradation. Its continuance is the more un- justifiable, because the Unittd States have repeatedly proposed to the British goverjiment an arrangement which would secure to it iIk- controul of its own peo- ple. An exemption of the citizms of the United States from this degrading oppression, and their flaj? Irom violation, is all that they have sought. This lawless waste of cur t'rade, and equally unlaw- ful impressment of our scanit n, have been much ag- grav'Ued by the insults and indignities attending them. Under the pretext of blockading thr harbors ofFrance and her allies, British squadrons have been stationed on our own coast, to watch and annoy our own trade. To give ( ffect to the blockude of Kiiropean ports, the pons aid liaibors of the U, States have been block- aded. In ex; cuting these orders of the Britisii go- vernment, or in obeying the spirit which was known to animate it, the c mmandets of these squadrons have encroached on our jurisdiction, seized our ves- sels and carried into effect impressments within our limits, and done other acts of great injustice, vio'ence and oppression. The United Slates have seen'with mingled indignation and surprise, that these acts in- slead of procuring to the perpetrators the punishment duo to unauthorized crimes, have not failed lo recom- mend them to the favor of their government. Whettier the B:itish government has contributed by active measures to excite against w^ the hostility of the savage tribes on our frontiers, your committee III ■' '4 §^ ii\ I 1-2 iire not disposed to occupy much time in investigat- ing. Certain indications of general notoriety may supply the place of authentic documeiits, though these have rot been wanting to establish the fact in some instances It is known that symptoms of British hos- tility towards the United States have never failed to produce corresponding symptoms among those tribes. It is also well known that on all such occasions, abun- dant supplies of the ordinary munitions of war have been afforded by the agents of British commercial companies, and even from British garrisons, where- with they were enabled to commence that system of savage warfare on our frontiers, which has-been at all times indiscriminate in its effect, on all ages, sexes and conditions, and so revolting to humanity. Your committee would be much gratified if they could close here the detail of British wrongs ; but it is their duty to recite another act of still greater malig- nily, than any of those whichhave been already brought ti) your view. The attempt to dismember our union, iind overthrow our excellent constitution by a secret liiission, the object of which was to foment discon- tents and excite insurrection against the constituted authorities and laws :.{' die nation, as lately disclosed by the auent employed in it, r.ff >rds full proof that th{ ' ; ;:. no bound to the hostility of the British go- vernment towards the United States : no act, how- ever unjustifiable, which it would not commit to ac- complish their ruin. This attempt excites the greater horror, from the considerntioii that it was made while the United States and Great Britain were at peace, and an amicabl" negotiation was depending between them for the accommodation of their differences, through public ministers regularly authorized for the purpose. The United States have beheld with unexampled forbearance, this continued series of hostile encroach, ments on their rights and interests, in the hope, that yielding to the force of friendly remonstrances, often 18 i-epeatcd, the British Rovernment mmh. „^ , , ,|u.t policy towards fhcm; "ur.K„e P!'','^'-* exists. l_|,ey have also w ighed impar"fallv^hr'^'' sons tyhich have been urged bv th7Br i h^ 1 '"*^" ment n vindiratmn ^c ,u ' ormsh govern- found in iS S her ius ifir,- ""=™^^''"'^'«s. and •ri,„ n '!• L '"^""^'^ justification nor apolo^v oftVrofd™te™r"h' tTh''''^^"'"' "'"^'-"o- a retaliation on Fra"ce for\ll^7 "'"'" -"esorted to as have been .arkeV whh toJwT,e°aKfri'c7"" waste of ihe pro,,erty of our fdlotv citizens tn'!' ^ \Z iS'^"- 1^1 <^^"^^ of Brrii"oTN;t™b:r presen wf; " k"],' "^^'''gSression of Francerthe trade with the colonie^s of France ad L-l'i"'"'^' SIX months from the date JlhTZ ■ ''"'^«' '"^ 1806. Even on the 7,h 5 i P™<='^™"on of Mav, bv '^ ^' '"orted to -till the neutral had justified h o h rtC -''"ir-- - '^ unlawfui" ctif ,^ ni«^i uciijgerent. It ought to be delavfrl .,«»:i r sufficient time had been allowed to thrnl""""" monstrate against the measures compfained'of o '" ceive an answer, and to act on ii Tk- . k j ' '° '^*- done in the present ■n.itnr. "i**^^'^'? had not been of November !h was Usued h"" ''V.'^' "'"^^ a minister of FranceNd deda^d .o 7\^^"-T "j" ...e United ^^^^ ^^:^i::^:^:: m' i ■ s ■ i 'l: \i\ 14 American vessel had then been condemned under it, or seizure been made, with which the British govern, ment was acquainted. The facts prove incontestibly that the measures of France, however unjustifiable m tiiemselves, were nothing more than a P''^'t^'^„t i^;; those of England. And of the insufficiency of that pretext, ample proof has already been afforded by the British government itself, and in the most impressive form. Although it was declared that the orders m council were retaliatory on France for her decrees . was also declared, and in the ord.rs themselves, that owin^ to the superiority of the British navy by wh.ch the fleets of France and her allies were confined wuh- in their own ports, the French decrees were consider- ed onlv as emptv threats. It is no justification of the wrongs of one power, that the like uerc? committed by another ; nor oagh the fact, if t'-ue, to have been urged by either, as t could afford no proof of its love of justice, of