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32X

THE NATIVE RACES

01 THE

PACIFIC STATES.

THE

NATIVE RACES

THE PACIFIC STATES

J^OETH AMERICA.

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.

VOLUME n.
CIVILIZED NATIONS.

NEW YORK:
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY.

1875.

fi'^7f)7

Entered according to Act of CongresMn the year one thousand e,«tt hundred .nd

HUBEKT H. BANCROFT,

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

UIVERSIDE, CAMBRIDOe:
PRDITED Br B. 0. OOOaaTON AND COXFAIIT.

COIS^TENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

PAGE.

Detiiiitioii of the TerniH — Tlie Universal Soul of Progress — Man the In-
striiinont and not the Element of Progress — Origin of Progressionul
Plicnoiiieiiii The Agency of Evil— Is Civilization Conducive to
Happiness? -Olijei-tive and Subjective Humanity — Conditions Es-
sential to Progress — Continental Configurations — Food and Climate
— Wealth and Incisure — Association — War, Slavery, Religion, and
Government — The Development of Progressional Law 1

CHAPTER II.

GENEHAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

The American Civilization of the Sixteenth Century — Its Disappear-
ance — The Past, a New Element — Dividing line between Savage
and Civilized Tribes— Bounds of American Civilization — Phys'-.i-al
Features of the Country — Maya and Nahua Pranches of .ilMirigi-
nal Culture— The Nahua Civilization — The Aztecs its Representa-
tives—Limits of the Aztec Empire — Ancient History of Amihuan
in Outline -The Toltec Era— The Chichimec Era— The Aztec Era
— E.xtentof the Aztec Language — Civilized Peojdes outside of Ana-
huac — Central American Nations —The Maya Culture — Tlie Primi-
tive Maya Empire — Nahua Intluence in the South— Yucatan and
the Mayas — The Nations of Chiapas— The Quiche Emjjire in (iua-
temala — The Nahuas in Nicaragua and Salvador — Etymology of
Names 81

CHAPTER III.

GOVERNMENT OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

System of Government — The Aztec Confederacy — Order of Succession
— Election of Kings among the Mexicans— Royal Prerogatives —
Government and Laws of Succession among the Toltecs, and in
Michoacan, Tlaseala, Cholula, Huexotzinco, and Oajaca — Magnifi-
cence of the Nahua Mtmarchs — Ceremony of Anointment — Ascent
to tlie T. iiiple The Holy Unction — Address of the High-Priest to

CONTENTS.

PAQE.

the King — Penance uvA Fasting in the, Houbo called Tlacatccco —
Homage of the Nobles — General Rejoicing throughout the King-
dom — Ceremony of Coronation — Tlie Procuring of Sacrifices —
Descrijdion of the Crown— Coronation Feasts and Entertainments
— Hospitality extended to Enemies — Coronation Sijcech of Neza-
hualpilli, King of Tezcnco, to Montezuma II. of Mexico — Oration
of a Noble to a Newly elected King 133

CHAPTER IV.

PALACES AND HOUSEHOLDS OF THE NAHUA KINGS.

Extent and Interior of the Great Palace in Mexico — The Palace of
Nezahualcoyotl, Kitig of Tezt'uco — The Zoological Collections of
the Nahua Monarchs — Montezuma's Oratory— Uoj'al Gardens and
Pleasure-Grounds — The Hill of Chapnlteiiec — Nezahualcoyotl's
Country Residence at Tezcozinco — Toltec Palaces — The Roj'al
Guard — The King's Meals— .\n Aztec Cuisine — The Audience
Chamber -After-dinner Amusements — The Royal Wardrobe — The
King Among his People — Meeting of Montezuma II. and Cortes —
The King's Harem — Revenues of the Royal Household — Policy of
Aztec Kings 158

CHAPTER V.

THE PBIVILEGED CLASSES AMONG THE NAHUAS.

Titles of the Nobility and Gentry— The Power of the Nobles— The
Aristocracy of Tezcuco — The Policy of King Tcehotlalatzin — Privi-
leges of the Nobles — Montezuma's Policy — Rivalry between Nobles
and Commons — The Knightly Order of Tecuhtli — Ceremony of
Initiation — Origin of the Order — The Nahua Priesthood — The
Priests of Mexico — Dedication of Children — Priestesses — Priest-
hood of Miztecapan — The Pontiff of Yopaa — Tradition of Wixipe-
cocha — The Cave of Yopaa — The Zapotec Priests — Toltec Priests —
Totonac Priests — Priests of Michoacan, Puebla, and Tlascula 18G

CHAPTER VI.

PLEBEIANS, SLAVES, TENUUE OF LANDS, AND TAXATION.

Influence of the Commoners — Oppression by Nobles — Deprived of Office
by Montezuma II. — -Classes of Slaves — Penal Slaves— Voluntary
Slavery — -Slave Market at Azcapuzalco— Punishment and Privi-
leges of Slaves — Division of Lands — Crown I.auds — Lands of the
Nobles — Municipal Property — Property of the Temples— Tenure
of Lands in Zapotecapan, Miztecapan, Michoacan, Tlascala, Cho-
lula, and Huexotzinco — Similarity to Feudal System of Europe —
System of Taxation — Municipal Taxes — Lice Tribute — Tribute
from Conquered Provinces— Revenue Officers — Injustice of Monte-
zuma II 2ir.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VII.

PA«iE.

EDUCATION, MAURIAOF., CONCUBINAGE, CHILDBIRTH, AND BAPTISM.

Education of the Niihuu Youth — Manner of Punishment — Marriage
I'rcliniinaricH — Nuptial Ceremony — Observance alter Marria};e —
^layatcc, Otomi, Chichimec, and Toltec Marriages — Divorce —
Concubinage— Ceremonies Preliminary to Ciiildbirtb -Treatment
of Pregnant Women -Proceedings of Midwife- Superstitions with
regard to Women who Died in Childbed— Abortion -Baptism -
Siteeches of Midwife— Naming of Children^Baptism among the
Tlascaltecs, Miztecs, and Zapotecs — Circumcision and Scarification
of Infants 240

CHAPTER VIII.

MAHUA FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS.

Excessive Fondness for Feasts — Manner of Giving Feasts — Serving
tlie Meal — Professional Jesters— Parting Presents to Guests — lloyal
Banquets — Tobacco Smoking— Public Dances — Manner of Syiging
u;id Dancing— The Neteteli/tli— The Drama among the Nahuas —
Music and Musical Instruments — Nahua Poetry — Acrobatic Feats
— The Netololiztli, or 'Bird Dance' — Professional Runners — The
(iunie of Tlactli — Ciames of Chance — The Patoliztli, or 'Bean
Game' — Totoloque, Montezuma's Favorite Game 283

CHAPTER IX.

PUBLIC FESTIVALS.

Frequent Occurrence of Religious Feasts— Human Sacrifices — Fea.sts
of the Foijrth Year — Monthly Festivals— Sacrifice of Children —
Feast of Xipe — Manner of Sacrifice — Feasts of Camaxtli, of the
Flower Dealers, of Centeotl, of Tezcatlipoca, and of Huitzilopochtli
— Festival of the Salt Makers — ^The Sacrifice by Fire — Feast of the
Dead — The Coming of the Gods —The Footprints on the Mat-
Hunting Feast — The Month of Love — Hard Times — Nahua Luper-
calia — Feasts of the Sun, of the Winter Solstice — Harvest and
Eight- Year Festivals— The Binding of the Sheaf 302

CHAPTER X.

FOOD OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Origin of Agriculture — Floating Gardens— Agricultural Products —
Manner of preparing the Soil— Description of Agricultural Imi)le-
ments — Irrigation — Granaries — Gardens — Tlie Harvest Feast —
Manner of Hunting — Fishing — Methods of procuring Salt- -Nahua
Cookery — Various kinds of Bread — Beans — Pepper- -Fruit — Ta-

i t

• i
1 j

Vl CONTENTS.

PAOK.

niiilcH Misccllancoim Artirlcs of Food— Entinp of Humnn FIohH—
Miiiiiifiictiiru of I'ulijuc I'roiHimtioii of Cliocolutl Otlior IJi'ver-
iij^L'H liitdxiL'atiii;^ Drinks -Drmikeniie.sx -Time uiid Miinner of
Taking Meals 342

CHAPTER XI.

DRESH OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Progress in Dress — Dross of the IVe-Aztcc Nations- -Onrnicnts of the
("liiciiiniecs ami Toltecs- -Introduction of Cotton Tiic Maxtli —
Tlie Tilinatli — Dress of tlie Acoihnas — Origin of tliu Tarascun Cos-
tiinie Dress of tlie Zapotecs and Taliascans Dress of Women
Tlie lluipil and Cueitl — Sandals -Manner of Wearingtiic Mair -
Painting and Tattooing -Ornaments used by the Nahnas Cor-
geons Dress of the Noldes —Dress of the lloyal Attendants Nam -s
of the Various Mantles— Tlie Uoyal Diadem — The Uoyal Wardrohe
— Costly Decorations .%3

CHAPTER XII.

COMMERCE OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The Main Features of Nahtiii •!ommerce— Commerce in Pre-Aztcc
Times— Outrages ('ommitted by Aztec Merchants Privileges of
the Merchants of TKitelulco — Jealousy between Merchants and
Nobles -Articles used as ('urrency — The Markets of Anahuac —
Arrangement and Kegulations of the Market-Places — Number of
Ituyers •and Sellers — Transportation of Wares — Traveling Mer-
chants Commercial Routes — Setting out on a Journey —Caravans
of Traders— The Ueturn— Customs and Feasts of the Merclnints —
Nahua Boats and Navigation 378

CHAPTER XIII.

WAR-CIISTOJIH OF THE NAHUA?

Importance of the Military Profession -Indicatioi , of Rank— Educa-
tion of Warriors — Rewards for Valor — Military Orders and their
Dress — ( Jorgeous War-T)resses of Montezuma and the Aztec No-
bility — Dress of the Common Soldiers— Arnmr and Defensive
Weapons — Oti'ensi ve Weapons — Standards — Ambassadors and
Couriers- Fort ilications— The Military Council— Articles of War
— Declaration of War — Spies — Order of March and Battle — War
Customs of the Tlascaltecs and Tarascos — Return of the Conquer-
ing Army — Celebration of Feats of Arms 40()

CHAPTER XIV.

NAHUA LAWS AND LAW COURTS.

General Remarks — the Cihuacoatl, or Su])rcmc Judge — the Court of
theTlacatecatl— Jurisdiction of the Tecuhtlis— the Centectlapix(iues

CONTENTS.

Tli

and TopilliH — Law Courts and Judges of Tczcnco— Ei}»lity-I)uy
.Council — Tribunal of the King — Court Proceedings — Lawyers
— Witnesses— Ucniuneratioii of iludges— Justice of King Ne/ahual-
pilli— lie orders his Son's Execution— Montezuma and the Farmer
— Jails — Laws against Theft, Murder, Treason, Kiilnapping,
Drunkenness, Witchcraft, Adultery, Incest, Sodomy, Fornication,
and other Crimes— Story of Nezahualcoyotl and the Uoy 433

CHAPTER XV.

NAUUA AUT8 AND MANUFACTURES.

Mctala Used and Manner of Obtaining Them — Working of Gol'l ind
Silver — Wonderful Skill in Inutating (iilding and Plating— Work
iiig in Stone — Lapidary Work — Wood Carving — Manufacture of
Pottery — Various Kinds of Cloth — Manufacture of Paper and
Leather — Preparation of Dyes and Paints— The Art of l'. inting
— Feather Mosaic Work — Leaf-Mats — Manner of Kinuimg Fire
— Torches- Soap — Council of Arts in Tezcuco— Oratory and Poet-
ry — Ni /.4.iii..ilcoyotrs Odes on the Mutability of Life, and thi' Ty-
rant Tezozonioe — Aztec Arithmetical System 473

CHAPTER XVI.

THE AZTEC CALENDAR.

Astronomical Knowledge of the Aztecs— Contradictions of Authors re-
sjiecting the Calendar — A'alue of the Researches of Various Writ-
ers—The First Regular Calendar — Tlie Mexican Cycle— The Civil
Year — The Aztec Months — Names of the Days and their Signilica-
tion — The Commencement of the Aztec Year — The Ritual Calendar
— Ganui's Arrangement of the Months — The Caleiular-Stoue — The
Four Destructions of the World — The Calendar of MiclKjacau—
Reckoning of the Zapotecs -. 502

CHAPTER XVII.

THE AZTEC PICTURE-WRITING.

Hieroglyphic Records — The Native Rooks — Authorities — Destruction
of the Native Archives by Zunuirraga and his Confreres — Picture-
Writings used after the Concjuest for Confession and Law-Suits —
. Value of the Records — Documents sent to Spain in the Sixteenth
Centurj- — European Collections — Lord Kingsborough's Work —
Picture- Writings retained in Mexico — Collections of Ixtlilxochitl,
Siguiinza, CJemelli Careri, Roturini, Veytia, Leon y Gama, Pichardo,
Aubin, and the National Museum of Mexico — Process of Hiero-
glyphic Development — Representative, Symbjlic, and Phonetic
Picture-Writing — Origin of Modern Alphabets — The Aztec System
— Specimen from the Codex Mendoza — Specimen from Gemelli
Careri— Specimen from the Boturini Collection— Probable lu.ure
Success of Interpreters — The Nepohualtzitzin 523

vili

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XVni.

PAGE.

ARCHITECTBRE AND DWELLINGS OF THE NAHUAS.

Architeeturu (if the Ancient Nations— General Features of Nahua Arch-
itecture — The Arch — Exterior and Interior Decorations — Method
of Building — ^Inclincd Planes — Scaffolds— The use of the Plummet
— Building Materials — Position and Fortification of Towns — Mex-
ico Tenochtitlan — The Great Causeways — Quarters and Wards of
Mexico — The Market Place — Fountains and Aqueducts— Light-
houses and Street- work — City of Tezcuco — Dwellings — Aztec Gar-
dens — Temple of Huit .ilopochtli — Temple of Mexico — Other Tem-
ples — Teocalli at Cholula and Tezcuco 553

CHAPTER XIX.

MEDICINE AND FDNEEAL BITE8 AMONG THE NAHUAS,

Mexican (Contributions to Medical Science — The Botanical Gardens —
Longevity — Prevalent Diseases — Introduction of Small-Pox and
Syphilis — Medical Treatment — The Temazcalli — Aboriginal Physi-
cians — The Aztec Faculty — Standard Ucmedics — Surgery — Super-
stitious Ceremonies in Healing — Funeral Kites of Aztecs — Crema-
tion — Royal Obsequies — Embalming — The Funeral Pyre — Human
Sacrifice — Disposal of the Ashes and Ornaments — Mourners — Fu-
neral t!erc!nonies of the People — Certain Classes Buried— Rites for
the Slain in Battle — Burial among the Teo-Chichimecs and Tabas-
cans — Cremation Ceremonies in Michoacan — Burial by the Miztecs
in Oajaca 591

CHAPTER XX.

GOVERNMENT, SOCIAL CLASSES, PROPERTY, AND LAWS OF THE MAYA

NATIONS.

Introductory Remarks — Votan's Empire — Zamnd's Reign — The Royal
Families of Yucatan, (vocomes, Tutul Xius, Itzas, and Cheles —
Titles and Order of Succession — Classes of Nobles — The Quiche-
Cakchiquel Empire in Guatemala — The Ahau Ahpops and Succes-
sion to the Throne— Privileged Classes — Government of the Prov-
inces — The Royal Council — The Chiapanecs — The Pipiles — Nations
of Nicaragua — The Maya Priesthood — Plebeian Classes — Slaves —
Tenure of Lands— Inheritance of Property — Taxation — Debtors
and Creditors — Laws and the Administration of Justice 630

CHAPTER XXI.

EDUCATION AND FAMILY MATTERS AMONG THE MAYAS.

Education of Youth — Public Schools of Guatemala- Bri.nclie9of Study
in Yucatan— Marrying- Age — Degrees of Consanguinity allowed in
Marriage — Preliminaries of Marriage — Marriage Ceremonies — The

CONTENTS.

PAGE.

Custom of the Droit dii Seigneur in Nicaragua — Widows — Monog-
amy — Concubinage — Divorce — Laws Concerning Adultery— Forni-
cation — Uape — Prostitution — Unnatural Crimes — Desire for Chil-
dren — Child-birth Ceremonies — Kite of Circumcision— Manner of
Naming Children — Baptismal Ceremonies G61

CHAPTER XXII.

FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS OF THE MAYAS.

Special Observances — Fixed Feasts — Sacrifice of Slaves ^ — Monthly
Feasts of the Yucatecs - Kcnewal of the Idols — Feast of the
Chacs — Hunting Festival — The Tuppkuk — Feast of the Cacao-
Planters- -War Feast — The Maya New Year's Day -Feasts of the
Hunters, Fishers, and A])iarists — Ceremonies in honor of Cuknlcan
— Feast of tlic' Month of Mol — Feasts of the Years Kan, Muluc, Ix,
and Cauac — Yucatec Sacrifices — The Pit of Chichen — Sacrifices of
the Pipiles — Feast of Victory — Feasts and Sacrifices in Nicaragua
— banquets — Dances — Musical Instruments -(James 687

CHAPTER XXIII.

FOOD, DRESS, COMMERCE, AND WAR CUSTOMS OF THE MAYAS.

Introduction of Agriculture — Quiche Traditicm of the Discovery of
Maize — Maize Culture — Superstitious of Farmers — -Hunting and
Fishing — Domestic Animals, Fowl, and IJees — Preservation and
Cooking of Food — Meals — Drinks and Drinking- Habits— Cannibal-
ism — Dress of the Mayas — Maxtlis, Mantles, and Sandals — Dress
of Kings and Priests — Women's Dress — Hair and Heard — Personal
Decoration — Head- Flattening, Perforation, Tattooing, and Paint-
ing — Personal Haitits ( 'onnnerce -Currency — Markets- -Supersti-
tions of Travelers ("anoes and Kalsas -War -Military Leaders —
Insignia -Armor — Weapons — Fortifications - ISattles — Treatment
of Captives 715

CHAPTER XXIV.

MAYA ARTS, CALENDAR, AND HIEROGLYPHICS.
Scarcity of Information -I'se of Metals (iold and Precious Stones—
Ini|)lemcnts of Stone Sculpture--Pottery--Manufacture of Cloth
— Dyeing — System of Numeration -Maya Calendar in Yucatan —
Days, Weeks, Months, and Years -Indictions and Katunes — Perez'
System of Ahau Katu;ies--Statements of Landa ami Cogolludo -
Intercalary Days anil Years -Days and Months in (iuatemala,
Chiapas, and Suconusco— Maya Hieroglyphic System — Testimony
of Early Writers on the Use of Picture-Writing — Destruction of
Documents Specime:is which have Survived--The Dresden Codex
— Manuscript Troano -Tablets of Palenque, Copau, and Yucatan
— Bishop Lau'la's Key— Brasseur de Buurbuurg's Interpretation. .. 748

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXV.

PAGE.

BUILDINGS, MEDICINE, BURIAL, PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES, AND CHARAC-
TER OF THE MAYAS.

Scanty Information given by the Early Voyagers— Private Houses of
the Mayas — Interior Arrangement, Decoration, and Furniture —
Maya Cities— Description of Utatlan — Patinamit, the Cakchiquel
Capital — Cities of Nicaragua — Maya Roads — Temples at Chichen
Itza and Cozumel — Temples of Nicaragua and Guatemala— Dis-
eases of the Mayas— Medicines used — Treatment of the Sick — Pro-
pitiatory Offerings and Vows — Superstitions — Dreams — Omens —
Witchcraft — Snake-Charniers — Funeral Rites and Ceremonies —
Physical Peculiarities — Character 783

I i

783

THE NATIA^E RACES

PACIFIC STATES.

CIVILIZED NATIONS.

CHAPTER I.

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

Definition of the Tkrms— FoRnE and Nature— The Universal
Soul of Progress— Man the Instrument and not the Element
OF Progress— Oriuin of ProgressionalPhenomena— The Agency
OK Evil — Is Civilization Conducive to Hai'1'INEss?-Oiijectivb
and Suiuective Humanity -Conditions Essential to Progress
— continpntal configurations— food and climate— wealth
AND Leisure— Association — War, Slavery, Religion, and (Jov-
ERNMENT— Morality and Fashion— The Development of Pro-

URESSIONAL LAW.

The terms Savage and Civilized, as applied to races
of tnen, are relative and not absolute terms. At best
these words mark onlv bro;.J shif'tinof staijes in human
progrcf \e one near the point of departure, the other
farther on toward the unattainable end. This jjrogress
is one and universal, though of varying rapidity and
extent; there are decrees in savajjism a'ld there are
degrees in civilization; indeed, though placed in opposi-
tion, the one is but a degree of the other. The Hai-
dah, whom we call savage, is as much superior to the
Shoshone, the lowest of Americans, as the Aztec is
superior to the Haidah, or the European to the Aztec.

«lf

PACIFIC STATES

sliowiriL' llic litciilioii (if
THE CIVILIZED NATIONS

Sruli-

1
7 :l rt fi (J II II
//.» ■Strilntf tiitlrfr t /• ii n iitrh

xaa

«•

•4

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

Looking back some thousands of ages, we of to-day
are civilized; looking forward through the same dura-
tion of time, we are savages.

Nor is it, in the absence of fixed conditions, and
amidst the many shades of difference presented by the
nations along our western seaboard, an easy matter to
tell where even comparative savagism ends and civil-
ization begins. In the common acceptation of these
terms, we may safely call the Central Califomians
savage, and the Quiches of Guatemala civilized; but
between these two extremes are hundreds of peoples,
each of which presents some claim for both distinctions.
Thus, if the doiTiestication of ruminants, or some knowl-
edge of arts and metals, constitute civilization, then
are the ingenious but half-torpid Hyperboreans civil-
ized, for the Eskimos tame reindeer, and the Thlinkeets
are skillful carvers and make use of copper; if the
cultivation of the soil, the building of substantial
houses of adobe, wood, and stone, with the manufacture
of cloth and pottery, denote an exodus from savagism,
then are the Pueblos of New Mexico no longer savages;
yet in both these instances enough may be seen, either
of stupidity or brutishness, to forbid our ranking them
with the more advanced Aztecs, Mayas, and Quichds.

We know what savages are ; how, like wild animals,
they depend for food and raiment upon the spontane-
ous products of nature, migrating with the beasts and
birds and fishes, burrowing beneath the ground, hiding
in ca\ es, or throwing over themselves a shelter of bark
or skins or branches or boards, eating or starving as
food is abundant or scarce ; nevertheless, all of them
have made some advancement from their original
naked, helpless condition, and have acquired some aids
in the procurement of their poor necessities. Prime-
val man, the only real point of departure, and hence
the only true savage, nowhere exists on the globe to-
day. Be the animal man never so low — lower in skill
and wisdom than the brute, less active in obtaining
food, less ingenious in building his den — the first step

DEFINITION OF THE TERMS.

out of his houseless, comfortless condition, the first
fashioninj]^ of a tool, the first attempt to cover naked-
ness and wall out the wind, if this endeavor spring
from intellect and not from instinct, is the first step
toward civilization. Hence the modem savage is not
the pre-historic or primitive man ; nor is it among the
barbarous nations of to-day that we must look for the
rudest barbarism.

Often is the question asked. What is civilization?
and the answer comes. The act of civilizing; the state
of being civilized. What is the act of civilizing? To
reclaim from a savage or barbarous state ; to educate ;
to refine. What is a savage or barbarous state? A
wild uncultivated state ; a state of nature. Thus far
the dictionaries. The term civilization, then, popular-
ly implies both the transition from a natural to an artifi-
cial state, and the artificial condition attained. The
derivation of the word civilization, from civis, citizen,
ci vitas, city, and originally from cat us, union, seems
to indicate that culture which, in feudal times, distin-
guished the occupants of cities from the ill-mannered
boors of the country. The word savage, on the other
hand, from silva, a wood, points to man primeval;
silvcstres homines, men of the forest, not necessarily
ferocious or brutal, but children of nature. From
these simple beginnings both words have gradually
acquired a broader significance, until by one is under-
stood a state of comfort, intelligence, and refinement;
and by the other, humanity wild and bestial.

Guizot defines civilization as an "improved condi-
tion of man resulting from the establishment of social
order in place of the individual independence and
lawlessness of the savage or barbarous life;" Buckle
as "the triumph of mind over external agents;" Virey
as "the development more or less absolute of the moral
and intellectual faculties of man united in society;"
Burke as the exponent of two principles, "the spirit of
a gentleman and the spirit of religion." "Whatever
be the characteristics of what we call savage life," says

4 SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

John Stuart Mill, "the contrary of these, or the
<]ualitios which society puts on as it throws off those,
constitute civilization;" and, remarks Emerson, "a
nation that has no clothing, no iron, no alphabet, no
marriage, no arts of peace, no abstract thought, we
call barbarous,"

Men talk of civilization and call it liberty, religion,
government, morality. Now liberty is no more a sign
of civilization than tyranny ; for the lowest savages are
the least governed of all people. Civilized liberty, it
is true, marks a more advanced stage than savage
liberty, but between these two extremes of liberty
there is a necessary age of t^^ranny, no less significant
of an advance on primitive liberty than is constitu-
tional liberty an advance on tyranny. Nor is religion
civilization, except in so far as the fonn and machinery
of sacerdotal rites, and the abandonment of fetichism
for monotheism become significant of intenser thought
and expansion of intellect. No nation ever practiced
grosser immorality, or what we of the present day
hold to be immorality, than Greece during the height
of her intellectual refinement. Peace is no more
civilization th.ii war, virtue than vice, good than evil.
All these are the incidents, not the essence, of civili-
zation.

That which we commonly call civilization is not an
adjunct nor an acquirement of man; it is neither a
creed nor a polity, neither science nor philosophy nor
industry ; it is rather the measure of progressional
force implanted in man, the general fund of the
nation's wealth, learning, and refinement, the store-
house of accumulated results, the essence of all best
worth preserving from the distillations of good and
the distillations of evil. It is a something between
men, no less than a something within them ; for neither
an isolated man nor an asociation of brutes can by
any possibility become civilized.

Further than this, civilization is not only the meas-
ure of aggregated human experiences, but it is a living

CIVILIZATION A WORKING PRINCIPLE.

living

working principle. It is a social transition; a moving
forward rather than an end attained; a developing
vitality i-ather than a fixed entity ; it is the effort or
aim at refinement rather than refinement itself; it is
labor with a view to improvement and not improve-
ment consummated, although it may be and is the metre
of such improvement. And this accords with latter-
day teachings. Although in its infancy, and, moreover,
unable to explain things unexplainable, the science of
evolution thus far has proved that the normal condi-
tion of the human race, as well as that of physical
nature, is progressional ; that the plant in a congenial
soil is not more sure to grow than is humanity with
favorable surroundings certain to advance. Nay, more,
we speak of the progress of civilization as of some-
thing that moves on of its own accord ; we may, if we
will, recognize in this onward movement, the same
principle of life manifest in nature and in the individual
man.

To things we do not understand we give names,
with which by frequent UbO we become familiar, when
we fancy that we know all about the things themselves.
At the first glance civilization appears to be a simple
matter; to be well clad, well housed, and well fed, to
be intelligent and cultured are better than nakedness
and ignorance; therefore it is a good thing, a thing
that men do well to strive for, — and that is all.
But once attempt to go below this placid surface,
and investigate the nature of progressional i)henomena,
and we find ourselves launched upon an eternity of
ocean, and in pursuit of the same occult Cause, which
has been sought alike by philosophic and barbaric of
every age and nation ; we find ourselves face to face
with a great mystery, to which we stand in the same
relation as to other great mysteries, such as the origin
of things, the principle of life, the soul-nature. When
such questions are answered as What is attraction,
heat, electricity ; what instinct, intellect, soul ? Why
are plants forced to grow and molecules to conglomer-

6 8AVA0ISM AND CIVILIZATION.

ate and go whirling in huge masses through space ? —
then we may know why society moves ever onward
Uke a river in channels predetonuined. At present,
these phenomena we may understand in their action
partially, in their essence not at all; we may mark
effects, we may recognize the same principle under
widely different conditions though we may not be able
to discover what that principle is. Science tells us
that these things are so; that certain combinations of
certain elements are inevitably followed by certain
results, but science does not attempt to explain why
they are so. Nevertheless, a summary of such few
simple thoughts as I have been able to gather upon
the subject, may be not wholly valueless.

And first, to assist our reflections, let us look for a
moment at some of the primal principles in nature, not
with a view to instruct in that direction, but rather to
compare some of the energies of the material world
with the intellectual or progressional energy in man ;
and of these I will mention such only as are currently
accepted by latter-day science.

Within the confines of the conceivable universe one
element alone is all-potential, all-pervading, — Force.
Throughout the realms of space, in and round all
forms of matter, binding minutest atoms, balancing sys-
tems of worlds, rioting in life, rotting in death, under
its various aspects mechanical and chemical, attractive
and repulsive, this mighty power is manifest; a unify-
ing, coalescing, anfd flowing power, older than time,
quicker than thought, sa urating all suns and planets
and filling to repletion all molecules and masses.
Worlds and systems oi worlds are sent whirling,
worlds round worlds and s^ 4ems round systems, in a
mazy planetary dance, whe in the slightest tripping,
the least excess of momentu i or inertia, of tension or
traction, in any part, and chaos were come again.
Every conceivable entity, ponderable and impondera-
ble, material and immaterial, is replete with force.

FORCE AND MATTER.

B}' it all moving bodies are set in motion, all motion-
less bodies held at rest; by it the infinitesimal atom
is held an atom and the mass is held concrete, vapory
moisture overspreads the land, light and heat animate
senseless substance; bv it forms of matter change,
rocks grow and dissolve, mountains are made and
unmade, the ocean heaves and swells, the eternal hills
pidsate, the foundations of the deep use up, and seas
displace continents.

One other thing we know, which with the first
comprises all our knowledge, — Matter. Now force and
matter are interdependent, one cannot exist without
the other; as fox example, all substance, unless held
together — which term obviously implies force — would
speedily dissolve into inconceivable nothingness. But
no less force is required to annihilate substance than to
create it; force, therefore, is alike necessary to the ex-
istence or non-existence of matter, which reduces the
idea of a possible absence of either force or matter to
an absurdity; or, in other words, it is impossible for
the human mind to conceive of a state of things where-
in there is no matter, and consequently no force.

Force has been called the soul of nature, and matter
the body, for by force matter lives and moves and has
its being.

Force like matter, is divisible, infinitely so, as far as
human experience goes; for, though ultimates may
exist, they have never yet been reached; and it would
seem that all physical phenomena, endlessly varied
and bewildering as they may appear, spring from a few
simple incomprehensible forces, the bases of which are
attraction and repulsion ; which may yet, indeed,
derive their origin fr ^m One Only Source. In the
morphological and geometrical displays of matter
these phenomena assume a multitude of phases; all
are interactive and interdependent, few are original or
primary, — for example, heat and electricity are the
offspring of motion which is the result of attractive
and repulsive force.

8 SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

What is force and what matter, whether the one is
the essence of a self-conscious Creator and the other
his handiwork, or whether both are the offspring of a
blind chance or fate — which latter hypothesis is simply
unthinkable — it is not my purpose here to consider.
I propose in this analysis to take things as I find
them, to study the operations rather than the origin
of phenomena, to determine what man does rather
than what he ought to do, and to drop the subject at
the confines of transcendentalism. When, therefore, I
speak of force as the life of matter, it no more implies
a self-existant materialism in man, than the soul of
man implies a pantheistic self-existant soul in nature.
Omnipotence can as easily create and sustain a universe
through the media of antagonistic and interdepend-
ent forces as through any other means, can as easily
place nature and man under the governance of fixed
laws as to hold all under varying arbitrary dispensa-
tions, and can reconcile these laws with man's volition.
Wells of bitterness are dug by disputants under mean-
ingless words; scientists are charged with materialism
and religionists with fanaticism, in their vain attempts
to fathom the ways of the Almighty and restrict his
powers to the limits of our weak understanding.

It has been said that, in the beginning, the
sixty and odd supposed several elements of matter
were in a chaotic state ; that matter and force were
poised in equilibrium or rioted at random throughout
space, that out of this condition of things sprang form
and development; regular motion and time began;
matter condensed into revolving masses and marked
off the days, and months, and years ; organization and
organisms were initiated and intellectual design became
manifest. The infinitesimal molecules, balanced by
universal equilibrium of forces, which before motion
and time were but chaotic matter and force, were
finally supposed to have been each endowed with an
innate individuality. However this may be, we now
see every atom in the universe athrill with force, and

* ■

THEORIES OF NEWTON AND LAPLACE.

possessed of chemical virtues, and, under conditions,
with the faculty of activity. As to the Force behind
force, or how or by what means this innate energy
was or is implanted in molecules, we have here nothing
to do. It is sufficient for our purjjose that we find it
there ; yet, the teachings of philosophy imply that this
innate force is neither self- implanted nor self-operative;
that whether, in pre-stellar times, infinitesimal par-
ticles of matter floated in space as nebulous fluid or
objectless vapor without form or consistence, or whether
all matter was united in one mass which was set revolv-
ing, and Isecame br jicen into fragments, which were sent
whirling as suns and planets in every direction; that
in either case, or in any other conceivable case, matter,
whether as molecules or masses, was primordially, and
is, endowed and actuated by a Creative Intelligence,
which implanting force, vitality, intellect, soul, pro-
gress, is ever acting, moving, mixing, unfolding, and
this in every part and in all the multitudinous combi-
nations of matter; and that all forces and vitalities
must have co-existed in the mass, innate in and around
every atom.

Thus, in his great theory of the projectile impulse
given to heavenly bodies in counteraction of the attrac-
tive impulse, Sir Isaac Newton assumes that both
impulses were giv^en from without; that some power
foreign to themselves projected into space these heav-
enly bodies and holds tliem there. So, too, when
Laplace promulgated the idea that in pre-planetary
times space was filled with particles and vapors, solar
systems existing only in n nebulous state and this
nebula set revolving in one mass upon its own axis
from west to east, and that as the velocity of this
mas^s increased suns and planets were, by centrifugal
force, thrown off and condensed into habitable but still
whirling worlds, some impulse foreign to the revolving
mass setting it in motion is implied.

With organization and motion, the phases of force,
called heat, light, electriei<-y and magnetism, hitherto

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

held dormant in molecules are engendered; composi-
tion and decomposition ensue; matter assumes new
and varying forms ; a progressional development, which
is nothing but intelligently directed motion, is initiated,
and motion becomes eternal.

It is a well-established principle of physics that
force cannot be created or lost. The conservation of
force is not affected by the action or energies of
moving bodies. Force is not created to set a body in
motion, nor when expended, as we say, is it lost. The
sum of all potential energies throughout the universe
is always the same, whether matter is at rest or in
motion. It is evident that so long as every molecule
is charged with attractive force no atom can drop out
into the depths of unoccupied and absolute space and
become lost or annihilated ; and so long as force is
dependent on matter for its perceivable existence, force
cannot escape beyond the confines of space and become
lost in absolute void.

Not only are forces interdependent, but they are
capable of being metamorphosed one into another.
Thus intellectual energy invents a machine which
drives a steamship across the ocean. This invention
or creation of the mind is nothing else than a vitaliza-
tion or setting at liberty of mechanical forces, and
without this vitalization or applied intellectual force
such mechanical force lies dormant as in so-called dead
matter. Gravitation is employed to turn a water-
wheel, caloric to drive a steam-engine, by means of
eithei of which weights may be raised, heat, electricity,
and light produced, and these new-created forces
husbanded and made to produce still other forces or
turned back into their original channels. And so in
chemical and capillary action, the correlation of forces
everywhere is found.

Between mind and matter there exists the most
intimate relationship. Immateriality, in its various
phases of force, life, intellect, so far as human con-
sciousness can grasp it, is inseparable from materiality.

INTIMACY OF MIND AND MATTER.

most
various
n con-
riality.

The body is but part of the soil on which it treads,
and the mind can receive no impressions except
through the organs of the body. The brain is the
seat of thought and the organ of thought; neither
can exist in a normal state apart from the other. As
a rule, the power of the intellect is in proportion to
the size and quality of the brain. Among animals,
those of lowest order have the least brains; man, the
most intellectual of animals, has relatively, if not
absolutely, the largest brain. True, in some of the
largest animals the cerebral mass is larger than in
man, but, in its chemical composition, its convolutions,
shape, and quality, that in man is superior; and it is
in the quality, rather than in the quantity of the nerv-
ous tissues, that their superiority consists. Intelli-
gence enters the brain by the organs of the senses, and
through the nervous system its subtle influence radiates
to every part of the body. All human activities are
either mental or mechanical; nor will it be denied
that mental activity is produced by mechanical means,
or, that mechanical activity is the result of mental
force. Corporeal motion is mental force distributed to
the various parts of the body.

The action of immaterial forces on the material sub-
stances of the human body manifestly accords with
the action of immaterial forces elsewhere. All the
physical and mechanical actions of the human body
accord with the physical and mechanical forces else-
where displayed. Man, we are told, was the last of
all created things, but in the making of man no new
matter was employed; nor in setting the body in
motion can we discover that any new force was in-
vented. Thus the heart beats upon mechanical princi-
ples; the eye sees, and the voice speaks in accordance
with the general laws of optics and acoustics.

To the observer, organic activity is but the product
of combined inorganic forces. The same processes are
at work, and in the same manner, in living and in so-
called dead matter. Life, to all appearance, is but the

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

result of combined chemical and mechanical processes.
Assimilation, digestion, secretion, are explainable by
chemistry, and by chemistry alone. The stomach is a
chemical retort, the body a chemical laboratory. Car-
bon, oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen, combine and separate
in the body a^ out of the body. The blood circulates
upon purely mechanical principles; all muscular action
is mechanical. In the phenomena of life, the only
perceptible difference is in the combinations of funda-
mental elements; yet chemistiy and mechanics cannot
produce a live body.

With the foregoing well-recognized principles before
us, let us now notice some few parallelisms between
mechanical and social energetics.

Man, like every other natural substance, is a com-
pound of force and matter. " Respiration," says Liebig,
"is the falling weight, the bent spring, which keeps
the clock in motion; the inspirations and respirations
are the strokes of the pendulum which regulates."
Atoms of matter, through the instrumentality of liv-
ing force, cohere and coalesce under endless complex
conditions into endless varieties of form and substance ;
so also the activities of man, corporeal and intellectual,
result in vast accumulations of experiences, which accu-
mulations become the property of the whole society.
Society, like matter, is composed of units, each possess-
ing certain forces, attractive and repulsive; societies
act upon each other, like celestial bodies, in proportioh
to their volume and proximity, and the power of the
unit increases with the increase of the mass. In asso-
ciation there ist a force as silent and as subtle as that
which governs atoms and holds worlds in equipoise;
its grosser forms are known as government, worship,
fashion, and the like; its finer essence is more delicate
than thought. It is this social force, attractive and
repulsive, that binds men together, tears them asun-
der, kneads, and knits, and shapes, and evolves; it is
the origin of every birth, the ultimate of every activity.
Mechanical forces are manifest in machines, as the

MATERIALITY ACTING ON MIND.

lever, the wheel, the inclined plane ; progressional force
is manifest in intellectual ingenuity, literature, art,
science, which are the machines of human progress.

How many of all our joys and sorrows, our loves
and hates, our good and evil actions, spring from
physical causes only ? Even material substances dis-
play moods and affections, as when heated, electrified,
decomposed, or set in motion ; the sea at rest pre-
sents a diiferent mood from the sea raging. Jean-
Jacques Rousseau's idea tliat the soul might be gov-
erned for its good by material things working through
the media of the senses, is not so extravagant after all.
'The gospel according to Jean- Jacques,' as Carlyle
puts it, runs as follows on this point — and, indeed, the
great Genevan evangelist at one time intended to
devote a book to- the subject under the title of La
Morale Sensitive: — "The striking and numerous obser-
vations that I had collected were beyond all dispute ;
and, in their physical origin, they appeared to me
proper for furnishmg an exterior regimen, which, varied
according to circumstances, should be able to place or
maintain the soul in the state most favorable to virtue.
How many wanderings one might save the reason,
how many vices might be hindered birth, if one could
but force the animal economy to favor the moral order
that it troubles so often. Climates, seasons, sounds,
colors, darkness, light, the elements, food, noise, silence,
movement, repose, all act on our bodily frame, and,
by consequence, on our soul ; all offer us a thousand
firm holds to govern, in their origin, those sentiments
by which we allow ourselves to be dominated."

In contemplating the numerous activities by which
we are surrounded, again and again we are called upon
to wonder at the marvelous regularity which charac-
terizes all their movements. So regular are these
movements, so sure are certain conditions to accompany
certain results, that in physics, in cheraistrv, in physi-
ology, and even in society, facts are collected and
classified, and from them laws are discovered as fixed

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

and irrevocable as the facts the' aselves, which laws,
indeed, are themselves facts, no less than the facts
from which they are deduced.

Highly cultivated nations frame laws that pro-
vide for many contingencies, but the code of nature
has yet finer provisions. There are conditions that
neither political nor social laws reach, there are none
not reached by physical law ; in society, criminals some-
times evade the law; in nature, never. So subtle
are the laws of nature, that even thought cannot follow
them; when we see that every molecule, by virtue
of its own hidden force, attracts every other molecule,
up to a certain point, and then from the same inherent
influence every atom repels every other atom; when
by experiments of physicists it has been proved that
in polarization, crystallization, and chemical act' n,
there is not the slightest deviation from an almost
startling regularity, with many other facts of like im-
port, how many natural laws do we feel to be yet un-
revealed and, from the exquisite delicacy of their na-
ture, unrevealable to our present coarse understanding.

It would be indeed strange, if, when all the universe
is under the governance of fixed laws — laws which
regulate the motion of every molecule, no I iS than
the revolutions of suns — laws of such subtle import,
as for instance, regulate the transformations of heat,
the convertibility and correlation of force ; it would be
strange, I say, if such laws as these, when they reached
the domain of human affairs should pause and leave
the world of man alone in purposeless wanderings.

To continue our analogies. As, latent in the atom,
or in the mass, there are energies releasable only by
heat or friction, — as in charcoal, which holds, locked
up, muriatic acid gas equivalent to ninety times its vol-
ume ; or in spongy platinum, which holds in like manner
oxygen, equal to eight hundred times its volume ; so,
latent in every individual, are numberless energies,
which demand the friction of society to call them out.

Force comprises two elements, attraction and repul-

ANALOGIES BETWEEN MAN AND NATURE.

1 laws,
e facts

it pro-
nature
IS that
re none
s some-
subtle
t follow
virtue
olecule,
nherent
; when
ed that
acti n,
almost
like im-
yet un-
eir na-
ianding,
niverse
which
iS than
[import,
if heat,
•uld be
cached
leave
igs.

atom,
knly by
1 locked
its vol-
lanner
le; so,
|ergies,
out.
1 repul-

sion, analagous to the principles commonly called good
and evil in the affairs of human society ; take away
from mechanical force either of these two oppugnant
elements, and there could be neither organism nor life,
so without both good and evil in human affairs there
could be no progress.

If none of the forces of nature are dissipated or lost,
and if force can no more be extinguished than matter,
and like matter passes from one form into another, we
may conclude that intellectual force is never dissipated
or lost, but that the potential energies of mind and soul
perpetually vibrate between man and nature.

Or, again, if, as we have seen, energy of every kind
is clothed in matter, and when employed and expended
returns again to its place in matter ; and if the mind
draws its forces from the body, as it appears to do,
both growing, acting, and declining simultaneously;
and if the body draws its energy from the earth, which
is no less possible ; then may not intellectual and pro-
gressional force be derived from man's environment, and
return thither when expended ? Every created being
borrows its material from the storehouse of matter, and
when uncreated restores it again; so every individual
born into society becomes charged with social force,
with progressional energy, which, when expended,
rests with society. Winslow's opinion on this sub-
ject is, that "all electric and magnetic currents origi-
nate in — are inducted from — ^and radiate either di^
rectly or indirectly out of the globe as the fountain
of every form and constituency of mechanical force,
and that abstract immaterial mechanical energy, as we
have thus far discussed and developed its dual princi-
ples, is absolutely convertible through molecular mo-
tion into every form and expansion of secondary force,
passing successively from heat through electricity,
magnetism, etc., and ince versa, it follows that this
same mechanical energy itself, as hypostatical motive
power, must proceed out of the globe also."

Thus is loaded with potential energy the universe of

■■■■

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

matter, generating life, mind, civilization, and hence we
may conclude that whatever else it is, civilization is a
force ; that it is the sum of all the forces employed to
drive humanity onward ; that it acts on man as me-
chanical force acts dn matter, attracting, repelling,
pressing forward yet holding in equilibrium, and all
under fixed and determined laws.

From all which it would appear that nothing is found
in man that has not its counterpart in nature, and that
all things that are related to man are related to each
other; even immortal mind itself is not unlike that sub-
tle force, inherent in, and working round every atom.

In this respect physical science is the precursor of
social science. Nature produces man; man in his
earlier conception of nature, that is in his gods, repro-
duces himself; and later, his knowledge of intrinsic
self depends upon his knowledge of extrinsic agencies,
so that as the laws that govern external nature are
bettor understood, the laws that govern society are
more definitely determined. The conditions of human
progress can be wrought into a science only by pur-
suing the same course that raises into a science any
branch of knowledge ; that is, by collecting, classifying,
and comparing facts, and therefrom discovering laws.
Society must be studied as chemistry is studied;
it must be analyzed, and its component parts — the
solubilities, interactions, and crystallizations of religions
go /ernments and fashions, ascertained. As in the
earlier contemplations of physical nature, the action of
the elements was deemed fortuitous, so in a superficial
survey of society, all events appear to happen by
chance ; but on deeper investigation, in society as in
physics, events apparently fortuitous, may be reduced
to immutable law. To this end the life of mankind
on the globe must be regarded as the life of one man,
successions of societies as successions of days in that
life; for the activities of nations are but the sum of
the activities of the individual members thereof

PHYSICAL LAWS AND SOCIAL LAWS.

We have seen that man's organism, as far as it may
be brought under exact observation, is governed by
th( same processes that govern elemental principles in
inorganic nature. The will of man attemptmg to
exert itself in antagonism to these laws of nature is
wholly ineffectual. We are all conscious of a will,
conscious of a certain freedom in the exercise of our
will, but wholly unconscious as to the line of separation
between volition and environment. Part of our ac-
tions arise from fixed necessity, part are the result of
free will. Statistics, as they are accumulated and ar-
ranged, tend more and more to show that by far the
greater part of human actions are not under individual
control, and that the actions of masses are, in the main,
wholly beyond the province of the human will.

Take the weather for a single day, and note the
effect on the will. The direction of the wind not un-
frequently governs one's train of thought; resolution
often depends upon the dryness of the atmosphere,
benevolence upon the state of the stomach; misfor-
tunes, arising from physical causes, have ere now
changed the character of a ruler from one of lofty
self-sacrifice, to one of peevish fretfulness, whereat his
followers became estranged and his empire lost in
consequence. In the prosecution of an enterprise, how
often we find ourselves drifting far from the antici-
pated goal. The mind is governed by the condition
of the body, the body by the conditions of climate and
food ; hence it is that many of our actions, which we
conceive to be the result of free choice, arise from
accidental circumstances.

It is only in the broader view of humanity that

general laws are to be recognized, as Dr Draper

remarks: "He who is immersed in the turmoil of a

crowded city sees nothing but the acts of men; and, if

he formed his opinion from his experience alone, must

conclude that the course of events altogether depends

on the uncertainties of human volition. But he who

ascends to a sufficient elevation loses sight of the pass-
Voi. II. a. o *.

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

ing conflicts, and no longer hears the contentions. He
discovers that the importance of individual action is
diminishing as the panorama beneath him is extend-
ing; and if he could attain to the truly philosophical,
the general point of view, disengage himself from all
terrestrial influences and entanglements, rising high
enough to see the whole at a glance, his acutest vision
would fail to discern the slightest indication of man,
his free will, or his works."

Let us now glance at some of the manifestations of
this progressional influence ; first in its general aspects,
after which we will notice its bearing on a few of the
more important severalties intimately atfecting human-
ity, such as religion, morality, government, and com-
merce, — for there is nothing that touches man's
welfare, no matter how lightly, in all his long journey
from naked wildness to clothed and cultured intelli-
gence, that is not placed upon him by this pro-
gressional impulse.

In every living thing there is an element of continu-
ous growth ; in every aggregation of living things
there is an element of continuous improvement. In
the first instance, a vital actuality appears ; whence,
no one can tell. As the organism matures, a new germ
is formed, which, as the parent stock decays, takes its
place and becomes in like manner the parent of a suc-
cessor. Thus even death is but the door to new
forms of life. In the second instance, a body corporate
appears, no less a vital actuality than the first; a
social organism in which, notwithstanding ceaseless
births and deaths, there is a living principle. For while
individuals are born and die, families live; while fam-
ilies are born and die, species live; while species are
born and die, organic being ' assumes ne^w forms and
features. Herein the all-pervading principle of life,
while flitting, is nevertheless permanent, while tran-
sient is yet eternal. But above and independent of
perpetual birth and death is this element of continuous

MANIFESTATIONS OF PROGRESSIONAL IMPULSE.

growth, which, like a spirit, walks abroad and mingles
in the affairs of men. "All our progress," says Em-
erson, "is an unfolding, like the vegetable bud. You
have first an instinct; then an opinion, then a knowl-
edge, as the plant has root bud and fruit."

Under favorable conditions, and up to a certain
point, stocks improve; by a law of natural selection
the strongest and fittest survive, while the ill-favored
and deformed perish ; under conditions unfavorable to
development, stocks remain stationary or deteriorate.
Paradoxically, so far as we know, organs and organ-
isms are no more perfect now than in the beginning ;
animal instincts are no keener, nor are their habitudes
essentially changed. No one denies that stocks im-
prove, for such improvement is perceptible and perma-
nent ; many deny that organisms improve, for if there
be improvement it is imperceptible, and has thus far
escaped proof. But, however this may be, it is palpa-
ble that the mind, and not the body, is the instrument
and object of the progressional impulse.

Man in the duality of his nature is brought under
two distinct dominions; materially he is subject to
the laws that govern matter, mentally to the laws
that govern mind ; physiologically he is perfectly made
and non-progressive, psychologically he is embryonic
and progressive. Between these internal and external
forces, between moral and material activities there
may be, in some instances, an apparent antagonism.
The mind may be developed in excess and to the detri-
ment of the body, and the body may be developed in
excess and to the detriment of the mind.

The animal man is a bundle of organs, with instincts
implanted that set them in motion; man intellectual
is a bundle of sentiments, with an implanted soul that
keeps them effervescent; mankind in the mass, so-
ciety, — ^we see the fermentations, we mark the transi-
tions; is there, then, a soul in aggregated humanity as
there is in individual humanity?

The instincts of man's animality teach the organs

90 SAVAOISM AND CIVILIZATION

to perform their functions as perfectly at the first as at
the last; the instincts of man s intellectuality urge him
on in an eternal race for something better, in which
perfection is never attained nor attainable ; in society,
we see the constant growth, the higher and yet higher
development; now in this ever-onward movement are
there mstincts which originate and govern action in
the body social as in the body individual ? Is not
society a bundle of organs, with an implanted Soul of
Progress, which moves mankind along in a resistless
predetermined march?

Nations are born and die; they appear first in a
state of infancy or savagism ; many die in their child-
hood, some grow into manhood and rule for a time the
destinies of the world ; finally, by sudden extinction,
or a lingering decrepitude^ they disappear, and others
take their place. But in this ceaseless coming and
going there is somewhere a mysterious agency at work,
makmg men better, wiser, nobler, whether they will
or not. This improvement is not the effect of volition ;
Ijhe plan,t does not will to unfold, nor tho immature
animal to grow; neither can the world of human kind
cease to advance in mind and in manners. Develop-
ment is the inevitable incident of being. Nations,
under normal conditions, can no more help advanc-
ing than they can throw themselves into a state of
non-existence; than can the individual stop his cor-
poreal growth, or shut out from the intellect every
perception of knowledge, and become a living petrifi-
cation. And in whatever percs ; ns to intellectual man
this fundamental principle is apparent. It underlies
all moralities, govemmeritS; and religions, all indus-
tries, arts, and commerce ; it is the mainspring of every
action, the consequence of every cause; it is the great
central idea toward which all things converge; it is
the object of all efforts, the end of all successes; it
absorbs all forces, and is the combined results of innu-
merable agencies, good and evil.

Before the theory of Dr von Martius and his follow-

BRUTES CANNOT PROGRESS.

crs, that the savage state is but a degeneration from
something higher, can become tenable, the whole order
of nature must be revereed. Kaces may deteriorate,
civilized peoples relapse into barbarism, but such
relapse cannot take place except under abnormal con-
ditions. We caimot believe that any nation, once
learning the use of iron would cast it away for stone.
Driven from an iron-yielding land, the knowledge of
iron might at last be forgotten, but its use would
nevei" be voluntarily relinquished. And so with any
of the arts or inventions of man. Societies, like indi-
viduals, are born, mature, and decay; they grow old
and die; they may pause in their progress, become
diseased, and thereby lose their strength and retrogade,
but they never turn around and grow backward or
ungrow, — they could :ioi if they would.

In the brute creation this element of progress is
wanting. The bird builds its nest, the bee its cell,
the beaver its darn, with no more skill or elaboration
to-day, than did the bird or bee or beaver primeval.
The instinct of animals does not with time become
intellect; their comforts do not increase, their sphere
of action does not enlarge. By domestication, stocks
may be improved, but nowhere do we see animals
uniting for mutual improvement, or creating for them-
selves an artificial existence. So in man, whose nature
comprises both the animal and the intellectual, the
physical organism neither perceptibly advances nor
deteriorates. The features may, indeed, beam brighter
from the light of a purer intellectuality cast upon them
from within, but the hand, the eye, the heart, so far as
we know, is no more perfect now than in the days of
Adam.

As viewed by Mr Bagehot, the body of the accom-
plished man "becomes, by training, different from
what it ome was, and different from that of the rude
man, becomes charged with stored virtue and acquired
faculty which come away from it unconsciously." But
the body of the accomplished man dies, and the son can

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

in no wist mherit it, whereas the soul of his accomplish-
ments does not die, but lives in the air, and becomes
part of the vital breath of society. And, again, "power
that has been laboriously acquired and stored up as stati-
cal in one generation" sometimes, says Maudsley,
"becomes the inborn faculty of the next; and the
development takes place in accordance with that law of
increasing speciality and complexity of adaption to
external nature which is traceable through the animal
kingdom; or, in other words, that law of progress,
from the general to the- special, in development, which
the aj)pearance of nerve force amongst natural forces
and the complexity of the nervous system of man
both illustrate." On the other side John Stuart Mill
is just as positive that culture is not inherent. "Of
all vulgar modes," he remarks, "of escaping from the
consideration of the effect of social and moral intluences
on the human mind, the most vulgar is that of attribut-
ing the diversities of conduct and character to inherent
natural diiferences;" and, says Mr Buckle, "we cannot
safely assume that there has been any permanent im-
provement in the moral or intellectual faculties of man,
nor have we any decisive ground for saying that those
faculties are likely to be greater in an infant born in
the most civilized part of Europe, than in one born in
the wildest region of a barbarous country."

Whether or not the nervous system, which is the
connective tissue between man's animality and his
intellectuality, transmits its subtle forces from one
generation to another, we may be sure that the mind
acts on the nerves, and the nerves on every part of the
system, and that the intelligence of the mind intluences
and governs the materialism of the body, and the con-
sequences in some way' are felt by succeeding genera-
tions; but that the mind becomes material, and its
qualities transmitted to posterity, is an hypothesis yet
unestablished.

Moreover we may safely conclude that the improve-
ment of mankind is a phenomenon purely intellectual.

IMPROVEMENT PURELY INTELLECTUAL.

Not that the improvement of the mind is wholly inde-
pendent of the condition of the body ; for, as we shall
hereafter see, so intimate is the connection between
the mind and the body, that the first step toward
intellectual advancement cannot be taken until the
demands of the body are satisfied. Nervous phe-
nomena aredependent upon the same nutritive processes
that go ern physical development ; and that this nerve
force, through whose agency the system is charged
with intellectuality, as the molecule is charged with
mechanical force, does exist, is capable, to some extent,
of transmitting acquirements or artificial instincts
from parent to child, we have every reason to believe;
but, so far as we know, intellectual force, per se, is no
more a transmittable entity than is the flesh-quivering
of the slain ox life.

The strangest part of it all is, that though wrought
out by man as the instrument, and while acting in the
capacity of a free agent, this spirit of progress is
wholly independent of the will ^f man. Though in
our individual actions we imagine ourselves directed
only by our free will, yet in the end it is most
difticult to determine what is the result of free will,
and what of inexorable environment. While we think
we are regulating our aftairs, our affairs are regulating
us. We plan out improvements, predetermine the
best course and follow it, sometimes; yet, for all that,
the principle of social progress in not the man, is not
in the man, forms no con^tituont of liis j)hysical or
psychical individual being; it is the social atmosphere
into which the man is born, into which he brings noth-
ing and {rom which he takes nothing. While a mem-
ber of society he adds his quota to the general fund
and there leaves it; while act' ng as a free agent he
performs his part in working out this prol)lem of social
development, performs it unconsciously, willing or
unwilling ,i performs it, his baser passions being as
powerful instruments of progress as his nobler; for
avarice drives on intellect as effectually as benevolence,

24 8AVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

hate as love, and selfishness does infinitely more for
the progress of mankind than philanthroj^y. Thus is
humanity played upon by this principle of progress,
and the music sometimes is wonderful ; green fields as
if by magic take the place of wild forests, magnificent
cities rise out of the ground, the forces of nature are
brought under the dominion of man's intelligence, and
senseless substances endowed with speech and action.

It is verily as Carlyle says; "under the strangest
new vesture, the old great truth (since no vesture can
hide it) begins again to be revealed : That man is what
we call a miraculous creature, with miraculous power
over men ; and, on the whole, with such a Life in him,
and such a World round him, as victorious Analysis,
with her Physiologies, Nervous Systems, Physic and
Metaphysic, will never completely name, to say noth-
ing of explaining."

Thus, to sum up the foregoing premises : in society,
between two or more individuals, there is at work a
mysterious energy, not unlike that of force between
molecules or life in the organism ; this social energy is
under intelligent governance, not fortuitous nor cause-
less, but reducible to fixed law, and capable of being
wrought into a science ; is, moreover, a vital actuality,
not an incident nor an accident, but an entity, as
attraction and- repulsion are entities ; under this agency
society, perforce, develops like the plant from a germ.
This energy acts on the intellect, and through the intel-
lect on the organism; acts independently of the will,
and cannot be created or destroyed by man; is not
found in the brute creation, is not transmittable by
generation through individuals, is Avrought out by
man as a free-will agent, though acting unconsciously,
and is the prrjduct alike of good and evil.

As to the causes which originate progressional phe-
nomena there are differences of opinion. One sees in
the intellect the germ of an eternal unfolding ; another
recognizes in the soul-element the vital principle of

CAUSES OF MAN'S DEVELOPMENT.

progress, and attributes to religion all the benefits of
enlightenment; one builds a theory on the ground- work
of a fundamental and innate morality; another dis-
covers in the forces of nature the controlling influence
upon man's destiny; while yet others, as we have seen,
believe accumulative and inherent nervous force to be
the media through which culture is transmitted.
Some believe that moral causes create the physical,
others that physical causes create the moral.

Thus Mr Buckle attempts to prove that man's
development is wholly dependent upon his physical
surroundings. Huxley points to a system of reflex
a»^t'ons, — mind acting on matter, and matter on mind, —
.:> be possible culture-basis. Darwin advances the
(1 ane of an evolution from vivified matter as the
p.iin'iple of progressive development. In the trans-
mution of nerve-element from parents to children,
Bagehot sees "the continuous force which binds age
to age, which enables each to begin with some im-
provement on the last, if the last did itself improve ;
which makes each civilization not a set of detached
dots, but a line of color, surely enhancing shade by
shade." Some see in human progress the ever-ruling
hand of a divine providence, others the results of man's
skill ; with some it is free will, with others necessity ;
some beliovv) that intellectual development springs
from bette) sjBt ms of government, others that wealth
lies at tb-. t'onr iationof all culture; every philosopher
recognj :e,s sv>ine cause, invents some system, or brings
human iictii )■& under the dominion of some species
of law.

As in animals of the same genus or species, inhab-
iting widely different localities, we see the results of
common instincts, so in the evolutions of the human
race, divided by time or space, we see the same gen-
eral principles at work. So too it would seem, whetlier
species are one or many, whether man is a perfectly
create;' Seing or an evolution from a lower form, that
all til V uxman races of the globe are formed on one

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

model and governed by the same laws. In the cus-
toms, languages, and myths of ages and nations far
removed from each other in social, moral, and mental
characteristics, innumerable and striking analogies
exist. Not only have all nations weapons, but many
who are separated from each '^^her by a hemisphere
use the same weapon ; not only is belief universal, but
many relate the same myth; and to suppose the bow
and arrow to have had a common origin, or that all
flood-myths, and myths of a future life are but off-
shoots from ^[oacb;'^ ind Biblical narratives is scarcely
reasonable.

It is easier to tell \, civilization is not, and what
it does not spring from, than what it is and what its
origin. To attribute its rise to any of the principles,
ethical, political, or material, that come under the
cognizance of man, is fallacy, for it is as much an entity
as any other primeval principle; nor may we, with
Archbishop Whately, entertain the doctrine that civ-
ilization never could have arisen had not the Creator
appeared upon earth as the first instructor; for, unfor-
tunately for this hypothesis, the aboriginals supposedly
so taught, were scarcely civilized at all, and compare
unfavorably with the other all-perfect works of crea-
tion; so that this sort of reasoning, like innumerable
other attempts of man to limit the powers of Omnipo-
tence, and narrow them down to our weak understand-
ings, is little else than puerility.

Nor, as we have seen, is this act of civilizing the
effect of volition; nor, as will hereafter more clearly
appear, does it arise from an mherent principle of good
any more than from an inherent principle of evil.
The ultimate result, though difficult of proof, we take
for granted to be good, but the agencies employed for
its consummation number among them more of those
we call evil than of those we call good. The isolated
individual never, by any possibility, can become civil-
ized like the social man; he cannot even speak, and
without a flow of words there can be no complete flow

SOCIETY ESSENTIAL TO INTELLECT.

of thought. Send him forth away from his fellow-man
to roam the forest with the wild beasts, and he would
be almost as wild and beastlike as his companions; it
is doubtful if he would ever fashion a tool, but would
not rathey with his claws alone procure his food, and
forever remain as he now is, the most impotent of
animals. The intellect, by which means alone man
rises above other animals, never could work, because
the intellect is quickened only as it comes in contact
with intellect. The germ of development therein
implanted cannot unfold singly any more than the
organism can bear fruit singly. It is a well-established
fact that the mind without language cannot fully de-
velop; it is likewise established that language is not
inherent, that it springs up between men, not in them.
Language, like civilization, belongs to society, and is
in no wise a part or the property of the individual.
"For strangely in this so solid-seeming World," says
Carlyle, "which nevertheless is in continual restless
flux, it is appointed that Sound, to appearance the
most fleeting, should be the most continuing of all
things." And further, as remarked by Herbert Spen-
cer: "Now that the transformation and equivalence of
forces is seen by men of science to hold not only
throughout all inorganic actions, but throughout all
organic actions; now that even mental changes are
recognized as the correlatives of cerebral changes,
which also conform to this princple; and now that
there must be admitted the corollary, that aU actions
going on in a society are measured by certain antecedent
energies, which disappear in eflecting them, while they
themselves become actual or potential energies from
which subsequent actions arise ; it is strange that there
should not have arisen the consciousness that these
higher phenomena are to be studied as lower phe-
nomena have been studied — not, of course, after the
same physical methods, but in conformity with the
same principles."

We may hold then, a priori, that this progressional

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

principle exists; that it exists not more in the man
than around him; that it requires an atmosphere in
which to live, as life in the body requires an atmos-
phere which is its vital breath, and that this atmos-
phere is generated only by the contact of man with
man. Under analysis this social atmosphere appears
to be composed of two opposing principles — ^good and
evil — which, like attraction and repulsion, or positive
and negative electricity, underlie all activities. One
is as essential to progress as the other; either, in excess
or disproportionately administered, like an excess of
oxygen or of hydrogen in the air, becomes pernicious,
engenders social disruptions and decay which continue
until the equilibrium is restored; yet all the while
with the progress of humanity the good increases while
the evil diminishes. Every impulse incident to hu-
manity is born of the union of these two opposing
principles. For example, as I have said, and will
attempt more fully to show further on, association is
the first requisite of progress. But what is to bring
about association ? Naked nomads will not voluntarily
yield up their freedom, quit their wanderings, hold
conventions and pass resolutions concerning the great-
est good to the grertest number; patriotism, love,
benevolence, brotherly kindness, will not bring savage
men together; extrinsic force must be employed, an
iron hand must be laid upon them which will compel
them to unite, else there can be no civilization ; and to
accomplish this first great good to man, — to compel
mankind to take the initial step toward the ameliora-
tion of their condition, — it is ordained that an evil, or
what to us of these latter times is surely an evil, come
forward, — and that evil is War.

Primeval man, in his social organization, is patri-
archal, spreading out over vast domains in little bands
or families, just large enough to be able successfully
to cope with wild beasts. And in that state human-
ity would forever remain did not some terrible cause
force these bands to confederate. War is an evil,

EVIL AS A STIMULANT OF PROGRESS.

originating in hateful passions and ending in dire
misery; yet without war, without this evil, man would
forever remain primitive. But something more is
necessary. War brings men together for a purpose,
but it is insufficient to hold them together; for when
the cause which compacted them no longer exists, they
speedily scatter, each going his own way. Then
comes in superstition to the aid of progress. A suc-
cessful leader is first feared as a man, then reverenced
as a supernatural being, and finally himself, or his
descendant, in the flesh or in tradition, is worshiped
as a god. Then an unearthly fear comes upon man-
kind, and the ruler, perceiving his power, begins to
tyrannize over his fellows. Both superstition and
tyranny are evils ; yet, without war superstition and
tyranny, dire evils, civilization, which many deem the
highest good, never by any possibility, as human
nature is, could be. But more of the conditions of
progress hereafter; what I wish to establish here is,
that evil is no less a stimulant of development than
good, and that in this principle of progress are mani-
fest the same antagonism of forces apparent through-
out physical nature; the same oppugnant energies,
attractive and repulsive, positive and negative, every-
where existing. It is impossible for two or more
individuals to be brought into contact with each other,
whether through causes or for purposes good or evil,
without ultimate improvement to both. I say whether
through causes or for purposes good or evil, for, to the
all-pervading principle of evil, civilization is as nmch
indebted as to the all-pervading principle of good.
Indeed, the beneficial influences of this unwelcome
element have never been generally recognized. What-
ever be this principle of evil, whatever man would be
without it, the fact is clearly evident that to it civiliza-
tion, whatever that may be, owes its existence. "The
whole tendency of political economy and philosophical
history," says Lecky, "which reveal the physiology
of society, is to show that the happiness and welfare

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

of mankind are evolved much more from out selfish
than what are termed our virtuous acts." No wonder
that devil-worship obtains, in certain parts, when to
his demon the savage finds himself indebted for skill
not only to overthrow subordinate deities, but to cure
diseases, to will an enemy to death, to minister to the
welfare of departed friends, as well as to add mate-
rially to his earthly store of comforts. The world, such
as it is, man finds himself destined for a time to
inhabit. Within him and around him the involuntary
occupant perceives two agencies at work; agencies
apparently oppugnant, yet both tending to one end —
improvement; and Night or Day, Love or Crime,
leads all souls to the Good, as Emerson sings. The
principle of evil acts as a perpetual stimulant, the
principle of good as a reward of merit. United in
their operation, there is a constant tendency toward a
better condition, a higher state; apart, the result
would be inaction. For, civilization being a progres-
sion and not a fixed condition, without incentives, that
is without something to escape from and something to
escape to, there could be no transition, and hence no
civilization.

Had man been placed in the world perfected and
sinless, obviously there would be no such thing as
progress. The absence of evil implies perfect good,
and perfect good perfect happiness. Were man sinless
and yet capable of increasing knowledge, the incentive
would be wanting, for, if perfectly happy, why should
he struggle to become happier ? The advent of civili-
zation is in the appearance of a want, and the first act
of civilization springs from the attempt to supply the
want. The man or nation that wants nothing remains
inactive, and hence does not advance; so that it is not
in what we have but in what we have not that civiliz-
ation consists. These wants are forced upon us, im-
planted within us, inseparable from our being; they
increase with an increasing supply, grow hungry from
what they feed on; in quick succession, aspirations,

LABOR A CIVILIZING AGENT.

emulations, and ambitions spring up and chase each
other, keeping the fire of discontent ever glowing, and
the whole human race effervescent.

Tlie tendency of civilizing force, like the tendency of
mechanical force, is toward an equilibrium, toward a
never-attainable rest. Obviously there can be no
perfect equilibrium, no perfect rest, until all evil dis-
appears, but in that event the end of progress would
be attained, and humanity would be perfect and sinless.

Man at the outset is not what he may be, he is
capable of improvement or rather of growth; but
childlike, the savage does not care to improve, and
consequently must be scourged into it. Advancement
is the ultimate natural or normal state of man ; hu-
manity on this earth is destined some day to be Rela-
tively, if not absolutely, good and happy.

The healthy body has appetites, in the gratification
of which lies its chiefest enjoyment ; the healthy mind
has proclivities, the healthy soul intuitions, in the exer-
cise and activities of which the happiest life is attaina-
ble ; and in as far as the immaterial and immortal in our
nature is superior to the materlu-1 and mortal, in so far
does the education and development of our higher
nature contribute in a higher degree to our present
benefit and our future well-being.

There is another thought in this connection well
worthy our attention. In orthodox and popular par-
lance, labor is a curse entailed on man by vindictive
justice; yet viewed as a civilizing agent, labor is
Uian's greatest blessing. Throughout all nature there
is no such thing found as absolute inertness ; and, as
in matter, so with regard to our faculties, no sooner do
they begin to rest than they begin to rot, and even in
the rotting they can obtain no rest. One of the chief
objects of labor is to get gain, and Dr Johnson holds
that "men are seldom more innocently employed than
when they are making money."

Human experience teaches, that in the effort is
greater pleasure than in the end attained ; that labor

8AVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

is the normal condition of man ; that in acquisition,
that is progress, is the highest happiness ; that passive
enjoyment is inferior to the exhilaration of active
attempt. Now imagine the absence from the world
of this spirit of evil, and what would be the result ?
Total inaction. But before inaction can become more
pleasurable than action, man's nature must be changed.
Not to say that evil is a good thing, clearly there is a
goodness in things evil; and in as far as the state of
escaping from evil is more pleasurable than the state of
evil escaped from, in so far is evil conducive to hap-
piness.

The effect of well-directed labor is twofold ; by exer-
cise our faculties strengthen and expand, and at the
same time the reitums of that labor give us leisure in
which to direct our improved faculties to yet higher
aims. By continual efforts to increase material com-
forts, greater skill is constantly acquired, and the mind
asserts more and more its independence. Increasing
skill yields ever increased delights, which encourage
and reward our labor. This, up to a certain point ; but
with wealth and luxury comes relaxed energy. With-
out necessity there is no labor; without labor no ad-
vancement. Corporeal necessity first forces corporeal
activity ; then the intellect goes to work to contrive
means whereby labor may be lessened and made more
productive.

The discontent which arises from discomfort, lies
at the root of every movement; but then comfort is a
relative term and complete satisfaction is never
attained. Indeed, as a rule, the more squalid and
miserable the race, the more are they disposed to
settle down and content themselves in their state of
discomfort. What is discomfort to one is luxury to
another; "the mark of rank in nature is capacity for
pain"; in following the intellectual life, the higher the
culture the greater the discontent; the greater the
acquisition, the more eagerly do men press forward
toward some higher and greater imaginary good. We

EVIL TENDS TO DISAPPEAR.

all know that blessings in excess become the direst
curses; but few are conscious where the benefit of a
blessing terminates and the curse begins, and fewer
still of those who are able thus to discriminate have
the moral strength to act upon that knowledge. As
a good in excess is an evil, so evil as it enlarges out-
does itself and tends toward self-annihilation. If we
but look about us, we must see that to burn up the
world in order to rid it of gross evil — a dogma held by
some — is unnecessary, for accumulative evils ever tend
towards reaction. Excessive evils are soonest remedied ;
the equilibrium of the evil must be maintained, or the
annihilation of the evil ensues.

Institutions and principles essentially good at one
time are essential evils at another time. The very
aids and agencies of civilization become afterward the
greatest drags upon progress. At one time it would
seem that blind faith was essential to improvement, at
another time skepticism, at one time order and moral-
ity, at another time lawlessness and rapine ; for so it
h.as ever been, and whether peace and smiling plenty,
or fierce upheavals and dismemberments predominate,
from every social spasm as well as fecund leisure,
civilization shoots forward in its endless course. The
very evils which are regarded as infamous by a higher
culture were the necessary stepping-stones to that
higher life. As we have seen, no nation ever did or
can emerge from barbarism without first placing its
neck under the yokes of despotism and superstition ;
therefore, despotism and supei^stition, now dire evils,
were once essential benefits. No religion ever attained
its full development except under persecution. Our
present evils are constantly working out for humanity
unforseen good. All systems of wrongs and fanati-
cisms are but preparing us for and urging us on to a
higher state.

If then civilization is a predestined, ineluctable, and
eternal march away from things evil toward that
which is good, it must be that throughout the world

Vol. II. 3

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

the principle of good is ever increasinj^ and that of
evil decreasing. And this is true. Not only does
evil decrease, but the tendency is ever toward its
disappearance. Gradually the confines of civilization
broaden; the central principle of human progress
attains greater intensity, and the mind assumes more
and more its lordly jwwer over matter.

The moment we attempt to search out the cause of
any onward movement we at once encounter this prin-
ciple of evil. The old-time aphorism that life is a
perpetual struggle; the first maxim of social ethics
' the greatest happiness to the greatest number' ; indeed,
every thought and action of our lives points in the
same direction. From what is it mankind is so
eager to escape; with what do we wrestle; for what
do we strive? We fly from that which gives pain to
that which gives pleasure; we wrestle with agencies
which bar our escape from a state of infelicity; we
long for hapi)ines8.

Then comes the question, What is happiness? Is
man jjolished and refined happier than man wild and
unfettered; is civilization a blessing or a curse?
Rousseau, we know, held it to be the latter; but not
so Virey. "What!" he exclaims, "is he happier than
the social man, this being abandoned in his maladies,
uncared for even by his children in his improvident
old age, exj)osed to ferocious beasts, in fear of his own
kind, even of the cannibal's tooth? The civilized man,
surrounded in his feebleness bj' affectionate attention,
sustains a longer existence, enjoys more pleasure and
daily comforts, is better protected against inclemencies
of weather and all external ills. The isolated man
must suffice for himself, must harden himself to endure
any privation; his very existence depends upon his
strength, and if necessity requires it of him, he must
be ready to abandon wife and children and life itself
at any moment. Such cruel misery is rare in social
life, where the sympathies of humanity are awakened,
and freely exercised."

IS CIVILIZATION CONDUCIVE TO HAPriNESS?

Continue these simple interrogatories a little farther
and see where we land. Is the wild bird, forced t<)
\ouir migrations for endurable climates and food, hap-
pier than the caged bird which buys a daily plentiful
8U]>ply for a song? Is the wild beast, ofttimes hungry
and hunted, happier than its chained brother of the
menagerie? Is the wild horse, galloping with its fel-
lows over the broad prairie, happier than the civilized
horse of carriage, cart, or plow { May we not question
whether the merchant, deep in his speculating ven-
tures, or the man of law, poring over his brain-tear-
ing brief, derives a keener sense of enjoyment than
does the free forest-native, following the war-path or
pursuing his game?

As I liave attempted to show, civilization is not an
end attained, for man is never wholly civilized,- but
only the effort to escape from an evil, or an imaginary
evil — savagism. I say an evil real or imaginary, for
as we have seen, the question has been seriously dis-
cussed whether civilization is better or worse than
savagism. For every advantage which culture affords,
a price must be paid, — some say too great a price.
The growth of the mind is dependent upon its cultiva-
tion, but this cultivation may be voluntary or involun-
tary, it may be a thing desired or a thing abhorred.

Every nation, every society, and every person has
its or his own standard of happiness. The miser delights
in wealth, the city belle in finery, the scholar in learn-
ing. The Christian's heaven is a spiritual city, where
they neither marry, nor are given in marriage;
the Norse-man's a Valhalla of alternate battle and
wassail; the Mahometan's, a paradise of houris and
lazy sensuality. The martyr at the stake, triumi)hant
in his faith, may be happier than the man of fashion
dying of ennui and gout; the savage, wandering through
forest and over plain in pursuit of game, or huddled in
his hut with wives and children, may be happier than
the care-laden speculator or the wrangling politician.
Content, the essence of all happiness, is as prevalent

36 SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

among the poor and ill-mannered, as among the rich,
refined and civilized. Uhi bene, ihi pcitna, where it is
well with me, there is my country, is the motto of- the
Indian, — and to be well with him signifies only to be
beyond the reach of hunger and enemies. Ask the
savage which is preferable, a native or a cultured state,
and he will answer the former; ask the civilized man,
and he will say the latter. I do not see any greater
absurdity in the wild man saying to the tamed one:
Give up the despotisms and diseases of society and
throw yourself with me upon befl'jteous, bounteous
nature ; than in the European saying to the American :
If you would find happiness, abandon your filth and
naked freedom, accept Christianity and cotton shirts,
go to work in a mission, rot on a reservation, or beg
and starve in civilized fashion !

Of all animals, man alone has broken down the bar-
riers of his nature in civilizing, or, as Rousseau
expresses it, in denaturalizing himself; and for this de-
naturalization some natural good must be relinquished ;
to every infringment of nature's law, there is a pen-
alty attached; for a more delicate organism the price
is numberless new diseases; for political institutions
the price is native freedom. With polished manners
the candidate for civilization must accept affectation,
social despotism; with increasing wealth, increasing
wants; civilization engenders complexity in society,
and in its turn is engendered thereby. Peoples the
most highly cultured are moved by the most delicate
springs; a finer touch, the result of greater skill, with a
finer tone, the result of greater experience, produces
music more and yet more exquisite.

Were man only an animal, this denaturalization
and more, would be true. The tamed brute gives up
all the benefits of savagism for few of the blessings
of civilization; in a cultured state, as compared to a
state of wild freedom, its ills are numberless, its ad-
vantages infinitesimal. But human nature is two-fold,
objective and subjective, the f>rmei typical of the

SUBJECTIVE AND OBJECTIVE HUMANITY.

manners

sava^^e state, the latter of the civilized. Man is not
wholly animal; and by cultivating the mind, that is,
by civilizing- himself, he is no more denaturalized than
by cultivating the body, and thereby acquiring greater
physical perfection. We cannot escape our natr^-e ; wo
cannot re-create ourselves; we can only submit our-
selves to be polished and improved by the eternal spirit
of progress. The moral and the intellectual are as
much constituents of human nature as the physical ;
civilization, therefore, is as much the natural state of
man as savagism.

Another more plausible and partially correct asser-
tion is, that by the development of the subjective part
of our nature, objective humanity becomes degenerated.
The intellectual cannot be wrought up to the highest
state of cultivation except at the expense of the phys-
ical, nor the physical fully developed without limiting
the mental. The efforts of the mind draw from the
energies of the body ; the highest and healthiest vigor
of the body can only be attained when the mind is at
rest, or in a state of careless activity. In answer to
which I should say that beyond a certain point, it is
true; <•>> e Avould hardly train successfully for a prize
fight and the ti'ipos at the same time ; but that the
non-intellectual savage, as a race, is physically superior,
capable of enduring greater fatigue, or more skillful in
muscular exercise than the civilized man is inconsistent
with facts. Civilization has its vices as well as its
virtues, savagism has its a^lvantages as well as its
demerits.

The evils of savagism are not so great as we imagine ;
its ]>leasures more than we are apt to think. As we
become more and more removed from evils their mag-
nitude enlarges; the fear of suffering increases as
suffering is less experienced and witnessed. If savag-
ism holds human life in light esteem, civilization
makes death more hideous than it really is ; if savag-
ism is more cruel, it is less sensitive. Combatants
iiccustomed to frequent encounter think lightly of

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

wounds, and those whose Hfe is oftenest imperiled
think least of losing it. Indifference to pain is not
necessarily the result of cruelty; it may arise as well
from the most exalted sentiment as from the basest.

Civilization not only engenders new vices, but proves
the destroyer of many virtues. Among the wealthier
classes energy gi>'es way to enjoyment, luxury saps
the foundation of labor, progress becomes paralyzed,
and with now^find then a noble exception, but few
earnest workers in the paths of literature, science, or
any of the departments which tend to the improve-
ment of mankind, are to be found among the powerful
and the affluent, while the middle classes are absorbed
in money-getting, unconsciously thereby, it is true,
working toward the ends of civilization.

That civilization is expedient, that it is a good, that
it is better than savagism, we who profess to be civilized
entertain no doubt. Those who believe otherwise must
be ready to deny that health is better than disease, truth
than superstition, intellectua-1 power than stupid ignor-
ance ; but whether the miseries and vices of savagism, or
those of civilization are the greater, is another question.
The tendency of civilization is, on the whole, to purify
the morals, to give equal rights to man, to distribute
more equally among men the benefits of this world, to
meloriate wholesale misery and degradation, offer a
higher aim and the means of accomplishing a nobler
destiny, to increase the power of the mind and give it
domini ii over the forces of nature, to place the mate-
rial in subservience to the mental, to elevate the
individual and regulate society. True, it may be
urged that this heaping uj) of intellectual fruits tends
toward monoj)oly, toward making the rich richer and
the poor poorer, but I still hold that the benefits of
civilizatitm are for the most part evenly distributed;
that wealth beyond one's necessity is gen irally a curse
to the possessor greater than the extremt of poverty,
and that the true blessings of culture anc refinement
like air and sunshine are free to all.

CONDITIONS ESSENTIAL TO PROGRESS 89

Civilization, it is said, multiplies wants, but then
they are ennobling wants, better called aspirations, and
many of these civilization satisfies.

If civilization breeds new vices, old ones are extin-
guished by it. Decency and decorum hide the hide-
ousness of vice, drive it into dark corners, and thereby
raise the tone of morals and weaken vice. Thus
civilization promotes chastity, elevates woman, breaks
down the barriers of hate and superstition between
ancient nations and religions; individual energy, the
influence of one over the many, becomes less and less
felt, and the power of the people becomes stronger.

Civilization in itself can not but be beneficial to
man; that which makes society more refined, more
intellectual, less bestial, more courteous; that which
cures physical and mental diseases, increases the com-
forts and luxury of life, purifies religions, makes juster
governments, must surely be beneficial : it is the uni-
versal principle of evil which impregnates all human
affairs, alloying even current coin, which raises the
question. That there are evils attending civilization as
all other benefits, none can deny, but civilization itself
is no evil.

If I have succeeded in presenting clearly the fore-
going thoughts, enough has been said as to the nature
and essence of civilization ; let us now examine some
of the conditions essential to intellectual development.
For it must not be forgotten that, while every depart-
ment of human progress is but the unfolding of a
germ; while every tendency of our life, every custom
and creed of our civilization finds its rudiment in
savagism ; while, as man develops, no new elements of
human nature are created by the process; while, as the
organism of the child is as complex and complete as the
organism of the man, so is humanity in a savage state
the perfect germ of humanity civilized, — it must not
be forgotten in all this, that civilization cannot unfold
except under favorable conditions. Just as the plant.

8AVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

though endowed with life which corresponds to the
mind-principle in progress, requires for its growth a
suitable soil and climate, so this progressional phe-
nomenon must have soil and sunshine before it yields
fruit ; and this is another proof that civilization is not
in the man more than around him ; for if the principle
were inherent in the individual, then the Hyperborean,
with his half year of light and half year of under-
ground darkness, must of necessity become civilized
equally with the man born amidst the sharpening
jostles of a European capital, for in all those parts that
appertain solely to the intrinsic individual, the one
develops as perfectly as the other. A people undergo-
ing the civilizing process need not necessarily, does not
indeed, advance in every species of improvement at
the same time; in some respects the nation may be
stationary, in others even retrograde. Every age and
every nation has its special line of march. Literature
and the fine arts reached their height in pagan Greece ;
monotheism among the Hebrews; science unfolded in
Egypt, and government in Rome.

In every individual there is some one talent that can
be cultivated more advantageously than any other; so
it is with nations, every people possesses some natural
advantage for development in some certain direction
over every other people, and often the early history
of a nation, like the precocious proclivities of the child,
points toward its future; and in such arts and indus-
tries as its climate and geographical position best
enable it to develop, is discovered the germ of national
character. Seldom is the commercial spirit developed
in the interior of a continent, or the despotic spirit
on the border of the sea, or the predatory spirit in a
country wholly devoid of mountains and fastnesses.
It cannot be said that one nation or race is inherently
better fitted for civilization than another; all may not
be equally fitted for exactly the same civilization, but
all are alike fitted for that civilization which, if left to
itself, each will work out.

CONDITIONS ESSENTIAL TO PROGRESS.

Mankind, moreover, advances spasmodically, and in
certain directions only at a time, which is the greatest
drawback to progi'ess. As Lecky remarks: "Special
agencies, such as religious or political institutions,
geographical conditions, traditions, antipathies, and
affinities, exercise a certain retarding, accelerating, or
deflecting influence, and somewhat modify the normal
progress." Perfect development only is permanent,
and that alone is perfect which develops the whole
man and the whole society equally in all its parts ; all
the activities, mental, moral, and physical, must needs
grow in unison and simultaneously, and this alone is
perfect and permanent development. Should all the
world become civilized there will still be minor differ-
ences; some will advance further in one direction and
some in another, all together will form the complete
whole.

Civilization as an exotic seldom flourishes. Often
has the attempt been made by a cultivated people to
civilize a barbarous nation, and as often has it failed.
True, one nation may force its arts or religion upon
another, but to civilize is neither to subjugate nor anni-
hilate; foreigners may introduce new industries and
new philosophies, which the uncultured may do well
to accept, but as civilization is an unfolding, and not
a creation, he who would advance civilization must
teach society how to grow, how to enlarge its better
self; must teach in what direction its highest inter-
ests lie.

Thus it appears that, while this germ of progress is
innate in every human society, certain conditions are
more favorable to its development than others, — con-
ditions which act as stimulants or impediments to pro-
gress. Often we see nations remain apparently sta-
tionary', the elements of progress evenly balanced by
opposing influences, and thus they remain until by
internal force, or external pressure, their system
expands or explodes, until they absorb or are absorbed

Jff

! i li

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

by antagonistic elements. The intrinsic force of the
body social appears to demand extrinsic prompting
before it will manifest itself Like the grains of wheat
in the hand of Belzoni's mummy, which held life
slumbering for three thousand years, and awoke to
growth when buried in the ground, so the element of
human progress lies dormant until planted in a con-
genial soil and surrounded by those influences which
provoke development.

This stimulant, which acts upon and imfolds the
intellect, can be administered only through the medium
of the senses. Nerve force, which precedes intellectual
force, is supplied by the body ; the cravings of man's
corporeal nature, therefore, must be quieted before the
mind can fix itself on higher tbmgs. The first step
toward teaching a savage is to feed him; the stomach
satisfied he will listen to instruction, not before.

Cultivation of at least the most necessary of the
industrial arts invariably precedes cultivation of the
fine arts ; the intellect must be implanted in a satisfied
body before it will take root and grow. The mind must
be allowed some respite from its attendance dh the body,
before culture can commence ; it must abandon its state
of servitude, and become master; in other words, leis-
ure is an essential of culture.

As association is the primal condition of progress,
let us see how nature throws societies together or
holds them asunder. In some directions there are
greater facilities for intercommunication (another essen-
tial of improvement) than in other directions. Wher-
ever man is most in harmony with nature, there he
progresses most rapidly; wherever nature offers the
greatest advantages, such as a sea that invites to com-
merce, an elevated plateau lifting its occupants above
the malaria of a tropical lowland, a sheltering mountain
range that wards off inclement winds and bars out
hostile neighbors, there culture flourishes best.

So that humanity, in its two-fold nature, is depend-

OBJECTIVE AND SUBJECTIVE STIMULANTS.

lere are

ent for its development upon two distinct species of
stimulants, objective and subjective. Material causa-
tions, or those forces which minister to the requirements
of man's material nature but upon which his intellect-
ual progress is dependent, are configurations of surface,
S)i], climate, and food. Those physical conditions
which, when favorable, give to their possessors wealth
and leisure, are the inevitable precursors of culture.
Immaterial causations are those forces which act more
directly upon man's immaterial nature, as association,
religion, wealth, leisure, and government. Continuing
the analysis, let us first examine physical stimulants.
Admitting readily two of M. Taine's primordial hu-
manity-moving forces, 'le milieu' or environment, and
his 'le moment' or inherited impulse, we will pass over
third force *la race';— for inherent differences in race,
in the present stage of science, are purely hypothetical ;
it remains yet to be proved that one nation is primarily
inherently inferior or superior to another nation. That
man once created is moulded and modified by his
environment, there can be no doubt. Even a cursory
survey of the globe presents some indications favorable
and unfavorable to the unfolding of the different forms
of organic being.

Great continents, for instance, appear to be conge-
nial to the development of animal life; islands and
lesser continents to the growth of exuberant vegeta-
tion. Thus, in the eastern hemisphere, which is a
compact oval, essentially continental, with vast areas
far removed from the influence of the ocean, flourish
the elephant, the hippopotamus, the rhinoceros, tb«
courageous lion, the fierce tiger, the largest and lord-
liest of animal kind, while in the more oceanic
western hemisphere inferior types prevail. Cold and
dryness characterize the one ; heat and humidity the
other ; in one are the greatest deserts, in the other the
greatest lakes and rivers. Warm oceanic currents
bathe the frosty shores of the northern extremities of
the continents and render them habitable ; the moist-

8AVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

i .1

ure-laden equatorial atmosphere clothes the adjacent
islands and firm land in emerald verdure. Upon the
same parallel of latitude are the great Sahara Desert
of Africa, and the wilderness of luxuriant billowy fo-
liage of the American Isthmus. In warm, moist
climates, such species of animal life attain the fullest
development as are dependent upon the aqueous and
herbous agencies. In tropical America are seen the
largest reptiles, the most gorgeous insects, — there the
inhabitants of warm marshes and sluggish waters
assume gigantic proportions, while only upon the
broad inland prairies or upon elevated mountain ranges,
away from the influences of warm waters and humid
atmospheres, are found the buffalo, bear, and elk. The
very complexion and temperament of man are affected
by these vegetative and umbrageous elements. Unpro-
tected from the perpendicular rays of the sun, the
African is black, muscular, and cheerful; under the
shadow of primeval forest, man assumes a coppery hue,
lacking the endurance of the negro, and becomes in
disposition cold and melancholy.

And again, if we look for the natural causes which
tend to promote or retard association, we find in
climates and continental configurations the chief
agencies. The continent of the two Americas, in its
greatest length, lies north and south, the eastern con-
tinental group extends east and west. Primitive
people naturally would spread out in those directions
which offered the least change of climate from that of
the primitive centre. Obviously, variations of climate
are greater in following a meridian than along a paral-
lel of latitude. Thus, the tropical man passing along
a meridian is driven back by unendurable cold, while a
continent may be traversed on any parallel, elevations
excepted, with but little variation in temperature. A
savage, exposed and inexperienced, not knowing how to
protect himself against severe changes of climate,
could not travel far in a northerly or southerly direc-
tion without suffering severely from the cold or heat;

CLIMATL AND MOUNTAIN RANGES.

hence, other things being equal, the inhabitants of a
country whose greatest length lay east and west, would
intermingle more readily than those whose territory
extended north and south.

That the eastern hemisphere attained a higher de-
gree of civilization than the western, may be partly
due to the fact, that the former presents wider spaces
of uniform climate than the latter. The climatic zones
of the New World, besides being shorter, are inter-
sected by mountain barriers, which tend to retard
the intercourse that would otherwise naturally follow.
Thus the Mexican table-land, the seat of Aztec civili-
zation, is a t terra fria situated above the insalubrious
tierra caliente of either coast and the healthful tierra
templada of the slopes, but below the mountain ranges
which rise from this table-land, forming a tierra
friijida, a region of perpetual snow. To this day, the
natives of the Mexican plateau cannot live on the
sea-coast, though less than a day's journey distant.

Between the climatic zones which extend through
Europe and Asia, there are contrasts as marked and
changes as sudden, but these differences are between
the different zones rather than between longitudinal
sections of the same zone. Hence, in the old world,
where climatic zones are separated by mountain ranges
which make the transition from one to the other sudden
and abrupt, we see a greater diversity of race than in
America, where the natural barriers extend north and
south and intersect the climatic zones, thereby bringing
the inhabitants along a meridian in easier communica-
tion than those who live in the same latitude but who
are separated by mountains, table-lands and large riv-
ers. That is, if color and race are dependent on climate,
America should offer greater varieties in color and
race than Europe, for America traverses the most
latitudes ; but the mountain barriers of America extend
north and south, thereby forcing its people to inter-
mingle, if at all, in that direction, while the chief
ranges of the eastern continent extend east and west,

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

parallel with climatic zones, thereby forminj^ in them-
selves distinctly marked lines between peoples, forcing
the African to remain under his burning sun, and the
northnien in their cooler latitudes; so that in the
several climatic zones of the old world, we see the
human race distinctly marked, Aryan, Semitic, and
Turanian — white, black, and yellow— while throughout
the two Americas, from Alaska to Tierra del Fuego,
type and color are singularly uniform.

Who can picture the mighty tide of humanity,
which, while the eastern hemisphere has been develop-
ing so high a state of culture, in America has ebbed
and flowed between barbarisms and civilizations?
Through what long and desperate struggles, continuing
age after age through the lives of nations, now advanc-
ing, now receding, have these peoples passed? Asia,
from its central position and favorable climate, would
seem naturally to encourage a redundant population
and a spontaneous civilization; the waters of the
Mediterranean invite commerce and intercommunica-
tion of nations, while the British Isles, from their
insular situation and distance from hypothetical prim-
itive centres, would seem necessarily to remain longer
in a state of barbarism. In the Pacific States of
North America we find the densest population north
along the shores of the ocean, and south on the Cordil-
lera table-land, from the fact that the former ofters
the best facilities for food and locomotion until the
latter is reached, when the interior presents the most
favorable dwelling-place for man.

Climate affects both mental and moral endowments,
the temperament of the body, and the texture of the
brain ; physical energy, and mental vigor. Temperate
climates are more conducive to civilization, not for the
reason given by Mr Harris, "as developing the higher
qualities, and not invigorating the baser feelings," for
the Hyperborean is as unchaste and as great a slave
tp passion as the sub-equatorial man — but because a

THE INFLUENCE OF FOOD.

1 them-

forcing

md the

in the

see the

AC, and

)Ughout

Fuego,

manity,

levelop-

Ls ebbed

zations ?

itinuing

advanc-

' Asia,

3, would

iulation

of the

munica-

ui their

h-.

il prini-

1 longer

'4"i

bates of

1 north

! cordil-

^ I

r offers

itil the

le most

mients,

of the

[iperate

for the

higher

Ts," for

a slave

lause a

temperate climate, while it lures to exertion, rewards
the laborer.

Next, let us consider the agency of food in human
development. The effect of food is to supply the body
with caloric, which is essential to its life, and to repair
the muscular fibres which are c(mstantly undergoing
>yaste in our daily activities. These two effects are
produced by two different kinds of diet; carbonized
food, such as animal flesh, fish, oils and fats, and oxi-
dized food, which consists chiefly of vegetables. In hot
climates, obviously, less carbonized food is required to
keep uj) the necessary temperature of the body than
in cold climates. Hence it is, that hyperborean nations
subsist on whale's blubber, oil, and flesh, while the
tropical man confines himself almost exclusively to a
vegetable diet.

It is not my purpose here to enter into the relative
effects of the different kinds of food on physiological
and mental development; T desire, however, to call
attention to the comparative facility with which car-
bonized and oxidized food is procured by man, and to
note the effect of this ease or difficulty in obtaining a
food supply, upon his progress. In warm, humid
climates vegetation is spontaneous and abundant; a
plentiful supply of food may, therefore, be obtained
with the smallest expenditure of labor. The inhabitants
of cold climate?, however, are obliged to pursue, by
land and water^ wild and powerful animals, to put
forth all their strength and skill in order to secure a
precarious supply of the necessary food. Then, again,
besides being more difficult to obtain, and more uncer-
tain as to a steady supply, the quantity of food con-
sumed in a cold climate is much greater than that
consumed in a hot climate. Now as leisure is essen-
tial to cultivation, and as without a surplus of food
and clothing there can be no leisure, it would seem to
follow naturally that in those countries where food
and clothing are most easily obtained culture should

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

be the highest; since, so little time and labor are
necessary to satisfy the necessities of the body, the
mind would have opportunity to expand. It would
seem that a fertile soil, an exuberant vegetation, soft
skies and balmy air, a country where raiment was
scarcely essential to comfort, and where for food the
favored inhabitant had but to pluck and eat, should
become the seat of a numerous population and a high
development. Is this the fact? "Wherever snow
falls," Emerson remarks, "there is usually civil free-
dom. Where the banana grows, the animal system is
indolent, and pampered at the cost of higher qualities;
the man is sensual and cruel;" and we may add that
where wheat grows, there is civilization, where rice is
the staple, there mental vigor is relaxed.

Heat and moisture being the great vegetative
stimulants, tropical lands in proximity to the sea are
covered with eternal verdure. Little or no labor is
required to sustain life ; for food there is the perjiet-
ually ripening fruit, a few hours' planting, f mietimes,
being sufficient to supply a family for months; for
shelter, little more than the dense foliage is necessary,
while scarcely any clothing is required.

But although heat and moisture, the great vegeta-
tive stimulants, lie at the root of primitive progress,
these elements in superabundance defeat their own
ends, and in two ways : First, excessive heat enervates
the body and prostrates the mind, languor and inertia
become chronic, while cold is invigorating and prompts
to activity. And in tropical climates certain hours of
the day are too hot for work, and are, consequently,
devoted to sleep. The day is broken into fragments ;
continuous application, which alone produces imi)or-
tant results, is prevented, and habits of slackness an*'
laxity become the rule of life Satisfied, moreovei
with the provisions of nature for their support, the
people live with out labor, vegetating, plant-like, through
a listless and objectless life. Secondly, vegetation,
stimulated by excessive heat and moisture, grows with

UNMANAGEABLENES8 OE REDUNDANT NATURE.

8uch strength and rapidity as to defy the efforts of
inexperienced primitive man; nature becomes domi-
neerin<^, unnianageablo, and man sinks into insignifi-
cance. Indeed the most skillful industn' of anned
and disciplined civilization is unable to keep under
control this redundancy of tropical vegetation. The
path cleared by the pioneer on penetrating the dense
undergrowth, closes after him like the waters of the sea
behind a ship ; before the grain has time to spring up,
the plowed field is covered with rank weeds, wild flowers,
and poisonous plants no less beautiful than pernicious.
I have seen the very fence-posts sprouting up and
growing into trees. So J-istructive is the vegetation
of the Central American lowlands, that in their
triumphal march the persistent roots penetrate the
crevices of masonry, demolish strong walls, and oblit-
erate stupendous tumuli. The people whose climate
makes carbonized food a necessity, are obliged to call
into action their bolder and stronger faculties in order
to obiai I their supplies, while the vegetable-eater may
trail. jHiIiy rest on bounteous nature. The Eskimo
struggles manfully with whale, and bear, and ice, and
darkness, until his capacious stomach is well filled
with heat-producing food, then he dozes torpidly in
liis don while the supply lasts ; the equatorial man
phicks and eats, basks in the open air, and sleeps.

Here we have a medley of heterogeneous and an-
tagonistic elements. Leisure is essential to culture;
before leisure there must be an accumulation of wealth ;
the accumulation of wealth is dependent upon the food-
supply; a surplus of food can only be easily obtained
in warm climates. But labor is also essential to devel-
opment, and excessive heat is opposed to labor. Labor,
moreover, in order to produce leisure must be remu-
1 lative, and excessive cold is opposed to accumulation.
It appears, therefore, that an excess of I'ibor and an
excess of leisure are alike detrimental to Improvement.
Again, heat and moisture are essential to an abundant
supply of wxidized food. But heat and moisture.

Vol. II. 4

SA^'^AGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

especially in tropical climates, act as a stimulant upon
other rank productions, engendering dense forests,
tangled brush-wood, and poisonous shrubs, and tilling
miasmatic marshes with noxious reptiles. These ene-
mies to human progres i the weaponless savage is unable
to overcome.

It is, therefore, neither in hot and humid countries,
nor in excesrfively cold climates, that we are to look for
a primitie civilization; for in the latter nature lies
dormant, while in the former the redundancy of nature
becomes unmanageable. It is true that in the trop-
ics of America and Asia are found the seats of many
ancient civilizations, but if we examine them one
after the other, we shall see, in nearly eveiy in-
stance, some opposite or counteracting agency. Thus,
the Aztecs, though choosing a low latitude in prox-
imity to both oceans, occupied an elevated table-land,
in a cool, dry atmosphere, seven or eight thousand
feet above the level of the sea. The river Nile, by
its periodic inundations, forced the ancient Egypt-
ians to lay by a store of food, which is the very first
step toward wealth. The rivers of India are, some of
them, subject to like overflowings, while the more
elevated parts are dry and fertile.

Egypt was the cradle of European development.
Long before the advent of Christianity, the fertile
banks of the Nile, for their pyramidal tombs, their
colossi, their obelisks and catacombs and sphinxes and
temples, were regarded by surrounding barbarians as
a land of miracles and marvels. Thence Greece de-
rived her earliest arts and maxims. The climate of
Egypt was unchangeable, and the inundations of the
Nile offered a less uncertain water-8Ui)ply than the
rains of many other districts, and thus agriculture,
while offering to the laborer the greater part of the
year for leisure, was almost certain to be remunerative.
Common instincts and common efforts, uniformity of
climate and identity of interests produced a homoge-
neous people, and forty centuries of such changeless

MR BUCKLE'S THEORY.

.61

coming and going could not fail to result in improve-
ment.

Mr Buckle, in his attempt to establish a universal
theory that heat and moisture inevitably engender
civilization, and that without those combined agencies
no civilization can arise, somewhat overreaches him-
self. " In America, as in Asia and Africa," he says,
"all the original civilizations were seated in hot coun-
tries; the whole of Peru, proper, being within the
southern tropic, the whole of Central America and
Mexico within the northern tropic." The fact is, that
Cuzco, the capital city of the Incas, is in the Cordil-
leras, three hundred miles from and eleven thousand
feet above the sea. For the latitude the climate is
both cold and dry. The valley of Mexico is warmer
and moister, but cannot be called hot and humid.
Palenque and Copan approach nearer Mr Buckle's
ideal than Cuzco or Mexico, being above the tierra
caliente proper, and yet in a truly hot and humid
climate.

The Hawaiian Islands, — an isolated group of lava
piles, thrown up into the trade winds on the twentieth
parallel, and by these winds deluged on one side with
rain, while the other is left almost dry, with but little
alluvial soil, and that little exceedingly fertile, — at the
time of their discovery by Captain Cook appeared to
have made no inconsiderable advance toward feudal-
ism. Systems of land tenure alid vassalage were in
oi)erati()n, and some works for the public we.il had
been constructed. Here were the essentials for a low
order of improvement such as was found there, but
which never, in all probability, would have risen much
higher.

Again, Mr Buckle declares that, "owing to the
presence of physical phenomena, the civilization of
America was, of necessity, confined to those parts
where alone it was found by the discoverers of the New
World." An apparently safe postulate; but, upon
any conceivable hypothesis, there are very many

'■

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

places as well adapted to development as those in which
it was found. Once more: "The two great conditions
of fertility have not been united in any part of the
continent north of Mexico." When we consider what
it is, namely, heat and humidity, upon which Mr Buckle
makes intellectual evolution dependent, and that not
only the Mexican plateau lacked both these essentials,
in the full meaning of the term, but that both are
found in many places northward, as for instance, in
some parts of Texas arid in Louisiana, a discrepancy in
his theory becomes apparent. "The peculiar config-
uration of the land," he continues, "secured a very
large amount of coast, and thus gave to the southern
part of North America the character of an island. " An
island, yes, but, as M. Guyot terms it, an "aerial
island;" bordered on either side by sea-coast, but by
such sea-coast as formed an almost impassable barrier
between the table-land and the ocean.

"While, therefore," adds Mr Buckle, "the position
of Mexico near the equator gave it heat, the shape of
the land gave it humidtty ; and this being the only part
of North America in which these two conditions were
united it was likewise the only part which was at all
civilized. There can be no doubt, that if the sandy
plains of California and Southern Columbia, instead of
being scorched into sterility, had been irrigated by the
rivers of the east, or if the rivers of the east had been
accompanied by the heat of the west, the result of either
combination would have been that exuberance of soil,
by which, as the history of the world decisively proves,
every early civilization was preceded. But inasmuch
as, of the two elements of fertility, one was deficient in
every part of America north of the twentieth parallel,
it followed that, until that line was passed, civilization
could gain no resting place; and there never has been
found, and we may confidently assert never will be
found, any evidence tiiat even a single ancient nation,
in the whole of that enormous continent, was able to
make much progress in the arts of life, or organize

WHY WERE CALIFORNIANS NOT CIVILIZED?

organize

itself into a fixed and permanent society." This is a
broad statement embodying precipitate deductions
from false premises, and one which betrays singular
ignorance of the country and its climate. These same
"sandy plains of California" so far from being "scorched
into sterility," are to-day sending their cereals in every
direction — ^to the east and to the west — and are capable
of feeding <tl) Europe.

I have often wondered why California was not the
seat of a primitive civilization; why, upon every con-
verging line the race deteriorates as this centre is
u})proached; why, with a cool, salubrious seaboard, a
hot and healthful interior, with alternate rainy and
dry seasons, alternate seasons of labor and leisure
which encourage producing and hoarding and which
are the primary incentives to accumulation and wealth,
in this hot and cool, moist and dry, and invigorating
atmosphere, with a fertile soil, a climate which in no
part of the year can be called cold or inhospitable,
should be found one of the lowest phases of humanity
on the North American continent. The cause must be
sought in periods more remote, in the convulsions of
nature now stilled; in the tumults of nations whose
history lies forgotten, forever buried in the past. The-
ories never will solve the mystery. Indeed, there is
no reason why the foundations of the Aztec and
Maya-Quiche civilizations may not have been laid
north of the thirty-fifth parallel, although no archi-
tectural remains have been discovered there, nor other
proof of such an origin; but upon the banks of the
Gila, the Colorado, and the Rio Grande, in Chihuahua,
and on the hot dry plains of Arizona and New Mexico,
far beyond the limits of Mr Buckle's territory where
"there never has been found, and we may confidently
assert never will be found" any evidence of progress,
are to-day walled towns inhabited by an industrial and
agricultural people, whose existence we can trace back
for more than three centuries, besidoy ruins of massive
buildings of whose history nothing is known.

SAVAGISM ANH CIVILIZATION.

Thus, that California and many other part^ of North
America could not have been the seat of a primitive
civilization, cannot be proved upon the baais of any
physical hypothesis; and, indeed, in our attempt to
elucidate the principles of universal progress, where
the mysterious and antagonistic activities of humanity
have been fermenting all unseen for thousands of ages,
unknown and unknowable, among peoples of whom our
utmost knowledge can be only such as is derived from
a transient glimpse of a disappearing race, it is w ith
the utmost difficulty that satisfactory conclusions can
in any instance be reached.

It is in a temperate climate, therefore, that man
attains the highest development. On the peninsulas
of Greece and Italy, where the Mediterranean invites
intercourse ; in Iran and Armenia, where the climate
is cold enough to stimulate labor, but not so cold as to
require the use of all the energies of body and mind in
order to acquire a bare subsistence ; warm enough to
make leisure possible, but not so wann as to enervate
and prostrate the faculties; with a soil of sufficient
fertility to yield a surplus and promote the accumulation
of wealth, without producing such a redundancy of
vegetation as to be unmanageable by unskilled, priliii-
tive man — there it is that we find the highest intel-
lectual culture.

It sometimes happens that, in those climates which
are too vigorous for the unfolding of the tender germ,
cultivation is stimulated into greater activity than in
its original seats. It sometimes happens that, when
the shell of savagism is once fairly broken, a people
may overcome a domineering vegetation, and flourish
in a climate where by no possibility could their de-
velopment have originated. Even in the frozen regions
of the north, as in Scandanavia, man, by the intensity
of his nature, was enabled to surmount the difficul-
ties of climate and attain a fierce, rude cultivation.
The regions of Northern Europe and Northern Amer-
ica, notwithstanding their original opposition to man,

ASSOCIATION AN ELEMENT OF PROGRESS.

aro to-day the most fruitful of all lands in industrial
discoveries and intellectual activities, but 'in the polar
regions, as in the equatorial, the highest development
never can be reached.

The conditions which encourage indigenous civiliza-
tion are not always those that encourage permanent
development, and vice versa. Thus, Great Britain in
her insulation, remained barbarous long after Greece
and Italy had attained a high degree of cultivation,
yet when once the seed took rooi,, that very insulation
acted as a wall of defense, within which a mighty
power germinated and with its influence overspread
the whole earth.

Thus we have seen that a combination of physical
conditions is essential to intellectual development.
Without leisure, there can be no culture, without
wealth no leisure, without labor no wealth, and with-
out a suitable soil and climate no remunerative labor.

Now, throughout the material universe, there is no
object or element which holds its place, whether at
rest or in motion, except under fixed laws ; no atom of
matter nor subtle mysterious force, no breath of air,
nor cloudy vapor nor streak of light, but in existing
obeys a law. The Almighty fiat: Be fruitful and mul-
tiply, fruitful in increase, intellectual as well as physi-
cal, was given alike to all mankind ; seeds of progress
were sown broadcast throughout all the races human;
some fell on stony places, others were choked with
weeds, others found good soil. When we see a people
in the full enjoyment of all these physical essentials to
progress yet in a state of savagism, we may be sure
that elements detrimental to progress have, at some
period of their history, interposed to prevent natural
growth. War, famine, pestilence, convulsions of nature,
have nipped in the bud many an incipient civilization,
whose history lies deep buried in the. unrecorded past.

The obvious necessity of association as a primary
condition of development leaves little to be said on

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

that subject. To the manifestation of this Soul of
Progress a body social is requisite, as without an indi-
vidual body there can be no manifestation of an indi-
vidual soul. This body social, like the body individual,
is composed of numberless organs, each having its
special functions to perform, each acting on the others,
and all under the general government of the progres-
sional idea. Civilization is not an individual attribute,
and though the atom, man, may be charged with stored
energy, yet progress constitutes no part of individual
nature ; it is something that lies between men and not
within them ; it belongs to society and not to the indi-
vidual; man, the molecule of society, isolate, is inert
and forceless. The isolated man, as I have said, never
can become cultivated, never can form a language,
does not possess in its fullness the faculty of abstrac-
tion, nor can his mind enter the realm of higher
thought. All those characteristics which distinguish
mankind from animal-kind become almost inoperative.
Without association there is no speech, for speech is but
the conductor of thought between two or more indi-
viduals; without words abstract thought cannot flow,
for words, or some other form of expression, are the
channels of thought, and with the absence of words the
fountain of thought is in a measure sealed.

At the very threshold of progress social crystalliza-
tion sets in; something there is in every man that
draws him to other men. In the relationship of the
sexes, this principle of human attraction reaches its
height, where the husband and wife, as it were, coalesce,
like the union of one drop of water with another, form-
ing one globule. As unconsciously and as positively
are men constrained to band together into societies as
are particles forced to unite and form crystals. And
herein is a law as palpaple and as fixed as any law in
nature ; a law, which if unfulfilled, would result in the
extermination of the race. But the law of human
attraction is not perfect, does not fulfill its purpose
apart from the law of human repulsion, for as we have

COOPERATION AND THE DIVISION OF LABOR.

seen, until war and despotism and superstition and
other dire evils come, there is no progress. Solitude
is insupportable, even beasts will not live alone; and
men are more dependent on each other than beasts.
Solitude carries with it a sense of inferiority and
insufficiency ; the faculties are stinted, lacking com-
pleteness, whereas volume is added to every individual
faculty by union.

But association simply, is not enough; nothing
materially great can be accomplished without union
and cooperation. It is only when aggregations of
families intermingle with other aggregations, each
contributing its quota of original knowledge to the
other; when the individual gives up some portion of
his individual will and property for the better protec-
tion of other rights and property ; when he entrusts
society with the vindication of his rights; when he
depends upon the banded arm of the nation, and not
alone upon his own arm for redress of grievances, that
progress is truly made. And with union and cooper-
ation comes the division of labor by which means each,
in some special department, is enabled to excel. By
fixing the mind wholly upon one thing, by constant
repetition and practice, the father hands down his
art to the son, who likewise, improves it for his de-
scendants. It is only by doing a new thing, or by
doing an old thing better than it has ever l)een done
before, that progress is made. Under the regime of
universal mediocrity the nation does not advance ; it
is to the great men, — great in things great or small,
that progress is due ; it is to the few who think, to the
few who dare to face the infinite universe of things and
step, if need be, outside an old-time boundary, that
the world owes most.

Originally implanted is the germ of intelligence, at
the first but little more than brute instinct. This
germ in unfolding undergoes a double process; it
throws off its own intuitions and receives in return
those of another. By an interchange of ideas, the expe-

88 SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

riences of one are made known for the benefit of another,
the inventions of one are added to the inventions of
another ; without intercommunication of ideas the in-
tellect must lie dormant. Thus it is with individuals,
and with societies it is the same. Acquisitions are
eminentlv reciprocal. In society, wealth, art, litera-
ture, polity, and religion act and react on each other;
•in science a fusion of antagonistic hypotheses is sure
to result in important developments. Before much
progress can be made, there must be established a
commerce between nations for the interchange of
aggregated human experiences, so that the arts and
industries acquired by each may become the property
of all the rest, and thus knowledge become scattered
by exchange, in place of each having to work out every
problem for himself. Thus viewed, civilization is a
partnership entered into for mutual improvement;
a joint stock operation, in which the product of every
brain contributes to a general fund for the benefit
of all. No one can add to his own store of knowledge
without adding to the general store ; every invention
and discovery, however insignificant, is a contribution
to civilization.

In savagism, union and cooperation are imperfectly
displayed. The warriors of one tribe unite against
the warriors of another; a band will cooperate in pur-
suing a herd of buffalo ; even one nation will sometimes
unite with another nation against a third, but such
combinations are temporary, and no sooner is the par-
ticular object accomplished than the confederation
disbands, and every man is again his own master. The
moment two or more persons unite for the accomplish-
ment of some purpose which shall tend permanently
to meliorate the condition of themselves and others,
that moment progress begins. The wild beasts of the
forest, acting in unison, were physically able to rise up
and extirpate primitive man, but could beasts in reality
confederate and do this, such confederation of wild
beasts could become civilized.

,;iiil

THE SAVAGE HATES CIVILIZATION.

But why does primitive man desire to abandon his
original state and set out upon an arduous never-end-
ing journey? Why does he wish to change his mild
paternal government, to relinquish his title to lands as
broad as his arm can defend, with all therein contained,
the common property of his people? Why does he
wish to give up his wild freedom, his native independ-
ence, and place upon his limbs the fetters of a social
and political despotism? He does not. The savage
hates civilization as he hates his deadliest foe; its
choicest benefits he hates more than the direst ills of
his own unfettered life. He is driven to it ; driven to
it by extraneous influences, without his knowledge
and against his will ; he is driven to it by this Soul of
Progress. It is here that this progressional phenome-
non again appears outside of man and in direct oppo-
sition to the will of man ; it is here that the principle
of evil again comes in and stirs men up to the accom-
plishment of a higher destiny. By it Adam, the first
of recorded savages, was driven from Eden, where
otherwise he would have remained forever, and re-
mained uncivilized. By it our ancestors were impelled
to abandon their simi)le state, and organize more
heterogeneous complex forms of social life. And it is
a problem for each nation to work out for itself Mil-
lions of money are expended for merely proselyting
purposes, when if the first principles of civilization
were well understood, a more liberal manner of teach-
ing would prevail.

Every civilization has its peculiarities, its idiosyn-
crasies. Two individuals attempting the same thinij
diner m the performance; so civilization evolving under
incidental and extraneous causes takes an individuality
in every instance. This is why civilizations will not
coalesce; this is why the Spaniards could make the
Aztecs accept their civilization only at the point of the
sword. Development engendered by one set of phe-
nomena will not suit the developments of other cir-
cumstances. The government, religion, and customs

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

of one people will not fit another people any more than
the coat of one person will suit the fonn of another.
Thought runs in diffei'ent channels; the happiness of
one is not the happiness of another; development
springs from inherent necessity, and one species cannot
be engrafted on another.

Let us now examine the phenomena of government
and religion in their application to the evolution of
societies, and we shall better understand how the
wheels of progress are first set in motion, — and by
religion I do not mean creed or credulity, but that
natural cultus inherent in humanity, which is a very
different thing. Government is early felt to be a neea
of society ; the enforcement of laws which shall bring
order out of social chaos; laws which shall restrain the
vicious, protect the innocent, and punish the guilty;
which shall act as a shield to inherent budding moral-
ity. But before government, there must arise some
influence which will band men together. An early evil
to which civilization is indebted is war; the propensity
of man — unhappily not yet entirely overcome — for kill-
ing his fellow-man.

The human race has not yet attained that state of
homogeneous felicity which we sometimes imagine;
upon the surface, we yet bear many of the relics of
barbarism ; under cover of manners, we hide still more.
War is a barbarism which civilization only intensifies,
as indeed civilization intensifies evenr barbarism which
it does not eradicate or cover up. The right of every
individual to act as his own avenger ; trial by combat ;
justice dependent upon the passion or caprice of the
judge or ruler and not upon fixed law; hereditary feuds
and migratory skirmishes; these and the like are
deemed barbarous, while every nation of the civilized
world maintains a standing army, applies all the arts
and inventions of civilization to the science of killing,
and upon sufficient provocation, as a disputed boundary
or a fancied insult, no greater nor more important than

GOVERNMENT AND RELIGION.

that which moved our savage ancestors to like conduct,
falls to, and after a respectable civilized butchery of
fifty or a hundred thousand men, ceases fighting, and
returns, perhaps, to right and reason as a basis for the
settlement of the difficulty. War, like other evils
which have proved instruments of good, should by
this time have had its day, should have served its
purpose. Standing armies, whose formation was one
of the first and most important steps in association and
partition of labor, are but the manifestation of a linger-
nig necessity for the use of brute force in place of
moral force in the settlement of national disputes.
Surely, rational beings who retain the most irrational

fjractices conceniing the simplest principles of social
ife cannot boast of a very high order of what we are
pleased to call civilization. Morality, commerce, lit-
erature, and industry, all that tends toward elevation of
intellect, is directly opposed to the warlike spirit. As
intellectual activity mcreases, the taste for war
decreases, for an appeal to war in the settlement of
difficulties is an appeal from the intellectual to the
physical, from reason to brute force.

Despotism is an evil, but despotism is as essential
to progress as any good. In some form despotism is
an inseparable adjunct of war. An individual or an
idea may be the despot, but without cohesion, without
a strong central power, real or imaginary, there can be
no unity, and without unity no protracted warfare.
In the first stages of government despotism is aa
essential as in the last it is noxious. It holds society
together when nothing else would hold it, and at a time
when its very existence depends upon its being so held.
And not until a moral inherent strength arises suffi-
cient to burst the fetters of despotism, is a people fit
for a better or milder form of government ; for not until
this inherent power is manifest is there sufficient cohe-
sive force in society to hold it together without being
hooped by some such band as despotism. Besides thus
cementing society, war generates many virtues, such

8AVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

as couraj,'e, discipline, obedience, chivalrous bearing,
noble thought ; and the virtues of war, as well as its
vices, help to mould national character.

Slavery to the present day has its defenders, and
from the first it has been a preventive of a worse
evil, — slaughter. Savages make slaves of their pris-
oners of war, and if they do not preserve them for
slaves they kill them. The origin of the word, semis,
from servare, to preserve, denotes humane thought
rather than cruelty. Discipline is always necessary to
development, and slavery is another form of savage
disciplme. Then, by systems of slavery, great works
were accomplished, which, in the absence of arts and
inventions, would not have been possible without slavery.
And again, in early societies where leisure is so neces-
sary to mental cultivation and so difficult to obtain,
slavery, by promoting leisure, aids elevation and refine-
ment. Slaves constitute a distinct class, devoted
wholly to labor, thereby enabling another class to live
without labor, or to labor with the intellect rather
than with the hands.

Primordially, society was an aggregation of nomadic
families, every head of a family having equal rights,
and every individual such power and influence as he
could acquire and maintain. In all the ordinary avo-
cations of savage life this was sufllicient; there was
room for all, and the widest liberty was possessed by
each. And in this happy state does mankind ever
remain until forced out of it. In unity and coopera-
tion alone can great things be accomplished; but men
will not unite until forced to it. Now in times of war
— and with savages >^'ar is the rule and not the excep-
tion — some closer union is necessary to avoid extinction ;
for other things being equal, the people who are most
firmly united and most strongly ruled are sure to pre-
vail in war. The idea of unity in order to be effectual
must be embodied in a unit ; some one must be made
chief, and the others must obey, as in a band of wild
beasts that follow the one most conspicuous for its

GOVERNMENT FORCED UPON MAN.

6»

prowess and cunning. But the military principle alone
would never lay the foundation of a strong government,
for with every cessation from hostilities tnere would be
a corre8|X)ndmg relaxation of government.

Another necessity for goveniment here arises, but
which likewise is not the cause of government, for
government springs from force and not from utility.
These men do not want government, they do not want
culture ; how then is an arm to be found sufficiently
strong to bridle their wild passions? In reason they
are children, in passion men; to restrain the strong
passions of strong non-reasoning men requires a power;
whence is this power to come? It is in the earlier
stage of government that des[)otism assumes its most
intense fonns. The more passionate, and lawless, and-
cruel the people, the more completely do they submit to
a passionate, lawless, ana cruel prince ; the more un-
governable their nature, the more slavish are they in
their submission to government; the stronger the
element to be governed, the stronger must be the gov-
ernment.

Tile primitive man, whoever or whatever thai may
be, lives in harmony with nature; that is, he ii /es as
other animals live, drawing his supplies immediately
from the general storehouse of nature. His food he
plucks from a sheltering tree, or draws from a spark-
ling stream, or captures from a prolific forest. The
remnants of his capture, unfit for fixxi, supply his
other wants; with the skin he clothes himself, and
with the bones makes implements and points his
weapons. I n this there are no antagonisms, no opposing
principles of good and evil; animals are kilted not
with a view of extermination, but through necessity,
as animals kill animals in order to supply actual wants.
But no sooner does the leaven of progress begin to work
than war is declared between man and nature. To
make room for denser populations and increasing com-
forts, forests must be hewn down, their primeval
inhabitants extirpated or domesticated, and the soil

. SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

laid under more direct cor.tribution. Union and coop-
eration spring up for purposes of protection and aggres-
sion, for the acconiplishnient of purj)oses l)eyond the
capacity of the individual. Gradually manufactures
and commerce increase; th** products of one IxKly of
laborers are exchanged for the i)roducts of another, and
thus the aggregate comforts produced are doubled to
each. Absolute power is taken from the luuids of the
many and placed in the hands of one, who becoL 38 the
representative power of all. Men are no longer de-
pendent upon the chase for a daily supply of fcKHl ; even
agriculture no longer is a necessity which each must
follow for himself, for the intellectual [iroductn of one
perst)n or people may be exchanged for the agricultural
•products of another. With these changes of occuj)a-
tion new institutions spring up, new ideax originate,
and new habits are fonned. Human lift ceases to l)e
a purely material existence; another element finds
exercise, the other part of man is permitted to grow.
The energies of society now assume a differetit shape ;
hitherto the daily struggle was for daily necessities,
now the accumulation of wealth constitutes the chief
inrentivo to labor. Wealth becomes a power and
absorbs all other powers. The possessor <*f unlimited
wealth connuaiids the j)roducts of every other man's
labor.

But ill time, and to a certain extent, a chiss arises
already ])()ssosst!<l of wealth sufficient to satisfy even
the deniiuids of avarice, and something still better,
some greater good is yet sought for. Money -getting
gives way before intellectual cravings. The self-de-
ni lis and labor necessary to the acquisition of wealth
are abandoned for the enjoyment of wealth alrejuly
accjuired and the arcjuisitiou of a yet higher good.
Sensual })leasure yields in a measure to intellectual
pleasure, the a^tjuisition of money to the accjuisition
of learning.

Where brute intelligeuLe is the order of the day,
man retjuires no more governing than brutes, but when

TIIK SUPEUNATUHAL IN CIVILIZATION.

lands are divided, and the soil cultivated, when wealth
boffins to aoeuniulato and commerce and industry to
flourinh, then protection and lawful punishment liecome
necessary. Like the wild horse, leave him free, and
he will take care of himself; but catch him and curb
him, and the wilder and stronjjfer he is the stronjj^er
must be tlie curb until he is subdued and trained, and
then he is lyfuided by a lijifht rein. The kind of govern-
ment makes little difference so that it be stronjf enoi irh.

fJrantetl that it is absolutely essential to the first
stej) toward culture that society sliould Ins stronj^ly
fifoverned, how is the first government to be accom-
plished; how is one member of a i>assionate, unbridled
hetero«(eneous connnunity to obtain dominion absolute
over all the others? Here comes in an<>*)u)r evil to
the assistiuicc of the former evils, all for future j;^(mm1, —
Superstition. Never <'ould physical force alone com-
press and hold the necessary power with whicli to burst
the shell of savai>ism. The ^overmnent is but a reflex
of the governed. Not \mtil one man is ]»hysically or
intellectually stronu^i-r than ten thousand, will an inde-
jH'iulent people submit to a tyraimiial «>^overnment, or
a humane people submit to a cruel jj^overnment, or a
p»'oplc accustomed to free discussion to an intolerant
pricstliot»(l.

At tht! outset, if man is to be l 'Vcrned at all, there
nuist be no <livision of (j^overnmentul force. The cause
{'or fear arisin;^^ from botli ihe ]»hysical and the super-
njitunil must bo unittnl in one individual. In the al)-
simce of th«' moral sentiment tlie fear of lot^'-al and that
of siiiritual punishments are identical, for the spiritual
is feared only as it works tenjjxmil or corporal evil.
Freedom of thou<rl)t at this staj^e is incompatible with
pro»ifre.ss, for thou,«,^ht without expt.'rience is <lan<(erous,
tendin<; towards anarchy. Before men can {rovern
themselves they must be subjected to the sternest dis-
ci|)line of {jfovernmont, and whether this jrovermnent
be just or humane or pleasant is of small ctmseiiuence

Vol. U. S '

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

SO that it be only stronfi^ enoucyh. As with pK)Hty so
with moraHty and rehjfion ; conjointly with despotism
there nuist he an arbitrary central clunvh (j^overnnient,
or moral anarchy is the inevitable con.>-e<iuence. At
th(! outset it is not for man to rule but to obey; it is
not for savaui^es, who are children in intellect to think
and reason, but to believe.

And thus we see how wonderfully man is jirovidcd
with the essentials of jLi^rowth. This tender j>erm of
proji^ress is ])reserved in hard shells and prickly cover-
inu^s, which, wiien they have served their |)urpose are
thrown jiside as not only useless but detrimental to
further develo])ment. We know not what will come
hereafter, but u]) to the j)resent time a state of bondage
appears to be the normal state of humanity ; Inrndage,
at first severe and irrational, ttien ever loosening,
and expanding into a broader freedom. As mankind
progresses, moral anarchy no more follows freedom of
thought than does political anar<'by follow freedom of
action. In Germany, in England, m America, wher-
ever secular power has in any measure cut l<x>sc from
ecclesiastical jjower and thrown religi<;fi \m<'k u]>on
public sentiment for support, a moral a*i well as an
intellectual advance has always followed. Wliat the
mild and persuasive teachings and la.x discij)hne of
the ])resent epoch would have been to the ( hristians
of the fourteenth century, the free and lax government
of republican America would have been to republican
Rome. Therefore, let us learn to l<K)k charitably \\\y(>n
the past, and not forget iiow nuich we owe to evils
which we now so justly hate; while we rejoice at <tur
release from the bigotry and fanaticism of mediunal
times, let us not forget the debt which civilization owes
to the tyranni(;s of Church and State.

Christianity , by itsexalted un-utilitarian morality and
philanthro])v, has greatly aided civilization. Indeed
HO marked lias been the effect in Europe, so great the
contrast between ( 'hristianity and Islamism and the
polytheistic creeds in general, that Churchmen claim

! I

MORALITY AND CUBED.

civilization as the offspriiiii^ of their reUij^ion. But
reH<»"ion and morality ninst not he confounded with
civilization. All these and many other activities act
and react on e.ach other as ])roximate principles in the
social oi'^anisin, hut they do not, any or all of them,
constitute the life of the oriifanisni. L*>n,i^ hefore mo-
rality is reliifion, and lonjj^ after morality relijj^ion sends
the j)ious dehauchee to his knees. Relit^ious culture
IS a j:i^reat assistant to moral culture as intellectual
traininjjf promotes the industrial arts, hut morality is
no more reli*,''ion than is industry intellect. When
Christianity, as in Spain durin«( the foui-teenth cen-
tury, joins itself to hlind hi»(otry and stands u]> in
(h^adly anta;:unism to liherty, then Christianity is a
dra<i^ upon civilization; and therefore we may conclude
that ill so far as (Jhristianity ijrafts on its code of pure
morality tlu! j)rinciple of intellectual freedom, in so far
is c; i;!/!«tion promoted hy Christianity, hut when
Chri ty eny^enders superstition and persecution,

civilization is r4-4Hrded therohy.

Then PrZ-estantism sets u|> a claim to the authorship
of fiviliijiition, jxMnts to S|)ain and then to Eni>^lana,
coiiipiirc* Italy and Switzerland, C-atholic America
and Puritan Am»rica, d<.*<-laros that the intellect can
nt'vor attain (Mijx'riority while under tin; dominion of
the ('hurcli of itome; in other words, that civilization
is J'rotcMtantism. It is true that }»rotestation ajjfainst
irrational do;.;mas, or any other action that tends
toward tin- emancipation of the intellect, is a lifreat
stej) in a(! -^.n^e; hut r(;li«;^ious helief has notliin<.( what-
ever to do wjf\i intellectual culture. lieli<jion from iia
very nature i^^ Keyond the limits of reason; it is emo-
tional rather than intellectual, a.n instinct and not an
acfjuisition. Ji !tw»;('n reasim and reliyfion lies a domain
of ( «nnmon j^'iound upon which lK»th may im et and join
hands, hut heyond the houndaries of which neither
may pass. The moment the intellect atteinj)t.-' to pene-
trate the domain of the Supernatural all intelK .Luality
vanishes, and emotion and ima<^ination till its place.

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

There can be no real conflict between the two, for
neither, by any possibiUty, can pass this neutral ground.
Before the mind can receive Christianity, or Mahom-
etanism, or any other creed, it must be ready to accept
dogmas in the analysis of which human reason is power-
less. Among the most brilliant intellects are found
Protestants, Komanists, Unitarians, Deists, and Athe-
ists; judging from the experiences of mankind in ages
past, creeds and formulas, orthodoxy and lieterodoxy,
have no inherent power to advance or retard the intel-
lect. Some claim, indeed, that strong doctrinal bias
stifles thought, fosters superstition, and fetters the
intellect; still religious thought, in some form, is insep-
arable from the human mind, and it would be very
difficult to prt)ve that belief is more debasing than
non-belief

Religion at first is a gross fetichism, which endows
every wonder with a concrete personality. Within
every appearance is a several personal cause, and to
embody this personal cause in some material form is
the first effort of the savage mind. Hence, images are
made in representaion of these imaginary su})ernatural
powers. Man, of necessity, must clothe these super-
natural powers in the elements of some lower form.
The imagination cannot grasp an object or an idea be-
yond the realms of human experience. Unheard-of
combinations of character may be made, but the con-
stituent parts must, at some time and in some form,
have had an existence in order to be conceivable. It
is impossible for the human mind to array in forms of
thought anything wholly and absolutely new. This
state is the farthest remove possible from a recogni-
tion of those universal laws of causation toward which
every department of knowledge is now so rapidly tend-
ing. Gods 110 made in the likeness of man and beast,
endowed with earthly passions, and a sensual i)oly-
theism, in which blind fate is a prominent element, be-
comes the religious ideal. Religious conceptions are

DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGIOUS IDEAL.

essentially material; all punishments and rewards are
such as effect man as a material being; morality, the
innate sense of right and wrong, lies stifled, almost
donnant.

Thrown wholly upon himself, without experience to
guide him, the savage must, of necessity, invest nature
with his own qualities, for his mind can grasp none
other. But when experience dispels the nearer illu-
sions, objects more remote are made gods; in the sun
and stars he sees his controlling destinies ; the number
of his gods is lessened until at last all merge into one
God, the author of all law, the great and only ruler of
the universe. In every mythology we see this imper-
sonation of natural j)henomena; frost and fire, earth
and air and water, in their displays of mysterious
powers, are at once deified and humanized. These
emlMxlinients of i>hysical force are then naturally fonned
into families, and their supposed descendants worshiped
as children of the gods. Thus, in the childhcjod of so-
ciety, when incipient thought takes up its lodgment
in old men's brains, shadows of departed heroes min-
gle with shallows of mysterious nature, and admiration
turns to adoration.

Next arises the desire to propitiate these unseen
powers, to accomplish which some means of conimuni-
tion nuist be opened up between n)an and his deities.
Now, as man in his gods rei)ro(hu'('s himself, as all his
conceptions of supernatural ]H)\vt'r must, of necessity,
be formed on the skeleton of human powtn-, naturally it
follows that the strongest and most cunning of the
tribe, he upon whom leatlership most naturally falls,
comes to be regarded as specially favorrd i>f the gods.
Powei-s supernatural are joineil to powei-s temporal,
and embodied in tlu- chieftain of the nation. A grate-
ful posterity reveres and propitiates departed ancestors.
The earlier rulers are made gods, and their descend-
ants lesser di\ iiiiti»>s: the founder of a dynasty. i)er-
haps, the supreme ifml. his pntgeny subordinate deities,
riie priesthoLKl vttid kingship thus become united;

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

rellpfion and civil government join forces to press man-
kind t ),u;ether, and the loose sands of the new strata
cohere into the firm rock, that shall one day bear
alone the wash of time and tide.

Hence arise divine kinjj^ship, and the divine rij^ht
of kings, and with the desire to win tlio favor of this
divine king, arise the courtesies of society, the first
step toward polish of manners. Titles of respect and
worship are given him, some of which are subsequently
applied to the Deity, while others drop down into the
common-place compliments of every -day life.

Hero then, we have as one of the first essentials of
progress the union of Church and State, of supersti-
tion and despotism, a union still necessarily kej)t up
in some of the more backward civilizations. Excessive
loyalty and blind faith ever march hand in hand, The
very basis of association is credulity, blind loyalty to
political powers and blind faith in sacerdotal terrors.
In all mythologies at some stage temporal and spirit-
ual government are united, tlie supernatural {)ower
being incarnated in the temj>oral chief; political des-
potism and an awful sanguinary religion, — a government
and a belief, to disobey which was never so much as
thouglit possible.

See how every one of these primary essentials of
civilization bet-omes, as man advances, a drag u[)on
his progress; see how he now struggles to IVee himself
from what, at the outset, he was led by ways he knew
not to endure so patiently. (Jovernment, in early
stages always strong and despotic, whether monarchi-
cal, oligarchical, or republican, holding mankind under
the dominion of caste, ])lacing restrictions upon com-
merce and manufactures, regulating social customs,
food, dress, -how men have fought to break bxise
these bonds! Uelifion, not that natural cultus in-
stinctive in humanity, the bond of union as well under
its most disgusting form of fetichism, as under its
latest, loveliest form of C'liristianity ; but those forms
and dogmas of sect and creed which stifle thought

RELATION OF GOVERNMENT TO CIVILIZATION.

and fetter intellect, — how men have lived lives of sac-
ritiee Jind self-denial as well as died for the right to
free themselves from unwelcome belief!

In primeval ages, government and religion lay lightly
on the human race; ethnology, as well as history,
discloses the patriarchal as the earliest fonn of govern-
ment, and a rude materialism as the earliest religious
ideal; these two simple elements, under the form of
monsters, liecame huge alK)rtions, begotten of ignorance,
that lield the intellect in abject slavery for thousands
of years, and from these we, of this generation, more
than any other, are granted emancipation. Even
wealth, kind giver of grateful leisure, m the guise of
avarice becomes a hideous thing, which he who would
attain the higher intellectual life, nmst learn to despise.

Government, as we have seen, is not an essential
element of collective humanity. Civilization must
first l)e awakened, must even luive passed the primary
stages before government appears. Despotism, feudal-
ism, divine kingship, .slavery, war, superstition, each
marks certain stages of development, and as civiliza-
tion advances alil tend to disappear; and, as in the
early history »rf* nations the state antedates the gov-
ernment, so tht time may come in the progress of
mankind when govrrmnent will be no hmger necessary,
(iovemment alwavs irrows out of necessitv; the inten-
sity ot" government inevitably following neeessity. The
form of government is a natural selection; its several
])hasi's always the survival of the fittest. When the
federali.st says to the monarchist, or the monan-liist to
the federalist: My government is U'tter than yours,
it is as if the Eskimo xixd to the Kafhr: My coat, my
house, my fcMxl, is better than youiu

Tiie government is made for the man, and not the
man for tlie govt- rmneiit. ( iovemment is as tlie prop
for the growiu},' jilant ; at Hrst the y< >ung shoot stands
alone, then in its rapid advancement for a time it
retjuires support, after whicli it is ai.le again to stand

8AVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

alone. What we .term the evils of government arc
rather its necessities, and are, indeed, no evils at all.
The heavy l)it which ccmtrols the mouth of an un-
tamed horse is to that horse an evil, yet to the driver a
necessity which may he laid aside as the temper of the
animal is suhdued. So despotism, feudalism, slavery,
are evils to those under their dominion, yet are they
as necessary for the prevention of anarchy, for the
restraint of unbridled passions, as the powerful hit
to the horse, and will as surely be laid aside when no
longer re(iuired. Shallow-minded politicians talk of
kingcrail, arbitrary nde, tyrants, the down-trodden
masses, the withholding of just rights; as though the
goveniment was some independent, adverse element,
wholly foreign to the character of the pet)ple; as
though one man was stronger than ten thousand; as
though, if these j)hases of society were not the fittest,
they would bo tolerated for a moment. The days of
rigorous rule were ever the Ijost (hiys of France and
Spain, and so it will be until the peojile become
stronger than tlie stniigth of rulers. lve|nil)licanism
is as unfit for stupid and unintellectual populations,
as despotism would be for tlie advanced ideas and lil)-
eral institutions of Anglo-Saxon America. The sub-
ject of a liberal rule sneeringly crying down to the
subject of an absolute rule his form of government, is
like the ass crying to the tiger: Leave l>lo<»d and meat;
feed on grass and tliistles, t!ie only diet fit for civilized
beasts! Our federal government is the very best f«)r
our people, when it is not so it will speedily change;
it fits the tenjper of American intelligence, but before
it can be planted in Japan or China the traditions and
temper of the Asiatics must change.

We of to-day are undergoing an important epoch in
the history of civilization. Feudalism, despotism, and
fanaticism have luul each its day, have each accom-
plished its necessary purpose, and are fast fading away.
Ours is the age of democracy, of scientific investiga-
tion, and freedom of religious thought; what these may

LATTER-DAY PROGKESSION.

cnt arc
» at all.

an uii-
drivcr a
sr of the
slavery,
iro they

for the
irful bit
kvlien no

talk of
■trodden
>u^]\ the
element,
)j)le; as
)and; as
L' fittest,

days of
nee and

boCflllK!

lioanisni
dations,
and lil)-
le suh-
to the
lent, is
1 meat ;
ivilizcd
)est for
hangc;
before
Ions and

loc'h in
ni, and
aeeoni-
away.
,'estiga-
;se may

accomplish for the advancing intellect remains to he
seen. Our ancestors loved to dwell upon the past, now
we all UM)k toward the future.

The sea of ice, over which our forefathers glided so
serenely in their trustful reliance, is breaking up.
One after another traditions evaporate; in their appli-
cation to proximate events they fail us, history ceases
to repeat itself as in times past. Old things are pass-
ing away, all things are becoming new ; new philoso-
phies, new religions, new sciences; the industrial spirit
springs up and overturns time-honored customs;
theories of government must be reconstructed. Thus,
says experience, republicanism, as a form of govern-
ment, can exist only in small states; but steam and
electricity step in and annihilate time and space. The
Honian rei)ublic, from a lack of cohesive energy, from
failure of central vital power sufficient to send the
blood of the nation from the heart to the extremities,
died a natural death. The American republic, cover-
iiii( nearly twice the territory of republican Rome in
liur p.ihniost days, is endowed with a different 8i)ecies
of ()r^'Jlllisln ; in its phj'siological system is found a new
series of veins and arteries, the railway, the telegraph,
a!i(l the daily press, - through which pulsates the life's
bI(K»(l of the nation, millions inhaling and exhaling
intelligence as one man. By means of these inven-
tions all the world, once every day, are brought
tojfether. By telegraphic wires and railroad iron
men are now bound as in times past they were bound
by war, di'spotism, and superstition, ^fhe remotest
corners of the largest republics of to-day, are brought
into closer communication than were the adjoining
states of the smallest confederations of anti(juity. A
united (lernuuiy, from its past history held to be an
imp(»ssibility, is, with the present facilities of com-
munifation, an accomplished fact. England could
as easily have possessed colonies in the moon, as
have held her present possessions, three hundred years
ago. Practically, San Francisco is nearer Washing-

8AVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

ton than was Philadelphia when the foundations of
the Capitol were laid. What m to prevent republics
from jjfrowinj^, ho lon«f as intelli<fencQ keeps pace with
extension ? The general of an army may now sit be-
fore his maps, and manoeuvre half a score of annies a
hundred or a thousand miles apart, know hourly the
situation of every division, the success of every battle,
order an advance or a retreat, lay plots and make com-
binations, with more exactness than was once possible
in the conduct of an ordinary campaign.

A few words about morals, manners, and fashion,
will further illustrate how man is played upon by his
environment, which here takes the shape of habit. In
their l)earing on civilization, these phenomena all
come under the same category; and this, without
regard to the rival theories of intuition and utility in
morals. Experience teaches, blindly at first yet daily
with clearer vision, that right conduct is beneficial,
and wrong conduct detrimental ; that the consequences
of sin invariably rest on the evil-doer; that for an
unjust act, though the knowledge of it be forever
locked in the bosom of the offender, punishment is
sure to follow; yet there are those who question the
existence of innate moral perceptions, and call it all
custom and training. And if we look alone to primi-
tive people for innate ideas of morality and justice I
fear we shall meet with disappointment. Some we find
who value female chastity only before marriage, others
only after marriage, — that is, after the woman and
her chastity both alike become the tangible property
of somebcjdy. Some kindly kill their aged parents,
others their female infants; the successful Apache
horse-thief is the darling of his mother, and the hero
of the tribe; often these American Arabs will remain
from home half-starved for weeks, rather than suffer
the ignominy of returning empty-handed. Good, in the
mind of the savage, is when he steals wives ; bad, is when
his own wives are stolen. Where it is that inherent

MORALS, MANNERS, AND FASHION.

morality in savajyos first makes its appearance, and in
what manner, it is often difficult to Hay; the most
hideous vices are everywhere practiced with unblunhing
ertr(»ntery.

Take the phenomena of Shame. Go back to the
childhood of our race, or even to our own cluldluKxl,
and it will be hard to discover any inherent (juality
which make men ashamed of one thin^; more than
another. Nor can the wisest of us jj;ive any jj^jkkI and
sufficient reason why we should be ashamed of our
b(Kly any more than of our face. The whole man was
fashioned by one Creator, and all parts ecjually are
perfect and alike honorable. We cover our pei*son
with drai)ery, and think thereby to hide our faults
frtun ourselves and others, as the ostrich hides its
hujid under a leaf, and fancies its Ixnly concealed
from the hunter. What is this quality of shame if '*,
be not habit? A female savaj^e will stand unb'ush-
inj^ly before you naked, but strip her of her ornaments
and she will manifest the same appearance of shame,
thouifh not perhaps so jjfreat in de«free, that a Euro-
j)ean woman will manifest if strijiped of her clothes.
It is well known how civilized and semi-civilized
nations rei^ard this quality of propriety. C/Ustom,
conventional usat»'e, dress and behavior, are inHuences
as subtle and as stron<|f as any that jjovern us, weav-
ing,' their net-work round man more and more as he
throws off allegiance to other powers; and we know
but little more of their orij^i-in and nature than we do
of the orit^in and nature of time and space, of life and
death, of orijjfin and end.

Every a«^e and every society has its own standard
of morality, holds u}) some certain conduct or (puility
as a model, sayinj^ to all Do this, and receive the much-
coveted praise of your fellows. ( )ften what one j)eo-
ple deem virtue is to another vice ; what to one n^o is
religion is to another superstition ; but underlying all
this are living fires, kindled by Omnipotence, and des-
tined to burn throughout all time. In the Si)artan

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SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

and Roman republics the moral ideal was patriot-
ism; among mediaeval Churchmen it took the form
of asceticism and self-flagellations; after the eleva-
tion of woman the central idea was female chastity.

In this national morality, which is the cohesive
force of the body social, we find the fundamental prin-
ciple of the progressional impulse, and herein is the
most hopeful feature of humanity ; mankind must pro-
gress, and progress in the right direction. There is
no help for it until God changes the universal order of
things; man must become better in spite of himself;
it is the good in us that grows and ultimately prevails.

As a race we are yet in our nonage; fearful of the
freedom given us by progress we cling tenaciously to
our leading-strings; hugging our mother, Custom, we
refuse to be left alone. Liberty and high attainments
must be meted out to us as we are able to receive
them, for social retchings and vomitings inevitably
follow over-feedings. Hence it is, that we find our-
selves escaped from primeval and mediaeval tyrannies
only to fall under greater ones ; society is none the less
inexorable in her d<.ipotisni8 because of the sophistry
which gives her victims fancied freedom. For do we
not now set up forms and fashions, the works of our
own hands, and bow down to them as reverently as
ever our heathen ancestors did to their gods of wood
and stone? Who made us? is not the first question
of our catechism, but What will people say ?

Of all tyrannies, the tyranny of fashion is the most
implacable; of all slaveries the slavery to fashion is
the most abject; of all fears the fear of our fellows
is the most overwhelming; of all tlie influences that
surround and govern man the forms and customs which
he encounters in society are the most domineering.
It is the old story, only another turn of the wheel
that grinds and sharpens and polishes humanity, — at
the first a benefit, now a drag. Forms and fashions
are essential; we cannot live without them. If we

ORIGIN AND SIGNIFICANCE OF DRESS.

ie most
lion is
fellows
3S that

which
jering.

wheel
ty,~at
Vshions

If we

■M

have worship, government, commerce, or clothes, we
must have forms; or if we have them not we still must
act and do after some fashion ; costume, which is but
another word for custom, we must have, but is it
necessary to make the form the chief concern of our
lives while we pay so little heed to the substance ? and
may we not hope while rejoicing over our past eman-
cipations, that wo shall some day be free from our
present despotisms ?

Dress has ever exercised a powerful influence on
morals and on progress; but this vesture-phenomenon
is a thing but imperfectly understood. Clothes serve
as a covering to the body of which we are ashamed,
and protect it against the weather, and these, we infer,
are the reasons of our being clothed. But the fact is,
aboriginally, except in extreme cases, dress is not
essential to the comfort of man until it becomes a
habit, and as for shame, until told of his nakedness,
the primitive man has none. The origin of dress lies
behind all this; it is found in one of the most deep-
rooted elements of our nature, namely, in our love of
approbation. Before dress is decoration. The suc-
cessful warrior, proud of his achievement, besmears
his face and body with the blood of the slain, and
straightway imitators, who also would be thought
strong and brave, daub themselves in like manner ; and
80 painting and tatooing become fashionable, and [)ig-
ments supply the place of blood. The naked, houseless
Californian would undergo every hardship, travel a
hundred miles, and light a round with every opposing
band he met, in order to obtain cinnabar from the
New Almaden quicksilver mine. So when the hunter
kills a wild beast, and with the tail or skin decorates
his Ixxly as a trophy of his prowess, others follow his
example, and soon it is a shame to that savage who
has neither paint, nor belt, nor necklace of bears' claws.
And so follow head-flattenings, and nose-piercings, and
lip-cuttings, and, later, chignons, and breast-paddings,
and bustles. Some say that jealousy prompted the

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

first Benedicks to hide their wives' charms from their
rivals, and so originated female dress, which, from its
being so common to all aborigines, is usually regarded
as the result of innate modesty. But whatever gave
us dress, dress has given much to human progress.
Beneath dress arose modesty and refinement, like the
courtesies that chivalry threw over feudalism, covering
the coarse brutality of the barons, and paving the way
to real politeness.

From the artificial grimaces of fashion have sprung
many of the natural courtesies of life: though here,
too, we are sent back at once to the beginning for the
cause. From the ages of superetition and despotism
have descended the expressions of every-day politeness.
Thus we have sir, from. sieitr, sire, seigneur, signifying
ruler, king, lord, and aboriginally father. So madam,
ma dame, my lady, formerly applied only to women of
rank. I n place of throwing ourselves upon the ground,
as before a god or prince, we only partially prostrate
ourselves in bowing, and the hat which we touch to an
acquaintance we take off on entering a church in token
of our humility. Again, the captive in war is made
a slave, and as such is required to do obeisance to his
master, which forms of servility are copied by the peo-
ple in addressing their superiors, and finally become
the established usage of ordinary intercourse. Our
daily salutations are but modified acts of worship, and
our parting word a benediction; and from blood, toma-
hawks, and senseless superstitions we turn and find all
the world of humanity, with its still strong passions
and subtle cravings, held in restraint by a force of
which its victims ai "^ almost wholly unconscious, —
and this force is Fashion. In tribunals of justice, in
court and camp etiq; ette, everywhere these relics of
barbarism remain witu us. Even we of this latter-day
American republicanism, elevate one of our fellows to
the chieftainship of a federation or state, and call him
Excellency; we set a man upon the bench and plead
our cause before him ; we send a loafer to a legislature.

ETIQUETTE, MORALITY, LAWS. 79

and straightway call hira Honorable, — such divinity
doth hedge all semblance of power.

Self-denial and abstinence lie at the bottom of eti-
quette and good manners. If you woidd be moral,
says Kant, you must "act always so that the imme-
diate motive of thy will may become a universal rule
for all intelligent beings," and Goethe teaches that,
"there is no outward sign of courtesy that does not
rest on a deep, moral foundation."

Fine manners, though but the shell of the individ-
ual, are, to society, the best actions of the best men
crystallized into a mode; not only the best thing, but
the best way of doing the best thing. Good society
is, or ought to be, the society of the good ; but fashion
is more than good society, or good actions; it is more
than wealth, or beauty, or genius, and so arbitrary in
its sway that, not unfrequently, the form absorbs the
substance, and a breach of decorum becomes a deadly
sin.

Thus we see in every phase of development the
result of a social evolution; we see men coming and go-
ing, receiving their leaven from the society into which
by their destiny they are projected, only to fling it
back into the general fund interpenetrated with their
own quota of force. Meanwhile, this aggregation of
human experiences, this compounding of age with age,
one generation heaping up knowledge upon another;
this begetting of knowledge by knowledge, the seed so
infinitesimal, the tree now so rapidly sending forth its
branches, whither does it tend? Running the eye
along the line of progress, from the beginning to the
end, the measure of our knowledge seems nearly full ;
resolving the matter, experience assures us that, as
compared with those who shall come after us, we
are the veriest barbarians. The end is not yet; not
until infinity is spanned and eternity brought to an end,
will mankind cease to improve.

Out of this conglomeration- of interminable relation-

8AVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.

ships concordant and antagonistic laws are ever
evolving themselves. Like all other progressional
phenomena, they wait not upon man; they are self-
creative, and force themselves upon the mind age
after age, slowly but surely, as the intellect is able
to receive them; laws without law, laws unto them-
selves, gradually appearing as from behind the mists
of eternity. At first, man and his universe appear
to be regulated by arbitrary volitions, by a multitude
of individual minds; each governs absolutely his
own actions ; every phenemenon of jiature is but the
expression of some single will. As these phenomena,
one after another, become stripped of their mystery,
there stands revealed not a god, but a law ; seasons
come and go, and never fail ; sunshine follows rain,
not because a pacified deity smiles, but because the
rain-clouds have fallen and the sun cannot help shin-
ing. Proximate events first are thus made godless,
then the whole host of deities is driven farther and
farther back. Finally the actions of man himself are
found to be subject to laws. Left to his own will, he
wills to do like things under like conditions.

As to the nature of these laws, the subtle workings
of which we see manifest in every phase of society,
1 cannot even so much as speak. An infinite ocean
of phenomena awaits the inquirer; an ocean bottom-
less, over wr.ose surface spreads an eternity of pro-
gress, and beneath whose glittering waves the keenest
intellect can scarcely hope to penetrate far. The uni-
verse of man and matter must be anatomized; the
functions of innumerable and complex organs studied ;
the exercise and influence of every part on every other
part ascertained, and events apparently the most ca-
pricious traced to natural causes ; then, when we know
all, when we know as God knoweth, shall we under-
stand what it is, this Soul of Progress.

CHAPTER II.

GENERAL VIEW OP THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

The American Civilization of the Sixte jnth Century— Its Disap-
pearance—The Past, a New Element— Dividing line between
Savage and Civilized Tribes — Bounds of American Civiliza-
tion—Physical Features of the Country— Maya and Nahua
Branches of Aboriginal Culture — The Nahua Civilization-
The Aztecs its Representatives— Limits of the Aztec Empire-
Ancient History ok AnAhuac in Outline— The Toltec Era— The
Chichimec Era— The Aztec Era— Extent of the Aztec Language
— Civilized Peoples outside of AnAhuac — Ckntral American
Nations— The Maya Culture— The Primitive Maya Empire—
Nahua Influence in the South— Yucatan and the Mayas— The
Nations of Chiapas— The Quiche Empire in Guatemala— The
Nahuas in Nicaragua and Salvador— Etymology of Names.

In the preceding volume I have had occasion sev-
eral times to remark that, in the delineation of the
Wild Tribes of the Pacific States, no attempt is
made to follow them in their rapid decline, no at-
tempt to penetrate their past or prophesy a possible
future, no profitless lingerings over those misfortunes
that wrought among them such swift destruction. To
us the savage nations of America have neither past
nor future; only a brief present, from which indeed
we may judge somewhat of their past; for the rest,
foreign avarice and interference, European piety and
greed, saltpetre, steel, small-pox, and syphilis, tell a
speedy tale. Swifter still must be the hand that
sketches the incipient civilization of the Mexican and

Vol. II.

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

Central Anierican table-lands. For although here we
have more past, there is still less present, and scarcely
any future. Those nations raised the highest by their
wealth and culture, were the first to fall before the
invader, their superior attainments offering a more
shining mark to a rapacious foe; and falling, they
were the soonest lost, — absorbed by the conquering
race, or disappearing in the surrounding darkness.
Although the savage nations were rapidly annihil-
ated, traces of savagism lingered, and yet linger; but
the higher American culture, a plant of more deli-
cate growth and more sensitive nature, withered at
the first rude touch of foreign interference. Instead
of being left to its own intuitive unfoldings, or instead
of being fostered by the new-comers, who might have
elevated by interfusion both their own culture and
that of the conquered race, the spirit of progress was
effectually stifled on both sides by fanatical attempts
to substitute by force foreign creeds and polities for
those of indigenous origin and growth. And now be-
hold them both, the descendants of conquerors and of
conquered, the one scarcely less denaturalized than
the other, the curse inflicted by the invaders on a
flourishing empire returning and resting with crush-
ing weight on their own head. Scarce four centuries
ago the empire of Charles the Fifth, and the empire
of Montezuma the Second, were brought by the force
of progress most suddenly and unexpectedly face to
face; the one then the grandest and strongest of the
old world as was the other of the new. Since which
time the fierce fanaticism that overwhelmed the New
World empire, has pressed like an incubus upon the
dominant race, and held it fast while all the world
around were making the most rapid strides forward.
No indigenous civilization exists in America to-day,
yet the efiects of a fonner culture are not altogether
absent. The descendant of the Aztec, Maya, and Qui-
che, is still of superior mind and haughtier spirit than his
roving brother who boasts of none but a savage ances-

THE PAST, A NEW ELEMENT. 88

try. Still, so complete has been the substitution of for-
eign civil and ecclesiastical polities, and so far-reaching
their influence on native character and conduct; so inti-
mate the association for three and more centuries with
the Spanish element; so closely guarded from foreign
gaze has been every manifestation of the few surviv-
ing sparks of aboriginal modes of thought, that a study
of the native condition in modern times yields, by it-
self, few satisfactory results. This study, however, as
part of an investigation of their original or normal
condition, should by no means be neglected, since it
may furnish illustrative material of no little value.

Back of all this lies another element which lends to
our subject yet grander proportions. Scattered over
the southern plateaux are heaps of architectural re-
mains and monumental piles. Furthermore, native
traditions, both orally transmitted and hieroglyph-
ically recorded by means of legible picture-writings,
aftbrd us a tolerably clear view of the civilized na-
tions during a period of several centuries preceding
the Spanish conquest, together with passing glances,
through momentary clearings in the mythologic clouds,
at historical epochs much more remote. Here we
have as aids to this analysis, — aids almost wholly
wanting among the so-called savage tribes, antiqui-
ties, tradition, history, carrying the student far back
into the mysterious New World past; and hence it
is that from its simultaneous revelation and eclipse,
American civilization would otherwise offer a more
limited field for investijjation than American savag-
ism, yet by the introduction of this new element the
field is widely extended.

Nor have we even yet reached the limits of our re-
sources for the investigation of this New World civil-
ization. In these relics of architecture and literature,
of mythology and tradition, there are clear indications
of an older and higher type of culture than that brought
immediately to the knowledge of the invaders; of a type
that had temporarily deteriorated, perhaps through the

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

influence of long-continued and bloody conflicts, civil
and foreign, by which the more warlike rather than the
more higlily cultured nations had been brought into
prominence and power. But this anterior and superior
civilization, resting largely as it does on vague tradi-
tion, and preserved to our knowledge in general allu-
sions rather than in detail, may, like the native con-
dition since the conquest, be utilized to the best
advantage here as illustrative of the later and bet-
ter-known, if somewhat inferior civilization of the
sixteenth century, described by the conqueror, the
missionary, and the Spanish historian.

Antique remains of native skill, which have been
preserved for our examination, may also be largely
used in illustration of more modern art, whose products
have disappeared. These relics of the past are also
of the highest value as confirming the truth of the
reports made by Spanish writers, very many, or per-
haps most, of whose statements respecting the wonder-
ful phenomena of the New World, without this incon-
trovertible material proof, would find few believers
among the sceptical students of the present day.
These remains of antiquity, however, being fully de-
scribed in another volume of this work, may be referred
to in very general terms for present purposes.

Of ' Ivilization in general, the nature of its phe-
nomena, the causes and processes by which it is
evolved from savagism, I have spoken sufficiently in
the foregoing chapter. As for the many theories re-
specting the American civilization in particular, its
origin and growth, it is not my purpose to discuss
them in this volume. No theory on these questions
could be of any practical value in the elucidation of
the subject, save one that should stand out among the
rest so preeminently well-founded as to be generally ac-
cepted among scientific men, and no one of all the mul-
titude proposed has acquired any such preeminence.
A complete resume of all the theories on the subject,
with the foundations which support them, is given else-

OUIfilN OF AMERICAN CIVILIZATION.

where in connection with the ancient traditionary his-
tory of the aboriginal nations. It is well, however,
to remark that our lack of definite knowledge about
the origin ©f this civilization is not practically so im-

{)ortant as might appear at first thought. True, we
aiow not for certain wliether it is indigenous or exotic;
and if the former, whether to ascribe its cradle to the
north or south, to one locality or many ; or if the lat-
ter, whether contact with the old world was effected
at one or many points, on one occasion or at divers
epochs, through the agency of migrating peoples or
by the advent of individual civilizers and teachers.
Yet the tendency of modern research is to prove the
great antiquity of the American civilization as well as
of the American people; and if either was drawn
from a foreign source, it was at a time probably so
remote as to antedate any old-world culture now ex-
isting, and to prevent any light being thrown on the
offspring by a study of the parent stock; while if in-
digenous, little hope is afforded of, following rationally
their development through the political convulsions of
tlio distant past down to even a traditionally historic
epoch.

1 may then dispense with theories of origin and de-
tails of past history as confusing rather than aiding
my present purpose, and as being fully treated else-
where in this work. Neither am I required in this
treatment of the civilized races to make an accurate
division between them and their more savage neigh-
bors, to determine the exact standard by which savag-
ism and civilization are to be measured, or to vindicate
the use of the word civilized as applied to the Ameri-
can nations in preference to that of semi-civilized, pre-
ferred by many writers. We have seen that civilization
is at best only a comparative tenn, applied to some of
the ever-shifting phases of human progress. In many
of the Wild Tribes already described some of its charac-
teristics have been observed, and the opposite elements
of savagism will not be wanting among what I proceed

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

to describe as the Civilized Nations. There is not a sav-
age people between Anslhuac and Nicaragua that has
not Deen influenced in its institutions by intercourse,
warlike, social, or commercial, with neighbors of higher
culture, and has not exerted in its turn a reflex influence
on the latter. The difliculty of drawing division-lines
between nations thus mutually acting on each other is
further increased in America by the fact that two or
three nations constitute the central figure of nearly
all that has been observed or written by the few that
canie in actual contact with the natives. This volume
will, therefore, deal rather with the native civilization
than with the nations that possessed it.

While, however, details on all the points mentioned,
outside of actual institutions found existing in the six-
teenth century, would tend to confusion rather than
to clearness, besides leading in many cases to endless
repetition, yet a general view of the whole subject, of
the number, extent, location, and mutual relations of
the nations occupying the central portions of the con-
tinent at its discovery, as well as of their relations to
those of the more immediate past, a])pears necessary
to an intelligent perusal of the following pages. In
this general view I shall avoid all discussion of dis-
puted questions, reserving arguments and details for
future volumes on antiquities and aboriginal history.

That portion of what we call the Pacific States a .lich
was the home of American civilization within historic or
traditionally historic times, extends along the continent
from north-west to south-east, between latitudes 22°
and 1 1". On the Atlantic side the territory stretches
from Tamaulipas to Honduras, on the Pacific from Co-
lima to Nicaragua. Not that these are definitely drawn
bouudaries, but outside of these limits, disregarding the
New Mexican Pueblo culture, this civilization had left
little for Europeans to observe, while v/ithin them
lived i'ow tribes uninfluenced or unimproved by con-
tact with it. No portion of the globe, perhaps, era-

HOME OF THE AMERICAN CULTURE.

braces within equal latitudinal limits so {^eat a variety
of climate, soil, and vegetation; a variety whose im-
portant bearing on the native development can be un-
derstood in some degree, and which would doubtless
account satisfaqtorily for most of the conn)lications of
progressional phenomena observed within the terri-
tory, were the connection between environment and
progress fully within the grasp of our knowledge. All
the gradations from a torrid to a temperate clime are
here found in a region that lies wholly within the
northern tropic, altitudinal variations taking the place
of and j»rt)duoing all the effects elsewhere attributable
to latitude alone. These variations result from the
toiX)grapliy of the country as determined by the con-
formation given to the contitv nt by the central Cordil-
lera. The Sierra Madre enters this territory from the
north in two princi;. 1 ranges, one stretching along the
coast of the Pacific, while the other and more lofty
range trends nearer the Atlantic, the two again unit-
ing before reaching the isthnms of Tehuantepec. This
eastern branch between 18° 40' and 20° 30' opens out
into a table-land of some seventy-five by two hundred
miles area, with an altitude of from six to eight thou-
sand feet above the sea level. This broad plateau or
series of plateaux is known as the tierra fria, while the
lower valleys, with a band of the surrounding slopes,
at an elevation of from three to five thousand feet, in-
cluding large portions of the western lands of Micho-
acan, Guerrero, and Oajaca, between the two mountain
branches, constitute the tierra templada. From the
surface of the upper table-land rise sierras and isolated
peaks of volcanic origin, the highest in North America,
their summits covered with eternal snow, which shel-
ter, temper, and protect the fertile plateaux lying at
their base. Centrally located on this table-land, sur-
rounded by a wall of lofty volcanic cliffs and peaks, is
the most famous of all the valley plateaux, something
more than one hundred and sixty miles in circuit, the
valley of Mexico, Anahuac, that is to say, 'country by

M.ii

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

the waters,' taking its name from the lakes that form-
erly occupied one tenth of its area. Andhuac, with an
elevation of 7,500 feet, may be taken as representative
of the tierra fria. It has a mean temperature of 62°, a
climate much like that of southern Europe, although
dryer, and to which the term 'cold' can only be com-
paratively applied. The soil is fertile and productive,
though now generally presenting a bare and parched
surface, by reason of the excessiv^e evaporation on lofty
plains exposed to the full force of a tropical sun, its
natural forest-covering having been removed since the
Spanish conquest, chiefly, it is believed, through arti-
ficial agencies. Oak and pine are prominent features
of the native forest-growth, while wheat, barley, and
all the European cereals and fruits flourish side by side
with plantations of the indigenous maize, maguey, and
cactus. From May to October of each year, corres-
ponding nearly with the hot season of the coast, rains
or showers are frequent, but rarely occur during the
remaining months. Trees retain their foliage for ten
months in the year, and indeed their fading is scarcely
noticeable. Southward of 18^, as the continent nar-
rows, this eastern table-land contracts into a mountain
range proper, presenting a succession of smaller ter-
races, valleys, and sierras, in place of the broader
plateaux of the region about Andhuac. Trending
south-eastward toward the Pacific, and uniting with
the western Sierra Madre, the chain crosses the
isthmus of Tehuantepec at a diminished altitude,
only to rise again and expand laterally into the
lofty Guatemalan ranges which stretch still south-
eastward to Lake Nicaragua, where for the second
time a break occurs in the continental Cordillera at
the southern limit of the territory now under con-
sideration. From this central cordillera lateral sub-
ordinate branches jut out at right angles north and
south toward either ocean. As we go southward the
vegetation becomes more dense, and the temperature
higher at equal altitudes, but the same gradations of

THE TIERRA CALIENTE.

'fria' and 'templada' are continued, blending into each
other at a height of 5,000 to 6,000 feet. The charac-
teristics of the Cordillera south of the Mexican table-
land are lofty volcanic peaks whose lower bases are
clothed with dense forests, fertile plateaux bounded by
precipitous cliffs, vertical fissures or ravines of immense
depth torn in the solid rock by volcanic action, and
mountain torrents flowing in deep beds of porphyry
and forming picturesque lakes in the lower valleys.
Indeed, in Guatemala, where more than twenty vol-
canoes are in active operation, all these characteristic
features appear to unite in their highest degree of
perfection. One of the lateral ranges extends north-
eastward from the continental chain, forming with a
comparatively slight elevation the back-bone of the
peninsula of Yucatan.

At the bases of the central continental heights, on
the shores of either ocean, is the tierra caliente, a name
applied to all the coast region with an elevation of less
than 1,500 feet, and also by the inhabitants to many
interior valleys of high temperature. So abruptly do
the mountains rise on the Pacific side that the western
torrid band does not perhaps exceed twenty miles in
average width for its whole length, and has exerted
comparatively little influence on the history and de-
velopment of the native races. But on the Atlantic
or gulf coast is a broad tract of level i)lain and marsh,
and farther inland a more gradual ascent to the inte-
rior heiglits. This region presents all the features of
an extreme tropical climate and vegetation. In the
latitude of Vera Cruz barren and sandy tracts are seen;
elsewhere the tierra caliente is covered with the dens-
est tropical growth of trees, shrubs, vines, and flowers,
forming in their natural state an almost impenetrable
tliicket. Cocoa, cotton, cacao, sugar-cane, indigo, va-
nilla, bananas, and the various palms are prominent
among the flora; while the fauna include birds in infi-
nite variety of brilliant plumage, with myrijids of tor-
menting and deadly insects and reptiles. The atmos-

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

phere is deadly to all but natives. The moist soil, en-
riched by the decay of vegetable suKstances, breathes
pestilence and malaria from every pore, except during
the winter months of inct^sant winds, which blow from
October to March. Southern Vera Cruz and Tabasco,
the tierra caliente par excellence, exhibit the most luxu-
riant display of nature's prodigality. Of alluvial and
comparatively recent fonnation this region is traversed
by the Goazacoalco, Alvarado, Usumacinta, and other
noble rivers, which rise in the mountains of Guatemala,
Chiapas, and Tehuantepec. River-banks are crowded
with magnificent forest-trees, and the broad savanas
farther back marked off into natural plantations of the
valuable dye-woods which abound there, by a network
of branch streams and canals, which serve both for
inigation and as a medium of transj)ort for the native
products that play no unimportant role in the world's
commerce. Each year inundations are expected be-
tween June and October, and these transform the
whole system of lagoons into a broad lake. Farther
up the course of the rivers on the foothills of the Cor-
dillera, are extensive forests of cedar, mahogany, za-
pote, Brazil, and other precious woods, together with
a variety of medicinal plants and aromatic resins.

The whole of Yucatan may, by reason of its tem-
jierature and elevation above the sea, be included in
the tierra caliente, but its climate is one of the most
healthful in all tropical America. The whole north
and west of the })eninsula are of fossil shell forma-
tion, Bhowing that at no very distant date this region
was covered by the waters of the sea. There are no
rivers that do not dry up in winter, but by a wonder-
ful system of small ponds and natural wells the country
is supplied with water, the soil being moreover always
moist, and supporting a rich and vigorous vegetation.

Notwithstanding evident marks of similarity in
nearly all the manifestations of the progressional spirit
in aboriginal America, in art, thought, and religion,

THE NAHUA AND MAYA ELEMENTS,

there is much reason for and convenience in referring
all the native civilization to two branches, the Maya
and the Nahua, the former the more ancient, the latter
the more recent and wide-spread. It is important,
however, to understand the nature and extent of this
division, and just how far it may be considered real
and how far ideal. Of all the languages spoken among
these nations, the two named are the most wide-spread,
and are likewise entirely distinct. In their traditional
history, their material relics, and, above all, in their
methods of recording events by hieroglyphics, as well
as in their several lesser characteristics, these two
stocks show so many and so clear points of difference
standing prominently out from their many resem-
blances, as to indicate either a separate culture from
the beginning, or what is more probable and for us
practically the same thing, a progress in different
paths for a long time prior to the coming of the Eu-
ropeans. A^ery many of the nations not clearly affili-
ated with either branch show evident traces of both
cultures, and may be reasonably supposed to have de-
veloped their condition from contact and intermixture
of the parent stocks with each other, and with the neigh-
boring savage tribes. It is only, however, in a very gen-
eral sense that this classification can be accepted, and
then only for practical convenience in elucidating the
subject; since there are several nations that nmst bo
ranked among our civilized peoples, which, particularly
in the matter of language, show no Maya nor Nahua
affinities. Nor is too much importance to be attached
to the names Maya and Nahua by which I designate
these parallel civilizations. The former is adopted for
the reason that the Maya people and tongue are com-
monly regarded as among the most ancient in all the
Central American region, a region where fonuerly
flourished the civilization that left such wonderful
remains at Palenquo, IJxmal, and Copan; the latter
as being an older desi<^nation than either Aztec or
Toltec, both of which stocks the race Nahua include.s.

'3 1

^'ii

1 1 :i

III

Ij.

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

The civilization of what is now the Mexican Repubhc,
north of Tehuantepec, belonged to the Nahiia branch,
both at the time of the conquest and throughout the
historic period precedin;^. Very few traces of the
Maya element occur north of Chiapas, and these are
chiefly linguistic, appearing in two or three nations
dwelling along the shores of the Mexican gulf In
published works upon the subject the Aztecs are the
representatives of the Naliua element; indeed, what
is known of the Aztecs has furnished material for nine
tenths of all that has been written on the American
civilized nations in general. The truth of the matter
is that the Aztecs were only the most powerful of a
league or confederation of three nations, which in the
sixteenth century, from their capitals in the valley,
ruled central Mexico. This confederation, moreover,
was of comparatively recent date. These three nations
were the Acolhuas, the Aztecs, and the Tepanecs, and
tlioir respective capitals, Tezcuco, Mexico, and Tlaco-

E;in (Tacuba) were located near each other on the lake
orders, where, except Mexico, they still are found in
a sad state of dilapidation. Within the valley, in gen-
eral terms, the eastern section belonged to Tezcuco,
the southern and western to Mexico, and a limited
territory in the north-west to Tlacopan. At the time
when the confederation was formed, which was about
one hundred years before the advent of the Spaniards,
Tezcuco was the most advanced and powerful of the
allies, maintaining her precedence nearly to the end of
the fifteenth century. Tlacopan was far inferior to
the other two. Her possessions were small, and ac-
cording to the terms of the compact, which seem
always to have been strictly observed, she received
but one fifth of the spoils obtained by successful war.
While keeping Avithin the boundaries of their respect-
ive provinces, so far as tlic valley of Mexico was con-
cerned, these three chief powers united their forces to
extend their conquests be^'ond the limits of the valley
in every direction. Thus under the leadership of a line

THE AZTECS THE NAHUA REPRESENTATIVES.

of warlike kings Mexico extended her domain to the
shores of either ocean, and rendered the tribes therein
tributary to her. Durinj^ this period of foreign con-
quest, the Aztec kings, more energetic, ambitious, war-
like, a' ' unscrupulous than their allies, acquired a
decided preponderance in the confederate councils and
possessions; so that, originally but a small tribe, one of
the many which had settled in the valley of Andhuac,
by its valor and success in war, by the comparatively
broad extent of its domain, by the magnificence of its
capital, the only aboriginal town in America rebuilt
by the conquerors in anything like its pristine splen-
dor, and especially by being the people that came di-
rectly into contact with the invaders in the desperate
struggles of the conquest, the Aztecs became to Eu-
ropeans, and to the whole modern world, the repre-
sentatives of the American civilized peoples. Hence,
in the observations of those who were personally ac-
(juainted with these people, little or no distinction is
made between the many different nations of Central
Mexico, all being described as Aztecs. Indeed, many
of the lesser nations favored this error, being proud to
claim identity with the brave and powerful peo])le to
wliose valor they had been forced to succumb. While
this state of things doubtless creates some confusion
by failing to show clearly the slight tribal differences
that existed, yet the difficulty is not a serious one,
from the fact that very many of these nations were
unquestionably of the same blood as the Aztecs, and
that all drew what civilization they possessed from
the same Nahua sou "'^ I may therefore continue to
speak of the Aztecs .a their representative character,
including directly in this term all the nations perma-
nently subjected to the three ruling powers in And-
huac, due care being taken to point out such differ-
ences as may have been noticed and recorded.

To fix the limits of the Aztec Empire with any ap-

Kroximation to accuracy is exceedingly difficult, both
y reason of conflicting statements, and because the

3i:i ■

? ;' '

TV:
i 5^ ;.

||i

;i- :; i'.

: tii

i 'i

if F

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

boundaries were constantly changing as new tribes
were brought under Aztec rule, or by successful revolt
threw off the Mexican yoke. Clavigero, followed by
Prescott, gives to the empire the territory from 18°
to 21° on the Atlantic, and 14° to 19° on the Pacific,
exclusive, according to the latter author, of the posses-
sions of Tezcuco and Tlacopan. But this extent of
territory, estimated at nearly twice that of the state
of California, gives an exaggerated idea of Anahuac,
even when that term is applied to the conquered ter-
ritory of the Avhole confederacy. The limits men-
tioned are in reality the extreme points reached by
the allied armies in their successful wars, or rather,
raids, during the most palmy days of Aztec rule.
Within these bounds were several nations that were
never conquered, even temporarily, by the arms of
Anahuac, as for example the Tlascaltecs, the Taras-
cos, and the Chiapanecs. Many nations, indeed most
of those whose home was far from the central capitals,
were simply forced on different occasions by the pres-
ence of a conquering army to pay tribute and allegi-
ance to the Aztec kings, an allegiance which they were
not slow to throw off as soon as the invaders had with-
drawn. Such were the nations of northern Guate-
mala and Soconusco, whose conquest was in reality
but a successful raid for plunder and captives; such
the nations of Tehuantepec, such the Miztecs and Za-
potecs of Oajaca, the latter having completely regained
their independence and driven the Aztecs from their soil
before the coming of the Spaniards. Other nations
were conquered only in the years immediately preced-
ing theSpanish conquest; instance the Matlaltzincas just
westof Andhuac,and the Huastecs and Totonacsof Vera
Cruz. By their successful raids among these latter
peoples, the Aztecs only sealed their own doom, mak-
ing inveterate foes of the coast iiations, whose services
would have been most efficacious in resisting the fatal
progress of the Castilian arms. But other tribes less
warlike and powerful, or nearer the strongholds of

EXTENT OF THE AZTEC EMPIRE.

their conquerors, were, by means of frequent military
expeditions made to check outbreaking rebellion, kept
nominally subject to the Aztecs durinij fifty years,
more or less, preceding the coming of the Spaniards,
paying their annual tribute with some regularity.
Outside the rocky barriers of their valley, the Mexi-
cans maintained their supremacy only by constant
war; and oven within the valley their sway was far
from undisputed, since several tribes, notably the Chal-
cas on the southern lake, broke out in open rebellion
whenever the imperial armies were elsewhere occupied.
The Aztec empire proper, not restricting it to its
original seat in the valley of Mexico, nor including
within its limits all the nations which were by the
fortunes of war forced at one time or another to pay •
tribute, may then be said to have extended from the
valley of Mexico and its immediate environs, over the
territories comprised in the present States of ^lexico
(with its modern subdivisions of Hidalgo and More-
los), Puebla, southern Vera Cruz, and Guerrero. Of
all the nations that occupied this territory, most of
them, as I have said, were of one blood and language
with their masters, and all, by their character and in-
stitutions, possessed in greater or less degree the Na-
hua culture. Of many of the multitudinous nations
occuj)ying the vast territory surrounding the valley of
Mexico, nothing is known beyond their names and
their likeness, near or remote, to the Aztecs. For a
statement of their names and localities in detail, the
reader is referred to the Tribal Boundaries following
the clia])ter on the Central Mexicans in the first vol-
ume of this work. Let it be understood, therefore,
that the description of Aztec institutions contained in
this volume applies to all the nations of the empire as
^)ounded above, except where special limitation is in-
dicated; besides which it has a general application to
a much wider region, in fact to the whole country
north of the isthmus of Tehuantepec.

In this connection, and before attempting a descrip-

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

t : *!

tion of the Mexican nations beyond the limits of the
empire, nations more or less independent of Aztec
sway, a glance at ancient Mexican history seems ne-
cessary, as well to throw light on the mutual relations
of the peoples of Andhuac, as to partially explain the
broad extent of the Nahua civilization and of the Az-
tec idiom. The old-time story, how the Toltecs in
the sixth century appeared on the Mexican table-land,
how they were driven out and scattered in the elev-
enth century, how after a brief interval the Chichimecs
followed their footsteps, and how these last were suc-
ceeded by the Aztecs who were found in possession, —
the last two, and probably the first, migrating in im-
mense hordes from the far north-west, — all this is
sufficiently familiar to readers of Mexican history, and
is furthermore fully set forth in the fifth volume of
this work. It is probable, however, that this account,
accurate to a certain degree, has been by many writers
too literally construed; since the once popular theory
of wholesale national migrations of American peoples
within historic times, and particularly of such migra-
tions from the north-west, may now be regarded as
practically unfounded. The sixth century is the most
remote period to which we are carried in the annals of
Anahuac by traditions sufficiently definite to be con- .
sidered in any proper sense as historic records. At
this period we find the Nahua civilization and insti-
tutions established on the table-land, occupied then as
at every subsequent time by many tribes more or less
distinct from each other. And there this culture re-
mained witliout intermixture of essentially foreign ele-
ments down to the sixteenth century; there the suc-
cessive phases of its development appeared, and there
the progressional spirit continued to ferment for a
period of ten centuries, which fermentation constitutes
the ancient Mexican history. During the course of
these ten centuries we may follow now definitely now
vaguely the social, religious, and political convulsions
through which these aboriginals were doomed to pass.