its magnanimity, or even of its courage. It is more wor- thy the G-overnment of a great nation to relieve than to assail the injured. Nor can a repetition of the wro.gs by another power repair the violated rights or wound, ed honor of the injured party. An utter inability alone to resist, could justily a qtnet surrender ot our rio-hts, and degrading submission to the will o ethers To that condition the United States are not reduced, nor do they fear it. That they ever con. sented to discuss with either power the misconduct of the other, is a proof of their love of peace, of then moda-ation, and of the hope which they still indulged, that friendly appeals to just and generous sentiments would not be made to them in vain. But tht mo- tive was mistaken, if their forbearance was imputed either to the want of a jtist sensibility to their wrongs, or a determination, if suitable redress was not obtain- ed, to resent them. The time has now arrived when this system of reasoning must cease. It would be insuking to repeat it. It would be degrading to h.ac 15 it. The United States must act as an independenl nat,o„, and assert their rights, and avenRe their wnmgs, according to their onn estimate of them wu n the par.y who commits them, holding it respon.' ...blr^ for ,ts own misdeeds, t.nmitigated by thoie of For the difference made between Great Britain and France, by ih,e apphcation of the non-importaUon act agamst hngiand only, the motive has C a ready 00 olten explained, and is too well known to Se urther dlnstration. In the commercial rest ictions to vh.ch the United States resorted as an evidence of he,, senstbility. and a mild retaliati..,,, of the w ongs e^ hoWn' '■' '"'"''' 5'"'" 1'°^''^^^ "'* 'he same f^f : accommodation, .n case it accepted the condition ofttr- refns d '"nTf 'p"? ""'''' "'^ ^"'"^ restraint? it refused. Had the British government confirmed the arrangemem which was entered into with the B tish mimster „, 1809, and France- maintained her decrees nth France would the United States have had'ore: thc'Z- \ ** ■"!""' '^'^'""Sing to their character, the continued violation of dieir rights. The com >n..lee do not hesitaie to declare, that France Ins in,K R ' "°, ^'■- ^^'" '"'"'" '■°'" '"^"V of those inju.ies. But that is a concern which the United btates Will look to and settle for themselves. The P fler.h''' °^ H^'J^'^r"'" P<^>'l'le, is a sufficient pledge to the world that they will mi fail to settle it. on conditions which they have a right to claim. More recently thr true policy of the British eovern men. towards the United States, has been comS unfolded. It ha. been publicly declared bvTl osll power that the orders in council should not be repeij? ed until the French g„vern,r,ent had Wvoked aK ntenud restraints on the Bri-i . commerce ; anc I at he trade of the Unite a Staies with l-Vanc; and her alhcs, should be prohibited, until Great Britain was i ■ 16 also allowed to trade with them. By this declaration it appears, that to satisfy the pretensions of the British government, the United States must join Great Bri. tain in the war with France, and prosecute the war until France should be subdued; for without her subjugation, it were in vain to presume on such a concession. The hostility of the British govern- ment to tl^se states has been still further disclosed. It has been made manisfest that the United Stales arc considered by it as the commercial rival of Great Britain, and that their prosperity and growth are in- compatible with her welfare. When all these circum- stances are taken into cons'deration, it is impossible for your committee to doubt the motives which have governed the British ministry in all its measures to- wards the United States, since the year 1805. Equal- ly is it impossible to doubt, longer, the course which the United States ought to pursue towards Great Britain. From this review of the multiplied wrongs of the British government since the commencement of the present war, it must be evident to the impartial world, that the contest which is now forced on the United States, is radically a contest for their sovereignty and independence. Your committee will not enlarge on any of the injuries, however great, which have had a transitory eftect. They wish to call the attention of the hcuse to those of a permanent nature only, which intrench so deeply on our most important rights, and wound so extensively and vitally our best interests, as could not fail to deprive the U, States of the princi- pal advantages of their revolution, if submitted to. The controul of our commerce by G. Britain in re- gulating, at pleasure, and expelling it almost from the ocean ; the oppressive manner in which these re- gulations have been carried into effect, by seizing and confiscating such of our vessels, with their cargoes, as were said to have violated her edicts, often with- out previous warning of their danger ; the impress- 17 ment orour chi^ciislrom on board our own vessels ESI Eis|r!-r2^ the only co,iscc|uences that would result from k Th^ British govemmtnt might, for a wlX I?. ,• c 5 with the ascendency ,l,us gain Jd over '"s h!,r •.'""' tensions nould soon increfs^ The proif 1 :J'''- ^JTJSXtrrr— spire confidence, that K w ^ notnit to Ir'h "l' t^sin-pations, and our degradatioV,' migt '^.r^fcar! Your committee, believing th„t the (ree l>orn son, of America are >vorthy to enjoy the liberty Vwch thdr lence, leel no hesitation m advising resistance hv io e i in which the Americans of the , e em dav w. 1 prove ,0 the enemy and to the ivorld, ,'Ct vvHiave not on y inherited that |ib..r,y which ou father Ze us, but also the uill and power to miintai, i, R^1 battle in a riehteous p-mco i "^ ^ t„M. '^^lii^uub cause, dwi ci nw. our rffitrtfi i^ I 'ii