THE NAHUAS IN ANAHUAC.

J of the
' Aztec
Bins ne-
•elations
)lain the
the Az-
)ltec8 in
ble-land,
he elev-
lichnnecs
vere suc-
ession, —
ig in im-
il this is
tory, and
'olume of
3 account,
[\j writers
iar theory
tn peoples
Ich migra-
[trarded as
the most
annals of
;o be con-
jrds. At
and insti-
sd then as
ire or less
;ulture re-
jreign ele-
|e the suc-
and there
tent for a
;onstitute8
course of
litely now
mvulsions
to pass.

From small beginnings we see mighty political powers
evolved, and these overturned and thrown into ob-
scurity l)y other and rival unfoldings. Religious sects
in like manner we see succeed each other, coloring
tlit'ir progress with frequent persecutions and reforma-
tions, not unworthy of old-world medijBval fanaticism,
as partisans of rival deities shape the poj)ular suj)ersti-
tion in conformity with their creeds. Wars, long and
bloody, are waged for j)lunder, for territory, and for
souls; now, to quell the insurrection of a tributary
prince, now to repel the invasion of outer barbarian
hordes. Leaders, pt)litical and religious, rising to
power with their nation, faction, city, or sect, are
driven at their fall into exile, and thereby forced to
seek their fortunes and introduce their culture among
distant tribes. Outside bands, more or less barbarous,
but brave and powerful, come to settle in Andhuac,
and to receive, voluntarily or involuntarily, the ben-
efits of its arts and science.

1 have no disposition unduly to magnify the New
World civilization, nor to under-rate old world culture,
but during these ten centuries of almost universal
mediaeval gloom, the difference between the two civil-
izations was less than most people imagine. On both
sides of the Dark Sea humanity lay floundering in be-
sotted ignorance; the respective qualities of that ig-
norance it is hardly profitable to analyze. The history
of all these complicated changes, so far as it may be
traced, separates naturally into three chronologic ])e-
riods, corresponding with what are known as the Tol-
tec, the Chichimec, and the Aztec empires. Prior to
the sixth century doubtless there were other periods
of Nahua greatness, for there is little evidence to in-
dicate that this was the first appearance in Mexico of
this progressive people, but previous developments can
not be definitely followed, although affording occa-
sional glimpses which furnish interesting matter for
antiquarian speculation.

At the opening then, of the historic times, we find

Voi,. II. 7

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

the Toltecs in possession of Andhuac and the sur-
rounding country. Though the civilization was old,
the name was new, derived probably, although not so
regarded by all, from Tollan, a capital city of the em-
pire, but afterward becoming synonymous Avith all that
18 excellent in art and high culture. Tradition im-
putes to the Toltecs a higher civilization than that
found among the Aztecs, who had degenerated with
the growth of the warlike spirit, and especially by the
introduction of more cruel and sanguinary religious
rites. But this superiority, in some respects not im-
probable, rests on no very strong eviden e, since this
people left no relics of that artistic skill which gave
them so great traditional fame: there is, however, much
reason to ascribe the construction of the pyramids at
Teotihuacan and Cholula to the Toltec or a still earlier
period. Among the civilized peoples of the sixteenth
century, however, and among their descendants down
to the present day, nearly every ancient relic of archi-
tecture or sculpture is accredited to the Toltecs, from
whom all claim descent. In fact the term Toltec be-
came synonymous in later times with all that was
w^onderful or mysterious in the past; and so confus-
ing has been the effect of this universal reference of
all traditional events to a Toltec source, that, while
we can not doubt the actual existence of this great
empire, the details of its history, into which the super-
natural so largely enters, must be regarded as to a
great extent mythical.

There are no data for fixing accurately the bounds
of the Toltec domain, particularly in the south.
There is, very little, however, to indicate that it was
more extensive in this direction than that of the Az-
tecs in later times, although it seems to have extended
somewhat farther northward. On the west there is
some evidence that it included the territory of Micho-
acan, never subdued by the Aztecs; and it probably
stretched eastward to the Atlantic, including the To-
tonac territory of Vera Cruz. Of the tribes or nations

THE TOLTEC EM PIKE.

that made up the empire none can be positively iden-
tified by name with any of the hiter peoples found in
Anilhuac, thoujjfh there can be little doubt that several
of the latter were descended directly from the Toltecs
and contemporary tribes; and indeed it is believed
with much reason that the semi-barbarous Otomfs of
Anilhuac, and several nations beyond the limits of
the valley, may date their tribal history back to a pe-
riod even preceding the Toltec era. During the most
flourishing period of its traditional five centuries of
duration, the Toltec empire was ruled l)y a confed-
eracy similar in some respects to the alliance of later
date between Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan. The
capitals were Culhuacan, Utompan, and Tollan, the
two former corresponding somewhat in territory with
Mexico and Tezcuco, while the latter was just beyond
the limits of the valley toward the north-west. Each
of these capital cities became in turn the leading pow-
er in the confederacy. Tollan reached the highest
eminence in culture, splendor, and fame, and Culhua-
can was the only one of the three to survive by name
the bloody convulsions by which the empire was at
last overthrown, and retain anything of her former
greatness.

Long-continued civil wars, arising chiefly from dis-
sensions between rival religious factions, resulting nat-
urally in pestilence and famine, which in the aboriginal
annals are attributed to the direct interposition of irate
deities, gradually undermine the imperial thrones.
Cities and nations previously held in subjection or
overshadowed by the splendor and power of Tollan,
take advantage of her civil troubles to enlarge their
respective domains and to establish independent pow-
ers. Distant tribes, more or less barbarous, but strong
and warlike, come and establish themselves in de-
sirable localities within the limits of an empire whose
rulers are now powerless to repel invasion. So the
kings of Tollan, Culhuacan, and (^)tompan lose, year
by year, their prestige, and finally, in the middle of

100

(JKNEKAI. VIEW OF THK CIVILIZED NATIONS.

the eleventh contuiy, are completely overthrown, leav-
ing; the Mexican tahle-land to be ruled by new conihi-
nationH of risinjjf powers. Tluus ends the Toltec period
of ancient Aiuihuac history.

The popular account pictures the whole Toltec pop-
ulation, or such part of it as had been spared by war,
pestilence, and famine, as niijjfratinjj^ en nuisse south-
ward, and leaving Anilhuac desolate and unpeopled
I'or nearly a half century, to be settled anew by tribes
that crowded in from the north-west when they learned
that this fair land had been so stran«j^ely abandoned.
This account, like all other national mijjfration-narra-
tives pertaining to the Americans, has little founda-
tion in fact or in probability.

The royal families and religious leaders of the Tol-
tecs were doubtless driven into perpetual exile, and
were accompanied by such of the nobility as i)re-
ferred, rather than content themselves with subordi-
nate positions at home, to try their fortunes in new
lands, some of which were j)erhaps included in the
southern parts of the empire concerning which so little
is known. That tiiere was any essential or imme-
diate change in the population of the table-land be-
yond the irruption of a few tribes, is highly im-
probable. The exiled princes and priests, as I have
said, went southward, where doubtless they played
an important part in the subsequent history of the
Maya-Quiche nations of Central America, a history
less fully recorded than that of Aiuihuac. Tliat thf se
exiles were the founders of the Centr; 1 American civil-
ization, a popular belief supported v many writers,
I cannot but regard as another pin 3 of that tend-
ency above-mentioned to attribute u that is unde-
fined and ill-understood to the great nd wonderful
Toltecs; nor do J believe that the evi* snce warrants
such an hypothesis. If the pioneer ci ilizers of the
south, the builders of Palenque, Cop<in, and other
cities of the more ancient type, were imbued with or
influenced by the Nahua culture, as is not improbable,

THE (•IIICIIIMEC EMIMUE.

101

it certainly was not that culture hh carried south-
ward in the eleventh century, hut a development or
jihase of it lon<if preocdin*'' that which to(»k the name
of Toltec on the Mexican plateaux. With the de-
struction of the empire the term Toltec, as applied to
an existinjif people, dinafipeared. TIuh disappearance
of the name while the institutions of the nation ct"»-
tinued to Hourish, may indicate that the desiijfnati(.n
of the people — or possihly of the rulinu; family of
ToUan, was not applied contemporaneously to the
whole empire, and that in the traditions and records
of later times, it has incident;'My accpiired a fictitious
importance. Of the Toltec cities, Culhuacan, on the
lake horder, recovered under the new political combi-
nations somethin*^ of her old jmaninence; the name
Culhuas applied to its people appears much more
ancient than that of Toltecs, and indeed the Mexican
civilization as a whole mijjfht perhaps as appropriately
he termed Culhua as Nahua.

The new era succeedini^ the Toltec rule is that of
the Chichimec empire, which endured with some vari-
ations down to the coming ol Cortes. The ordinary
version of the early annals has it, that the Chichimecs,
a wild tribe living far in the north-west, learning that
the fertile regions of Central Mexico had been aban-
doned by the Toltecs, came down in immense hordes
to occupy the land. Numerous other tribes came
after them at short intervals, were kindly received
and granted lands for settlement, and tlie more pow-
erful of the new comers, in confederation with the
original Chichimec settlers, developed into the so-
called empire. Now, although this ("j;cupation of the
central table-lands by successive migrations of foreign
tribes cannot l>e accepterl by the sober historian, and
alciio.?gh we m^sX conclude that very many of the so-
ctilled new comers were tribes that had occupied the
country during the Toltec period, — their names now
coming into notice with their increasing importance
and power, — yet it is probable that some new tribes,

102

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

sufficiently powerful to exercise a great if not a con-
trolling influence in building up the new empire, did
at this time enter Andhuac from the immediately
bordering regions, and play a prominent part, in con-
junction witli the rising nations within the valley, in
the overthrow of the kings of Tollan. These in-com-
ing nations, by alliance with the original inhabitants,
infused fresh life and vigor into the worn-out mon-
arcliies, furnishing the strength by which new powers
were built up on the ruins of the old, and receiving
on the other hand the advantages of the more j)erfect
Nahua culture.

If one, and the most powerful, of these new nations
was, {IS the annals state, called the Chichimec, noth-
ing whatever is known of its race or lamjuaij-e. The
Chichimecs, their identity, their idiom, and their insti-
tutions, if any such there were, their name even, as a
national appellation, were merged into those of the
Nahua nations that accompanied or followed them,
and were there lost. The ease and rapidity with
which this tribal fusion of tongue and culture is rep-
resented to have been accomplished would indicate at
least that the Chichimecs, if a separate tribe, were of
the same race and language as the Toltecs; but how-
ever this may be, it must be conceded that, while they
can not have been the wild cave-dwellinjj barbarians
painted by some of the historians, they did not intro-
duce into Anahuac any new element of civilization.

The name Chichimec at the time of the Spanish
conquest, and subsequentlj% was used with two sig-
nifications, first, as applied to the line of kings that
reigned at Tezcuco, and second, to all the wild hunt-
ing tribes, particularly in the broad and little-known
regions of the north. Traditionally or historically the
name has been applied to nearly every people men-
tioned in the ancient liistory of America. Tiiis has
caused the greatest confusion among writers on the
subject, a confusion which I believe can only be cleared
up by the supposition that the name Chichimec, like

NO SUCH NATION AS THE CHICHIMEC.

103

that of Toltec, never was applied as a tribal or na-
tional desijjfnation proper to any j)eople, wliile such
j)eopIe were living. It seems probable that among
the Nahua peoples that occupied the country from the
sixth to the eleventh centuries, a few of the leading
powers appropriated to themselves the title Toltecs,
which had been at first employed by the inhabitants
of Tollan, whose artistic excellence scwm rendered it
a designation of honor. To the other Nahua peo-
j)les, by whom these leading powers were surrounded,
whose institutions were identical but whose polish and
elegance of manner were dee'.ied by those self-consti-
tuted autocrats somewhat inferior, the term Chichi-
mecs, barbarians, etymologically 'dogs,' was applied.
After the convulsions that overthrew Tollan and re-
versed the condition of the Nahua nations, the 'dogs'
in their turn assumed an air of superiority .and re-
tained their designation Chichimecs as a title of honor
and nobility.

The names of the tribes represented as entering And-
huac after the Chichimecs, but respecting the order of
whose coming there is little agreement among authors,
are the following: Matlaltzincas, Tepanecs, Acolhuas,
Teo-Chichimecs (Tlascaltecs), Malinalcas, Cholultocs,
Xcchimilcas, Chalcas, Huexotzincas, Cuitlahuacs, Cui-
catecs, Mizquicas, Tlahuicafc., Cohuixcas, and Aztecs.
Some of these, as I have said, may have entered the
valley from the immediate north. Which these were
I shall not attempt to decide, but they were nearly
all of the same race and language, all lived under
Nahua institutions, and their descendant-^ were found
living on and about the Aztec plateau in the six-
teeiith century, speaking, with one or two exceptions,
the \ztec tonsjue.

In the new era of prosperity that now dawned on
Anahuac, Culhuacan, where some remnants even of
the Toltec nobility remained, under Chichimec ausj)i-
ces regained to a great extent its old position as a
centre of crlture and power. Among the new na-

104

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

tions whose name now first appears in history, the
Acolhuas and Tepanecs soon rose to poHtical promi-
nence in the valley. The Acolhuas were the Chi-
chimecs par excellence, or, as tradition has it, the
Chichimec nation was absorbed by them, giving up
its name, language, and institutions. The capitals
which ruled the destinies of Andhuac down to the
fifteenth century, besides Culhuacan, were Tenayo-
can, Xaltocan, Coatlychan, Tezcuco,and Azcapuzalco.
These capitals being governed for the most part by
branches of the same royal Chichimec family, the era
was one of civil intrigue for the balance of power and
for succession to tlie throne, rather than one of foreign
conquest. During the latter part of the period, Tez-
cuco, the Acolhua capital under the Chichimec kings
proper, Azcapuzalco the capital of the Tepanecs, and
Culhuacan held the country under their sway, some-
times allied to meet the forces of foreign foes, but
oftener plotting against each other, each, by alliance
with a second against the third, aiming at universal
dominion. At last in this series of political manoeu-
vres Culhuacan was permanently overthrown, and
the Chichimec ruler at Tezcuco was driven from his
possessions by the warlike chief of the Tepanecs,
who thus for a short time was absolute master of
Anjihuac.

But with the decadence of the Culhua power at
Culhuacan, another of the tribes that came into notice
in the valley after the fall of the Toltecs, had been
gradually gaining a position among the nations. This
rising power was the Aztecs, a people traditionally
from the far north-west, whose wanderings are de-
scribed in picture-writings shown in another part of
this volume. Their migration is more definitely de-
scribed than that of any other of the many who are
said to have come from the same direction, and has
been considered by different writers to be a migra-
tion from California, New Mexico, or Asia. Later
researches indicate that the pictured annals are in-

.al-'-l

THE AZTEC ERA.

lOS

tended simply as a record of the Aztec wanderings in
the valley of Mexico and its vicinity. Whatever their
origin, by their fierce and warlike nature and bloody
religious rites, from the first they made themselves the
pests of Andhuac, and later its tyrants. For some cen-
turies they acquired no national influence, but were
often conquered, enslaved, and driven from place to
]>lace, until early in the fourteenth century, when
Mexico or Tenochtitlan was founded, and under a line
of able warlike kinofs started forward in its career of
prosperity unecpialed in the annals of aboriginal Ameri-
ca. At the fall of Culhuacan, Mexico ranked next to
Tezcuco and Azca{)uzalco, and when the armies of the
latter prevailed against the former, Mexico was the
most powerful of all the nations that sprang to arms,
and j)ressed forward to Iwmble the Tepanec tyrant,
to reinstate the Acolhua monarch on his throne, and
to restore Tezcuco to her former commanding position.
The result was the utter defeat of the Tepanecs, and
the glory of Azcapuzalco departed forever.

TIuis ended in the early part of the fifteenth centu-
ry the Chichimec empire, — that is, it nominally ended,
for the Chichimec kings proper lost nothing of their
j)ower,— and, b}'^ the establishment of the confederacy
already described, the Aztec empire was inaugurated.
Under the new dispensation of affairs, Mexico, by
whose aid chiefiy Azcapuzalco had been humbled,
received rank and dominion at least equal to that of
Tezcuco, while from motives of policy, and in order,
so far as possible, to conciliate the good will of a
strong though conquered ])eople, Tlacopan, under a
l)ranch of the Tepanecs, with a less extensive domain,
was admitted to the alliance. The terms of the con-
federacy seem, as I have said, never to have been
(ipenly violated; but in the first years of the six-
teenth century the Aztecs had not only excited the
hatred of the most powerful nations outside the
bounds of Anilhuac by their foreign raids, but by their
arrogant overbearing spirit had made themselves ob-

'Vi

106 GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

noxious at home. Their aim at supreme power was
apparent, and both Tezcuco and the independent re-
public of Tlascala began to tremble at the dangerous
progress of their mighty neighbor, A desperate strug-
gle was imminent, in which the Aztecs, pitted against
all central Mexico, by victory would have grasped the
coveted prize of imperial power, or crushed as were
the Tepanecs before them by a coalition of nations,
would have yielded their place in the confederacy to
some less dangerous rival. At this juncture Cortes
appeared. This renowned chieftain aided Montezu-
ma's foes to triumph, and in turn fastened the shackles
of European "despotism on all alike, with a partial ex-
ception in favor of brave Tlascala. The nations which
formed the Aztec empire proper, were the tribes for
the most part that have beeti named as springing into
existence or notice in Anahuac early in the Chichimec
period, and the names of most of them have been
preserved in the names of modem localities. It will
be seen, in treating of the languages of the Pacific
States, that the Aztec tongue, in a pure state, in dis-
tinct verbal or grammatical traces, and in names of
places, is spread over a much wider extent of territory
than can be supposed to have ever been brought under
subjection to Andhuac during either the Toltec, Chi-
chimec, or Aztec phases of the Nahua domination.
To account for this we have the commercial connec-
tions of the Aztecs, whose traders are known to have
pushed their mercantile ventures far beyond the re-
gions subjected by foi ;e of arms; colonies which, both
in Toltec and Aztec times, may be reasonably sup-
posed to have sought new homes; the exile of nobles
and priests at the fall of the Toltec empire, and other
probable migrations, voluntary and involuntary, of
princes and teachers; the large detachments of Aztecs
who accompanied the Spaniards in the expeditions by
which the continent was brought under subjection;
and finally, if all these are not sufficient, the unknown

THE TARASCOS OF MICHOACAN.

107

history and migrations of the Nahua peoples during
the centuries preceding the Toltec era.

I will now briefly notice the civilized nations beyond
the limits of Andhuac, and more or less independent
of the Aztec rule, concerning whose institutions and
history comparatively little or nothing is known, ex-
cept what is drawn from the Aztec annals, with some
very general observations on their condition made by
their Spanish conquerors. Westward of the Mexican
valley was the flourishing independent kingdom of
Michoacan, in possession of the Tarascos, whose cap-
ital was Tzintzuntzan on Lake Patzcuaro. Their
country, lying for the most part between the rivers
Mexcala and Tololotlan, is by its altitude chiefly in the
tierra templada, and enjoys all the advantages of a
tropical climate, soil, and vegetation. Topographically
it presents a surface of undulating plains, intersected
by frequent mountain chains and by the characteristic
ravines, and well watered by many streams and beauti-
ful lakes; hence the name Michoacan, which signifies
'land abounding in fish.' The lake region of Patzcu-
aro, the seat of the Tarasco kings, is described as un-
surpassed in picturesque beauty, while in the variety
of its agricultural products and in its yield of mineral
wealth, Michoacan was equaled by few of the states of
New Spain.

If we may credit the general statements of early au-
thors, who give us but few details, in their institutions,
their manners, wealth, and power, the Tarascos were at
least fully the equals of the Aztecs, and in their phy-
sical development were even superior. That they suc-
cessfully resisted and defeated the allied armies of
Andhuac is sufficient proof of their military prowess,
although they yielded almost without a struggle to
the Spaniards after the fall of Mexico. With respect
to their civilization we must accept the statements of
their superiority as the probably correct impression of
those who came first in contact with this people, not-
withstanding which 1 find no architectural or artistic

108

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

relics of a high culture within their territory. A \ that
is known on the subject indicates that their civilization
was of the Naliua type, although tlie language is al-
together distinct from the Aztec, the representative
Nahua tongue. The history of Michoacan, in the
form of any but the vaguest traditions, does not reach
back farther than the thirteenth century; nevertheless,
as I have said, there is some reason to sup[)ose that it
formed part of the Toltec empire. The theory has
even been advanced that the Tarascos, forming a j)art
of that emj)ire, were not disturbed by its fall, and
were therefore the best representatives of the oldest
Nahua culture. Their reported physical superiority
might favor this view, but their distinct language on
the contrary would render it improbable. A careful
study of all that is known of this people convinces me
that they had long been settled in the lands where
they were found, but leaves on the mind no definite
idea of their earlier history. Their later annals are
made up of tales, partaking largely of the marvelous
and supernatural, of the doings of certain demi-gods
or priests, and of wars waged against the omnipresent
Chichimecs, Branches of the great and primitive
Otomi family are mentioned as having their homes in
the mountains, and there are traditions that fragments
of the Aztecs and other tribes which followed the Chi-
chimecs into Andhuac, lingered on the route of their
migration and settled in the fertile valleys of Micho-
acan. Between the Tarascos and the Aztecs, speak-
ing a language different from either but allied more
or less intimately with the former, were the Matlalt-
zincas, whose capital was in the plateau valley of To-
luca, just outside the bounds of Andhuac. This was
one of tlie tribes that have already been named as
coming traditionally from the north-west. For a long
time they maintained tlieir independence, but in the
li- . • .rter of the fifteenth century were forced to
' ro the victorious arms of Axayacatl, the Aztec

WiVi ,Mr iving.

MIZTECS AND ZAPOTECS.

109

Immediately below the mouth of the Mexcala, on
the border of the PaciHc, were the lands of the Cui-
tlatecs, and also the province or kingdom of Zaeatollan,
whose capital was the modern Zacatula. Uf these two
peoples absolutely nothing is known, save that they
were tributary to the Aztec empire, the latter having
been added to the domain of Tezcuco in the very last
years of the fifteenth century.

The j>rovinces that extended south-westward from
Anahuac to the ocean, belonging chiefiy to the modern
state of Guerrero and included in what 1 have de-
scribed as the Aztec empire proper, were those of the
TIahuicas, whose ca[)ital was Cuernavaca, the CoJmix-
cas, capital at Acapulco, the Yoppi on the coast south
of Acapulco, and the province of Mazatlan farther in-
land or north-east. The name Tlapanecs is also rather
indefinitely applied to the people of a portion of this
territory in the south, including probably the Yoj)pi,
Of the names mentioned we have met those of the
TIahuicas and Cohuixcas among the tribes newly
springing into notice at the begiiming of the Chichi-
mec j)eriod. It is j)robable that nearly all were more
or less closely allied in race and language to their
Mexican masters, their political subjection to whom
dates from about the middle of the fifteenth century.

The western slope of the cordillera still farther
south-west, comprising in general terms the modem
state of Onjaca, was ruled and to a great extent in-
habited by the Miztecs and Zapotecs, two powerful
nati6ns distinct in tongue from the Aztecs and from
each other. Western Oajaca, the home of the Miz-
tecs, was divided into Uj)per and Lower Miztecapan,
the latter toward the coast, and the former higher up
in the mountains, and sometimes termed Cohuaixtla-
huacan. The Zapotecs in eastern Oajaca, when first
definitely known to history, liad extended their jiower
over nearly all the tribes of Tehuantepec, besides en-
croaching somewhat on the Miztec boundaries. The
Miztecs, notwithstandinof the foreign aid of Tlascaltecs

1 -

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

and other eastern foes of the Aztec king, were first
defeated by the allied forces of Andhuac about 1458;
and from that date the conquerors succeeded in hold-
ing their stronger towns and more commanding posi-
tions down to the conquest, thus enforcing the pay-
ment of tribute and controlling the commerce of the
southern coast, which was their primary object. Te-
huantepec and Soconusco yielded some years after to
the conquering Axayacatl, and Zapotecapan still later
to his successor Ahuitzotl; but in the closing years
of the fifteenth century the Zapotecs recovered their
country with Tehuantepec, leaving Socunusco, how-
ever, permanently in Aztec possession. ' The history
of the two nations takes us no farther back than the
fourteenth century, when they first came into contact
with the peoples of Anilhuac; it gives a record of their
rulers and their deeds of valor in wars waged against
each other, against the neighboring tribes, and agamst
the Mexicans. Prior to that time we have a few tra-
ditions of the vaguest character preserved by Burgoa,
the historian of Oajaca. These picture both Miztecs
and Zapotecs as originally wild, but civilized by the
influence of teachers, priests, or beings of supernatural
powers, who came among them, one from tiie south,
and others from the direction of Andhuac. Their civ-
ilization, however received, was surely Nahua, as is
shown by the resemblances which their institutions,
and particularly their religious rites, bear to those of
the Aztecs. Being of the Nahua type, its origin has
of course been referred to that inexhaustible source,
the dispersion of the Toltecs, or to proselyting teach-
ers sent southward by that wonderful people. Indeed,
the Miztec and Zapotec royal families claimed a direct
Toltec descent. It is very probable, however, that
the Nahua element here was at least contemporaneous
in its introduction with the same element known as
Toltec in Andhuac, rather than implanted in Oajaca
by missionaries, voluntaiy or involuntary, from Tol-
lan. I have already remarked that the presence of

NATIONS OF TEHUANTEPEC.

Ill

leir civ-

Nahua institutions in different regions is too often
attributed to the Toltec exiles, and too seldom to
historical eve i its preceding the sixth century. The
(Jajacan coast region or tierra caliente, if we may
credit the result of researches by the Abbd Brasseur
de Bourbourg, was sometimes known as Andhuac Ay-
otlan, as the opposite coast of Tabasco was called
Andhuac Xicalanco. Both these Andhuacs were in-
habited by enterprising commercial peoi)le8, whose
flourishing centres of trade were located at short in-
tervals along the coast. Material relics of past excel-
lence in architecture and other arts of civilization
abound in Oajaca, chief among which stand the re-
markable structures at Mitla.

Although Tehuantepec in the later aboriginal times
was subject to the kings of Zapotecapan, yet within
its limits, besides the Chontales, — a name resembling
in its uncertainty of application that of Chichimecs
farther north, — were the remnants of two old nations
that still preserved their independence. These were
the Mijes, living chiefly by the chase in the mountain
fastnesses of the north, and thfe Huaves, who held a
small territory on the coast and islands of the lagoons
just east of the city of Tehuantepec. The Mijes, so
far as the vague traditions of the country reveal any-
thing of their past, were once the possessors of Zapo-
tecapan and the isthmus of Tehuantepec, antedating the
Zapotecs and perhaps the Nahua culture in this region,
being affiliated, as some believe, in institutions and
possibly in language, with the Maya element of Cen-
tral America. While this connection must be regarded
as somewhat conjectural, we may nevertheless accept
as probably authentic the antiquity, civilization, and
power of this brave people. The Huaves were tradi-
tionally of southern origin, having come to Tehuante-
pec by sea from Nicaragua or a point still farther south.
In navigation and in commerce they were enterpris-
ing, as were indeed all the tribes of this southern-coast
Andhuac, and they took gradually from the Mijes,

112

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

:
!

whom they found in possession, a large extent of terri-
tory, which as we have seen they were finally forced
to yield up to their Zapotec conquerors.

Crossin«( now to the Atlantic or Gulf shores we have
from the past nothinj^ but a confused account of Ul-
mecs, Xicalancas, and Nonohualcas, who may have
l)een distinct peoples, or the same people under differ-
ent names at different ei)ochs, and who at some time
inhabited the lowlands of Tehuantepec and Vera Cruz,
as well us those of Tabasco farther south. At tlie
time of the conquest we know that this region was
thickly inhabited by a peoj)le scarcely less advanced
than those of Andhuac, and dotted with flourishing
towns devoted to commerce. But neither in the six-
teenth nor innnediately preceding centuries cun any
one civilized nation be definitely named as occupy-
ing this Aniihuac Xicalanco. We know, however, that
this c(jimtry north of the Goazacoalco River formed a
portion of the Aztec empire, and that its inhabitants
spoke for the most part the Aztec tongue. These
provinces, known as Cuetlachtlan and Goazacoalco,
were conquered, chiefly with a view to the extension
of the Aztec commerce, as early as the middle of the
flfteenth century, notwithstanding the assistance ren-
dered by the armies of Tlascala.

The plateau east of Aniihuac sometimes known as
Huitzilapan was found by the Spaniards in the pos-
session of the independent republics, or cities, of Tlas-
cala, Huexotzinco, and Cholula. The people who
occupied this part of the table-land were the Teo-Chi-
ehimecs, of the same language and of the same tradi-
tional north-western origin as the Aztecs, whom they
preceded in Andhuac. Late in the thirteenth century
they left the valley of Mexico, and in several detach-
ments established themselves on the eastern plateau,
where they successfully maintained their independence
of all foreign powers. As allies of the Chichimec
king of Tezcuco they aided in overturning the Tepanec
tymnt of Azcapuzalco; but after the subsequent dan-

THE TLASCALTECS.

113

lown as

jrerous development of Aztec ambition, the Tlascaltec
armies aided in nearly every attempt of other nations
to arrest the j)rogreH8 of the Mexicans toward uni-
versal don'iinion. Their assistance, as we have seen,
was unavailing except in the iinal successful alliance
with the forces of Cortes; for, althoufi^h secure in their
small domain ai^ainst foreij^n invasion, their armies
were often defeated abroad. Tlascala has retained
very nearly its ori<i^inal Iwunds, and the details of its
history from the foundation of the city are, by the
writings of the native historian Camarcco, more fully
known tlian those of most other nations outside of
Anjlhuac. This author, however, gives us the annals
of his own and the surrounding peoples from a Tlas-
caltec stand-point only. Before the Teo-Chichimec
invasion of Huitzilapan, Cholula had already acquired
great prominence as a Toltec city, and as the residence
of the great Naliua apostle Quetzalcoatl, of which era,
or a preceding one, the famous pyramid remains as a
memento. Outside of Cholula, however, the ancient
histor}'^ of this region presents but a blank page, or one
vaguely filled with tales of giants, its first reputed in-
habitants, and of the mysterious Olmecs, from some
remaining fragments of which people the Tlascaltecs
are said to have won their new homes. These Olmecs
seem to have been a very ancient people who occupied
the whole eastern region, bordering on or mixed with
the Xicalancas in the south; or rather the name Olmec
seems to have been the designation of a ])hase or era
of the Nahua civilization preceding that known as
the Toltec. It is impossible to detennine accurately
whether the Xicalancas should be classed with the
Nahua or Maya element, although probably with the
former.

The coast region east of Tlascala, comprising the
northern half of the state of Vera Cruz, was the home
of the Totonacs, whose capital was the famous Cem-
poala, and who were conquered by the Aztecs at the
close of the fifteenth century. They were probably

Vol. II. 8

114

GENKItAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED Nv^TIONS.

one of the ancient pre-Toltec peoples like the Otomfs
and Olmecs, and they claimed to have occupied in
former times Andliuac and the adjoinintr territory,
where they erected the pyramids of the 8un and moon
at Teotihuacan. Their inHtitutioim when first observed
by Europeans seem to have been essentially Nahua,
and the abundant architectural remains found in To-
tonac territory, as at Papantla, Misantla, and Tusapan,
show no well-defined difterences from Aztec construc-
tions proper. Whether this Nahua culture was that
orii^inally possessed by them or was introduced at a
comparatively late period throuj^h the intiuence of the
Teo-Chichimecs, with whom they became largely con-
solidated, is uncertain. The Totonac languajje is,
however, distinct from the Aztec, and is thought to
have some affinity with the Maya.

North of the Totonacs on the gulf coast, in the
present state of Tamaulipas, lived the Huastecs, con-
cerning whose early history nothing whatever is
known. Their language is allied to the IVIaya dia-
lects. They were a brave peoj)le, looked upon by the
Mexicans as semi-barbarous, but were defeated and
forced to pay tribute by the king of Tezcuco in the
middle of the fifteenth century.

The difficulties experienced in rendering to any de-
gree satisfactory a general view of the northern na-
tions, are very greatly augmented now that I come to
treat of the Central American tribes. The causes of
this increased difficulty are many.* I have air ady
noticed the prominence of the Aztecs in most th-it has
been recorded of American civilization. During the
conquest of the central portions of the continent fol-
lowing that of Mexico, the Spaniards found an ad-
vanced culture, great cities, magnificent temples, a
complicated system of religious and political institu-
tions; but all these had been met before in the north,
and consequently mere mention in general terms of
these later wonders was deemed sufficient by the con-

NATIONS OF CENTRAL AMERICA.

11&

querora, who were a class of men not disposed to make
niinutu obsorvations or Coinparisuns respeetinjf what
Hconiod to them unimportant details. Ah to the
priests, their duty was cleivrly to destroy rather than
to closely investiy-ate these institutions of the devil.
And in the years foUowiui,' the conquest, the associa-
tion between the natives and the conquerors was much
less intimate than in Anilhuac. These nations in many
instances fought until 'nearly annihilated, or after do-
feat retired in national frajjments to the inaccessible
fastnesses of the cordillera, retaining for several gen-
erations — some of them permanently — their independ-
ence, and affording the Spaniards little opportunity of
becoming acquainted with their aboriginal institutions.
In the south, as in Anilhuac, native Hvriters, after their
language had been fitted to the Spanish alphabet,
wrote more or less fully of their national history; but
all such writinjjs whose existence is known are in the
possession of one or two individuals, and, excepting
the Po})ol Vuh translated by Ximenes as well as
Brasseur de Bourbourg, and the Perez Maya manu-
script, their contents are only vaguely known to the
public through the writings of their owners. Another
difficulty respecting these writings is that their de-
pendence on any original authority more trustworthy
than that of orally transmitted traditions, is at least
doubtful. The key to the hieroglyphics engraved on
the stones of Palenque and Copan, and painted on the
pages of the very few ancient manuscripts preserved,
is now practically lost; that it was possessed by the
writers referred to is, although not impossible, still far
from proven. Again, chronology, so complicated and
uncertain in the atmals of Andhuac, is here, through
the absence of legible written records, almost entirely
wanting, so that it is in many cases absolutely imi)os-
sible to fix even an approximate date for historical
events of great importance. The attempts of authors
to attach some of these events, without sufficient data.

116

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

i
[

■■; '

to tliC Nn'uia chronology, have done much to compli-
cate the matter still further.

Tlie only author who has attempted to treat of the
subject of Central American civilization and antiquity
com[)rehensively as a whole is the Abbe Brasseur do
Bourbourg. The learned ahh6, liowever, with all his
research and undoubted knowledge of the subject, and
with his well-known enthusiasm and tact in antiquari-
an engineering, by wliich he is wont to level difficul-
ties, a[)parently insurmountable, to a grade which offers
no obstruction to his theoretical construction-trains,
has been forced to acknowledge nt many points liis
inability to construct a perfect whole from data so
mea<rre and conflicting. Such being the case, the fu-
tility nuist be apparent of attempting here any outline
of history v/hich may throw light on the institutions
of the sixteenth century. I must be content, for the
purposes of this cha})ter, with a mention of the civil-
ized nations found in ])ossession of the country, and a
brief statement of such prominent points in their past
as seem well-authenticated and important.

Closely enveloped in the dense forests of Chiapas,
Guatemala, Yucatan, and Honduras, the ruins of sev-
eral ancient cities have been discovered, which are far
superior in extent and magniticence to any seen in Aztec
territory, and of which a detailed descri[)tion may be
found in the fourth volume of this work. Most of these
cities were abandoned and more or less unknown at the
time of the concjuest. They bear hieroglyphic inscrip-
tions apparently identical in character; in other respects
they resemble each other more than they resemble the
Aztec ruins— or even other and apparently later works
in Guatemala and Honduras. All these remains bear
evident marks of great antiquity. Their existence
and similarity, in the absence of any evidence to the
contrary, would indicate the occupation of the whole
country at some remote [)eriod by nations far advanced
in civilization, and closely allied in manners and cus-
toms, if not in blood and language. Furthermore, the

THE ANCIENT MAYA EMPIRE.

117

traditions of several of the most advanced nations
point to a wide-spread civilization introduced among a
numerous and powerful people by Votan and Zamnd,
who, or their successors, built the cities referred to,
and founded great allied empires in Chiapas, Yucatan
and Guatemala; and moreover, the tradition is con-
firmed by the imiversality of one family of languages
or dialects spoken among the civilized nations, and
among their descendants to this day. I deem the
grounds sufficient, therefore, for accepting this Central
American civilization of the past as a fact, referring
it not to an extinct ancient race, but to the direct an-
cestors of the peoj)les still occupying the country with
the Spaniards, and applying to it the name Maya as
that of the lansruaije which has claims as strong as
any to be considered the mother tongue of the hn-
guistic family mentioned. As I have said before, the
phenomena of civilization in North America may be
accounted for witli tolerable consistency by the friction
and mixture of this Maya culture and people with the
Nahua element of the north; while that either, by
migrations northward or southward, can have been
the parent of the other within the traditionally his-
toric past, I regard as extremely improbable. That
the two elements were identical in their origin and
early development is by no means impossible; all that
we can safely presume is that within historic times
they have been practically distinct in th* ir workings.
There are also some rather vajjue trad!Lit)ns of the
first appearance of the Nahua civiliz;itit)ii in the re-
gions of Tabasco and Chiapas, of its growth, the grad-
ual establishment of a power rivalling that of the
po(>ple I call Mayas, and of a struggle by whicli the
Naluias were scattered in ditterent directions, chielly
northward, to rea})pear ]n history some centuries later
as the Toltecs of A* -i uac. While the ])ositive evi-
dence in favor of this migration from the south is very
meagre, it must be admitted that a southern origin of
the Nahua culture is far more consistent with fact and

118

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

tradition than was the north-western origin, so lo*^^
implicitly accepted. There aie no data by which to
fix the period of the original Maya empire, or its
downfall or breaking-up into rival factions by civil
and foreign wars. The cities of Yucatan, as is clearly
shown by Mr Stephens, were, many of them, occupied
by the descendants of the builders down to the con-
quest, and contain some remnants of wood-work still
in good preservation, although some of the structures
appear to be built on the ruins of others of a some-
what different type. Palenque and Copan, on tlie
contrary, have no traces of wood or other perishable
material, and were uninhabited and probably unknown
in the sixteenth century. The loss of the key to what
must have been an advanced system of hieroglyi)hics,
while the spoken language survived, is also an indica-
tion of great anticjuity, confirmed by the fact that the
Quichd structures of Guatemala differed materially
from those of the inore ancient epoch. It is not likely
that the Maya empire in its integrity continued later
than the third or fourth centurv, although its cities
may have been inhabited much later, and I should fix
the epoch of its highest i)ower at a date preceding
rather than following the Christian era. A Maya
manuscript fixes the date of the first appearance in
Yucatan of the Tutul Xius at 171 a. d. The Abbd
Brasseur therefore makes this the date of the Nahua
dispersion, believing, on apparently very slight found-
ation, the Tutul Xius to be one of the Nahua frag-
ments. With the breaking-up of this empire into
separate nations at an unknown date, the ancient his-
tory of Central America as a whole ceases, and down
to a period closely preceding the con<juest we have
oidy ati occasional event preserved in the traditions of
two o^ three nations.

Yucatan was occupied in the sixteeiith century by
the Mayas proper, all speaking the same language,
and living under practically the same institutions, re-
ligious and political. The chief divisions were the

MAYA NATIONS OF YUCATAN.

119

Cocomes, Tutul Xius, Itzas, and Cheles, which seem
to have been originally the designations of royal or
priestly families, rather than tribal names proper of
the peoples over whom they held sway. Each of
these had their origin-traditions of immigrating tribes
r. teachers who came in the distant past to seek new
homes, escape persecution, or introduce new religious
ideas, in the fertile Maya plains. Some of these
stranger apostles of new creeds are identified by au-
thors with Toltec missionaries or exiles from Anilhuac.
The evidence in favor of this identity in any particular
case is of course unsatisfactory, but that it was well-
four .lo. I i.i some cases is both probable,— connnercial
iiilo •(' Ki. having undoubtedly made the two peoples
miuuilly f.cquainted with each other, — and is sup-
ported by the presence of Nahua names of rulers and
priests, and of Nahua elements in the Yucatec religion,
the same remark applying to all Central America. The
ancient history of Yucatan is an account of the strug-
gles, alliances, and successive domination of the fac-
tions mentioned. To enumerate here, in outline even,
these successive changes so vaguely and confusedly re-
corded would be useless, especially as their institutions,
so far as can be known, were but sliglitly affected by
political changes .vmong people of the same blood,
language, and rel'-jjion.

The Cocomes vert traditionally the original Maya
rulers of the laud, ra' i the Tutul Xius first came into
notice in the & ci.;»j ( viury, the Itzas and Cheles ap-
pearing at a luitcOi i ter late. One of the most pros-
perous errts in the iult history of the peninsula of
Yucatan is represented to have followed the appear-
ance of Cuculcan, a mysterious stranger corresponding
closely in his teachings, as in the etymology of his
name, with the Toltec Quetzalcoatl. He liecame the
head of the Cocome dynasty at Mayapan, and ruled
the country o* did his successors after him in alliance
with the Ti'ir Xius at Uxmal, the Itzas at Chichen
Itza, and the ( i" '- ^ at 1 zamal. But later the Cocomes

190

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

!i ''3i

!i 1:

were overthrown, and Mayapan destroyed by a revo-
lution of the alUes. The Tutul Xius now became the
leading power, a position which they held down to
the time, not long before the conquest, when tlie coun-
try was divided by war and civil dissensions into nu-
merous petty domains, each ruled by i^,^ "hief and
independent of the rest, all in a weak and exhausted
condition coujpared with their former state, and un-
able to resist by united effort the progress of the
Spanish invaders whom individually they fought most
bravely. Three other comp iTtively recent events
of some importance in Yucat( • )ry may be no-

ticed. The Cocomes in the stru^ . preceding their
fall called in the aid of a large force of Xicalancas,
probably a Nahua i)eo})lo, from the Tabascan coast
region, who after their defeat were permitted by the
conquerors to settle in the country. A successful raid
by some foreign people, supposed with some reason to
be the Quiches from Guatemala, is reported to have
been made against the Mayas with, however, no im-
portant permanent results. Finally a portion of the
Itzas miufrated southward and settled in thd reiLfion of
Lake Peten, establishing their capital city on an island
in the lake. Here they were found, a powerful and
advanced nation, by Hernan Cortes in the sixteenth
century, and traces of their cities still remain, although
it must be noted that another and older class of ruins
are found in the same region, dating back perhaps to
a time when the glory of the Maya empire had not
wholly departed.

Chiapas, politically a part of the Mexican Republic,
but belonging geographically to Central America, was
occupied by the Chiapanecs, Tzendales, and Quelenes.
The Tzendales lived in the region about Palen(jue, and
were presumably the direct descendants of its builders,
their language having nearly an equal claim with the
Maya to be considered the mother tongue. The Chi-
apanecs of the interior were a warlike tribe, and had
before the coming of the Spaniards conquered the

CHIAPAS AND GUATEMALA.

121

•ublic,

other nations, forcing them to pay tribute, and suc-
cessfully resisting the attacks of the Aztec allies.
They also are a very old people, having been referred
even to the tribes that preceded the establishment of
Votan'si empire. Statements concerning their history
are immorous juid irreconcilable; they have some tra-
ditions of having como from the south; their linguistic
affinity with the Mayas is at least very slight. The
Quelenes or Zotziles, whose past is equally mysterious,
inhabited the southern or Guatemalan frontier.

Guatemala and northern Honduras were found in
possession of the Mames in the north-west, the Poco-
niams in the south-east, the Quiches in the interior,
and the Cakchiquels in the south. The two latter
were the most powerful and ruled the country from
their ca})itals of Utatlan and Patinamit, where they re-
sisted the Spaniards almost to the point of annihila-
tion, retiring for the most part after defeat to live by
the chase in the distant mountain gorges. Guatema-
lan history from the Votan empire down to an indefi-
nite date not many centuries before the conquest is a
blank. It recommences with the first traditions of
the nations just mentioned. Tiiese traditions, as in
the case of every American people, begin with the
immigration of foreign tribes into the country as the
first in tlic series of events leading to the establish-
ment of the Quiche-Cakchiquel empire. Assuming
the Toltec dispersion from Antihuac in the eleventh
century as a well-authenticated fact, most writers
have identified tlie Guatemalan nations, except per-
haps tlie Mames by some considered the descendants
of the original inhabitants, with the migrating Toltecs
who lied southward to fi)und a new empire. I have
already made known my scepticism resjjecting national
American migrations in general, and the Toltec migra-
tion southward in particular, and there is nothing in
the annals of Guaten»ala to modify the views previ-
ously expressed. The Quiche traditions are vague and
without chronologic order, nmch less definite than

122

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

those relating to the mythical ^ztec wanderings.
The sum and substance of the Quicho and Toltec
identity is the traditional statement that the former
people entered Guatemala at an unknown period in
the past, while the latter left Andhuac in the elev-
enth century. That the Toltecs should have mi-
grated en masse southward, taken possession of Gua-
temala, established a mighty empire, and yet have
abandoned their language for dialects of the origi-
nal Maya tongue is in the highest degree improb-
able. It is safer to suppose that the mass of the
Quichds and other nations of Guatemala, Chiapas,
and Honduras, were descended directly from the
Maya builders of Palenque, and from contemporary-
peoples. Yet the differences between the Quiche-
Cakchiquel structures, and the older architectural re-
mains of the Maya empire indicate a new era of Maya
culture, originated not unlikely by the introduction of
foreign elements. Moreover, the apparent identity in
name and teachings between the early civilizers of the
Quiche tradition and the Nahua followers of Quetzal-
coatl, together with reported resemblances between
actual Quichd and Aztec institutions as observed by
Europeans, indicate farther that the new element was
engrafted on Maya civilization by contact with the
Nahuas, a contact of which the presence of the exiled
Toltec nobility may have been a prominent feature.
After the overthrow of the original empire we may
suppose the people to have been subdivided during the
course of centuries by civil wars and sectarian strug-
gles into petty states, the glory of their former great-
ness vanished and partially forgotten, the spirit of
progress dormant, to be roused again by the presence
of the Nahua chiefs. These gathered and infused new
life into the scattered remnants; they introduced some
new institutions, and thus aided the ancient people to
rebuild their empire on the old foundations, retaining
the dialects of the original language.

In addition to the peoples thus far mentioned, there

NICAEAGUANS AND PIPILES.

123

were undoubtedly in Nicaragua, and probably in Sal-
vador, nations of nearly pure Aztec blood and language.
The former are known among different authors as Nic-
araguans, Niquirans, or Cholutecs, and they occupied
the coast between lake Nicaragua and the ocean, with
the lake islands. Their institutions, political and re-
ligious, were nearly the same as those of the Aztecs
of Aniihuac, and they have left abundant relics in the
form of idols and sepulchral deposits, but no archi-
tectural remains. These relics are moreover hardly
less abundant in the territory of the adjoining tribes,
nor do they differ essentially in their nature; hence we
must conclude that some other Nicaraguan peoples,
either by Aztec or other influence, were considerably
advanced in civilization. The Nahua tribes of Salva-
dor, the ancient Cuscatlan, were known as Pipiles, and
their culture appears, not to have been of a high order.
Both of these nations probably owe their existence to
a colony sent southward from Anahuac; but whether
in Aztec or pre- Aztec times, the native traditions, like
their interpretation by writers on the subject, are in-
extricably confused and at variance. For further de-
tails on the location of Central American nations I
refer to the statement of tribal boundaries at the end
of Chapter VII., Volume I., of this work.

I here close this general view of the subject, and if
it is in some respects unsatisfactory, I cannot believu
that a different method of treatment would have ren-
dered it less so. To have gone more into detail would
have tended to confuse rather than elucidate the mat-
ter in the reader's mind, unless with the sup})ort of
extensive quotations from ever-conflicting authorities,
which would have swollen this general view from a
chapter to a volume. As far as antiquity is concerned,
the most intricate element of the subject, 1 shall at-
tempt to present — if I cannot reconcile — all the im-
portant variations of opinion in another division of
this work.

124

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.

In the treatment of my subject, truth and ac-
curacy are tlie principal aim, and these are never
sacrificed to graphic style or glowing diction. As
much of interest is thrown into the recital as the au-
thorities justify, and no more. Often may be seen the
more striking characteristics of these nations dashed
off with a skill and brilliance equaled only by their
distance from the facts; disputed jioints and unplcas-
ing traits glossed over or thrown aside whenever they
interfere with style and effect. It is my sincere de-
sire, above all others, to present these people as they
were, not to make them as I would have them, nor to
romance at the expense of truth: nevertheless, it is
to be hoped that in the truth enough of interest will
remain to command the attention of the reader. My
treatment of the subject is essentially as follows: The
civilized peoples of North America naturally group
themselves in two great divisions, which for conveni-
ence may be called the Nahuas and the Mayas re-
spectively; the first representing the Aztec civilization
of Mexico, and the second the Maya-Quiche civiliza-
tion of Central America. In describing their man-
ners and customs, five large divisions may be made
of each group. The first may be said to include the
systems of government, the order of succession, the
ceremonies of election, coronation, and anointment,
the magnificence, power, and manner of life of their
kings; court forms and observances; the royal pal-
aces and gardens. The second comprises the social
system; the classes of nobles, gentry, plebeians and
slaves; taxation, tenure, and distribution of lands;
vassalage and feudal service; the inner life of the
people; their family and private relations, such as
marriage, divorce, and education of youth; other
matters, such as their dress, food, games, feasts and
dances, knowledge of medicine, and manner of burial.
The third division includes their system of war, their
relations with foreign powers, their warriors and orders
of knighthood, their treatment of prisoners of war and

ETYMOLOGY OF NAMES.

125

their weapons. The fourth division embraces their
system of trade and commerce, the community of
merchants, their sciences, arts, and manufactures.
The fifth and Ipst considers their judiciary, law-
courts, and legal officials. I append as more appro-
priately placed here than elsewhere, a note on the
etymological meaning and derivation, so far as known,
of the names of the Civilized Nations.

ETYMOLOGY OF NAMES.

AcoLlllTAS; — Possibly from coloa, 'to l)end,' meaning with the prefix
all, 'wftter-colhuas,' or 'people at the bend of the water.' Not from acolli,
'shoulder,' nor from colli, 'grandfather.' Bmchmann, Ortsiinmcii, jip. 8.'>, 89.
'Colon, enconiar, o entortar algo, o rodear yendo camino.' 'Acolli, onibro.*
'Culhnia, lleuar a otro por rodeos a alguna parte.' Molina, Vocubulnrio.
Colli, 'grand-father,' plural rolhvan. Colhvacan, or Culiacan, may then
mean 'the land of our ancestors. ' Gallatin, in Amcr. Ethno. Soc, Transact.,
vol. i., pp. 204-5. 'El nombre de aculhuas, o scguii la ortografia nicxica-
na, aciilhuaquc, en plural, y no acidlmacancs, ni aciilhtics.' Dire. Univ.,
toni. i., p. 39. 'Col, chose courbe, faisant coloa, colun, ou riilhiia, noni ap-
plique plus tard dans le sens d'ancfitre, parce que du Colhuacun priniitif,
des ilcs dc la Courbe, vinrent les emigres qui civilisJjrent les habitants de la
vullee d'Anahuac' Brasscur tie Bourboiirrf, Qiiatrc Lcttrcs, p. 407. 'Col-
hua, ou culhua, ctiliia, de coltic, chose courbee. De la 1l i.om de la cite de
Collniacan, qu'on traduit indiffercmment, ville dc la courbe, dc choscs
recourses (des serpents), et aussi des aicux, de colfziii, ai'eul.' Id., Popol
Vuh, p. xxix.

Aztecs;— From Aztlan, the name of their ancient home, from a root
Aztli, which is lost. It has no connection with azcatl, 'ant,' but may have
sonic reference to iztac, 'white.' Buschmann, Ortsnamcn, pp. 5-6. 'De
Aztlan se dcriva el iiacional Aztccatl.' Pimentcl, Cnadro, tom. i., p. 158.
'Az, priniitif tVazcatl, fourmi, est le mot qui designe, a la fois, d'une nia-
nifcie gciidiale, la vapour, le gaz, ou toute chose legere, comiiic le vent ou
la pluie; c'est I'aile, aztli qui designe aussi la vapeuv, c'est le hdron dans
aztatl. II se vetrouve, avec une legfcre variaiite, dans le mot nahuatl com-
pose, tcni-az-calli, bain de vapour, dans cz-tli, le sang ou la lave; dans les
voLUibles quiches atz, bouflee du fumee, epnuvantail, feu-foUet. . . .Ainsi les
fuiiriiiis de la tradition haiticnne, uomnie de la tradition mexicaine, sont
h la fois des images des feux intcrieurs dc la terrc et de Icurs cxhalaisoiis,
contnie du travail des mines et dc ragiirulturc. Du iii6me iiriinitif az vient
Aztlan "'e Payssur ou dans le gaz, az-tan, az-dan, la terrc sfeclie, soulevuo
par les gaz ou rcmplic de vapcurs." ' Brasscur de Bourbourg, Quatre Let-
trc.1, p. 311.

Ch ALCA.S; — ' II nomc Chalcho vale, Nella gemma. II P. Acosta dice, die
CArt/co vuol dire. Nolle bocche.' Claviffcro, StoriaAnt. del Mcsstco, tom. ii,
p. 253. Buschmann believes Acosta'a definition 'in the mouths' to be morr

126

F'^YMOLOGY OF NAMES.

correct. Orlanamen, p. 83. 'Chalrn, Cc qui est lo colcairo; c'est rexamcn
do tniiB IcH vocables mcxicains, coiiinienfant en chal, qui ni'a fait ilucim-
vrir le «enH exact do ce mot; il se trouve surtout dan chal-chi-huitl, le jade,
1itt(irnlenient t-e qui ewt sorti du fond du calcaire.' Braaseur de Bourbourg,
Quntrc Lcttrcs, pji. 401, 4()fl.

CIIELE.S;— 'Le Chcl dans la langiic niayacst uno espice d'oiseaux par-
ticulicra k cettc centric.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii.,
p. 19.

CniAl'ANECS;— CAia;>n«, 'locality of the cht'a' (oil-seed). Buachmann,
Ortsnainni, p. 187. 'Chiapatu^qur, du nuhuatl c/iiapnnceat/, c'cHt-f»-diro
honiinc de la rivii;re Chiapan (eau douce), n'est pas Ic nom veritable de ce
pcuplc; c'est celui que lui donn^rent les Mcxicains.' Brasseurdc Bourbourg,
Iliat. Nat. Civ., toni. ii., p. 87.

CmoiliMECS; — ^Chichi, perro, o pcrra.' Molina, Vocabulario. Chichi,
'dog;' perhaps as inhabitants of Chichiinccan, 'jtlacc of dogs.' Mccutl may
moan 'line,' 'row,' 'race,' and Chichiimcatl, therefore 'one of the race of
dogs.' Bmchmann, Orlsnamen, pp. 79, 81. 'Chichimfeque vcut dire, Ji pro-
prenient parlor, liomme sauvage Ce mot ddsigne des honinies qui man-
gent de la viande crue et sucent le sang des animaux; car chichiliztli veut
dire, en mcxicain, succr; chichinaliztli, la chose que Ton suce, et Chichi-

hunlli, manioUe Toutes les autres nations les redoutaient ct lour don-

naient le nom de Succurs, en mexicain, ' Chichimccatechinani. ' Les Mcxi-
cains nommcnt aussi les chiens chichime, parce qu'ils Ibchcnt le sang des
animaux ct le sucent.' Camargo, Hist. Tlaxcallan,inNoHvellcsAniiales des
Voy., 1843, torn, xcviii., p. 140. ' Teuchichimccas, que quiere dccir del todo
barbados, que por otro nonibre se dccian Cacachimccas, 6 sea hombres sil-
vestres.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 110. ' Chiehimec ou chichimetl,
siiceur de maguey, et de la les Chichimbques.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., toni. i., pp. 171, 56. Other derivations arc from Chichcn, a city
of Yucatan, and from chiehiltic 'red,' referring to the color of all Indians.

Id., Popol Vuh, p. Ixiii. 'Chi scion Vetaucourt, c'est une preposition,

exprimant cc qui est tout en bas, au plus profond, comme aco signifie ce

qui est au plus haut Chichi est un petit chien (chi-cn), de ceux qu'on

appcUc de Chihuahua, qui se crcusent des tanibrcs souterraines Chichi

dnouce tout ce qui est amer, aigre ou Acre, tout ce qui fait tache: il a le
sens de sneer, d'absorbcr; c'est la salivc, c'est le poumon et la niamcllc. Si

maintenant j'ajoute me, primitif de inetl, alofcs, chose courbce, vous au-

roz Chichime, choscs courbes, tortueuses, sufantes, absorbantes, ambres,
&crcs ou acidcs, se cachant, comme les pctits chiens terriers, sous le sol

oil elles se concentrent, commcs des poumons ou des mamcUes Or, puis-

qu'il est acquis, d'aprfes ccs peintures et ces explications, que tout cela doit
s'appliquer h une puissance tcllurique, errante, d'ordinaire, comme les popu-
lations nomades, auxquelles on attacha le nom de Chiehimeca.^ Id., Quatre
Lettres, pp. 111-12.

Cholultecs;— From choloa, meaning 'to spring,' 'to run,' 'to flee,' or
'place where water springs up,' 'place of flight,' or 'fugitives.' Buschmann,
Ortsnamcn, p. 100. 'C'est du lieu d'oii ils (itaient sortis primitiveraent, ou
plutOt k cause de leur quality actuelle d'exil^s, qu'ils prireut eusuite le nom

CIVILIZED NATIONS.

127

flee,' or
rnann,
cnt, on
le nom

de Choluteeaa.' ' Cholulccas, tniciix Cholitltecas, c'eat-k-dire, Exilds, ct
aum, Habitants de Cholullan.' Jirasscur de Bourbovrg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
toiii. ii., p. 79.

CuONTAi-ES;— 'CTAo«te/W, estrnngci'o o forostcro.' Molina, Vocahulario:
Ovuzco y Jicrra, Gcogrn/ia, p. 21; liuschmann, Ortsnamcn, p. 133; Brasscur
de liourbourg. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 47.

CocOMES; — 'Cocotn signific vcoiitcur, croyunt.' Landa, Bel. de las Cosas
de Yucatan, p, 39. 'Cocom est un noni d'oiigine iiuliimtl ; il est le pliiricl do

cohnntl, serpent Dans la languc niaya, le mot cocom a lu signilication

d'dcoutciir, celui qui entend; cctte <itymologie nous parutt plus rationnclle
que la preniifcre.' Brasscur dc Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., toni. i., p. 78.

Coiii'ixcAS;— Ayala translates the name of their province Cuixca, 'ticr-
ra de lagur'ijas.' Orozco y Bcrra, Gcografia, p. 48.

CuiTL/HUACS; — 'Cuitlatl, cxcremeuto, y gendricamente cosa sucia.'
Orozco y Jicrra, Geogrofia, p. 47. 'Cuitlahuae, Dans celui qiii a Ics Ex-
crdmcnts, de cuitlatl, excrtSment, dujcction dc I'hommc ou de I'animal, niaia
que le chroniste mexicain applique ici aux dtijcctions du volcan voisin do

la Grande-Hasc de 1^ le nom dc tco-cuitlatl, cxcrdnients divins, donn^

aux mutaux prdcieux, Tor avec I'adjectif jaune, I'argent avec I'adjcctif
blanc' Brasscur de Bourbourg, Quatrc Lettres, p. 407. Cuitlatlan, 'local-
ity of dirt.* Buschmann, Ortsnamcn, p. 15. 'Cuitlatl, niierda.' Molina,
Vocahulario. The name of the Cuitlatecs seems to have no separate ety-
niological meaning.

CuLHUAS; — See Acolhuas. The two people are not supposed to have
been the same, but it is probable that they are identical in the derivation
of their names.

HuASTECS; — 'Huaxtlan es una palabra mexicana que significa, "dondo
hay, 6 abunda el huaxi," fruto muy conocido en Mdxico con el nombrc cas*
tellanizado de guaje. CompiSnese aquella palabra de huaxin, perdiendo t» por
contrnccion, muy usada en mexicano al componersc las palabras, y de tlan,
particulaquc significa "donde hay, 6 abunda algo," y que sirve para formar
colectivos. Dc huaxtlan es de donde, segun parcce, viene el nombre genti-
licio huaxtecatl, que los csimfiolcs convirtieron en huaxteca 6 huaxteco.^ Pi-
mentcl, Cuadro, tom. i., pp. 5-6; Buschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 12-13. 'El

que es inhdbil 6 tosco, le llanian cuextecatl.' From the name of their

ruler, who took too much wine. ' Asi jwr injuria, y como alocado, le llama-
ban de Cuextccatl.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 134-5, 143-4.

HuEXOTZiNCAS; — Diminutive of hucxotla, 'willow-forest.' Buschmann,
Ortsnamcn, p. 100.

Itzas ;— From the name of Zamnd, the first Yucatan civilizer. ' Le llama-
ban tanibicn Ytzamni, y le adoraban por Dios.' Cogolludo, Hist, de Yuca-
than, p. 196. 'Itzmat-ul, que quiere dezir el quo recibe y jiosee la gracia,
6 rozio, 6 sustancia del cielo.' ' Ytzen caan, ytzcn muyal, que era dezir yo
soy el rozio 6 sustancia del cielo y huIkss.' Lizana, in Landa, Bel. de laa
Cosas de Yucatan, p. 356. 'Suivant Ordoilez, le mot itza est compost de
itz, doux, et de hd, eau.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii.,
p. 15.

Malimalcas;— '.Afd^tna, nitla, torccr cordel encima del muslo.' 'Ma-

128

ETYMOLOGY OF NAMES.

linqui, com torcida.' Afolina, Vocabulario. ' Malinal etX Ic nom commun
dc III lianc, ou dcs cordcs torducM.' 'Malina, tordro, qui fuit nialitial, liaiie
oil cunlc. Ou bicn plus littdrulcincnt dc cho.sca tournecs, pcrcec ti jour, do
iHul, itrhuitif dc mamali, iMsrccr, tiiraudcr, et dc iial, dc purt cii purt, tout
uutour.' lirasscnr tU Ihurbourg, Qmitre Lctlirs, pp. -lOT-S.

Mames; — 'El vcrdudcru iionibrc dc In Iciij^a y dc lu tribu c» mem, que
quicrc dccir turtnuiudus porquo los pueblos que primcro les oycruu hublur,
vucoutrnron scmcjanza cntro los tardos \m,m pronuni'iur, y lit niuueru con
quo uquello.-4 dcciun su lcu;;uu.' Orozco y Derra, Gcognifia, p. 24. 'A csta
lcn;,'uii lliinian Maine, 4 indios mamcs A lus do CHtu sicrru, purqiic ordinari-
niucntc hubluu y rcspoudcn con esta palubni man, que quicic dutir padre'
RaynoHo, in Pimentcl, Cuailro, toiii. i., pp. 83-4. 'Mciu vcut dire bbjjue et
iiiuct. ' ' " Mem, " mal h prupoa diitigurd dans Manic par les Espa^nols, ttcrvit
depuis {'(intirnlcmcnt h du8i<;ner lea nations qui conservl-rcnt leur uncienne
lungue et dcnicurbrcnt plus ou moins indiipcndcntcs dv./i envuliiMHeurs t^-trun-
yers.' Mam 'vcut dire ancicn, veillard.' lirasseurdc liouiboiirrj, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. ii., p. 110. Mam sometimes means grand-son. Jd., I'opol Viih,
p. 41.

M.\TLAi.TZiNCAS; — 'El uombrc Mallalcincatl, tom6so dc MatlatI que es
la red con la cual dcs<,'ranal)an el maiz, y liacian otrus cusas. . . .Tanibien so
llarnun Mutlntzittcas dc liondas que se diccn tlcmatlatc, y asi Mutlutzinvaa
por otra iiiter]>rctai-iun quicrc decir, honderos 6 foiidiljuhirius; ]iorquc los
diclios MatlotsiHcas cuundo mucbnclios, usabau muuiio truer lu8 brjiidas, y
dc ordinario las truian consigo, como los Chichinwcus sus arcos, y sicnipre
anduban tirundo eon cllas. Tunibien les llanmbun del nonibre dc red i)or
otra razon que es la nius principal, porquc cuando ii su idnlo ^acrilicabau
algunu persona, Ic ccliaban deiitru en una red, y ulli le retorciun y cstruja-
bau con la diclia red, hasta <iuc Ic liacian cellar los iiitcstinos. La causa
de lluniarsc coatl (Uainircz dice que "del)e Iccrsc cuaitl (cnliczu). Coatl sig-
iiifica culcbra," cuando es uiio, y qiiaqiiatas cuando son mucbos cs, porquo
siempre traian la cabeza ceuida con la lionda; por lo cual el voiiiblo se decia
qiia por abrcviatura, (iiie quicrc decir quaitl que cs la culieza, yta que quicre
decir tainatlatl (^lolina says 'Honda para tirar cs teinatlatl, tlalcinutlaui-
loni') ques es la lionda, y asi quicrc dccir, qiiatlatl liombrc que trae la lion-
da en la cabeza por guirnalda: tanibien se intcrprcta dc otra mancra, quo
quicrc dccir lioinbrc de eul)cza dc piedia.' Sahagiin, Hist. Gen., torn, iii.,
lib. X., p. l'2S,.and Orozco y Bcrra, Gcografia, jip. 29-30. ' Mutlatzinia,
dar palniadas.' ' Matlatepito, red pcqucna.' Molina, Vocabulario. From
matlatl, 'net,' incaniiig tlierefore 'small place of nets.' Busehmann, Oris-
namen, p. 13. 'De Matlatl, le filet, les maillcs.' Brasscur de Bourboiirg,
Quatrc Lcttrcs, p. 408. 'Matlatzinco es una palabra mexicana (jue significa
"lugarcito dc las redes," pues sc compone dc matlat, red, y la particula
tzineo que cxpresa diminuciun. Fdcilmentc se comprciide, pues, que w»o-
tlatzinca viene dc matlatzinco, y que la etimologia exige <iue est as palabms
Bc cscriban con c (mcjor k) y no con g como hacen algunos uutorcs,' Pimen-
tel, Citadro, tom. i., p. 500.

Mayasj— ' "Mai," une divinit«S ou un pcraonnagc des temps antiques, sans
doute celui k Foccasion duquel lo pays fut appele Maya.' Brasscur de Bour-

CIVILIZED NATIONS,

129

honrg, in Landn, Rd. de lu» Cosns tie Yucatan, p. 42. 'Mayn ou Mma,
noin niitiqiic «l'une jxirtio dii Yiii-atun, parutt Hijfiiillcr ansM la tcrrc.' Ji',,
|), Ixx. 'Miiayhh, non ndcst nqua, Niiiviuit Onlofioz, t'cHt-h-diro, Tt'irt! mum
enu.' Iff., Hint. Nnt. Civ., toiii. i., p. 7(J. Thi' ti'rriiinations a and o of this
nunic arc .SiMinish. Pimcutrl, Ciimlro. toni. ii., p. 3!i.

M[/.(iyiiAH;—Wfizqtiitl, nrh(d de ^'ixuii pnrutinta.' .}foliiin, Vocahulario.
Mizijuitl, II tree yieldin;; the jmre gum uruliic, .i HiK'i-ien of uciieiii. liu-ich'
maim, Ortniiameii, \y 104.

MlZTECS;— 'La luilabrn mexienna Mlrtrratl, e« nonibrc nacinnal, dcriva-
do de mixtlan, liijfar de niilics o nebiiloMo, oonipiieHto de tiiixtli, n\\\m, y de
la terniinaeion //««.' Pimcutrl, Ciinifro, toiu. i., p. 39. Mixlluit, 'jilace of
<'l<iudn.' Bmchmann, Ortsnamcii, p. 18. ' Mixternimn . . . .\wyn des brouil-
lards.' Brnimeur th Bourbourg, Hist. Nnt. Civ., toni. i., p. 146.

Naiitas; -'TodoH loH quo lialilan cinro la Icngua niexiraua que len lla>
man nahOns, son desfeudieutoH de los Tultecas.' Siihaguii, Hint. Gen., tom.
iii., lib. X., p. 114. ' Nahontl 6 nahuatl, segnu el diccionario de Molina, sig-
nifica rona que siicna liicii, de modo (jue viene ii ser un adjetivo que aplicado ul
Hustantivo idiomn, creo (jue puede tra<lucirse por armoniom.' J'imcntcl, Ciia-
dro, tom. i., p. loS. Something of fine, or clear, or loud sound; nahuatlato
means an interpreter; nahiinti, to speak loud; na/iuatia, to comnuind.
The name ha.s no connection whatever with Andhuac. Busrhmanii, OrtnuU'
mm, p 7-8. 'Molina le traduit par Ladiiio, instniit, expert, civilise, et
lui d lussi un sens qui se rapporte aux sciences occultcs. Ou n'en

trom toutefois, la racinc dans Ic mexicain. La ianguc quiuhi^c en

donne unc explication parfaite: il vient du verbe Nao ou Naw, eonnattre,
sentir, savoir, penser; Tin nao, je sais; Naoh, sagesse, intelligence. II y u
encore le verl)e radical Na, sentir, soupponner. Lc mot Nahiial dans son
sens primitif et veritable, signific done litteralcmcnt "qui sait tout;" c'est
la mCme chose absolument que le mot anglais Know-all, avec lequci il a
tant d'identit<S. Le Quichd et le Cakchiquel I'emploient frequemment aussi
dans le sens de my8t«5rieux, extraordinaire, merveilleux.' Branscur de Bout-
honrg. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., pp. 101-2, 194.

NoNOiiUALCAS; — The Tutul-Xius, chiefs of a Nahuatl liouse in Tulan,
seem to have borne the name of Nonoual, which nmy have given rise to
Nonohualco or Onohualco. 'Nonoual no serait-il pas une alteration de
Nanaual on Nanahuatl?' Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Landa, Jlcl. de las
Cosas de Yucatan, p. 420.

Olmecs; — Olmecatl was the name of their first traditionary leader. Bras-
scur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 152. Olmecatl may mean an
inhabitant of the town of Olman; but as viecatl is also used for 'slioot,'
'offspring,' 'branch,' the word probably comes from olli, and means 'jjeop'e
of the gum.' Buschmanu, Ortsnamcn, p. 10.

OTOMfS; — 'El vocablo Otoniitl, que es el nombre de los Otomies, tomd-
ronlo dc su caudillo, el cual se llanmlui Oton.^ Sahagiin, Hist. Gen., tom. iii.,
lib. X., p. 122. Not a native word, but Mexican, derived perhaps from otli,
'road,' and tomitl, 'animal hair,' referring possibly to some peculiar mode
of wearing the hair. Bmchmann, Ortsnamcn, pp. 18-19. 'Otho en la mis-
ma lengua othomi quierc decir nada, y mi, quieto, 6 seutado, de manera quo
Vol. II. 8

130

ETYMOLOGY OF NAMES.

traducida literalmcntc la paluhra, significa nada-quicto, cuya idea pudi^ra-
inos cxprcsar diciciido pcregrino 6 crretntc/ Pimcntel, Cuadro, torn, i., p.
118; Niixcra, Discrktcion, p. 4. 'Son Etymologic mexicainc, Otoinitl, sig-
nifie la flfeche d'Otoii.' Jirasscur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i.,
p. 158.

PiriLES;~A reduplication of pilli, which has two meanings, 'noble' and
'child,' the latter being generally regarded aa its meaning in the tribal
name. Buschinann, Ortsnamcti, pp. 137-8. So called Injcause they spoke
tlic Mexican language with a childish pronunciation. Juurros' Hist. Guat.,
p. 224.

PoKOMAMS; — ' Pokom, dont la racine pok d(isignc une sorte de tuf blanc

et sablonneux La termination om est ur participe present. De Pokom

vient Ic noni de Pokomani et de Pokomchi, qui fut donnd h ces tribns de la
qualit<i du sol oil ils biltirent leur ville.' Brasseurde Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., toni. ii., p. 122.

Quiches; — 'La palabra quichd, kicM, 6 quitsc, significa murhos drbolos.'
Pimcntel, Cuadro, torn, ii., p. 124. 'De qui Iteaucoup, plusicurs, ct de che,
arbre; on de qucchc, quechelah, qechelah, la foret.' Ximcnez, in Brasscur
dc Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. cclxv.

Tarascos;— 'Tarasco viene de tarhascuc, que cu la longu:'. do Michoacan
significa sucgro, 6 ycrno segun dice el P. Lagunas en su Grannltica.' Pitucn-
tcl, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 273. 'Tarns en la lengua niexicanasedice Mixvoatl,
que era el dios de los Chichimecas.^ Sahagun, Hist. Gcii., torn, iii., lib. \., p.
138. 'A quienes dieron el nombre de tarascos, por el sonido que les hacian
las partes genitalcs en los niuslos al andar.' Vcytia, Hist. Ant. Mtj., tom.
ii., p. lOo; Brasscur de Bourbourg, Hist, dcs Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 57.

TkpanecS;— Tr^an, 'stony place,' from tetl, or tccpan, 'royal palace.'
Buschinann, Ortsnamcn, p. 92. 'Tecpantlan signi* r? auprbs dcs jmlais.'
Brasscur dc Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. ex. 'Cailloux roulcs sur la rochc,
te-pa-nc-ca, litteralemcnt ce qui est mel6 ensemble sur la picrre; «>u bien tc-
pan-c-ca, c'est-fi-dire avec des petites pierrcs sur la roche ou le solide, e, pour
etl, le haricot, frijol, dtant pris souvent dans le sens d'une petite pierrc sur
une surface, etc' Id., Quatre Lettrcs, p. 408.

Tlahuicas;— From tlahuitl, 'cinnabar,' from this mineral Iwing plenti-
ful in their country. Buschmann, Ortsnamcn, p. 93. Tlahuilli, 'poudres
brillantes.' Brasscur de Bourbourg, Quatre Lcttres, p. 422. 'Tlauia, alum-
brar a otros con candela o hacha.' Molina, Vocabulario.

Tlapanecs; — 'Y lldmanlos tambien tiapanccus que quiere decir horn-
brcs almagrados, porque se cmbijaban con color.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn,
iii., lib. x., p. 135. From tlafpantli, 'ground;' may also come from llalli,
'land.' Buschmann, Ortsnamcn, p. 102. Tlapallan, 'terre colorde.' Bras-
scur dc Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. Ixiii. Tla, 'feu.' /f/., Quatre Lettrcs, p. 416.
'Tlapani, qucbrarse algo, o el tintorero que tiiie pafios.' Molina, Vocabula-
rio. Probably a synonym o' Yoppi, q. v Orozco y Bcrra, Gcografia, pp,
26-7.

TlascaltecS; — ' Tlaxcalli, tortillas de mayz, o pan gencralmcnte.' Moli-
na, Vocabulario. Tlaxcalli, 'place of bread or tortillas,' the post participle
of ixca, 'to bake or broil.' Buschmann, Ortsnamcn, p. 93.

CIVILIZED NATIONS.

131

TOLTZC";—'Tollecayotl, macstria de arte mceanica. Toltccatl, officiul
de arte mecanica. Toltecauia, fabricar o Iiazcr algo el maestro.' Molina,
Vocabtdario. 'Los tultccas todo.s se nonibraljan chichimecas, y no teiii-
an otro nombrc particular sino cstc que toniaron de la ciiriosidad, y primor
de las obras que hacian, que se llaiiiaron oltras tiiitccrts 6 sea como si dige-
semos, oficiales pulidos y curiosos como aliora loa de Flandes, y con razon,
porque eran sutiles y primorosos en cuanto cllos (Ktnian la mano, que todo
cramny bueno.' Sa/uttjun, Hist. Gen., toni. iii., lib. x., p. 107. Toltecs, 'peo-
ple of Tollan.' Tollan, 'place of willows or reeds,' from tolin, 'willow, reed.'
Bitschmann, Orlsnamcn, p. 7C. ' Toltecall etait le titrc qu'on donnait Ji un
artiste habile.' Brasscttr de Bourboiiry, Hist. Nat. Civ., toni. i., p. 194.

Tollan: 'Ellc est frappante par I'identite qn'elle pr(5sente avec Ic nom

de Mcfztli ou le Croissant. En effct, ce qn'elle c.xprinie, d'ordinaire, c'est
I'idee d'un "pays recourbe" ou inelino. Sa premifcre syllabe tol, primitif
de toloa, "abaxar, inclinarlacalwca," dit Molina, "entortar, encorvar," dit-
il aillcurs, signific done bais.ser, incliuer la tCte, se tortuer, courbcr, ce qui,
avec la particulc locale Ian |>our tlaii ou fan, la tcrre, I'cndroit, announce
une terre ou xm pays recourW, sens exact du mot tollan. Du m6mc verbc
vifcnt tollin, le jonc, le roseau, dont la tCtc s'inoline rai moindre vent; de Ml,
le sens de Jonquiferc, de linmti, que pent prendre tollnn, dont la hicroglyplie
represcnte pr«5cisement le son et la chose, ct qui parait cxjjrimer doublcment
I'idee de cctte terre fameusc de la Courlie ou du Croissant, basse et maruca-

geuse en beancoup d'en droits suivant la tradition Dans sa (the word toloa)

signification active, Molina le traduit par "tragar," avaler, cngloutir, ce
qui donne alors pour tollan, le sens de tcrre cngloiitie, abtmee, qui, comme
vous le voycz, convient on ne pen' mieux dans Ic cas present. jMais si tol-
lan est la terre engloutie, si c'est en mtfine temps le pays do la Courlx;,
Metztli ou le Croiss:.!' -, ces deu.v nomri, reuiarqucz-lo, pcuvent s'appliquer
aussi bicn au lieu oi; il a 6tA cnglonti, h I't-au qui se courbait le long dea ri-
vages du Croissant, soit Ji rinterienr des grandcs golfes du nonl et du midi,
Koit au rivage convexo, toumu comme le gcnou de la jan<l>c, vera I'Orient.
C'est ainsi qu'on retronvo ridcntification continuclle de Tidt^e niillo uvec
I'ldt'c femcUe, dn (ionteuu et du contenant, de tollan, le pays englouti, avec
tollnn, roceau engloutisscur, de I'eau qui est contenuc et des continents qui
renserrent dans Icurs limites. Ajoutons, pour completer cettc analyse, quo
tol, dans la langue quichce, est un verbe, dont lolan est Ic passe, et qu'ainsi
que tnlan il signific I'abandon, la nuditi^, cit-. Do tol, faitcs tor, dans laiue-
nie langue, ct vo»is aurez avec toran, ce qui est tourne ou retourn«5, conimc en
mcxicain, de mi^nic que <lans turan (touran) vous trouvercz ce qui a «5td ren-
versd, boulcverse dc fond en eonible, noye sous Ics eaux, etc. Dans la lan-
gue niaya, tnl signific rcmplir, coniblcr, et an, coninic en qui(h«5, est le jjasse
du vcrlw: niais si h. tnl on ajoutc ha ou a, I'eau, nousavons Tnlha ou Tula,
rcmpli, submerge d'eau. En dcmiferc analyse, tol ou tul paraft avoir pour
I'originc ol, ul, couler, vcnir, suivant le quiihd encore; primitif d'olli, ou
bicn d'l/Wi, en langue nahuatl, la goumic clastiiiuc liquidc, la lioule noire du
jeu de paume, qui duvicnt lo hiL^roglyplic de I'eau, reniplissant les dtux
golfes. Le priSfixc t pour ti scrait une prejiosition; faisant to, il signific
Torbite de I'ltil, en quich(S, image dc I'abtnic que la boulc noire romplit com-

132

ETYMOLOGY OF NAMES.

me sa prunelle, co dont voiis pouvcz vous assurer dnns la figure de lu page
auivaiite; to est, en outre, I'aide, riiistrnineiit, deveiiaiit tool; inais eu iiiexi-
cain, t», prhnitif de ton, est la chalcur dc I'eau Itouilluiite. Tol, coiitractti de
to-ol, jmurrait done avoir signifitS "le liquidc Iwuillant," ou la venue de la
chaleur bouillante, de renibrascnicnt. Avee terM, etendre, le mot entier tol-
teca, nous aurions done, «^tcndre le courbu, etc., et tol-teeatl, le toltbque,
serait cc qui dtcnd le courlte ou I'englouti, ou bicn I'cau liuuillante, etc. Ces
etymologies rcntrent done toutes dans la nienie \d6e <iui, sous bicn des rap-
ports, fait dcs Tolteques, uue des puissances telluriques, destructrices de la
tcrre '.u Croissant.' Id., Qiiatrc Lettrcs, pp. 118-20.

ToTONACS; — From tototl and nacatl, 'bird-flesb;' or from tona, 'to be
wann.' liuschmanH, Ortsnamcn, p. 13. 'Tototiaco significa & la Ictra, tres
corazones eu iiu sentido, y tres i)analcscn otro,' from totp, 'tbrce,' and naco,
'heart,' in the Totonac language. Domingucz, in Pimentcl, Citadro, tom. i.,
pp. 22C-7. 'Totoiial, el signo, en que alguuo nasce, o el alniii y espiritu.'
Molina, Vorabnlario.

TlTUL-Xll'S;— 'Le nom des Tutul-Xiu paruft d'origine nahuatl; il serait
d(5rive de toiol, tototl, oiseau, et de xiuitl, ou xi/iuitl, herltc.' lirasscur de
Bourbourg, in Landn, Rcl. dc las Cosas dc Yucatan, p. 47.

Xr'ALANCAS; — ' Xicalli, vaso de calabafa.' Molina, Vocabulario. Xi-
calli, 'place of this si^eciesof calabash o' drinking-shell.' iiu -hmann, Orts-
namcn, p. 17. 'Xicalanco, la Ville des courges ou des tasses faitcs de la
courge et appelce Xicalli dans ces contrecs, et dont Ics Espagnols ont fait
Xicara.' lirasscur dc Bourbourg, Hist. Xat. dr., tom. i., i>. 110.

XocillMlLCAS; — From xoc/titl, 'flower,' and milli, 'piece of hind,' mean-
ing 'place of flower-fields.' Buschmann, Ortsnamcn, p. 94. 'Xochimicque
captiuos en guerra.' Molina, Vocabulario. 'Xorhiniilca, habitants de Xo-
chimilco, lieu oil Ton sfcme tout on has de la Base, nom de la terre v»5g«S-
tale et fertile oil Ton enscmcn^-ait, wt'//, qu'oii rctourne, d'oii le mot mil ou
milli, champ, terre ensemcnctJe, et sans (h)utc aussi le latin milium, notro
mil et millet.^ 'J'ajouterai seulcmcnt que ce nom sigiiifie dans le langugo
ordinaire, ceux qui cultivcnt de fleiirs, do xuchM, fleur, littcralcmcnt, cc qui
vit sous la Imse.' Brasscur de Bourbourg, Quatrc Lcttns, pp. 406-8.

Voppi; — 'Lhimanles yopcs jMiniue su tiorra sc llama Yopinsinco.' Saha-

gun. Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. .\., p. 13.5. 'Inferimos que yoiMj, yojii, jope,

scguii scencuentra escrita i.i palabru en vurios lugarcs, es sinonimo de tlapa-
neca.' Oroscoy Bcrra, Gcografia, pp. 2G-7. Yopaa, 'Laud of Tombs.' Bras-
scur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Cii\, tom. iii., p. 9.

Zapotecs; — 'I'za/mtl, cicrta fruta coiiocida.' Molina, Vocabulario. Tza-
potlan, 'place of the zai)otes, trees or fruits.' Buschmann, Ortsnamcn, p. 16.
'Derivadode hi pahibra mc.\icuna tzajmtlan, que significa "lugar dc los zajyo-
tes," nombre castcllaiiizudo de una fruta niuy conocida.' Pimentcl, Cuat'ro,
tom. i., p. 319. ' Zajmtrcapan est le nom que les Me.xicains avaicnt donnd
\i cette contree, h, cause de la (piantite ct de la qualite su|)erieure de ses fruiti'.
Brasscur dc Bourbourg, Hist. Xat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 38.

Z0TZILE.S; — '/otzil, murc'i61ago.' Pimentcl, C'uadro, torn, ii., p. 245.
Zotzillm 'signifie la ville dcs Chauves-Souris.' Brasscur dc Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 88.

CHAPTER TIL

GOVERNMENT OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

System of Govkkxmext -The Aztec Confedeuacy— Order of Suc-
cession— Klkction OF KfXGS AMONG THE MEXICANS— ROYAL PRE-
ROGATIVES— GOVERNMENT- ANI> Laws of Succession among the
ToLTEcs and in Miciioacan, Tlascala, Cholula, Hlexotzinco,
and OAuAca— Magnificence of the Nahi;a Monakchs — Cere-
mony OF Anointment— Ascent to the Temi'LE— The Holy I'nc-
TioN— Address of the High-Priest to the Kino— Penance and
Fasting in the House called Tlacatecco- Homage of the No-
bles-General Rejoicing throughout the Kingdom— Ceremony
OF Coronation— The Procuring of Sacrifices— Description of
the Crown— Coronations, Feasts, and Entertainments— Hospi-
tality EXTENDED TO ENEMIES — CORONATION-SPEECH OF NEZAHUAL-

pilli, King of Tezcuco, to Montezuma II. of Mexico — Oration

OF A NOULE to a NEWLV ELECTED KiNG.

The prevailing form of government among the civ-
ilized nations of Mexico and Central America was
monarchical and nearly absolute, although some of the
smaller and less powerful states, as for instance, Tlas-
cala, affected an aristocratic republican system. The
three great confederated states of ^lexico, Tezcuco, and
Tlacopan were each governed by a king, who had su-
l)reme authority in his own dominion, and in matters
touching it alone. Where, however, the welfare of
the whole allied comnumity was involved, no one king
could act without the concurrence of the others ; never-
theless, the judgment of one who was held to be
especially skilful and wise iri any question under con-

(133)

134

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

sideration, was usually deferred to by his colleagues.
Thus in matters of war, or foreign relations, the opin-
ion of the king of Mexico had most weight, while in
the administration of home government, and in deci-
sions respecting the rights of persons, it was customary
during the reigns of ]the two royal sages of Tezcuco,
Nezahualcoyotl and Nezahualpilli, to respect their
counsel above all other. ^ The relative importance of
these three kingdoms must, however, have shown
greater disparity as fresh conquests were made, since
in the division of territory acquired by force of arms,
Tlacopan received only one fifth, and of the remainder,
judging by the relative power and extent of the states
when the Spaniards arrived, it is probable that Mex-
ico took the larger share. ^

In Tezcuco and Tlacopan the order of succession
was lineal and hereditary, in Mexico it was collateral
and elective. In the two former kingdoms, however,

'■

* Las Casas, Hist. Apoloffi'fica, MS., cap. ccxi. ; Zurita, Rapport, in Tcr-
naux-C'ompaiis, Voy., seric ii., toiii. i., p. 1)5; Torqucmada, Moiiarq. Itid.,
toni. u., p. 354.

''' Ixtlilxocliitl, for wlio.sc putriutisni due allowance must l>c inatlc, writes :
'Es verdad, que el de Mexico y Tezcuco fucrou iguales en dignidud
scuoriu y rentas; y el dc Tlaco])an solu tenia cierta parte conio la quin-
ta, en lo que era rentas y despues en los otros dos.' Hist. Ckic'iimcca, in
Kiiigsboroiigh's Mrx. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 238. Zurita also aHirnis this:
'Dans ccrtaines, les tributs <5tuicnt repurtis en p')rtions dgalcs, ct dans
d'ttutrcs on en faisait cinq narts: le souverain de Mexico et celui dc Tez-
cuco en prelevaient cliacun deux, celui de Tacuba une seule.' Itappovt, in
Tcrnaux-ComjMHs, Voy., serie ii., toni. i., p. 12. 'Qucdo pues detenninado
que )l los estados de Tlacopan sc agregase la quinta parte dc las ticrras
nuevanientc comiuistados, y el resto se dividiesc i^ualniente entrc el principc
yelreyde Mi^jico.' Vcytia, llist. Aiif. Mfj.,ton\. iii., n. 164. Bra.sseurde Bour-
bourg agrees with and takes his inforniatiun from Ixtlilxocliitl. Ni.st. Nat.
Civ., torn, iii., p. 191. Torqueniuda makes a fardiflcrent division: 'Concur-
riendo los tres, se diese la quinta parte al Jiei de TIacupa, y el Tereio de lo
que quedase, h Ncfalhualcoiotl; y los demas, a Itzcohuatzin, como il Cabc^a
Maior, y Suprema.' Monarq. I»f/., torn, i., p. 140. As also does Clavigero:
'Si dictlc quella Corona (Tlacopan) a Totoquihuatzin sotto la condizione
di scrvir con tutte le sue trupiie al Ke di Messico, ogni volta die il ricliie-
dessc, assegnando a lui medesinm \HiT cih la quinta parte delle spoglie, cho
si avessero dui neniici. .Siniilniente Nezaluialcojotl fu messo in ])osscsso
del trono d'Acolhuacan sotto la condizione di dover soccorrere i Mcssicani
ncllu gueiTO, e itcrcio gli fu aasegnatu la terza iNirtc della preda, cavatane
prima quella del Uc di Tacuba, restando I'altrc due tcrze parti ])cl lie Mcs-
sicano. 5^^orjrt Ant. del Mes,iico, torn, i., p. 224. Prescott snys it was ajp^ced
that 'one fifth should be assigned to Tlacopan, and the remainder l>e divided,
in what projiortion is uncertain, between the other {towers.' 3fcx., vol. 1.,
p. 18.

ORDER OF SUCCESSION.

185

although the sons succeeded their fathers, it was not
according to birth, but according to rank; the sons
of the queen, or principal wife, who was generally a
daughter of the royal house of Mexico, being al-
ways preferred to the rest.'' In Mexico, the eldest
surviving brother of the deceased monarch was gen-
erally elected to the throne, and when there were no
more brothers, then the nephews, commencing with
the eldest son of the first brother that had died; but
this order was not necessarily observed, since the elec-
tors, though restricted in their choice to one family,
could set aside the claims of those whom they con-
sidered incompetent to reign; and, indeed, it was
their particular duty to select from among the rela-
tives of the deceased king the one best fitted
to bear the dignity and responsibility of supreme
lord.* During the early days of the Mexican mon-

' Torquciiiada, Monarq. Titd., torn, ii., i>. ""'»; Zurita, Rapport, in Ter-
timix-Coiupaiis, Voi/., seric ii., toni. i., pp. I'JI-l.S; Clavigcro, Storia Ant, del
Mcsm'co, toin. ii., p. 116; Brasseur de liourbourg. Hist. Nat. Civ., iom. iii.,
p 577.

* Torqucinadiv writes: 'csta fue costuinhrc de estos Mexicanos, en las
Eleccioncs, que luiciiin, (jiic fiiesen Reiuando succsivanientc, Ids Hennanos,
viios desniics de otro8, y acabando de Rcinar el vltiino, eutraba en su lugar,
el Hijo uc Hermano Alaior, nuc prinicro avia Hcinado, que era Sobrinu de
los otros Reies, qui iv su r.utre avian sucedido.' Monarq. Iiid., toni. i., p.
107. 'Loa Reies (of Mexico) no hcrcdaban, niuo que eran elej^idos, y como
vinios en el Libro de los Reies, quando el Rei nioria, si tenia lierniano, cn-
traba heredando; y niuerto estc, otro, si lo avia; y quando faltaba, le suce-
dia el sobrino, Hijo de su hermano niaior, h, qnien, por su niucrte, uvia su-
cedido, y lue};o el hermano de este, y asl dt.scurrian iwr los dcmas.' Id.,
toiu. ii., p. 177. Zurita states that in Tezcuco and IMaoopan, and their
dependent nrovinces, 'le droit de succes.sion le phis ordiiniire etait celui
du sanf? en lij,'ne directe de pere en tils; mais tons les fils n'lieritaient jKiint,
il n'y avait que le tils aine de I'epouse princi|)ale que le souverain avait
choisie dans cette intention. Elle jouissait dune plus ;;rande considera-
tion que les autres, et les sujets la resi»ectaient davantai^e. Lorsciue le
S(»uverain prenuient une de ses femmcs dans hi famille de Mexico, elle occu-
pait le premier ranp, et son Ills succedait, s'il etait ('ai)able.' Tiien, without
detiuitely statin<; wiietlier he is sjieakiuK of all or part of the three kiuf^-
doms ill question, tiie author };oes on to say, that in default of direct lieirs
tiie succession Iwcanie collateral; and filially, speaking in tliis instance of
Jlexico alone, he says, that in the event of the kiiij? dyinj,' without heirs,
his successor was elected by the principal nobles. In a previous i>ara{,'raph
he writes: 'L'ordre de succession variait suivant les provinces; les memes
usages, 11 pen de ditterence pies, tStaient re\!U8 ii Mexico, ii Te/cuco et a.
Tacuba.' Afterward we read: 'Dans quelques i)roviiices, conime par ex-
einple t\ Mexico, les frbres tSfaient adinis li la succession, mioiqn'il y eilt des
fils, et iU gouvcriiaiciit Buccessivement.' Rapport, in Ternuiix-Oomjmiis,

186

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

archy the king was elected by vote of the whole peo-
ple, who were guided in their choice by their leaders;
even the women appear to have had a voice in the

Vol/., 8«Sric ii., torn, i., pp. 12-18. M. I'AbW Brosseurdc Bourbourg, tak-
iii<; liis information from Zurita, and, indeed, almost quoting literally from
the French translation of that author, agrees that the direct line of succes-
siou obtained in Tlacopan and Tezcuco, but asserts, regarding Mexico, that
the sovereign was elected by the five principal ministers of the state, who
were, however, restricted in their choice to the brothers, nephews, or sons
of the deceased monarch. Hist. Nat, Civ., toni. iii., pp. 576-7. Pimentel
also follows Zurita. Memoria, p. 26. Prescutt atlirms that 'the sovereign
was selected from the brothers of the deceased prince, or, in default of
them, from his nephews.' Mcx., vol. i., p. 23. Sahagun merely says: 'Esco-
gian uno de los mas nobles de la linea de los senorcs antepasados,' who
<<br"ild lie a valiant, wise, aud accomplished man. Hint. Gen., torn, ii., lib.
viii., p. 318. 'Per non lasciar troppa liberty agli Elettori, e per impcdire,
quauto fosse possibile, griuconvenienti de' |iartiti, o fazioni, fissurono la co-
rona ncUa casa d'Acamnpitzin; c poi stabiliroiio per Icggc, die al Ue morto
dovesse succedere uno de'suoi fratelli, c muncando i fratelli, uno de'suoi
nipoti, e sc mai non ve nc fossero neppur di qiiesti, uno de'Hiioi cugini res-
tando in Imlia de<;li Elettori lo sccglierc tra i fratelli, o trii iiipoti del Re
morto cului, clie ricouoscessero piii idoneo pel governo, schivuudo con si fatta
legge parecchj inconvenient! da noi altrove accennati.' Clavigcro, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 112. Leon Carlmjal quotes this almost
literally. Discurso, pp. 54-5. That the eldest son could put forward no
claim to the crown by right of primogeniture, is evident from the following:
'Quando algun Scnor moria y ucxava muchos hijos, si alguno se alzava en
palacio y se queria |)rcfcrir d los otros, aunque fuese el mayor, no lo con-
scntia ei Senor A, quicn pertenecia la confirmacion, y nienos el pueblo. Antes
dexavan iHisar un uno, 6 mas de otro, en cl qual consideravan bieii que era
mejor para regir 6 governar el estado, y oquel [lennanecia por senor.' Las
Casas, Hist. ApologHica, MS., cap. ccxiii. Seilor Carlmjal Espinosa says
that from the election of ChimaljMtpoca, who succeeded liis brother Huit-
zilihuitl, and was the third king ot Mexico, 'qued6 establecida la ley de
clegir uno de los liennanos del rey difunto, y & falta de dstos un so-
brino, cuya prilctica se observ6 constautcmente, conio lo har^mos ver,
hasta la ruina del imperio niexicano.' Hist, do Mex., torn, i., p. 334. 'El
Impcrio era montirquico, ]iero no hercditario. Muricndo el Emperador
los gefes del Imiicrio antiguamente se juntaban y elegian entre si mismos
al que creian mas digno, y por el cual la intriga, el niancjo, la suiier-
sticion, eran nuis fclizmente reconocidas.' Carli, Cartas, pt i., p. 114.
'Tambieii aula sucession ]Mtr sangrc, sucedia cl hi jo mayor, sienilo imm
ello, y sino el otro: en defeto de los hijos sucedian nietos, y en defeto
dcUos yua por elecion.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xv. As
the order in wliirli the Mexican kings actually did follow each other should
be stronger proof of what was the law than any other evidence, I take from
the Codex Mendoza the foUowinjg list: Acamapichtli, who is usually spoken
of as the first king, succeeded Tcnuch, althou^^h it is not stated that he
was related to him in any way; then came Huicilyhuitl, son of Acamapich-
tli; Chinutlpupuca, son ot Huicilyhuitl; Yzcoaci, son of Acamapichtli; Hue-
liucmoteccunia, son of Huicilyhuitl; Axayacaci, son of Tecocomochtli, and
•mindson of Yzcoaci; Ti9ov'icatzi, son of Axayacaci; Ahuipo^in, brother of
ri909icatzi; Motecpunui, sou of Axayacaci; tlius, acconling to this author,
we sec, out of nine monurchs, tiiicc succeeded directly ])y their sons, and
three by their brothers. Esplicacion, in Kingsborouffh's Mcx. Antiq., vol. v.,
)p. 42-53. See further, Vei/tia, Hist. Ant. Mei., and Ilrasseur de Botir-
tourtf. Hist. Nat. Civ. These writers diiTer slightly from the collection above
quoted, but iu uo important respect.

ELECTION OF KINGS.

187

matter at this period." Afterwards, the duty of elect-
ing the king of Mexico devolved upon four or five of
the chief men of the empire. The kings of Tezcuco
and Tlacopan were also electors, but with merely an
honorary rank ; they ratified the decision of the others,
but probably took no direct part in the election, al-
though their influence and wishes doubtless carried
great weight with the council. As soon as the new
king had been chosen tae body of electors was dis-
solved, and others were appointed in their place, whose
duties also tenninated with their first electoral vote."

osa says
Huit-
ley de
un so-

suiMjr-

114.

o ])ara

defeto

cv. As

should

fc from

spoken

}\at he

iiapich-

Hiic-

rli, and

thcr of

tuthor,

IS, and

vol. v.,

Bour-

abovo

2 After the death of Acamapichtli, the first king of Mexico, a general
council was held, and the i)copIe were addressed as follows: 'Ya es fuUido
nuostro rey Acamapichtli, a ({uicn pondrenios en su lugar, que rija y gohicr-
ne cste pueblo Mexicuiio? Pohres de los viejos, ninos y mugercs viejus que
hay: que serii dc nosotros d doiule ir^mos d dcniandar rey que sea de nucstra
patria y nacion Mexicana? hablen todos parade cual parte elegirdmos rey, 6
ninguno pucde dcjar de hablar, pucs & todos nos imiiorta pura el reparo, y
cal)cza <lc nuestra patria Mexicana est^.' Uiwn Huitzilihuitl lieiug pro-
posed, 'todos juntos, mancebos, viejus y viejas respondieron & una: que sea
niucho de enhombuena, que d el quiercn jior sefiur y rey.' Tezozomoc, Crv-
iHca Mcx., in Kingshorough^a Mrx. Aiitiq., vol. ix., p. 10. Sahagun's de-
scription of their manner of electing kings, apiiears also to be more appro-
priate to this early periotl than to a later date: 'Cuando moria el scnor 6 rey
f)ara clcgir otro, juntiibanse los scnadores one Uamaban tccutlutoque, jr tam-
»ien los viejos del pueblo cjuc Uanialmn achcacauhti, y tambien los capitanes
sokludos viejos dc la gucrra que Ihiniaban lauiequioaqiie, v otros cajiitanea
one cran ])rincipales en las cosas de la guerra, y tambien los Sdtrapas quo
llainaban Tlenamacuzquc 6 jHi/moaque: todos estos se juntabiui en las cusas
rcalcs, y alii dclibcratiau y detenninalHin quicn habia de ser seflor.' Hist.
Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318; Acosta, Hist, de las Yntl., p. 439.

s The exact numlwr and rank of these electors is hard to detei-mine.
'Si Ic souverain de Mexico mourait sans hdritier, les priuciiMiux chefs lui
choisissaicnt un succcsseur dont I'clection ciait confirmee par ics chefs sujxi-
ricurs de Tezcuco et Tacuba.' Ziirita, Rapport, in Tcniaux-Comuaiis, Voy.,
serie ii., torn, i., pp. 15-l(i, Pinientel follows this, Mem. suhre la Raza in-
(Hqena, p. 26: 'Tutti e due i He (of Tezcuco and Tlacopan) furonu creati
Eiettori onorarj del Ke di Messico, il qual ouore soltanto riducevasi a rat-
ificare I'elezion fatta daquattro Nobili Messicani, ch'erano i vori Eiettori.'
Clavigcro, Storia Ant. del Messino, tom. i., p. 224. 'Despues en tiem)>odc
Izcoatl quarto Key, iwr cousejo y orden de vn sabio y valeroso hombre, que
tuuieron llamado Tlacaellcl se sefndaron quatro elcctores, y a estos junta-
niente con dos seuores, o Ueyes sujetos al Mexicano, que eran el de Tez-
ciico, y cl de TucuImi, tocaua hazer la elcciou.' Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd.,
1». 439. These four electors 'de ordinario eran hermanos, o parientcs muy
cercanos del Uey. Llamauan a estos Tlacohccalcktl, que significu el Prin-
cipe de las lanyas arrojadizas, que era vn gcnero de arnuis que cllos mu-
clio vsauan.' Id. p. 441. 'Seis elcctores clegian el Enii>erador, dos de
cuales eran sicniprc los principes de Tescuco d de Acolhuacan y de Ta-
cuba, y un prluciiMJ de la sangre real' Carli, Cartas, pt i., p. 114. 'Four of
the principal nobles, who had been chosen by their own body in the pre-
ceding reign, filled the office of electors, to whom were tulded, with merely
an honorary rank however, the two royal allies of Tezcuco and TIaco{ian.'

188

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

This plan of election was not without its advantages.
As the persons to whom the choice was entrusted were
great ministers or lords who lived at court, they had
better opportunities of observing the true character of
the future candidates for the throne than the common
people, who are ever too apt to judge, by pleasing ex-
terior rather than by real merit, those with whose
private life they can have no acquaintance. In the
next place, the high private rank of the Mexican
electors placed them beyond the ordinary influence of
bribery or threats; and thus the state was in a meas-
ure free from that system of corruption which makes
the voice of the people a mockery in more democratic
communities, and which would have prevailed to a far
greater extent in a country where feudal relations ex-
isted between lord and vassal. Then again, the free-
dom of choice accorded to electors enabled them to
prevent imbeciles from assuming the responsibilities
of kingship, and thus the most conspicuous evil of an
hereditary monarchy was avoided.

The almost absolute authority vested in the person

PrescotVs Mex., vol. i., p. 23. Brosseur de Bourbonrg gives the style and
title of cacli elector, and says they were five in nuniwr, but does not state
his authority; *Les principaux dignitaires du royaume, le Cihuacohuatl ou
Ministre supreme de la justice ct de la maison du roi, le Tlacochcalcatl,
Guntiralissinie ou Maitre de la maison des Amies, I'Atenipanecatl, ou
Grand-Ma'itre des Eaux, I'Ezhuahuacatl, ou le Mattre du Sang, et le Tli-
llancalqui, ou chef de la Maison-Noire, coniposant entre eux le conseii
de la nionarchie, elisaicnt celui qui leur paraissait le plus aptc aux affaires

publiqucs, ct lui donnaient la couronne II est douteux que Ics rois de

Tetzcuco et de TIacopan aient jamais oris une parte directe h ce clioix.' Hist.
Nat. Cic, torn, iii., wp. 577-8. At the foot of the same page is the follow-

ing note: 'Si havia duda 6 diferencia quien debia de ser rey, averiguase lo
mas aina que pcxlian, y sino poco tenian que hacer (los seuores de Tetzcuco
y Tlacapan). Goinnra, Crdnica de Nucva-EspaHa, ap. Barcia, cap. 99.
This quotation is not to be found, however in the place indicated. 'Crearon
cuatro clectores, en cuya opinion se comprometian todos los votos del reino.
Eran aquellos funcionarios, magnates y seiiores de la primera nobleza, co-
niuniuente de sangre real, y de tanta pnidencia y probidad, cuanta se nece-
sitaba para un car^o tan importante.' Carbajal Esjrinosa, Hist. Mcx., toin.
i,, p. 578. 'File el quinto Key, Motezuma priniero deste nombre; y {wrque,

Sara la eleciou auia quatro eletores, con los quales inl;erueiiian los lieyes
e Tezcuco y de Tacuba. Se junt6 con ellos Tlacaellcl como Capitan'i^c-
neral, y salib elegido su sobrino Motezuma.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii.,
lib. ii., cap. xiii. After the king in rank, 'eran los quatro electores del Rey,
que tambien sucedian por elecion, y I'e ordinario eran hermanos, o pari-
eiites cercanos del Key, y a estos llaniauan en su Iciigua, Priucipes de las
lan9as arrojadizas, annas que ellos vsauan.' Id., cap. xix.

POWER OF MEXICAN KINGS.

180

style and
not state
luhuatl ou
hcalcatl,
iccatl, ou
et le Tli-
le conseil
IX affaires
es rois do
oix.' Hist.
he foUow-
riguasc lo
Tetzcuco
cap. 99.
'Crearon
del reino.
blcza, co-
a se nece-
lex., torn,
y jwrque,
Ids Reyes
upitau ^c-
, dec. iii.,
del Rey,
8, o pari-
pes de las

of the sovereign rendered great discrimination neces-
sary in his selection. It was essential that the ruler
of a people surrounded by enemies and continually
bent upon conquest, should be an approved and vali-
ant warrior; having the personal direction of state
affairs, it was necessary that he should be a deep and
subtle politician; the gross superstition and theocratic
tendencies of the governed required the governor to
be versed in religion, holding the gods in reverence;
and the records of the nation prove that he was gen-
erally a man of culture, and a patron of art and sci-
ence.

In its first stages the Mexican monarchy partook
rather of an aristocratic than of an absolute nature.
Though the king was ostensibly the supreme head of
the state, he was expected to confer with his council,
which was composed of the royal electors, and other
exalted personages, before deciding upon any impor-
tant step;'' and though the legislative power rested
entirely in his hands, the executive government was
entrusted to legularly appointed officials and courts of
justice. As the empire, owing to the able administra-
tion of a succession of conquering princes, increased in
greatness, the royal power gradually increased, al-
though I find nothing of constitutional amendments or
reconstructions until the time of Montezuma II., when
the authority of all tribunals was reduced almost to a,
dead letter, if opposed to the desires or commands of
the king.

The neighboring independent and powerful king-

^Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., p. 441, gives the namcn of three militaiy
orders, of which the four royal electors foniicd one; and of a fourth, which
was of a sacerdotal character. All tliese were of tlie royal council, and
without their advice the king could do notliing of inipoi-tance. Herrera
helps himself to this from Acosta almost word for word: dec. iii., lib. ii.,
cap. xix. Sahagun implies tliat this supreme council was composed of only
four members: 'Elegido el sefior, lucgo elegian otros cuatro que eran como
senadores que siempre habian de estar al lado de ^1, y entcnder en todos los
ncgocios graves de reino, (estos cuatro tenian en diversos lugares divcrsos
nombres). Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318. According to Ixtlilxochitl
the council whose duties corres]H>nded to this in Tczcuco, was com]x>sed of
fourteen members. Hist. Chichimeca, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol.
ix., p. 243; Veytia, Hist, Ant. Mcj., torn. 11., y, 132.

140

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

doni of Michoacan was governed by an absolute mon-
arch, who usually resided at his capital, on lake
Patzcuaio. Over each province was placed a gover-
nor, chosen from the first ranks of the nobility, who
ruled with great if not absolute authority, in the name
of the king, and maintained a court that was in almost
every respect a miniature of that of his sovereign.
The order of succession was hereditary and lineal, the
eldest son generally succeeding to the throne. The
selection of a successor, however, was left to the reign-
ing king, who, when he felt himself to be near his end,
was at liberty to choose from among his sons the one
whom he thought best fitted to govern. In order
to test his capability and accustom him to handling
the reigns of government, and that he might have the
old monarch's advice, the chosen heir immediately
began to exercise the functions of king. A custom
similar to this existed among the ancient Toltecs.
Their kings were only permitted to reign for a xinh-
molpilli, that is to say an 'age,' which was fifty-two
years, after which time the eldest son was invested
with royal authority and commenced to reign.* When
the old Michoacan monarch fell sick, the son who
had been nominated as his successor immediately dis-
patched messengers to all the grandees of the king-
dom, with orders to repair immediately to the capital.
None was exempt from being present, and a failure to
comply with the summons was held to be l^se-majest^.
Having assembled at the palace, if the invalid is able
to receive them, the nobles pass one by one through
his chamber and with words of condolence and en-
couragement seek to comfort him. Before leaving
the palace each mourner deposits in the throne-room
certain presents, brought for the occasion as a more
substantial testimonial of his sorrow. If, however,
the physicians pronounce the royal patient beyond
hope of recovery, no one is allowed to see him.'

• Torquemada, Monarq. Tnd., torn, i., p. 37.

9 Beaumont, Crdn. de Mcchoamn, pp. 52, 54-6; Torquemada, Monarq.

GOVERNMENt IN TLASCALA.

141

He who reads the romantic gtory of the conquest,
feels his heart warm towards that staunch little nation
of warriors, the Tlascaltees. There is that about the
men who ute their meat saltless for fifty years rather
than humble themselves before the mighty despots of
Mexico, that savors of the same material that defied
the Persian host at Thermopylse. Had the Tlascal-
tees steadily opposed the Spaniards, Cortes never could
have gone forward to look upon the face of King Mon-
tezuma, nor backward to King Charles as the con-
queror of New Spain; the warriors who routed their
allied enemies on the bloody plains of Poyauhtlan, as-
suredly could have offered the hearts of the invaders
an acceptable sacrifice to the gods of Tlascala. The
state of Tlascala, though invariably spoken of as a
republic, was certainly not so in the modern accept-
ation of the term. At the time of the conquest
it was governed by four supreme lords, each inde-
pendent in his own territory, and possessed of equal
authority with the others in matters concerning the
welfare of all.*" A parliament or senate, composed of
these four lords and the rest of the nobility, settled
the affairs of government, especially those relating to
peace and war. The law of succession was much the
same as in Michoacan. The chief before his death
named the son whom he wished to succeed him, who,
however, did not, as in Michoacan, commence to gov-
ern until after his fathoi'b death. The old chief's
choice was restricted in two ways: in the first place
the approval of his three colleagues was necessary;

Ind., torn, ii., pp. 3.38, 523; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., p. 138;
Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sdrie ii., toin. i., p. 17; Go-
mam, Coiiq. Mcx., fol. 310-11; Pimentel, Mem. Razd Indiyciia,n. 27; Bras-
ieiir (le Bourbourg, Hht. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 82. In the iVvsl-Itidische
Spicg/tel, pp. 265-^5, wc read: 'Dese Stadt ende Provincie wicrden voor de
coinste der Spacnjacrdcn soo treffelick gheregecrt, al» ceniirhe van die Lan-
ilcii, daer was een Cacique die absolutelick regeerdc, staentYe ondcr de ghe-
hoorsaeniheydt van de grootc Hecre van Tenoxtitlan.' The old chronicler
is mistaken here, however, as the kingdom of Michoacan was never in
ony way subject to Mexico.

1* Clavigero says that the city of Tlascala was divided into four parts,
each division having its lord, to whom all places dependent on such division
were likewise subject. Storia Ant. del Messico, toni. i., p. 155.

t4l

THE NAHl'A NATIONS.

and secondly, legitimate sons, that is the sons of a
wife to whom he had been united according to certain
forms, must take precedence of his other children. In
default of sons, the brothers of the deceased chief suc-
ceeded." In any event the property of the late ruler
was inherited by his brothers, who also, according to
a custom which we shall find to be almost universal
among the civilized peoples of the New World, mar-
ried his widows." Such infonuation as I find upon
the subject ascribes the same form of government to
Cholula and Huexotzinco, that was found in Tlas-
cala." The Miztecs and Zapotecs acknowledged one
supreme chief or king; the law of inheritance with
them was similar to that of Tlascala, except that in
default of sons a daughter could inherit." The Zapo-
tecs appear, at least in the more ancient times, to
have been, if possible, even more priest-ridden than
their neighbors; the orders of priests existing among
them were, as will be seen elsewhere, numerous, and
seem to have possessed great power, secular as well as
sacerdotal. Yopaa, one of their principal cities, was
ruled absolutely by a pontiff, in whom the Zapotec
monarchs had a powerful rival. It is impossible to
overrate the reverence in which this spiritual king
was held. He was looked upon as a god, whom the
earth was not worthy to hold, nor the sun to shine
upon. He profaned his sanctity if he so much as
touched the ground with his foot. The officers who
bore his palanquin upon their shoulders were mem-
bers of the first Zapotec families; he scarcely deigned
to look upon anything abo'it him. He never appeared
in public, except with the most extraordinary pomp,

" Torqttenuula, Monarq. Iiid., torn, i., pp. 200, 276, toiii. ii., pp. 347-9;
Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii. ; Laet, Noviis Orbis, p. 262; Pintentel, Mem.
Rctzn Indigena, p. 27; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 4ll.

11 Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvellcs Annates des Voy., 1849, torn, xcviii.,
p. 197.

}^ Torqiiemada, Monarq. Ltd., torn, ii., pp. 350-1.

I* Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. Brasseur de Boiir-
Imurg writes: 'Dans Ics divers dtnts du Mixtecapan, les heritages pass>aient
de inftle en m&le, sans que les fcmmes pusscnt y avoir droit.' Hist. Nat,
Civ., torn, ill., p. 39; this may, however, refer merely to private property.

THE PONTIFF OF YOPAA.

143

jomp,

347-9;
\l, Mem.

XCVUI.,

and all who met him fell with their faces to the qfround,
fearing that death would overtake them were they to
look upon the face of the holy Wiyatao, as he was
called. The most powerful lords never entered his
presence except with eyes lowered and feet bared,
and even the Zapotec pnnces of the blood nmst occu-
py a seat before him lower than his own. Continence
was strictly imposed upon the Zapotec priests, and
especially was it incumbent upon the pontiff of Yopaa,
from the eminence of his position, to be a shininjr lighl
of chastity for the guidance of those who looked up
to him; yot was the pontifical dignity hereditary in
the family of the Wiyatao. TiO way in which this
paradox is explained is as follows: on certain days
m each year, which were generally celebrated with
feasts and dances, it was customary for the high-
priest to become drunk. While in this state, seemmg
to belong neither to heaven nor to earth, one of the
most beautiful <'f the virgins consecrated to the service
of the gods \v .s brought to him. If the result of
this holy deli Aich proved to be a male infant, the child
was brought up with great care as a prince of the
royal family. The eldest son of the reigning pontiff
inherited the throne of Yopaa, or in default of chil-
dren, the high-priest's nearest relative succeeded.
The j'^ounger children devoted themselves to the serv-
ice of the gods, or married and remained laymen,
according to their inclination or the paternal wish; in
either case the most honorable and important positions
usually fell to their lot."

T' omp and circumstance which surrounded the
Aztec nionarchs, and the magnificence of their every-
day life was most impressive. From the moment of
ills corui..ition the Aztec sovereign lived in an atmos-
1 iiere of adulation unknown to the mightiest Tjoten-
tate of the old world. Reverenced as a god, the

^ Burgoa, Geog. Desci ., cap. 53; Brasseur de Bourbourff, Hist. Nat.
Civ., torn, iii., pp. 29-30.

144

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

haughtiest nobles, sovereit^ns in their own land, hum-
bled themselves before hiui ; absolute in j>o\ver, the
fate of thousands depended u})or a jresture of his
hi»nd.

The ceremony of anointment, which preceded and
was entirely distiiict iVom that of coronation, was an
occasion of much display. In Mexico, as soon as
the new king was elected, which was immediately
after the funeral cf his {)redecessor, the kings of
Tezcuco and Thico[)an were sent for to be present
at th<^ ceremony of anointment; all tlie great feuda-
atory lords, who had been i)resent at the funeral of
the liiie king, were also invited to attend. When
all are assembled the procession sets out for the
temple of Huitzilopochtli, the gcnl of war. The kings
of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, surrounded by all the most
powerful nobles of the realm, bearing their ensigns and
insignia of rank, lead the van. Next conies the king
elect, naked, excej)ting only the maxtli, or cloth al)out
the loins; following these are the lesser nobles, and
after them the conunon [)eople. Silently the pro-
cession wends its way along the streets; no beat of
drum nor shout of people is heard above the tramping.
The road in advance is .as free from obstruction as a
corridor in the royal j>alace; no one moves among the
multitude that string along its odji^oa, but all stand
with bended head and eyes downcast until the solemn
pageant has passed, wlion they close in with the jost-
ling and whispering crowd that follows. Arrived at
the temple the king and that part of the i)rocession
which j)recedes him ascend to the sununit. During
the ascent he is supported on either side by a great
lord, and such aid is not su[)erfluous, for the staircases,
having in all one hundred and fourteen steps, each a
foot high, are so arranged that it is necessary to go
completely round the building several times before
reaching the top. On the summit the king is met by
the high-priest and his colleagues, the people mean-
while waiting below. His first action uj»on reaching

CEREMONY OF ANOINTMENT.

145

I and
iiH an
ju as
iatoly

\rti Ot"

"osent

eiida-

ral of

When

r the

kinj^s

; most

ns and

e king
aV)out

's, and

J i)ro-
it of
l>in«,'.

•n as a
vr the
stand
lenm
jost-
ed at
cssion
)uiin«]j
j^reat
eases,
3aeh a
to g-o
hefoio
let by
Imean-
u'hiiis;

.()

the summit is to pay reverence to the image of the god
of battles by touching the earth with his liatid and then
carrying it to his mouth. Tlie high-priest now anoints
the king through.out his entire l>ody with a certain
bhick ointment, and sprinkles him with water which
has been blessed at the grand feast of Huitzilo])och-
tli, using for this purpose branches of cedar and willow
and leaves of maize;" at the same time he addresses
a few words of counsel to him. The newly anointed
monarch is next clothed with a mantle, on which are
represented skulls and lx>nes, to remind him, we are
told, that even kings are mortal ; his head is covered
with two cloths, or veils, one blue and the other black,
and decorated in a similar manner; about his neck is
tied a small gourd, containing a certain ])owder, which
is esteemed a strong preservative against disease, sor-
cery, and treason. A censer containing live coals is
put into his right hand, and into his left a bag of copal,
and thus accoutred and providetl he pnn'ei'ds to incense
the god Huitzilopochtli." This act of worshi}) he i)er-

" Acosta, Ifisf ffr his Viii/., p. 474, writes: 'PiiHicri)nIc roronu UvtH, y
viijjieroiile, I'onio fue i-ostiiinliro luuerlo r<ni ti«l<>s sus Iti-yrs, rnii vim viii'iun
r|ui- lliiiiiiiuiiiidiiiiiia, puniiiefra la iniHiiiucoii i|Uo vii);iaii hu ytlolii.' Ton|iio-
iiiada, MoiKin/. Iii</., toiii. ii., p. '.V\t}, savH that Acosta is mistaken, for, ho
observes that 'la <'iirona<|ue ihiiiiahaCopilli, iiosi'iialia en esta ocasioii, Minn
<{uu en hi;;ar (le ella, le jMiiiian hts niantas tlichas Mihre la Calieva, ni tani-

IiiH'o era la vncion la inisnia i|ue la <le los Itlulos; )Hn'iiiu> la l>ivina, iine 61
Acosta] nonihra, era de I'lli, y Sa'n^re <le Nifios, con (jne taniliien vn^^ian ul
Siiino Sacerilote;' but Toniiieniaila here •lircclly contradicts a previous state-
ment of his own, t'wn. i., p. lOJ, where he says that immediately after the
election, havin}^ seated the kinj; elect upon a throne, 'le pnsieron la Corona
Heal en su ('a)H>ya, y le vntaron ttnio el <'uer|H>, con la N'licion, que despiies
acostuinliraron, ((tie era la misma eon i|ue vn;^'ian a sn l>ios,' thus usin){
almost the same witrds as Acosta. I.eon y (iama, Ilox I'iiilnis, says that
the water used at th<« anointing was drawn from the fountain To/.iialatI,
whi<^li was held in jrrcat veneration, aixl that it was (irst used for this pur-
pose at the anointment of lluitxilihiiitl, seconti kin^' of Mexico.

>'' Salia;.;un states that the kin;; was drcsseil upon this occasion in a tunic
of dark ;;reeii cloth, with lM>nes painted n|Hiii it; this tunic rescinhled the
fiuipil, or <'lieiiiise of the women, and was usually worn hy the iioliles when
they oH'ereil iiu'eiise to llie pwls. The veil was also of j;reen cloth orna-
inentud with skulls and iMtnes, and in addition to the articles descriU-d hy
other writers, this author mentions that they placed dark ^rrccii sandals upon
his feet. !le also atlirins that the four niyiil electors were conlirincd in tlieir
otiiee at the saiiie time as the kiii;j, Ikmii;; similarly dresseil, save that the
odor of their costn:ne was Mack, aini ^.roin;; throu;;h the Mime |M'r.''ormaneeH
after him, exi-ept, of course, the aiiointiiiuiit. Snhiujiui, Hist-UcH., toiii. ii.,
Vol. U. to

148

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

forms on his knees, amid the cheers of the people be-
low, and the playing of musical instruments. He has
concluded now, and the high-priest again addresses a
short speech to him. Consider well, Sire, he says, the
great honor which your subjects have conferred upon
you, and remember now that you are king, that it
is your duty to watch over your people with great care,
to look upon them as your children, to preserve them
from suffering, and to protect the weak from the op-
pression of the strong. Behold before you the chiefs
of your kingdom together with all your subjects, to
whom you are both father and mother, for it is to you
they turn for protection. It is now your place to com-
mand and to govern, and most especially is it your
duty to bestow great attention upon all matters relating
to war, to search out and punish criminals without re-
gard to rank, to put down rebellion, and t(j chastise
the seditious. Let not the strenofth of relijjion decline
durmg your reign, see that the temples are well cared
for, let there be ever an abundance of victims for sac-
rifice, and so will you prosper in all your undertakings
and be beloved of the gods. Gomara affirms that tlie
high-priest imposed an oath upon the king that during
his reign he would maintain the religion of his ances-
tors, and observe their laws ; that he would give offence
to none, and be valiant in war; that he would make the
sun to shine, the clouds to give rain, the rivers to flow,
and the earth to bring forth fruits in abundance.^* The
allied kings and the nobles next address him to the
same purpose ; to which the king answers with thanks
and promises to exert himself to the utmost of his
power for the happiness of the state.

The speeches being ended the procession again winds
round the temple until, following terrace after terrace,
it finally reaches the ground in the same order that it
went up. The king now receives homage and gifts

p. 319. Gomara says they hung upon the kind's neck 'vnaa corrona colora-
(las largas y <lc inuchan rurimlcH: de cuius cubus colgauun cicrtus insigniustle
rei, conio pinjuntcs.' Conq. Mcx., fol. 305.
^*Gotnara, Conq. Mex,, fol. 30G.

CORONATION CEREMONY.

147

from the rest of the nobility, amidst the loud acclaims
of the people. He is next conducted to a temple
called Tlacatecco, where during four days he remains
alone, doing penance and eating but once a day, with
the liberty, however, of choosing his own food. Twice
in each twenty-four hours he bathes, once at noon and
once at midniijht. and after each bath he draws blood
from liis ears aui offers it, together with some burnt
copal, to Huitzilopochtli. The remainder of his time
during these four days he occupies in praying the gods
to endow him with the wisdom and prudence necessary
to the ruler of a mighty kingdom. On the fifth day
he is conducted in state to the royal palace, where the
feudatory lords come to renew the investiture of their
feifs. Then follow great public rejoicings, with games,
feasts, dances, and illuminations.

The coronation was, as I have stated, a ceremony
distinct from the anointment. To prepare for it, it
was necessary that the newly elected king should go
out to war, to procure victims for the sacrifices neces-
sary on such an occasion. They were never without
enemies upon whom war might be made ; either some
province of the kingdom had rebelled, or Mexican
merchants had been unjustly put to death, or insult
had boon offered to the royal ambassadors, or, if none
of these excuses was at hand, the importance of the
occasion alone rendered war justifiable. Of the man-
ner in which war was waged, and of the triumphal re-
turn of the victorious army, I shall speak in another
place. It appears that when a king of Mexico was
crowned, the diadem was placed upon his head by the
king of Tozcuco. The crown, which was called by the
Mexicans copilli, was in shape like a small initio, the
fore part of which stood erect and terminated in a
point, while the hinder part hung down over the neck.
It was composed of difierent materials, j. coord ing to
the pleasure of the wearer; sometimes it was of thin
plates of gold, sometimes it was woven of golden thread

148

THE NAIIUA NATIONS.

ih -:

and adorned with beautiful feathers.^" Accounts of the
particular ceremonies used at the coronation are want-
ing, but all agree that they were of unparalleled splen-
dor. The new king entertained most sumptuously at
his own palace all the great nobles of his realm ; honors
were conferred with a lavish hand, and gifts were made
in profusion both by and to the king. Splendid ban-
quets were given in which all the nobility of the king-
dom participated, and the lower classes were fojisted
and entertained with the greatest liberality. The
fondness of the Aztecs for all kinds of public games
and festivals is evidenced in the frequency of their
feasts, and in no way could a newly elected monarch
better secure a place in the affections of his subjects
than by inaugurating his reign with a series of splen-
did entertainments. The strange fascination which
this species of enjoyment possessed for them is shown
by the fact that strangers and foreigners came from
afar to witness the coronation feasirf, and it is related
that members of hostile nations were frequently dis-
covered disguised among the crowd, and were not only
allowed by the clemency of the king to pass umuo-
lested, but were provided with seats, from which they
could obtain a good view t>f the proceedings and where
they would bo secure from insult.'* One of the prin-

•9 Tlic crown used hy the early Chicliiincc sovcrcij^s was composed of a
licrb culled pnclijcochill, which srew on the rocks, snrnionnted hy plumes of
the royal eayle, and green fathers culled Tec.piloll, the whole Ijcing mounted
with gold and precious stones, and hound to the head with strips of deer-
skin. Ixtlilxorhitl, Hist. Chichi iitrca, in KingaboroKqli's Mcx. Aiifii/., toni.
xi, p. 213. In an another jilace, liducioncs, in id., p. 336, the same writer says
that the crown dilt'ered according to time and season. In time of war it was
composed of royal eagle feathers, placed at the hack of the head, and held
to;.fetlier with clasi)s of gold and precious stones; in time of iwace tliecmwn
wAn made of laurel and green feathers of a very rare bird calle<l < juezalto-
tolc; in the dry season it was made of a whitish moss which grew on the
rocks, with a flower at the junction called teoxurhiti .

*• Concerning anointment and coronation, see Torqiirmniln, Monnrq . fnil .,
torn, i., p. 102; toni. ii., pp. 8.3, .^SiV-fiO; Zuriln, Rmrport, in Tcrixnix-
i'oiapniis. Vol/., Hcrie ii., toin. i., pp. '20-9; C/nriijrro, Stiirin Ant. del Mrs-
Kirn, lom. ii., I>p. 113-1.'); Siih«rfiiii, Ilisf. Gcii., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 318-
'21; llcrrern. Hist. Gen., dec. ill., lil).iv.. cap. xv; Gomarii, Conq. Mr.v., fol.
305-15; Aeostn, Hist, de las Ynd., pp. ,3.56, 4.30-40, 474; (Mcfjn, in Vr;ifiit,
Hist. Ant. Mvj., tom. iii., p. .301); Trzr.-.cinor, Crrin. Afrx.,' in Kintf.slicr-
oiigh'8 Mex. Antiq., tgni. ix., p. l4'2-3. lu addition to the nnmerout>

ADDRESS TO THE KING.

149

only
mmo-
they
hero
prin-

q.Inil.,
jt'iniiix-
'cl Mrs-
It. 318-
(•.)•., fol.
Viiffm,
iif/nlior-
iiiorou?

cipal feature of the day was the congratulatory speech
of one monarch to another, which was courteous and
flattering and filled with good advice; the following
address of Nezahualpilli, king of Tezcuco, to Monte-
zuma II., on the occasion of the accession of the latter
to the throne of Mexico, will illustrate.

The great good fortune, most mighty lord, which
has befallen this kingdom in deserving thee for its
monarch, is plainly shown by the unanimity with
which thou wast elected, and by the general rejoicing
of thy people thereat. And they have reason to re-
joice; for so great is the Mexican empire that none
possessed of less wisdom, prudence, and courage, than
thou, were fit to govern it. Truly is this people be-
loved of the gods, in that they have given it light to
choose that which is best; for who can doubt that a
prince who, before he came to the throne, made the
nine heavens his study,^* will, now that he is king,
obtain the good things of the earth for his people?

works of acknowledged authority on the Hul)iect of aboriginal American
Civilization there arc a munl)ers of otherM, cliieny uf modern date, that treat
inoru or less conipletely of the matter. Many of these are mere compila-
tions, put together witlioiit regard to accnracy or consistency; others are
works which deal ostensihly with other Spanish American matters and only
refer to the ancient civilization in passing; their accounts are usually co](ica
Imdily from one or two of the old writers; some few profess to exhaust the
suUject; in these latter, however, the authors have failed to cite their au-
thorities, or at l)cst have merely given a list of them. To attempt to note
all the |Miiuts on which these writers have fallen into error, or where they
ditrer from my text, would prove as tiresome to the reader as the result would
he useless, ft will therefore l>e sullicient to refer to this class of hooks ut
the conclusion of the large divisions into which this work naturally falls.
AlKHit the system of government, laws of succession, ceremonies of election,
anointment and coronation, of the Aztecs and other nations included in this
division, see: Carlmjal Espinosa, Jlist. Mcx., tom. i., i)p. 578-83, .^)1H}; Sodcii,
S/ianier in. Peru, tom. ii., pp. 8-14, 51-2; Toiiron, itist. Gen., torn, iii., pp.
(>-7, 25-.38; linrit, Mcxiqne, pp. 204-7; Itnssierre, L''Empire Mrxirinii, jij). 1 19,
l.')()-8, 220-30,244; Lufoiid, Voynffes, torn, i., p. 119; J'oinsrtt's Xote.s Mex.,
«/»/>., |tp. 22-3; Macgregor'n Prorfrcs.i of Anienen, \t. 2\; JUllvii, llixt. Mex.,
l)p. 24-1), 41-3; Hassel, Mex. dual., p. 247; Dilirorth, Conq. Mex., p. 45,
Pmdf.Cnrta.s; pp. 106, 176; Montjlave, Ristnnf, pp. k9, 14-19, 22-3, 32-6,
(>S; Kleinm, Ciilhir-Gese/tichfe, tom. v., pp. 59-75, lS(i; Cord's, Arentiirns,
pre/., j>p. 7-13; Chamber's Jour., vol. iv., p. 2.')3; West niid Ost Indiseher
I.iuitffurt, p. 97.

" 'Que antes dc Ueinar avia invcstigado los nucvc doblcces dc cl Ciclo.'
Torqticiiuida, Monnrq. Iiid., tom. i., p. 194. Ortega, in Vcytin, Hist. Ant.
Mej., tom. iii., p. .306, writes: 'Quel cl que sicndo particular supo ncnetrar
los secretos del cielo;' - that he who, licing a )>rivate individual, coiud pene-
trate the Kccrcts of hcuvcu,' which apiicars luvrc iutclUgible.

160

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Who can doubt that his well-tried courage will be
even greater now that it is so much needed? Who
can believe that so mighty and powerful a prince will
be found wanting in charity toward the orphan and
the widow ? Who can doubt that the Mexican people
are favored of the gods, in having for a king one to
whom the great Creator has imparted so much of
his own glory that by simply looking upon his face
we are made to partake of that glory? Rejoice, O
happy land! for the gods have given thee a prince
who will be a firm pillar for thy support, a father and
a refuge for thy succor, a more than brother in pity
and mercy toward his people. Verily thou hast a
king who will not avail himself of his high place to
give himself up to sloth and pleasure, but who, rather,
will lie sleepless through the night, pondering thy
welfare. Tell me, then, most fortunate land, have I
not reason for saying. Rejoice and be happy 1 And
thou most noble and puissant lord, be of good heart,
for as the high gods have appointed thee to this office,
so will they grant thee strength to fill it; and be well
assured that the gods who have been so gracious to
thee during these many years, will not now fail in
their goodness ; by them hast thou been raised to thy
present exalted position; we pray that with their help
thou mayest continue to hold it during many happy
years to come.**

It is probable that the orations used upon those oc-
casions by the Aztecs were, like their prayers, not
spoken ex tempore, nor even prepared beforehand by
the speaker; most likely they were in the form of a
fixed ritual, each being prepared to suit a special occa-
sion, such as the coronation or burial of a monarch,
and repeated as often as such an occasion occurred.
Some orations must be delivered by particular per-
sons; others needed only an eloquent speaker. Sa-
hagun gives us a speech which was addressed to a
newly elected king. It could be delivered, he says,

<* Torquemaila, Monarq. I ml., tuni. i., pp. 194-6.

ADDRESS TO THE KING.

151

by one of the high-priests, or by a noble noted for his
eloquence, or by some delegate from the provinces who
was an eloquent speaker, or possibly by some learned
senator, or other person well versed in the art of
speecli-making. The language is constrained and
quaint, and possibly tiresome, but as a specimen of
Aztec oratory I give it in full, adhering to the sense,
and as clearly as possible to the words of the original :
O king, most pitiful, most devout, and best beloved,
more worthy to be esteemed than precious stones or
choice feathers, thou art here by the will of the Lord
our (jrod, who has appointed thee to rule over us in
the place of the kings thy ancestors, who, dying, have
let fall from their shoulders the burden of government
under which they labored, even as one who toils up a
hill heavy-laden. Perchance these dead ones still re-
member and care for the land which they governed,
now, by the will of God, a desert, in darkness, and
desolate without a king; peradventure they look with
pity upon their country, which is become a place of
briars and barren, and upon their poor people who are
orphans, fatherless and motherless, knowing not nor
understanding those things which are best; who are
unable to speak for dumbness, who are as a body with-
out a head. He who has lately left us was strong
and valorous: for a few short days he was lent to us,
then like a vision he slipped from our midst, and his
passing was as a dream, for the Lord our God hath
called him to rest with the dead kings, his ancestors,
who are to-day in a manner shut from our sight in a
coffer. Thus was he gathered to his people, and is
even now with our father and mother, the God of
Hell, who is called Mictlantecutli. Will he, perad-
venture, return from the place to which he is gone?
May it not be that he will come back to us? Gone
is he forever, and his kingdom has lost him. Never
again, through all coming time, may we see his face,
nor those who come after us. He is gone from our
sight forever. Our light is put out; we, whom he

152

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

illumined, whom he carried, as it were, upon his shoul-
ders, are abandoned, and in darkness, and in great
peril of destruction. Behold he has left his people
and the throne and seat whereon our Lord G<k1 placed
him, and which he made it his constant aim to hold in
peace and quietness. He did not cover his hands and
feet with his mantle for laziness, but with diligence
did he work for the good of his people. In thee, O
most compassionate king, we have a great solace and
joy; in thee hath the Lord God given us a sun-like
glory and splendor. God points at thee with his
finger, he hath written down thy name in red letters.
It is fixed above and below, in heaven and in hell,
that thou shalt be king and possess the throne and
seat and dignity of this kingdom, the root of which
was deep planted long ago by thine ancestors, they
themselves being its first branches. To thee. Sire, is
entrusted the care of the seignory. Thou art the suc-
cessor of the lords, thy predecessors, and must bear
the burden they bore ; upon thy back must thou place
the load of this kingdom; to the strength of thy
thighs and thine arms does the Lord God entrust the
government of the common people, who are capricious
and hard to please. For many years must thou sup-
port and amuse them as though they were young chil-
dren; during all thy life must thou dandle them in
thine arms, nurse them on thy lap and soothe them to
sleep with a lullaby. O, our lord, most serene and
estimable, this thing was determined in heaven and
in hell; this matter was considered and thou wast
signaled out, upon thee fell the choice of the Lord
our God. Was it possible that thou couldst hide thy-
self or escape this decision ? In what esteem dost thou
hold the Lord God? With what respect dost thou
consider the kings and great nobles who have been
inspired by God to choose thee for our father and
mother, whose election is divine and irrevocable?

This being so, O our lord, see that thou girdest thy-
self for thy task, that thou puttest thy shoulder to the

ADDRESS TO THE KING.

168

burden which has been imposed upon thee. Let the
will of (iod be obeyed. Perchance thou wilt carry this
load for a space, or it may be that death will cut thuu off,
and thy election be as a dream. Take heed, therefore,
that thou art not ungrateful, setting small store by the
benefits of God. Be assured that he sees all secret
things, and that he will afilict thee in such manner as
may seem good to him. Peradventure he will send
thee into the mountains and waste places, or he will
cast thee upon dirt and filthiness, or some fearful and
ugly thing will happen to thee ; perchance thou shalt
be defamed and covered with shame, or discord and
revolt shall arise in thy kingdom, so that thou shalt
fall into contempt and be cast down; perhaps other
kings, thine enemies, may rise up against thee and
conquer thee ; or possibly the Lord may suffer famine
and want to desolate thy kingdom. What wilt thou
do if in thy time thy kingdom should be destroyed,
and the wrath of our God should visit thee in a pesti-
lence? Or if the light of thy splendor should be
turned into utter darkness, and thy dominions laid
waste? Or if death should come upon thee while
thou art yet young, or the Lord God should set his
foot upon thee before thou hast fully gathered up the
reins of government? What wilt thou do if God on
a sudden should send forth armies of enemies against
thee, from the wilderness or from the sea, from the
waste and barren places where men wage war and
slied blood that the thirst of the sun and the earth
may be slaked? Manifold are the punishments of
God for those that offend him. Wherefore, O our
king, it behoves thee with all thy strength to do
that which is right in the fulfilment of thine office,
taking care that this be done with tears and sighs,
and continual prayer to the Lord our God, the invisi-
ble, the impalpable. Draw near to him. Sire, weep-
ing, and in all sincerity, that he may help thee to
govern in peace. Beware that thou receivest with
kindness and humility those that approach thee in

154

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

grief and despair. Neither speak nor act rashly, but
hear cahnly and to the end all complaints hrou«^ht be-
fore thee; do not harshly interrupt the words of the
speaker, for thou art the image of the Lord God, in
thee is represented his person, thou art his reliance,
with thy mouth he speaks, with thine ear he listens.
Be no respecter of persons, Sire, but punish all alike,
and justly, for thou hast thy power of God, thy right
hand to punish is as the claws and teeth of God, for
thou art his judge and executioner. Do justice,
therefore, heeding the wrath of none; this is the com-
mand of God, who hath given the doing of these
things into thine hand. Take care that in the high
places of the lords and judges there be nothing done
snatchingly nor in haste, that there be no hot words
nor deeds done in anger. Say not now in thine heart,
I am the lord, my will is law, but rather let this be
an occasion for the humbling of thy valor and the
lowering of thy self-esteem. Look to it that thy new
dignities be not the means of puffing thee up with
pride and haughtiness, but in place thereof ponder
often on thy former lowly estate, from which, without
desert, thou wast taken and placed where thou now
art. Say to thine heart. Who was I ? Who am I ?
Not by mine own deserts did I attain this high place,
but by the will of God ; verily all this is a dream, and
not sober truth. Be watchful, Sire, that thou dost not
rest free from care, that thou dost not grow heedless
with pleasure, and become a glutton and wine-bibber,
spending in feasting and drunkenness that which is
earned by the sweat of thy subjects; let not the gra-
ciousness which God has shown in electing thee king,
be repaid with profanity, folly, and disturbances.

King and grandchild of ours, God watches over
those that govern his kingdoms, and when they do
wrong he laughs at them; he mocks and is silent;
for he is the Lord our God, he does what he pleases,
he scoffs at whom he pleases; we are the work of his
hand, in the hollow of his palm he tosses us to and fro

ADDRESS TO THE KINO.

168

even as balls and playthings, he makes a mockery of us
as we stumble and fall, he uses us fbr his ends as wo
roll from side to side. Strive hard, (,) kinjj!', to do
what thou hast to do little by little. lY'rchanee the
number of our sins has rendered us unworthy, and thy
election will be to us a vision that passes; or perchance
it may be the will of the Lord that thou possess the
royal dignity for a time ; perchance he will ])rove thee,
and put thee to the test, and, if thou art found want-
ing will set up another in thy place. Are not the
friends of the Lord great in number? Art thou the
only one whom he holds dear? Many are the friends
of the Lord; many are those that call upon him;
many are those that lift up their voices before him;
many are those that weep before him; many are those
that tearfully pray to him; many are those that
sigh in his presence ; verily all these arc uncountable.
There are many generous and prudent men of great
ability and power, who pray to the Lord and cry aloud to
him; behold, therefore, there are not lacking others be-
side thyself on whom to confer the dignity of king.
Peradventure as a thing that endures not, as a thing
seen in sleep, the Lord gives thee this great honor and
glory ; peradventure he gives thee to smell of his ten-
der sweetness, and passes it quickly over thy lips. O
king, most fortunate, bow down and humble thyself;
weep with sadness and sigh ; pray fervently and do the
will of the Lord by night us well as by day, during
the time he sees fit to spare thee. Act thy part with
calmness, continually praying on thy throne with kind-
ness and softness. Take heed that thou givest none
cause for pain or weariness or sorrow, that thou settest
thy foot upon none, that thou frightest none with an-
gry words or fierce looks. Refrain also, C) our king,
from all lewd jests and converse, lest thou bring
thy person into contempt; levity and buftbonery are
not fit for one of thy dignity. I ricline not thine ear
to ribaldry, even though it come from a near rela-
tive, for though as a man thou art mortal, yet in respect

186

THE NAIIUA NATIONS.

to thine office thou art as God. Though thou art our
fellow-creature and friend, our 8on and our brother, yet
are we not tiiine e(|ual8, nor do we look upon thee as
a nmn, in that thou now art the image of the Lord
God; he it is that speaks within thee, instructing us
and making himself heard through thy lips ; thy mouth
is his mouth, thy tongue is his tongue, thy face is his
face. Already lie has graced thee with his authority,
he has given thee teeth and claws that thou may est he
feared and respected. See to it. Sire, that thy former
levity be now laid aside, that thou take to thyself
the heart of an old man, of one who is austere and
grave. Look closely to thine honor, to the decency of
thy person, and the majesty of thine office; let thy
words be few and serious, for thou art now another
being. Behold the place on which thou standest
is exceeding high, and the fall therefrom is peril-
ous. Consider that thou goest on a lofty ridge and
upon a narrow path having a fearful depth sheer
down on either side, so that it is imposssible to
swerve to the right or to the left witliout falling
headlong into the abyss. Jt also behoves thee. Sire,
to guard thyself against being cross-grained and fierce
and dreaded as a wild beast by all. Combine modera-
tion with rigor, inclining rather to mercy than to piti-
lessnesH. Never show all thy teeth nor put forth the
full length of thy claws. Never appear startled or in
fear, harsh or dangen-us; conceal thy teeth and claws;
assemble thy chief men together, make thyself accept-
able to them with gii'ts and kind words. Provide also
for the entertainment of the conmion people according
to their quality and rank; adapt thyself to the differ-
ent classes of the people and ingratiate thyself with
them. Have a care and concern thyself about the
dances, and about the ornaments and instruments used
at them, for they are the means of infusing a warlike
spirit into men. Gladden the hearts of the common
people with games and amusements, for thus wilt thou
become famous and be beloved, and even after death

ADDRESS TO THE KINO.

157

thy fame will live and tlie olil men and women who
knew theo will shed tears of sorrow for tiiino absence.
(> most fortunate and happy kinj?, most precious treas-
ure, bear in mind that thou j^oest I y a cra«»'^»'y and
danj^erous road, whereon thou must step with Hrmness,
for in the path of k'mrrs and princes there are many
yawning gulfs, and slippery j)laces, and steej), pathless
slopes, where the matted thorn-bushes and long grass
liiJe pitfalls having pointed stakes set upright in them.
Wherefore it behoves thee to call upon thy (lod with
moanings and lamentations, to watch constantly, and
to shun the harlot, who is a curse and a sickness to
man. Sleep not lightly in thy bed, Sire, but rather
lie and ponder the affairs of thy kingdom ; even in thy
slumbers let thy dreams be of the good things in
thy charge, that thou maycst kr '" how best to dis-
tribute them among thy lords and courtiers, for there
are many who envy the king, and would fain eat as
he eats and drink as he drinks, wherefore is it said
that kings 'eat the bread of grief Think not. Sire,
that the royal throne is a soft and pleasant seat, for
there is nothing but trouble and penitence. blessed
and most precious king, it is not my wish to cause pain
to thine heart nor to excite thy wrath and indignation ;
it is sufficient for me that I have many times stumbled
and slipped, aye, and have even fallen, during this dis-
course of mine ; enough for ine are the faults of the
speech which I have spoken, going, in a manner, with
jumps like a frog before our Lord God, the invisible,
the imjjalpable, who is here and listening to us, who
has heard distinctly the slightest of the words which
I have spoken stammeringly and with hesitation, in
bad order and with unapt gestures; but in doing this
I have complied with the custom which obliges the
aged men of the state to address a newly elected king.
In like manner have I done my duty to our God who
hears me, to whom I make an offering of this my
sjieech. Long may est thou live and reign, O lord and
king. I have spoken.

CHAPTER IV.

PALACES AND HOUSEHOLDS OF THE NAHUA KINOS.

Extent and Interior of the Great Pala«'e in Mexico— The Pal-
ace (»K Nezahiai.coyotl, Kin(j of Tkzii CO The Zntn.or.uM.

COM-ECTIONS OK THE XaHIA MoNAUtllS MoNTEZIMA'S Ol!Arf»RY

— KoYAi. Gardens and Pi.EA.sritE-GitoiNDS — The Hii.i. ok Cha-
ri'.'.TEi'EC— Nezahi:alcovoti.'s t^ouNTRV Kksidkxck at Tezcozinco
— 1oi/rE«; Palaces the Uoval (iiARO— The Kino's .Mkai.s An
Aztec Ccisine The Acdiknce Ciiamiikr Akter-dinner Amcse-
ments The Uoyal Wardroiie- The Kino Am»in(j his Peoi-i.e—
Meetino ok Montezuma II. and Cortes the Kino's Harem—

llEVENUES OK THE UOYAL HOLSEHOLD— POLICY OK AZTEC KiNOS.

In the precedinj:^ chapter we have seen how the
nioiiiip lis were ehoH«'n, and anointed, and crowned,
and linsted, and lectured; now let uh follow them to
their lioines. And liere I must cont'ess I am some-
what HtaL^ovred hy the recitals. It is written that as
soon as the new kiiiijf was forniiillv invested with the
Yijs\\t of sovereignty, he took possessitdi of the royal
palaces and onnlens, and that these ahodes of royalty
were on a scale of mai^niHcence almost unj)aralleli'«l in
the annals of nations. How far we may rely on these
accounts it is difficult to say; liow wc are to determine
disj>uted (piestions is yet more difficult. In the testi-
mony hefore us, there are two classes of evidence: one
havin<^ as its hase selfishness, superstition, and juitri-
otism ; the other disaffection, jealousy, and hatred.
Between these contending' evils, fortunately, we may

RELIABILITY OF AUTHORITIES.

180

at least approximate to the truth. To illustrate : there
can be no doubt that much concerning the Aztec civ-
ilization has Ixjen greatly exaggerated by the old
Spanish writers, and for obvious reasons. It was
manifestly to the advantage of some, both priests and
adventurers, to magnify the power and consetjuence of
the people conquered, and the cities demolished by
them, knowing full well th.at tales of mighty realms,
with Christless man-eaters and fabulous riches, would
soonest rouse the zeal and cupidity of their m»)st Cath
olic prince, and bust secure to them both honors and
su|)plies. Gathered from the lips of illiterate soldiers
little prone to diminish the glory of their achieve-
ments in the narration, or from the manuscripts of
native historians whose j)atriotic statements re<>ardin<;
rival states no longer in existence could with difficulty
be disproved, these accounts [mssed into tie hands of
credulous monks of fertile iuiagination, who drank in
with avidity the marvels that were told them, and
wrote them down with superhuman <liscrimination —
with a discrimination which made every so-called fact
tallv with the writings of the Fathers. Tiiese writers
possessed in an eminent <legree the faculty called by
latter-day scholars the imaginative in history-writing.
Whatever was told them that was contrary to tradi-
tion was certainly erroneous, a snare of the devil; if
any facts were wanting in the dir ction jiointed out
by doctrines or dogmas, it was their rigliteous duty to
fill them in. Thus it was t.i certain instances. But
to the truth of the greater part of tliese relations,
t(.'stimony is borne by the unanimity of the authors,
though this is partly owing t«» their co|)ying each from
the writings of tlie others, and, more conclusively, by
the architectural remains which survived the attacks
()f the iconoclastic coiupierors, and the golden and be-
jeweled ornaments of such ex(juisite workmanshij) as
to equal if not surpiuss anything of the kind in Kurope,
which ornaments were sent to Spain as proofs of the
richness of the country. At this distance of time it

160

THE NAI'UA NATIONS.

is impossible to draw a dofiiiite line between the true
and the false; nor do I feel it my duty to do!j;niatize
in these matters, hut rather to tell the tale as I find
it, at the same time layinj^- every shade of evideote
before the reader.

'ti

The principal palace in the city of Mexico was
an irreiji-ular pile of low buildini»'S, enormous in ex-
tent, constructed of hu<>e blocks of tctzoiif/i, a kind of
/n)rous stone common to that country, (-emented
with mortar. The arraui^ement of the buildin<,''s was
such that they enclosed three <^reat plazas or ])ublic
stjuares, in one of which a beautiful fountain inces-
santly phiyed. Twenty jjfreat doors opened on the
stpiares, and on the streets, and over tivese was
sculptured in stone the coat of arms of tlie kiui^cs of
Mexico, — an eaiji'le jj-rippiiiii^ in his talons a jajj^uar.'
In the interior were many iialls, each of immen.se size,
and one in j)articuhir is said by a writer who accom-
jKUiied Cortes, known as the Anonymous ( on(juer«;r,
to liave been of sufficient extent to contain tliree th<>«i-
sand men; while uj)on the terrace that formed its r^/
thirty men on hors^^back could have jj^one through tli«
spear exercise.' hi addition to these there were mor«
than one hundred smaller rooms, and the same num-
ber of marble haths, wliit'h tojtiether with the fountains,
ponds, and basins in the j>ardens, were sii])plied with
water from the nei;L;hborin<^' hill of ('hapultepec.
There were also splendid suites of ajwrtments re-
tained for the use of the kiniu^s of Tezciu o and Tlaco-
pan, and their attendants when they visited Mexico,

' Ifnrrrn, Hist. Cm., iler. ii., lib. vii.. cap. ix. Tliongli it is more tlinn
|irii))iil)lc flint (liiinnrn iiifiiiis tin- .<iiiiu' tliiii};, yet tiic iiiiinncr in wliicli iip
rx|iicM.-<i's it. leaves uh in stiiiie doiiltt wliefher tlie tip'r iiiijjht not iiave lioen
slaudin;.' over the <'a;^le. 'Kl esciulo tie arnias, (|ue estaua por las puertas
lie paiac'io v ciiie traeii las vamleras de Mutei'viinia. \ las de sus anteeessores,
es vnu a;;uila aliatitia a vm ti};re, las nianos y vnas puestas conio paru lia/.er
jiresa.' d'H'l- Mi.f., fol. lOH. ' llet Waiien ilat lioveii «le I'oorte stout, was
••en .\reiit (lie op een (iriHiiM-n netlenlai-lile, mot o|>oii Claiiwen liein fxliereet
Miaei'kende, oni syn Koof te vatten.' l\'riffin/i>ir/o' S/tin/Zirl, p. *24(i.

2 RiliilHittf /(tttii iiir rii ijiiiUI 'hii'iiiii) ill I Siijiior tcrnunili) Cortcse, in
llamnitiv, Xiii iikiIiuik'. toni. iii., fol. UIK).

IIOYAL PALACE AT MEXICO.

161

and for the ministers and counselors, and the ^eat
lords and their suites, who constantly resided at the
capital. Besides these, the private attendants of the
king — and their name was legion — had to 1)C provided
for; so tiiat when we consider the other extensive
buildings, such as the harem, in which, according to
some authorities, were nearly three thousand women;
the armory, tlie granaries, storehouses, menageries,
and aviaries, which either formed part or were in the
immediate vicinity of the palace buildings, we are
prepared somewhat to credit the Anonymous Con-
queror aforesaid wlien he affirms that, although lie
four times wandered about the palace until he was
tired, with no o^^her purpose than to view its interior,
yet he never succeeded in seeing the whole of it.*
The walls .aid floors of halls and apartments were
many of them faced with polished slabs of marble,
por})hyrv, j wper, obsidian, and white tecali;* lofty
«^i</himn« f the same fine stones supported marble bal-
conies aj«d porti<<»<^ every niche and corner of which
was filhid witfi wondrous ornamental carving, or held
* grinning grotes(jU( Iv sculptured head. The beams
Hftd casings wtm of cedar, cj'jiress, and other valuable
woods, profusely c-arved and put together without
nails. The roofs of the palace buildings formed a
suite of iinuK'Use terraces, from wliicli a magnificent
view of tiu! whole city could be ol)taincd. Superb
mats of most ex(|uisite finish were sjnead upon the
marble floors; tlie tajHistry that draped the walls and
the curtains ih>ri' hung before the windows were made
of a fabric most I'^onderful for its deliciite texture, ele-
gant designs and l/rilliant colors; througli the halls and
corridors a thousand golden censers, in wliicli burned
precious spices and perfumes, difl^lised a subtle odor.*

* 'Lc tcciili parait 6trc la pierre transparcnte seinbliiUlo ii I'alUi'itro ori-
oiitul, (lout oil fai^ait iiii graiitl usiige k Mexico, i-l dont Ich r(>li<;ieii\ so scr-
virtMit rnf'iiio pour faire uiie enpeco tic vitres ii leiirs feiU'tiv.-> On cii irmivo
encorr de ce ji;ciire dans plimiciirs couvciitM de la I'linhla do los Angeles.'

encorr de ce ji;ciire dans plimiciirs couvciiim ue la riu
iirft.i.ii i/f fir Jtdiirlioiir;/, J1i.il. Nnt. dr., toiii. iv.. p. 8.
* IiM-^iise-otroriiij.; uiiiuiig thn Mcxiciine, uiid otiicr

Vol II. U

iijklldim uf Andiiuac,

162

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The palace built by Nezahualcoyotl, king of Tez-
cuco, even surpassed that of Montezuma in many
respects. The Tezcucan historian, Ixtlilxochitl, has
given a full description of it, which I partially
translate. The collection of buildings, which com-
posed not only the royal residence, but also the
public offices and courts of law, extended from east
to west twelve hundred and thirty-four and a half
yards, and from north to south, nine hundred and sev-
enty-eight yards. These were encompassed by a wall
made of adobes strongly cemented together, and stand-
ing on a foundation of very hard mortar, six feet in
width at the base. On its southern and eastern sides
the wall was three times a man's stature in height; on
the western side, towards the lake, and on the north-
ern side it rose to the height of five times a man's
stature." For one third of the distance from the base
to the top, the wall grew gradually thinner, while the
remainder was of one thickness.'' Within this in-
closure were the royal dwelling, the council -chambers,
and otlier halls and apartments. There were also two
large plazas, the outer one of which served as the
public market-place. The inner court-yard was sur-
rounded by the various courts of justice, and other halls
where matters relative to science, art, and the army
were judicially and otherwise considered, all of wliich
will be described in their place, and also a hall where
the archives of the kingdom were preserved. In the
centre of the court-yard, which was also used as a
market-})lai'e, was a tennis-court; on the west side
were tiie apartments of the king, more than tiiree
hundred in number, all admirably arranged; here

wiiH iKit only an act of rcli^^ion towards tlieir pmIs, but also a niero of civil
courtt'sy to lords and aniluiMsiuIorM, Clfiritfcro, Stori'n Ant. del Alrssivo, toni.
ii., p. r>l. Cortex durin;; Iiih niari'li to tliu cajtital was on nmru tlian unu oc-
casion met l)y a demitation of nobles, bearing censers which they swung
before him as a murk of courtcxv.

c I'rescott, Mrr., vol. i., ]>. 177, makes in both ca.ses the 'cslado' the
same measure as the 'vara,' tiiat is three feet, a clumsy error certainly,
when translating sui;h a sentence as this: 'que tenia de grueso do.s varas, y
do alto trcs estudos.'

' 'A nianera de estrilm,' writen Ixtlilxochitl.

MONTEZUMA'S MENAGERIE.

163

sur-
halls

as a
side

three
here

J of civil

■CO, toin.

\ one oc-

swuny

Llo' the
Jrtaiiily,
Ivuraa, y

were also storehouses for tribute, and splendid suites
of aj)artnients reserved for the use of the kings of
Mexico and Tlacopan when they visited Tezcuco.
These apartments led into the royal j)leasure-garden8,
which were artistically laid out with labyrinthian
walks winding through the dark foliage, where often
the uninitiated would lose themselves; then there
were sparkling fouutains, and inviting baths, and sha-
dy graves of ced ir and cypress, and ponds well stocked
with fish, and aviaries filled with birds of every hue
and species, besides extensive menageries.* The city
of Mexico, however, furnished the largest collection
of animals, or at all events it is more fully described
by the conquerors than others. The Aztec monarchs
took s[)ecial pleasure in maintaining zoological col-
lections on an immense scale, which fancy was prob-
ably more fully indulged by Montezuma II. than by
any other. That prince caused to be erected in the
city of Mexico an immense edifice, surrounded by
extensive gardens, which was used for no other pur-
pose than to keep and display all kinds of birds and
beasts.

One portion of this building consisted of a large
open court, paved with stones of dift'erent colors, and
divided into several compartments, in which were
kept wild beasts, birds of prey, and reptiles. The
larger animals were confined in low wooden cages
made of massive beams. They were fed upon the in-
testines of human sacrifices, and upon deer, nilihits,
and other animals. The birds of prey were distrib-
uted according to their species, in subterranean cham-
bers, which were more than seven feet deej), and up-
wards of seventeen feet in length an<l breadth. Half
of each chamber was roofed with slabs ui' stone, under
which perches were fixed in the wall, where the birds
might sleep and be protected from the raiii ; the other
half was covered only with a winnlen grating, whicli

^ Ixtlilxochitl, Hill. Chich.
l)p. 242-3.

m KinffiSoriiiigh'.t \fcx. Antiq , toiii. ix.,

164

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

admitted air and sunlight. Five hundred turkeys
were daily killed for food for these birds. Alligators
were kept in ponds walled round to prevent their
escape, and serpents in long cages or vessels, large
enough to allow them to move about freely. These
reptiles were also fed on human blood and intestines.
Mr Prescott tells us that the whole of this menagerie
"was placed under the charge of numerous keepers,
who acquainted themselves with the habits of their
prisonei-s, and provided for their comfort and cleanli-
ness."

Thomas Gage, the shrewd old English heretic, takes
another view. In his quaint though free and slashing
style he writes: "But what was wonderful to behold,
horrid to see, hideous to hear in this house, was the
Officers' daily occupations about these beasts, the floor
with blood like a gelly, stinking like a slaughter-house,
and the roaring of the Lions, the fearful hissing of tlio
Snakes and Adders, the doleful howling and barking
of the Wolves, the sorrowful yelling of the (Jwnzes
and Tigros, wlien they would have meat. And yet in
this place, which in the night season seemed a dungeon
of hell, and a dwelling place for the Devil, could a
heathen Prince pray unto his Gods and Idols; for
near unto this Hall was another of a hundred and fifty
foot long and thirty foot broad, where was a chappel
with a roof of silver and gold in leaf, wainscotted and
docked with great store of pearl and stone, as Agats,
Cornorines, Emeralds, Rubies, and divers other sorts;
and this was the Oratory where Montezuma prayed in
the night season, and in that chappel the Devil did
appear unto him, and gave liim answer according to
his prayers, which as they were uttered among so many
ugly and deformed beasts, and with the noise of them
which represented Hell it self, were fitted for a Devil's
answer."^

In another part of the building was an immense hall
which served as an aviary, in which were collected

• Oaye's New Survey, p. 99. Coiiconiing tliis (irutory, see Laa Ciuas,

ZOOLOGICAL COLLECTION OF MONTEZUMA.

166

keys

itors

iheir

arge

'hese

lines.

gerie

ipers,

their

3anli-

takes

,shing

ahold,

IS the

3 floor

house,

of the

arking

hvnzes
yet in

nigeon
uld a
s; for
d fifty
happel
d and
Agats,
• sorts;
yod in
vil did
ing to
) many
them
evil's

me hall
Lllected

las Ciuas,

specimens of all the birds in the empire, exceptin;
those of prey. They were of infinite variety an
splendid plumage; many specimens were so difficult
to obtain that their feathers brought almost fabulous
prices in the Mexican market; while some few, either
because of their extreme rarity or their inability to
live in confinement, did not appear even in the royal
aviary, except in imitation, for we are told that, both
in Mexico and Tezcuco, all kinds of birds and ani-
mals that could not be obtained alive were repre-
sented in gold and silver so skillfully that they are said
to have served the naturalist Hernandez for models.
But to attain this honor, a bird must indeed have been a
rara avis, a very phoenix, for it is related by Torque-
mada and many others, on the authority of a Spanish
eye-witness, that the Emperor Montezuma II. happen-
ing one day to see a sparrow-hawk soaring through
the air, and "taking a fancy to its beauty and mode
of flight," ordered his followers to catch it without de-
lay and bring it alive to his hand ; and such were the
efibrts made and care used, that in an incredibly short
space of time "tliey captured that fierce and haughty
hawk as though it had been but a gentle domestic
pigeon, and brought it to the king."""

iVIarble galleries, supported upon jasper pillars, all
of one piece, surrounded this building, and looked out
upon a large garden, wherein were groves of rare trees,
choice shrubbery and flowers, and fountains filled with
fish. But the prominent feature of the garden was
ten large ])onds for the use of water-fowl, some of which
were filled with fresh and some with salt water, accord-
ing to the nature of the birds tliat frequented them.
Each pond was surrounded with tessellated marble

Hi.it. A/m/oiji'/icn, M.'^., toni. i., cap. 1 Torfinoniiuln. Mnitarq. hid., ttnii. i.,
p. '2%. u.ssiTts tliiit the j^ultl iind silver ])lut<'N with whicii tlie walls and
roof were routed, were ulitxiHt as tlii(!k ius a tiii;;er, anm tiiat thf lirst cnn-
querorM did not sec this cliapel or oratory, liersiimc MonUizuiii.i alway.s went
to thi' t.(Miiplc to l)ray, mid itrwlMiWy, as tiic luitives deciaiieil, kuowin;; the
covetousiiess of tiie Siianiards. Ii;- puriMisciy c<»ii(;i'aled all this wealth from
thcin ; it is also naid tliat when .Mexieo was taUeii the natives dextroyetl thi*
chapel, and threw its treaHure»> intto the lake.
"• Torque inada, Mom rq. Ind., toni. i., p. 2*7.

166

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

„ I

pavement and shaded by clumps of trees. As often
as the water began to stagnate it was drained off and
renewed. Montezuma is said to have passed much of
his time here, alone or with his women, seated in the
shade, amid the plashing of fountains and odor of flow-
ers, musing upon affairs of state or diverting his mind
from sucl cares by watching the motions of the strange
birds upon the water.

No less than three hundred persons were employed
in attending upon the water-fowl and the birds in the
aviary ; feeding them and in the moulting season care-
fully gathering the gorgeous plumes, which served as
material for the celebrated Aztec feather- work. The
habits of the birds were closely studied, and great care
was taken that every species should be supplied with
the foi)d Ijest suited to its taste, whether it consisted
of worms, insects, or seeds. The fish with which the
water-fowl were suj)plied amounted to one hundred
a'.d fifty pounds daily. In another hall a collection
of human monstrosities was kept. As we shall pres-
ently see, many of these unfortunate creatures were
tramfcd to play the part of jesters at the royal table.
Yet anoi/her hall contained a number of albinos, or
white Indians, who were considered a great curiosity.

In addition to these city palaces the Aztec monarchs
had numerous equally splendid country residences, be-
sides whole tracts of country set a|)art us royal hunting-
grounds. In these parts timl)er was not allowed to be
cut nor game disturbed, whicli regulations were en-
forced with great rigor.

The principal country villa of Montezuma II., and
the only one of whicli any signs are yet visible, was
situated upon the hill of Chai)ulte})ec, which stood in
a westerly direction from tlie city of Mexico. In the
days t>f the Aztec kings, the lake of Tezcuco washed
the base of the hill, round which the royal grounds
stretclied for miles in every direction. The gardens
were laid out in terraces, that wound down the hillside
amid dense groves of pepper-trees, myrtles, and cy-

THE HILL OF CHAPULTEPEC.

167

3 en-

and

was

od in

the

shed

mnds

dens

Iside

I cy-

presses, innumerable fountains and artificial cascades.
Little of the ancient glory of either palace or gardens
is now left, except the natural beauty of the foliage
that clothes the hill, and the magnificent view to be
obtained from the summit. Two statues of Mon-
tezuma II. and his father, cut in has relief on the
porphyry rock, were still to be seen, Gama tells us, in
the middle of the last century, but these are now gone,
swept away by the same ruthless hands that laid waste
the hanging gardens and tore down halls and monu-
ments until the groves of gigantic cypresses are all
that is left standing in the gardens of Chapultepec
that ministered to the pleasure of the ancient owners.
Peter Martyr, describing the palace at Iztapalapan,
writes, in the language of an early translator: "That
house also hath orchardes, finely planted with diuers
trees, and herbes, and flourishing fiowers, of a sweete
smell. There are also in the same, great standing
pooles of water with many kindes of fish, in the which
diuers kiiulos of all sortes of waterfoule are swimminge.
To the bottome of these lakes, a man may descend by
marble steppes brought farr of. They re})urt strange
thinges of a walke inclosed with nettinges of Canes,
least any one should freely come witliin the voyde

1)lattes of grounde, or to the fruite of the trees. Those
ledges are made with a thousande pleasant deuises, as
it falleth out in those delicate purple crosse alleyes, of
mirtle, rosemary, or boxe, al very delightfull to be-
hold.""

Nezahualcoyotl, the Tezcucan Solomon, was no wit
behind his royal brother of Mexico in tlie matter of
splendid country residences and gardens. Not content
with the royal pleasure-grounds called Huectecpan,
writes the Chichimec historian," this great king made
others, such as the forest so famous in Tezcotzincan
history, and those called Cauchiacac, Tzinacamoztoc,

" Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii.

" Ixllilxuchitl, Hint. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mcx. Antiq., vol. ix., pp.
251-2.

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Cozcaquauhco, Cuctlachatitlan, or Tlateitec, and those
of the lake Acatelelco, and Topetzinco; he Hkewise
marked out a large tract, where ho might pass his
leisure moments m hunting. These gardens were
adorned with fountains, drains, sewers, ponds, and
labyrinths, and were planted with all kinds of Howers
and trees, both indigenous and foreign.

But Nezahualcoyotl was not one to overlook utility
in laying out his grounds. Five large patches of the
most fertile lands lying near the capital were brought
under cultivation and the products appropriated ex-
clusively to the use of the royal household.

Certain towns and provinces in the vicinity of the
court furnislied attendants and laborers for the palaces,
gardens, and plantations. In return for such service
said towns and provinces were exempt from taxation
and enjoyed certain privileges. The manner of service
was divided ; thus twenty-eight towns supplied those
who attended to the cleanliness and order of the royal
buildings and waited upon the king and his suite;
fourteen of these towns" did service during one half
of the year and the remainder" during the other half
Five towns provided attendants for the king's cham-
ber," and eight provinces," with their dependent towns,
furnished, each in its turn, foresters, gardeners, and
agricultural laborers for the woods and gardens, orna-
mental or otherwise.

King Nezahualcoyotl's favorite country residence,

" Their names, as given hy Ixtlilxocliitl, Hist. Chirh., in Kingsborotiffh'a
Mcx. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 251,' were: Hucxotla, Coatlirlian, Coatn|)ec, Chi-
nialliuacan, Ytxtannlucaii, Tcpctlaoztoc, Acolniau, Tc|)cclii)an, Chiiilmauh-
tlan, Tcioiocan, (Jliiauhtia, I'imalotlan, Xaltouan, and Clialco.

•* Otonipan, Teotiliuacan, Tcj|)cpolco, CeiniMialon, Aztaqucniecan, Ahna-
tepec, Axa]M>cIioc, Oztoticpac, Tizuyocan, Tlalanapan, Coioac, (juatlatlauh-
can, Quaulitlacca, and ijuatlatzinco. lb.

IS 'Para la reeilniara del rey,' namely: Calpolalpan, Mazaapan, Yalnm-
linhcan, Atencn, and Tzihuinquilocan. lb. It is nnroasunable to suppose
that these so-called 'towns' were really more than mere villages, since the
kingdoms projicr of Mexico, Tezcueo, and Tlacopan, of which they fonned
only a fraction, were all contained in a valley not two hundred miles in cir-
cunifercncc.

'6 Tolantzinco, Quauhchinanco, XicotejKic, Panhatln, Yauhtepec, Tepcch-
CO, Ahuuoaiocan, and Quauliahuac. lb.; see also Torqmmada, Monarq. Ind.,
torn, i., p. 167.

SUMMER PALACE AT TEZCOZINCO.

169

some remains of which are still visible, waa at Tezco-
zinco, on a conical hill lying about two leagues from
Tezcuco. A broad road, running between high hedges,
and probably winding spirally round the hill, a])pears
to have led up to the summit," which, however, could
be reached in a shorter time by means of a flight of
steps, many of which were cut into the living rock,
and the remainder made of pieces of stone finnly
cemented together. Ddvila Padilla, who wrote in the
latter part of the sixteenth century, says that ho
counted five hundred and twenty of these steps, with-
out reckoning those that had already crumbled to
pieces." He furthermore adds that for the last twelve
steps in the ascent the staircase was tunneled through
the solid rock, and became so narrow that only one
person could pass at a time. Diivila Padilla inquired
the reason of this of the natives, and was told by them,
as they had heard it from their fathers, that this nar-
row passage enabled the Tezcucan monarch to assert
his rank by taking precedence of his royal visitors
when they went in a body to worship the idol that
stood upon the summit; not a very polite proceeding
certainly." Water was brought over hill and dale to
the top of the mountain by means of a solid stone
aqueduct. Here it was received in a large basin,
having in its centre a great rock, upon which were in-
scribed in a circle the hieroglyphics representing the
years that had elapsed since Nezalmalcoyotl's birth, with
a list of his most noteworthy achievements in each.^
Within this circle the royal coat of arms was sculptured,

" ' La ccrca tan gramlc que tenia para suhir A la cumhre dc el y andurlo
todo.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist, t'hich., in KiiiffsborottglCs Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,

p. ar.i.

'* 'Para siibir hasta csta cuinbre sc puHsan quinicntos y veynte cscaloncs,
nin aI<;uno.s que estan ya dcslieuhos, \wr auer biiIo de |)ic(ira8 sucltas y pues-
tus h niani): ([ue otros niuchoH escalones ay, labrados en la ])rupia ]>eria cun
nuicha curiusidad. El afio pasado los anduiie todoa, y los c(>nt6, para dcponer
lie vista.' Diivila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 619. Prescott, Mcx., vol.
i., p. 186, citinj; the aliove author, p;ive8 five hundred and twenty as the
whole nunilHjr of .steps, without further remark.

>' Torquentada aisu mentions this staircase. Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p.
436

*D 'Eaculpida en ella en circunfercneia los aiios desdc que habia nacido el

v^.

IMAGE EVALUATION
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Sciences

Corporation

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23 WEST ma:n street

WEBSTER, N.Y. t »»S0
(716) 673-4503

.V^

170

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

the elaborate device of which it is almost impossible
to imagine from the clumsy description of it given by
Ixtlilxochitl. As nearly as I can make it out, certain
figures representing a deer's foot adorned with feathers
and having a precious stone tied to it, a hind support-
ing an arm which grasps a bow and arrows, and a corse-
leted warrior, wearing a helmet with its ear pieces,
formed the centre; these were flanked by two houses,
one in flames and falling to pieces, the other whole and
highly ornamented; two tigers of the country, vomit-
ing fire and water, served as supporters; the whole
was surrounded by a border composed of twelve heads
of kings and great nobles. From this basin the water
was distributed through the gardens in two streams,
one of which meandered down the northern side of the
hill, and the other down the southern side. Davila
Padilla relates that there also stood upon the summit
an image of a coyote, hewn from the living rock, which
represented a celebrated fasting Indian.'^^ There were
likewise several towers or columns of stone, havinsr
their capitals made in the shape of a pot, from which
protruded plumes oi feathers, which signified the name
of the place. Lower down was the colossal figure of
a winged beast, called by Ixtlilxochitl a lion,'" lying
down, with its face toward the east, and bearing in
its mouth a sculptured portrait of the king; this statue
was generally covered with a canopy adorned with
gold and feather- work.'"

A little lower yet were three basins of water, em-
blematic of the great lake, and on the borders of the
middle one three female figures were sculptured on
the solid rock, representing the heads of the confed-

rey Nezahualcoiotzin, hasta la cdad tie nqucl ticmr>o.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chic.li., ill Kiiiffsborough's Mcx. Aiitiq., vol. ix., p. 252. Prescott says that
the hieroglvphics represented the 'years of Mczaluialcoyotrs reign.' Mex.,
vol. i., p. 182.

*' Htst. Fvnd. Mex., p. 619. 'Thi>5 figure was, no doubt, the enihlein

of Nezahualcoyotl hiniHetf, whose name sigiiiKed "hungry fo.\."' Prcs-

cott's Mcx., vol. i., p. 18.S, note 42.

I' ' Un leon do mas de do-; brazas de largo con sus alas y plunias.' Hist.
Chick., in KingsborouffKn Mcx. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 252.

s> These figures wrro destroyed by order of t r Juan de Zuntdrraga, first

ORNAMENTAL GARDENS AT TEZCOZINCO.

171

erated states of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan.** Up-
on the northern side of the hill was another pond; and
here upon the rock was carved the coat of arms of the
city of ToUan, which was formerly the chief town of
the Toltecs; upon the southern slope of the hill was
yet another pond, bearing the coat of arms and the
name of the city of Tenayuca, which was formerly
the head town of the Chichimecs. From this basin a
stream of water flowed continually over the precipice,
and being dashed into spray upon the rocks, was scat-
tered like rain over a garden of odorous tropical
plants.'^ In the garden were two baths, dug out of

Bishop of Mexico. Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mcx., p. 619; IxtUlxo-
chitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborounh's Mcx. Autiq., vol. ix., p. 252. The
injury wrought by this holy iconoclast ia incalculable. Blinded by the mad
fanaticism of tlie aye, he saw a devil in every Aztec image and hieroglyph;
Iiis hammers did more in a few years to eflface all vestiges of Aztec art and
greatness than time and decay could have done in as many centuries. It is
a few such men as this that the world has to tliank for tlie utter extinction
in a few short years of a mighty civilization. In a letter to the Franciscan
Chapter at Tolosa, date«l June 12, 1531, wc find the old bigot exulting over
his vandalism. 'Very reverend Fathers,* he writes: 'l)e it known to you
that we are very busy ia the work of converting the hcatlien; of whom, by
the gnice of Uod, Howards of one million have l>eeu baptized at the hands
of the brethren of tlie order of our seraphic Father Saint Francis; five hun-
dred temples have been leveled to the ground, and more than twenty thous-
and figures of the deviU they woi-shiped have lieen broken to pieces and
burned.' And it appears that the woithy zealot had even succeeded in
bringing the natives themselves to his way of thinking, for further on lie
writes: 'They watch with great care to .see where their fathers hide the idols,
and then with great fitlelity they bring them to the reli";ious of our order
that they may lie destroyed; and for this many of them have l)een brutally
murdered by their parents, or, to speak more jiroperly, have been crowned
in glory with Christ.' Dice. Univ., App., toni. iii., p. 1131.

** 'I'here is a singular confusion alwut this passage. In KiunshoroiigtCa
Mcx. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 252, IxtJilxiicliitl is made to write: 'Un poqnito
mas abujo estaban trcs all)ercas de ugiia, y cii la del medio estaban en sus
bordus tres danias csculpidas y lubradas en la misma i>cna, que significa-
ban Itt gran lacuna; y las raitaa las ca1)czas del iiiipcrio.' In Prcscott's
Mcx., App., vol. iii., pp. 430-2, IxtliLxochitl's description of Tezcoziiico is
given in full; the almve-quoted ])assage is exactly the same here except
that for raiias, fro<{s, we read ramus, branches. Either of these Avords
would render the ocscription incomprehensible, and in my description I
have assumed that they are Iwth misprints for dainas. Mr Prescott, Mcx.,
vol. i., pp. 182-3, surmounts the difficulty as follows: 'On a h>wer level
were three other reservoirs, in each of which stood a marble statue of a
woman, emblematic of the three states of the empire.' This is inaccurate
as well as iiiconiplete, inasmuch as the figures were not statues, each stand-
ing in a basin, but were all three cut upon the face of the rock-border of
the middle basin.

>^ I have no doubt that this is the basin known to modern travelers as
the 'Baths of Montezuma,' of which Ward says that it ia neither of
the proper shaiie, nor large enough for a bath, but that it more probably

172

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

one large piece of porphyry ,** and a flight of steps
also cut from the solid rock, worked and polished so
smooth that they looked like mirrors, and on the front
of the stairs were carved. the year, month, day, and
hour in which information was brought to King Neza-
hualcoyotl of the death of a certain lord of Huexot-
zinco, whom he esteemed very highly, and who died
while the said staircase was being built." The garden
is said to have been a perfect little paradise. The
gorgeous flowers were all transplanted from the dis-
tant tierra caliente; marble pavilions, supported on
slender columns, with tesselated pavements and spark-
ling fountains, nestled among the shady groves and
afforded a cool retreat during the long summer days.
At the end of the garden, almost hidden by the groups
of gigantic cedars and cypresses that surrounded it,

' served to receive the waters of a spring, since dried up, as its depth
is considerable, wliilc the edge on one side is formed into a spout.* Mex-
ico, vol. ii., p. 297. Of late years this excavation has l)een repeatedly
described by men who claim to have visited it, but whose statements it is
hard to reconcile. Bullock mentions having seen on this spot 'a 1)eautiful
basin about twelve feet lung by eight wide, having a well about five feet
by four deep in the centre, surrounded by a parapet or rim two feet six
inches high, with a throne or chair, such as is represented in ancient pictures
to have been used by the kings. There are steps to descend into the basin
or bath; the whole cut out of the living jiorphyry rock with the most math-
ematical precision, and polished in the most beautiful manner.' Mexico,
vol. ii., pp. 125-6. Latrolie says there were 'two singular Imsins, of iier-
liaps two feet and a half in diameter, not big enough for any monarch bis-
ger than Oberon to take a duck in.' Rambler, p. 187; Vigne's Travels, vol.

I., p. 27, mentions 'the remains of a circular stone Imth about a foot

deep and iive in diameter, with a small snrrounding and smoothed space cut
out of the solid rock.' Brtuitz Mayer, who both saw it and gives a sketch
of it, writes: 'The rock is smoothed to a perfect level for several yards,
around which, seats and grooves are carved from the adjacent masses. In
the centre there is a circular sink, about a yard and a half in diameter, and
a yard in depth, and a square pii)e, with a small ancrtnre, led the water from
un aqueduct, wliich appears to terminate in this iNisin.' Mex. as it Was, p.
23(. Beaufoy rniys that two^hirds up the southern side of the hill was a
mass of fine red porphyry, in Vrh'ch was an excavation six feet square, with
steps leading down tlirce feet, having in the centre a circular lias'n four
ana a half feet in diameter and five deep, also with steps. Mex. Illustr., p.
195. 'On the side of the hill ,re two little circular baths, cut in the solid
rock. The lower of the two has a flight of steps down to it; the seat for
the bather, and the stone pine which brought the water, are still quite
perfect.' Ty/or's yl«nAi«rtC, p. 152.

*6 'TroB este jardin se scguian los bafios hechos y lahrados dc pefia viva,
que con dividirs*^ <fn dos bailos era de una pieza.' Ixtlilxochitl, Htat. Chick.,
in KinqahorouffiCs Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 252.

"/6.

TOLTEC PALACES.

173

was the royal palace,** so situated that while its spa-
cious halls were filled with the sensuous odors of the
tropics, blown in from the gardens, it remained shel-
tered from the heat.®

If the ancient traditions may be believed, the Tol-
tec monarchs built as magnificent palaces as their
Aztec successors. The sacred palace of that mysteri-
ous Toltec priest-king, Quetzalcoatl, had four prmcipal
halls, facing the four cardinal points. That on the
east was called the Hall of Gold, because its halls
were ornamented with plates of that metal, delicately
chased and finished; the apartment lying toward the
west was named the Hall of Emeralds and Turquoises,
and its walls were profusely adorned with all kinds of
precious stones; the hall facing the south was deco-
rated with plates of silver and with brilliant-colored
sea-shells, which were fitted together with great skill.
The walls of the fourth hall, which was on the north,
were red jasper, covered with carving and ornamented
with shells. Another of these palaces or temples, for
it is not clear which they were, had also four principal

'" DAvil.-i Padilla says that some of the gateways of this palace were
formed of one piece of stone, and he saw one Mam of cedar tlicre which wo-'
almost ninety feet in length and four in breadth. Hist. Fend. Mex., p.' G20.

'3 Concerning; the royal buildings, gardens, &c., of the Aztecs, compare
Las Casus, Hist. Apologitica, MS., torn, i., cap. 1.; Torquemcula, Monarq.
IiuL, toni. i., pp. 107, 2!)6-8; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., m Kinmborongnrs
Mcx. Aiitiq., vol. i.K., pj). 243-4, 251-2; IMoila Padilla, Hist. Fond. Mex.,
pp. 619-20; Relatione Jatta per vn gentiPhuomo del Signer Fernando Cor-
tcsc, in Raniusio, Navigationi, tom.'iii., fol. 309; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn,
ii., lib. viii., pp. 302-9; Cainargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvclles Annales dcs
Vot/., 1843, toni. xcviii., p. 196; Acosta^s Hist. Nat. Ind.,n. 484; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, toui. !., pp. 271-4; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp.
305-7, .504; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq. fol. 69; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in
hazbalceta. Col. de Doc., torn, i., pp. 181-5; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
107-11; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 315-19; Cortis,
Cur/a.i, pj». 110-11; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix.-xi.; West-
Indisc/ie Sjnecfhel, pp. 245-6, 343; Gage's New Survey, pp. 97-9; Peter Mar-
tyr, dec. v., lib. iii., iv., x.; Chevalier, Mexiquc, pp. 30-2; PrcscotCs Mrx.,
vol. i., pp. 177-84, vol. ii., pp. 65, 115-21; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Cio., tom. iv., pp. 8-1 1; Pimcntel, Rata Indigena, p. 57; Tdpia, Re-
lacion, in Icazbaleeta Col. de Doe., tom. ii., pp. 581-3. Other works of no
original value, which touch on this subject, are: Klemm, Cultur-Gcschichtc,
torn, v., pp. 15,244, 65-6, 234-7; RanXing's Hist. Researehes, pp. 347-51;
Bitss'ierre, V Empire Mexieain, pp. 90-4, 109; Maegregor's Progress of Amer-
iea, p. 22; Dilworth'a Cotiq. Mex., pp. 66, 70; Wtst und Oat Indiaclter Lutt-
gart, pt i., p. 126.

174

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

halls decorated entirely with feather-work tapestry.
In the eastern division the feathers were yellow; in
the western they were blue, taken from a bird called
Xiuhtototl; in the southern hall the feathers were
white, and in that on the north they were red.**

The number of attendants attached to the royal
houses was very great. Every day from sunrise until
sunset the antechambers of Montezuma's palace in
Mexico were occupied by six hundred noblemen and
gentlemen, who passed the time lounging about and
discussing the gossip of the day in low tones, for it
was considered disrespectful to speak loudly or make
any noise within the palace limits. They were pro-
vided with apartments in the palace,'^ and took their
meals from what remained of the superabundance of
the royal table, as did, after them, their own servants,
of whom each pernon of quality was entitled to from
one to thirty, according to his rank. These retainers,
numbering two or three thousand, filled several outer
courts during the day.

The king took his meals alone, in one of the largest
halls of the palace. If the weather was cold, a fire
was kindled with a kind of charcoal mjide of the bark
of trees, which emitted no smoke, but threw out a de-
licious perfume; and that his majesty might suffer no
inconven.'ence from the heat, a screen ornamented with
gold and carved with figures of the idols** was placed
between his person and the fire. He was seated upon
a low leather cushion, upon which were thrown vari-
ous soft skins, and his table was of a similar descrip-
tion, except that it was larger and rather higher, and
was covered with white cotton cloths of the finest
texture. The dinner-service was of the finest ware of
Cholula, and many of the goblets were of gold and

^1 Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., pp. 107-S.

31 Close to the great audience hall was a verj: large court-yard, 'en ouo
avia fieiit aposeiitos de veyntc i f inco 6 trej nta pies de largo cada uno sonre
si en torno de dicho patio, & alii estaban los sefiorcs prin^ipalca aj)os8entado8,
como miardaa del pala^io ordinarias.' Ovicdo, Hist. Gen., torn, lii., p. 601.

3* ' Vna como tabla labrada con oro, y otras figuras de idolos. Bemal
Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68.

MONTEZUMA AT TABLE.

175

silver, or fashioned of beautiful shells. He is said to
have possessed a complete service of solid gold, but as
it was considered below a king's dignity to use any-
thing at table twice, Montezuma with all his extrava-
gance, was obliged to keep this costly dinner-set in
the temple. The bill of fare comprised everything
edible of fish, flesh, and fowl, that could be procured
in the empire or imported from beyond it. Relays of
couriers were employed in bringing delicacies from
afar, and as the royal table was every day supplied
witli fresh fish brought, without the modern aids of
ice and air-tight packing, from a sea-toast more than
a hundred miles distant, by a road passing chiefly
through a tropical climate, we can form some idea of
the speed with which f nese couriers traveled. There
were cunning cooks among the Aztecs, and at those
extravagant meals there was almost as much variety
in the cooking as in the matter cooked. Sahagun^
gives a most formidable list of roast, stewed, and boiled
dishes of meat, fish, and poultry, seasoned with many
kinds of herbs, of which, however, the most frequently
mentioned is chile.'* He further describes many kinds
of bread, all bearing a more or less close resemblance
to the modern Mexican tortilla,'® and all most tre-
mendously named; imagine, for instance, when one
wished for a piece of bread, having to ask one's neigh-
bor to be good enough to pass the totanquitlaxcallil-
laquelpacholli ; then there were tamales of all kinds,**

" Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. viii., pp. 297-.S02.

3< This imngent condiment is at tlie jnesent day as omnipresent in Span-
ish American disJies as it was at the time of the conquest; and I am seri-
ously informed by a Spanisli gentleman wlio resided for many years in Mex-
ico, and was an otKcer in Maximilian's army, that while the wolves would
feed upon the dead bodies of the French that lajr all night upon the battle-
field, tlicy never touched the bodies of the Mexicans, because the flesh of
the latter was completely impregnated with chile. Which, if true, may bo
thought to show that Widves do not object to a diet seasoned with garlic.

31 Described too frequently in vol. i., of this series, to need repetition.

3B The tamalc is another very favorite modern Mexican dish. The na-
tives generally make them with pork; the bones are crushed almost to
powder; the meat is cut up in small pieces, and the whole washed; a small
quantity of maize paste, seasoned with cinnamon, saffron, cloves, pimento,
tomatoes, coarse penper, salt, red coloring matter, and some lard added to
it, is placed uu the fire in a pan; as soon as it has acquired the consistency

176

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

and many other curious messes, such as frog-spawn,
and stewed ants cooked with chile, but more loath-
some to us than even such as these, and strangest
of all the strange compounds that went to make up
the royal carte, was one highly seasoned, and probably
savory-smelling dish, so exquisitely prepared that its
principal ingredient was completely disguised, yet that
ingredient was nothing else than human flesh." Each
dish was kept warm by a chafing-dish placed under it.
Writers do not agree as to the exact quantity of food
served up at each meal, but it must have been im-
mense, since the lowest number of dishes given is
three hundred,^ and the highest three thousand.**
They were brought into the hall by four hundred
pages of noble birth, who placed their burdens upon
the matted floor and retired noiselessly. The king
then pointed out such viands as he wished to partake
of, or left the selection to his steward, who doubtless
took pains to study the likes and dislikes of the royal
palate. This steward was a functionary of the highest
rank and importance ; he alone was privileged to place
vhe designated delicacies before the king upon the

of a thick gruel it i3 removed, mixed vith the meat, some more lard and
salt added, and tlie mass kneaded for a few moments; it is then divided into
small portions, which are enveloped in a thin paste of maize. The taniales
thus prepared are covered with a Imnana-leaf or a corn-lii.sk, and niaecd in
a pot or pan over which large leaves are laid. They are allowed to trail from
one hour and a half to two liours. Game, poultry, vegetables, or sweet-
meats are often used instead of iiork.

3' Torquemada, Monarq. Ina., torn. i.. p. 229, regrets that certain per-
sons, out of the ill-will they bore tlic Mexicans, have falsely imputed to
Montezuma the crime of eating hum^n flesh without its being well seasoned,
but he admits that when proixsrly cooked and disguised, the flesh of those
sacrificed to the gods appeared at the royal btiard. Some modem writers
seem to doubt even tliis; it is, however, certain that cannibalism existed
among the people, not as a means of allaying amwtite, but from partly re-
ligious' motives, and there seems no reason to uoubt that the kiu^; shared
the superstitions of the people. I do not, however, base the opinion upon
Ovicdo s assertion, which smacks strongly of the 'giant stories' of the nur-
sery, that certain 'dishes of tender children' graced the monarch's table.
Hist. Gen., Una. iii., p. 501. Benial Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. G8, also cannot
withstand the temptation to deal in the marvelous, and mentions 'carncs de
muchachosdc pocaedad;' though it is true the soldier-like bluntuess tho
veteran so prided himself upon, comes to his aid, and he admits that per-
haps after all Montezuma was not an ogre.

M Bemal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68.

» Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., p. 501.

MONTEZUMA'S TABLE.

177

table; he appears to have done duty both as royal
carver and cupbearer, and, according to Torquemada,
to have done it barefooted and on his knees.*" Every-
thing being in readiness, a number of the most beauti-
ful of the king's women*' entered, bearing water in
round vessels called xicales, for the king to wash his
hands in, and towels that he might dry them, other
vessels being placed upon the ground to catch the drip-
pings. Two other women at the same time brought
him some small loaves of a very delicate kind of bread
made of the finest maize-flour, beaten up with eggs.
This done, a wooden screen, carved and gilt, was
placed before him, that no one might see him while
eati iig.** There were always present five or six aged
lor(?s, who stood near the royal chair barefooted, and
witn bowed heads. To these, as a special mark of
fa^or, the king occasionally sent a choice morsel from
his own plate. During the meal the monarch some-
times amused himself by watching the performances
of his jugglers and tumblers, whose marvelous feats
of strength and dexterity I shall describe in another
place ; at other times there was dancing, accompanied
by singing and music ; there were also present dwarfs,
and professional jesters, who were allowed to speak,
a privilege denied all others under penalty of death,
and, after the manner of their kind, to tell sharp
truths in the shape of jests. The more solid food
was followed by pastry, sweetmeats, and a magnificent
dessert of fruit. The only beverage drank at the meal
was chocolate,*' of which about fifty jars were pro-

« Monarq. hid., torn, i., p. 229.

*i Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. (58, says there were four of these women;
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 229, says there were twenty.

" ' Jil ya que comen^aua d comer, echauanle delante vna como puerta do
niadera muy pintada de ore, porque no le viessen comer.' Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 68. 'Luego que se sentaba h la Mesa, cerraba el Maestre-Sala
vnaVaranda de Madera, que dividia la Sala, para que la Noblcfa de los
CnlHiIleros, qiie acudia A verle comer, no emturafase la Mesa.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 229. 'Tosto che il Re si metteva a tavola, cliiude-
va lo Scalco la porta delta Sala, acciocch^ nessuno degli altri Nobili lo
vedesse mangiare.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 270.

*^ 'A potation of chocolate, flavored with vanilla and other spices, and
so prepared as to be reduced to a froth of the consistency of honey, which
Voi.n. w

178

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

vided,'** it was taken with a spoon, finely wrought of
gold or shell, from a goblet of the same material.
Having finished his dinner, the king again washed
his hands in water brought to him, as before, by
the women. After this, several painted and gilt
pipes were brought, from which he inhaled, through
his mouth or nose, as suited him best, the smoke
of a mixture of liquid-amber, and an herb called
tobacco.** His siesta over, he devoted himself to
business, and proceeded to give audience to foreign
ambassadors, deputations from cities in the empire,
and to such of his lords and ministers as had business
to transact with him. Before entering the presence-
chamber, all, no matter what their rank might be,
unless they were of the blood-royal, were obliged to
leave their sandals at the door, to cover their rich
dresses with a large coarse mantle, and to approach
the monarch barefooted and with downcast eyes, for
it was death to the subject who should dare to look
his sovereign in the face.** The king usually answered
through his secretaries,*^ or when he deigned to speak

gradually dissolved in the mouth.' Prescolt's Mex., vol. ii., p. 125. 'This
was soniethiiig like our chocolate, and prepared in the same way, but with
this difference, that it was mixed with the boiled dough of nmise, and was
drunk cold.' Beriial Diaz, Hist. Conq., [Lockhart's translation Lond.,
1844, vol. i., note, p. 393]. 'La bcbida.es agua mezclada con cierta harina
de imas almcndras que llaman cacao. Esta es dc mucha sustancia, muy
fresca, y sabrosa y agradable, y no embriaga.' Laa Casus, Hist. Apologitica,
MS., cap. ccxi.

^* 'Entonces no mirauamos en ello; mas lo que yo vi, que traian sobre
cincuenta jarros grandes hechos de buen cacao con su cspuma, y de lo (^ue
bebia.' Bcrnal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68. Oviedo, as usual, is content with
no number less than three thousand: 'K luego venian tres mill xicalos (cdn-
taros 6 dnforas) de brevage.' Hist. Gen., iom. iii., p. 501. Las Casaa makes
it three hundred: 'A su tiempo, en medio 6 en fin de los manjares segun la
costumbre que tenian, entravan otroa trescientos pajcs, cada uno con un
vaso urandc que cabia medio azumbre, (about a quart), y auu tres quartillos
de la ucbida en el mismo, v servia el un vaso al rey el maestresala, de que
bebia loque le agradava.' Las Casus, Hist. Apoloqitica, MS., cap. ccxi.

*5 ' Vnas yervas que se dize tabaco.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68.

*6 Only five {Ksrsons enjoyed the privilege of looking Montezuma II. in
the face: the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and the lords of Quauhtitlan,
Coyouacan, and Azcapuzalco. Las Casus, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. ccxi.
Bernal Diaz says that all who approached the royal seat made three rev-
erences, saying in succession, 'Lord,* 'my lord,' 'sublime lord.' Hist. Conq.,
fol. 68.

^1 This custom of speaking through a secretary was adopted by the other
Aztec monarchs as well as Montezuma, aud was also imitated by many of

THE ROYAL WARDROBE.

179

G8.
II. in
bitlan,
ccxi.
rev-
Cong-.,

other
»ny of

directly to the person who addressed him, it was in
such a low tone as scarcely to be heard ;** at the same
time he listened very attentively to all that was com-
municated to him, and encouraged those who, from
embarrassment, found difficulty in speaking. Each
applicant, when dismissed, retired backward, keeping
his face always toward the royal seat. The time set
apart for business having elapsed, he again gave him-
self up to pleasure, and usually passed the time in
familiar badinage with his jesters, or in listening to
ballad-singers who sang of war and the glorious deeds
of his ancestors, or he amused himself by looking on
at the feats of strength and legerdemain of his jug-
glers and acrobats; or, sometimes, at this hour, he
would retire to the softer pleasures of the harem.
He changed his dress four times each day, and a dress
once worn could never be used again. Concerning
this custom, Peter Martyr, translated into the quaint-
est of English, writes: "Arising from his bed, he is
cloathed after one maner, as he commeth forth to bee
scene, and returning backe into his chamber after he
hath dined, he changeth his garments: and when he
commeth forthe againe to supper, hee taketh another,
and returning backe againe the fourth which he wear-
eth vntill he goe to bed. But concerning 3. garments,
which he changeth euery day, many of them that re-
turned haue reported the same vnto me, with their
owne mouth: but howsoeuer it be, all agree in the
changing of garmentes, that being once taken into the
wardrope, they are there piled vp on heaps, not likely
to see the face of Muteczuma any more: but what
manner of garmentes they be, we will elswhere de-
clare, for they are very light. These things being

the ffreat trihutaiy lords and goveniors of provinces who wished to make as
much display of their rank and dignity as possible. See Motolinia, Hist
Iiidios, in Icazbaleeta, Col. de Doe., torn, i., p. 184; Laa Cascu, Hist. Apolo-
gUica, MS., cap. ccxL; Tmntmmmda, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 206.

** 'Lo que los SBfl M w a haWahao y la palabra que niaa ordinariamente de-
oian al fin de laa plM«a ]f neflDcioa qae aa les comunicaban, eran decir con
muy baja voz tlan, <t— ■uwialUck "ai 4 Irian, bien." ' Motolinia, Hist. In-
'* CWTtiaJlae

dios, in Iccubaledtt,

K»pklH

180

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

obserued, it wil not be wodred at, that we made men-*
tion before concerning so many garments presented.;
For accounting the yeares, and the dayes of the yeares,
especially, wherein Muteczuma hath inioyed peace &
howe often he changeth his garments eueiy aaye, all
admiration will cease. But the readers will demand,
why he heapeth vp so great a pile of garments, & that
iustly. Let them knowe that Muteczuma vsed to
giue a certeine portion of ganiients to his familiar
friends, or well deseruing soldiers, in steed of a beneu-
olence, or stipend, when they go to the wars, or re-
turne from y* victory, as Augustus Ccesar lord of the
world, a mightier Prince than Muteczuma, commaded
only a poore reward of bread to be giuen ouer & aboue
to such as performed any notable exployt, while being
by Maro admonished, that so smal a larges of bread
was an argumet y* he was a bakers son: then al-
though it be recorded in writig that Ctesar liked y*
mery coceit, yet it is to be beleued y* he blushed at
that diuinatio, because he promised Virgil to alter
his dispositio & that hereafter he would bestow gifts
worthy a great king, & not a bakers son."*'

The kings did not often appear among their peo-
ple,* though we are told that they would sometimes
go forth in disguise to see that no part of the religious
feasts and ceremonies was omitted, to make sure that
the laws were observed, and probably, as is usual in
such cases, to ascertain the true state of public opinion
with regard to themselves."* Whenever t' 3y did ap-
pear abroad, however, it was with a parade that cor-
responded with their other observances. Upon these
occasions the king was seated in a magnificent litter,
overshadowed by a canopy of feather- work, the whole
being adorned with gold and precious stones, and car-
ried upon the shoulders of four noblemen. He was

** Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv.

M Torquemada writes of Montezuma II.: 'Su trato con los Suios, era
poco: raras veces se dejaba vbr, y estabase encerrado mucho tienipo, pen-
8ando en el Qpyierno de su Ileino.' Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 205.

^^ Torquemada, Monarq. Ind. ,iom.i„^.W&.

THE KINO OUT OF DOOUS.

era

pen-

attended by a vast multitude of courtiers of all ranks,
who walked without speaking, and with their eyes
bent upon the ground. The procession was headed
by an official carrying three wands, whose duty it was
to give warning of the king's approach, and by others
who cleared the road of all obstructions.''' All who
chanced to meet the royal party, instantly stopped,
and remained motionless with heads bent down, like
friars chanting the Gloria Patri, says Father Motoli-
nia, until the procession had passed. When the mon-
arch alighted, a carpet was spread upon the ground
for him to step on. The meeting of Montezuma II,
and Cortds, as described by Bemal Diaz, will show
the manner in which the Aztec kings were attended
when out of doors:

"When we arrived at a spot where another narrow
causeway led ♦^ow.irds Cuyoacan we were met by a
number of caciques and distinguished personages, all
splenditi! > dressed. They had been sent by Monte-
zuma to meet us and welcome us in his name; and as
a sign of peace each touched the earth with his hand
and then kissed it."* While we were thus detained,
the lords of Tezcuco, Iztapalapa, Tacuba, and Cuyoa-
can, advanced to meet the mighty Montezuma, who
was approaching seated on a splendid litter, and es-
corted by a number of powerful nobles. When we
arrived at a place not far from the capital, where were
certain fortifications, Montezuma, descending from his
litter, came forward leaning on the arms of some of
the attendant lords, while others held over him a can-
opy of rich feather-work ornamented with silver and
gold, having an embroidered border from which hung
pearls and chalchihuis stones.** Montezuma was very
sumptuously dressed, according to his custom, and

"* Picking up straws, says Las Casas: '£ iban estos oficiales delante
quitando las j^.'ajas del suelo por finas que fuesen.' Hist. Apologitica, MS.,
cap. ccxi.

^3 This was the Aztec manner of salutation, and is doubtless what Ber-
nal Diaz means where he writes: 'Y en sefial de paz tocavan con la mano
en el suelo, y besauan la tierra con la mesma mano.' Hist, "onq., fol. 66.

M Green stones, more valued than any other among the Aztecs.

182

THE NAHI'A NATIONS.

had on hi^ feet a kind of sandals, with soles of gold,
the upper part being studded with precious stones.
The four grandees** who supported him were also very
richly attired, and it seemed to us that the clothes
they now wore must have been held in readiness for
them somewhere upon the road, for they were not
thus dressed when they first came out to meet us.
And besides these great lords there were many others,
some of whom held the cai.opy over the king's head,
while others went in advance, sweeping the ground
over which he was to walk, and spreading down cotton
cloths that his feet might not touch the earth. Ex-
cepting only the four nobles upon whose arms he
leaned, and who were his near relatives, none of all
his followers presumed to look in the king's face, but
all kept their eyes lowered to the ground in token of
respect."*

Besides the host of retainers already mentioned
therewere innumerable other officers attached to the
royal household, such as butlers, stewards, and cooks
of all grades, treasurers, secretaries, scribes, military
officers, superintendents of the royal granaries and ar-
senals, and those employed under them. A great num-
ber of artisans were constantly kept busy repairing old
buildings and erecting new ones, and a little army of
jewelers and workers in precious metals resided per-
manently at the palace for the purpose of supplying the
king and court with the costly ornaments that were
eventually such a windfall for the conquerors, and over
the description of which they one and all so lovingly
linger. Nor was the softer sex unrepresented at court.
The Aztec sovereigns were notorious for their uxori-
ousness. Montezuma II. had in his harem at least
one thousand women, and this number is increased by
most of the historians to three thousand, including
the female attendants and slaves. Of these wo are

w CorWs himself says that the king was supported bv two grundeca only;
one of whom was his nephew, the king of Tezcuco, and the other hu brother,
the lord of Iztapalapa. Cartas, p. 85.

M Bernal Ihaz, uiat. Conq., fol. 66.

THE ROYAL HAREM.

183

were

toM on good authority that he had one hundred and
fifty pregnant at one time, all of whom killed their
offspring in the womb,**^ yet notwithstanding this
wholesale abortion, he had more than fifty sons and
daughters. His father had one hundred and fifty
children, of whom Montezuma II. killed all his bro-
thers and forced his sisters to marry whom he pleased ;
— at least such is the import of Oviedo's statement.*
Nezahualpilli, of Tezcuco, had between seventy and one
hundred children.*'' Camargo tells us that Xicotencatl,
one of the chiefs of Tlascala had a great number of sons
by more than fifty wives or concubines.* These women
were the daughters of the nobles, who thought them-
selves honored by having a child in the royal harem.
Occasionally the monarch presented one of his concu-
bines to some great lord or renowned warrior, a mark of
favor which thenceforth distinguished the recipient as
a man whom the king delighted to honor. The ser-
aglio was presided over by a number of noble matrons,
who kept close watch and ward over the conduct of
their charges and made daily reports to the king, who
invariably caused the slightest indiscretion to be se-
verely punished. Whether eunuchs were employed
in the Aztec harems is uncertain; this, however, we
read in Motolinia: "Moteuczomatzin had in his palace
dwarfs and little hunchbacks, who when children were
with great ingenuity made crook-backed, ruptured,"*
and disjointed, because the lords in this country made
the same use of them as at the present day the Grand
Turk does of eunuchs.""*

" Torquemnda, Monarq. Itid., torn, i., p. 230; Gotnara, Coiiq. Mex., fol.
107; Herrcra, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix. ; Denial Diaz, Jlist. Conq.,
fol. 67; IVest-Indische Spicghct, p. 24(i. CIavi<;ero disbelieves the report
that ftrontczHiiia hud one huiidrcu and tifiy women prc<;nant at once. Slo-
ria Ant. del Mcs.iico, torn, i., p. 5?f38. Oviedo makes the number of women
four thousand. Hist. Gen., toni. iii., p. 505.

** Ooiedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., p. 505.

*9 Torqiiemada, Monarq. Ind., ioni. ii., p. 435.

*• Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annalcs dcs Voy., 1843, torn, xcviii., p. 169.

*' 'Quebniban,' which probably here means 'castrated.'

<i2 'Tenia Motcuczoniatzin en su palacio cnanos y corcobadillos, quo do
industria sicndo nifios los liacian jibosos, y los quebraban y descoynntaban,
porquo do ostos so Servian los aefioi'CB on csta tierra conio ahora haco el Gran

184

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The enormous expenditure incurred in the mainte-
nance of such a household as this, was defrayed by the
people, who, as we shall see in a future chapter, were
sorely oppressed by car- taxation. The management
of the whole was entrusted to a head steward or major-
domo, who, with the help of his secretaries, kept
minute hieroglyphic accounts of the royal revenue.
Bernal Diaz tells us that a whole apartment was filled
with these account-books. ** In Tezcuco, writes Ixtlil-
xochitl, the food consumed by the court was supplied
by certain districts of the kingdom, in each of which
was a gatherer of taxes, who besides collecting the
regular tributes, was obliged to furnish the royal
household, in his turn, with a certain quantity of spe-
cified articles, for a greater or less number of days,
according to the wealth and extent of his department.
The daily supply amounted to thirty -one and a quarter
bushels of grain; nearly three bushels and three quar-
ters of beans;" four hundred thousand ready-made
tortillas; four Xiquipiles"* of cocoa, making in all
thirty-two thousand cocoa-beans ;** one hundred cocks
of the country;"'' twenty loaves of salt; twenty great
baskets of large chiles, and twenty of small chiles ; ten
baskets of tomatoes; and ten of seed.®* All this was
furnished daily for seventy days by the city of Tezcu-
co and its suburbs, and by the districts of Atenco, and
Tepepulco; for sixty-five days by the district of Qua-
uhtlatzinco ; and for forty-five days by the districts of
Azapocho and Ahuatepec.®®

Such, as full in detail as it is handed down to us, was

Turco dc eunucos.' Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tcni. i., pp.
184-5. Turqucmada, Monarq. Jnd., torn, i., p. 298, uses nearly the same
words.

« Hist. Conq., fol. 08.

<'' 'Otros tres TIacopintlix de frisoles.' The Tlacopintlix was one 'fane-
ga,' and three 'alinudes,' or, one bushel and a quarter.

<i* 'Xiquipilli, costal, talega, alforja, o bolsa.' Molina, Vocabulario.

^ 'Trcinta y doa mil cacaos,' possibly cocoa-pods instead of cocoa-beans.

*' 'Cien gallos.' ProWbly turkeys.

^ Probably pumpkin or melon seed.

^ Ixtlilxochttl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,
p. 241.

AZTEC KINGS AND THEIR SUBJECTS.

185

the manner in which the Aztec monarchs lived. The
policy they pursued toward their subjects was to en-
force obedience and submission by enacting laws that
were calculated rather to excite awe and dread than to
inspire love and reverence. To this end they kept the
people at a distance by surrounding themselves with
an impassable barrier of pomp and courtly etiquette,
and enforced obedience by enacting laws that made
death the penalty of the most trivial offenses. There
was little in common between king and people; as is
ever the case between a despot and his subjects. The
good that the kings did by their liberality and love of
justice, and the success they nearly all achieved by
their courage and generalship, merited the admiration
of their subjects. On the other hand, the oppression
which they made their vassals feel, the heavy burdens
they imposed upon them, their own pride and arro-
gance, and their excessive severity in punishments,
engendered what we should now call a debasing fear,
but which is none the less an essential element of
progress at certain stages.''*'

'"> Concernin<r the king's manner of living and the domestic economy of
the royal houseliold, see: Cortis, Cartan, pp. 84-5, 109-13; Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Vonq., fol. 66-8; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. viii., pp. 286-322;
Las Casus, Hist. Apoloqitica, MS., cap. ccxi. ; Torqitemada, Monarij. Intl.,
torn, i., pp. 167-8, 205-6, 228-31, 298, toni. ii., p. 435; Motolinia, Uist.Indios,
iu Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc, torn, i., pp. 184-5; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii.,
iv.; Gonuira, Conq. Mex., fol. 103-4, 107-8; Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., p. 507;

On'edo, Hist. Gen., torn, iii,, pp. 307, 501, 505; Clarigcro, Storia Ant. del
Messico, torn, i., pp. 268-71; nerrera. Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v.,
vii., ix., xii-xiii., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiv. ; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., toni.

iii., pp. 189-91; Ortega, in Id., pp. 310-17; West-Indischc Snieghcl, p. 246;
Gage's New Survey, pp. 97, 100-1; Brasseur de Bonrhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
torn, i., p. 284, torn, iv., pp. 9-13; PrescotVs Mex., torn, ii., pp. 121-9; Zuazo,
Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., torn, i., p. .S62; Carli, Cartas, pt i., pp.
117-18. Other works of more or less value Itcariiig on this subject are:
Touron, Hist. Gfn., tom. iii., pp. 25-.38, 355-7, 359; Bussierre, L'Empire
Mex., pp. 109, 119-22, 264-5; Baril, Mexiqttc, pp. 204-7; Dii/ey, Rcsnmf,
torn, i., pp. 136-7; BrowneWs Ind. Races, pp. 83, 93-5; Banking's Hist.
Rcseardws, pj). 315-16, 321-3, 342-7, 350; Sodcn, Spanier in Peru, p. 136;
Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 582-4; Lafond, Voyages, tom.
i., pp. 104-5; Cooper's Hist. N.Amr.r., pp. 112-13; Dihforth's Conq. Mex.,
pp. 65-6, 70-1; Hawks, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 469; Monglave, Ri-
««)»<!, pp. 19,82-3; Incidents and Sketches, p. CiO; Klemm, Cultur-Geschiehte,
tom. v., pp. 63-6, 209-11, 234, 242; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 52; West und Ost
Indischer Lustgart, pp. 123-5.

CHAPTER V.

THE PRIVILEGED CLASSES AMONG THE NAHUA8.

Titles of the Nobility and Gentry— The Power of the Nobles—
The Aristocracy of Tezcuco— The Policy of Kino Techotlal-
atzin— Privileges of the Nobles — Montezuma's Policy- Ri-
valry between Nobles and Commons— The Knioiitly Order of
Tecuhtli — Ceremony of Initiation— Origin of the Order—
The Nahua Priesthood— The Priests of Mexico— Dedication of
Children— Priestesses— Priesthood of Miztecapan— The Pon-
tiff of Yopaa — Tradition of Wixipecocha— The Cave of Yopaa
— The Zapotec Priests- Toltec Priests— Totonac Priests —
Priests of Michoacan, Puebla, and Tlascala.

Descending in due order the social scale of the Az-
tecs, we now come to the nobility, or, more properly
speaking, the privileged classes. The nobles of Mex-
ico, and of the other Nahua nations, were divided into
several classes, each having its own peculiar privileges
and badges of rank. The distinctions that existed be-
tween the various grades, and their titles, are not,
however, clearly defined. The title of Tlatoani was
the highest and most respected; it signified an abso-
lute and sovereign power, an hereditary and divine
right to govern. The kings, and the great feudatory
lords who were governors of provinces, and could
prove their princely descent and the ancient independ-
ence of their families, belonged to this order. The
title of Tlatopilzintli was given to the eldest son of
the king, and that of Tlatoque to all the princes in

(180)

THE AZTEC ARISTOCRACY.

187

general. Tlacahua signified a lord without sover-
eignty, but who had vassals under his orders, and was,
to a certain extent, master of his people. The appel-
lation of Pilli was given to all who were noble, with-
out regard to rank. Axcahua, was a rich man, a
proprietor of wealth in general, and Tlaquihua, a
landed proprietor, or almost the same thing as an
English country gentleman.

The title of Tlatoani was invariably hereditary, but
many of the others were conferred only for life, as a
reward for important military or other services to the
state. Of the tenure by which they held their lands
I shall have occasion to speak hereafter.

The power of the nobles, as a body, was very great;
according to some accounts there were, in Montezu-
ma's realms, thirty great lords who each controlled
one hundred thousand vassals, and three thousand
other lords also very powerful. A number of nobles
possessing such formidable power as this, would, if
permitted to live on their estates, some of which were
a long distance from the capital, have been a con-
stantly threatening source of danger to the crown ; at
any moment an Aztec Runnimede might have been
expected. To guard against any such catastrophe,
the more powerful nobles were required to reside in
the capital, at least during the greater part of each
year; and permission to return to their homes for a
short time, could only be obtained on condition that
they left a son or brother as a guarantee of good faith
during their absence.^

In the kingdom of Tezcuco were twenty-six great
fiefs,'' eacl ' ' opendent of the rest and having several
fiefs of less importance subjected to it. The greater
part of these great chiefs bore the sovereign title of
Tlatoani, or a similar one. They recognized no pre-
rogative of the king except his right to preside at

' Torqnemada, Monar^. Ind., torn, i., p. 231; Hen'era, Hist. Gen., dec.
ii., lib. vii., cap. xii.; Omcdo, Hist. Gen., toni. iii.,p.&02.

» Torqnemada, Monarq. Ind., toiii. i., p. 88; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej.,
torn, ii., p. 182, makes the number twenty -seven.

188

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

I 1

their grand assemblies, to receive their homage upon
his accession to the throne, to levy certain tributes in
their provinces, and to call upon them to appear in
the field with a contingent of troops in case of war.
For the rest, each Tlatoani was perfectly independent
in his own domain, which he governed with the same
omnipotence as the king of Tezcuco himself Not-
withstanding the precautions taken, it frequently hap-
pened that one of these great feudatories would feel
himself strong enough to set the authority of the king
at defiance, but as their private feuds generally pre-
vented any number of the Tlatoanis from uniting their
forces against the crown, the rebels were in most in-
stances speedily reduced to subjection; in which event
the leaders either suffered death or were degraded
from their rank.

They were an unruly family, these overgrown vas-
sals, and the Aztec monarchs were often at their wit's
end in endeavors to conciliate and keep them within
bounds. Torquemada tells us that Techotlalatzin,
king of Tezcuco, was sorely harrassed by the powerful
nobles of his realm. He accordingly set about reme-
dying the evil with great prudence and perseverance.
His first step was to unite, by strong bonds of interest,
the less important nobles to the crown. To this end
he heaped favors upon all. The vanity of some he
flattered by conferring the dignity and title of Tlato-
ani upon them, to others he gave wealth and lands.
By this means he weakened the individual power of
the great vassals by increasing their number, a policy
the efficiency of which has been frequently proved in
the old world as well as in the new. Techotlalatzin
next proceeded to summon them one after another to
court, and then under pretense of being in constant
need of their advice, he formed twenty-six of their
number into a council of state, obliging them by this
means to reside constantly in the capital. With this
council he conferred upon all grave and difficult ques-
tions, whatever might be their nature. It was the

ORDERS OF NOBILITY.

189

duty of its members to dmw up and issue ordinances,
both for the general government and for the ad-
ministration of affairs in particular provinces; and to
enact laws for enforcing good order in towns and
villages, as well as those relating to agriculture,
science and art, military discipline, and the tribunals
of justice.

At the same time Techotlalatzin created a large
number of new offices and honorary trusts, which were
dependent on the crown. Four of the most powerful
nobles were invested with the highest dignities. The
first, with the title Telahto, was made commander-in-
chief of the army, and president of the military coun-
cil. The second was entitled Yolqui; his office was
that of grand master of ceremonies; it was his duty
to receive and introduce the ambassadors and minis-
ters of foreign princes, to conduct them to court, to
lodge them and provide for their comfort, and to offer
them the presents appointed by the king. The third
lord received the title of Tlami or Calpixcontli ; he
was master of the royal household, and minister of
finance, and was assisted in his functions by a council
of other nobles. It was the duty of this body to keep
strict account of all taxes paid by the people; its
members were required to be well informed as to
the exact condition of each town and province, with
the nature of its produce, and the fertility of its soil ;
they had also to distribute the taxes with equality
and justice, and in proportion to the resources of the
people. The care and management of the interior of
the palace was also intrusted to them, and it was their
place to provide all the food for the consumption of
the royal household. The fourth great officer was
styled Amechichi; he acted as grand chamberlain,
and attended to the king's private apartments. Like
the Tlami, he was assisted by other nobles. A fifth
officer was afterward appointed, who bore the title of
Cohuatl, and superintended the workers in precious
metals, jewels, and fea£hers, who were employed by

190

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

the court. At first sight it may appear that such
duties as these would be below the dignity of a
haughty Aztec grandee, yet we find the nobles of
Europe during the middle ages not only filling the
same positions, but jealous of their right to do so,
and complaining loudly if deprived of them. Sis-
mondi tells us that the count of Anjou, under Louis
VL, claimed the office of grand seneschal of France;
that is, to carry dishes to the king's table on state
days. The court of Charlemagne was crowded with
officers of every rank, some of the most eminent of
whom exercised functions about the royal person
which would have been thought fit only for slaves in
the palace of Augustus or Antonine. The free-born
Franks saw nothing menial in the titles of cup-bearer,
steward, marshal, and master of the horse, which are
still borne by some of the noblest families in many
parts of Europe.

As soon as habits of submission and an appreciation
of the honors showered upon them had taken root
among his great vassals, Techotlalatzin subdivided
the twenty-six provinces of his kingdom into sixty-five
departments. The ancient lords were not by this
measure despoiled of all their authority, nor of those
estates which were their private property; but the
jurisdiction they exercised in person or through their
officials was greatly diminished by the nomination of
thirty-five new governors, chosen by the king, and of
whose fidelity he was well assured. This was a mortal
blow to the great aristocrats, and a preliminary step
toward the total abolition of feudal power. But the
master-stroke was yet to come. The inhabitants of
each province were carefully counted and divided into
sections. They were then changed about from place
to place, in numbers proportioned to the size and pop-
ulation of the territory. For example, from a division
containing six thousand people, two thousand were
taken and transported into the territory of another
lord, from the number of whose vassals two thousand

PRIVILEGES OF THE NOBLES.

101

were also taken and placed upon the vacated land in
the first lord's possessions; each noble, however, re-
tained his authority over that portion of his vassals
which had been removed. By this means, although
the number of each lord's subjects remained the same,
yet as a large portion of each territory was occupied
by the vassals of another, a revolt would be difficult.
Nor could two nobles unite their forces against the
crown, as care was taken that the interchange of de-
pendents should not be effected between two estates
adjoining each other.

These measures, despotic as they were, were never-
theless executed without opposition from either nobles
or people, — such was the awe in which the sovereign
was held and his complete ascendancy over his sub-
jects.^

The privileges of the nobles were numerous. They
alone were allowed to wear ornaments of gold and
gems upon their clothes, and, indeed, in their entire
dress, as we shall presently see, they were distin-
guished from the lower classes. The exact limits of
the power they possessed over their vassals is not
known, but it was doubtless nearly absolute. Fuen-
leal, bishop of Santo Domingo, writes to Charles V.
of the lower orders, that "they were, and still are, so
submissive that they allow themselves to be killed or
sold into slavery without complaining."* In Mexico
their power and privileges were greatly augmented by
Montezuma II., who we are told ousted every plebeian
that l\eld a position of high rank, and would allow
none who were not of noble birth to be employed in
his palace or about his person. At the time of this
monarch's accession there were many members of the
royal council who were men of low extraction; all

' Tor(^ucmadn, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 88, etseq.: sec also Veytia, Hist.
Ant. Mej., toiu. ii., p. 182, f.tscq.; lirasxciir dc Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
torn, ii., pn. 428, et seq.; IxtUlxochitl, Relaciones, in KingsboroiigKs Mex.
Anti(j., vol. ix., p. 333, etseq.; Ooiedo, Hist. Gen., toni. iii., p. 502; Herrera,
dec. li., lib. vii., cap. xii.

* Letlre, in Tcrnaux-Compans, Voy., sdrie i., torn, x., p. 251.

192

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

these he dismissed and supplied their places with
creatures of his own.

It is related that an old man who had formerly been
his guardian or tutor had the boldness to remonstrate
with him against such a course; telling him with firm-
ness that he acted contrary to his own interests, and
ad^'ising him to weigh well the consequences of the
measures he was adopting. To banish the plebeians
from the palace, added the old man, was to estrange
them forever from the king; and the time would come
when the common people would no longer either wish
or dare to look upon him. Montezuma haughtily
made answer, that this was precisely what he wished;
it was a burning shame, he said, chat the low and
common people should be allowed to mix with the
nobles in the royal service ; he was astonished and in-
dignant that his royal predecessors had so long suf-
fered such a state of things to be.'

By these measures the services of many brave sol-
diers, promoted, as a reward for their gallantry, from
the ranks of the people, were lost to the crown ; nor
were such men likely to be slow to show their discon-
tent. The new policy, incited by a proud aristocracy,
struck exactly those uen who had the best right to a
share in the government. It was the officers pro-
moted for their merits from the ranks who had con-
tributed most to the success of the Mexican arms;
it was the great merchants who, by their extended
commerce, had made the wealth of the country. A
spirit of rivalry had long existed between the poor
well-born nobles, and the wealthy base-born mer-
chants. During many successive reigns the import-
ance of the latter class had been steadily increasing,
owing to the valuable services they had rendered the
state. From the earliest times they were permitted a
certain degree of familiarity with the kings, who tool",
great delight in hearing them recount the wonderful
adventures they had met with while on their long

* Torquemacla, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 196.

CLASS CONFLICTS.

193

expeditions into strange parts. Doubtless the royal
ear did not always meet the truth unombellished, any
more than did that of Haroun Alraschid upon similar
occasions, but probably the monarchs learned many
little secrets in this way that they could never know
by other means. Afterward these merchants were
admitted to the royal councils, and during the latter
years of the reign of Ahuitzotl we find them enjoying
many of the exclusive privileges hitherto reserved to
the warrior aristocracy.

The merchants appear to have partly brought upon
themselves the misfortunes which subsequently over-
took them, by aggravating the envious feelings with
which they were already regarded. Not content with
being admitted to equal j)rivilegcs with the nobles,
and vexed at not beinjy able to vie with them in bril-
liant titles and long lines of illustrious ancestry, they
did their utmost to surpass them in the magnificence of
their houses, and in the pomp which they displayed up-
on every occasion. At the public feasts and ceremonies
these parvenus outshone the proudest nobles by the
profuseness of their expendiUire; they strove for and
obtained honors and exalted positions which the aris-
tocracy could not accej)t for lack of wealth ; they were
sparing of money in no place where it could be used
for their own advancement. It is easy to conceive
the effect such a state of things had on the proud and
overbearing nobles of Mexico. On several occasions
they complained to their kings that their order was los-
ing its prestige by being obliged to mix on equal terms
with the plebeians; but the services that the great
commercial body rendered every day to the crown
were too material to allow the kings to listen patiently
to such complaints. During the reign of Ahuitzotl,
the pride of the merchants had reached its zenith;
it is not therefore surprising that the leaders of the
aristocratic party, when that monarch was dead, elect-
ed as his successor Montezuma II., a prince well
known for his partiality for the higher classes. His

Vol. II. 13

104

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

■I

policy, as events proved, was a far less wise one than
that of Techotlalatzin of Tezcuco, of which we have
already spoken. By not restraining his overweening
pride he prepared the way for disaffection and revolt ;
he furnished his enemies with weapons which they
were not slow to use; he alienated the affections of
his subjects, so that when aid was most needed there
was none to help him, and when, fettered and a pris-
oner in the hand of the Spaniards, he called upon his
people, the only replies were hoots and missiles.

Tlie generals of the army and military officers of
the higher ranks, must of course be included among
the privileged classes; usually, indeed, they were
noble by birth as well as influential by position, and
in Mexico, from the time of Montezuma's innovations
this was always the case. There were several mili-
tary orders and titles which were bestowed upon dis-
tinguished solders for services in the field or the coun-
cil. Of those which were purely the reward of merit,
and such as could be attained by a plebeian, I shall
speak in a future chapter. There was one, however,
the membership of which was confined to the nobility ;
this was the celebrated and knightly order of the Te-
cuhtli.

To obtain this rank it was necessary to be of noble
birth, to have given proof in several battles of the
utmost courage, to have arrived at a certain age, and
to have sufficient wealth to support the enormous ex-
penses incurred by members of the order.

For three years before he was admitted, the candi-
date and his parents busied themselves abo it making
ready for the grand ceremor /, and collecting rich gar-
ments, jewels, and golden o laments, for presents to
the guests. When the time oproached, the auguries
were consulted, and a luck} lay having been fixed
upon, the relations and frien« of the candidate, as
well as all the great nobles ar Tecuhtlis that could
be brought together, were in Ited to a sumptuous
banquet. On the morning of the all-important day

CEREMONY OF INITIATIN(J A TECUIITLI.

195

andi-
king

gar-
ts to
uries
fixed
,e, as
■could

uous
day

the company set out in a body for the temple of Ca-
maxtli,* followed by a multitude of curious spectators,
chiefly of the lower orders, intent upon seeing all there
is to see. Arrived at the summit of the pyramid conse-
crated to Camaxtli, the aspirant to knightly honors
bows down reverently before the altar of the god. The
high-priest now api)roache8 him, and with a ])ointed
timer's bone or an eagle's claw perforates the cartilage
of his nose in two places, inserting into t'le holes thus
made small pieces of jet or obsidian,'' which remain
there until the year of probation is passed, when they
are exchanged for beacls of gold and precious stones.
This piercing the nose with an eagle's claw or a tiger's
bone, signifies, says Torquemada, that he who aspires
to the dignity of Tecuhtli must be as swift to over-
take an enemy as the eagle, as strong in fight as the
tiger. The high-priest, speaking in a loud voice, now
begins to heap insults and injurious epithets upon
the man standing meekly before him. His voice
grows louder and louder; he brandishes his aims
aloft, he waxes furious. The assistant priests are
catching his mood; they gather closer about the ob-
ject of the pontifTs wrath; they jostle him, they
point their fingers sneeringly at him, and call him
coward. For a moment the dark eyes of the victim
gleam savagely, his hands close involuntarily, he
seems about to spring upon his tormentors; then with
an effort he calms himself and is passive as ever.
That look made the taunters draw back, but it was
only for a moment; they are upon him again; they
know now that he is strong to endure, and they will
j>rove him to the uttermost. Screaming insults in his
ears, they tear his garments piece by piece from his
body until nothing but the maxtli is left, and the man

^ Camaxtli was the Tlascaltec god of war, corresponding with and prob-
ably the same as tlic Mexican Huitzilopochtli. The order of Tecuhtli being
helil in higher esteem in Tlascala than elsewhere, the ceremony of initiation
is generally described as it took place in that state.

7 ' Unas piedras chemiitaa de piedra negra, y creo eran de la piedra de
que hacen las navajas.' Las Casas, Hiat Apologitica, MS., cap. Ixvii.

196

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

h i

stands bruised and naked in their midst. But all is
useless, their victim is immovable, so at lenj^th they
leave him in peace. He has passed safely through
one of the severest ordeals of the day, but that fierce
look a while ago was a narrow escape ; had he lifted a
finger in resistance, he must have gone down from the
temple to be scorned and jeered at by the crowd below
as one who had aspired to the dignity of Tecuhtli, yet
who could restrain his temper no better than a woman.
The long months of careful preparation would have
been all in vain, his parents would have spat upon
him for vexation and shame, perchance he would have
been punished for sacrilege. But he is by no means
a member of the coveted order yet. He is next con-
ducted to another hall of the temple,® where he com-
mences his noviciate, which is to last from one to two
years, by four days of penance, prayer, and fasting.
As soon as he is conducted to this hall the banquet
which has been prepared for the guests commences,
and after a few hours of conviviality each returns to
his home.

During these first four days the candidate's powers of
endurance are sorely taxed. Tlie only articles of furni-
ture allowed him are a coarse mat and a low stool; his
garments are of the coarsest description. When night
con\es, the priests bring him a black preparation with
which to besmear his face, some spines of the maguey-
plant to draw blood from his body with, a censer and
some incense. His only companions are three veteran
war iors, who instruct him in his duties and keep him
awake, for during the four days he is only allowed to
sleep for a few minutes at a time, and then it must be
sitting upon his stool. If, overcome by drowsiness, he
exceed this time, his guardians thrust the maguey-

» 'Sc iba a vna do los Salas, f) Aposcntos dc los Ministroa que Servian
al Dcinonio, que sc llaniaba TIaniacazealco.' Torqw.mada, Moiiarq. Ind^,
toin. ii., p. 362. It scenio unlikely, however, that tlic candidate wouhl be
taicen to another temple at thiei juncture. Brasscnr explains the ininie of
the hall to wtiich he was taken as '!c Lieu des habitations des Ministres,
pretres de Camaxtli.' Hint. Nnt. Civ., toni. iii., p. 587.

FINAL CEREMONIES.

197

thorns into his flesh, crying : Awake, awake I learn to
1)6 vigilant and watchful ; keep your eyes open that
you may look to the interests of your vassals. At
midnight he goes to burn incense before the idol, and
to draw blood from different parts of his body ay a
sacrifice. He then walks round the temple, and as he
goes he burns paper and copal in four holes in the
ground, which he makes at the four sides of the build-
ing, facing the cardinal points; upon each of these
fires he lets fall a few drops of blood drawn from his
body. These ceremonies he repeats at dawn and sun-
set. He breaks his fast only once in twenty-four
hours, at midnight : and then his repast consists merely
of four little dumplings of maize-meal, each about the
size of a nut, and a small quantity of water; but even
this he leaves untasted if he wishes to evince extraor-
dinary powers of enduranca The four days having
elapsed, he obtains permission from the high-priest to
complete his time of probation in some temple of his
own district or parish; but he is not allowed to go
home, nor, if married, to see his wife during this
period.

For two or three months preceding his formal ad-
mission into the order, the home of the postulant is
in a bustle of preparation for the coming ceremony.
A grand display is made of rich stuffs and dresses, and
costly jewels, for the use of the new knight when he
shall cast off his present chrysalis-husk of coarse
nequen and emerge a full-blown Tecuhtli. A great
number of presents are provided for the guests; a
sumptuous banquet is prepared, and the whole house
is decorated for the occasion. The oracles are again
consulted, and upon the lucky day appointed the com-
pany assemble once more at the house of the candi-
date, in the same manner as at the commencement of
his noviciate. In the morning the new knight is con-
ducted to a bath, and after having undergone a good
scrubbing, he is again carried, in the midst of music
and dancing, to the temple of Camaxtli. Accompa-

198

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

nied by his brother Tecuhtlis he ascends the steps of
the teocalli. After he has respectfully saluted the
idol, the mean garments he has worn so long are taken
off, and his hair is bound up in a knot on the top of
his head with a red cord, from the ends of which hang
some fine feathers ; he is next clad in garments of rich
and fine materials, the principal of which is a kind of
tunic, ornamented with a delicately embroidered de-
vice, which is the insignia of his new rank; in his
right hand he receives some arrows and in his left a
bow. The high-priest completes the ceremony with a
discourse, in which he instructs the new knight in his
duties, tells him the names which he is to add to his
own, as a member of the order ; describes to him the
signs and devices which he must emblazon on his
escutcheon, and impresses upon his memory the ad-
vantages of being liberal and just, of loving his coun-
try and his gods. As soon as the newly made
Tecuhtli has descended into the court of the temple,
the music and dancing recommence, and are kept up
until it is time to begin the banquet. This is served
with great magnificence and liberality, and, to the
guests at least, is probably the most interesting feature
of the day. In front of each person at table are
placed the presents intended for him, consisting of
costly stuffs and ornaments in such quantity that each
bundle was carried with difficulty by two slaves ; each
guest is also given a new garment, which he wears at
table.

The value of the gifts was proportioned to the rank
of the receiver, and such distinctions must be made
with great care, for the Aztec nobility were very jeal-
ous of their rights of precedence. The places of such
nobles as had been invited to the feast but were from
illness or other cause unable to attend were left vacant,
and their share of presents and food was placed upon
the table exactly as if they had been present; Tor-
quemada tells us, moreover, that the same courtesy
was extended to the empty sef.t as to the actual

ORIGIN OF THE ORDER.

199

guest.' Upon these occasions the absent noble gen-
erally sent a substitute, whose seat was placed next to
that of the person he represented. On the following
day the servants and followers of the guests were
feasted and presented with gifts, according to the
means and liberality of the donor.

The privileges of the Tecuhtlis were important and
numerous. In council they took the first places, and
their votes outweighed all others ; in the same man-
ner at all feasts and ceremonies, in peace or in war,
they were always granted preeminence. As before
remarked, the vast expenses entailed upon a Tecuhtli
debarred the honor from many who were really worthy
of it. In some instances, however, when a noble had
greatly distinguished himself in war, but was too poor
to bear the expenses of initiation, these were defrayed
by the governor of his province, or by the other Te-
cuhtlis.*"

The origin of the order of Tecuhtli is not known.
Both the Toltecs and the Tlascaltecs claim to have
established it. Veytia, however, asserts that this was
not the case, but that it was first instituted by Xolotl,
king of the Chichimecs." M. I'Abbd Brasseur de
Bourbourg infers from ancient Toltec history that the
ceremony of initiation and the probation of the can-
didate derive their origin from the mysterious rites of
which traces are still found among the nations of
Mexico and Central America. The traditions relating
to Votan and Quetzalcoatl, or Gucumatz, evidently
allude to it. The birth of Ceacatl-Quetzalcoatl is cele-
brated by his father, Mixcohua-Camaxtli, at Culhua-
can, with great rejoicings and the creation of a great

' ' Y ii las Sillas solaa quo rcprcHcntaban las Personas auncntes, hacian
tanta cortesia, y le captalMiii Bencvolencia, conio si realniente estuvicrau
prcscntes los Senorcs que faltaban.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind,, toiu. ii.,
p. 364.

'*> Concerning the ceremony of initiation see: Torquemada, Monar^.
Ind., torn, ii., pp. 361-6; Las Casus, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. Ixvii. ;
Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 306-8; Ctavigero, Sloria Ant. del Messtco, torn,
ii., pp. 120-1; Catruirgo, Hist. Tlax., m Houvelles Annates des Voy., 1843,
torn, xcviii., pt>. 147-9.

" Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, ii., pp. 58-60.

)

aoo

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

number of knights; it is these same knights who are
afterwards sent to avenge his death upon his assassins
at Cuitlahuac, a town which appears, since that time,
to have been always the principal place of residence of
the order. After the separation of Cholula from the
rest of the Toltec empire by Ceacatl-Quetzalcoatl, that
town, together with Huexotzinco and Tlascala, appears
to have had special privileges in this particular. It is
in these places that after the conquest of the Aztec
plateau by the Teo-Chichimecs, we find most of their
chiefs bearing the title of Tecuhtli ; it may be that the
priests were forced into confirming their warlike con-
querors in the honor, or it may be that they did so
voluntarily, hoping by this means to submit the war-
riors to their spiritual power. This, however, is cer-
tain, that the rank of Tecuhtli remained to the last
the highest honor that a prince or soldier could acquire
in the states of Tlascala, Cholula, and Huexotzinco."

The priesthood filled a very important place among
the privileged classes, but as a succeeding volume has
been set apart for all matters relating to religion, I
will confine myself here to such an outline of the
sacerdotal system as is necessary to make our view of
Aztec social distinctions complete. The learned Abbd,
M. Brasseur de Bourbourg, gives us a very correct
and concise account of the Mexican priesthood, a par-
tial translation of which will answer the present pur-
pose. (

Among the nations of Mexico and Central America,
whose civilization is identical, the priesthood always
occupied a high rank in the state, and up to the last
moment its members continued to exercise a powerful
influence in both public and private affairs. In And-
huac the priestly offices do not appear to have been
appropriated exclusively by an hereditary caste; all
had an equal right to fill them, with the exception of
the offices about the temple of Huitzilopochtli, at
Mexico, which were granted to some families dwelling

'* Brasseur de Bourhourg, Hist. Nat, Civ., torn, iii., p. 586.

THE MEXICAN PRIESTHOOD.

201

in certain quarters of that city." The ministers of
the various temples, to be fitted for an ecclesiastical
career, must be graduates of the Calmecac, colleges or
seminaries to which they had been sent by their
parents in their infancy. The dignities of their order
were conferred by vote; but it is evident that the
priests of noble birth obtained almost invariably the
highest honors. The quarrels between the priest and
warrior classes, which, in former times, had brought
so much harm to the Mexican nation, had taught the
kings to do their best to effect a balance of power be-
tween the rival bodies ; to this end they appropriated
to themselves the privilege of electing priests, and
placed at the head of the clergy a priest or a warrior
of high rank, as they saw fit; this could be all the
more easily done, as both classes received the ,«ame
education in the same schools.

The august title of Topiltzin, which in ancient times
expressed the supreme military and priestly power,
came to mean, in after years, a purely ecclesiastical
authority. In Tezcuco and Tlacopan, where the crown
was inherited in a direct line by one of the sons of
the deceased monarch, the supreme pontiff was usually
selected from among the members of the royal family ;
but in Mexico, where it involved, almost always, the
duties of Tlacochcalcatl, or commander-in-chief of the
army, and, eventually, succession to the throne, the
office of high-priest, like that of king, was elective.
The election of the spiritual king, for so we may call
him, generally followed close upon that of the tem-
poral monarch, and such Avas the honor in which the
former was held, that he was consecrated with the
same sacred unguent with which the king was anointed.
In this manner Axayacatl, Montezuma II., and Qua-
uhtemoc, were each made pontiff before the royal
crown was placed upon their head. The title of him
who held this dignity was Mexicatl-Teohuatzin, that
is to say, the 'Mexican lord of sacred things;' he

" Ifcrrcra, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv.

ao2

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

added also, besides a great number of other titles, that
of Teotecuhtli, or 'divine master,' ai.d he was, by
right, high-priest of Huitzilopochtli ; he was the 'head
of the church,' and of all its branches, not only at
Mexico, but in all the provinces of the Mexican em-
pire; he had absolute authority over all priests, of
whatever rank, and the colleges and monasteries of
every class were under his control. He was elected
by the two dignitaries ranking next to himself in the
aboriginal hierarchy. The Mexicatl-Teohuatzin was
looked upon as the right arm of the king, particularly
in all matters of war and religion, and it rarely hap-
pened that any important enterprise was set on foot
without his advice. At the same time it is evident
that the high-priest was, after all, only the vicar and
lieutenant of the king, for on certain solemn occasions
the monarch himself performed the functions of grand
sacrificer.

The Quei-zalcoatl, that is, the high-priest of the god
of that name, was almost equal in rank to the Mexi-
catl-Teohuatzin ; but his political influence was far
inferior. The ordinary title of the priests was Teo-
pixqui, or 'sacred guardian;' those who were clothed
with a higher dignity were called Huey-Teopixqui, or
'great sacred guardian.' The Huitznahuac-Teo-
huatzin and the Tepan-Teohuatzin followed, in priestly
rank, the high-priest of Huitzilopochtli; they were
his vicars, and superintended the colleges and monas-
teries in every part of his kingdom. The Tlaquimi-
lol-Tecuhtli, or 'grand master of relics,'" took charge
of the ornaments, furniture, and other articles specially
relating to worship. The Tlillancalcatl, or 'chief of
the house of Tlillan,' exercised the functions of prin-
cipal sacristan ; he took care of the robes and utensils
used by the high-priest. The choristers were under
the orders of the Ometochtli, the high-priest of the
god so named, who had, as director of the singing-

'• The Tlaquimilloli, from whence the title is derived, was a sacred
{lackoge or bundle, contuning relics of gods and heroes.

SACERDOTAL OFFICES.

schools, an assistant styled Tlapitzcatzin ; it was this
latter officer's duty to instruct his pupils in the hymns
which were chanted at the principal solemnities. The
Tlamacazcatlotl, or 'divine minister' overlooked the
studies in the schools; another priest discharged the
duties of grand master of the pontifical ceremonies;
another was archdeacon and judge of the ecclesias-
tical courts; the latter had power to employ and dis-
charge the attendants in the temples; besides these
there was a crowd of other dignitaries, following each
other rank below rank in perfect order.

In Mexico and the other towns of the empire, there
were as many complete sets of priests as there were
temples. Besides the seventy-eight sanctuaries ded-
icated to Huitzilopochtli, which were in part directed
by the priests we have already enumerated, the capi-
tal contained many others. Each had jurisdiction
in its own section, which corresponded to our parish;
the priests and their pupils dwelling in a school or col-
lege which adjoined the temple.

It was the province of the priests to attend to all
matters relating to religion and the instruction of
youth. Some took charge of the sacrifices, others
were skilled in the art of divination; certain of them
were entrusted with the arrangement of the festivals
and the care of the temple and sacred vessels, others
applied themselves to the composition of hymns and
attended to the singing and music. The priests who
were learned in science superintended the schools and
colleges, made the calculations for the annual calendar,
and fixed the feast-days; those who possessed literary
talent compiled the historical works, and collected ma-
terial for the libraries. To each temple was attached
a monastery, or we might call it a chapter, the mem-
bers of which enjoyed privileges similar to those of
our canons.

The Tlamacazqui, 'deacons' or 'ministers' and the
Quaquacuiltin, 'herb-eaters,' were those who dedi-
cated themselves to the service of the gods for life.

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

They led a very ascetic life; continence was strictly
imposed upon them, and they mortified the flesh by
deeds of penance in imitation of Quetzalcoatl, who
was iheir patron deity. The name of Tlamacazcayotl,
signifying 'government of the religious,' was given
to these orders, and they had monasteries for the recep-
tion of both sexes. The high-priest of the god Quet-
zalcoatl was their supreme lord; he was a man of
great authority, and never deigned to put his foot out
of doors unless it was to confer with the king. When
a father of a family wished to dedicate one of his chil-
dren to the service of Quetzalcoatl, he with great
humility advised the high-priest of his intention.
That dignitary deputed a Tlamacasqui to represent
him at the feast which was given in his honor, and to
bring away the child. If at this time the infant
was under four years of age, a slight incision was
made on his chest, and a few drops of blood were
drawn as a token of his future position. Four years
was the age requisite for admission into the monastery.
Some remained there until they were of an age to
enter the world, some dedicated their whole lives to
the service of the gods; others vowed themselves
to perpetual continence. All were poorly clothed,
wore their hair long, lived upon coarse and scanty
fare, and did all kinds of work. At midnight they
arose and went to the bath ; after washing, they drew
blood from their bodies v. ith spines of the maguey-
plant; then they watched and chanted praises of the
gods until two in the morning. Notwithstanding this
austerity, however, these monks could betake them-
selves alone to the woods, or wander through the
mountains and deserts, there in solitude to spend the
time in holy contemplation.

Females were consecrated to the service of the gods
in several ways. When a girl was forty days old, the
father carried her to the neighboring temple; he
I)laced in her little hands a broom and a censer, and
thus presented her to the Teopixqui, or priest; who by

MEXICAN PIUESTESSES.

906

accepting these symbols of his future state, bound him-
self to perform his part of the engagement. As soon
as the little one was able to do so in person, she carried
a l)room and a censer to the temple, witli some pres-
ents for the priest ; at the required age she entered
the monastery. Some of the girls took an oath of
perpetual continence; others, on account of some vow
which they had made during sickness, or that the
gods might send them a good husband, entered the
monastery for one, two, three, or four years. They
were called Cihuatlamacasque, 'deaconesses,' orCihua-
quaquilli, 'eaters of vegetables.' They were under
the surveillance of a number of staid matrons of good
character; upon entering the monastery each girl had
her hair cut short." They all slept in one dormitory,
and were not allowed to disrobe befoi'e retiring to rest,
in order that they might always be ready when the
signal was given to rise. They occupied themselves
with the usual labors of their sex; weaving and em-
broidering the tapestry and ornamental work for the
temple. Three times during the night they rose to
renew the incense in the braziers, at ten o'clock, at
midnight, and at dawn.^* On these occasions a matron
led the procession ; with eyes modestly bent upon the
ground, and without daring to cast a glance to one
side or the other, the maidens filed up one side of the
temple, while the priests did the same on the other,
so that all met before the altar. In returning to the
dormitory the same order was observed. They spent
part of the morning in preparing bread and confec-
tionery, which they placed, while warm, in the tem-
ple, where the priests partook of it after sacrifice."

'* Clavigero asserts that the hair of such only as entered the scr\ifc on
account of some private vow, was cut.

•o (Jhiviycro says that only a part of tlicni rose upon each occasion.
'S'alzavano alcune due ore incirca innanzi alia niezzanotte, altrc alia nirzza
notte, ed altre alio sjiuntar del dl per attizzar, e niantcncr vivo il fuoco, o
per incensare gl'Idoh.' Storin Ant. del Messico, toni. ii., p. 42.

" 'Ellcs passaient une partie do la matiniie h preparer Ic pain en galctto
et les p.ltisseries qu'elles prcscntaicnt, toutes chaudcs, dans Ic temple, oil
lea pretres allaient les prendre apriis I'oblatioii.' Brasseur dc liourbonrg.

906

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The young women, for their part, fasted strictly; they
first broke their fast at noon, and with the exception
of a scanty meal in the evening, this was all they ate
during the twenty-four hours. On feast-days they
were permitted to taste meat, but at all other times
their diet was extremely meagre. While sweeping
the temple they took great care never to turn their
back to the idol, lest the god should be insulted.

If one of these young women unhappily violated
her vows of chastity she redoubled her fasting and
severity, in the fear that her flesh would rot, and in
order to appease the gods and induce them to conceal
her crime, for death was the punishment inflicted on
the Mexican vestal who was convicted of such a tres-
pass. The maiden who entered the service of the
gods for a certain period only, and hot for life, did not
usually leave the monastery until she was about to be
married. At that time the parents, having chosen a
husband for the girl, and gotten everything in readi-
ness, repaired to the monastery, taking care first to
provide themselves with quails, copal, hollow canes
filled with perfume, which Torquemada says they
called poquietl, a brasier for incense, and some flowers.
The girl was then clothed in a new dress, and the
party went up to the temple ; the altar was covered
with a cloth, upon which were placed the presents
they had brought with them, accompanied by sundry
dishes of meats and pastry. A complimentary speech
was next made by the parents to the Tequaquilli, or
chief priest of the temple, and when this was con-
cluded the girl was taken away to her father's house.
But of those young men and maidens who stayed in
the temple-schools for a time only, and received a
regular course of instruction at the hands of the
priests, it is my intention to speak further when treat-
ing of the education of the Mexican youth. The

Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 556. Clavigero says tliey prepared the offer-
ing of provisions which was presented to tlie idols: 'Tiittc Ic niattine pra-
paravano I'obblazioni di coniniestibili da presentarsi ogl'Idoli.' Storia Ant.
del Messico, toin. ii., p. 42.

DRESS OF THE MEXICAN PRIESTS.

907

original accounts are rather confused on this point, so
that it is difficult to separate with accuracy those who
entered with the intention of becoming* permanent
priests from those who were merely temporary scholars.

The ordinary dress of the Mexican priests differed
little from that of other citizens; the only distinctive
feature being a black cotton mantle, which they wore
in the manner of a veil thrown back upon the head.
Those, however, who professed a more austere life,
such as the Quaquaquiltin and Tlamacazqui before
mentioned, wore long black robes ; many among them
never cut their hair, but allowed it to grow as long as
it would; it was twisted with thick cotton cords, and
bedaubed with unctuous matter, the whole forming a
weighty mass, as inconvenient to carry as it was dis-
gusting to look at. The high-priest usually wore, as
a badge of his rank, a kind of fringe which hung
down over his breast, called Xicolli ; on feast-days he
was clothed in a long robe, over which he wore a sort
of chasuble or cope, which varied in color, shape, and
ornamentation, according to the sacrifices he made and
the divinity to which he offered them."

Among the Miztecs and Zapotecs the priests had as
much or even more influence than among the Mexi-
cans. In briefly reviewing the sacerdotal system of
these nations, let us once more take M. Brasseur de
Bourbourg for our guide.

The kingdom of lilantongo, which comprised upper
Miztecapan, was spiritually governed by the high-
priest of Achiuhtla; he l.ad the title of Taysacaa,^"

'8 Clavigero AXTites: 'L'insegna de' Sommi Sacerdoti di Messico era un
fiocco, o nappa di cotonc pendente dal petto, e nellc festc prineipali vesti-
vaiisi abiti sfnrzosi, ne' qiiali vcdevansi fi^uratc Ic insej^ne di quel Dio, la
cui festa celebravano.' Storia Ant. del Alcssico, torn, ii., p. 38. The most
important works tliat can 1>c consulted concerning the Mexican priesthood
are: Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 549-59; from
which I have principally taken n»y account; Torqnemada, Monarq. Ind.,
torn, ii., pp. 163-5, 175-91; Las Casas, Hist. Apologitica, caps, cxxxiii.,
cxxxix., cxl. ; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 112et8eq., 218-
23, lib. iii., pp. 276-7; Gon\tra, Conq. Mex., fol. 323-5; Acosta, Hi.it. delns
Ynd., pp. 3.35-42; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv-xvii.;
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 36 et seq.

''This is the title given by the Spanish authors; it is probably derived

906

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

and his power equalled, if it did not surpass, that of
the sovereiijn. f liis office, it appears, was reserved
for the royal family, and was transmitted I'rom male
to male; a memher of any free family could, however,
become a sacaa, or simple priest. All, even to the
successor of the Taysacaa, had to submit to a vigor-
ous noviciate of one year's duration, and to this rule
no exceptions were made. Up to the time of com-
mencing his noviciate, and for four years after it was
ended, the candidate for the priesthood was supposed
to have led a perfectly chaste life, otherwise he was
judged unworthy to be admitted into the order. His
only food during the year of probation was herbs,
wild honey, and roasted maize; his life was passed in
silence and retirement, and the monotony of his exist-
ence was only relieved by waiting on the priests, tak-
ing care of the altars, sweeping the temple, and
gathering wood for the fires.

When four years after his admission to the priest-
hood had elapsed, during which time he seems to have
served a sort of apprenticeship, he was pennitted to
marry if he saw fit, and at the same time to perform
his priestly functions. If he did not marry he entered
one of the monasteries which were dependent on the
temples, and while performing his regular duties, in-
creased the austerity of his life. Those priests who
were entrusted with the higher and more important
offices, such as the instruction of youth or a seat in
the royal council, were selected from the latter class.
The king, or the nobles, each in his own state, pro-
vided for their wants, and certain uonien, sworn to
chastity, prepared their food. They never left the
monastery except on special occabJ ms, to assist at
some feast, to play at ball in the court of their sov-
ereign lord, to go on a pilgrimage for the accomplish-
ment of a vow made by the king or by themselves, or
to take their place at the head of the army, which, on

from lay, a man, and sacaa, a priest. Vocabul. en lengva Mixteca, etc.,
according to Braaseur tie Bourbovrg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 17, note.

THE PONTIFF OF YOPAA.

200

certain occasions, they commanded. If one of these
monks fell sick, he was well cared for in the monas-
tery; if he died he was interred in the court of the
building. If one of them violated his vow of chastity,
he was bastinadoed to death.

In Zapotecapan the supreme pontiff was called the
Wiyatao;'" his residence was in the city of Yopaa,"
and there he was from time immemorial spiritual and
temporal lord, though, indeed, he made his temporal
power felt more or less throughout the whole king-
dom ; and he appears in the earliest history of this
country as master and lord of both the princes and the
people of those nations who acknowledged him as the
supreme head of their religion. The origin of the
city of Yopaa is not known ; it was situated on the
slope of Mount Teutitlan," which in this place formed
a valley, shut in by overshadowing rocks, and watered
by a stream which lower down flowed into the river
Xalatlaco. The original inhabitants of this region
were the disciples and followers of a mysterious,
white-skinned personage named Wixipecocha. What
race he uelonged to, or from what land he came when
he presented himself to the Zapotecs, is not known ;
a certain vague tradition relates that he came by sea
from the south, bearing a cross in his hand, and de-
barked in the neighborhood of Tehuantepec ; '^^ a
statue representing him is still to be seen, on a high
rock near the village of Magdalona. He is described
as a man of a venerable aspect, having a bushy,
white beard, dressed in a long robe and a cloak, and
wearing a covering upon his head resembling a monk's

*« Wiyatao, Burgoa writes Ami;Vi/oo, and translates, 'great watchman;*
the Zanotec vocabulary translates it by the word papa, or jiriest.

*' Vojpaa, Biirgoa also writes Lyobaa and Yoboa; it signifies the Place of
Tombs, trum Yo, place, or ground, and paa, tomb, in the Zapotcc tongue,
'the centre of rest.'

'' Teutitlan was its name in the Nahuatl language. Its Zapotecan name
was Xaquiya.

*' Rasqos y st,?ales tie la primera predicacion en el Nuevo-Mundo,
MS. de l)on Isidro Gondra; Uarriedo, Estudioa histdricos y estadisticot
del Estado Oaxaqveilo, Mexico, 1850, tom. i., cap. i.; quotea in Brasseur
de Bourbovrq, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 9.
Vol. 11. 14

210

THE NAHIJA NATIONS.

cowl. The statue represents liim seated in a pensive
attitude, apparently occupied in hearin<jf the confession
of a woman who kneels by his side.''* His voice, to
accord with his appearance, must have been of remark-
able sweetness. Wixipecocha taujrht liis disciples to
deny themselves the vanities of this world, to mortify
the flesh with penance and fasting, and to abstain
from all sensual pleasures. Addin»if example to pre-
cej)t, he utterly abjured female society, and sufl'ered
no woman to approach him except in the act of auri-
cular confession, which formed j)art of his doctrine.'"
This extraordinary conduct caused him to be much
re8[)ected ; esj)ecially as it was an unheard-of thinj^
amon<r these peo[»le for a man to devote his life to
celibacy. Nevertheless, he was frecpiently j)ersecuted
by those whose vices and superstitions he attacked.
Passin*^ throu<i;'h one province after another he at
lenj.fth arrived in the Zapotec valley, a lar<jfe ])ortion
of which was at that time occupied by a lake named
Kualo. Afterwards, beinjjf entered into the country
of the Miztecs, to labor for their conversion, the peo-
ple souLfht to take his life. Those who were sent to
take him prisoner, overtook him at the footof (empo-
altepec, the most lofty peak in the country; but ai
the moment they thought to lay hands uj)(»n him, he
disap|)eared suddenly from their si<^ht, and soon after-
wards, adds the tradition, his tii^ure was seen standin<if
on the sunmiit «»^' the hij^hest peak of the mountain.
Filled with astonishment, his persecutors hastened to
scale the rocky hei<^ht. When after ^reat labor they
arrived at the i)oint where they had seen the H^^ure,
Wixi[)ecocha apj)earcd to them a«^ain for a few in-
stants, then as suddenly vanished, leavinjjf no traces
of his presence save the imprints of his i'eut deeply
impressed upon the rock where he had stood."" Since

•♦ Hiirr/on, Geoff. Dcscrip., torn, ii., pt ii., caj). Ixxii.

*■* liaHfioH y srilnles de la primera prcdicnrion en el Nurvo-Mundo,
M8. do l>(>ii IhuIi'o (ioiidra; <iu<)tcd in lirasneur dc liuurbourij, Hist.
Nat. Viv., toiii. iii., p. 1».

w Uurtjoa, Uevg. Dcscrip., torn, ii., pt ii,, cap. Ixxii.

THE CAVE OF YOPAA.

211

tlien we do not know that Wixipecocha reappeared in
the ordinary world, tJiotij^h tradition relates that he
afterwards HJiowed hirnselt' in the enchanted island of
MonapoHtiac, near Teh uan tepee, whither he [)rohaV)ly
went for the purpose of ohtainin<( new proselytes. In
spite of the silence which history maintains concem-
in<if the time of his advent and the disciples which he
left hehii^d him, there can he no douht that the jiriests
of Yopaa did not continue to promul<(ate his doctrines,
or that the Wiyatao, the su[)reme pontiff in Zap<)teca-
pan, was not there as the vicar and successor of the
prophet of Monapostiac. Like the ancient Brahmans
of Hindustan, the firr^t disciples of Wixipecocha cele-
brated the rites of their reli<(ion in a deep cavo, which
M. de Bourl)our<j^ thinks was most probably hollowed
out in the side of the mountain by the waters of the
flood. This was afterwards used as a place of wor-
ship by the Wiyataos, who, as the number of their
proselytes increased, broUjL^ht art to the aid of nature,
an<l under the hands of able 'irchitecits the vuva of
Yopaa was soon turned into a tetnple, haviiii'' halls,
ffallerioH, and numerous apartments all <!ut in the
solid rock, it was into the j^Ioomy recesses of this
temple that the priests des<^ended on solemn feast-
days to assist at those mysterious sacrifices which
were sacred from the profane j^aze of the vul^jfar, or
to take ]>art in the burial rites at the death of a kiu;^.''^
The classes of relijjfious men wcsre as numerous and
their names and duties as varied amon;.*' the Za|)otecs
as elstiwhere. A certain order of priests who made
the interpreting^ of dreams tiijir spi'cial provinc(j were
called (Jolanii (jobee l*ecala. Each form of divina-
tion was made a special study. Some professed to
foretell the future by the aid (»!' stars, earth, win<l, fire,
or water; others, by the fli;^ht of bird.-s, the entrails of
Hacrifi(;ial victims, or by mai^ic sijij^ns and <;ircles.
Amonj^ ot'.^r divinities a sj)ecies of parro(piet, with

" Ihirffoa, Geog. Dettrip., torn, 'v,., pt ii., cap. iiii.

2ia

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

flaming plumage, called the ara,^ was worshiped in
some districts. In thi i bird a god was incai;.ate, who
was said to have descended from the sky like a meteor.
There were among the Zapotecs hermits or fakirs,
who passed their entire lives in religious extasy and
meditation, shut up in dark caves, or rude huts, with
no other companion but an ara, which they fed respect-
fully upon a species of altar; in honor of the bird
they lacerated their flesh and drew blood from their
bodies; upon their knees they kissed it morning and
evening, and offered it with their prayers sacrifices of
flowers and copal.

Priests of a lower order were styled Wiyana and
Wizaechi, and the monks Copapitas. The influence
which they were supposed to have with the gods, and
the care which they took to keep their number con-
stantly recruited with scions of the most illustrious
families, gained them great aut)iority among the peo-
ple. No noble was so great but he would be honored
by having a son in the temple. They added, also, to
the credit of their profession by the strict i)ropriety
of their manners, and the excessive rigor with which
they guarded their chastity. Parents who wished to
consecrate one of their children to the service of the
gods, led hin), while still an infant, to the chief priest
of the district, who after carefully catechizing the lit-
tle one, deliveied him over to the charge of the master
of the novices. Besides the care of the sanctuary,
which fell to their lot, these children v^ere taught
singing, the history of their country, and such sciences
as were within their comprehension.

These religious bodies were looked upon witli much
respect. Their members were taught to bear them-
selves properly at home and in the street, and to pre-
serve a modest and humble demeanor. The least
infraction of the rules was severely punished ; a glance
or a sign which might be construed into a carnal de-

^ So called from the cry of ara, ara, which it constantly repeats.

ZAPOTEC PRIESTS.

218

siro, was punished as criminal, and those who showed
by their actions a strong disposition to violate their
vow of chastity were relentlessly castrated.

The Wivanas were divided into several orders, but
all were ruled in the most absolute manner by the
pontiff of Yopaa. I have already spoken of the ven-
eration in which this spiritual monarch was held, and
of the manner in which he surmounted the difficulty
of having children to inherit the pontifical chair, when
continence was strictly imposed upon him.'®

The ordinary dress of the Zapotec priests was a full
white robe, with openings to pass the arms through,
b;«* no sleeves; this was girt at the waist with a col-
oft 1 cord. During the ceremony of sacrifice, and on
fciv.?,c-days, the Wiyatao wore, over all, a kind of
t jtiic, with full sleeves, adorned with tassels and em-
broidered in various colors with representations of
birds and animals. On his head he wore a mitre of
feather-work, ornamented with a very rich crown of
gold; his neck, arms, and wrists were laden with
costly necklaces and bracelets; upon his feet were
golden sandals, bound to his legs with cords of gold
and bright-colored thread.**

The Toltec sacerdotal system so closely resembled
the Mexican already described that it needs no further
description ia this volume. Their priests wore a long

29 See this vol,,

Ih' ijo.i. C-:o'i bcscrip.,Uim\\., cap. liii. Of the Miztec high-priest 1
iuL wri;-.- ';■•>! vcstia, para celebnir sus Fiestas, de Puiitilical, de (

i)p. 142-3.

-- - -- ,p^^

para celcbrar 8us t'lestas, ae t'uiitilical, dc esta
Jiiaiiera Uii;i^ ' iwitiis i.",ui variiwlaa de colores, niati<;ada», y pintados de
Histinias u^'^eui'. ^s ii i<;,Lr«nus de sus Diuacs: poiiiase viias coiiin (JaniisoH, 6
11'. ^iietes, sill ii, ■ •;. .s (ii difereucia de lo,^ Alexiaiiios) que llega)>aii nios
al>iij» de la roiltUa, y cii las picriias vuus coiuo aiiti|Hiras, que le cubriaii la
]iaiiti>rrilla; y cm cuia casi coiuiin {i tudos lus Sacerdutes btiinos, y caifado,
C(>;i(|uc adoriiaUaii las Estatiias de los Dioscs; y en el brafo izquicnki, vn
]>cdavi> dc manta labrada, i\ niancra de listoii, como Riicleii atarsc algiinoB
al brago, (piaiido salcii a Fiestas, o Canos, con vna boria osida dc clla, que
)»arcuia niuiiipulo. Vcstia cnciniu dc tndo vna Capa, como la nticstra de
Ci>ro, con vna borIa col<rando ii las CHpaldas, y vna K''*^'* ^litra en la calwfa,
hcc.lia dc plunius verdes, con niucho artiticio, y toda scmhruda, y labrada
dc los w s prin'.^inalcs Dioses, que tenian. Quando hailaban, en otras oca-
BioncH, ,)atios ae los Teniplos (que era el niodo ordinario dc cantar sua
Hortv' ^ co.-ir hu UHcio) se vestian de ropa blanua pintado, y vnos roiietaa,
como .:n .;-<' t(!4 do Galeote.' Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 217.

214

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

ill I'

■ii

■f];

black robe reaching to the ground; their heads were
covered with a hood, and their hair fell down over their
shoulders and was braided. They rarely put sandals
on their feet, except when about to start on a long
journey." Among the Totonacs six great ecclesiastics
were elected, one as high-priest, one next to him
in rank, and so on with the other four. When
the high-priest died, the second priest succeeded him.
He was anointed and consecrated with great cere-
mony; the urction used upon the occasion was a
mixture of a fluid called in the Totonac tongue ole,
and blood drawn a "'' ' circumcision of children.*"
There existed also aiu these people an order of
monks devoted to their gc Jess Centeotl. They lived
a very austere and retired life, and thoir character,
according to the Totonac standard, was irreproachable.
None but men above sixty years of age, who were
widowers of virtuous life and estranged from the so-
ciety of women, were admitted into this order. Their
number was fixed, and when one of them died another
was received in his stead. They were so much rcT
spected that they were not only consulted by the
common people, but likewise by the great nobles and
the high-priest. They listened to those who consulted
them, sitting upon their heels, with their eyes fixed
upon the ground, and their answers were received as
oracles even by the kings of Mexico. They were em-
ployed in making historical paintings, which they gave
to the high-priest that he might exhibit them to the
people. The common Totonac priests wore long black
cotton robes with hoods; their hair was braided like
the other common priests of Mexico, and anointed
with the blood of human sacrifices, but those who
served the goddess Centeotl were always dressed in
the skins of foxes or coyotes. '^ At Izacapu, in Mi-

I!
■I

327.

'I Ixtlilxochitl, Rclaciones, in Kingsborottgh'a Mex. Antiq., torn, ix., p.

'* Las Cusas, Hist. Apolofftlica, MS., cop. cxxxiii.

3' Las Caaas, Hist. Apolofftlica, MS., cap. cxxi.; Torqt4einada, Monarq.

PRIESTS OF MICHOACAN.

215

choacan, there was a pontiff named Curinacanery, who
was looked upon with such deep veneration that the
king himself visited him once a year to ofter him the
first-fruits of the season, which he did upon his knees,
having first respectfully kissed his hand. The com-
mon priests of Michoacan wore their hair loose and
disheveled; a leathern band encircled their foreheads;
their robes were white, embroidered with black, and
in their hands they carried feather fans.'** In Puebla
they also wore white robes, with sleeves, and fringed
on the edges.^ The papas, or sacrificing priests of
Tlascala, allowed their hair to grow long and anointed
it with the blood of their victims.^ Much more might
be written concerning the priests of these countries,
but as it does not strictly come within the province of
this volume, it is omitted here."

Ind., torn, ii., p. 181; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 44;
Ilcrrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. xiv.

3* Beaumont, Crdn. Mcchoacan, MS., pp. 52-3; Herrera says of the
priests of Mechuacan, ' trahian los vabellos largos, y coronas abiertas en la
cabefa, conio \oa de la Yglcsia Catolica, y guirnaldas de tluccos colorados.'
Hist, lien., Dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.

3* Torqucnmda, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 438.

'* Gamargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annates dcs Voy., 1843, torn,
xcviii., p. 201.

" Less important, or more modern, authorities that treat of the priv-
ileged classes among the Aztecs, are: Pimentcl, Mem. sobre la Raza In-
difjena, pp. 19-22; Garbnjal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 495-504;
Garli, Cartas, pt i., pp. 114-15; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 108-14; Chaves,
Ranport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii., tom. v., pp. 303-6, 337;
DilwortlCs Gonq. Mex., p. 36; Mon<jlave, R^.sumf, pp. 14-19, 32-5; Hazart,
Kirchen-Ge^chirhte, torn, ii., pp. 503-5; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp.
74, 235-6, 264-5; West nnd Ost Indischer Lnsfijnrt, pt i., pp. 73-7, 98-
100; Cortes, Avcntvras, pref., p. 6; Baril, Mexique, pp. 201-2; Klemm,
Cultur-Gcschichte, tom. v., pp. 55^-70, 88-98, 209-10; Soden, Spanier in
Peru, tom. ii., pp. 12-13, 19; Chevalier, Mex. Ancien ct Mod., pp. 116-
120.

CHAPTER VI.

PLEBEIANS, SLAVES, TENURE OF LANDS, AND TAXATION.

Influence of the Commoners — Oppression by Nobles— Deprived
OF Office by Montezuma II.— Classes of Slaves— Penal Slaves
— Voluntary Slavery— Slave Market at Azcapuzalco— Pun-
ishment AND Pmvii ;aESOF Slaves— Division of Lands— Crown
Lands— Lands of the Nobli^s- Municipal Property— Property
OF the Temples— Tenure of Lands in Zapotecapan, Mizteca-
PAN, Michoacan, Tlascala, Cholula, and Huexotzinco— Simi.
larity to Feudal System of Europe — System of Taxation-
Municipal Taxes — Lice Tribute — Tribute from Conquered
Provinces— Revenue Officers— Injustice of Montezuma II.

I " i

No writer seems to have thought it worth v/hile to
define the exact condition of the lower orders of free
citizens among the Aztecs. In Mexico, under the
earlier kings, they appear to have enjoyed considerable
privileges. They were represented in the royal coun-
cils, they held high offices at court and about the
king's person, their wishes were consulted in all affairs
of moment, and they were generally recognized as an
important part of the community. Gradually, how-
ever, their power lessened as that of the nobles
increased, until, in the time of Montezuma II., they
were, as we have seen, deprived of all offices that were
not absolutely menial, and driven from the palace.
Still, there is no doubt that from the earliest times
the plebeians were always much oppressed by the
nobles, or that, as the Bishop of Santo Domingo,

(216)

PLEBEIANS AND SLAVES.

217

before quoted,* remarks, "they were, and still are, so
submissive that they allow themselves to be killed or
sold into slavery without complaining. " Father Acosta,
also, writes that "so great is the authority which the
caciques have assumed over their vassals that these
latter dare not open their lips to complain of any order
given them, no matter how difficult or disagreeable it
may be to fulfill ; indeed, they would rather die and
perish than incur the wrath of their lord ; for this rea-
son the nobles frequently abuse their power, and are
often guilty of extortion, robbery, and violence towards
their vassals."' Camargo tells us that the plebeians
were content to work without pay for the nobles, if
they could only insure their protection by so doing.^
Of those who stood below the macehuales, as the
plebeians were called, and lowest of all in the social
scale, the slaves, we have more definite information.
Slavery was enforced and recognized by law and usage
throughout the entire country inhabited by the Nahua
nations. There were in ancient Mexico three classes
of slaves; namely, prisoners of war, persons con-
demned for crime to lose their freedom, and those who
sold themselves, or children sold by their parents.
The captor of a prisoner of war had an undisputed
right to doom his prize to be sacrificed to the gods;
this power he almost invariably exerted, and it was
held a punishable crime for another to deprive him of
it by rescuing the prisoner or setting him free.* Sa-
hagun tells us that the captor could, if he chose,
either sell or hold his prisoners as sLves; and if
among them any man or woman showed unusual
ability in music, embroidering, weaving, or other do-
mestic occupation, he or she was frequently purchased
by the king or some noble or wealthy man, and em-

* See page 191 of this volume.

* Aco.ifa, De procnranda indorum salute; quoted in Pimentel, Mem.
tohre In Rasa Inutgcna, p. 81.

3 Hkl. Tlnx., in Nouvelles Annates des Voy., 1843, torn, xcix., p. 130.

* C'lnmocro, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp. 134-6; Cortis, Carta
Inid., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., torn, i., p. 474.

218

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

ployed in his house, and thus saved from the sacrifice."
The offences which the Aztecs punished with slavery
were the following: firstly, failure on the part of any
relation of a person convicted of high treason, to give
timely information of the plot to the proper authori-
ties, provided he or she had knowledge of it, the
wives a id children of the traitor being also enslaved;
secondly, the unauthorized sale of a free man or
woman or of a free child kidnapped or found astray,
the kidnapper fraudulently asserting such person to
be a slave, or such child to be his own; thirdly, the
sale or disposal, by a tenant or depositary, of another's
property, without the permission of the owner or his
representative, or of a proper legal authority ; fourthly,
hindering a collared slave from reaching the asylum
of the sovereign's palace, provided it was the act of
one who was not the owner or the owner's son ; fifthly,
stealing things of value, or being an inveterate thief;
sixthly, stealing from a field a certain number of ears
of corn or of useful plants, exception being made to
this law when the act was committed by a child under
ten years of age, or when the stolen property was
paid for; seventhly, the impregnating, by a free man,
of another's female slave, if the woman died during
her pregnancy, or in consequence of it. This latter
statement is contradicted by Torquemada, upon the
strength of information given him, as he alleges, by
Aztecs well acquainted with the laws of their country.*

^ Hist. Gen., torn, i., lib. i., pp. 32-3; sec also, torn, ii., lib. vii., pp.
258-9, lib. ix., pp. 333, 370. The Anonyrnoua Conqueror agrees with 8alia-
gun; 'Tutti quei chc si pigliauano nella guerra, 6 erano niagiati <ln loro, 6
crano tcnuti per schiaui.' Relatione fatta per vn gentiPhuomo del Siffnor
Fernando Cortege, in Ramusio, Navigationi, torn. lii., fol. 304. Motolinia,
however, asserts that all prisoners of war were sacrificed: 'por que ningun
esclavo se haciun en ellas, ni rescataban ninguno de los que en las guerraa
prendian, mas todos los giiardavan para sacrificar.' Carta al Enifterador
Cdrlos v., Jan. 2, 1555, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., torn, i., p. 272. Go-
niaraalso confirms this with a grim joke: 'Los catiuos en gnerra no siruian
de esclauos, sino de sacrificados: y no hazian mas de comer para scr comi-
dos.' Conq. Mex., fol. 320-1; see also fol. 309.

<> 'Algunos quisieron deeir, que si vn libre tenia acccso & algnna Es-
clavo, y quedaba preilada de la copula, era Esclavo el Varon que cometib
auto cou Esclavo, y scrvia ol Se&or de lo Esclova; pero esto uo fue osi,

PENAL AND VOLUNTARY SLAVERY.

219

Gomara asserts, though he allows that others deny it,
that when a man died insolvent, his son or his wife be-
came the property of his creditors.' Torquemada
affirms that it was customary for a creditor to look for
payment of his claim to the estate, real or personal, if
any there was, but no member of the debtor's family
was awarded to him to cancel the debt.* It sometimes
happened that persons too poor to pay their taxes
were put up for sale, but this mostly occurred in con-
quered provinces. Penal slaves did not become the
property of the king or the state, but were publicly
sold to private persons, or assigned to the parties
whom they had injured; nor were such offenders held
to be slaves, or their punishment considered to have
commenced until they had been formally delivered to
the new owner.

Among those who voluntarily surrendered their
freedom for a consideration, besides such as were driven
by extreme poverty to do so, were the indolent who
would not trust to their own exertions for a livelihood,
gamesters, to obtain the wherewithal to satisfy their
passion for gambling," and harlots, to provide them-
selves with showy clothing <ind finery. The two lat-
ter classes were not obliged to go into service until
after the expiration of a year from the time of receiving
the consideration for which they sold themselves.

Slaves were continually offered for sale in the pub-
lic market-place of every town, but the principal
slave-mart in the Mexican empire seems to have been
the town of Azcapuzalco, which was situated about
two leagues from the city of Mexico ; it occupied the
site of the ancient capital of the Tepanec kingdom,
which was destroyed by King Nezahualcoyotl of Tez-
cuco. Great numbers of slaves were brought to
Azcapuzalco from all the provinces; and it is said that

scgun ronfcsion de los mismos Indios Sabios, que sabian sub Leier y las
pructicuban.' Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 566.

1 Conq. Mex.,to\. 320.

* Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 566.

» Duvan, Hist. Indiaa, MS., torn, iii., cap. xxii., xxiii.

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

the merchants who traded in them had to adopt great
precautions to prevent their property from being stolen
or rescued on the journey. With a view to advan-
tageous sales the slaves thus exposed in the public
markets Avere kept well clothed and fed, and were
forced to dance and look cheerful.

Parents could pawn or sell a son as a slave, but
were allowed to take him back on surrendering another
son to serve in his stead ; on such occasions the mas-
ter was wont to show his generosity by allowing an
extra compensation for the new servant. There was
yet another kind of slavery, called by the Mexicans
huehuetlatlacolli, meaning 'ancient servitude.' When
one or more families were entirely destitute and fam-
ine-stricken, they sold a son to some noble, and bound
themselves to always 'keep that slave alive,' that is
to say, to supply another to fill his place if he died or
became incapacitated. This obligation was binding
upon each member of the families making the con-
tract, but was null and void if the man who was
actually serving died in his master's house, or if his
employer took from him anything that he had law-
fully acquired; therefore, to prevent this forfeiture of
ownership, the master neither took from his slave any-
thing but personal service, nor allowed him to dvvell
in his house. It frequently happened that as many
as four or five families were bound in this manner to
supply a noble and his heirs with a slave. But in
1505 or 150G, a year of famine in the country, Neza-
hualpilli of Tezcuco, foreseeing the evils that this sys-
tem of perpetual contract would entail upon his
subjects if the scarcity of food continued long, repealed
the law, and declared all families exempt from its ob-
ligations; it is recorded that Montezuma II. soon
after followed his example.*"

Slavery in Mexico was, according to all accounts,

" Torqucmada, Monarq. Iiid., torn, ii., pp. 564-5; Sahagun, Hist. Gen.,
torn, ii., lib. viii., p. .S03. Brassciir de Bourbourg asserts that tliesc con-
tracts remained in force down to tlie time of the Spanisli conquest. Hist.
Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. Cll.

CONDITION AND TREATMENT OF SLAVES.

221

a moderate subjection, consisting merely of an obliga-
tion to render personal service, nor could that be
exacted without allowing the slave a certain amount
of time to labor for his own advantage. Slaves were
kindly treated and were allowed far greater j)rivileges
than any in the old world; they could marry and
bring up families, hold property, including other slaves
to serve them, and their children were invariably born
free. There is, however, some obscurity on this point,
as Sahagun tells us that in the year Ce Tochtli, which
came round every fifty-two years, there was generally
a great famine in the land, and at that time many
persons, driven to it by hunger, sold not only them-
selves as slaves, but also their children and descend-
ants for countless generations." Very young or poor
slaves lived at the home of their master, and were
treated almost as members of the fomilv: the other
slaves lived independently, either on their owner's
land, or upon their own. It frequently happened that
a master succumbed to the charms of one of his female
slaves and made her his wife, or that a comely bond-
man found favor in the sight of his mistress, and
became her lord ; nor was this so strange as it may
at first appear, there being no dift'erence of race or
color to make such alliances repugnant or shameful.
Feelings of afl^ection and respect existed, as a rule,
between master and servant. A slave who had served
long and faithfully was often entrusted with the stew-
ardship of his owner's household and property, and,
on the other hand, if the master through misfortune
should become poor, his bondmen would cheerfully
labor for his support. No well-behaved slave could

^1 ' Y cimndo acoiitccia la dicha hambrc, cnt6nccs sc vcndiaii pnr csclavos
nmchos jMjbres hunibrea y inugercs, y coinprdbunlus los rioos que tenian
imiclias provisioncs allc<^ada.s, y no solanicnte los dichos ]H)brcs sc vciidian
a si misiiioa, sino que tambieu vendian & bub hijos, y d bub dcsccudicntes, y
A todo 811 liimjc, y mi cran csclavos perpetuamcntc, porquc dcuiun que esta
servidumbrc que 'sc cobraba en tal ticni])0, no tenia rcniedio para acabaree
en alp;un ticmno, porquc bus padres se habiau vcndido por cscapar de la
inuertc, 6 por librar su vida dc la liltiina nccesidad.' Hist. Gen., toin. ii.,
lib. vii., pp. 258-9.

222

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

be sold without liis consent unless his owner could
prove that jioverty or debt made such sale unavoida-
ble; nor could such faults as laziness, disobedience, or
running away, be punished without due warning,
which the master for his own justification usually gave
in the presence of respectable witnesses. If atter this
had occurred two or three times the slave continued
refractory, a wooden collar was placed on his neck, and
thea his master was authorized to transfer him against
his will. Purchasers of a collared slave always in-
quired how many times he had been so disposed of
before, and if after two or three such sales he
continued incorrigible, he could be sold for the sac-
rifice. But even yet he has one chance left; if he
can escape from his master's premises and gain the
courtyard of the royal palace, he not only avoids
punishment, but he is from that day forth a free
man; moreover, no person, save his owner or his
owner's sons, is allowed in any manner to prevent him
froin reaching the asylum, under penalty of being
made the slave of him whom he attempts to deprive
of his chance for freedom.

The sale of a slave was conducted with much
formality, and nmst be made in the presence of at
least four respectable witnesses; in cases of self-sale
the witnesses acted as conscientious arbitrators to
secure the highest price and most favorable conditions
for him who sold himself. The usual price lor an
average slave was twenty mantles, equivalent to one
load of cotton cloth; some were worth less, while
others brought as many as forty mantles.

Slavery among the Nahua nations appears, then, to
have been only a partial deprivation of a freeman's
rights. As a slave was permitted to possess property
and even other slaves of his own, and as his children
were born free and he had complete control of his own
family, we can scarcely say he lost his citizenship,
although it is true he was not eligible for public office.
It was a common practice for a master during his

TENURE OF LANDS.

22B

lifotimo, or on hia death-bed, to emancipate his slaves,
but if no such provision were made they went to the
heirn with the rest of the property. Murder of a
slave, even by his master, was a capital offence.

Yet in spite of all this testimony in favor of the
mildness of slavery among the Nahua nations, there
is still room for some reasonable doubt concerning the
patriarchal character of the system; inasmuch as we
are told that many slaves, not mentioned as being
prisoners of war or criminals, as well as servants,
dwarfs, or deformed persons, and purchased children,
were i)ut to death at religious feasts and royal
funerals."

The lands were divided between the crown, the
nobility, the various tribes or clans of the people, and
the temples. The division, however, was by no means
equal, by fur the greater portion being appropriated

i> 'Vcndian niilosrccien nacidos, y de dos afios, para ciiinplir hub pro-
mesas, y ofrcucr cii lo8 tciiiplos, coiiio nosotnis las caiidclas, y sacriticarloa
para ulcanijar sua pretcnniuncs.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., can.
xvi. ' Pontic cuiuu aiidabuii todus los Keiiios, con sua inercaiicias, traiuii uo
todos cllos iiiiiclios csiilavou, los qiiales, si no erau todos, h lu incnoa, loa man,
sacrilicaban.' Turifitemada, Monara. Ind., toni. ii., p. 272. 'Porqiio cosi
todoa los que aacrificubau d los idolos craii los que prcndiiiii en Iuh giicrrua

inui |>i)quitos erau los otros que sacrilicovan.' Motolinia, Vitrln al J-Jin-

perndor Lkbios V., Jan. 2, 1555, in Icuzbalceta, Col. dc Doc, torn, i., pp.
'2(jl, 272. 'Luego proponian tin parlaniento & los csclavos, cnanos y corco-
bados, dicicnilo: hijos niios, id d la bucna ventura con vuestro sefior Axayaca

& la otra vida Lucgo Ic abrieron cl pecho, tcnicndolo scis 6 siete saccr-

dotcs, y el mayoral le sacaba el corazon, y todo el dia y toda la noche ardiu
cl cucrpo del rcy, con los corazones dc los miscrables csclalras que niorian
sin culi)a.' Tezozmoc, Crditica Mex., in Kmr/sborouyh's Mex. Antiq., vol.
\\., pp. 90, 142. 'Sacriticando en sus honros doscientos csclavos, y cieu
csdavas.' Ixllilxochitl, Hist. Chichimcca, in Id., pp. 282, 250. 'Quaiido
muria algun principal, niatavan juntamentc con 61 un csclavo, y cnterra-
van con el para que le fuese & servir.' Codex Teller iano-Rcmen.ii,i, in /(/.,
vol. v., p. 1.30. 'Avee lui, de jcunes fdles, des eselaves ct des bossus.'
Cainargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Animlcs des Voy., 1843, torn, xcviii.,
p. 202. '8c quemaba junto con sus cuer]M)s y con los corazones dc los cuu-
tivos y csclavos que mataban.' Leon y Gama, Dos Picdrns, p. 35; lirassctir
dc Uonrbourff, Hist. Nat. Civ., toni. iii., pp. 453, 57.3-4; Veytia, Hist. Ant.
Mrj., ton>. iii., pp. 6, 8; Pimentel, Mem, sobre la Raza Indigena, p. 65;
Among those wlio in later times have treated of slavery amon^ the Nuliua
naUons are the following: Montamts, Nieuwe Wecreld, p. 261; Dapper, Neue
\yyit, p. 294; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien et Mod., p. 62; Bussierre, L'Einpire

Mex., pp. 1.55-6; Miiller, A »ierikanisc/ic Urreligtotien, p. 541; Klcmm, Cul-

tur-Gesehichte, pp. f"^ ""• ''—'-- " .•—-•- n — * — :- — i,i le. c<.-, — »-

Ten Tribes, p. 273.

tur-Geschichte, pp. 69-70; Soden, Spanicr in Peru, torn, if., pp. 14-15; SiinonU
~ ~ ■ 273.

23i

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

by the king and the aristocracy." All landed prop-
erty was duly surveyed, and each estate was accurately
marked, out on maps, or paintings, kept on file by a
competent officer in the district where they were sit-
uated. The crown lands were painted in purple,
those of the nobility in scarlet, and those of the cal-
pullis, or wards, in light yellow. Certain portions
of the croAvn property called tecpantlalU, or 'lands
of the palace,' were granted to nobles of the rank of
of Tecuhtli, who were called tecpanpouhque or tec-
pantia^a, 'people of the palace.' They had the free
use and enjoyment of such lands, and in return cer-
tain servio<^s were expected of them. It was their
duty to attend to the repairs and proper arrangement
of the royal residences, and to cultivate and keep in
order the royal gardens, for all of which they had to
provide the necessary number of woikmen; besides
this they were obliged to wait on the kiig and accom-
pany him whenever he appeared iii public. Although
m consideration of these services t'le 'people of the
palace' paid no rent, yet the eminent domain of their
lands was vested in the sovereign. When one of them
died his eldest son inherited his privileges, subject to
the same obligations, but if he changed his residence
to another part of the country, or died without male
issue, the usufruct was forfeited and the land reverted
to the sovereign, who transferred it to another usufruc-
tuary, or left the choice of one to the community in
whose district the property was situated." The pro-
duce of other lands belonging to the crown was set
apart for the support of the royal household, and for
benevolent purposes.

In conquered provinces, the habits and customs and
established form of government of the vanquished
were usually respected. The sovereigns of Anslhuac
retained the native princes in power, and allowed the

» Tovibio and Olarte, Hi Ternaux-Compana, Voy., wSrie i., torn, x.,
p. 405.

" Torqurmnda, Monarq. fnd., torn, ii., j ^. 645-'^; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del measico, torn, ii., p. 122.

LANDED PROPERTY OF THE NOBLES.

225

people to keep their property; but they invariably
set apart a certain part of the territory, proportioned
to the conquest, which became the property of the
conquering monarch. These lands, called yaotlalli,
which means 'war lands,' were cultivated by the con-
quered people for the benefit of their conqueror. If
they belonged to Mexico their name was mexica-
tlalii; if to Acolhuacan, acolhua-tltdli, and so on."

The lands of the nobility were called jnllalli, and
were either ancient possessions of the nobles trans-
mitted by inheritance from father to son, or were
rewards of valor granted by the king. They were
held by various tenures; some of them could be alien-
ated at the will of the owner, subject only to the
restriction that they should not pass into the hands of
a plebeian ; others were entailed upon the eldest male
issue and could not be otherwise disposed of. Man^
of the Aztec estates were of very ancient origin.
After the Chichimecs obtained undisputed possession
of the vallej'^ of Mexico, their chief or sovereign
Xolotl made grants of land to his own people, and to
others who acknowledged him as their supreme lord,
ui. ler the condition that the grantees should render
sei vice to the crown with their persons, vassals, and
estates, whenever he should require it of them, and
the same policy was adopted by his successors."' Sons
generally inherited their father's estates by right of
primogeniture, but if the eldest son was judged inca-
pable of taking proper care of the property, the father
left it to whichever sou he pleased, stipulating, how-
ever, that the heir should insure a competency to him
he had supplanted." In the republic of Tlascala

^^ Zuritn, Rapport, in Tcrnaux-Compmui, Voy., scric ii., torn, i., p. (57;
lirasscur de Uourbourg, Hint. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. (iO.1; Carhajal, Dis-
fiirso, p. 61; I'ezozomoc, Crdnica Mcx., in Kin(jsborovgh\<i Mcx. Antiq.,
torn, ix., p. 40.

'8 lioturitU, Idea, p. 165; Ixtlilxor Mtl, His* Chick., in Kinffshorouffh'n
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 208, 216, 224-5, 241; Id., Relariones, in Id.,
}. 339-43, 346, 353, 386-7, 395, 451, 463; Hcredia y Sarmiento. Sermon,
^,., pp. 51-2; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., toni. iii. p. 189; Vetancvrt,

Tentrn, Mex., pt ii., pp. 13-14.

'^ Hcrrcra, Hist. Gen., dec. 11., lib. vi., cap. xvii., saya that brothers
Vol. II. IS

226

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

daughters could not inherit an estate, the object being
to prevent landed property from going into the hands
of strangers. In the kingdoms of Mexico, Tezcuco,
and Tlacopan it is probable !:hat the law was the same
in this respect, but the authorities give us no informa-
tion concerning the matter." These feudatories paid
no rent for their lands, but were bound to assist their
suzerain, the king, with their persons, vassals, and
fortunes in all cases of foreign or civil war. Each
king, on his accession, confirmed the investiture of
estates derived from the crown." The lands of the
people were called calpulli, and every city was divided
mto as many of these as there were wards in it, and
the whole number of calpulli being collectively named
altepatlalli. The calpulli, as well as the tlaxicalli, or
streets, were all measured out and their boundaries
marked, so that the inhabittits of one ward or street
could not invade the possessions of another. Each of
these divisions belonged to its respective community,
and was of greater or less extent and importance
according to the partition which had been made by the
first settlers in Andhuac. The owners of a calpulli
were all members of the same clan or tribe, and their
district bore their name. The right of tenure was
perpetual and inalienable, and was the common prop-
erty of the community and not of individuals. Any
member of the community not possessed of any land,
had the right to ask for a portion suitable to his posi-
tion ind requirements, \^ich was granted him. This
portion he was entitled to hold as long as he culti-
vated and improved it, and he could transmit it to his .

inherited estates and not sons; but this assertion is not hornn out by
any otiier authority.

'i* Torqtieitiada, Mnnarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 348; Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Measico, toni. ii., p. 123.

'> Fueideal, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., &4riei., torn, x., pp. 252-
4; Cor Us, Cartas, p. 68; Witt, Lettre, in Ternaux-'Jompans, Voy., sdrio
ii., torn, v., p. 287; Carhajal, Discurso, j). 63; OoUdo, Hist. Gen., torn.
Hi., p. 535; Torqueinada, Monarq^ Ind., torn, i., p. 231; Ziirita, Raj^ort,
in TernaxtX'CompaHs, Voy., s^ne ii., toni. i., pp. -iS-O, 65; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, toin. ii., pp. 122-4; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 304;
Vttancwt, Teatro, Mex., pt ii., pp. 63-4.

INHERITANCE OF ESTATES.

227

ti-
lls

heirs ; he had no authority to sell his portion, but he
could let it to another for a number of years. If he
neglected to cultivate it for two years the head man
of the calpulli remonstrated with him ; if he paid no
heed to t^ns warning he was ousted the following year
in favor of some other person ; a reasonable excuse for
such neglect was, however, always accepted. If the
land assigned to anyone proved unfruitful and barren,
he was at liberty to abandon it and another portion
was granted him. Under no pretext whatever could
any person settle upon the land lawfully occupied by
another, nor could the authorities of the calpulli de-
prive the latter of his right. If a land-owner died
without heirs, his portion was considered vacant and
assigned to the first applicant for it. If a calpulli was
in great need the authorities were allowed to lease its
lands, but under no circumstances were the inhabitants
permitted to work on the lands of another district. The
elders of the tribe formed the council of the calpulli ;
this body elected a principal, called calpullec, whose
duty is was to watch over the interests of the com-
munity; he acted only with the advice and consent of
the council. Each city set apart a piece of land in
the suburbs wherefrom to supply the needs of the
army in time of war. These portions were called
milchimalli, or caccdomilli, according to the kind
of grain they produced, and were cultivated jointly
by all the calpullis. It was not unusual for the kings
to make a life-grant of a portion of the people's prop-
erty to some favorite noble, for though there is no
doubt that the calpulli lands of right belonged to the
j)eople, yet in this respect as in others, the kings were
wont to usurp a power not their own.* Every tem-

'•'Cc n'est pas qu'ils eussent ccs tcrres en propre; car, conime les
MsigncurH cxcrfaicnt uii pouvoir tyranniquc, iis dispusaient den terrains et
(Ics vossaux Buivant leiir bon plaisir. Les Indicns n'etnicnt done, propre-
meiit dit, ni propri^taires ni maftres de ces villages; ilii n'etaicnt que Ics
labuurcurg ou lea aniodiateurs des seigneurs terriers, de telle fapon que Ton
pourrait dire que tout Ic territoirc, soit des plaines, soit des niontagiies, d6-
pendait du caprice des seigneurs et qu'il Icur uppartcnait, puisqii'ils y
exercaient un pouvoir tyraunique, et que les Inuiens vivuient au jour le

228

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

pie, great and insignificant, had its own lands and
country estates, the produce of which was applied to
the support of the priests and of public worship; the
tenants who occupied these lands were looked upon as
vassals of the temples. The chief priests, who, on
the temple lands, exercised a power similar to that of
the royal governors, frequently visited these festates
to inspect their condition and to administer justice to
their tenants. The temple of Huitzilopochtli was
considered the wealthiest in Mexico. Torquemada
says that in Tezcuco fifteen large cities furnished the
temples of that kingdom with wood, provisions, and
other necessaries.^^ Clavigero makes the number of
towns twenty-nine.*'

Throughout Zapotecapan and Miztecapan landed
property was invariably transmitted from male to
male, females being excluded from the succession. No
one had the right to sell his land in perpetuity ; the
law forbade its transfer out of a family either by mar-
riage or otherwise ; and if a proprietor was compelled
by the force of necessity to dispose of his real estate,
it returned after the lapse of some years to his son
or his nearest relative, who paid to the holder the
consideration for which it had been pledged or its
equivalent.** In Miztecapan the first-born son, before
taking possession of his inheritance, had to do pen-
ance for a year; he was confined in a religious house,
clothed in rags, daubed with India-rubber juice, and

jour; les seigneurs partascant ontre eux toua leuni produitB.* Simancas, De
TOrdredc Siicrcssioii, in rernaiix-Vompans, Vot/., serie i., toni. x., pn. 224-5;
Zuritn, Rapport, in Id., B«5rie ii., torn, i., pp. 51-7; Fuenleal, Lettre, in
Id., torn, v., p. 221; Brasseur de Bourbotirtj, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn iii., pp.
603-7; Carbajtd Espinosa, Hist. Mex., toni. i., p. 590; Variedades Civ.,
toni. i., pp. 158-9; i'imcntel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indigena, pp. 35-C; Bus-
sierve, DEinpire Mex., pp. 153-5.

«' Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. Itt4.

** Clatfiijero, Storin Ant. ael Messico, torn, ii., p. 36. Sec furtlier: Lns
Casas, Hist. Apoloffftiea, MS., cap. 141; Brasseur de Bourbottrg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., toni. iii., pp. 5.58-9; Carbaial, Diseurso, p. 36; Sodcii, Spanicr
in Peru, torn, ii., p. 13; Dillon, Hist. Alex., p. 43; Chevalier, Mex. Ancien
el Mod., pp. 117-18.

« Bur^oa, Geog. Descrip., torn, i., pt ii., fol, 188; Brasseur de Bour-
bourg, Htst. Nat, Civ., toni. iii., pp. 39-40.

ESTATES IN MICHOACAN.

229

his face and body rubbed with fetid herbs ; during that
time he had to draw blood repeatedly from his body
and limbs, and was subjected to hard labor and pri-
vation. At the expiration of the year he was washed
with odorous water by four girls, and then conducted
by friends to his house with great pomp and fes-
tivity.**

Early writers say nothing about the tenure of lands
among the Tarascos of Michoacan, but merely state
in general terms that the sovereign's power over the
lives and property of his subjects was unlimited.*'

The tenure of lands in the republic of Tlascala
had its origin in the division made at the time when
the country was first settled; which was as follows:
Any Tecuhtli who established an entail, called teccalli,
or pilcalli, took for his own use the best and largest
part of the lands that fell to his lot or were awarded
to him in the partition, including woods, springs,
rivers, and lakes ; of the remainder a fair division was
made among his servitors and vassals, or, in other
wordii, his soldiers, friends, and kinsmen. All were
bound to keep the manor-house in repair and to sup-
ply their lord with game, flowers, and other comforts,
and he in his turn, was expected to entertain, protect,
and feed them in his house. To these kinsmen,
friends, and servitors, was given the name of teix-
huihuan, meaning the 'grand-children of the manor-
house.' In this manner all the nobles divided their
land. All were greatly respected by their vassals.
They derived their income from the taxes that their
tenants paid them out of what they obtained from
the chase, from the soil, and by raising domestic ani-
mals.*'

No information has reached us respecting the pro-
visions under which land was held in Cholula and

** Clavigcro, Storia Ant. del Messieo, torn, ii., p. 64; Klemtn, Cultur-
Geschichti, torn, v., pp. 95-6.

*i Jkiunioiit, CrtSa. Mechoacan, MS. p. 52.

** Canutrqo, Hist. Tlux., in Nouvelles Annates des Voy., 1843, torn,
xcviii., p. ifO; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., pp. 276-7.

aao

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Huexotzinco, or among the Totonacs. In the province
of Pdnuco, the eldest son was the sole inheritor of
land and, therefore, the only one that paid tribute; the
other sons had to rent land from those who were in
possession of it.*"

There can be no doubt that in all this there is, as
so many writers have observed, a strong resemblance
to the feudal systems of Europe. The obligation of
military service, and other relations of lord and vas-
sal smack strongly of the institutions of the Middle
Ages, but, as Mr Prescott says, the minor points
of resemblance "fall far short of that harmonious
system of reciprocal service and protection, which
embraced, in nice gradation, every order of a feudal
monarchy. The kingdoms of Anahuac were, in their
nature, despotic, attended, indeuii, with many mitigat-
ing circumstances, unknown to the despotisms of the
East ; but it is chimerical to look for much in com-
mon — ^beyond a few accidental forms and ceremonies —
with those aristocratic institutions of the Middle
Ages, which made the court of every petty baron the
precise image in miniature of that of his sovereign."
I have no inclination to draw analogies, believing
thenl, at least in a work of this kind, to be futile ; and
were I disposed to do so, space would not permit it.
Nations in their infancy are almost as much alike as
are human beings in their earlier years, and in study-
ing these people I am struck at every turn by the
similarity between certain of their customs and insti-
tutions and those of other nations; comparisons might
be happily drawn between the division of lands in
Andhuac and that made by Lycurgus and Numa in
Laconia and Rome, or between the relations of Aztec
master and slave and those of" Roman patron and
client, for the former were nearly as mild as the latter;
but the list of such comparisons would never be com-
plete, and I am fain to leave them to the reader.

" Witt, Ltttre, in Ternattx-Compant, Voy., B^rie ii., torn, v., p. 289.

SYSTEM OF TAXATION.

281

The people of Andhuac and of the surrounding
countries paid taxes to the crown and to the tem-
ples, either with personal service or with the produc-
tions or results of their labor; in short, with every-
thing useful. We have seen that in the kingdom of
Tezcuco twenty-nine cities were appointed to pro-
vide the king's household with everything requisite of
food, furniture, and so forth, and were, consequently,
exempt from pU other taxes. Fourteen of these cities
served in this manner during one half of the year, and
fifteen during the other half. They likewise furnished
the workingmen and laborers, such as water-carriers,
sweepers, tillers of the palace lands, and gardeners.
Boys who were too young to do men's work were re-
quired to provide annually four hundred armfuls of
wood for the fires which were kept up day and night in
the principal rooms of the palace. The young men of
ToUantzinco, either themselves or through their ser-
vants supplied fine rushes for mats, stools, or seats,
called icpalli, pine-wood splinters for lighting fires,
other wood for torches, acayetl, or pipes with tobacco,
various kinds of dyes, liquid amber both in cakes and
in vessels, copal incense in their golden cylinders, and
a large quantity of other articles, which it is unneces-
sary to specify.'" Manufacturers paid their taxes with
the objects produced by their industry. Journejmaen
mechanics, such as carpenters, masons, workers in
feathers and precious metals, and musicians, were,
according to Oviedo, exempt from such tax, and in
lieu thereof rendered personal service to the sovereign
without remuneration.* Merchants paid their taxes
with such articles as they traded in. The last c ass of
tribute-payers were the tlamaitl, tenants attached to a
nobleman's land, who tilled the same for their own
benefit. They were obliged to do a certain amount of
work every year for the landlord, and to render mili-

» Ixllilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in KingsborougK'a Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
241-2.

o Hiat. Gen., torn, iii., pp. 535, 305-6.

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

tary service when it was required of them by the
sovereign. Brasseur says that these tenants paid no
tribute to the king, but his statement is contradicted
by Clavigero.* Taxes paid in fruit and grain were
collected immediately after harvest; other tributes
were collected at different times through the year. In
each town there was a magazine for storing the rev-
enues, from which supplies were drawn as required.
In the vicinity of Mexico it was customary to convey
the agricultural produce into the capital, in order that
the inhabitants, who, being surrounded with the waters
of the lake, had no land of their own to cultivate,
might be regularly supplied with food. There was no
uniform system of collecting taxes from the merchants
and manufacturers. Payments were made by them in
accordance with their circumstances and the nature of
the articles they contributed. There were about three
hundred and seventy tributary towns in the Mexican
empire, some of which paid their taxes every twenty
days, and some every four days, while others only did
so once in six months, or even only once a year. The
people of Tlatelulco, says Purchas,*^ "were charged for
tribute, alwayes to repaire the Church called Huizna-
huac. Item, fortie great Baskets (of the bignesse of
half a Bushell) of cacao ground, with the Meale of
Maiz (which they called ChianpinoU,) and euery Bas-
ket had sixteene hundred Almonds of Cacao. Item,
other fortie Baskets of Chianpinoli. ' Item, eight hun-
dred burthens of great Mantels. Item, eightie pieces
of Armour, of slight Feathers, and as many Targets
of the same Feathers, of the deuices & colours as
they are pictured. All the which tribute, except the
said armes and targets they gaue euery 24. dayes,"
and the said armes and targets they gaue for tribute

>o 'N^ i Yaaalli de' Feudatari erano esenti da' tributi, che pagavano al
Re gli altri Vassalli della Corona.' Clavigero, StoriaAnt. del Messico, torn,
ii., pp. 122-7.

" His Pilgrimea, vol. iv., p. 1080.

'• In the Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborotigh'a Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 54,
we read that it was pa.d every eighty days.

TAXES PAID BY CITIES.

but once in the whole yeere. The said tribute had
his beginning since the time of Quauhtlatoa and Mo-
quihuix, which were Lords of Tlatilulco. The Lords
of Mexico, which first enioyned to those of Tlatilulco,
to pay tribute, and to acknowledge their subiection,
were Yzcoat9i and Axiaca^i." Sometimes merchants'
guilds or individuals did not pay their taxes at the
regular assessment of the town in which they lived,
but did so according to prior arrangement made with
the revenue officers.

In addition to the taxes levied upon private indi-
viduals, each town contributed a large number of cot-
ton garments, with a certain quantity of breadstuffs
and feathers and such other productions as were a
specialty of the province in which it was situated.
Mazatlan, Xoconocho, Huehuetlan, and other towns on
the Pacific coast, paid, besides the cotton garments,
four thousand bundles of fine feathers of divers colors,
two hundred sacks of cocoa, forty tiger-skins, and one
hundred and sixty birds of a certain species. Coyola-
pan, Atlacuechahuaxan, Huaxyacac, and other towns
of the Zapotecs, forty pieces of gold of a specified size,
and twenty sacks of cochineal. Tlachquiauhco, Ayot-
lan, and Teotzapotlan, twenty vessels of a fixed size
filled with gold dust. Tochtepec, Otlatitlan, Coza-
malloapan, Michapan and other places on the gulf of
Mexico, besides cotton garments, cocoa, and gold, paid
twenty-four thousand bundles of exquisite feathers of
various qualities and colors, six necklaces, two of
which were of the finest emerald, and four of the com-
moner description, twenty ear-rings of amber set in
gold, and an equal number made of crystal rock, one
hundred pots of liquid amber, and sixteen thousand
loads of India-rubber. Tepeyacac, Quecholac, Teca-
machalco, Acatzinco and other towns of that region
of country, each contributed four thousand sacks of
lime, four thousand loads of solid reed for building
purposes, with as many of smaller reed for making
darts, and eight thousand loads of reeds filled with

284

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

aromatic substances. Malinaltepec, Tlalcozauhtitlan,
Olinallan, Ichcatlan, Qualac, and other southern towns
situated in the warm region, paid each six hundred
measures of honey, forty large jars of yellow ochre
for paint, one hundred and sixty copper shields, forty
round plates of gold of fixed dimensions, ten small
measures of fine turquoises, and one load of smaller
turquoises. Quauhnahuac, Panchimalco, Atlacholo-
ayan, Xiuhtepec, Huitzilac, and other towns of the
Tlahuicas, paid each sixteen thousand large leaves
of paper, and four thousand xicalli, or gourds, of dif-
ferent sizes. Quauhtitlan, Tehuilloyocan, and other
neighboring towns, each gave eight thousand mats
and eight thousand icpalli, or stools. Some cities paid
their taxes with fire- wood, stone, and beams for build-
ing; others with copal-gum; others sent to the royal
houses and forests a certain number of birds and
animals, such as Xilotepec, Michmaloyan, and other
cities of the Otomis, which were each compelled to
furnish yearly forty live eagles to the king. After
the Matlaltzincas were made subject to the Mexican
crown by King Axayacatl, they were required not only
to pay a heavy tax in kind, but also to keep under
cultivation a field of seven hundred toesas^ by three
hundred and fifty, for the benefit of the army. As
the Saxon king imposed a tax of wolves' heads upon
his subjects for the purpose of ridding his kingdom of
those ravenous animals, so did the Mexican monarchs
exact from those who were too poor to pay the regular
taxes a certain quantity of snakes, scorpions, centi-
pedes and other obnoxious creatures. Lice, especially,
were contributed in large numbers in Mexico." It is
related that soon after Cortds arrived in the city of
Mexico, certain cavaliers of his force, among whom

3,3 xhe tocsa is the same thing as the French toise, which is 6.3945 Eng-
lish feet, or seven Castilian feet.

^* Tezozomoc, Crdnica Mex., in Kingsborow/h's Mex. Antiq., torn, ix.,
pp. 17-18; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 206; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Mesneo, torn, i., p. 275; Zutuo, Carta, in Jcazbalceta, Col. de
Doc, torn, i., p. 366; Cortia, Hist. N. Espaiia, p. 173.

TAXES PAID IN Y^KMIN

were Alonso de Ojeda and Alonso de Mata, were
roaming through the royal palace, admiring its great
extent and all its wonders, doubtless with an eye
to plunder, when they came across some ba^s, filled
with some soft, fine, and weighty material; never
doubting but that it umst bo valuable, they hastened
to untie the mouth of one of the sacks, when to their
disgust and disappointment they found its contents to
consist of nothing but lice, which, as they afterwards
ascertained, had been paid as tribute by the poor.**
Duties were levied upon property, manufactures, and
articles exposed for sale in the market-places, in pro-
portion to the wealth of the person taxed or the value
of the merchandize sold. Produce and merchandize
of every description, carried into the city of Mexico,
was subject to toll duties, which were paid into the
royal treasury.

The proportion in which taxes were paid is stated
at from thirty to thirty-three per cent., or about one
third of everything made and produced. Oviedo affirms
that each taxpayer, in addition to one third of his
property, delivered one out of every three of his chil-
dren, or in lieu thereof a slave, for the sacrifice; if he
failed to do this he forfeited his own life.*

The government had in the head town of each
province large warehouses for the storage of bread-
stuffs and merchandize received by the tax-gatherers;

^ Torquetnada adds; ' Ai qiiien diga, que no eran Pioios, sino Gusanillos;
pero A'o""": de Ojeda en sua Menioriales, lo certifica de vista, y lo misnio
Aiuaso de Mata.' Monarq. Lid., ton", i., p. 461.

30 'Ddbanle sus vassallos en tribute ordinario de tres hiios uno, y el
que no tenia hijos avia de dar un indio 6 india para sacrificar a sus dieses, 6
si no lo daban, avian de sacriticarle d 61.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., p.
502. Nowhere else do I find mention of such a custom, although in Mi-
choacan the despotic power of the king, and his tyrannous abuse of it, led
to almost the same results. In Michoacan: 'Tributauan al Key quanto
tcnian y el queria, hasta las mugeres y hijos, si los queria; do manera quo
eran mas que esclauos, y viuian en terrible seruidumbre.' Herrera, Hist.
Gen.,Aec. lii., lib. iii., cap. x., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii. 'Si bien toda.s las
atenciones dedicadas & los decorosos mugeriles privilegios destruian la su-
jecion del tributo li sus Monarcas, sirviendolos en la ceguedad de of recerles
no solo la hacienda, y la vida, sinud sus proprias mugeres, en caso de discur-
rir aceptable el vergonzoso obsequio.' balazary Olarle, Hist. Conq. Mex.,
torn, ii., pp. 69-70.

THE JIAHUA NATIONS.

also auditing ofRces to which the calpixques, or stew-
ards of the revenue, were required to render a very
strict account of their collections, and such as were
convicted of embezzlement, were immediately put to
death and their property confiscated.*' In the royal
treasury were pamtings by which were recorded the
tributary towns, and the quantity and kind of tribute
paid by each. In the Codex Mendoza may be seen
thirty-six such paintings, each one of which represents
the principal towns of one or of several provinces of
the empire, together with the quantity and quality of
the taxes and the time when they were paid.**

The personal and ordinary service consisted in pro-
viding every day iAie water and wood needed at the
chiefs' houses; this was distributed from day to day
among the towns or wards, and thus each individual
was occupied in rendering such service once or twice
in the year at the utmost. Residents in the vicinity
were the only ones so subjected, and then, in considera-
tion of such service, were exempted from paying a
portion of the imposts. Other labor wa mostly done
by slaves, of whom there were large numbers.
Foreign provinces subjected by the empire without
having made any resistance, were not required to pay
a fixed tribute, but sent several times in the year
whatever they thought proper, as a present to the
king, who showed himself more or less gracious accord-
ing to the value of the presents. No calpixques or
tax-gatherers were placed in such provinces by the
Mexican sovereign, but they continued under the rule
of their own chiefs. Such countries as were reduced
by war, had to submit to the rigorous conditions im-
posed by the conqueror, and bore the name of tequitin
tlacotl, which means 'paying tribute like slaves.' Ov
them were stationed stewards and calpixques, wh<
authority even over the lords of the country, and o

" Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lilt, viii., p. 307.

^i Codex Mendoza, in Purchas hiit Pilgrtmes, vol. iv., pp. 1080-1101;
Id., in Kingshorouqh'a Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp, 54-89, vol. i., plates xix-
Ivii; Cortia, Hist. N. Espaila, p. 176; Cortfs, t^artas, p. 110,

TAXATION UNDEIl MONTEZUMA H.

987

besides recovering the tributes forced men to cultivate
land, and women to spin, weave, and embroider Cor
their private benefit; indeed, so great was their
tyranny, that whatever they coveted they were sure
to obtain by fair means or foul. Tlie kings of Tezcuco
and TIacopan, and other sovereign lords, allies of the
king of Mexico, shared these tributes if they aided in
the co.iquest."

The sovereigns selected the calpixques from among
the Aztec p'dli, or nobles of inferior rank. They were
under the supervision of the chief treasurers or huey-
calpix(juen, who resided at the several capitals, and
it was their duty to gather the tributes or taxes, and
to see that the lands belonging to the municipalities or
to private persoas were kept under cultivation. The
duties of these calpixques were not very arduous at
first, as the people generally hastened to pay their
taxes before being called upon ; but during the reign
of Montezuma 1 1, the taxes increased so enonnously,
owing to the great extravagance of the court, that this
commendable zeal cooled down very considerably. The
bulk of tlie immense wealth which the conquerors saw
with so much admiration at Montezuma's court was
the result of this excessive taxation, and it was one
of the main causes of that alienation of the people
from their sovereign which rendered the conquest a
possible achievement. Notwithstanding the easy dis-
position of the taxpayers, they could not submit
patiently to a yoke so onerous. The merchants,
whose trading expeditions had been so useful to the
state in former times, were no less overwhelmed by
the taxes than the inhabitants of conquered prov-
inces by the tributes. It was among that powerful
class that the first symptoms of defection were noticed.
To the main grievance was addod tiiv?! tyranny and
harshness exhibited by the revenue officei£ in collect-
ing the taxes. They carried a small rod in one hand

^ Tdpia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., torn, ii., p. 692.

■

988

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

and a feather fan in the other, and, accompanied by a
large retinue of understrappers, went throujSfh cities
and fields, unmercifully maltreating the unfortunate
beings who could njt promptly comply with their
demands, and even ielling them into slavery ; at least
it is certain that such sales occurred in conquered
provinces.

From the first years of his reign Montezuma II.
began to oppress the merchants with heavy taxation,
even upon the most trifling things. The greatest suf-
ferers were the retail dealers, who had to pay excess-
ive duties upon the merchandise they introduced into
the principal tiangueZy or market-place, from which
such merchandise was taken to the lesser market-places.
But the king and his creatures finding that this did
not directly injure the wholesale traders, among whom
were the judges of the mercantile court, — that is to
say, the consuls and syndics, so to name them, of the
company of Tlatelulco, — witnesses were soon found to
trump up charges of high treason against them, which
ended in their being put to death, and their goods
and chattels confiscated and distributed among the
people of the royal household. A very large por-
tion of the taxes and tributes was expended in sup-
porting the army, the public employees, the poor and
destitute, such as widows, orphans, and the aged, and
also in providing food for the people in times of great
scarcity, but almost as large a portion was appropri-
ated by the king to his own uses.*" It was by such

<• Torqiiemnda, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., pp. 147, 206, 231, 461, tom.ii., pp.
845-7, 560; Gomara, Conq. Mer.,{o\. 111-13; LasUasas, Hist. Apologihca,
MS., cap. cxli.; Toribio and Olarfe, in Ternaux-Coinpana, Voy., serie i.,

torn. X., pp. 401-8; Fucnlcal, in Id., pp. 244-54; Chaves, Rapport, in Id.,
wSric ii., torn, v., p. 301; Simnucas, in 7a., e&ne i., torn, x., pp. 229-31; Ca-
marrjo, Hi»t. Tlax., in Nouvclles Annale.t de» Voy., 1843, toin. xcviii.,

pp. 180, 198-9; Witt, Lettre in Tcrnaux-thtiipans, Vot/., wirie ii., toin.
v., pp. 284-93; Aemta, Hist, dr las Yud.. pp. 481 2; ikrnal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 08; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mcj., toin. iii., pfj. 189-90, 193-3;
PrcJicotCs Mex., vol. i., pp. 38-40; Solis, Hist. Conq. xex., toni. i., pp.
417-19; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indigcna, pp. .36-7; Carhajnl E^-
no.in, Hist. Mex., torn, i., pp. 99, 101, 437, 496, 589-9.^, 631, ton-, ii., p.
203; Laet, Xovtu Orhis, n. 240; Dice. Univ., torn, x., p. 637; B'asseurde
Jiourbourg, Hist, Nat. uiv., torn, iii., pp. 600-0; Cariujal, IH'ictirso, pp.

SELFISHNESS OF MONTEZUMA II.

acts as these that Montezuma II. undid the work of
his fathers, and spoiled the harmony of his realm by
caring only for his own glory and that of his court.

36, 45-6, 58; Dillon, Hist. Mex., pp. 42-5; Klcmtn, Cnltur-Gcsr.hichte, pp.
65, 59, 68-72, 211; Baril, Mcxique, pp. 206-8; Busaieire, L'Empire Mex.,
pp. 153-8; Soden, Spanierin Peru, torn, ii., p. 13; Latiifa Polynesian Nat.,
p. 99; BrotvneU'g Iiid. Races, p. 83; Touron, Hist. Gin., torn, iii., pp. 25-9,
38; Monglave, Bimmi, pp. 23, 65.

CHAPTER VII.

EDUCATION, BiARRIAGE, CONCUBINAGE, CHILDBIRTH, AND

BAPTISM.

Education of the Nahua Youth— Manner of Punishment— Mar-
RiAOE Preliminaries— Nuptial Ceremony— Observance after
Marriage- Mazateo, OtomI, Ciiichimec, andToltec Marriages
—Divorce— CoNcuniNAOE— Ceremonies Preliminary to Child-
birth—Treatment OF Pregnant Women— Proceedings of Mid-
wife-Superstitions WITH REGARD TO WoMEN WHO DiED IN
Childbed— Abortion— Baptism— Speeches of Midwife— Naming
OF Children— Baptism amon(} the Tlascaltecs, Miztecs, and
Zapotecs— Circumcision and Scarification of Infants.

In examininj^ the domestic customs of the Nahua
nations it will be as well to first inquire how their
children were reared and instructed. The education
of a child was commenced hy its j)aronts as soon as it
was able to walk, and was finished by the priests.
Aside from the superstitious and idolatrous flavor with
which everything Aztec was more or less tainted, the
care taken to mold aright the minds of the youth of
both sexes is worthy of admiration. Both parents
and priests strenuously endeavored to inspire their
pupils with a horror of vice and a love of truth. Re-
spect for their elders and nuKlesty in their actions was
one of their first lessons, an»l lying was severely pun-
ished.

In a series of ancient Aztec ])aintings, which give

a hieroglyphical history of the Aztecs, are represented
(a«o)

EDUCATION OF YOUTH.

r
ti
t

the manner in which children were brought up, the
portion of food allowed them, the labors they were
employed in, and the punishments resorted to by
parents for purposes of correction. Purchas relates
that the book containing this picture-history with in-
terpretations made by natives, was obtained by the
Spanish governor, who intended it for a present to the
emppror Charles V. The ship on which it was carried
was ci*ptured by a French man-of-war, and the book
fell into the hands of the French king's geographer,
Andrew Thevet. At his death it was purchased for
twenty French crowns by Richard Hakluyt, then
chaplain to the English ambassador at the French
court, and was left by him in his last will and testa-
ment to Samuel Purchas, who had woodcut copies
made from the original and published them, with
explanatory text, for the benefit of science and
learning. In that part of the work which relates
to the bringing up and education of children, — a
specimen page of whicih is given in the chapter of
this volume which treats of hieroglyphics, — a boy
and girl with their father and mother are depict-
ed ; three small circles, each of which represents one
year, show that the children are three years of age,
while the good counsel they are receiving issues vis-
ibly from the father's lips; half an oval divided in
its breadth shows that at this age they were allowed
half a cake of bread at each meal. During their
fourth and fifth years the Iwys are accustomed to light
ln)dily labor, such as carrying light burdens, while the
girl is shown a distaff by her mother, and instructed
in its use. At this age their ration of bread is a
whole cake. During their sixth and seventh years the
pictures show how the parents begin to make their
children useful. The boy follows his father to the
market-place, carrying a light load, and while there
occupies himself in gathering up grains of com or
other trifles that hapjxjn to be spilt alwut the stalls.
The girl is represented as spinning, under the close

Vol. II. 10

242

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

surveillance of her mother, who lectures and directs
her at the same time. The allowance of bread is now
a cake and a half, and continues to be so until the
children have reached their thirteenth year. We
are next shown the various modes of punishing un-
ruly children. When eight years old they are merely
shown the instruments of punishment as a warning.
At ten, boys who were disobedient or rebellious were
bound hand and foot and pricked in difturent parts of
the body with thorns of the maguey; girls were only
pricked in the hands and wrists ; if this did not suffice
they were beaten with sticks. If they were unruly
when eleven years old they were held over a pile of
burning chile, and forced to inhale the smoke, which
caused great pain.* At twelve years of age a bad
boy was bound hand and foot and exposed naked in a
damp i)lace during an entire day ; the naughty girl of
the same ajye was oblisfed to rise in the nioht and
sweep the whole house.'' From the age of thirteen
years the allowance of bread was increased to two
cakes. Between the ages of thirteen and fifteen the
boys were employed in bringing wood from the mount-
ains by land or in canoes, or in catching fish ; the girls
spent their time in grinding corn, cooking, and weav-
ing. At fifteen, the boys were delivered to the priests
to receive religious instruction, or were educated as
soldiers by an officer called Achcauhtli.^

The schools and seminaries were annexed to the
temples, and the instruction of the young of both

• riiivijjcro writes: 'NcUa dijiintiimciiiqiiantcHimaHccoiulusi rapprcscn-
tano due i'a;;a%zi (I'miiUci aiiiii, ai quali |M>r iioii CHsersi eiiioiulati eim altri
Ka!tti;;lii, faiiiio i lor I'adri ricevcrc iicl iiutto il fmiio del VliiUi, o uia ]M!vc-
Duc' I'lariifrro, Sforia Ant. (/el Mcssico, toin. ii., p. 103. Hut thin is a
mistake; in this picture we see a ;;;irl iMiinj; punished hy her niutlier in tiie
manner dcscriliod, and a Inty hy his fatlicr.

* ('lavit^ero mentions tliiM}rirl as 'una putta. . . .cui fasuaMadrcspazzar
la notte tutta la easa, c parte della strada.' Storia Ant. del Mn.ssico, toni.
ii., p. 103.

^ For these picture-writings and the interpretations of thcni, sec: Pur-
r.hnn hi» PilgriiMs, vcd. iv., pp. 1103-7; Codex llmUcinn, in Kiiignhoronff/t'a
Afex. Antiq., vol. i., idatcs 5U-62; Codex Mendoza, in Id., vol. i., and vol. v.,
pp. 92-7; Carhnjnl Ktpinom, Hist. Mcx., torn, i., pp. TiCO-STo; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Meutiw, tuni. ii., pp. lOS-3.

SCHOOLS FOR YOUTHS.

243

sexes was a monopoly in the hands of the priests. In
general boys were sent to the colleges between the
ages of six and nine years; they were dressed in
black, their hair was left uncut,* and they were placed
under the charge of priests specially appointed for
that purpose, who instructed them m the branches
most suitable to their future calling. All were in-
structed in religion and particular attention was given
to good behavior and morals. No women were per-
mitted to enter the college, nor could the youths on
any account have communication with the other sex.
At certain seasons they were required to abstain from
various kinds of food.

The schools, or colleges, were of two distinct classes.
Those attended by the common people were called
telpjchcalli, or 'houses of the youths;' there was one
of these in each quarter of the city, after the manner
of our public schools, and the parents of the district
were required to enter their children at the age of four
or five years. The telpochtlato, or 'chief of youth,'
instructed them how to sweep the sanctuary, to replen-
ish the fire in the sacred censers, to clean the school-
house, to do penance, more or less severe according to
tlieir age, and to go in parties to the forest to gather
wood for the temple. Each pupil took his meals at
the house of his parents, but all were obliged to sleep
in the seminary. At nightfall all assembled in the
citicacalco, or 'house of song,' and were there taught
the arts of singing and dancing, which formed part of
a Mexican education; they were also exercised here

* 'Tcninn cstoa fitenton tainbicn por ley que todon los nifioH llcgnclos h
lo» Rcis txiMn liuHta Ins iiiicve luiliiiin <lc etiviur Ids )iu<lres ii los Tuniplos piirn
Hcr iiistriiidos en In doctrina y noticia dc huh Icycs Ins cunles contcniun (Msi
todiis Ins virtudcseHplirndnslucu Icy nuturnl.' Litu f V«.v«.v, /lisf. A/mloi/clicn,
Ms , van. clxxv., ccxv. 'Tixlos cstos rclijjioHos vistou de neyro y nnnca
cortun cl caliello. . . .y todoH Ioh liijos do Ins ]icrfu>nuH piinripalcH, nsi sFflorcs
ennui ciudadanos luiiirados, cstau en miuclhis rcli(riuncs y liiiMto desdu edad
de KJete \\ oohn nuns fasta <|iu! los Htu^an imra l«)s casar.* Cortrs, ('ar/nx, n.
IOr>. 'Cuando cl nifio lleji^alia li dicis A (locc auoH, nietiaiilc en In casa (ic
cduoAcion A t'nlmccac.' Suhnquii, llisf. Gen., toni. ii., lib. viii., \i. .T2(>;
Omedo, Hitt. Gen., torn, iii., p. 302; Torqvemada, Monarq. IiuL, torn, ii.,
p. 187.

244

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

in the use of arms.' At the age of fifteen or sixteen,
or sometimes earlier, it was customary for the parents
to withdraw their children from the telpochcalli that
they might follow a trade or profession, but this wa«
never done without first making a present to the tel-
pochtlato. The schools at which the sons of the
nobility and those destined to be priests were educated,
were called calmecac, which means a college, or mon-
astery. The pupils did not do as much manual labor
as those educated in the telpochcalli, nor did they
take their meals at home, but in the building. They
were under the supervision of priests of the Tlama-
cazqui order, who instructed them in all that the ple-
beians learned, besides many of the arts and sciences,
such as the study of heroic songs and sacred hynms,
which they had to learn by heart, history, religion,
philosophy, law, astronomy, astrology, and the writing
and interpreting of hieroglyphics. If not quick and
diligent, they were given less food and more work;
they were admonished to be virtuous and chaste, and
were not allowed to leave the temple, until with their
father's permission they went out from it to be mar-
ried, or, in the case of a youth of strength and courage,
to go to the wars ; those who showed qualities fitted
for a military life were exercised in gymnastics and
trained to the use of weapons, to shoot with the bow,
manage the shield, and to cast darts at a mark. Their
courage, strengtli, and endurance underwent severe
tests; they were early aflbrded opportunities of real-
izing the hardships of camp life, and, while boys, were
sent to carry provisions to the soldiers, upon which
occasions their behavior was closely watched, and a
display of courage met with suitable promotion and
reward.®

* A native author asserts that this Miouse of song' was frequently the
si't-ne of debauch and licentiouiftiess. Brusseur de Bourbonrg, Hist. Nat.
Cii'., toin. iii., i». S.'i.S.

* 'Los hijos de los nobles no se libraban tampoco de facnas corporales,
pues hacian zanjas, conHtniian paredcs y dcscnipeflatmn otnw traliajos seme-
jantes, aunquc tanibieu no le.s i-nsefiulHi d iiablur b'.cn, saludar, haccr revcr-

FEMALE SEMINARIES.

246

Annexed to the temples were large buildings used
as seminaries for girls. The maidens who were edu-
cated in them were principally the daughters of lords
and [)rinee8. They were presided over by matrons or
vestal priestesses, brought up in the temple, who
watched over those committed to their care with
great vigilance. Day and night the exterior of the
building was strictly guarded by old men, to prevent
any intercourse between the sexes from taking place ;
the maidens could not even leave their apartments
without a guard ; if any one broke this rule and went
out alone, her feet were pricked with thorns till the
blood flowed. When they went out, it was together
and accompanied by the matrons ; upon such occasions
they were not allowed to raise their eyes, or in any
way take notice of anyone ; any infringement of these
rules was visited with severe punishment. The maid-
ens had to sweep those precincts of the temple occu-
pied by them, and attend to the sacred fire ; they were
taught the tenets of their religion and shown how to
draw blood from their bodies when offering sacrifice
to the gods. They also learned how to make feather-
work, and to spin, and weave mantles; particular at-
tention was given to their personal cleanliness; they
were obliged to bathe frequently, and to be skil-
ful and diligent in all household affairs. They were
taught to speak with reverence, and to humble them-
selves in the presence of their elders, and to observe
a modest and bashful demeanor at all times. They
rose at day-break, and whenever they showed them-
selves idle or rude, punishment was inflicted. At
night the pupils slept in large rooms in sight of the
matrons, who watched them closely. The daughters
of nobles, who entered the seminaries at an early age,
remained there until taken away by their parents to
be married.'

cncios y, lo ^ue es mas importante, aprcndian la ostronoinia, la liintoria y
(Icinos conociinientoB que aquellas Kcntes alcanzaban.' Pimentcl, Mem. sohre
In Raza Jmfiffeua, p. CO; Acoafn, Hist, de las Yiid., pp. 444-6.

7 ' Iban tail huuestas que no alzabau Ioh ojua del suelo, y hi se descuida-

246

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Children brought up in the house of their parents
were taught the worship of the gods, and were fre-
quently conducted to the temple in order that they
might witness the religious performances. Military
men instructed their sons in the use of weapons and
the art of war, and lost no opportunity of inuring
them to danger, always endeavoring to inspire cour-
age and daring. Laborers and artizans usually taught
their children their own trade. The sons of the
nobles who were placed in the seminaries were never
permitted to go out unless accompanied by one of
the superiors of the temple; their food was brought
to them by their parents. The punishments inflicted
were excessively severe. Liars had thorns thrust into
their lips; and sometimes, if the fault was frequent,
their lips were slightly split. Those who were negli-
gent or disobedient were bound hand and foot, and
pricked with thorns or badly pinched. A girl who
was detected looking at or speaking to a man was
severely punished; and if addicted to walking the
streets, her feet were tied together, and pricked
with sharp thorns.'

There was in Tezcuco, during the reign of Neza-
hualcoyotl, a large seminary, built upon the west side
of the temple, which consisted of several spacious
halls and rooms, with a courtyard, and was called
the tlacoteo. Here the king's sons were brought up
and instructed. The guardians and tutors who had
charge of them took much pains to instruct them in

ban, luego les hacian sefial que recogiesen la vista las mujeres estaban

por si en piezus apartudus, no salian las doncellas de sus aposentos d la

nuerta 6 verjeles sin ir acompafladas con bus guardas Siendo las nifias de

cinco aflos las conicnzal>an & enseilar d hilar, teier y labrar, y no las dcjaban
andar ociosas, y d la que se Icvantaba de labor f uera de tiempo, atdbanlc los
pi^s, porque ascntasc jr estuvicse queda.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 121-2.
B See further, for information on the education of the Mexicans: So-
lis, Hist. Couq. Mcx., torn, i., pp. 421-3; Carbajal, Discurm, pp. 17-18;
Brasscur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, lii., pp. 563-4; Bussierre,
L'Empire Mex., pp. 144-5; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. in., lib. ii., cap. xi.x.;
Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 267-8; Fuenleal, in Temaux-Cmupana,
Voy., B^rie i., torn, x., p. 251; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv.; Laet, Novut
Orbis, p. 239; Klemm, Cultur-Getehickte, torn, v., pp. 38-47; Chevalier,
Mex. Ancien et Mod., pp. 119-20.

A PARENTS DISCOURSE TO HIS SONS.

everything becoming their high estate. Besides the
use of arms, they were taught all the arts and sciences
as far as then known, and were made fully acquainted
with the practical working of precious metals and
stones. Separate rooms were devoted to the use of
the king's daughters, where they were given an edu-
cation fitting their station. In accordance with a law
of the realm, the king, his children and relatives, with
their guardians and masters, and the grandees of the
kingdom, came together every eighty days, in a large
hall of the tlacoteo; all were seated according to
rank; the males on one side, and the females on the
other. All the men, even those of royal blood, were
dressed in coarse garments of nequen, or maguey-fibre.
An orator ascended a sort of pulpit and commenced
a discourse, in which he censured those who had done
badly during the last eighty days, and praised those
who had done well; this he did without favor, not
even hesitating to blame the king if he saw fit. The
discourse was delivered with such eloquence and feel-
ing as generally to move the audience to tears.*

Sahagun, Motolinia, Mendieta, and other early wri-
ters, who were well acquainted with the Mexican
language, give us specimens of the exhortations deliv-
ered by parents to their children. I select one from
the first-mentioned author, as an example: "Give ear
unto me and hearken, O my sons," says the Mexican
parent, "because I am your father; and I, though
unworthy, am chosen by the gods to rule and govern
this city. Thou who art my first-born and the eldest
of thy brothers; and thou the second, and thou the
third, and thou the last and least — know that I am
anxious and concerned, lest some of you should prove
worthless in after life; lest, perad venture, not one
among you should prove worthy to bear my dignities
and honors after me ; perhaps it is the will of the gods
that the house which I have with so great labor built

* Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chieh., in Kingtborough'a Mtx. Antiq., vol. ix.,
pp. 244-6.

948

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

up, shall fall to the ground and remain a ruin aiid a
dung-hill ; that my name shall be no more remembered
among men ; that after my death no man shall speak
well of me. Hear now the words that I shall speak
unto you, that you may learn how to be of use in the
world, and how to draw near unto the gods that they
may show favor to you ; for this I say unto you, that
those who weep and are grieved; those who sigh, pray
and ponder; those who are watchful at night, and
wakeful in the morning ,*^ those who diligently keep
the temples cleanly and in order; those who are rev-
erent and prayerful — all these find favor with the
gods; to all such the gods give riches, honor, and
prosperity, even as they give them to those who are
strong in battle. It is by such deeds the gods know
their friends, and to such they give high rank and
military distinctions; success in battle, and an hon-
orable place in the hall of justice ; making thevn par-
ents of the sun, that they may give meat and drink
not only to the gods of heaven, but also to the gods
of hell ; and such as are thus honored are revered by
all brave men and warriors: all men look on them as
their parents, because the gods have shown them fa-
vor; and have rendered them fit to hold high ofiices and
dignities and to govern with justice ; they are placed
near the god of fire, the father of all the gods, whose
dwelling is in the water surrounded by turreted walls
of flowers, and who is called Ayamictlan and Xiuh-
tecutli; or they are made lords of the rank of Tla-
catecutli or Tlacochtecutli, or they are given some
lower post of honor. Perchance they are given some
such office as I now hold, not through any merit of my
own, but because the gods know not my unworthiness.
I am not what I am by my own asking; never did I say,
I wish to be so and so, I desire this or that honor; the
gods have done me this honor of their own will, for
surely all is theirs, and all that is given comes from
their hand ; nor shall any one say, I desire this or that
honor, for the gods give as they please and to whom

A FATHER'S ADVICE TO HIS SONS.

349

they please, and stand in need of counsel from none.
Harken, my sons, to another sorrow that afflicts me
when I arise at midnight to pray and do penance.
Then I ponder many things, and my heart riseH and
sinks even as one who goes up and down mountains,
for I am satisfied with no one of you. Thou, my eld-
est son, dost not give any sign of improvement, 1 see
in thee nothing manly, thou remainest ever a boy, thy
conduct does not become an elder brother. And thou,
my second son, and thou, my third, I see in you no
discretion or manliness; perad venture it is because
you are second and third that you have become care-
less. What will become of you in the world? Lo,
now, are you not the children of noble parents? Your
parents are not tillers of the soil or woodcutters.
What, I say again, will become of you? Do you
wish to be nothing but merchants, to carry a staff
in your hands and a load on your backs? Will
you become laborers and work with your hands?
Harken, my sons, and give heed unto my words, and
I will point out to you those things which you shall
do. See to the proper observance of the danct s, and
the music, and the singing, for thus will you please
both the people and the gods; for with music and
singing are favors and riches gained. Endeavor to
learn some honorable trade or profession, such as work-
ing in feathers or precious metals; for by such means
bread, can be obtained in time of necessity. Pay atten-
tion to every branch of agriculture, for the earth desires
not food or drink, but only to bring forth and produce.
Your fathers sought to understand these things, for
though they were gentlemen and nobles they took
care that their estate should be properly cultivated.
If you think only of your high rank and are unmind-
ful of these things, how will you support your family,
in no part of the world does anyone support himself by
his gentility only. But above all study well to pro-
vide all those things which are necessary for the sus-
tenance of the body, for these are the very foundation

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

of our being, and rightly are they called tonacaiutlto-
mio, that is to say our flesh and bones, because it is
by them that we work, live, and are strong. There
is no man in the world but what eats, for each one has
a stomach and intestines. The greatest lords need
food, the most valiant warrior must carry a bag of
victuals. By the sustenance of the body life is up-
held, by it the world is peopled. See, therefore, my
sons, that you be careful to plant the corn and the
magueys, for do we not know that fruit is the delight
of children ; truly it cools and quenches the thirst of
the little ones. And you, boys, do you not like fruit ?
But how will vou get it if you do not plant and grow
it. Give heed, my sons, to the conclusion of my dis-
course, and let it bo written upon your hearts. Many
more things could I say, but my task would never be
ended. A few more words only will I add that have
been handed down to us from our forefathers.
Firstly, I counsel you to propitiate the gods, who are
invisible and impalpable, giving them your whole soul
and body. Look to it that you are not puffed up with
pride, that you are neither obstinate, nor of a weak,
vacillating mind, but take heed to be meek and hum-
ble and to put your trust in the gods, lest they visit
your transgressions upon you, for from them nothing
can be hidden, they punish how and whom they
please. Secondly, my sons, endeavor to live at peace
with your fellow-men. Treat all with deference and
respect; if any speak ill of you answer them not
again ; be kind and affable to all, yet converse not too
freely with any ; slander no man ; be patient, return-
ing good for evil, and the gods will amply avenge your
wrongs. Lastly, my children, be not wasteful of
your goods nor of your time, for both are precious ; at
all seasons pray to the gods and take counsel with
them ; be diligent about those things which are useful.
I have spoken enough, my duty is done. Peradven-
ture you will forget or take no heed of mv words. As

MARRIAGE.

you will. I have done my duty, let him profit by my
discourse who chooses. " *"

The customary murrying-age for young men was
from twenty to twenty-two, and for girls from eleven
to eighteen." Marriages between blood relations or
those descended from a common ancestor were not
allowed. A brother could, and was enjoined to, marnr
his deceased brother's wife, but this was only consid-
ered a duty if the widow had offspring by the first
marriage, in order that the children might not be
fatherless." When a youth reached a marriageable
age, he or his parents asked permission of his teacher.
He seldom was allowed any choice of his own, but
was expected to abide by the selection of his parents.
It rarely happened that a marriage took place without
the sanction of parents or relatives, and he who pre-
sumed to choose his own wife, or married without
such cons'"' * had to undergo penance, and was
looked upon as ungrateful, ill-bred, and . apostate.
In some parts the high priest commanded them to
marry when they arrived at the proper age, and he
who refused to comply was obliged to remain conti-
nent through life, and dedicate the remainder of his
days to the service of the gods. Should he afterward
repent and desire to marry, he wf^ despised by all
his friends and publicly denounced as infamous, inas-
much as he had shown himself to be devoid of firm-
ness, and unable to keep the vow of chastity to which
he had voluntarily bound himself; nor would any re-
spectable woman afterward accept him as a husband.
In Tlascala, if any one carelessly allowed the time to
pass by without taking a wife, or deciding upon a life

^0 Sahaaim, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. vi., pp. 113-19. A literal transla-
tion of Sanagun would bo uniiitelligiblo to the reader. I tlierefurc have
merely followed oa closely as possible the spirit and sense of tiiis discourHC.
For further exhortations and advice to children see Id., pp. 119-52; Men-
diela. Hist. Ecles.,pp. 112; Torqiteuytda, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., pp. 403-9;
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp. i01-9.

" Although Goniara savs 'casan ellos a lus veinte aflos, y aun antes: y
ellas 4 diez.' Conq. Mex., tol. 314.

>* Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 380; Carbajal, Diacurio, p.
16.

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

of chastity, his hair was cut short and he was driven
out from the cf>mpaTiy of the youths with whom he
was educated.

Cutting the hair fomitd a part of the marriage cer-
emony, but the mode of cutting was different from
that of the penalty.^* When the time came for the
parents to choose a wife for their son, all the relations
were called together and informed by the father that
the youth had now reached an age when 'le should Ikj
provided with a wife ; for that he was now a man, and
must learn how to perform the duties of a man, and
refrain from boyish tricks and promiscuous intercourse
with women. The youth was then summoned before
his parents, and his father addressed him, saying:
"My son, thou art now a man, and it seems to us
proper to search among the maidens for a wife for
thee. Ask thy tutors for permission to separate thy-
self from thy friends, the youths with whom thou
hast Ikjou educated. Make known our wishes to
those called Telpuchtlatotjue, who have the charge
of thee." The youth in answer expressed his willing-
ness and desire to enter into their plans. The parents
then set alxMit preparing a Quantity of food, su(;h as
tamales, chocolate, and other dishes ; and also ])rovided
a small axe, which wjis to Iwar a part in the next pro-
ceeding. The repast l>eing prepared, an invitation
w;iM sent to the priests who were instructors of the
youth, acc()mj)anied with presents of fixxl and i)i[)es
of tobacco; all the relations were also invited. When
the meal was finished, the relations, and guardians of
the ward in which the parents of the pair lived, seated
luemselves. Then one of the youth's relations, ad-
dressing the jmestly instructors of the youth said :

13 'Pfir otro rcHpi'ctfl no itu ponn triiH({iiilar Ioh tiilcft nmncctHm, Riiio corc-
inoiiiii d« HUH cusuiiiieiitim: iihIo era, |Nir i|ii«! ili'jiiiiilo la culN^llera HitriiifK-iilta
ilojar lu lozuiiia y liviuii<i»<l ih* iiiunci>lM>; y uhI roiiin iIuhiIi! utU'lantc halna
lie I'riar iiiicva forma du vuliellos, tiiviuHu iiiicva m'ho y t'ordiini |>aru ntgir mii
iiiu}(or y cawi. Itiim crco <|ii«> (leltiit ile IiuInt alKuna ilifercncia on chIoh
traH<|iiim(loH cuaiKlo so tniH-^iilaliaii |i4ir ciTcioonia 6 |Mtr |mmi>i.' Lnii (.'aitus,
Jfiiif. A fwUujHivAi, MS., cap. cxxxix.; CiirltnjiU KMfitnosu, IHhI. Mr.x., toin.
i. p. 577.

PRELIMINARIES TO MARRIACE CEREMONY.

2&8

" Here, in the presence of all, we Ikj^ of you not to be
troubled because this lad, our son, desires to withdraw
from your company, and to take a wife ; i)eho]d this
axe, it is a si^n that he is anxious to separate from
you; accordinj^ to our Mexican custom, take it, and leave
us the youth." Then tlie priest answered: "I, and
the youn^ n>en with whom your son has been educated
have heard how that you have determined to marry
him and that from henceforward, forever, he will be
parted from us; let everythinj( be d/ne as you M'ish."
The tutor of the youth next dddres-cd him, entreat-
injif hitn to persevere in the paths of virtue, not to for-
j(et the teachings he has received, and to continue to
be a zealous servant of the i^ods ; he advised him that
as he was now about to take a wife he nuist hi careful
to [)rovido for her sup])ort, and to briiij»; up and instruct
his children in the same ma»-;ier as he luid been edu-
cated. He adjured him to l)e courageous in battle, to
honor and ol)ey his parents, to show rosj)ect to his
seniors and all aij^ed j)ersons ; and so the speaker am-
bled morally alonij at some length, but 1 spare the
reader the remainder of the discourse." The priests
then took their leave, bearinjf the axe with them, and
the youn<^ man remained in his father's liouse.

Soon after this the ])arents called the relations
tojrethor once more to consult upon the selection of a
maiden suitable to be the wife of their H)n. Their
Hrst act, and otm' ti. it w»is of ])aramount importance,
was to ascertain the <lay and sit>ii of hi^: birth. If
they were niable to remember or «alculate the si<i^n
tiiey calle<l in the aid of aHtrolojLfers, or soothsayers,
who by certain reckonings and ceremonies interpreted
all they Moujfht to know. The birtluhiy an«l sinnn of
the damsel were in likt; maimer ascertained.. If the
horosco|»e of both was favorable, the astrolojuj-ers ])re-
dicttid a happy union with prosperity and j^ood fortune
to both, but if the h'\<*uh did not aj^ree they foretold

** Snhfiifun, Hist, (tvu., tiiiii. ii., \\h. vi., ji|.. ir)'2-H; iVnnfiitii,
Kflnx., p. i'iri; J.II.1 1'lixus, Hint. Apolui/^tiru, MS., cup. exxxix.

Hint

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

adversity and evil fortune, and it became iwcessary to
choose another maiden. Once asHured of a favorable
combination according to the auguries, stejis were
taken to obtain tlie consent of tlie girl's parents. For
this i)ur[)oso the ])arent8 and relatives of the youth
connnissioned two old women, chosen from among the
most discreet and virtuous of the district, who were
to act as negotiators in the affair; these were called
ciliuathtiKjni'. I'hey went on the part of the bride-
groom and (ronveyed the message to the parents or
nearest relatives of the young girl. Their first visit
was made shortly after midnight or upon the follow-
ing morning, upon which occjision they took with them
some presents to offer to the girl's juirents. Upon
their arrival they c(mimenced a suitable address, in
which <^hey formally solicited the hand of the girl in
niarrir.ge. The first overture was invariably n'je(;ted
and some frivolous excuse given, even though the
girl's relatives might be niore desirous of the niateh
than those who solicited it. Tiie emimssy was told
that the girl was not yet of an agf- to marry, or that
she was not worthy of the honor (jilerod )ier. AfW
some few more such compliments \\h4 U>ji \mu\, tl*t
nnitrons retunmd to tho.se who had M-nt them. A
few days having elapsed, the old women were sent
ba<'k bearing more presents, and with irwtructions to
again solicit tbe alliance, and to define clearly the
position of tbe suitor, his (|ualificationH and riches.
U[K>n this secon<l intervi. w the negotiations assumed
a more business-like asj#«!ct; the conversation turned
ujKm the portion that each would bring to i\\v other,
and finally the relatives of the girl consented U> ron-
nider tiie affair; yet they still maintained a semblan<!e
of reluctan<'e, insisting that the girl was not worthy
to Inicome the wife of so estimable a young man; but
adding that, as the matter wjis urged with so nnich
im|M>rtunity, they would on the morrow assemble all
the relations of the young woman, that they nught
consult together about the affair; they then closed

MARRIAGE CEREMONIES.

986

the conference by invitin}]f their visitors to be present
on that occasion and receive their final decision.

The next day the parents of the j^-irl called a. meeting
of all her relatives, at which the proposed alliance was
discussed with due deliberation; and the «ifirl bein<2f
called hdbre them, nmch jfood advice was j^iven her;
her duties as a wife were defined, she was charged to
serve and j»lease her husband, and not brintf distj^race
upon her parents. Informatioii of their decision was
then sent to the parents of the yonnjr man, and prep-
arations for a tittinjt^ celebration of the wtiddin;^ coni-
meu<«^;d. The aujLfurs were consulted and requested
to name a lucky day for the ceremony ; the sij^ns
AcatI, Ozomatli, Clpactli, Quau/ifii, or Calli, were
deemed most favorable, and one or other of them was
j'-enerally selected for the celebratii)n of the nuptials.
Several ensuinjL( days were spent by both families in
preparin<{' for the maniatfe celebration, and in issuinif
invitations to friends and relations. The ceremony
was always perftjrmed at the house of the bride-
ifT'-'UiH parents, where the best rtK>m was put in
ord*r for tlu; occasion; the roof and walls were fes
t^KHH-fJ with ;^reet» branches and garlands of Howers,
diM|>.«s(;d with great taste, and the Hoor was strewn
with the same. In the- centre st(K)d a brazier con-
t«iijiing fire. When all the arrangements were com-
pleted, certain <»f the hridegroom's friends and relatives
went t^) the houst! of his intended to conduct her to
the r<«>iu. if the distanct; was great, or the bride
the dautfhter of a l<»rd or gre-it personage, she was
h«»riie upon a litter, otherwise she was carried on the
k>a<'k of the bridcM- woman, or sponsor, a<«'ompaiiied by
a large concourse of people, disjxised in two rows and
iM-aring tor(!hes. The i>ri<le occuj)ied the centre of
th(! prcM-ession, and innnediately about her walked her
nj'arest relatives. As the procession passed, many of
the lookers-on profited by th»> occasion, to point her
out to their own daughters as an example worthy of
emulation.

286

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The bridegroom met his betrothed at the entrance
of his house, preceded by four women bearing lighted
torches; in his hands he carried a censer with burning
incense, and another was given to the bride; with
these they at once perfumed each other, and the
groom, taking lier by the hand, led her into the room
prepared for the ceremony. They were then seated
upon an ornamented and i)ainted mat spread close to
the fireplace, the woman being placed on the left of
the man." The bridegroom's mother then came for-
ward with presents for her daughter-in-law, and
dressed her in a huipil, or short chemise, at the same
time laying at her feet a ciiatli, or skirt, richly em-
broidered and worked. Next the bride's mother gave
presents to the bridegroom ; she covered him with a
mantle, which she fastened at the shoulder, and placed
a maxtli or breech-clout at his feet. The most im-
portant part in the ceremony was next performed by
the priest, who made a long address to the betrothed
couple, in which ho defined the duties of the married
state, and pointed out to them the obedience a wife
should observe towards her husband, and the care and
attention the latter should give to her, how that he
was bound to maintain and supjjort her, and the chil-
dren they might have. He was enjoined to bring up
and educate his children near him, teaching all accord-
ing to their abilities, to iiuiko them useful members of
society, and to instruct them in habits of industry.
A wife's duties, he said, were to lalmr and aid her
husband in obtaining sustenance for their family.

>^ * Vcninn Ior dc la cnnn del niozn A llovnr d In mnzn dc parte do nnchc:
llcviitmiila con gruii solctiinidud itcufHttis do una inatmnn, y eon niueliiiH
hacliUH de tcuM euccndiduH en dim rcncles delantu du ellu.' f^ufiat/ioi, Hist.
Gen., torn, i., lib. ii., pp. 82, 157. 'Pronubn, <juum AtiiuHlemm \ocuhant,
Hponnani tergo KoxtnuH, niiatuor f«uniiniH coniitantil>uii quw pinois ta>diH,
prii'luecrcnt. illani jMwt SoUh oecHMiini, nd linicn doniUH in qua parentcs
H|MinHi nmnebunt, HiHtclmt.' Loff, Noi-iis Orhin, |i. 2.30. ' La eelebraeion era
quo lu deH|M>Mudtt lu llevalm d cucHttm & prima nm^lic una uniantcea, «iuo ch
nicdien, e hi bun con clIttM euutro niujereH con huh acluiM doitino rexinaao en-
cenilidiu), < on quo la liitmn alunibrando, y lle^rndn li euwi iicl deH|N>Ha<lo, I<m
pailreH del dcHiMmado la Halian li r«ciliir iil |Mitio tie lu cunu, y lu nietinn en
nnii Hula domic el deM|Mi8ndo lu cst^jvii u^unrdundu.' Codex Menduza, in
KiiiyHboruinjh's Mex. Anliq., vol. v., p IW.

MARRIAGE CEREMONIES.

267

Both were exhorted to be faithful to one another, to
maintain peace and .harmony between themselves, to
overlook each other's failings, and to help one another,
ever bearing in mind that they were united for life by
a tie which only death could sever. The rites of
marriage were always conducted with much solem-
nity, and during the ceremony nothing was said or
done contrary to the rules of modesty and decorum.
At the conclusion of the address the couple stood up,
and the priest tied the end of the man's mantle tt) the
dress of the woman; they then walked seven times
round the fire, casting therein copal and incense, and
giving presents to each other, while tlieir friends and
relatives threw chains of flowers about their necks
and crowned them with garlands." The mother-in-
law of the bride now brought some footl, and gave
four mouthfuls to the bride to eat and ai'teiwards gave
the same quantity to the bridegnwm. They then
received the congratulations of their friends, while at
the same time a dance was performed to the sound of
musical instruments. Accompanied by the (hincers
and musicians, the newly wedded pair was conduttod
to the temple, at the door of which the tlamacax<]iies,
or priests, appeared to receive them. While the com-
pany remained below, the wedded cou})le witli their
sponsors and parents ascended the stei)s of the temple.
The priest Avore his robes of ceremony, and eanieJ in
his hand an incensory filled with incense, with which

'• 'I'll sftcordoto atabii una piinta dnl ftiiripilli, <'> caniisa do la floncclja,
col) ntra ild /i/iii<ifti\ o rapa <lel jovoii.' I'nrlitijnl Kk/>iii(>s(i, Hist. Mrx.,
toll), i., |). TmT. 'Al tioiii|>ii ([lie los iiovioH si> avian dc aciiHtar e doniiir en
iiiKi, tunialiaii la lialda delantera dc la caiiiisa do la nuvia, i' atiibaiila it la
niaiita de al^txloii tyac tenia ciibierJ-a (•! Mt>vio.' (h-,'i(/o. Hist, ({in., toni. iii.,
|>. .')48. ' I'liax viejuH ([ue hc llaniuu tifiri, ntahaii la t-Miiuina de la niaiita del
ino/u, eon la falda del vipil de lu nto/a.' Snhaijitu, lii.it. tirn., toiii. i., lili.
ii., i>. WA. 'ileelios Ion truld«UiH, t'<)ni|iareeian aniltos contrayentes en el
leinplo, y "no de los sneenlotes cxaniinalia su volnntad con |iie;;nntaH
ritualoH; V doHOiieH toniaKii eon una niano el vein de la n)n>;>'r, y con otra el
nianto del luarido, y los aAudalta por lus exireinos, sijfnilirando el vinculo
interior ile hiN dos vidnntades. Con este ^enerode yup> iiupcial volvian li
NU casa, en eonipania del inistno sjieenlote: doudu . . eiilrahan a visitar el
fuoiio doinentico, nue A sn pareeer, inodiaban en la i)a/. de los <'asudo8, y
"JMhan siete viielttui A 61 siguieiulo al saccrdote.' SoUs, Hint. Cunq. Mf.r.,
torn. i.. up -Ut^-vt.

Vol. U. 17

268

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

he proceeded to perfume them. He then placed him-
self between the two, with the man on his right and
the woman on his left, and taking them by the hands
led thum to the altar of the idol, nmttering prayers
as he went. The altar reached, he placed u[)on each
of the parties a very fine and showy shawl woven and
variegated with many colors, in the centre of which
was painted a skeleton, as a symbol that death only
could now separate them from each other. He tii«n

Eeifumed them again with the incensory, and led them
ack to the door of the temple, where they were re-
ceived by the assemblage and accompanied to their
home with dancing and music. The marriage cere-
monies being finished, the relatives and friends partook
of a banquet, and amidst much rejoicing congratulated
each other on the new relations they had acquired.
In the feasting, drinking, and dancing the bridal pair
took no part; they had now to enter upon a season of
fasting and penance, which lasted four days, in the
strict retirement of their room, where they were
closely guarded by old women; on no account were
they permitted to leave their room except for the
necessary calls of nature, or to otter sacrifice to the
gods; the time was to be passed in prayer, and on no
account were they to allow their passions to get the
better of them or indulge in carnal intercourse. Such
weakness on their part would, they believed, bring
discord or death or some other dire misfortune between
thoni. The close confinement, the watchful guard and
imposed penances were intended to calm their passions
and purify their inmds, whereby they would be more
fitted to undertake the duties before them, and not be
led astray by unruly desires. What small suj)i)ly of
sustenance they received in the four days of their
retirement wjis carried t<> them by the old women wlio
had charge of them, and during this time they neitluT
washed noi bathed themselves; they were dressed in
new yfanuents and wore certain charms and

regalia

pertaining to their patron idol. At midnight they

CONSUMMATION OK MARRIAGE.

280

came forth to offer sacrifice and bum incense on the
altar in their house, in front of which thev also left
food offerinj^s for their god ; this they did during the
four days of abstinence, while their friends and rela-
tives continued their rejoicings, festivities, and danc-
ing." Upon the fourth night, when the marriage was
to be consummated, two priests of tlie temple pre-
pared a couch of two mats, between which were placed
some feathers and a stone somewhat the color of an
emerald, called dmlchiuite; underneath they put a
piece of tiger-skin, and on top of all they spread some
cotton cloths. At the four corners of the bed were
placed green reeds perfumed, and thorns of the ma-
guey with which the pair were to draw blood from their
tongues and ears when they sacrificed to the gods."
The following morning the bridal pair t<x)k the bed
on which they had lain, with the cloths, reeds, and
food they had offered to their god during the four days
of penance, to the temple and left them as a thanks-
giving ofl'ering.*" If any charcoal or ashes were found

'^ ' Quc(lan<lo log c8m>sos en aqiiclla cstanciii dumntc Ioh riiatro diu
Bi)ruiciitcM, sin siilir dc clla, Hino li media noclii* |Nira itu-viiwir li Km idtdos y
hncerles (thIacidiieH dc divvrsiUi, CH|H!uieH do iiiuijaroH.' ('iirlttijal Kitpinusa,
Ilixt. \frx., toil), i.. p. •'V)7. 'A la media iioche y al medio tlia saliun de on
aiMiiMiiitiit li potior oiicienmt mdiro nn altar (|iio on hu cmmi tonian.' Mendietn,
Mtist.. Erli's., ]). I'JH. ' LuH padrinoH ilovaltan a Ioh novioK a otra pieza Hcpa-
iMtu. donde li)H dojalnin mdKis, cncernliidtdiiH por la jiarto dc afuera, luiHta la
mniiuiiii !ti;^iiontc, que venian il ahrirles, y IihIo cI oiiiienixo rc|)etia las cnlio-
raitiitMias, Miiponiondo ya cunHumudo el niatrinionio.' Vi'ijtiii, Hist. Ant.
My., torn, ii., p. '2(i.

"* Till- position of the ti<;er-Hkiii is doiilitfiil: 'I'onian tamliicn vn i)cda90
de eii(!ii» (le Ti;;re, delmjo do las csieras.' 7'<iri/iiriti)ii/ii, Moiiart/. IiuL, torn.
ii.. p. 41."). ' I'onian iin ]M>da/o do oiioro dc ti^'ro oiioima do Ian estcras.'
Mriidirtn. Hist. Kvlts., p. 1:18. ' La ostorii soliro (|iio lialiiaii dormido, que
M- Ilaiiialia />f/r>//, la saoalmii al medio <lol [tutio, y iilli lasaciidiiiii oon cicrta
oorciiioiiia. y dcsinios toriialMiii il nonoria on el liiirar doiido kiabian dc dur-
iiiir.' Sdhiii/Hii, lli.st. (frii., Uhii. li., lil>. vi., p. MS.

" 'Otrii coroiiioiiia, casi ooiiio osta, vshIhiii Ioh hi I'lioliUt do Israbl, at'creu
do] aiMislar lim Novios. la priniera iioi-lio do huh Itodas, qno los |Miniaii vna
Kiibaiui, It iionoo, para (|iic on el so ostuiiip«Ho ol toi^tiiiioiiio do la vii'Kiiiidad,
i|iieoni la siui<rro, quo del |irinicr acto ho vort\a, la qual so <|uitaKa ile In
iMuia (Ielaiit4- do tosti<;«is, «|uc pudiostMi atirnmr liavcria visto, eon lanofial dc
i.i saii};re, i|iio oomprohalMi la oorru)H-ioii do la DoiioolU y eiiiliuolta, 6 do-
iiliulii, ia punian on cierto lu<riir, difmtndo intra onto, donde qiiedalia ;;iinr-
(liula. oil iiiomoria ilo la limpie^-a, \ puridiKi. ooiiquo la diolia l)oiioolla voiiin
11 (loder do sii .MMrido. S«Tia pamildo. (|iio qiiisioHo si;;iiitioar ontro ostos Ill-
dins lo iiUHnui, etiti* ouidado do Uw viojos, de traor niantai. <'i saliana, y ton-
detla 8obrc la cauw dc low deupwitadoH, para Iuk primerus actos matriiiioiiialoM;

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

ill the bridal chamber they considered it an evil omen,
but if, on the other hand, a grain of corn or other
seed was found, they considered it a .oignof a lonj^ and
prosperous life and a happy union. A baptismal
ceremony was next performed, the wedded pair being
placed on green reed mats, while the priests poured
water over them. Nol)les received four ablutions with
water in honor of Chalchihuitlicue, the goddess of
waters, and four of wine, in reverence to TezccUzoncatl,
the god of wine. After the bath they were dressed
in new vestments, the bride's head was adorned with
white featiiei-8 and her hands and feet with red. To
her husband was given a thurible, filled with incense
wherewith to ])eriume his household gods. At the
conclusion of tiiese ceremonies a further distribution
of drossos and presents was made, and the company
partook of food and wine, while the scene was enliv-
ened with songs and dances. Some more good advice,
of which the Aztecs seem to have had a never- failing
store, was then given to the wedded pair by tlie
mothors-in-law or nearest relatives, nnd thus ended
the nuptial ceremonies, which were conducted in
accordance with the means of tlie [jrineipal parties
concerned.* In some places, proof of the maiden's
virginity was required on the morning following the
consummation of the marriage. In such case the
sponsors entered the room where the wedded i)air had
passed the night and demanded the bride's chemise ;
if they found it stained with blood they brought it
out, placed it on a stick, and exhibited it to all present
as an evidence that the bride Avas a virgin ; then a
dance was formed and the procession went through all
the place, carrying the chemise on a stick, dancing and

y ea crcibic, que scriii cstc cl intcnto, nucs la ropa, y cstcra«, qnc sirvicron
on estc Stierilicio, se lluvultun al Tcinplo, y iiu Herviuii iiiiim cii cuhu, coiiiu ni
mils, ni iiiciios la c-crcnionia untiKUU ilu K»ardnr lu Hulwiia, eon sanirrc, cntrc
los lIubreuB, en Uigat particular, y gcgiiro.' I'urquemaila, Monarq. Intl.,
tuni. ii., p. 410.

*» Afendieta, Hist. Erica., pn. 11(1-20, 127-8; Torqiifmnda, Monarq.
tml., torn, ii., p. 410; Ovieilo, Hist. Grn., torn, iii., pp. 548-9; Sahaguti,
Hi$t. Oen., torn, ii., lib. vi., pp. 158-00; Carbujal, DiKiirao, p. 19.

DANCING THE CHEMISE.

2G1

expressing their joy, and this was called 'dancing the
chemise.' If it happened that the chemise was un-
stained, tears and lamentations took the place of re-
joicing, abuse and insults were heaped upon the bride,
and her husband was at liberty to repudiate her." In
the kingdom of Miztecapan, before the ceremony of
tying their mantles together was performed it was
customary to cut a lock of hair from the bridegroom's
head and from the bride's, after which they took each
other by the hand and their dresses were tied by the
etids. The man then took the girl on his back and
carried her a short distance ; which proceeding termi-
nated the nuptials.

In Ixcatlan, he who desired to fjet married pre-
sented himself before the priests, and they took him
to the temple, where in presence of the idols he wor-
shiped they cut off some of his hair, and showing it
to the people, shouted "This man wishes to get mar-
ried." From thence he was obliged to descend and
take the first unmarried woman he met, in the belief
that she was especially destined for him by the gods.
They were then married according to the customai-y
Mexican rites. The Mazatec bridegroom abstained
for the first fifteen days of his wedded life from carnal
knowledge of his wife, and both spent the time in
fasting and penance. Among the Utomfs it was
not considered an offence for an unmarried man to de-
flower a single woman. The husband was permitted
to repudiate the woman the day following his mar-
riage if slie did not please him; but if hfe remained
satisfied upon that occasion he was not afterwards
allowed to send her away. They had then to undergo
a period of penance and abstinence and remain se-
cluded for twenty or thirty days, during which time
they Wtire to abstain from all sexual intercourse, to
draw blood from themselves as a sacrifice, and to bathe
frequently. The Chichimecs, although they contracted
marriage at a very early age, could not have legitimate

" Vcytia, Hist. Ant. Mcj., toiii. ii., pp. 26-7.

262

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

connection with their wives until the woman was forty
years old. After their intercourse with the Toltecs
this custom began to be abolished, although the
princes and nobles observed it rigorously for some
time longer. Marriage with near relatives was never
permitted among them, and polygamy was strictly
prohibited."

Among tlie Mexicans divorce was permitted, but as
a general rule was discouraged. In the event of dis-
cord arising between man and wife so that they could
not live together peacefully, or where one or other of
the parties had just cause of complaint, they applied
to a judge for permission to separate. Such permis-
sion was not granted unless good and sufficient cause
was shown in support of the application. The judge
investigated the case with much care and attention,
closely examining the parties in reference to their
marital relations ; whether they had been married with
the consent of their parents, and if all the ceremonies
of marriage had been fully observed. If the answers
proved that the parties had not been married according
to the usual rites and ceremonies, or if they had been
living together in a state of fornication, the judge
refused to interfere between them; but if he found
they had properly complied with the regulations gov-
emmg marriage, he used his best efforts to reconcile
them; he reminded them of the solemn obligations

** For further information relating to marriage ceremonies and customs
see Mfndifta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 125^J; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn,
ii., pp. 83, 186,' 412-20, 496-7; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 81-3,
torn, ii., lib. vi., pp. 162-62, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 116-17; Veylia, Hist.
Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 23-7, 178; Las Casus, Hist. Apologitica, MS.,
cap. cxxxix, clxxv; Jxtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in KingsborouglCs Mex.
Antiq., vol. ix., p. 214; Id., Belaciones, in Id., pp. 327, .335, .140, 400;
Acosta, Hist, de fas Ynd., pp. 374-5; Brasseur de iiourbotirg. Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. ii., p. 189, tom. lii., pp. 79, 566-7; Klemin, Cultur-Gesehichte,
tom. v., pp. 33-5; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 298, 314-16; Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cop. xvi., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii; Chaves, Bap-
port, in Ternaux-Compans, \oy., s^rie ii., tom. v., pp. 308-9; Montanus,
Niemce Weereld, p. 266; Gemetli Careri, in ChurchilFs Col. Voyages, vol.
iv., p. 484; Alegre, Hist. Cotnp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 279; Carbajal Es-
pinosa. Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 655-9, 577; Baril, Mexiqiie, pp. 202-3;
Touron, Hist. Gin,, tom. iii., pp. 11-12; Simons Ten Tribes, pj). 274-5;
tiussierre, L" Empire Mex., pp. 145-7; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 15-30;
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 89-93, 111.

DIVORCE AND DIVISION OF PROPERTY.

968

appertaining to the marriage contract, and warned
them not to bring disgrace upon thouiHelves and their
parents by breaking the bonds by which they were
united, thereby creating a scandal in the community.
If his endeavors to effect a reconciliation were of no
avail, and he found that one or other of the parties
had just cause of complaint, a license to separate could
be issued, but more frequently the judge refused to
interfere in the matter, and dismissed them with a
stern reproval. Marriage was looked upon as a sol-
emn and binding tie only to be dissolved by death,
and any attempt or desire to annul the contract was
deemed a disgrace and a bad example. Under these
circumstances divorce was always discouraged both by
the magistrates and the community. A judge was
generally unwilling to sanction with the authority of
the law the annulment of so binding an engagement ;
therefore only a tacit consent was given by the court,
by which the whole onus of the disgrace attending a
separation was thrown upon the parties themselves.
When a dissolution took place between man and wife,
they could not again under any circumstances be
united ; the divorce once effected, no subsequent con-
donation could authorize their living together. "^

We have no information how or on what terms a
division of property was made in the event of a dis-
solution of marriage, or to which of the parties the
custody of the children belonged. The ancient his-
torians throw no light upon the subject. As much

^ 'Nunca sentenciaban en disfavor del Matrimonio, ni consentian, ^ue
por autoridad de Justicia, cllos ne apartasen; porqiie dccian ser cosa iliuita,
y de inucho escandalo para el Pueblo, favorecer, con autoridad publica, cosa
contraria k la ra^on; pero ellos sc apartaban de hcclio, y cste hecho se tole-
raba, aunque no en todos, se^run el mas, b inenos escandalo, que se enj^cn-
draba en el Pueblo. Otros dicen, que por Sentencia diKnitiva, sc hacia

cHte Ucpudio, y Divorcio los Jueces sentenciaban (si acaso conccdcmos,

que liavia sentencia) que se apartasen, y quedascn libres, y sin obligacioii
el vno, al otro; pero no de la murinuracion del Pueblo, que buclto contra
cllos, dccian ser dignos de grandisima pena, por haver quebrado la Vb b
integridod del Matrimonio, y haver dado tan malexemplo h la Kepublica.'
Torquctnada, Monarq. Iiid., tom. ii., p. 442; Carbaj'al, Disctirso, pp. 20-1;
Monglave, Sisumi, p. 31; Clavigero, Storia Ant, aet Messico, torn, ii., p.
131.

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-S)

1.0

■a K 122

I.I

Hi 112.0

1.8

Hiotographic

Sciences

Corporation

1.25

1.4 1.6

4 6" ►

23 WIST MAIN STRICT

WIBSTM.NY MJ80

(716) tri^S03

4^J i

264

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

deference and respect was shown to old age, it is
probable that the decision of such matters was left to
the influence and wisdom of the friends and relatives,
and that through their intervention equitable arrange-
ments were made.

Concubinage, of which there were three classes, was
permitted throughout the Mexican empire. The first
class was the union of young men with unmarried
women, before they arrived at the age when they were
expected to marry. All young men, with the excep-
tion of those who were consecrated to a perpetual
chastity, were allowed to have concubines. The youth
usually asked his parents to select a girl for him, and
the one upon whom their choice fell cohabited with
him. Such women were called tlacacavili. No con-
tract was made nor any ceremony performed; the
connection was a simple private arrangement of the
relatives on both sides. When a girl lived with an
unmarried man as his concubine without the consent
of her parents she was called temecauh, which had a
more general signification. It does not appear, how-
ever, that concubinage among the unmarried men was
common ; on the contrary, the manner in which parents
are reputed to have brought up their children, and the
care taken by the priests in their education would
seem, to show that such a practice was discouraged,
or rather tolerated than allowed, and it is probable
the custom was chiefly confined to the sons of nobles
and wealthy men. When a young man arrived at the
age when he should marry, he was expected to dis-
pense with his concubine that he might marry the girl
selected by his parents to be his lawful wife. He
could, however, legitimatize the connection between
his concubine and himself by notifying his parents of
his wishes and having the usual marriage ceremonies
performed; she then became his lawful wife and was
called ciuatlantli. If while they lived together in
concubinage the woman had a child, her parents then
required that he should at once restore her to them,

CONCUBINES IN MEXICO.

265

or make her his wife, as they considered it proper that
having a child she should also have a husband as a
legal protector. Young women were not dishonored
by living in a state of concubinage, nor were their
chances of contracting advantageous marriages in any
degree lessened.

The second order of concubines might rather be
termed, perhaps, the less legitimate wives of married
men; with them the tying of garments constituted
the entire marriage ceremony; the husband could not
repudiate them without just cause and the sanction
of the courts, but neither they nor their children could
inherit property ; in this respect they were treated as
concubines, but nevertheless they were called cuia-
tlaiitU, which corresponds with the latin word uxor,
and was the title borne by the first and legitimate wife.

The third class of concubines were merely kept
mistresses ; with them no marriage rite of any kind
was performed. They were kept usually by the
nobles and chief men who could afford to maintain
large establishments; they occupied a third rank in
the domestic circle after the principal wife and less
legitimite ones, and were called ciiianemactli, or tla-
cmantli, if their master had obtained them from their
parents ; those whom he took without such permission
were called tlaciacuxntin.^

The Toltec kings could only marry one woman, and
in case of her death could not marry again or live in
concubinage with any woman; the same rule held

*• 'Teiij»nno molto moglie, & tante quanto ne possono mantenerc come
i mori, psnS coinc si 6 dctto, vna ^ la priiicipalc ic patrona & i figliuoli di
qiita licrcditaiii), & quct dcU'altru no, (;lic noii njssono uiizi sou tciiuti per
Bastardi. Nolle iiozze di jucsta patrona itrincipale fan no alcime cirinio-
nie, il cho non si oascrua nolle nozzo doiraltrc.' Jidatione fatta per vn
(jentil'huom'i del Sigimr Fernando Corlese, \\\ Rcimusio, Navigationi, torn,
lii., fol. 310. See further, Torqueinmln, Monarq^. Ind., torn, ii., p. 376;
Las Casus, Hist. Apologilica, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in Kingsboroitgh'a Mcx.
Aiitiq., vol. viii., pp. 127-S; Carm/al, Discurso, pp. 20-7; Cainargo. H>.s!.
Tlax., in Noumflcs Annalea des Vog., 18*3, torn, xcviii., pp. 169, 197; Oo-
mara, Conq. jif ;»;., fol. 107; Carbajal Ei/nnosa, Hist. Alex., torn, i., pp.
430-1; Orierlo, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., p. 260; Peter Marttjr, dec. iv., lib. iv.,
dec. v., lib. x.

266

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

good with their queens in the event of the king dying
first. Prostitution among the Mexicans was tolerated,
but at the same time was restrained within certain
bounds; that is, the law took cognizance of the prac-
tice as regarded the women engaged in such traffic.
It was looked upon as a necessary evil, and the law
did not interfere with men who consorted with prosti-
tutes; but the latter, if they plied their traffic too
openly, or with too great frequency, so as to create a
public scandal and become a nuisance, were punished
according to the extent of the offence.**

We may suppose that, the marriage ceremonies
being concluded, the young couple were left in peace,
and that for a time there was a truce to the speech-
making and ever-ready advice of anxious parents and
meddling relatives. But this respite was generally
of brief duration. As soon as the woman found
herself to be pregnant, all her friends and relations
were immediately upon the tiptoe of expectation and
interest again. The parents were at once informed of
the interesting event, and a .feast was prepared, of
which all who had been present at the wedding par-
took. After the repast the inevitable speeches com-
menced. An old man, squatting on his hams, first
spoke in behalf of the husband, referring to the pre-
cious burden carried by the pregnant woman and to
the future prospects of the child; after a while
another relieved the speaker and pursued the subject
in the same strain; the man and his wife then re-
sponded, dwelling upon the pleasure in store for them,
and expressing their hopes that, with the favor of the
gods, it might be realized. The parents of the pair
were next addressed directly by one of the guests
upon the same theme and made a reply. Certain

M Las Casas, Hist. Apoloqitica, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in Kinffshorough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 127; Torqttemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p.
370; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 27-8; Sah'tgun, Hist. Gen., toin. iii., lib. x.,
pp. 37-8j Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp. 132-3.

PREGNANCY AND CHILDBIRTH.

267

elderly relatives then seized the opportunity to ad-
monish and instruct the young woman, to which she
made a suitable answer, thanking them for their soli-
citude on her behalf.^

During the months of her pregnancy the mother
was very careful to insure the safety and health of the
child, though many of the rules observed for this pur-
pose were of a partly superstitious nature. Thus,
sleeping in the day-time would contort the child's face ;
approaching too near the fire or standing in the hot
sun would parch the foetus ; hard and continued work,
lifting weights, running, mental excitement, such as
grief, anger, or alarm, were particularly avoided; in
case of an earthquake all the pots in the house were
covered up or broken to stop the shaking; eating
tzictli, or chicle, was thought to harden the palate of
the unborn child, and to make its gums thick so that it
would be unable to suck, and also to communicate to it
a disease called netentzzoponiztli; neither must the edi-
ble earth, of which, as we shall see in a future chapter,
the Mexicans were very fond, be eaten by the mother,
lest the child should prove weak and sickly; but
everything else the woman fancied was to be given
her, because any interference with her caprices might
be hurtful to her offspring.'" Moderation in sexual
connection with her husband was recommended to a
woman from one to three months advanced in preg-
nancy, but total abstinence in this respect was thought
to be injurious to the unborn child; during the later
stages of the woman's pregnancy, however, the hus-
band abstained entirely from having intercourse with
her.^ When the time for the confinement drew near

2* I have thought it unnecessary to give these speeches in full, but the reader
can find them all together in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., toin. ii., lib. vi., pp. 161-73.

'^ Sahagun adds: ' inaudaba que d la preuada lu dicseii dc comer suti-
cientementc y buenos nmiijares, calientes y bien guisados, con especialidad
cuando & la prefiada Ic vietie su purgacion, 6 conio diccn la regla, y esto
llaman que lu criatura se laba los pies, porque no se halle data en vacio, o
haya alguna vacicdad 6 falta de sangre 6 numor necesario, y asi rcciba
algun dafio.' Hist. Gen., toni. ii., lib. vi., p. 182.

'^ Sahagun's original MS. contains twenty-four additional lines on this
subject, but these his editor dcc::m too indelicate to print. Id., p. 181.

268

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

another feast was prepared and the usual invitations
were issued. When all were gathered an old man was
the first to speak, on behalf of the married couple.
By virtue of his long experience in these matters he
recommended that the pregnant woman be placed in
the xuchicalli, or bath, under the protection of Xuchi-
caltzin, the god of the bath, and of Yoalticitl, goddess
of the bath and of childbirth. He further advised the
parents to select a competent ticitl, or midwife. This
functionary having been named, a female relative of
the husband addressed her, asking her to accept the
trust, praising her qualifications, and exhorting her to
exert her utmost skill and care. The mother and
relatives of the wife also made brief speeches to the
same purpose. The midwife-elect then expressed her
wish and intention to do all in her power.** Wealthy
people frequently employed several midwives, who for
some days prior to the birth busied themselves in
waiting on their patient and putting everything in
readiness for the important hour. Zuazo states that
some of these acted merely as witnesses to the fact of
the birth.^"

The 'hour of death,' as the time of confinement
was named, having arrived, the patient was carried
to a room previously set in order for the purpose;
hero her hair was soaped and she was placed in
a bath to be washed. Care was taken that the water
should not be too hot, lest the foetus should be scalded ;
in some cases the woman was beaten on the back with
maize leaves which had been boiled in the water used
for the bath. The midwife next proceeded to rub and
press the abdomen of the putiont in order to set the
child in place. If the ])ain grew worse, soothing
remedies were administered. A decoction of cihoapatli

» For these addresses see iS'a/(a7K/t, Hist. Gen., tom.ii., lib.vi., pp. 174-8.3.

30 'Sc llegan alguims nuijeres conio parteraa, y otras conio testi^os para
ver si el ))arto cs siipiicsto 6 natural ; y al tienipo del iiacer no peniiiten (][iie
la criatiiru lleguc d la ticrra con la vida; 6 antes que sc la cortenie liacen cier-
tas scnalcs en el corpu/uelo.' Zuaso, Carta, in Icazbalccta, Col. de Doc,
toin. i., pp. 36:{-4.

GHASTLY TALISMANS.

269

herbs was given to promote the delivery; should this not
prove effective, however, a small piece, about an inch
and. a half long, of the tail of the tlaquatzin, or tla-
quatly was given, which is a very powerful emetic. If
after all the woman got no ease, it was concluded that
she would die. In cases of great danger prayers were
addressed to Cioacoatl, Quilaztli, Yoalticitl, and other
deities. Should the child die in the womb it was
removed piecemeal, unless the parents objected, in
which case the mother was left to die.

Mocioaquezque, 'brave woman,' was the name
given to her who died in childbed. After death the
body was washed, dressed in good, new clothes, and
buried with gre <,t ceremony in the courtyard of the
temple dedicated to the 'celestial women. '^' Talis-
manic virtues were supposed to reside in tb.e corpse;
thus, the middle fingers of the left hand, and the hair,
were thought to make their possessor irresistible in
battle; soldiers, therefore, sought by every means,
fair or foul, to procure them. Thieves believed that
the left hand and arm of the corpse would strike ter-
ror into their victims, and they therefore engaged sor-
cerers to procure it. The birth of twins was believed
to foretell the death of one of the parents at the
hands of their child; to prevent this, one of the in-
fants was killed.^^ Abortion was not unusual, and
was procured by taking a decoction of certain herbs;
the crime was nevertheless punished with death.** If
everything went well, and the woman was easily de-
livered, the midwife gave a loud cry of triumph. She
next addressed some words of counsel to the child, and

'• CihunpipilHn, or Ciuapipilli. A long description of the burial rites
unon these occasions in Sa/uu/uii, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. vi., pp. 186-91.
Tlicsc will, however, be described in a future chapter.

'•* Motolinia, Hist. Indio.i, in Icazbalccta, Col. de Doc, torn, i., p. 130,
and Torquenuiiia, Monary. Ind., torn, ii., p. 84, who seems to have copied
from him, arc the authorities for this, but the custom could not have 1>een
very ^'encral, for it is said that in Tloscala the mother assigned a breast to
each of the twins.

^^ The principal aiithority on the matter of pregnancy and childbirth,
and the one whom I have thus far followed, is Sahugun, Hist, Gen., torn,
ii., lib. vi., pp. lCO-92.

270

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

then proceeded to wash it. Turning to the water, she
addressed the goddess of waters, Chalchihuitlicue, ask-
ing her favor and protection for the child. Then
taking some water, the midwife breathed upon it, gave
some to the infant to taste, and then touclied its head
and chest therewith: saying. Come, my son (or
daughter) to Chalchihuitlicue ; it is for her to bear you
on the back and in her arms throughout this life!
Then, placing the infant in the water, she continued:
Enter thou into the water called metlalac and tuspalac;
may it wash thee, and may the Omnipotent cleanse
from thee all ill that is inherent in thee from the be-
ginning of the world and from before the beginning.
Begone, all evil imparted to thee by thy father and
thy mother.'" Having v/ashed the child, the midwife
clothed it, addressing it meanwhile in whispers of
welcome and admonition. Then, raising her voice,
she complimented the mother on her bravery and en-
durance.** A female relative next praised the forti-
tude of the patient, who in her response dilated on the
trouble and pain she had gone through, and expressed
her joy at the treasure vouchsafed her by the gods.
The midwife then closed the ceremony by congratu-
lating the grandparents and assembled friends. A few
days after the confinement the mother took a bath in
the temazcalli, and indulged in rich food and wine ; on
this occasion a feast was also tendered to invited
friends, who partook of it near the spot where the
woman bathed.

All these elaborate preparations and midwife cere-
monies at birth could, however, only have been in
vogue among the well-to-do classes, for the Mexican
women, were, as a rule, little affected by the troubles
of child-bearing; their training and manner of life

'* Clavipfcro, Storia Ant. del Mcxsieo, torn, ii., p. 86, differs from Salia-
giiii in tliC8C iiruyers or iiivocutioiiH; Torqucnmda, Monarq. Ind., toin. ii.,
1). 445, Klemni, Cultur-Geschic/Ue, torn, v., p. 30, and Brasseur dc Bour-
nourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 560, follow Clavigero more or less
closely.

w Sahaffun, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. vi., pp. 199-200; Torquemada,
Monarq. Jnd., turn, ii., pp. 445-6.

CASTING THE NATIVITY OF INFANTS.

371

were not calculated to make them delicate. Moto-
linia, and many with him, say, for instance, that the
Tlascaltoc women delivered themselves, the mother
apply injj^ to a neighbor only at the birth of her first
child.^

It was now time to cast the nativity of the infant.
For this purpose the services of a tonalpouhqui, or
horoscopist, were engaged. These tonalpouhquis were
a highly respected class, and were therefore approached
with much respect and liberally feed with mantles,
food, and other articles. Having been told the hour
of birth, the horoscoper consulted his book for the
sign of the day on which the infant was born.^ If
the birth had taken place exactly at midnight, the
signs for the closing and breaking day were combined.
Comparing the birthday sign with the other twelve
signs, as well as with the principal sign of the group,
he deduced the required fortune, and, if the augury
was favorable, dwelt on the honors and happiness in
store for the infant. Should the augury prove unfa-
vorable, as well as the sign for the fifth day after
birth, which was the occasion of the second bath, or
baptism, this ceremony was postponed to another day,
generally the most favorable of the thirteen, in order

"> The Teochichimec liusband undertook tlic office of midwife when the
hirtli tooii ])hice on tiie road. He heated tlie hack of his wife with fire,
tlirew water over her in lieu of a batli, and gave her two or three kickn in
tlie back after the delivery, in order to promote the issue of superfluous
blood. The new-born babe was placed in a wicker basket, and thrown over
the back of the mother, who proceeded on her journey. Sahagtm, Hist.
Gen., torn, ii., lib. vi., pp. 191-20.3; also Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn,
ii., pp. 445-6; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, ton>. ii., p. 86; Brasseur
dc liourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 560; Carbajal Espiiwsa, Hist.
Mcx., torn, i., pp. 551-2, 67.3, etc. The utensils which served at the birth
of tiie child were, • according to Las Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap.
clxxix., oftercd at the fountain or river where the motiier washed herself.

" By Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, i., lib. iv., pp. 282-.328, and Duran,
Hist. Indian, SiS., tom. iii., cap. ii., the signs of the calendar and their
subdivisions are described at length. Each sign had thirteen sub-signs,
representing the same number of days, by whom its good or bad import was
moderated to a certain extent. Under certain signs the child was liable to
become a drunkard, under another a jester, under a tiiird a warrior, and so
on. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Not. Civ., tom. iii., p. 560, and Espi-
nosa, Hist. Mcx., torn, i., p. 552, state that the sign which had been most
frequent at this period during the past thirteen years was also considered by
the astrologer.

272

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

to moderate, if possible, the threatened misfortune.
The fortune-teller dilated upon the troubles in store
for the infant and the vices it would develop, but
'hedged' his oracle by adding that the adjoining signs
contained certain redeeming features which might have
power to counterbalance the evil import of the birth-
day sign.^

Preparations are now made for the baptism. The
portals of the dwelling are decorated with green
branches, flowers, and sweet-smelling herbs are scat-
tered over the floors and courtyard, and the approaches
to the hous^ are carefully swept ; tamales are cooked,
maize and cacao ground, and delicacies of every de-
scription prepared for the table, not forgetting the
liquors; for any shortcoming in this respect would
reflect severely on the hospitality of the host.** The
relatives of the family assemble before sunrise, and
other friends drop in as the day advances; each, as he
congratulates the host, presents a gift of clothing for
the infant, and receives in his turn a present of man-
tles, flowers, and choice food.*" In the course of the
morning the midwife carries the infant to the court-
yard, and places it upon a heap of leaves, beside which
are set a new apaxtle, or earthenware vessel, filled
with clear water, and several miniature implements,
insignia of the father's trade or profession. If he is
a noble or a warrior, the articles consist of a small
shield, and a bow with arrows of a corresponding size,
placed with their heads directed toward the four car-
dinal points. Another set of arms made from dough
of amaranth-seed, and bound together with the dried
navel-string of the child, is also prepared. If the
child is a girl, there are placed beside it, instead of the

'* Safingun, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. vi., pp. 215-7; Torquemada, Mo-
narq. IiicL, torn, ii., p. 449.

59 A long description of this feast, the table, attendance, etc., is given by
Saliagun, Hist. Gen., torn, i., lib. iv., pp. 332-6, and by Torquemada, Mo-
narq. Ind., torn, ii., pp. 457-8. I shall have occasion to describe it in a
future chapter of this volume, devoted to such matters.

*" The poorer classes contented themselves with an interchange of flowers
and food.

BAPTISM OF INFANTS

278

en by
Ma-
in a

little weapons, a spindle and distaff, and some articles
of girl's clothing. When the sun rises the midwife
sets her face and the face of the child toward the west,
and addressing the infant, says: "O eagle, tiger, O
brave little man and grandson of mine, thou hast been
brought into the world by thy father and mother, the
great lord and the great lady. Thou wast created in
that house which is the abode of the supreme godp
that are above the nine heavens. Thou art a gift from
our son Quetzalcoatl, the omnipresent; be joined to
thy mother, Chalchihuitlicue, the goddess of water."
Then placing her dripping fingers on the lips of the
child, she continues: "Take this, for upon it thou hast
to live, to wax strong, and flourish ; by it we obtain all
necessary things; take it!" Then touching the child
on the breast with her moistened fingers, she says:
"Take this holy and pure water that thine heart may
be cleansed." Then the midwife pours water on the
child's head, saying: "Receive, my son, the water
of the Lord of the World, which is our life, with
which we wash and are clean ; may this celestial light-
blue water enter into thy body, and there remain;
may it destroy and remove from thee all evil and ad-
verse things that were given thee before the beginning
of the world; behold, all of us are in the hands of
Chalchihuitlicue, our mother." She now washes the
body of the child, exclaiming: "Evil, wheresoever
thou art, begone, avaunt; for the child liveth anew
and is born again; once more it is purified; a second
time is it renewed of our mother, Chalchihuitlicue."
Then lifting up the little one toward heaven, she ad-
dresses Ometochtli and Omecioatl:" "Behold, O Lord,
the creature which thou hast sent to this place of sor-
row, aftiiction, and anguish, to this world; give it, O
Lord, of thy gifts and inspiration, for thou art the
great god and the great goddess." Then stooping as
if to set the child down, she raises it a second time,

*^ A dual deitv, uniting both sexes in one person.
Vol. II.' 18

274

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

crying upon the goddess of the waters:" "0 lady-
goddess, mother of the gods, inspire this child with
thy virtue." A third time she stoops and raising
the child toward heaven, addresses the gods: "O lords
celestial, and gods who dwell in heaven, behold this
creature whom ye have sent among men, till it with
your spirit and mercy, that it may live." A fourth
time she sets down and raises the babe, and calling
now upon the sun and the earth she says:*' "0 our
Lord, Sun, father of all, and thou, O Earth, our
mother, take ye this child for your own, and, as it
is born for war,** so let it die defending the cause of
the gods, and be permitted to enjoy the delight.s pre-
pared in heaven for the brave."

The midwife now takes the implements and prays
to the patron deity of the trade or })rofe8sion they
represent on behalf of the child ; then nlie places the
mantle upon the shoulders of the infant, girds on the
little raaxtli, and asks the boys present to give the
child a name. This was, however, merely a matter of
form; the parents really had the choosing of the
name and told it to the boys. It was usually taken
either from the sign of the day, or from a bird or ani-
mal, in the case of a boy ; the girls were named from
flowers, and this rule was especially observed by the
Toltecs and Miztecs. Sometimes a child took its
name from some important event which occurred at
the time of its birth; as when the T.ascaltec chief Cit-
lalpopoca, 'smoking star,' was so named because at his
birth a flaming comet was seen in the sky. Sometimes
children were named after the feast held at the time
of their nativity; thus, boys born during the festival
of the renewal of the sacred fire, called toxilmolpilia,

<* Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. vi., p. 220, makes the midwife, in
this instance, call upon Citlalatonac. This goddess was, however, identical
witii Ometochtli and Omecioatl (see, more especially, Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., torn, i., p. 472), to whom the preceding prayer was directed.
Clavigero and Torquemada assert that the prayer was addressed to the
water-goddess.

^3 Sahagun addresses the Sun-God only.

<* We may presume that the midwife is here addressing the child of a
warrior.

BAPTISM OF INFANTS.

276

were named molpilli, 'a tied object,' and girls xiuhne-
netl, 'little doll of the year of* fire.' Occasionally a
child was named after some renowned ancestor. A
second name could bo acquired by valiant deeds in
battle. Motolinia adds that sons of prominent men
took a surname from the dignity or office held by the
father, either in youth or manhood ; or they inherited
it with the estate at the death of the parent. Chil-
dren born during the last five days of the year, called
neiiwntemi, 'unlucky days,' were considered unforH^;-
ato; boys born under such circumstances were oftin
named nemoquichtli, 'unlucky man,' and girls nenci-
huatl, 'unlucky woman.'"

The midvvil'o, having baptized the child, no.v calls
upon it three tines by its new name; admonishing it to
make good use of the implements or weapons pinned
in it? ^ ands.** It is thereupon carried into the liousc,
I)receded by torchbearers, and placed in the cradle,
before which the midwife offers prayers to Yoalticitl,
'goddess of the cradle,' commending the child to her
care, and beseeching her to nourish and protect it;
then, turning to the cradle, she adds: "O thou, the
mother of the child, receive this babe with gentleness,
taking heed not to injure it." Then she })laces the
child in the cradle, the parents meanwhile calling upon
Yoalticitl to protect it, and upon Yoaltecutli, 'the
god of night,' to lull it to sleep." During this cere-

*' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Mr.isi'co, torn, ii., p. 84, Torquemada, Mo-
iiarq. Iik/., toiii. ii., p. 287, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hint. Nat. Cir.,
<oin. iii., p. 287, traiiMlate Neinoiiuiclitli and Nencihuatl 'useless man' and
'useless woman. Torquemada, Monar(Ji. Iiid., torn, ii., p. 454-6, discusses
names, why and how they were applied, in Mexico and elsewhere. Motolinia,
in Icazbakcta, Col. de I)oc., torn, i., p. .37, states that the name given at bap-
tism was discarded for one applied by the priest, when the parents carried
the child to the temple in the third month. See also liitos Antiguos, p. 22,
in KiugsboroiigK's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 31'2, saya
tliut the name given by the priest was the surname, nobles sometimes tak-
ing a third name. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p.
tH>'2, 8,ays that several additional names could be taken under various cir-
cumstances. In Codex Mciidoza, in Khi'jshorough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v.,
p. 90, it is stated that the name was given by three bo,,i who sat by eating
yxcur.

^^ Boturini states that the infant is thereupon passed four times through
the fire. Claviqero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 88; but tliis 'cre-
mony is described elsewhere in this volume as taking place in the temple.

276

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

mony, which is termed tlacoculaquilo, or 'the act of
placing the child in the cradle,' the boys of the village,
dressed to imitate soldiers, enter the house, seize cer-
tain food previously prepared for them, called the
'child's navel,' scatter the rest, and rush forth, munch-
ing and shouting the child's name and future des-
tinies. The lights, called ocote, which have been used
during the ceremorJes, must be left to burn out, and
the fire that was lighted on the birthday must be
kept brightly burning until after the baptizing, nor
is any one allowed to borrow from its flame, for that
would injure the prospects of the child. The um-
bilical cord is buried with the mimic weapons in a
place where a battle may be expected to take place
on a future day. The girl's instruments and navel-
string are buried under a metate. The afterbirth is
interred in a corner of the house. After the cradlinsr
ceremony the guests proceed to the bantpieting-room,
where they seat themselves according to age and rank.
The festivities lasted twenty days," or even longer,
if the father was wealthy, during which time the
house was kept open to all comers. Each visitor pre-
sented his gifts and made a speech to the infant on
the duties, honors, and happiness in store for it, and
adorning his discourse according to tlie rank of the
parents, or his own courtesy. He next congratulated
the mother, then the midwife, urging her further care
of the infant, and lastly the father, referring to his
character and services, and wishing him joy. If the
father was a lord, the neighboring princes sent an em-
bassy, preceded by numerous presents, and .a chosen
orator delivered a congratulatory address before the
father and those present, to which an old man re-
sponded on behalf of all, commenting upon the gocxl
wishes of the neighboring nobles. The orator of the
embassy then begged that the shortcomings of his for-
mer speech might be excused, and was answered by the
oldest or most respected person present, on the parent's

*' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, i., lib. iv., pp. 330-6.

BAPTISM OF INFANTS.

277

behalf. The female friends who came to inspect the
infant, rubbed the joints of the body, especially the
knees, with ashes, thinking that this would strengthen
them and prevent the bones from becoming loose.
The same was done to the children who accompanied
them.** In some parts the baptismal ceremony con-
sisted in putting some quicklime upon the child's
knee, and saying to it: "0 thou little one, that hast
come into the world to suffer, suffer and be silent.
Thou livest, but thou shalt die; much pain and
anguish shall come upon thee ; thou shalt become dust,
even as this lime, which was once stone."*® If a boy,
an arrow or dart was then placed in the child's left
hand, to indicate that he must be brave and defend
his countrj'^; if a girl, she was given a distaff, as a
sign that she must become industrious in all womanly
pursuits.™ In Tlascala and Miztecapan the infant was
bathed in a sacred spring, which, it was thought,
would avert misfortune. Mendieta says that the mid-
wife merely sprinkled the child a certain number of
times, first with wine and then with water." Among
the Zapotecs both mother and child were washed in a
river, and invocations were addressed to all land and
aquatic animals, entreating their favor and deprecating
their anger ;°^ it was also customary to assign some
animal or bird to a child, as its nagual, or tutelary
genius, and with the fortune of such creature its
fate was supposed to be so intimately connected, that
the death of one involved the death of the other.'*
Burgoa adds further that this was assigned by lot, but
it is stated elsewhere, and with greater probability if
we may judge by similar superstitions in the old
world, that the first bird or beast that appeared after

** It was believed, Buys Tnrqiicmada, that this rubbing of their own
limbs had a Btrcngthenin;; effect upon the new-bom. Mouarq. Ind., torn.
ii., p. 457.

♦» Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 312.

" Ddvila, Teatro Eden., torn, i., p. 18.

" Hist. Ecles., p. 107.

*» Uurffoa, Geog. Deserip., torn, ii., pt ii., fol. 329.

M Id., fol. 396.

278

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

the birth of the child was appointed its spiritual pro-
tector.**

Whether the custom of circumcision, which has
been the great prop of argument in favor of the Jew-
ish origin of the Aztecs, really obtained among these
people, has been doubted by numerous authors. Al-
though circumcision was certainly not by any means
general, yet sufficient proof exists to show that it was
in use in some form among certain tribes. Las Casas
and Mendieta state that the Aztecs and Totonacs
practiced it, and Braseeur de Bourbourg has discov-
ered traces of it among the Mijes. Las Casas affirms
that the child was carried to the temple on the twen-
ty-eighth or twenty -ninth day after birth ; there the
high-priest and his assistant placed it upon a stone,
and cut of the prepuce at the root; the part ampu-
tated they afterward burned to ashes. Girls of the

** The following are contradictory accounts of baptism. On the fourth
day the child and mother took a purification bath, and the assembled guests
were feasted on zamorra, a dish made from maize and the flesh of hens,
deer, etc. Three days after, the mother carried the child to the adjoining
ward, accompanied by six little boys, if it was a male child, otherwise six
girls went with her, to carry the implements or insignia of the father's
trade. Here she washed the child in a stream, and then returned home.
Two years after a feast was served in the house of the most intimate neigh-
bor, who was asked to name the child, and with him it remained and was
held as a member of his family. Chaves, Rapport, in Tcrnavx-Compans,
Votj., s^rie ii., tom. v., pp. 306-8. The infant was carried to the temple,
where the priest made an oration on the miseries to be endured in this
world, and placed a sword in the right hand of the child and a buckler in the
left; or, if it was destined to be a mechanic, an artizan's tool; if a girl it
received a distaff. The priest then took the child to the altar and drew a few
drops of blood from its Dody with a maguey-thorn or knife, after which he
threw water over it, delivering certain imprecations the while. Touroii, Hist.
Gin., tom. iii., pp. 12-13. The implements were placed in the han<lr. of the
child by the priest before the idol, Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., p. 374. Also
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii. The child underwent three
baptisms or baths. Zuazo, Carta, in tcazbalceta. Col. de Doc., tom. i., p.
364. On the seventh day the baptism took place, and a dart was placed m
the hand of the child to signify that he should become a defender of nis coun- '
try. Motolinia, Hist. Jndios, in Id., p. 37. In Spiegazione delle Tavole del
Codice Mexieano (Vaticano), tav. xxxi. in Kingsoorouqh's Mex. Antiq., vol.
T., p. 181, it is stated that the child was sprinkled with a bunch of ficitle
dipped in water, and fumigated with incense before receiving its name.
Offerings were made at the temple which the priest divided among the
school children. Tylor, in his .^naAuac, p. 279, onA Primitive Culture, vol.
ii., pp. 429-36 gives short reviews of the baptismal ceremony and its moral
import

CIRCUMCISION AND SCARIFICATION.

279

same age were defloured by the finger of the priest,
who ordered the mother to repeat the operation at the
sixth year. Zuazo adds that these rites were only
performed upon the children of great men, and that
there was no compulsion in the matter, the parents
having the option of having their children defloured
or circumcised at any time within five years."

In the fifth month, at Huitzilopochtli's festival, all
children born during the year were scarified on the
breast, stomach, or arms, and by this means received
as followers of their god.*' At the festival in honor
of Teteionan or Toci, 'mother of the gods,' in the elev-
enth month, the women delivered during the year
underwent purification and presented their children.
In the evening a signal was sounded from the temple,
and the mothers, dressed in their best, accompanied
by friends, and preceded by torch-bearers and serv-
ants carrying the babes, made the tour of the town or
quarter; a halt was made at every temple to leave an
offering and a lighted torch for the presiding goddess.
At the temple of Toci extra offerings were made, in-
cluding tzocoyotl, cakes of flour and honey; and here
the priest performed the ceremony of purification by
pronouncing certain prayers over the women." In

, M Las Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. clxxv. ; Torq%iemada, Monary.
Ind., torn, ii., pp. 83-4; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 107-8; Zuazo, Carta, in
Ir.azhalceta, Col. de Doc, torn, i., p. 364; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., torn, iii.j p. 35. Clavigero, Sloria Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 73, re-
views tlie subject of circumcision and denies that it was ever practiced. Ter-
nuux-Conipans, Foi/., s^rie i., p. 45, torn, x., referring to Diaz' statement that
all Indians of the Vera Cruz Islands are circumcizcd, savs that he must
have confounded the custom of drawing blood from the secret organs
with circumcision. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 191, says circumcision was
unknown to the Indians of Yucatan. Duran and Brasseur evidently con-
sider the slight incisions made for the purpose of drawing blood from the
prepuce or ear, in the eleventh month, as the act. Carbajal Kspinosa, Hist.
Mcx., tom. i., p. 538, following Clavigero, holds the scarification of breast,
stomach and arms to be the circumcision referred to by other authors.
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib, ii., cap. xvii., and especially Acosta, Hist.
de las Ynd., p. 374, consider the incision on the prepuce and ear to have
been mistaken for circumcision, and state that it was chiefly performed
upon sons of great men; they do not state when the ceremony took place.

** Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 266; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mcx., tom. i., p. 538.

^' This rite was followed by another, which usually ' ok place in the
temple of Huitzilopochtli. The priest made a alight incision on the ear of

980

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Ill

the eighteenth month of every fourth year, the chil-
dren born since the last corresponding feast, were
taken to the temple, where their ears were pierced
with a sharp bone, and macaw-feathers, tlachcayotl, in-
serted; the god-father and god-mother, or, as they
are termed, uncles and aunts, whose duty it was to
initiate the children into the service of the gods,
holding them during the operation.**

An offering of flour of the chian seed was made,
and the godfather was presented with a red robe,
the godmother with a huipil. Each child was then
passed through the flames of a fire prepared for the
purpose; the priest next took its head b'^tween his
hands, and in that manner lifted it bodily from the
ground. Everyone thereupon went home to feast,
but at noon the godfather and godmother returned
to the temple and executed a dance, holding the
children on their backs, and giving them pulque to
drink, in very small cups. This went on till dusk,
when the^' retired to their houses to continue the
dancing and drinking. This feast and month, Itzcalli,
'growth,' obtained its name from the ceremony of
squeezing the heads of children, which, it was thought,
would make them grow; but it was also called the
'feast of the intoxication of boys and girls.'**

Among the Miztecs, the mother took hot baths for
twenty days after delivery, at the end of which time
a feast was held in honor of the goddess of the bath,
the child sharing in the honors of the occasion.*

the female child, and on the ear and prepuee of the male, with a new ob-
sidian knife handed to him by the mother, then, throwing the knife at the
feet of the idol, he gave a name to the infant, at the request of the parent,
after duly considering the horoscope and signs of the time. Ditran, Hist.
Indian, MS., tom. iii., cap. iii., quoted by Brassetirde Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., pp. 625-6. Duran really states that these ceremonies took
place in the fourth month, but as Toci's festival occurs in the eleventh
month, Brasseur alters the evident mistake. The naming of the infant
may have been a mere coiifirmatioii of the name given by the midwife.

M Torquemada, Monarq. Jnd., tom. ii. p. 286.

^ Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., |)]). 189-90. Sahagun translates
Itzcalli by 'growth,' but other authors differ from him, as we shall see in a
future chapter on tlic Calendar.

^ Herrera, Hist. Oen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.

HEAD-FLATTENING.

281

They also gave the child a feast on its first birthday.
Great care was exercised to make children hardy and
strong, and no mother, however high in rank, allowed
her child to be given to a nurse, unless her own health
demanded such a step. The test of a wet nurse was
to press out a drop of milk upon the nail, when if it
did not run the milk was considered good." No food
was given to the child the first day, in order to create
an appetite."'' It was suckled for three years, in some
places much longer;"* and, during this time the mother
adhered to a diet that would keep up the quality of
the milk ; many abstained from intercourse with their
husbands for the same period, to prevent the possi-
bility of another child interfering with the proper nur-
ture of the first one. Another feast was given at the
weaning of the child. Gomara mentions that a kind
of head-flattening was practiced ; he says that the in-
fants were so placed in the cradle as not to allow the
occiput to grow, for such a development was consid-
ered ugly." Humboldt, however, says that the Aztecs
never flattened the head. That it was practiced to a
considerable extent in remote times by people inhabit-
ing the country, seems to be shown by the deformed
skulls found in their graves, and by the sculptured
figures upon the ruins. Klemm states that the cradle
consisted of a hard board to which the infant was
bound in such a manner as to cause the malfonnation.
The cradle among the poor Aztecs was generally of
light cane, and could be tied to the back of the
mother."*

«' iV ia, Hist. Indios, in Icazhalcctn, Col. de Doc., torn, i., p. 77;

Torqiii;\. A-ifa, Monarq. Ind., toiii. ii., pp. 46(>-l.

62 Gomara, Citnq. Mcx., fol. 312.

^ Carbajal Esi>inosn, Hist. Mex., torn, i., p. 553.

•>* Gomara, Conq. Mcx., fol. 318.

^ The authorities on childbirth, baptism, and circr incision are: Salia-
nun. Hist. Gen., torn, i., lib. ii., pp. 187-90, lib. iv., pp. 281-337, torn, ii.,
lib. vi., pp. 160-222, torn, iii., lib. x., pp. 119-20; Cfavigero, Storia Ant.
del Mcssico, torn, ii., pp. 2-73, 86-89; Torqucmada, Monarq. Ind., toin.
ii., pp. 83-4, 266, 286, 446-61; Herrera, Hist Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., <up.
xvii., lib. iii., cap. xii., lib. iv.< cap. xvi.; Las Casas, Hist Apohxjctica,
MS., cap. clxxv., clxxix. ; Codex Mendozn, pp. 90-1, in KingsborougWs
Mex. Antiq. vol. v.; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. tie Doc,

282

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

torn, i., pp. 37-8, 77, 108; Zuazo, Carta, in Id., pp. 363-4; Mendieta, Hiat.
Eclea., p]). 107-^, 139; Burgoa, Geog. Deacrip., torn, ii., pt ii., fol. 329,
395; Ddi'ila, Teatro Eclea., torn, i., p. 18; Camargo, Hiat. flax., in Nou-
vellea Annalca dea Voy., 1843, torn, xcviii., j>. WIA; Carbajal Espinoaa, Hiat.
Mex., toni. i., pp. 538, 551-5, 673; Brasaeur de Bourbourg, Hiat. Nat. Civ.,
torn, i., p. 240, torn, iii., pp. 35, 525-6, 560-3; Acoata, Hiat. de laa Ynd.,
p. 374; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 312, 317-18; Touron, Hist. G6n., torn,
lii., pp. 12-13; Chavea, Support, in Temaux-Compaiia, Voy., s^rie ii.,
torn, v., pp. 306-8; Montanua, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 32, 265; Klemm, Cut-
tur-Geschtchte, torn, v., pp. 36-9; Buaaierre, L" Empire Mex., pp. 140-1;
lyAvity, L'AnUrique, toin. ii., p. 73; Baril, Mexique, pp. 199-200; Bitoa
Antigttoa pp. 22-3, in Kingaborow/Ka Mex. An tig., vol. ix.; Laet, Novua
Orbia, p. 239; Adair'a Amer. Iiia., p. 217; Miilter, Rciaen, torn, iii., pp.
118-20; Purchaa hia Pilgrimea, vol. iv., pp. 1102-3, 1140; Carli, Cartaa,
pti., p. 101; Duran, Hiat. Indias, MS., toni. iii., cap. iii.; Diaz, Itiniraire,
in Ternaux-Compana, Voy., siSriei., torn, x., p. 45; Humboldt, Eaaai Pol.,
torn. L, p. 90; Morton'a Crania Amer., p. 147; Delajield'a Antiq. Avier.,
p. 19.

CHAPTER VIII.

NAHUA FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS.

Excessive Fondness for Feasts— Manner of Giving Feasts— Serv-
ing THE Meal— Professional Jesters — Parting Presents to
Guests— Royal Banquets— Tobacco Smoking- Public Dances-
Manner OF Singing and Dancing — The Neteteliztli — The
Drama among the Nahuas— Music and Musical Instruments —
Nahua Poetry— Acrobatic Feats— The Netololiztli, or 'Bird
Dance'— Professional Runners— The Game of Tlactli— Games
of Chance— The Patoliztli, or 'Bean Game'— 1'otoloque, Mon-
tezuma's Favorite Game.

The excessive fondness of the Aztecs for feasts and
amusements of every kind seems to have extended
through all ranks of society. Every man feasted his
neighbor and was himself in turn feasted. Birthdays,
victories, house-warmings, successful voyages or spec-
ulations, and other events too numerous to enumerate
were celebrated with feasts. Every man, from king to
peasant, considered it incumbent upon him to be second
to none among his equals in the giving of banquets and
entertainments, and as these involved the distribution
of costly presents aniong liis guests, it often hap})ened
that the host ruined himself by his hospitality; ia-
deed, it is said that many sold themselves into
slavery that they might be able to prepare at least one
feast that would immortalize their memory.* More-

I Bitos Antiguos, p. 20, in KingshorougKa Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.

(283)

284

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

over the priests, with the subtle policy characteristic
of their class, took advantaj^e of this disposition to
ordain long and frequent celebrations in honor of in-
numerable gods; in short, it is difficult to conceive
what part of the year could have been saved for busi-
ness from what seems to have been a continual round
of merry-making.

The grandeur of the feast depended, of course, upon
the wealth of the host, the rank of the guests, and
the importance of the event celebrated. For many
days before a noble or wealthy man entertained his
friends, an army of servants were employed in sweep-
ing the approaches to the house, decorating the halls
and courts with branches and garlands, erecting chi-
namas, or arbors, and strewing the floors with flowers
and sweet herbs; others prepared the table service,
killed and dressed dogs, plucked fowls, cooked tama-
les, baked bread, ground cacao, brewed drinks, and
manufactured perfumed cigarettes. Invitations were
in the meantime sent to the guests. These on their
arrival were presented with flowers as a token of
welcome. Those of a superior condition to the host
were saluted after the Aztec fashion by touching the
hand to the earth and then carrying it to the lips.
On some occasions garlands were placed upon the
heads of the guests and strings of roses about their
necks, while copal was burnt before those whom the
host delighted specially to honor. While waiting for
the meal the guests employed their time in walking
freely about the place, complimenting their host on the
tasteful manner in which the house was decorated, or ad-
miring the fine shrubbery, green grass plats, well-kept
flower-beds, and sparkling fountains in the gardens.

Dinner being announced, all took their seats, accord-
ing to rank and age, upon mats or icpalli, stools,
ranged close along the walls.^ Servants then entered

> The highest in rank or consideration sat on tlie right side, and those
of inferior degree on tlie loft; young men sat at the ends on both sides,
accordiugto tneir ranli. Sahaguii, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. ix., pp. 347-8.

FEASTS AND ENTERTAINMENTS.

with water and towels, with which each guest washed
his hands and mouth. Sinoking-canes were next pre-
sented on molcaxetes, or plates, to stimulate the ajjpe-
tite. The viands, kept warm by chafing dishes, were
then brought in upon artistically worked plates of gold,
silver, tortoise-shell, or earthenware. Each person
before beginning to eat threw a small piece of food
into a lighted brazier, in honor of Xiuhtecutli, the
god of fire,^ probably by way of grace. The numer-
ous highly seasoned dishes of meat and fish having
been duly discussed, the servants cleared the tables
and feasted upon the remains of the banquet in com-
pany with the attendants of the guests.* Vessels
called teutecomatls, filled with chocolate, each provided
with a spoon to stir the fluid with, were then brought
on, together with water for washing the hands and
rinsing the mouth. The women who were present on
these occasions, although they sat apart from the men,
received a kind of spiced gruel instead of cacao. The
old people, however, were plied with octli, a very potent
beverage, until they became drunk, and this was held
to be an indispensable part of the ceremony.

The smoking-canes were now once more produced,
and while the guests reclined luxuriously upon their
mats enjoying the grateful influence of the fragrant
leaf which we are told by Bernal Diaz they called
'tobacco,' and sipping their drinks, the music suddenly
struck up, and the young folks, or perhaps some pro-
fessionals, executed a dance, singing at the same time
an ode prepared for the occasion, as well as other songs.
Dwarfs, deformed beings, and curious objects were

' Speaking of this Xiuhtecutli, Torquemada says: ' honrahanlo como h
Dioa, porquc los ualcntabu, cocia el Pun y {juisaba la Caiiie, y por esto en
ca<la Casa le veneraban; y en el niisnio Fogon, J) Hogar, qiiando querian
comer, le daban el primer bocado de la vianda, para que alii sc qucniaiie; y
lo que avian dc beber, lo avia de gustar priniero, hechando en el fuego parte
de el licor.' Motiarq. Intl., torn, ii., p. 57. Sahagun saysthe morsel of food
was tlirown into the fire in honor of the god Tlaltecutli: 'antes ciuc comen-
zascn li comer los convidados la coniida que Ics habian puesto, tomaban uu
Imcado de la coniida, y arrojdbanlo al fuego d honra del dios Tlaltecutli, y
luego comenzaban d comer. Hist. Gcm., torn, i., lib. iv., p. 333.
♦ Torqrtemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 457.

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

also introduced to vary the entertainment; but the
professional jesters were the favorites, and the jokes
made by them raised many a Uiuj^yh, thouja^h tliis was
rather forced perhaps by those at whose expense said
jokes were cracked, for these fools were fully as privi-
leged as tlieir contemporary Eurojjean brothers of
motley, and sometimes spoke very biting truths in the
shape of a jest; in some cases they were disguised in
the costume of a foreign nation, whose dialect and
peculiarities they imitated; at other times they would
mimic old women, well-know" eccentric individuals,
and so forth.

The nobles kept a number of these jesters for their
own amusement, and often sent them to a neighboring
brother-noble to propound riddles ; taking care to pro-
vide them with means to pay forfeit should the riddle
be solved/

These private banquets generally lasted till mid-
night, when the party broke up. Each guest received
at parting presents of dresses, gourds, cacao-beans,
flowers, or articles of food. Should any accident or
shortcoming huso marred the pleasure of the party,
the host would sooner repeat the entertainment than
have any slur rest upon his great social venture. 1 n
any case it was doubtless difficult for the good man to
escai)e censure either for extravagance or stinginess.

At the royal feasts given when tlie great vassals
came to the capital to render homage to their sov-
ereign, the people flocked in from the provinces in
great numbers to see the sights, which consisted of
theatrical representations, gladiatorial combats, fights
between wild beasts, athletic sports, musical perform-
ances, and poetical recitations in honor of kings, gods,
and heroes. The nobles, in addition to this, partook
daily of banquets at the palace, and were presented by
the monarch with costly gifts.*

* Sahnqun, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. viii., p. 292.

* For Hescriptiuii of feiists see: Torque maila, Afonarq. Ind., torn ii., pp.
457-8; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., toni. i., lib. iv., pp. 332-6, torn, ii., lib. ix.,

TOBACCO IN THE NEW WOULD.

287

To the tohacco-lovin{]f reader it will be interestinjjf to
learn how the weed was Hiiioked in the New World
before it was introduced into the Old by the immortal
Jean Nicot, whoBe name be forever bleHHed. The habit
of smokinjf did not possess amonj^ the Nahuas the
peculiar character attached to it by the North Ameri-
vtm natives, as an indispensable accessory to treaties,
the cementing of friendship, and so forth, but was in-
dulged in chiefly by the sick, as a pastime and for its
stimulating efl'ect. The origin of the custom among
tlie Naluias may be traced to the use of reed-grass,
tilled with aromatic herbs, which was lighted and
given to guests that they might diffuse tlie perfume
about them; gradually they came to puff the reeds
and swallow the smoke, pretending to find therein a
remedy against headache, fatigue, phlegm, sleepless-
ness, etc. Three kinds of tobacco were used, the i/ctl,
signifying tobacco in general, obtained from a large
leaved plant, the picyetl, from a small but stronger
species, and quaiujetl, a less esteemed kind known later
on as wild tobacco. ^ lavigero asserts that the jyicyetl
and quaayetl were the only species known among the
Mexicans. It was generally smoked after dinner in
the form of paper, reed, or maize-leaf cigarettes, called
pori/cfl, 'smoking tobacco,' or arayetl, * tobacco-reed,'
the leaf being mixed in a paste, says Veytia, with
xovhioc.otzotl, liquid amber, aromatic herbs, and pulver-
ized charcoal, so as to keep smouldering when once
lighted, and shed a perfume. The picyetl tobacco was
sni;)ked later in the day, without admixture, and some-
wliat in the shape of cigars. The smoke was inhaled,
and the nose closed, in order that none of the grateful
qualities should be lost. Wooden, metal, or bamboo
tubes were sometimes used instead of cigarettes. Snuff-

pp. .359-60, 364-.5; Brasseur de Bonrhourij, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp.
Gt'i-O; fd., in Nouodles Annates des Voj/., 1858, toni. clix., pp. 74-6; Go-
marrt, Conq. Mex., fol. .318; Prr.scotfs Mex., vol. i., pp. 1.52-7; liussicrre,
VEmpire Met., p. 178; Baril, Mcxiqite, pp. 210-11; Jiitos Antiguos, p. 20,
'mKiiigshoroujlC'i Mex. Antiq., vol. i.\.

388

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

ing the pulverized leaf is an ancient custom which we
owe to them.''

Dancing was the favorite Aztec amusement, and the
fanciful arrangement of their dances, as well as the
peculiar grace of their motions, is highly praised bv
all the old chroniclers. Dancing, and especially reli-
gious dances, formed an important part of an Aztec
youth's education, and much trouble was taken by the
priests to instruct them in it.

The preparations for the great public dances, when
the performers numbered thousands,* were on an im-
mense scale. The choirs and bands attached to the
service of the various temples were placed under the
supervision of a leader, usually a priest, who composed
the ode of the day, set it to music, instructed the mu-
sicians, appointed the leaders of the dance, perfected
the arrangements generally, observed that all did their
duty, and caused every fault or negligence to be se-
verely punished." The NeteteliztU dance took place
either in the plaza or in the courtyard of the temple, in
the centre of which mats were spread for the musicians.
The nobles and aged men formed a circle nearest to the
drums, the people of less importance formed another
circle a little distance behind, and the young people
composed the third ring. Two leading dancers directed
the movements, and whatever steps they made were
imitated by the performers. When all was ready, a
whistle gave the signal and the drums were beaten
lightly to a well-known tune started by the leaders
and taken up by the dancers, who at the same time
began to move their fei \ arms, heads and bodies in
perfect accord. Each \ < "se or couplet was repeated

7 Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn. '., pp. 49-.51; Clavigero, Stnrin Ant.
del MesHtco, torn, ii., p. 227. Her, irfez, Nora J'lnnt., )». 173; Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tmn. i., |). .525; Brassciir Bourbourg, Hi.if. Nat. Civ., torn,
iii., p. 646; L'arbajal Espiiiosa, Hist, ex., toin. i., p. 684; Klemm, C'vltur-
Geschichte, torn, v., pp. 12-13.

* ' luntauansc a cstc bayle, no in hombres, como dize Comara, pero
mas de ocho mil.' Herrcra. Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii.

^ Saha'^nn, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. viii., p. 315, ever prepared with
capital puniHhment, states that 'cl aeilor les mandaba prender, y otro dia
los mandaba niatar.'

THE MITOTE AND RIBBON DANCE. M

throo or four times, tlie dancers kee])inflf time with
thuir ai/acacktli, or rattles. Each must keep his rela-
tive position in the circle, and complete the circuit at
the siinio time ; the inner circle, therefore, moved at a
slow, di«(niHed pace, suited to the rank and ajje of the
men composing it; the second i)roceeded somewhat
faster, while the dancers in the outer circle approached
a run as the dance became liveliei . The motions were
varied ; at one time the dancers held one another by
the hand, at another, round the waist; now they took
the left hand neighbor for partner, now the right,
sometimes facing one way, sometimes another. The
first song e.iaed, which referred to the event of the
day, a })opular ode, treating of their gods, kings, or
heroes, was taken up and sung in a higlier scale and
to a livelier measure, the dance meanwhile constantly,
increasing in animation. This was the case with all
the succeeding songs, each one becoming higher and
shriller as it proceeded; flutes, trumpets, and sharp
whistles were sometimes added to the band to increase
the effect. When one set of dancers became tired,
another took its place, and so the dance continued
through the whole day, each song taking about an
hour. Jesters and clowns in various disguises circu-
lated between the lines, cutting capers, cracking jokes,
and servinjr refreshments. Herrera states that the
solenm mitote was danced by twos in the outer circle.*"
At private dances, two parallel lines were usually
formed, the dancers turning in various directions,
changing partners, and crossing from line to line."
Sometimes one stepped from each line, and performed
a pas de deux while the others looked on. The 'rib-
bon dance,' resemMed the English may-pole dance to a
certain extent. A pole, fifteen to twenty feet high,
was erected on a smooth piece of ground, and twenty
or more persons, each seizing the end of a colored rib-
bon attached to its summit, began to dance about the

" Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.
" Claviqcro, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 180.
Vol. II. 19

200

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

mast, crossing each other and winding in apparent con-
fusion, until the pole was covered with a motley text-
ure of a certain desijjn. When the hand hecanie too
short, the plaiting was unwound hy reversing the order
of the dance. They had a numher of other mitotes,
or dances, varying chiefly in the colors worn by the
dancers, the finery, painting, and disguises, and con-
forming to the text of the songs, such as the hiiexot-
zincaiutl, anaoacaiutl,. cuextecaiutl, tocotiii, and others
to be described under religious festivals." Children
from four to eight years of age, the sons of nobles,
took part in some dances and sang the soprano,
and the priests joined in the solemn performances.
Certain dances, as the netecuitotoli,^^ could only be
performed by the king and nobles," a space being
always set apart for the sovereign when he danced.
Women joined the men in some dances, but generally
danced apart. Certain dancing-houses of bad repute
termed cuicoj/an, 'great joy of women,' were o})en to
females at night, and were then scenes of unmitigated
debauch.*" Great pains was taken to appear as tine as
possible at the dances; noted warriors appeared mag-
nificently dressed, and occasionally bearing shields set
with feathers; nobles in court dress of rich mantles
knotted at the shoulders, fanciful maxtlis round the
loins, tassels of feathers and gold in the hair, lip-
ornaments of gold and precious stones, gold rings in
the ears, bracelets of the same metal set with plumes,
or strings of chalchiuites and turquoises round the
wrists and other parts of the arms, and some had gold
bells attached to the ankles ; the gaily coK)red dresses
of the lower class were decorated with feathers and
embroidery; garlands and flowers encircled the head,
necklaces of shells and beans hung about the neck,

^* SahnffUH, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. viii., pp. 308-9; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. drl Messiro, to-n. ii., pp. 181-2.

>'' Nctccuhytotiliztii, according to Torqucmada, Monarq. Ind,, torn, ii.,
p. 280.

■* Sahatfun, Hint. Gen., torn, i., lib. ii., p. 189.

1* Tezozomoc, Jlitt. Mex., torn, i., p. 87

THE ABORIGINAL DRAMA.

291

bracelets clasped the arms and legs, and all carried
nosegays. The women also shone in huipiles, gaily
colored, fancifully embroidered, and set with fringes."
The drama scarcely equaled in excellence the cho-
ral dance, j'et in this respect, as in others, the Nahuas
showed considerable advancement. Thalia presided
more frequently than Melpomene over the play, which
generally took the character of a burlesque. The per-
formers mostly wore masks of wood, or were disguised
as animals. No special building was devoted to the
drama, but the lower porch of a temple usually served
as the stage; some large towns, however, boasted of a
permanent stage, erected in the centre of the plaza.
The principal of these was at Tlatelulco, and consisted
of a terrace of stone and lime, thirteen feet high, by
thirty in breadth. When in use it was decorated with
foliage, and mats of various colors, whereon was embla-
zoned the coat of arms of the city, were hung all round
it. At Cholula the porch of the temple of Quetzaicoatl
served as a stage ; this was whitewashed and adorned
with arches of branches, featliers, and flowers, from
which hung birds, rabbits, and other curious objects.
Here the peo})le congregated after dinner on gala-days
to witness the performance, in which deaf, lame, blind,
deformed, or sick pe()[)le, or, sometimes, merchants,
mechanics, or prominent citizens, were mimicked, bur-
lesqued, and made fu?i of. Each actor endeavored to
represent his r6\e in the most grotesque manner possi-
ble. He who was for the moment deaf irave nonsen-

'" ' I PIcbci si travcativano in viirie figure d'animali con aViti fatti di
carta, cili |>ciinc, o di ]>clli' — iiii doubt to distiiipiiHli them from the gentry
when they joined in the dani'o. ('/ariifcro, l:itoria Ant. ttrt Mexnico, torn, ii.,
pp. 179-Hl, and others who follow iiiin. In Sahuffiiu, Hint. (Jen., torn, i.,
lili. ii., |i|i. 1.30-3, if! a \on>^ doBCfiption of feaHt-day dress. For description
ofdaneessec Id., torn, li., lih. viii. pp. 308-9, 314-1.5; Torqucvmdit, Mo-
nun/. Inil., toni. ii., pn. JmO-'J; I)\ivilj/, L'AmH-iqne, toni. ii.,p. 68; Mon-
tanuH, Nkinm Wcercld, op. '2()7-8; AmHn, Hist, de la.t Ynd., pp. 44<i-9;
Purciuts his I'ilqriiMH, vol. iv., pp. 1004-5; Cnrhnjal Espinosa, lust. Mrr.,
torn, i., pp. 043-.'); Ihiissrur de tiourhoiirg. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp.
(M)9-71; Mendinta, Hist. Ecles,, pp. 140-3; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., toni. i.,
pp. 01, 87; (inmnrn, Conq. Mex., fol. 106-7; Klemm, Cullur-Geschichte,
toni. v., pp. 5fl-S; Hrrrern, Hist. Gen,, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii., dec. iii.,
lib. ii., cap. xix., and TranBk>.ion, Lond. 1726, vol. iii., p. 227, with cut

292

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

sical answers to questions put to him ; the sick man
depicted the effects of pain, and so forth. When these
had exhausted their stock of jokes, others entered as
beetles, frogs, or hzards, croaking, whistUng, and skip-
ping about the stage after the manner of the creatures
they represented. Tlie boys from the temples also
appeared as birds and butterflies, and flocked into the
trees in the courtyard. Each performer rehearsed his
part before appearing in public, and great care was
taken that no blunder should mar the beauty of the
plot. The priests added to the fun by blowing nmd-
balls at the actors through wooden tubes, and praising
or censuring the performance in a jocular manner.
The entertainment concluded with a ball, which was
attended by all the actors."

Some authors have spoken very favorably of the
dramatic skill of the Nahuas. Clavigero is not in-
clined to indorse this opinion, although he thinks a
great advance would have been made in this direction
had the Mexican Empire survived another century; a
very natural conclusion, certainly. The ceremonies at
the religious festivals often partook of a dramatic
character, as will be seen presently.^*

Music, a principal attraction at our theatrical enter-
tainments, did not play an important part on the
Nflhua stage, and, though we hear of singers appear-
ing, instrumental concert is not mentioned. Aside
from this, the high importance attached to music is
evident from the myth of its origin. According to
this myth no less a personage than Tezcatlipoca'"
brought, or sent for, music from the sun, and con-
structed a bridge of whales and turtles, symbols of
strength, by which to convey it to the earth.

Drums, horns, shells, trumpets, and shrill whistles

^1 Klemm, Cultur-Gcschichtc, torn, v., i>p. 144-5, has it that tho audience
also attended this bnll.

'8 Aaosfa, Hist de las Ynd., pp. .391-2; Claviflcro, Sloria Ant. del Mcs-
tico, torn, ii., i)p. 7(1-8; Pimentrl, Mem. sobre In Itaza IndOfena, pp. 59-CO;
Braxseur dc liourboiirtf. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn. ili.,pp. 6(4-0.

'* For au account of Tezcatlipoca see Vol. III. of this work.

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.

293

,19

made from cleft bones were the instruments most used.
The drum was the favorite, and the beating of several
in nice accord sufficed alone for an accompaniment to
the song and the dance. Two kinds of drum are men-
tioned : of these, the huehuetl'^ was a hollow cylinder of
wood, about three feet high, and a foot and a half in
diameter, curiously carved and painted, and having its
upper end covered with a dressed deer-skin, tightened
or loosened in tuning, and played upon with the hands.
The other kind of drum was called the teponaztli,
'wing of the stone-vapor;' this was entirely of wood,
and had no opening but two parallel slits in one side,
the enclosed piece being divided in the centre so as to
form two tongues, each of which increased in thickness
towards its extremity ; the drum was placed in a hori-
zontal position and the sound was produced by beating
the tongues with sticks tipped with rubber balls. This
drum varied in length from a toy of a few inches to
five feet. Sometimes it was carved in the shape of a
man, woman, or animal, and lay lengthways on tres-
tles. The huehuetl gave forth a dull sound resem-
blinfif that of the East Indian tom-tom. These drums,
when of the largest size, could be heard at a distance
of two miles. '^^ The teponaztli produced a melan-
choly sound, which is considered by Brasseur de Bour-
bourg to have been a symbol of the hollow warning
noise preceding the annihilation of Earth, which was
symbolized by the instrument itself.** The tetzilacatl
was a kind of gong made of copper and struck with a
hammer of the same material. The ayacachtli was a
rattle of copper, perforated and filled with pebbles,
used by dancers.

The ancient writers unite in praising the perfect
unison and good time observed by the singers, both in
solo and quartette, with chorus and responses, and
they mention particularly the little boys of from four

*" Called tlapanhuchuctl by Tezozomoc and nraasciir de Bourbourg.
" Clnviffcro, Sloria Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 179, etc.
" Quatre Lettrea, p. 04.

294

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

to eight years of age, who rendered the soprano in a
manner that reflected great credit on the training of
their priestly tutors. Each temple, and many noble-
men kept choirs and bands of professional musicians,
usually led b^ a priest, who composed odes appropri-
ate to every occasion, and set them to music, Bass
singers were rare, and were prized in proportion to
their rarity. They had a great number of popular
sonofs or ballads, which were well known in all classes.
Young people were obliged to learn by heart long epics,
in which were recounted the glorious deeds of heroes
in battle and the chase; or didactic pieces, pointing
some moral and inculcating a useful lesson; or hymns
of praise and appeal for sacred festivals. Clavigero,
Pimentel, and other authors extol the aboriginal muse
highly, and describe the language used as pure, bril-
liant, figurative, and interwoven with allusions to the
beauties of nature; unmeaning interjections scattered
here and there to assist the metre, evince a lack of
finish, however, and the long, compound words, a sin-
gle one of which often formed a whole verse, certainly
did not add to the harmony, yet they observed good
metre and cadence.'"

The art of music was under royal protection, and
singers as well as musicians were exempt from taxa-
tion. Nezahualcoyotl, the great Tezcucan patron of
art, himself composed a number of odes and elegies,
and founded an academy of sciences and music, where
the allied kings of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan
presided, and distributed prizes to the successful com-
petitors. Toltec son^s are highly praised for their
beauty and variety. The Totonacs and Tepanecs are
said to have been as far advanced in music and sing-
ing as the Aztecs;** but concerning these arts I shall
speak more at length in a future chapter.

w Gomara, Conq. Max., fol. 106, states, 'y csto va todo en conla por sub
consonaiites,' but it is not likely that they were anytliing else tlian blank
verso, for such a thin^r as rhynio is not mentioned by any other writer.

" Conce.-iing music and singinu see: Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Mes-
nco, torn, ii., pp. 174-9; Torquemaaa, Monarq. Intl., torn, i., p. 220, torn.

GYMNASTIC PERFORMANCES.

Mes-
toin.

The acrobatic feats performed by tlie Nahuas ex-
cited the surprise and admiration of the conquerors,
and the court of Spain, before which some of these
athletes were introduced, was no less astounded at the
grace, daring, and strength displayed by them.

Some of these gymnastic performances have only of
late become known to us; thus, the so-called Chinese
foot-balancing trick, in which a man lying on his back
spins a heavy pole on the soles of his raised feet,
throws i« up, catches it, and twirls it in eveyy direc-
tion, was a common feat with the Naliua acrobat, who,
indeed, excelled the circus-man of to-day, in that he
twirled the pole while a man sat at each end of it.
Another feat was performed by three. One having
braced himself firmly, another mounted on his should-
ers, while the third climbed up and stood upon the
head of the second. In this position the human col-
timn moved slowly about, the man on the top perform-
ing a kind of dance at the same time. Again, a man
would dance on the top of a beam, the lower end of
which was forked and rested upon the shoulders of
two other dancers. Some raised a stick from the
ground while a man balanced at the end of it; others
leaped upon a stick set upright in the ground, or danced
upon tlio tight-rope. Another game involving an
equal display of grace and daring was the netotoUztli,
or 'bird dance,' known to the Spaniards as the 'flying-
game,' and performed especially during the laymen's
feast. In the centre of an open place, generally a
public square, a lofty pole was erected. On the top
of this pole was placed a wooden, moveable cap, re-
sembling an inverted mortar; to this were fastened

>i., pp. 551-2; Acosta, Hist, dc las Ynd., p. 447; Mendieta. Ui.it. Erles.,\m-
140-1; Gnnmra, Conq. Mcx., fol. 106; Ptuwntel, Mem. sobre la liuzaln-
digciin, \^\t. 57-0; lirasHrnr <lc Bonrhounj, Hist. Nat. Civ., toni. i., \). 282,
torn, iii., pp. 270, 660, 672-74; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mcx., torn, i., pp.
G41-2; J'lorlias his Pil(frimcs, vol. iv., pp. 1064-5; Tczozomoc, Hist. Mcx.,
toiii. i., p.Ol; Kkinin, Cultnr-Geschichtc, torn, v., pn. 145-50; Miiller, Amer-
iknnisr.hc Urrcligioiicii, p. 545; Banking's Hist, iiescarches, i>. .^4; Prcs-
cott's Mcx., vol. I., i)p. 170-5, 194; Lenoir, Parallile, p. 64; JJupaix, Jicl.,
2'''Exp<!.l., pi. 62-3, ill Antiq. Mcx., torn, iii.; Fucnlcal, in Tcrnuux-
Compans, Voij., sdrie it., torn, v., pp. 218-19; Bolurini, Idea, pp. 85-99.

296

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

•

four stout ropes which supported a wooden frame
about twelve feet square. Four other, longer ropes
were carefully wound thirteen times about the pole
just below the cap, and were thence passed through
holes made one in each of the four sides of the frame.
The ends of these ropes, while wound about the pole,
hung several feet below the frame. Four gymnasts,
who had practiced some time previously, and were
disguised as birds of different form, ascended by means
of loops of cord tied about the pole, and each having
fastened one of the ropes round his waist, they
started on their circular flight with spread wings.
The impulse of the start and the weight of the men
set the frame in motion, and the rope unwound quicker
and quicker, enabling the flyers to describe larger and
larger circles. A number of other men, all : ^hly
dressed, sat perched upon the frame, whence they
ascciided in turn to the top of the revolving cap, anii
there danced and beat a drum, or waved a flag, each
man endeavoring to surpass his predecessor in daring
and skill.** As the flyers neared the ground, and the
ropes were almost untwisted, the men on the frame
glided down the ropes so as to gain the ground at the
same time, sometimes passing from one iope to the
other in their descent and performing other tricks.
The thirteen turns of the rope, with the four flyers,
represented the cycle with its four divisions of thir-
teen years.

Running was practiced, not only for exercise, but
as a profession; as the government employed a large
number of couriers to run with messages, who were
trained for the purpose from early childhood. To
these I shall have occasion to refer again. Races
were held at the chief temple in Mexico under the
auspices of the priests,^ at which prizes were awarded

t^ Espinosa sccnis to think that one man did all the dancing on the sum-
mit, and HrasHCur says tiiat each of the flyers porfoniicd on the top of the
mast l)cforc talcing their flight

M Acosta, Hist, de la* Ynd., pp. 387-8.

THE TLACHTLI, OR NATIONAL GAME.

2B7

to the four competitors who succeeded in first gaining
the topmost of the one hundred and twenty steps.
The Nahuas must have been able swimmers, too, for
it is said that travelers usually took to the water when
cross] ns? rivers, leavinj' the bridges to those who car-
ried burdens. There were also sham fights and public
reviews, both for the exercise of the army and the
delectation of the masses. At these times the soldiers
competed for prizes in shooting with the arrow or
throwing the dart.'^^ On grand occasions, such as the
coronation of a king, soldiers fought with wild beasts,
or wrestled with one another, and animals were pitted
against each other in fenced enclosures.'*

The national game of the Nahuas was the tlachtli,
which strongly resembled in many points our game of
football, and was quite as lively and full of scuffle.
It was common among all the nations whose cult was
similar to the Toltec, and was under special divine
protection, though what original religious significance
it had is not clear. Indeed, for that matter, nearly
every game enjoyed divine patronage, and Ometochtli,
'two rabbits,' the god of games, according to Duran,
was generally invoked by athletes as well as gamblers^
in conjunction with some special god. Instruments of
play, and natural objects were also conjured to grant
good luck to the ai^plicant. As an instance of the
popularity of the game of tlachtli,'" it may be men-
tioned that a certain number of towns contributed
anruially sixteen thousand balls in taxes, that each
town of any size had a special play -ground devoted to
the game, and that kings kept professionals to play
before them, occasionally challenging each other to a
game besides. The ground in which it was played,
called the tlacheo,^ was an alley whose shape is shown

^1 Sahnffiin, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. viii., p. 292.

s^ Torqneinndn, Monarq. Iiid., torn, i., pp. 53, 87; Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mix., torn, i., p. 238.

'^ Saha'(un culls it tlaxtli, or tlachtl; and Tczozomoc tlachco, but this is
shown by others to be the name of the play-ground.

^•i (ioniara says tlachtli, or tlachco: Herrcra, Hist. Oen., dec. ii., lib. vii.,
cap. viii., tlachtli.

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

in the cut; one hundred feet long*^ and half
pavP as wide, except at each end where there were
rectanj^ular nooks, which doubtless served as
resting-places for the players. The whole was enclosed
by smooth whitewashed walls, from nine to twelve feet
high on the sides, and somewhat lower at the ends,
with battlements and turrets, and decreasing in thick-
ness toward the top.** At midnight, previous to the
day fixed for the game, which was always fixed favor-
ably by the augurs, the priests with much ceremony
placed two idols — one representing the god of play,
the other the god of the tlachtli^ — upon the side
walls, blessed the edifice, and consecrated the game by
throwing the ball four times round the ground, mut-
tering the while a formula. The owner of the tlachco,
usually the lord of the place, also performed certain
ceremonies and presented offerings, before opening the
game. The balls, called ullamaloni, were of solid
India-rubber, three to four inches in diameter. The
players were simply attired in the maxtli, or breech-
clout, and sometime? wore a skin to protect the parts
coming in contact with the ball, and gloves; they
played in parties, usually two or three on each side.
The rule was to hit the ball only with knee, elbow,
shoulder, or buttock, as agreed upon, the latter was
however the favorite way, and to touch the wall of
the opposite side with the ball, or to send it over,
either of which counted a point. He who struck the
ball with his hand or foot, or with any part of his
body not previously agreed upon, lost a point; to set-
tle such matters without dispute a priest acted as
referee. On each side-wall, equidistant from the ends.

31 Duran makes it one hundred to two hundred feet, Espinosa fifty varas,
Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., vol. iii., p. 667, sixty to eighty feet.

" Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mcx., toin. i., p. 647, says that the side walls
arc lowest, *dc mcnos altura los latcrales que los dos de los extremes,' but
this agrees neither with other statements, nor with the requirements of the
play. Sahagun's description of the tlachco gives two walls, forty to fifty
reet long, twenty to thirty feet apart, and about nine feet high.

33 Carbajal Espinosa thinks that one of them was Omca-.atl, 'the god of
joy.'

BALL-PLAYING AND GAMBLINU.

909

was a large stone, carved with images of idols, pierced
through the centre with a hole large enough to just
admit the passage of the ball;"* the player who by
chance or skill drove the ball through one of these
openings not only won the game for his side, but was
entitled to the cloaks of all present, and the haste
with which the spectators scrambled off in order to
save their garments is said to have been the most
amusing part of the entertainment. A feat so diffi-
cult was, of course, rarely accomplished, save by
chance, and the successful player was made as much
of as a prize-winner at the Olympic games, nor did
he omit to present thank offerings to the god of the
game for the good fortune vouchsafed him.

The possession of much property depended upon the
issue of the game; the rich staked their gold and jew-
els, the poor their dresses, their food, or even their
liberty.*'

Gambling, the lowest yet most infatuating of amuse-
ments, was a passion with the Nahuas, and property
of all kinds, from ears of corn or cacao-beans, to costly
jewelry and personal liberty, were betted upon the
issue of the various games. Professional gamesters

3« Carbajal Espinosa, ITist. Mcx., torn, i., p. 647, states that the stones
were ill the centre of the ground, 'en el espacio que incdialia entrc los jnga-
(lores,' but no other author confirms this. It is not uiiliiiely that these
stones are the idols placed upon tlic walls hy the priests, for tiiey are dc-
scribed as lM;ing decorated witli iigurcs of idols. I' or description and cuts
of the ruins of wliat seem to have been similar structures in Yucatan, see
Vol. IV., pp. 172, 230-1, of this work.

35 Vcytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., toin. ii., p. 107, says that the hall had to bo
kept up in the air a long time, and he who let it drop lost, Avhich is unlikely,
since the point was to drive it against the opiwnent's wall; it is possible,
however, that this trial of skill formed a part of the play, at times. Ho
also states that in the centre of the play-iiround was a hole tilled with water,
and the player who sent the ball into itlost his ch>thes and had opprobious
epithets liurled at him, among which 'great adulterer' was the most frc-
(liicnt; moreover, it was lielieved that he would die by the hand of an
injured husband. A hole filled with water docs not, however, seem appro-
|iriate to a nice play -ground; besides, the ball would be very likely to roll
into the pool, for the opponents would not prevent it. Camargo, Hist.
Tlux., in Noiivdles Annates des Voi/., 1843, torn, xcviii., p. 196, and Bras-
sciir dc Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., p. 123, say that nobles only
were allowed to play the game, which can only refer to certain play-grounds
or occasions, for the number of the balls paid in taxes proves tlie game too
general to have been reserved for nobles.

800

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

went from house to house with dice and play-mats,
seeking fresh victims. All gambling tools were for-
mally charmed, and this charm was renewed and
strengthened at intervals by presenting the instru-
ments in the temple, with prayers that the blessing of
the idol might descend upon them.

Patoliztli, which somewhat resembled our backgam-
mon, appears to have been the most popular game of
chance. Patolli, or large beans marked with dots,
like dice, were shaken in the hand arid thrown upon a
mat, upon which was traced a square marked with
certain transverse and diag lal lines. The thrower of
the beans marked his points on these Ihies according
to the number of spots which fell upward. He who
first gained a certain score won the game. The
players were usually surrounded by a crowd of inter-
ested spectators, who betted heavily on the result, and
called loudly for the favor of Macuilxochitl, the
patron deity of the game. Golden and jewelled dice
were often used instead of beans by the rich.^" They
had another game in whicli reeds took the place of
dice. Two players, each with ten pebbles by his side,
shot split reeds in turn towards small holes made in
the ground, by bending them between the fingers ; if
a reed fell over a hole a marker was placed on a
square; this continued until the markers were all ex-
hausted by the winner." Montezuma's favorite game

36 I

' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 105, is" the authority for the names of the
game and beans, f ornneinatla attirms, liowever. 'ydicenle J ucyo Patolli,
porquecstos dados, 8C llanian asi.' Monarq. /i(«^., torn, ii., p. 554. Clavi-
gero, on tlie other hand, says: 'I'atolli h un nomegenericosignificante o^ni
Borta di ginoco.' Carltajal EspinoMa translates him. deferring to the dice,
Suhagun says that tliey were 'cuatro frisoles grandes, y cada imo tiene un
ahngero;' afterwards he contradicts this by saying tliat 1 hey consisted of
three large ticans with ' ciertos puntos en cllos'' Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib.
viii., pp. 292, 317. Brasseur de Bourbourg describes the playing process us
follows: 'Us jetaient Ics dds en I'air avec Ics deux mams, niarquant Ics
cases avec de pctits signaux dc diverses coulcurs, et cclui qui rctournait Ic
premier dans les cases gagnait la partie,' which agrees with Torqueniada's
acconnt. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. C71.

3^ ' Hacian cncima de un encalado unos hoyos pcquefiitos y con unns

cai'iuelas hendid.is ])or medio dalKin en el suelo y saltaban en alto, y tantns
cuantas en las cailuelas caian lo hueco por arriba tantos casus odeloutaba
BUS picdrus.' Ditran, Hist. Indias, MS., torn, iii., cap. xxii.

POPULAR AMUSEMENTS.

801

was called totoloque, and consisted in throwing small
golden balls at pieces of the same metal set up as tar-
gets at a certain distance. Five points won the stakes.
Peter Martyr jumps at the conclusion that chess must
have been known to the Nahuas, because they pos-
sessed checkered mats.^

'* For Nahiia games and amusements, see: Torquemada, Monttrq. Ltd.,
toni. i., pp., 5.% 87, torn, ii., pp. 305-0, .552-4; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Mfssim, torn, li., pp. 182-6; iiakagun. Hist. Gen., toin. ii., lib. viii., pp.
201-3, 316-17; Gomura, Conq.Mex., fol. 104-6; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS.,
torn. HI., cap. 22-3; Hcrrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. vii-viii.j
Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x.; Purchas his Pilgrinies, vol. iv., pp. HHW,
1127-S; Brnsseitrde llourhourg. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., jtp. 123, 129, toni.
lii., pp. 665-9; Cnrlmjal Es/unosn, Hist. Mex., toni. i., pp. 045-9; Klemm,
Cidlur-Gcschiehte, toni. v., pp. 54-6; Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., pp. 387-8;
Meiidieta, Hist. Erlr.i., p. 407; Las Cnsas, Hist. Ap(do<iitiea, MS., cap. 64;
West inid Ost Indischer Lnstgarl, pt i., pp. 100-1; Varies, Aven.yConq., p.
3l)li; Veglia, Hist. Ant. Mej., toni. ii., pp. 107-8; Dilworth's C'onq. Mex.,
p. 80; Lenoir, Parallile, pp. 47-8, q^uotiiig Picarl, Cirdinonies Relig., toui.
11., p. 81.

CHAPTER IX.

PUBLIC FESTIVALS.

Frequent OccuRnENCE of Religious Feasts— Human Sacrifices-
Feasts OF the Fourth Year— Monthly Festivals— Sacrifice
OF Children— Feast of Xipe— Manner of Sacrifice— Feasts
OF Camaxtli, of the Floweh-Dealers, of Centeotl, of Tez-

CATLIPOCA, AND OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI — FESTIVAL OF THE SALT-

Makers— The Sacrifice by Fire — Feast of the Dead— The
Coming of the Gods— The Footprints on the Mat— Hunting
Feast— The Month of Love— Hard Times— Nahia Lupercalia
—Feasts of the Sun, of the Winter Solstice— Harvest and
Eight-Year Festivals— The Binding of the Sheaf.

The amusements described in the preceding chap-
ter were chiefly indulged in during the great religious
festivals, when the people flocked together from all
quarters to propitiate or offer up thanks to some par-
ticular god.

These festivals were of v«rj frequent occurrence.
The Nahuas were close observcT;) of nature; but like
other nations in a similar or !m en more advanced stage
of culture, the Greeks and Northmen for example,
they entirely misunderstood the laws which govern
the phenomena of nature, and looked upon every nat-
ural occurrence as the direct act of some particular
divinity. The coming of the rains was held to be the
coming of the rain-gods, with their heralds the
thunder and lightning; the varying condition of the
crops was ascribed to their Ceres; drought, storms,

(303)

RELIGIOUS FESTIVALS.

eclipses, all were considered the acts of special deities.

llie reli<jfiou8 machinery required to propitiate the
anger, humor the whims, and beseech the I'avor of
such a vasb number of capricious divinities, was as
intricate as it was ponderous. Besides the daily ser-
vices held in the various temples, prayers were
ottered several times during each day in that of the
sun, sj)ecial rites attended every undertaking, from
the departure of a private traveler to the setting forth
of an army for war, and fixed as well as moveable
feasts were held, the number of which was continually
increased as opportunity offered. The priests observed
fasts among themselves, attended with penance, scari-
fications, and mutilations sometimes so severe as to
result fatally. Thus, at the festival in honor of Ca-
maxtli, the j)riests fasted one hundred and sixty days,
and passed several hundred sticks, varying in thick-
ness from half an inch to an inch and a half through
a hole freshly made in the tongue.* The people imi-
tated these penances in a less degree, and scarified
the members of their bodies that had been the means
of committing a sin. Blood was drawn from the
ears for inattention, or for conveying evil utterances
to the mind; from the tongue for giving expression to
bad words; tlie eyes, the arms, the legs, all suffered
for any reprehensible act or neglect. The people of
each ]>rovince, says Las Casas, had a manner of draw-
ing blood ])eculiar to themselves.'

At the public festivals each private person brought
such offering to the god as his means allowed. The
poor had often nothing to give but a flower, a cake,

* See tlie Totonac daily temple serviee, in Lax Casan, Hist. Apologftica,
Ms., ca]>. clxxv. ' Luego aqiicl vicjo mas principal nietia y sacaba por su

Icuf^iia i>ii aqnci dia euatro cicntos y cincucnta palos de aqnelios otros

no tan viejos sacahan trcscicntos Estos palos que nietian y sacaban por

las Icn^'uati eraii tan {rordos coino el dcdo pul<rar dc la inano y otros

taiito ;,'ruez(. < ••onio las dos dedos dc la niauo pulgar y cl con que scfiala-
mos |)();lian ahrazar.' /</., cap. clxxii.

' ' Hit cada proviiicia tciiian difercnte costumbrc porquc unos dc los
braznsi y otros de los peclio.s y otros dc los musics, &c. x en esto se co<jnos-
ciai) ta.nbicn dc qt'c Provincia eran.' Lcis Casas, Hist. Apolog6tica, MS.,
cap. clxx.

304

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

or personal service, but the wealthy gave rich robes,
jewels, gold, and slaves. But no great feast neonis to
have been complete without human sacriHce. This
was always the great event of the day, to wliich the
people looked eagerly forward, and for wliich victims
were carefully preserved. Most of these njiserable
beings were captives taken in war, .and it was rarely
that the supply failed to be sufficient to the occasion,
especially among the Mexicans, since, as I have be-
fore said, there was nearly always trouble in some
part of the empire, if not, a lack of victims for sacri-
fice was held good cau.so for |)icking a quarrel with a
neighboring nation ; besides, if the number of war pris-
oners was not sufficient there were never wanting re-
fractory slaves to swell the number. We have it upon
good authority that upon almost every monthly feast,
and upon numerous other grand celebrations, several
hundred human hearts were torn hot from living
breasts as an acceptable offering to the Naliua gods
and a |)leasant sight to the j)eople.'

The grandest festivals wore celel)rated during the
fourth year, called Teoxihuitl, or ' divine year,* and at
the commencement of every thirteenth year. On
these occasions a greater number of victims bled and
the penances were more severe than at other times.
The Nahuas also observed a grand festival every
month in the year; but, as these feasts were closely
connected with their religion, and therefore will be
necessarily descril)ed at length in the next volume. 1
will confine myself here to such an outline description
of them as will suffice to give the reader an idea of
what they were.*

' ' En csta Fiesta, y en todan Ian (iciiihs, <lnndc no so liicicrc iiicncion dc
partiinilarcH SacritirioH d(! llomltrcH, lim avia, por 'lor ccma ^eniTal harcrlog
<>n tudas laH KcHtividadcH, y no era la que carecia dc cllo.' Tonjucniadn,
Afonarij. I ml., toni. ii., p. 'I'tT).

* 'Le fcHte, clic annnalnientc hi cclcbravano, crano piii Holiuini iirl
Teoxihuitl, <i Anno divino, <|iiali erann tutti )rli aniii, 4-lie avoano ]H>r carat-
tcre il (7iini}{lio.' ('l'ui:iifero, Sloria Ant. t(cljifi:s.si)-o, toni. ii., ji. 84; Cur-
bajal Jispiiiona, Hint. Shx., t«»ni. i., p. 541). 'Kn cada prinnipio del nios en
el dia que nonibraniua cabeza dc sicrpo celehralian una fiesta HulcniniHliim

RELIGIOUS FEASTS.

805

|i)UMini w\
\ iKT t lunt-

Lid iiiow •'"
LlciuiiiH>»>»

The Aztec feast that is mentioned first by the old
writers, namely that of the month Atlcalmalco,
*tho diminishing of the waters,' or, as it was called in
some p.rrts, Quahuitlehua, 'burning of the trees or
mountains,' was celebrated in honor of the Tialocs,
gods of rains and waters. At this feast a great number
of sucking infants were sacrificed, some upon certain
high mountains, others in a whirlpool in the lake of
Mexico. The little ones were mostly bought from their
mothers, though sometimes they were voluntarily pre-
sented by parents who wished to gain the particular
favor of the god. Those only who had two curls on
tiie head, and who had been l)orn under a lucky sign
were tliought acceptable to the gods. The sacrifices
were not all made in one place, but upon six several
mountains and in the lake. These were visited one
after another by a great [)rocesHion of })riusts attended
by the music of flutes and trumpets, and Ibllowed by
a vast multitude of people thirsting for the sight of
blood; nay, more, literally luuigoring for the flesh of
the babes, if we may credit the assertion of some
authors, that the bodies were actually l)rought back
and the flesh eaten as a choice delicacy by the priests
and chief men. But of cannibalism more anon.

The little ones were carried to their death upon
gorgeous litters adorned with plumes and jewels, and
were themselves dressed in a s|)lendi(l manner in em-
broidered and jeweled mantlt s.md sandals, and colored
paper wings. Their faws v.are stained with oil of
India-rubber, and upon each <;heek was jjainted a round
white spot. No wonder that, as the old chroniclers
say, the people wept as the doomed l)abes j)assed by;
suruly there was good cause for weej)ing in such a
sight. Gladiatorial combats alid sacrifice of prisoners
of war at the temple completed this feast."

Ill cnn' an |:;imrda(In y fcstoia<la que ni ann burrcr la cnsa ni hacer
iliM-oiiipr lu) >i, i»orinitift.' Diirun, Iii.sf. Iiidins, MS., toin. iii., nip. ii.

* S;i!mi,'iiti III liis Mliort ri^suinij of t!in frsliva! HtatcM tliat hoiuo hold
tli'iH <;plclir,ilitm to liiivc Iweii in honor of Clialchihiiitiiruc, the v;i'.."r};od-
•lesH, and others in honor of Quctzaleoatl ; but Uiinka that it mi"ht havo
Vol. II. iw

306

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The next fe ist, that in the montL of Tlacaxipehu-
aliztli, 'the flaying of men,' was held in honor of Xipe,
who was especially the patron deity of the gold-
smiths.* This god was thought to inflict sore eyes,
itch, and other diseases upon those who offended him,
and they were therefore careful to observe his feast
with all due regularity and honor. On this occasion
thieves convicted for the second time of stealing gold
or jewels'' were sacrificed, besides the usual number of
prisoners of war. The vigil of the feast, on the last
day of the preceding month, began with solemn
dances. At midnight the victims were taken from
the chapel, where they had been compelled to watch,
and brought before the sacred fire. Here the hair
was shaven from the top of their heads, the captors
at the same time drawing blood from their own ears
in honor of the idol; tlie severed topknot of each war
prisoner was afterwards hung up at the house of his
captor as a token and memorial of the father's bravery.
Towards daybreak some of the prisoners were taken
up to the great temple to be sacrificed. But before
we proceed farther it will be necessary to see how
these human offerings were made.

Sacrifices varied in number, place, and manner,
according: to the circumstances of the festival. In
general the victims suffered death by having the
breast opened, and the heart torn out; but others
were drowned, others were shiit up in caves and
starved to death, others fell in the' gladiatorial sacri-
fice, which will be described elsewhere. The cus-

bccn in honor of all these deities, namely, the Tlnlocs, Clialchilmitlicue,
and Quctzalcoatl. Sahuffiin, Hist. Gen., torn, i., liij. ii., pj). 49-50, 83-7.
See also Torqtiemada, Monarq. lud., torn, ii.'pp. 250-2, 295.

« Although Saha^un states that Huitzilopochtli also received honors
this month, yet no direct ceremonies were oi)8erved before his image. The
large number of captives sacriticed, however, tlie universality and length
of the festivities, the royal dance, etc., would certainly jMjint to a celebrii-
tion in honor of a greater deity than Xipc. He also says; 'En esta (icstii
mataban todos los cautivos, honibres, mugcres, y nifios, which is not very
probable. Hist. Gen., torn, i., lib. ii., p. 88.

' Thieves convicted the seccnd time of stealing gold articles were sac-
rificed. Brasaeur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 503.

SACRIFICIAL RITES.

307

led honors

Ivnd le"«"»
. a cclcbni-
Insta tti'*t'^
Is not very

L were sac-
Is.

tomary place was the temple, on the topmost plat-
form of which stood the altar used for ordinary sacri-
fices. The altar of the great temple at Mexico, says
Clavigero, was a green stone, probably jasper, convex
above, and about three feet high and as many broad,
and more than five feet long. The usual ministers of
the sacrifice were six priests, the chief of whom was
the Topiltzin, whose dignity was preeminent and
hereditary; but at every sacrifice he assumed the
name of that god to whom it was made. When sac-
rificing he was clothed in a red habit, similar in shape
to a modern scapulary, fringed with cotton; on his
head he wore a crown of green and yellow feathers,
from his ears hung golden ear-ornaments and green
jewels, and from his under lip a pendant of turquoise.
His five assistants were dressed in white habits of the
same make, but embroidered with black; their hair
was plaited and bound with leather thongs, upon their
foreheads were little patches of various-colored paper ;
their entire bodies were dyed black. The victim was
carried naked up to the temple, where the assisting
priests seized him and threw him prostrate on his back
upon the altar, two holding his legs, two his feet, and
the fifth his head ; the high-priest then approached,
and V. ith a heavy knife of obsidian cut open the mis-
eral»!.: iiu»n's breast; then with a dexterity acquired
by loi.ii practice the sacrificer tore forth the yet
|.ai;>)>ai.iiig heart, which he first offered to the sun
ii id iliju threw at the foot of the idol; taking it up
h'. <igu ^ of^L'-ed it to the god and afterwards burned
it, pre'icr zing the ashes with great care and venera-
tion. Sometimes the heart was placed in the mouth
of the idol with a golden spoon. It was customary
also to anoint the lips of the image and the cornices
of the door with the victim's blood. If he was a
prisoner of war, as soon as he was sacrificed they cut
< ^ his head to preserve the skull, and threw the body
' wn tbe temple steps, whence it was carried to the
ht-'j of the warrior by whom the victim had been

308

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

taken captive, and cooked and eaten at a feast given
by him to his friends ; tlie body of a slave purchased
for sacrifice was carried off by the former proprietor
for the same purpose. This is Clavigero's account.
The same writer asserts that the Otomis having killed
the victim, tore the bouj In pieces, which they sold at
market. The Zapotecs sacrificed men to their gods,
women to their goddesses, and children to some other
diminutive deities. At the festival of Teteionan the
woman who represented this goddess was beheaded
on the sho. 'Jcrs of another woman. At the feast
celebrating i.) ival of the gods, the victims were

burned to deal. We have seen that they drowned
children at one feast in honor of Tlaloc; at another
feast of the same god several little boys were shut up
in a cavern, and left to die of fear and hunger.®

Let us now proceed with the feast of Xipe. We
left a part of the doomed captives on their way to
death. Arrived at the summit of the temple each
one is led in turn to the altar of sacrifice, seized by
the grim, merciless priests, and thrown upon the
stone; the high-priest draws near, the knife is lifted,
there is one great cry of agony, a shuffle of feet as
the assistants are swayed to and fro by the death
struggles of their victim, then all is silent save the

* Clavigcro, Sloria Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp. 45-9. The same
author says with regard to the miniber of sacrifices made annually in the
Mexican Etnpire, tliat he can atiirni notliing, as the reports vary greatly.
'Zumarraga, the first bishop of Mexico, says, in a letter of the 12tli of
June, 1531, addressed to the general chapter of his order, that in that
capital alone twenty thousapu human victims were annually sanriftced.
Some authors, (quoted by Gomara, attirm, that the number of the sacrificed
amounted to fifty thousand. Acosta writes, that there was a certain day
of the year on which five thousand were sacrificed in difl'erent places of the
empire; and another day on which they sacrificed twenty thousand. Some
authors believe, that on the mountain Tepeyacac alone, twenty thousand
were sacrificed to the goddess Tonantzin. Torauemada, in quoting, though
unfaithfully, the letter of Zumarraga, says, tiiat there were twenty thou-
sand infants annually sacrificed. But, on tlie contrary. Las Casas, in his
refutation of the bloody btmk, wrote by Dr. Sepulvcda, reduces the sac-
rifices to so small a number, that wo are left to lielieve, they amounted
not to fifty, or at most not to a hundred. We are strongly of opinion that
all these authors liave erred in the number, Las Casas by diminution, the
rest by exaggeration of the truth.' Id., Translation, Lonii. 1807, vol. i., p.
281.

SACRIFICES IN HONOR OF XIPE.

809

muttering of the high-priest as high in air he holds
the smoking heart, while from far down beneath comes
a low hum of admiration from the thousands of up-
turned faces.

The still quivering bodies were cast down the tem-
ple steps, as at other times, but on this occasion they
were not taken away until they had been flayed, for
which reason these victims were called xipeme,
'flayed,' or tototecti, 'one who dies in honor of Totec'
The remains were then delivered over to the captor
by certain priests, at the chapel where he had made
his vow of offering, a vow which involved a fast of
twenty days previous to the festival. A thigh was
sent to the king's table, and the remainder was cooked
with maize and served up at the banquet given by
the captors, to which their friends were invited. This
dish was called tlacatlaoUi ; the giver of the feast,
says Sahagun, did not taste the flesh of his own cap-
tive, who was held, in a manner, to be his son, but ate
of others.

The next day another batch of prisoners, called
oavanti, whose top hair had also been shaved, were
brought out for eacrifice. In the meantime a number
of young men also termed tototecti, began a gladia-
torial game, a burlesque on the real com 1 tat to follow;
dressing themselves in the skins of the flayed victims,
they were teased to fight by a number of their com-
rades ; these they pursued and put to flight, and there-
upon turned against one another, dragging the van-
quished to the guard-house, whence they were not
discharged until a fine had been paid. A number of
priests, each representing a god, now descended from
the summit of the temple, and directed their steps to
the stone of sacrifice, which stood below and must
not be confounded with the altar, and seated them-
selves upon stools round about it, the high-priest
taking the place of honor. After them came four
braves, two disguised as eagles, and two as tigers, who
performed fencing tactics as they advanced, and were

810

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

destined to fight the captives. A band of singers and
musicians, who were seated behind the priests, and
bore streamers of white feathers mounted on long poles
which were strapped to their shoulders, now began
to sound flutes, shells, and trumpets, to whistle and
to sing, while others approached, each dragging his
own captive along by the hair. A cup of pulque was
given to each of these poor wretches, which he pre-
sented toward the four quarters of the earth, and then
sucked up the fluid by means of a tube, A priest
thereupon took a quail, cut off its head before the
captive, and taking the shield which he carried from
Lim he raised it upwards, at the same time throwing
the quail behind him — a symbol, perhaps, of his fate.
Another priest arrayed in a bear-skin, who stood as
godfather tc tlie doomed men, now proceeded to tie
one of the captives to a ring fixed in the elevated flat
stone upon which the combat took place; he then
handed him a sword edged with feathers instead of
flint, and four pine sticks wherewith to defend him-
self against the four braves who were appointed to
fight with him, one by one. These advanced against
him with shield and sword raised toward the sky, and
executing all manner of capers ; if the captive proved
too strong for them, a fifth man who fought both with
the right and left hand was called in.® Those who
were too faint-hearted to attempt this hopeless combat,
had their hearts torn out at once, whilst the others
were sacrificed only after having been subdued by the
braves. The bleeding and quivering heart was lield up
to the sun and then thrown into a bowl, prepared for
its reception. An assistant priest sucked the blood
from the gash in the chest through a hollow cane, the
end of which he elevated towards the sun, and then
discharged its contents into a plume-bordered cup held
by the captor of the prisoner just slain. This cup
was carried round to all the idols in the temples and

< This farce difTered from the regular gladiatorial combat which will be
described elsewhere.

GHASTLY BEGGARS.

811

chapels, before whom another blood-filled tube was
held up as if to give them a taste of the contents;
this ceremony performed, the cup was left at the pal-
The corpse was taken to the chapel where the

ace

captive had watched and there flayed, the flesh being
consumed at a banquet as before.*** The skin was
given to certain priests, or college youths, who went
from house to house dressed in the ghastly garb, with
the arms swinging, singing, dancing, and asking for
contributions; those who refused to give anything
received a stroke in the face from the dangling arm.
The money collected was at the disposal of the cap-
tor, who gave it to the performers, and, no doubt, it
eventually found its way to the temple or school
treasury." After the sacrifice, the priests, chiefs, and
owners of the captives commenced to dance the mot-
zontecomaitotia, circling round the stone of combat,
weeping and lamenting as if going to their death, the
captors holding the heads of the dead men by the
hair in their right hands, and the priests sv.inging the
cords which had held them toward the four quarters of
the compass, amid many ceremonies. The next morn-
ing solemn dances were held everywhere, beginning at
the royal palaces, at which everybody appeared in
his best finery, holding tamales or cakes in his
hands in lieu of flowers, and wearing dry maize, in-
stead of garlands, as appropriate to the season. They
also carried imitations of amaranths made of feathers
and maize-stalks with the ears. At noon the priests
retired from the dance, whereupon the lords and no-

^'^ 'Quedanan las cabecas coracones paralos sacerdotes.' Gomara, Cono,
Mcx., fol. 327.

" ' Guardaban alguno que fiiese principal sefior para eatc dia; el cual
dcssolaban para que se vestiese Montezuma gran Key de la tierra y con «Sl
baylaba con sus reales contenencias.' Las Casas, Hist. Apolog6tica, MS.,
cap. clxx. ' Einbutian los cueros dc alj^odon o paja, y, o los colgauan en el
teinplo, o en palacio,' in the case of a prisoner of rank. Goinnra, Conq.
Mcx., fol. 327. It is not stated that the persons who wore the skins and
made the collection were connected with the temple, but this was no doubt
the case, especially as many authors mention that priests had to dress them-
selves in the uhastly ^arb {or a certain time. For representation of priest
dressed in a flayed skin see Nebel, Viaje, pi. xxxiv.

812

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

\'-[

bles arranofed themselves in front of the palace by
threes, with the king at their head, holding the lord
of Tezcuco by the right hand and the lord of Tlaco-
pan by the left, and danced solemnly till sunset.
Other dances by warriors, and women, chiefly prosti-
tul.f^s, followed at the temple and lasted till midnight,
the motions consisting of swinging of arms and inter-
winding. The festivities were varied by military
reviews, sports, and concerts, and extended over the
whole month. It was held incumbent upon everyone
at this time to eat a kind of uncooked cake called
huilocpalli. The Tlascaltecs called this month Cohuail-
huitl, 'feast of the snake,' a name which truly indi-
cates rejoicings, such as carnivals, sports, and banquets,
participated in by all classes. Celebrations in honor
of Camaxtli were also held at this time here as well
as in Huexotzinco and many other places, for which
the priests prepared themselves by a severe fast. The
ceremonies when they took place in the fourth year,
called 'God's year,' were especially imposing. When
the time came for the long fast which preceded the
feast to begin, those of the priests who had sufficient
courage to undergo the severe penance then exacted
from the devout were called upon to assemble at the
temple. Here the eldest arose and exhorted them to
be faithful to their vows, giving notice to those who
were faint-hearted to leave the company of penance-
doers within five days, for, if they failed, after that time
by the rules of the fast they would be disgraced and
deprived of their estates. On the fifth day they
again met to the number of two or three hundred,
although many had already deserted, fearing the
severity of the rules, and repaired to Mount Mat-
lalcueje, stopping half-way up to pray, while the
high-priest ascended alone to the top, where stood a
temple devoted to the divinity of this name. Here
he offered chalchiuite-stones and quetzal -feathers,
paper and incense, praying to Matlalcueje and Ca-
maxtli to give his servants strength and courage to

THE FEAST OF CAMAXTLL

818

keep the fast. Other priests belonging to various tem-
ples in the meantime gathered loads of sticks, two
feet long and as thick as the wrist, which they piled
up in the chief temple of Camaxtli. These were fash-
ioned to the required form and size and polished by
carpenters who had undergone a five days' fast, and
were, in return for their services, fed outside the tem-
ple. Flint-cutters, who had also undergone a fast to
ensure the success of their work, were now summoned
to prepare knives, which were placed upon clean cloths,
exposed to the sun and perfumed; a broken blade was
held as a sign of bad fasting, and the one who broke it
was reprimanded. At sunset, on the day of the great
penance, the achcauhtli, ' eldest brothers,' began chant-
ing in a solemn tone and playing upon their drums."
On the termination of the last hymn, which was of a
very lugubrious character and delivered without
accompaniment, the self-torture commenced. Certain
penance-doers seized each a knife and cut a hole in the
tongue of each man, through which the prepared
sticks were inserted, the smaller first and then the
stouter, the number varying according to the piety and
endurance of the penitent. The chief set the example
by passing four hundred and fifty through his tongue,*'
singing a hymn at the same time in spite of all. This
was repeated every twenty days during the fast, the
sticks decreasing in size and number as the time for
the feast drew near. The sticks which had been used
were thrown as an offering to the idol within a circle
formed in the courtyard of the temple with a number
of poles, six fathoms in height, and were afterwards
burnt. After the lapse of eighty days, a branch was
placed in the temple-yard, as a sign that all the peo-
ple had to join in the fast for the remaining eighty

>' 'Citatro tie ciloa cantaban & las navajas.' Motolinia, Hist. In os, in
Icazbalrctd, Col. dc Doc, torn, i., p. 57.

^^ * Estos palos que nietiun y sacabaii por las lengiias erun tan gordos
como cl (icdo piilgar de la niano, y otros conio cl dcdo nulgar del pie : y
otros tanto ^ruezos conio los dos dcdos dc la niano pulsar y il con que
Befialamos podian abrazar.' Las Casus, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. clxxii.

314

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

days, during which nothing but maize-cakes, without
chile — a severe infliction, indeed, for this people —
were to be eaten, no baths taken and no communion
with women indulged in," Fires were to be kept
alight the whole time, and so strict was this rule that
the life of the slaves in great houses depended upon
the proper attention paid to it. The chief achcauhtli
went once more to the Matlalcueje mountain" escorted
by four others, where, alone and at night, he offered
copal, paper, and quails; he also made a tour round
the province, carrying a green branch in his hand, and
exhorting all to observe the fast. The devout seized
this opportunity to make him presents of clothes and
other valuables. Shortly before the end of the fast
all the temples were repaired and adorned, and three
days previous to the festival the achcauhtlis painted
themselves with figures of animals in various colors,
and danced solemnly the whole day in the temple-
yard. Afterwards they adorned the image of Ca-
maxtli, which stood about seventeen feet high, and
dressed the small idol by his side in the raiments of
the god Quetzalcoatl, who was held to be the son of
Camaxtli. This idol was said to have been brought
to the country by the first settlers. The raiment was
borrowed from the Cholultecs, who asked the same
favor when they celebrated Camaxtli's feast. Ca-
maxtli was adorned with a mask of turquoise mosaic,"
green and red plumes waved upon his head, a shield
of gold and rich feathers was fastened to his left arm,
and in his right hand he held a dart of fine workman-
ship pointed with flint. He was dressed in several

1^ Motolinia conveys the idea that the people also iicrfornied t)ic inflic-
tion on the tongue: 'aauella dcvota gente sacaban jior siis lenguos otros

palillos de A jeme y del gordor de un caiion de pate' Iliiit. Indios, in Icaz-
oalceta. Col. de Doc,, torn, i., p. 68.

1^ 'Cada dia de estosiba el vieiode noche d la sierra ya dicha y ofrccia
al denionio mucho panel, y copalfi, y cordonices.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios,
in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., torn, i., p. 58.

I* ' La cual decian que habia venido con el idolo pequeiio, de un pueblo
que se dice ToIIan, y dc otro que se dice Poyauhtlan, de dondc se afirma
que fu^ natural el mismo idolo.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta,
Col. de Doc., torn, i., pp. 58-9.

FEAST OF THE FLOWER-DEALERS.

815

robes and a tecucxicolU, like a priest's vestment, open
in front and finely bordered with cotton and rabbit-
hair, which was spun and dyed like silk. A number
of birds, reptiles, and insects were killed before him,
and flowers offered. At midnight, a priest dressed in
the vestments of the idol lighted a new fire, which
was consecrated with the blood of the principal cap-
tive, called the Son of the Sun. All the other tem-
ples were supplied from this flame. A great number
of captives were thereupon sacrificed to Camaxtli as
well as to other gods, and the bodies consumed at the
banquets that followed. The number killed in the
various towns of the province amounted to over one
thousand, a number greatly increased by the numer-
ous sacrifices offered at the same time in other places
where Camaxtli was worshiped."

The next feast, which was that of the month called
Tozoztontli, or 'short vigil,' was characterized by a
constant night watch observed by the priests in the
various temples, where they kept fires burning and
sounded the gongs to prevent napping. More of the
children bought in the first month were now sacrificed,
and offerings of fruit and flowers were made to induce
the Tlalocs to send rain." The chief event, however,
of this month, was a fast given in honor of Cohuatlicue,
or Coatlantona, by the xochimanques, or flower-dealers,
of Mexico. The celebration took place in the temple
of Yopico, which was under the special care and pro-
tection of the people of Xochimilco and Quauhnahuac,
whose lands were renowned for the beauty and abun-
dance of their flowers. Here were offered the first flow-
ers of the season, of which hitherto none might inhale
the perfume, and here the j)eople sat down and chanted
hymns of praise to the goddess. Cakes made of wild

" See also Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., pp. 288-90, 252-3, 296.

'^ ' Echaban por el pueblo cierto i)eclio 6 derraina recogientlo taiito habcr
que pudicsen coiiiprar cuatro ninoa esclavos dc cinco li scis afios. Estos
coinprados poiiianlos en una cueva y cerrabania liasta otro afio que hacian
otro tunto.' Laa Casus, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. clxx.

816

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

amaranth or savory, called tzatzapaltamale, were also
offered. In this temple of Yopico was a grotto in
which the skins of the victims sacrificed at the feast
of the preceeding month were now deposited by the
priests who had worn them continuously until this
time. These marched in solemn procession to the
grotto, accompanied by a number of people whom
the angered Xipe had smitten with itch, or eye dis-
eases; this act of devotion would, it was thought,
induce the god to relent and remove the curse. The
owners of the captives to whom the skins had
belonged, and their fctmilies, of whom none was per-
mitted to wash his head during the month, in token
of sorrow for the slain, followed the procession. The
priests doffed their strange and filthy attire and depos-
ited it in the grotto ; they were then washed in water
mixed with flour, their bodies at the same time being
belabored and slapped with the moist hands of their
assistants, to bring out the unhealthy matter left by
the rotting skins. This was followed by a lustration in
pure water. The diseased underwent the same washing
and slapping. On returning home feasting and anmse-
ments broke out anew. Among other sports the owners
of the late prisoners gave the paper ornaments which
had been worn by them to certain young men, who,
having put them on, took each a shield in one hand
and a bludgeon in the other; thus armed they ran
about threatening to maltreat those whom tliey met.
Everybody fled before them, calling out "here comes
the tetzonpac." Those who were caught forfeited their
mantles, which were taken to the house of the war-
rior, to be redeemed, perhaps, after the conclusion of
the game. The paper ornaments were afterwards
wrapped in a mat and placed upon a tripod in front of
the wearer's house. By the side of the tripod a
wooden pillar was erected, to which the thigh-bone of
a victim, adorned with gaudy papers, was attached
amid many ceremonies, and in the presence of the
captor's friends. Both these trophies commemorated

FEAST OF CENTEOTL.

817

the bravery of the owner. This lasted six days.
About this time, says Duran, certain old diviners
went about provided with talismans, generally small
idols, which they hung round the necks of boys by
means of colored thread, as a security against evil,
and for this service received presents from the
parents."

The following month, which was called Huey-To-
zoztli, 'great vigil,'" a feast was celebrated in honor of
Centeotl, the god of cereals, and Chicomecoatl, god-
dess of provisions. At this time both people and
priest fasted four days. Offerings of various kinds
were made to the gods of the feast, and afterwards a
procession of virgins strangely and gaudily attired
carried ears of corn to be used as seed, to the temple
to be blersed."

The first half of the succeeding mcith, called
Toxcatl, was, among the Mexicans, taken up with
a continuous series of festivals in honor of Tezcat-
lipoca; the latter half of the month was devoted to
the worship of his brother-god Huitzilopochtli. Ten
days before the feast began, a priest, arrayed in the
vestments of TezcatHpoca, and holding a nosegay in
one hand and a clay flute in the other, came out
from the temple, and turning first to the east and then
to the other three quarters, blew a shrill note on his
instrument ; then, stooping, he gathered some dust on

" Duran adds that all male children under twelve years of age were
punctured in the ears, tongue, and leg, and kept on sliort allowance on the
day of festival, but this is not very probable, for other authors name tho
fifth month for the scarification of infants. Hist. Indiiis, MS., tom. iii.,
appendix, cap. iii. For particulars of the feast see Sahagun, Hist. Gen.,
tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 52-4, 95-7; Torquenmda, Monarq. Intl., torn, ii., pp.
25.3-5, 296; Boturini, Idea, pp. 51-2.

'» Boturini, Idea, n. 52, translates this name as 'the great bleeding,'
referring to the scarifications in expiation of sins.

" Tonjiieinada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii,, pp. 255-6; Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., torn. L, lib. ii., pp. 97-100. According to Duran, Hist. Indias, MS.,
tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii., the Tlalocs were worshiped this month also,
and this involved bloody rites. KingsborotigK's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp.
43-4. Motolinia states that food was offered to the stalks: 'delante do
aquellas cafias ofrccian comida y atolli.' Hist. Indies, in Icazbalceta, Col.
de Doc, tom. i., p. 46. For a more detailed description of this feast see
VoL III. of this work, pp. 360-2.

318

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

his finger and swallowed it, in token of humility and
submission. On hearing the whistle all the people
knelt, ate dust, and implored the clemency and favor
of the god. On the eve of the festival the nobles
brought to the temple a present of a new set of robes,
in which the priests clothed the idol, adorning it be-
sides with its proper ornaments of gold and feathers ;
the old dress was deposited in the temple coffers as a
relic. The sanctuary was then thrown open to the
multitude. In the evening certain fancifully attired
priests carried the idol on a litter round the court-
yard of the temple, which was strewn with flowers
for the occasion. Here the young men and maidens
devoted to the service of the temple formed a circle
round the procession, bearing between them a long
string of withered maize as a symbol of drought.
Some decked the idol with garlands, others strewed
the ground with maguey-thorns, that the devout might
step upon them and draw blood in honor of the god.
The girls wore lich dresses, and their arms and cheeks
were dyed; the boys were clothed in a kind of net-
work, and all were adoiaed with strings of withered
mpize. Two priests marched beside the idol, swing-
ing their lighted censers now towards the image, now
towards the sun, and praying that their appeals might
rise to heaven, even as the smoke of the burning
copal; and as the people heard and saw they knelt
and beat their backs with knotted cords.

As soon as the idol was replaced, offerings poured
in of gold, jewels, flowers, and feathers, as well as
toasted quails, corn, and other articles of food pre-
pared by women who had solicited and obtained the
privilege. This food was afterwards divided among
the priests, who, in fact, seem to have really reaped
the benefit on most religious occasions. It was car-
ried to them by a procession of virgins who served in
the temple. At the head of the procession marched
a priest strangely attired in a whice-bordered surplice,
reaching to the knee, and a sleeveless jacket of red

FEAST OF TEZCATLIPOCA.

319

skin, with a "pair of wings attached, to which hung a
number of ribbons, suspending a gourd filled with
charms. The food was set down at the temple stair-
way, whence it was carried to the priests by attendant
boys. After a fast of five days these divine viands
were doubtless doubly welcome.

Among the captives brought out for sacrifice at the
same festival a year before, the one who possessed the
finest form, the most agreeable disposition, and the
highest culture, had been selected to be the mortal
representative of the god till this day. It was abso-
lutely necessary, however, that he should be of spot-
less physique, and, to render him still more worthy of
the divine one whom he personated, the calpixques,
under whose care he was placed, taught him all the
accomplishments that distinguished the higher clnss.
He was regaled upon the fat of the land, but was
obliged to take doses of salted water to counteract
any tendency toward obesity; he was allowed to go
out into the town day and night, escorted by eight
pages of rank dressed in the royal livery, and received
the adoration of the people as he passed along. His
dress corresponded with liis high })08ition; a rich and
curiously bordered mantle, like a fine net, and a max-
tli with wide, embroidered margin, covered his body;
white cock-feathers, fastened with gum, and a garland
of izquixnchitl flowers, encircled the helmet of sea-
shells which covered his head; strings of flowers
crossed his breast; gold rings hung from his ears, and
from a necklace of precious stones about his neck dan-
gled a valuable stone; upon his shoulders were pouch-
like ornaments of white linen with fringes and tassels;
golden brcacelets encircled the up[)er ])art of his arms,
while the lower part was almost covered with others
of precious stones, called macucortli ; upon his ancles
golden bells jingled as he walked, and prettily painted
sli[)pers covered his feet.

Twenty days before the feast he was bathed, and his
dress changed ; the hair being cut in the style used by

820

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

captains, and tied with a curious fringe which formed a
tassel falling from the top of the head, from which two
other tassels, made of feathers, gold, and tochomitl, and
called aztaxelli, were suspended. He was then married
to four accomplished damsels, to whom the names of
four goddesses, Xochiquetzal, Xilonen, Atlatonan,
and Huixtocioatl were given, and these remained with
him until his death, endeavoring to render him as
happy as possible. The last five days the divine honors
paid to him became still more imposing, and celebrations
were held in his honor, the first day in the Tecanman
district, the second in the ward where the image of
Tezcatlipoca stood, the third in the woods of the ward
of Tepetzinco, and the fourth in the woods of Tepe-
pulco; the lords and nobles gave, besides, solemn ban-
quets followed by recreations of all kinds. At the
end of the fourth feast, the victim was placed with
his wives in one of the finest awning-covered canoes
belonging to the king, and sent from Tepepulco to
Tlapitzaoayan, where he was left alone with the
eight pages who attended him during tlie year. These
conducted him to the Tlacochcalco, a small and plain
temple standing near the road, about a league from
Mexico,'" which he ascended, breaking a flute against
every step of the staircase. At the summit lie was
received by the sacrificing ministers, who served him
after their manner, and held up his heart exultingly
to ' ho sun ; .the body was carried down to the court-
yard on tlie arms of priests, and the liead having been
cni off was spitted at the Tzonipantli, or 'place of
skulls;' tlio legs and arms Avere set apart as sacred
food for the lords and people of the temple. This

^ 'Le Tlacochcalco, ou maison d'armea, dtai'. nn arsenal, consocrd i\
Hnitziloporlitli, dans I'cnccintc dii grand temple. 11 so tronvait Ji cOte un
teooalli oil Ton offrait des Racrificcs sixSciaux h, cc dii'ju ct t\ Tetzeatlipoca.'
Brasseur dc liourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., toin. iii., p 510. This sanctwary
outside the town was also dependent on the great temple, and, as the fate
of the youth was to illustrate the miserable end to w lich riches and pleas-
ures may come, it is, perhaps, more likely that this iii>or and lonely edifice
was the place of sacriiicc. Clavigcro, Storia Aiit. Oct. Memco, torn, ii., p.
70, Miys 'cuaducevanlo. . . .al tonipio di Tezcatlipoca,'

FEAST OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.

831

end, so terrible, signified that riches and pleasures
may turn into poverty and sorrow; a pretty moral,
truly, to adorn so gentle a tale.

After the sacrifice, the college youths, nobles, and
priests commenced a grand ball for which the older
priests supplied the music; and at sunset the vir-
gins brought another offering of bread made with
honey. This was placed upon clay plates, covered
with skulls and dead men's bones, carried in pro-
cession to the altar of Tezcatlipoca, and destined for
the winners in the race up the temple steps, who
were dressed in robes of honor, and, after undergo-
ing a lustration, were invited to a banquet by the
temple dignitaries. The feast was closed by giving
an opportunity to boys and girls in the college, of a
suitable age, to marry. Their remaining comrades
took advantage of this to joke and make sport of
them, pelting them with soft balls and reproving
them for leaving the service of the god for the pleas-
ures of matrimony.** Tezcatlipoca's representative
was the only victim sacrificed at this festival, but
every leap-year the blood flowed in torrents.

After this celebration commenced the festival in
honor of the younger brother of Tezcatlipoca, Huit-
zilopoehtli, the Mexican god of war. The priests of
the god prepared a life-size statue like his original
image, the bones of which were composed of mez-
quite-wood, the flesh of tzoalli, a dough made from
amaranth and other seeds. This they dressed in the
raiments of the idol, viz: a coat decorated with
human bones, and a net-like mantle of cotton and ne-
i|uen, covered by another mantle, the tlaqmupiallo,
adorned with feather- work, and bearing a gold plate
upon its front; its wide folds were painted with
tlio bones and members of a human being, and fell
•tver a number of men's bones made of dough, which

^ Rrassciir dc Bourboiirp indicates that the race in the temple, and the
lilioration of the marriageable took place in leap-yeuni only, but he evi-
•If'iitly misunderstands his authority. Freacott, olex., vol, i., pp. 75-7,
KivoH un account of this festival.
Vol. U. 31

322

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

represented his power over death. A paper crown,
very wide at the top and set with plumes, covered
this head, and attached to its feather-covered summit
was a bloody flint-knife, signifying his fury in battle.
The image was placed upon a stage of logs, formed to
resemble four snakes whose heads and tails protruded
at the four corners, and borne by four of the principal
warriors^* to the temple of Huitznahuac, attended by
a vast number of people, who sang and danced along
the road. A sheet of maguey-paper, twenty fathoms
in length, one in breadth, and one finger in thickness,
upon which were depicted the glorious deeds of the
god, was carried before the procession on the points of
darts ornamented with feathers, the bearers singing
the praises of the deity to the sound of music.** At
sunset the stage was raised to the summit of the tem-
ple by means of ropes attached to the four corners,
and placed in position. The paper painting was then
rolled up in front of it, and the darts made into a
bundle. After a presentation of offerings consisting
of tamales and other food, the idol was left in charge
of its priests. At dawn the next morning similar
offerings, accompanied with incense, were made to the
family image of the god at every house. That day
the king himself appeared in the sacerdotal character.
Taking four quails, he wrenched their heads ott* one
after another, and threw the quivering bodies before
the idol ; the priests did the same, and then the peo-
ple. Some of the birds were prepared and eaten by
the king, priest, and principal men at the feast, the
rest were preserved for another occasion. Each min-
ister then placed coals and chapopotli incense** in his

** Contrary to the statement of others, Brasaenr <le Bourbours; says that
the stage was borne by temple officers; surely, warriors were tne lit per-
sons to attend the god of war.

«* ' Lleviibanle entablado con unas saetas que ellos llamaban (cumttl, las
cualcs teiiian plumas en trcs partes junto el casquiilo, y en el medio, y el
cabo, iban estiis saetas una debajo, y otra encinia del pai)el; tomiibanla-i
doB, uno de una parte, y otro de otra,' llevdndolas asidas ambas juntas con
las manos, y con ellas apretaban el paplon una por encima, y otra por de-
bajo.' Sahagun, Hist. Geii., torn, i., lib. ii., pp. lOS-ft.

*^ ' El Incienso no era del ordinario, que llaman Copal bianco, ni de el

INCENSING OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.

823

tleinaitl^ and wafted the disagreeable odor towards
the idol. The ashes were then emptied from the cen-
sers into an immense brazier, called the tlexictli, or
'fire-navel.' This ceremony gave the name to the
festival, which was known as the 'incensing of Huit-
zilopochtli.' The girls devoted to the service of the
temple now appeared, having their anns and legs
decorated with red feathers, their faces painted, and
garlands of toasted maize on their heads; in their
hands they held split canes, upon which were flags of
paper or cloth painted with vertical black bars. Link-
ing hands they joined the priests in the grand dance
called toxcaehocholoa. Upon the large brazier, round
which the dancers whirled, stood two shield-bearers
with blackened faces, who directed the motions.
These men had cages of candlewood tied to their
backs after the manner of women. The priests who
joined in the dance wore paper rosettes upon their
foreheads, yellow and white plumes on their heads,
and had their lips and their blackened faces smeared
with honey. They also wore undergarments of paper,
called amasmaxtli, and each held a palm wand in his
hand, the upper part of which was adorned with flow-
ers, while the lower end was tipped with a ball, both
balls and flowers being made of black feathers; the
part of the wand grasped in the hand was rolled in
strips of black-striped paper. When dancing, they
touched the ground with their wands as if to support
themselves. The musicians were hidden from view
in the temple. The courtiers and vvarriors danced in
another part of the courtyard, apart from the priests,
with girls attired somewhat like those already de-
scribed.

At the same time that the representative of Tez-

Incicnso cnniiin .... ^tno de vna Gomo, h Betun negro, il inancra do Fez, el
(|iiiil lic(>r Hc ciigcndrn en la Mar, y sua Agnas, y oToa, lo licclian en algunos
partci^ il 8U8 riberas, y orillos, y le llaman Chapopotii, el qual lieuha de »\
null olor, para quien no le acostunibra & oler, y es intenso, y fucrte.' Tor-
qucmnda, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 266.

^ A kind of perforated and ornamented censer, shaped like a large
spoon.

324

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

catlipoca was chosen, the year before, another youth
was appointed to represent Huitzilopochtli, to whom
was given the name of Ixteocale, that is, 'eyes of the
lord of the divine house.'^ He always associated
with the other doomed one of Tezcatlipoca, and shared
his enjoyments; but, as the representative of a less
esteemed god, he was paid no divine honors. His
dress was characteristic of the deity for whom he
was fated to die. Papers painted with black circles
covered his body, a mitre of eagle-feathers, with wav-
ing plumes and a flint knife in the centre adorned his
head, and a fine piece of cloth, a hand square, with a
bag called patoxin above it, was tied to his breast;
on one of his anns he hjul an ornament made of the
hair of wild beasts, like a maniple, called imatacax,
and golden bells jingled about his ankles. Thus ar-
rayed he led the dance of the plebeians,* like the
god conducting his warriors to battle. This youth
had the privilege of choosing the hour of his death,
but any delay involved the loss to him of a propor-
tionate amount of glory and happiness in the other
world. When he delivered himself up to the sacri-
ficers, they raised him on their arms, tore out his
heart, beheaded him, and spitted the head at the place
of skulls. After him several other captives were im-
molated, and then the priests started another dance,
the atepocaxixilihua, which lasted the remainder of
the day, certain intervals being devoted to incensing
the idol. On this day the male and female children
born during the year were taken to the temple and
scarified on the chest, stomach, and arms, to mark
them as followers of the god.

The feast in honor of Quetzalcoatl, as it was cele-
brated during this month in Cholula, and the feast of
the following month, called Etzalqualiztli, dedicated

*" riavigero writes: 'Ixteocale, che vale, Savio Signor del Cielo.' Storin
A tit. del Mensico, toiu. ii., p. 72. Several other names are also applied to
him.

*9 'Mischiavasi nel ballo de'Corti^ani.' Clarigero, Storia Ant. del Men-
tico, torn, ii., p. 72.

SMALL FEAST OF THE LORDS,

325

to the Tlalocs, or rain gods, the reader will find fully
described in the next volume."

The next month was one of general rejoicing among
the Nahuas, and was for this reason called Tecuilhuit-
zintli, or Tecuilhuitontli, 'small feast of the lords.'
The nobles and warriors exercised with arms to pre-
pare for coming wars ; hunting parties, open-air sports,
and theatricals divided the time with banquets and in-
door parties; and there was much interchanging of
roses out of compliment. Yet the amusements this
month were mostly confined to the lower classes, the
more imposing celebrations of the nobility taking place
in the following month. The religious celebrations
were in honor of Huixtocihuatl, the goddess of salt,
said to have been a sister to the rain gods, who quar-
reled with her, and drove her into the salt water,
where she invented the art of making salt. Her
chief devotees were, of course, the salt-makers, mostly
females, who held a ten-days' festival in her temple,
singing and dancing every evening from dusk till
midnight in company with the doomed captives.
They were all adorned with garlands of a sweet-snitl'
ing herb called iztauhiatJ, and danced in a ring lornicu
by cords of flowers, led by some of their own sex; the
nmsic was furnished by two old men. The female
who represented the goddess and was to die in her
honor danced with them, generally in the centre of
the circle, and accompanied by an old man holding a
beautiful plume, called hi(ixt(>j>('tlaeotl; if very nervous
.she was suppoited by old women.''* She was dressed
in the yellow robes of the goddess, and wore oj her
head a mitre surmounted by a number ot green
plumes ; her huipil and skirt with net covering were
worked in wavy outlines, and bordered with chalchi-
uites; ear-rings of gold in imitation of flowers hung
from her ears; golden bells and white shells held by

3» Pp. 286-7, 334-43.

^[ ' Se juntauan todos lo8 caualleroB y principalcH pcrsonaB de cada pro-

uincia ve.Hian vna mu^cr dc la ropa y iiiBignias de la diosa de la mu, y

baylauan con ella todos.' Goiiiara, Conq. Mex., fol. 327.

326

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

straps of tiger-skin, jingled and clattered about her
ancles; her sandals were fastened with buttons and
cords of cotton. On her arm she bore a shield painted
with broad leaves, from which hung bits of parrot-
feathers, tipped with flowers formed of eagle-plumage;
it was also fringed with bright quetzal-feathers.
In her hand she held a round bludgeon, one or two
hands broad at the end, adorned with rubber-stained
paper, and three flowers, at equal distances apart,
filled with incense and set with quetzal-feathers; this
shield she flourished as she danced. The priests
who performed the sacrifice were dressed in an ap-
propriate costume; on the great day, the priests per-
formed another and solemn dance, devoting intervals
to the sacrifice of captives, who were called Huixtoti
in honor of the deity. Finally, towards evening, the
female victim was thrown upon the stone by five young
men, who held her while the priests cut open her
breast, pressing a stick or a swordfish-bone against her
throat to prevent her from screaming. The heart was
held up to the sun and then thrown into a bowl. The
music struck up and the people went home to feast.**
The feast of the following month, Hueytecuilhuitl,
or 'great feast of the lords,' occurred at the time of
the year when food was most scarce, the grain from
the preceding harvest being nearly exhausted and the
new crop not yet ripe for cutting. The nobles at this
time gave great and solemn banquets among them-
selves, and provided at their persqpal expense feasts
for the poor and needy. On the eleventh day a reli-
gious celebration took place in honor of Centeotl,
under the name of Xilonen, derived from xilotl, which
means a tender maize-ear, for this goddess changed
her name according to the state of the grain. On
this occasion, a woman who represented the goddess

'* ' Era esta fiesta de nuiy poca solemnidad ysin ceremoiiias, ni coinidas,
y sin niuertc" de huinbrcs; en fin no era mas dc una prenaracion jjara la
nesta venidcia del mes que viene.' Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., torn, lii., ap-
pendix, cap. iii. ; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., toni. i., lib. ii., pp. 124-8; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, toui. ii., pp. 74-5.

GREAT FEAST OF THE LORDS.

327

and was dressed in a similar manner, was sacrificed.
The day before her death a number of women took
her with them to offer incense in four places, which
were sacred to the four characters of the divisions of
the cycle, the reed, the flint, the house, and the rab-
bit. The night was spent in singing', dancing, and
praying before the temple of the goddess.** On the
day of sacrifice certain priestesses and lay women
whirled in a ring about the victim, and a number of
priests and principal men who danced before her. The
priests blew their shells and horns, shook their rattles
and scattered incense as they danced, the nobles held
stalks of maize in their hands which they extended
toward the woman. The priest who acted as execu-
tioner wore a bunch of feathers on his shoulders, held
by the claws of an eagle inserted in an artificial leg.
Towards the close of the dance this priest stopped at
the foot of the temple, shook the rattle-board before the
victim, scattered more incense, and turned to lead the
way to the summit. This reached, another priest
seized the woman, twisted her shoulders against his,
and stooped over, so that her breast lay exposed. On
this living altar she was beheaded and het heart torn
out. After the sacrifice there was more dancing, in
which the women, old and young, took part by them-
selves, their arms and legs decorated with red macaw-
feathers, and their faces painted yellow and dusted
with marcasite. The whole pleasantly finished with
a feast. Offerings were also presented to the house-
This festival inaugurated the eating of

During the next month, which was called Tlaxo-

33 Duran says that the women took the victim to mount Chapultepec, to
the very summit, and said, ' My dauj^hter, let us liiistcn back to the place
whence we came,' whereupon all started back to the temple, chasing the
doomed woman before them. Hist. Indias, MS., toni. iii., appendix, cap.
iii.

^^ Sa/iagun, Hist. Gen., torn, i., lib. ii., pp. 128-39; Torquemada, Mo-
narq. Ind., torn, ii., pp. 269-71, 297-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., p. 518, says: 'Les rois eux-ni6mes prenaient alors part
k la danse, qui avait lieu dans lea endroits oil ils puuvait s'assenibler le plus
lie spectatcurs.'

hold gods
corn.^

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

chimaco, or 'the distribution of flowers,'" gifts of flow-
ers were presented to the gods and mutually inter-
changed among friends. At noon on the day of the
great feast, the signal sounded and a pompous dance
was begun in the courtyard of the temple of Huitzi-
lopochtli, to whom the honors of the day were paid,
in which the performers consisted of various orders of
warriors led by the bravest among them. Public
women joined these dances, one woman going hand in
hand with two men, and the contrary, or with their
hands resting on each other's shoulders, or thrown
round the waist* The musicians were stationed at
a round altar, called momuztli. The motions consisted
of a mere interwinding walk, to the time of a slow
song. At sunset, after the usual sacrifices, the peo-
ple went home to perform the same dance before their
household idol; the old indulging in liquor as usual.
The festival in honor of lyacacoliuhqui, the god of
commerce, was, however, the event of the month,
owing to the number and solemnity of the sacrifices of
slaves, brought from all quarters by the wealthy mer-
chants for the purpose, and the splendor of the attend-
ant banquets. The Tlascaltecs called this month
Miccailhuitzintli, 'the small festival of the dead,' and
gathered in the temples to sing sorrowful odes to the
dead, the priests, dressed in black mantles, making
offerings of food to the spirit of the departed. This
seems to have been a commemoration of the ordinary
class only, for the departed heroes and great men were
honored in the following month. Duran and others
assert, however, that the festival was devoted to the
memory of the little ones who had died, and adds that
the mothers performed thousands of superstitious cere-
monies with their children, placing talismans upon
them and the like, to prevent their death."

s* Torqiiemadn, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 271.

'* 'Salian los Hombres Nobles, y niuehas Mii);crc8 Principales, y asianse

(le las munoB los vnos, dc los otros, inezclodos Hombres, y Mugeres iiiiii por

ordcn, y liiego se lieclmban los brakes al ciicUo, y osi abra9auos, coiiiciifa-

ban h, moversc niiii paso h, paso.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 271.

^ Duran, Hist, Indtvu, MS., torn, iii., appenaix, cap. iii.; Veytia,

FEAST OF THE FALL OF FRUIT.

329

The feast of the next month, called Xocotlhuetzin,
'fall, or maturity of fruit,' was dedicated to Xiuhte-
cutli, the god of fire. At the beginning of the month
certain priests went out into the mountains and
selected the tallest and straightest tree they could
find. This was cut down and trimmed of all except
its top branches.'" It was then moved carefully into
the town upon rollers, and set up firmly in the court-
yard of the temple, where it st<x)d for twenty days.
On the eve of the feast-day the tree was gently low-
ered to the ground ; early the next morning carpen-
ters dressed it perfectly smooth, and fastened a cross-
yard five fathoms long, near the top, where the
branches had been left. The priests now adorned the
pole with colored papers, and placed upon the summit
a statue of the god of fire, made of dough of am-
aranth-seeds, and curiously dressed in a maxtli, sashes,
and strips of paper. Three rods were stuck into its
head, upon each of which was spitted a tamale, or
native pie. The pole was then again hoisted into an
erect position.

Those who had captives to offer now appeared,
dancing side by side with the victims, and most gro-
tesquely dressed and painted. At sunset the dance
ceased, and the doomed men v/ere shut up in the tem-
ple, while their captors kept guard outside, and sang
hymns to the god. About midnight every owner
brought out his captive and shaved off his top hair,
which he carefully kept as a token of his valor. At
dawn the human offerings were taken to the Tzom-
pantli, where the skulls of the sacrificed were spitted,
and there stripped by the priests of their dress and
ornaments. At a certain signal each owner seized his
captive by the hair and dragged or led him to the

HiM. Ant. Mrj., torn, i., p. 65; Torqiieniada, Monarq. hid., torn, ii., pp.
'"i; Sa/iagiiii, Hist. Gen., toin. i., lib. ii., pp. 61-2, 1,^~

271-.% 298;

1.39-41.

3' 'Cortabanun ffcan drbol en cl inontc, dc veiiitc y cinco brazas dc
larjjo.' Sahaffun, Hist. Gen., torn, i., lib. ii., p. 141. ' L'eniportaient (the
tree) proccssionnclIc:iictit au temple dc Hiiitzilopuchtli, sans rien lui enle-
vcr uc sea ranicaux ni dc son fcuillagc' Brasscur de Bourbourg, Hint.
Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 521.

330

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

foot of the temple-steps. Thereupon those priests
who were appointed to execute the fearful saeritice
descended from the temple, each hearing in his hand
a bag filled with certain stupefying powder extracted
from the yiauhtli plant, which they threw into the
faces of the victims to deaden somewhat the agony
before them. Each naked and bound captive was
then borne upon the shoulders of a priest uj) to the
summit of the temple, where smoldered a great heap
of glowing coal. Into this the bearers cast their liv-
ing burdens, and when the cloud of dust was blown
oft* the dull red mass could be seen to heave, human
forms could be seen writhing and twisting in agony,
the crackling of flesh could be distinttiy heard.** But
the victims were not to die by fire ; in a few moments,
and before life was extinct, the blackened and blistered
wretches were raked out by the watching priests, cast
one after another upon the stone of sacrifice, and in a
few moments all that remained upon the sunnnit of
the temple was a heap of human Hearts smoking
at the feet of the god of fire.

These bloody rites over, the people came together
and danced and sang in the courtyard of the temple.
Presently all adjourned to the place where the pole
before mentioned stood. At a given signal the
youths made a grand scramble for the pole, and he
who first reached the summit and scattered the
image and its accoutrements among the applauding
crowd below, was reckoned the hero of the day. With
this the festival ended, and the pole was dragged
down by the multitude amid much rejoicing.

The Tepanecs, according to Duran, had a \evy sim
ilar ceremony. A huge tree was carried to +''
trance of the town, and to it offerings and
were presented every day during the month pi iling
the festival. Then it was raised with many cei mo-
nies, and a bird of dough placed at the top. Food

" Clavigero says that the captors sprinkled the victims and threw them
into the fire. Storia Ant. del Messico, toiii. ii., p. 77.

•Ml

.liSt;

FEASTS OF TEPANEC8 AND TLASCALTEC8.

831

and wine wore offered, and then the warriors and
women, dressed in the finest gannents and holding
small dougli idols in their hands, danced round the

I)ole, while the youths struggled wildly to reach and
Luock down the bird image. Lastly, the pole was
overthrown.*"

The Tlascaltecs called the same month Hueymiccail-
huitl, 'the great fcHtival of the dead,' and commemo-
rated the event with much solemnity, painting their
bodies black and making much lamentation. Both
here and in other j)arts of Mexico the priests and no-
bles passed several days in the temple, weeping for
their ancestors ?,nd singing their heroic deeds. The
families of lately deceased persons assembled upon the
terraces of their houses, and prayed with their faces
turned towards the noiih, where the dead were sup-
posed to sojourn. Heroes who had fallen in battle, or
died in captivity, defunct princes, and other persons
of merit were, in a manner, canonized, and their stat-
ues placed among the images of the gods, whom,
it was believed, they had joined to live in eternal
bliss."

The festival of the next month, called Ochpaniztli,
was held in honor of Centeotl, the mother-goddess.
Fifteen days before the festival began those who were
to take part in it connnenced a dance, which they
repeated every afternoon for eight daj's. At the ex-
piration of this time the medical women and midwives
brought forth the woman who was to die on this oc-
casion, and dividing themselves into two parties,
fought a sham battle by pelting each other with
leaves. The doomed woman, who was called 'the
image of the mother of the gods," placed herself at
the head of one party of the combatants, sup})orted

<» Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., appendix, torn, iii., cap. iii.

*' 'C'etait lY'poquo oil la noblesse ccldhrait la commemoration des princes
c't (les (fuerriers <jui les avaicnt pr^cjdes.' Jirassevr de Bonrboiirtf, Hist,
'''if. Civ., toni. ill., p. .522; Torruemada, Monarq. Ind., toni. ii., pp. 21(8,
..:i-5; Codex Telkriano-Reiuerma, in Kingsborough's Mcx. Anliq., vol. v.,
pp. 130-1.

S32

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

by three old women who guarded and attended upon
her continually. This was repeated durim^ tour suc-
cessive days. On tlie fifth day the unfortunate crea-
ture was conductecl by her guardians and the medical
women through the market-place. As fjhe walked
she scattered maize, and at the end of her journey
she was received by the priests, who delivered her
again uO the women that they might console her (for
it was necessary that she should be in a good humor,
say the old chroniclers) and adorn her with the orna-
ments of the mother-goddess. At midnight she was
carried to the summit of the temple, caught up upon
the shoulders of a priest, and in this position beheaded.
The body while yet warm was flayed, and the skin
used in certain reliorious ceremonies which will be de-
scribed at length elsewhere." In this month the tem-
pies and idols underwent a thorough cleansing and
repairing, a sacred work in which everyone was eager
to share according to his means and ability, believing
that divine blessings would ensue. To this commend-
able custom is no doubt to be attributed the good con-
dition in which the religious edifices were found by
the Conquerors, liojids, public buildings, and private
houses also shared in this renovation, and special
prayers were offered up to the gods for the preserva-
tion of health and j)ro[)erty.

The festival of the succeeding month, called Teot-
leco, 'coming of the gods,' was sacred to all the deities,
though the principal honors were paid to Tezcatlipoca
as the supreme head. Fifteen days of the month
being ])assed, the college-boys prepared for the great
event by decorating the altars in the temples, orato-
ries, and public buildings, with green branches tied in
bunches of three. In the same manner they decked
the idols in private ho'ises, receiving from the inmates,
as their reward, baskets containing from two to four
ears of maize ; this gift was called cacalotl.

** Sec volume iii., of thix work, pp. .364-9, wlivrc t\ tlitailcd (lo8cri|>tion
of this festival m givi'ii.

FOOTSTEPS OF THE GODS.

333

Tezcatlipoca, being younger and stronger than the
other gods, and therefore able to travel faster, was
expected to arrive during the night of the eighteenth.
• A mat, sprinkled with flour, was therefore placed on
the threshold of his temple, and a priest set to watch
for the footprints which would indicate the august
arrival.*^ He did not, however, remain constantly
close to the mat ; had he done so he would probably
never have seen the longed-for marks, but he ap-
proached the spot from time to time, and immediately
on perceiving the tracks he shoutsd: "His majesty
has arrived;" whereupon the other priests arose in
haste, and soon their shells and trumpets resounded
through all the temples, proclaiming the joyful tidings
to the expectant people. These now flocked in with
their offerings, each person bringing four balls made of
roasted and ground amaranth -seed kneaded M'ith
water; they then returned to their homes to feast and
drink pulque. Others beside the old peo[)le appear
to have been permitted to indulge in libations on this
occasion, which they euphoniously called 'washing the
feet of the god' after his long journey. On the follow-
ing day other deities arrived, and so they kept com-
ing until the last divine laggard had left his footprints
on the mat. Every evening the people danced, feasted,
* wjished the feet of the gods,' and made a sacrifice of
slaves, who were thrown alive upon a great bed of
live coal which glowed on the tccaleo.** At the head
of the steps leading uj) to the place of sacrifice stoml
two young men, one of whom wore long, false hair,
and a crown adorned with rich plumes; his face was
})ainted black, with white curved stripes drawn from
ear to forehead, and f roiu the inner corner of tlie eye

*' SnhnKtin writes: 'A la meclin noclie de cMe miniiio din, inolian iiii
ixico (le hiiriiia de iiiiiiz, y hnciaii iiii montoncillo dc ella liicn tiipidu: y In
tiiltricabnn dc liariiin. redoiido cuinn tin q\tcHi>, sobro iiii pctatc. En ol
iimnin vcian ciiundo habiaii llegado todox los dioHcs, p4)r<iiio aparccin iiiin
pisada do un pie |)cqucilu Bobro la liariiiu.' Hint. Gen., toiii. i., lib. ii., p.
l.J7.

** These sacrifices by fire apncar to liavc been made upon the siuiunit of
a Hniall temple which stood wiUiin the ruurtyard of the iar)(er one.

88A

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

to the cheek ; down his back hung a long feather, with
a dried rabbit attached to it. The other nian was
dressed to resemble an immense bat, and held rattles
like poppy-heads in his hands. Whenever a victim
was cast into the fire these weird figures daii'ed and
leaped, the one whistling with his fingers and mouth,
the other shaking his rattles.*®

After the sacrificing was ended, the priests placed
themselves in order, dressed in paper stoles which
crossed the chest from shoulder to armpit, and
ascended the steps of the small edifice devoted to fire
sacrifices; hand in hand they walked round, and then
rushed suddenly down the steps, releasing each other
in such a manner as to cause many to tumble. This
game, which certainly was not very dignified for
priests to play at, was called mamatlavicoa, and gave
rise to much merriment, especially if any of the rev-
erend players should lose his temper, or limp, or make
a wry face after a fall. The festival closed with a
general dance, which lasted from noon till night. At
this season all males, young and old, wore feathers of
various colors gummed to the arms and body, as talis-
mans to avert evil.**

The festival of the next month, called Tepeilhuitl,
was sacred to the Tlalocs, and is fully described else-
where." The Mexican Bacchus, CJentzontotoclitin,
was also especially honored during this month, accord-
ing t^> Torquemada, and slaves were sacrificed to him.
A captive was also sacrificed by night to a deity
named Nappatecutli."

The festivals of the ensuing month, which was

** 'Ballnvano attorno ad un gran fuoco niolti ciovaiii travestiti in iMirec-
chi<! forme di iiumtri, cfrattaiit(>aiidavani>Kettun(lude'|irigi<)iiieri iiel nioco. '
Clavuftro, Storia Ant. del Measico, toiii. ii., p. 78; BrasscHr tie Bourbuinuj,
Hist. },at. Viv., toiii. iii., p. 527.

« The burning an<l dancing took place on the first two days of the fol-
lowing month, according to Sahagun. 'Kstos dos dias jjostreros (run del
mes que oc siguc.' Hist. Gen., torn, i., lib. ii., p. 150; Torquemada, Mo-
vara. Ind., torn, ii., pp. 278-9.

« See vol. iii., p. 343-6.

M Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., toni. ii., pp. 152-3.

FESTIVAL OF THE MONTH QUECHOLLI.

fol-

n Ae\

Mo-

called Quecholli,*' were devoted to various deities,
though Mixcoatl, god of the chase, seems to have car-
ried the honors in most parts of Mexico. The first
five days of the month were passed in repose, so far
as rehgious celebrations were concerned, but on the
sixth day the authorities of the city wards ordered
canes to be gathered and carried to the temple of Hu-
itz'lc iochtli; there young and old assembled during
the four days following, to share in the sacred work
of making arrows. The arrows, which were all of
uniform length, were then formed into bundles of
twenty, carried in procession to the temple of Huit-
zilopochtli, and piled up in front of the idol. The
four days were, moreover, devoted to fasting and
penance, involving abstinence from strong liquors, and
separation of husbands from wives. On the second
day of the fast, the boys were summoned to the tem-
ple, where, having first blown upon shells and trump-
ets, their faces were smeared with blood drawn from
their ears. This sacrifice, called momacaico, was made
to the deer which they proposed to hunt. The rest of
the people drew blood from their own ears, and if any
one omitted tliis act he was deprived of his mantle by
the overseers.

On the second day following, darts were made to
be used in games and exercises, and shooting matches
were held at which maguev-leaves served for targets.
The next day was devoted to ceremonies in honor of
the dead by rich and poor. The day after, a great
quantity of hay was brought from the hills to the
temple of Mixcoatl. Upon this certain old priestesses
seated themselves, while mothers brought their chil-
dren before them, accompanied by five sweet tamales.
On this day were also ceremonies in honor of the god
of wine, to whom sacrifices of male and female slaves
were nuide by the pulque-dealers.

On the tenth day of the month a number of lumt-
ers set out for mount Cacatepec, near Tacubaya, to

*' The nttiiie uf a bird witli red and blue plumage.

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

celebrate the hunting festival of Mixcoatl, god of the
chase. On the first day they erected straw huts, in
which they passed the night. The next morning,
having broken their fast, they formed themselves into
a great circle, and all advancing toward a common
centre, the game was hemmed in and killed with ease.
The spirits of the children sacrificed to the rain-gods,
whose dwelling was upon the high mountains, were
supposed to descend upon the hunters and make t'hem
strong and fortunate. Having secured their game,
the hunters started for home in grand procession, sing-
ing songs of triumph, and hymns to the mighty Mix-
coatl. After a solemn sacrifice of a portion of the
game to the god, each took his share home and feasted
upon it.* The Tlascaltecs sacrificed to the god at the
place where the hunt took place, which was upon a
neighboring liill. The way leading to the spot was
strewn with leaves over which the idol was carried
with great pomp and ceremony." Towards the close
of the month male and female slaves were sacrificed
before Mixcoatl."^

In Tlascala and the neighboring republics this was
the 'month of love,' and great numbers of young girls
were sacrificed to Xochiquetzal, Xochitecatl, and Tla-
zolteotl, goddesses of sensual delights. Among the
victims were many courtesans, who voluntarily offered
themselves, some to die in the temple, others on the
battlefield, where they rushed in recklessly among the
enemy. As no particular disgrace attended a life of
prostitution, it seems improbable that remorse or re-
pentance could have prompted this self-sacrifice, it
must therefore be attributed to pure religious fervor.

** ' Al undtioimo dia de este mes, iban & hocer una casa d aquella sierra
que estahii cncinia dc Atlacuioaynn, y esta era fiesta p<>r si, de inaiiera quo
en este nies Iui1>ia dos fiestas.' Saha(jini, Hist. Gen., toni. i., lib. ii., p. _I6!».
'No sacritii-alNin estc dia hcinibrcs sino eaza, y asi la caza scrvia de yiutinias
& los Uioscs.' Durim, IUhL Indian, MS., appendix, turn, iii., cap. iii.; Tor-
quetnadtt, Motiarq. Ind., torn, ii., pp. 148-9.

i' Acostti, Hist, de lu» Ynd., pp. .127-S; Montnnua, Nieuwe Weereld, p.
221; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., li)». ii., cap. xv.

>*Sahagun, Hiat. Gen., turn, i., lib. ii., p. IG7.

FEAST OF THE MONTH OF HARD TIMES.

387

As a recompense for their devotion, these women be-
fore they went to their death had the privilege of
insulting with impunity their chaster sisteiu It is
further said that a certain class of young men addicted
to unnatural lusts, were allowed at this period to
solicit custom on the public streets. At Quauhtitlan,
every fourth year, during this month, a festival was
celebrated in honor of Mitl, when a slave was bound
to a cross and shot to death with arrows.**

The feast of the next month, called Panquetzaliz-
tli, was dedicated to Huitzilopochtli, god of war; that
of the following month, called Atemoztli, was sacred
to the Tlalocs. Both these festivals will be described
elsewhere."

The ensuing month was named Tititl, or the month
of 'hard times,' owing to the inclement weather. The
celebrations of this period were chiefly in honor of an
aged goddess, named Ilamatecutli, to whom a female
slave was sacrificed. This woman represented the
goddess and was dressed in white garments decorated
with dangling shells and sandals of the same color:
upon her head was a crown of feathers; the lower
part of her face was painted black, the upper, yellow ;
in one hand she carried a white shield ornamented
with feathers of the eagle and the night-heron, in the
other she held a knitting stick. Before going to her
death she performed a dance, and was permitted, con-
trary to usual custom, to express her grief and fear in
loud lamentations. In the afternoon she was con-
ducted to the temple of Huitzilopochtli, accompanied
by a procession of priests, among whom was one
dressed after the manner of the goddess Ilamatecutli,
After the heart of the victim had been torn from her
breast, her head was cut off and given to this person-
age, who immediately placed himself at the head of
the other priests and led them in a dance round the

" Torquemnda, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., pp. 299, 280-1; Brasaeur de
Bourlmirtf, Hist. Nnt. Civ., toin. iii., p. 5.30, trnn. ii., pp. 402-3.
" ISee vol. iii. of thin work, pp. 297-300, 323-4, 346-8.
Vol. II. 23

888

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

temple, brandishing the head by the hair the whil6.
As soon as the performers of the vecula, as this dance
was named, had left the summit of the temple, a priest
curiously attired descended, and, proceeding to a spot
where stood a cage made of candlewood adorned with
papers, set fire to it. Immediately upon seeing the
tlames the other priests,, who stood waiting, rushed
one and all up again to the temple-top ; here lay a
Hower, which was secured by the first who could put
hands upon it, carried back to the fire, and there
burned. On the following day a game was played
which resembled in some respects the Roman Luper-
(talia. The players were armed with little bags filled
with paper, leaves, or flour, and attached to cords
three feet long. With these they struck each other,
and any girl or woman who chanced to come in their
way was attacked by the boys, who, approaching
quietly with their bags hidden, fell suddenly upon her,
crying out: "This is the sack of the game." It some-
times happened, however, that the woman had pro-
vided herself with a stick, and used it freely, to the
great discomfiture and utter rout of the urchins."" A
captive was sacrificed during this month to Mictlan-
tecutli, the Mexican Pluto, and the traders celebrated
a granci feast in honor of Yacatecutli.'^ During the
last Aztec month, which was called Itzcalli, imposing
rite? were observed throughout Mexico in honor of
Xiuhtecutli, god of fire;" in the surrounding states,
such as Tlacopan, Coyuhuacan, Azcapuzalco," Quauh-
titlan,* and Tlascala,™ ceremonies more or less similar

h«

*^ Gomara aays men and women danced two nights with the gods and
drank until they were all drunk. Couq. Mtx., fol. 3*28. Aeeordiu); to Du-
ron, Cainaxtli waH fdted in this month, and a bread railed yocotainally was
oaten exclusively on the day of the feMtival. Hint. Imtias, MS., torn, iii.,
appendix, cap. iii. ; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tuni. i., lib. ii., pp. 179-82.

*> Clavigero, Sloria Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 83; Torquemada, Mo-
ttarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 153.

" Sec vol. jii. of ilm work, pp. 390-3.

M See Tortuemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 286; Brasseur de Bour-
bourg. Hint. Nat. Civ., toni. iii., p. 539; £a« C'a«a«, Htst. Apologitica, MS.,
cap. clxxi.

i*8ee Qomara, Conq. Sfex., fol. 329; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn.

MISCELLANEOUS FEAST&

8to

Bour-

k MS..

were gone through, accompanied by much roasting and
flaying of men and women.

Besides these monthly festivals there were many
others devoted to the patron deities of particular
trades, to whom the priests and people interested in
their worship made offerings, and, in some cases,
human sacrifices. There were also many movable
feasts, held in honor of the celestial bodies, at harvest
time* and on other like occasions. These sometimes
happened to fall on the same day as a fixed festival,
in which case the less important was either set aside
or postponed. It is related of the Culhuas that on
one occasion when a movable feast in honor of Tezcat-
lipoca chanced to fall upon the day fixed for the cele-
bration of Huitzilopochtli, they postponed the former,
and thereby so offended the god that he predicted the
destruction of the monarchy and the subjugation of
the people by a strange nation who would introduce a
monotheistic worship."

One of the most solemn of the movable feasts was
that given to the sun, which took place at intervals
of two or three hundred days, and was called Netona-
tiuhqualo, or 'the sun eclipsed.' Another festival
took place when the sun appeared in the sign called
Nahui Ollin Tonatiuh,®* a sign much respected by
kings and princes, and regarded as concerning them
especially.

At the great festival of the winter solstice, which
took place either in the month of Atemoztli or in that
of Tititl, all the people watched and fasted four days,
and a number of captives were sacrificed, two of whom
represented the sun and moon.*^ About the same

ii., pp. 28C-7; Lcta Ctisas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. clxxi; Motolinia,
Hist. InUios, in fcazbalceta, Col. tte Doc., t«»ni. i., pp. 4.3-4.

''"See Las Cases, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. clxxi.; Torquemada,
Moiiarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 291.

*' lirasscur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 538.

<•< ' Naltiii Ollin Tonatiuh, esto es, el sol en rhb cuatro movientos,
aconipaAodn de la Via lactca.' Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, -oi i., p. 91.

^ 'Mataban quatro Cautivos de urn que se Uainalian Chaclianie, que
quicre dccir: Toutos; y mataban tanibieu la inia<;cn del Sol, y de la Luna,
que eri^n doB Honibrea.' Torquemtula, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 148. 'Od

840

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

time a series of celebrations were held in honor of
Iztacacenteotl, goddess of white maize; the victims
sacrificed on this occasion were lepers and others suf-
fering from contagious diseases.** Whenever the sign
of Ce MiquiztlijOr One Death, occurred, Mictlantecutli,
god of hades, was f^ted, and honors were paid to the
dead.*" Of the heavenly bodies, they esteemed next
to the sun a certain star, into which Quetzalcoatl was
supposed to have converted himself on leaving' the
earth. It was visible during about two hundred and
sixty days of the year, and on the day of its first ap-
pearance above the horizon, the king gave a slave to
be sacrificed, and many other ceremonies were per-
formed. The priests, also, offered incense to this star
every day, and drew blood from their bodies in its
honor, acts which many of the devout imitated."

At harvest-time the first-fruits of the season were
offered to tlie sun. The sacrifice on this occasion was
called Tetlimonamiquian, 'the meeting of the stones.'
The victim, who was the most atrocious criminal to
be found in the jails, was placed between two im-
mense stones, balanced opposite each other; these
were then allowed to fall together. After the remains
had been buried, the principal men took part in a
dance:; the people also danced and feasted during the
day and night."

Every eight years a grand festival took place, called

immolait ensuite un grand nombre de captifs, dont les principaux, appclds
Chachainu, figuraicnt le soleil ct la lunc' Brasseur dc Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 535.

*< Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., pp. 160-2; Leon y Gama, Dos
Piedras, pt i., p. 91.

** Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 538.

'« 'Creen que Topilciii su rey primcro so coiiuertio en aquella cstrclla.'
Gomara, Conq. Mcx., fol. 331; Las Casus, Hist. Apologttica, MS., cap.
clxxiv.

«' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, i., pp. 249-50. * Papahua-tlamacazqui,
on Ministrca aux longs clieveux. C'eat par Icura mains que pa^saient Ics
pr^mices dcs fruits dc la tern; qu'on offrait aux astres du iour ct dc |a nuit

On immolait nn grand nombre dc captifs ct, h Icur dcfaut, Ics criininels

Sur leur sepulture on executait un ballet.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,

Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., pp. 274-5. For description of Zapotec harvest-
feast see Burqoa, Geog. Descrip., torn, ii., pt ii., fol. 332-3; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, tiist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 40-2.

THE BINDING OF THE YEARS.

841

Atamalqualiztli, 'the fast of bread and water/ the
principal feature of which was a mask ball, at which
people appeared disguised as various animals whose
actions and cries they imitated with great skill."
The most solemn of all the Mexican festivals was
that called Xiuhmolpilli, that is to say, 'the binding-
up of the years.' Every fifty-two years was called a
'sheaf of years,' and it was universally believed that at
the end of some 'sheaf the world would be destroyed.
The renewal of the cycle was therefore hailed with
great rejoicing and many ceremonies.**

<8 Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn i., lib. ii., pp. 195-7.

^ For description of this feust see vol. iii. of this work, pp. 393-6.
The authorities on Aztec festivals arc: Sahaaun, Hist. Gen., toin. i., lib.
ii., pp. 49-218, lib. i., pp. 1-40; Kingsborougltfs Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp.
1-98; Torqitemada, Monarq. Jnd., torn, ii., pp. 147-56, 246-300; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, toin. ii., pp. 66-86; Las Casas, Hist. Apoloqitica,
MS., cap. clxix-clxxvii. ; Motolinta, Hist. Indies, in Icazbalccta, Col. de
Doe., torn, i., pp. 38-62; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 326-36; Duran, Hist. In-
dicts, M8., torn, iii., appendix, can. iii.; Leon, Caminodel Cielo, pp. 96-100;
Cainurgo, Hist. Tlnx., in Nouvelles Annates des Voy., 1843, torn, xcix., pp.
130-7; Mendiela, Hist. Ecles., pp. 99-107; Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., pp.
327-9, 354-6, 360-4, 332-93; Boturini, Idea, pt i., pp. 50-3, 90-3; Tezozomoc,
Hi.it. Mex., torn, i., pp. 161-6; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap.
xv-xvii. ; Purrhas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1040-8; Gemelli Careri, in
ChurchilVs Col. Voyages, vol. iv., pp. 490-1; Montamts, Nietnve Weereld,
pp. 221, 248, 265-7; IVest und Ost Indisehcr Lnsfgart, pt i., pp. 71-2; Codex

Tellcriano-Remcnsis, in Kingsboroiigli's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 129-34;
Bvasscur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., pp. 234-5, 5274-5, torn,
ii., pp. 462-3, torn, iii., pp. 40-2, 498-547; Klemm, CtUtur-Geschichte, torn.

v., pp. 104-14; Carbajal Espincin, Hist. Me.v., torn, i., pp. 515-17, 531-51;
Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 128-38; Lenoir, ParalUle, pp, 9-11.

CHAPTER X.

POOD OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Obioin of Aoricultube— Floatinq Gardens— Aoricc't.tural Prod*
UCT8— Manner of preparing the Soil— Description of Agri-
cultural Implements— Irrigation- Granaries — 'J ARDENS —
THE Harvest Feast— Manner of Hunting— Fishing— Methods
OF procuring Salt- Nahua Cookery— Various kinds of Bread
—Beans— Pepper— Fruit— Tam ALES— Miscellaneous Articles
OF Food— Eating of Human Flesh— Manufacture of Pulque
— Preparation of Chocolatl — Other Beverages — Intoxi-
cating Drinks— Drunkenness— Time and Manner of Taking
Meals.

Huntinj]^, fishing, and agriculture furnished the
Nahua nations with means of subsistence, besides
which they had, in common with their unciviUzed
brethren of the sierras and forests, the uncultivated
edible products of the soil. Among the coast nations,
the dwellers on the banks of large streams, and the
inhabitants of the lake regions of Andhuac and Mi-
choacan, fish constituted an important article of food.
But agriculture, here as elsewhere, distinguished sav-
agism from civilization, and of the lands of the so-
called civilized nations few fertile tracts were found
uncultivated at the coming of the Spaniards. Culti-
vation of the soil was doubtless the first tangible step
in the progressive development of these nations, and
this is indicated in their traditionary annals, which
point, more or less vaguely, to a remote period when

(3*9)

AGRICULTURE AND CIVILIZATION.

848

the Quinames, or giants, occupied the land as yet un-
tilled ; which means that the inhabitants were savat^es,
whose progress liad not yet exhibited any change suf-
ficiently marked to leave its imprint on tradition. At
a time still more remote, however, the invention of
bows and arrows is traditionally referred to.*

The gradual discovery and introduction of agricul-
tural arts according to the laws of development, wore
of course unintelligible to the aboriginal mind; con-
sequently their traditions tell us wondrous tales of
divine intervention and instruction. Nevertheless,
the introduction of agriculture was doubtless of very
ancient date. The Olmecs and Xicalancas, tradition-
ally the oldest civilized peoples in Mexico, were far-
mers back to the limit of traditional history, as were
the lineal ancestors of all the nations which form the
subject of this volume. Indeed, as the Nahua na-
tions were living when the Spaniards found them, so
had they probably been living for at least ten centu-
ries, and not improbably for a nmch longer period.

It was, however, according to tradition, during tlie
Toltec period of Nahua culture that husbandry and
all the arts pertaining to the production and prepara-
tion of food, were brought to the highest degree of
perfection. Many traditions even attribute to the
Toltecs the invention or first introduction of agri-
culture.'

;i:

> ' Dicen que en oquellos principios del mnndo ee mantenian los Iiom-
bres Bolaniente con frutas y ycrbaa, hastaque nno (i ^nien llanian Tlaoniin-
iii, que quiere dccir, el que niatd eonflecna hall6 la invcncion del iirco y la
lecha, y que desde ent6nce8 conienzaron & ejercitaree en la caza y nian-
tencrsc de carnes de loa animales que niataban en ella.' Vejflia, Hint. Aiit
Mrj., torn, i., p. 10. The giants lived 'mas como bruton que conio raciona-
Ics: gu alimento cnin las carnca crudas de las aves y fieras qiie cazavan sin
(listincion alguna, las frutas y ycrbas silvcstrcs porque nana cultivaban;'
yet they knew how to make pufque to get drunk with. /(/., p. l.'il.

* The Olmecs raised at least maize, chile, and beans 1>efore the time of
the Tnltecs. Vei/tia, Hist. Ant. Afej., torn, i., p. 154. The Toltec 'comida
era el mismo manteniniiento que ahora sc usa del maiz que sembraban -y
l)cncticiaban asi el bianco como el de mas colores.' Sa/uigwi, Hist. Gen.,
torn, iii., lib. x., p. 112. To the Toltec i^iculture 'debitrici si riconob-
l)erole posteriori Nazioni del frumentone, detcotone, del pcveronc, e d'altri
utilissimi fnitti.' Claviffero, Storia Ant. del Mesdro, torn, i., p. 127. The
Toltecs 'truxeron mays, algodon, y denias semillas.' Vetancvrt, Teatro

344

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

But even during this Toltec period hunting tribes,
both of Nahua and other blooa, were purHuing their
game in the forests and mountains, especially in the
northern region. Despised by their more civilized,
corn-eating brethren, they were known as barbarians,
dogs, Cliichimecs, 'suckers of blo^jd,' from the custom
attributed to them of drinking blood and eating raw
flesh. Many tribes, indeed, although very far from
being savages, were known to the aristocratic Toltecs
as Chichimecs, by reason of some real or imaginary in-
feriority. By the revolutions of the tenth century,
some of these Chichimec nations, probably of the
Nahua blood and tillers of the soil, although at the
same time l)old hunters and valiant warriors, gained
the ascendancy in Andhuac. Hence the absurd ver-
sions of native traditions which represent the Valley
of Mexico as occupied during the Chichimec period
by a people who, until taught better by the Acolhuas,
lived in caverns and subsisted oii wild fruits and raw
meat, while at the same time they were ruled by em-
perors, and possessed y most complicated and advanced
system of government and laws. Their bar))arisni
probably consisted for the most part in resisting for a
time the enervating influences of Toltec luxury, espe-
cially in the pleasures of the table.*

Mex., pt ii., p. 11. 'Tenian el maiz, algodon, chile, frijolca y las dcnias
iienullas de la ticrra que hay.' Ixililxochitl, Rclacioiicn, in Kiiiffsborough's
Mex. Antiq., torn, ix., pp. 327, 393-4.

3 'Su comida era toda espeeie de caza, tanto cuadriipeda como voldtil.

sin dititincion ni otro coiidiinento que asada, y las frutas |ieru iiadu Hcni-

braban, ni cultivalmn.* Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., toiii. ii., p. 6. 'Nu tteni-
braban, ni cocian, ni asaban laa Carnes do la caza.' Their kings and nuhlcs
kept forests of deer and hare to sup]>ly the ^teople with food, until in No-
naltzin's reign they were taught to plant by a tlesrendant of tiie Toltcrs.
Torqtiemada, Moiiarq. Ind., toni. i., pp. 32, 3*-9, 67, 279. They were the
first inliabitants of the country and 'solo se niantenian de cafa.* 'Cayauan
venados, liebrcs, concjos, coniadrejas, topos, gatos inontCHCs, paxaros,
y ann inmundicias coino culebras, lagartos, ratones, langostas, y gusanos, y
desto y de yeruas y rayzes sc sustentauan.* Acosta, Hist de las Ynd., pp.
45.3-fi. And to the same effect C'lavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, toin. i.,
pp. 132-3; Brasaeur de Jiourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., i). 203; Her-
redia y Sarmiento, Sermon, p. 74; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles An-
nates des Voif., 1843, torn, xmiii., pp. 140, ir»l; Vclancvrt, Teulro Mex., pt
ii., p. 12. I'hcy began to till the ground in llotzin's reign, but before that
thoy roasted their meat and did not, as many claim, eat it raw. Ixtlilxo-

CHINAMPA8, OR FLOATING OARDENa

845

The Aztecs were traditionally com-eatera from the
first, but while shut up fur lung years on an island in
the lake, they had littlo opportunity for agricultural
pursuits. During this period of their history, the fish,
birds, insects, plants, and mud of the lake supplied
them with food, until floating gardens were invented
and subsequent conquests on the main land afforded
them broad fields for tillage. As a rule no details are
preserved concerning the pre- Aztec peoples; where
such details are known they will be introduced in
their proper place as illustrative of later Nahua food-
customs.

The chinampas, or floating gardens, cultivated by
the Aztecs on the surface of the lakes in Andhuac,
were a most extraordinary source of food. Driven in
the days of their national weakness to the lake islands,
too small for the i-illage which on the main had sup-
ported them, these ingenious people devised the chi-
nampa. They observed small portions of the shore,
detached by the high water and held together by
fibrous roots, floating about on the surface of the
water. Acting on the suggestion, they constructed
rafts of light wood, covered with ,^inaii«;r sticks,
rushes, and reeds, bound together with fibrous aipiatic
plants, and on this foundation they hea]>ed two or
three feet of black mud from the bottom of' the lake.
Thus the broad surface around their island home was
dotted with fertile gardens, self-irrigating and inde-
pendent of rains, easily moved from place to place
according to the fancy of the proprietor. They usually
took the form of parallelograms and were often over a
hundred feet long. All the agricultural products of
the country, particularly maize, chile, and beans were
soon produced in abundance on the chinampas, while
the larger ones even bore fruit and shade trees of con-
siderable size, and a hut for the convenience of the

rhill. Hist. Chich., in KingsboroitqKa Mex. Antia., vol. ix., pp. 213-14; Id.,
Rlueinnes, p. 3.35. Agriculture introduced in Nopaltzin'a reign. Id., p.
344. But Sahagun, Hist. Geii., toni. iii., lib. x., p. It!), says some of the
Chichimccs 'hacian tambien alguna sementerilla ae niaiz.'

■

846

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

owner, or gardener. The floating gardens have re-
mained in use dowu to modern times, but since the
waters of the lakes receded so much from their former
limits, they have befji generally attached to the
shore, being separated by narrow canals navigated
by the canoes which bear their produce to the mar-
kets. In later times, however, only flowers and gar-
den vegetables have been raised in thi» manner.*

On the mainland throughout the Nahua territory
few fertile spots were left uncultivated. The land
was densely p<»pulated, and agriculture was an hon-
orable j)rofe8Hiou in which all, except the king, the
nobility, and soldiers in time of actual war, were
more or less engaged."

Agricultural products in the shape of f(K)d were
not a prominent feature among articles of ex[)ort and
impt)rt, excej)ting, of course, luxuries for the tables of
the kings and nobles. Each province, as a rule, raised
only sufficient supplies for its own ordinary necessi-
ties; consequently, when by reason of drought or

* *S<ibr« jiincia y espiulurin nc crlin tiorra en tul forma, que nn la dcs-
ho^a v\ mfua, y alii m'. Hiviiihra, y fiiltiiin, y crceu, y inadiira, y hv llciiu dc
Vila fiarti! d otra.' The iiriMluotu are iiiui/c, chile, wild aiiiaruiitli, toiiiatim,
liouim, chiuii, pumpkins, etc. A^osta, Hist, de Ian Yiiil., p. 47'.!. ' l.n l«ii-
(i;;iirM r<')((>lai'e b <|tiii<lriliiiii;a: la liiiiglicsHa, c la largliczza miii variu; iiiii
]>vr lo nil! liaiiiKi, Mcroiido clic mi pare, otto iH-rticlie in circa di liiiiKiiczxa,
lion (liu di tre di lur;;lic/.%a. c iiiciio d'uii picilc d'ulc\azi(iiie Hulla HUpcrlicii;
d(>irac<|na.' ('lorii/r/i>, Sturin Aiil. ilrl Mr.ssiro, Utm. ii., pp. l.VJI-.'l. I'n»-
diice not mily |iliiiitH useful for ftMMl, dress, and niedicinc, nut llowers and

(laiits that serve only fur deeonition and lu.xury. /(/., tom. iv., p. '2:1'. <'ar-
liajal Ksiilnosa. Hist. Mrj-., toiii. i., p. f)'2(», traiiMlates ('lavi;,'cio's deserip-
tioii. 'I'airy IslandM of llowers, overshadowed occasionally ly trees 'if coii-
siderahlc si/.c' 'Tliat ar('liipelaj.;o of vvaii(leriii(; islands.' '.'(N) or .'{(N) feet
Ion;;, .1 or 4 feet ilecp. I'lr.smtr.i Mix., vol. ii., )ip. 70, 107-H. ''he Mack
mud of the cliiiiiimpaH is imprc^riiated with muriate of soda, whii li is grad-
ual I v washed out as the surface is watered, lliintliuhll, K.s.siii J'of. toui.

i., pp. 2(K)-'i. Mention liy (iayan^^os in i'tirlfs, ('iirtn,i, p. 7'.*; Ilriri/i)i i/
Sitriitivnio, Sfriiioii, pp. 9't-i\. '('amcHoneH, que ellos llamaii <'liiiiaiii-
jias.' Torqiieni'iila, Mumtrq. lint., toin. ii., p. 48H; Ciirli, Carta.s, pt i.,
pp. .•J8«.

* 'Ks csfa provineia (Tlaseala) de iihk'Iiom vallcs llanos y hcrmosos, y
todos laliradoH y semltrados.' In Cholula 'iii un palnio de tierra hay i|iip
no est^ lahrado.' Cortes, <'iirt)i.i, pp. (W, 7'». 'Tout le nioiidc, plus on
moiiiH, H'adonnait h la culture, et se faisait lionneiir (ie travailler ii la cam-
|ia;;iic.' Uruxufur dr. Luiirhnurtj, lli-sl. Snt. Cir., torn, iii., p. (5.H; Tiin/nr-
mtulii, Motiarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 4Si. 'ilusta los inonteH y sierras fraj^'osas
las teniaii ocupadas con semhrados y otrosaprovechamieiitoH.' IxUiixochitl,
Hist Chick., ill Kintjsboromjh'a .\f)x. Anliq., vol. i.\., p. 'J50.

ABORIGINAL AGRICULTURE.

847

other cause, a famine desolated one province, it was
with the greatest difficulty that food could be ob-
tained from abroad. The Mexicans were an improv-
ident people, and want was no stranger to them.'

The chief products of Nahua tillage were maize,
beans, inagueyes, cacao, chian, chile, and various na-
tive fruits.^ The maize, or Indian corn, the dried
ears of which were called by the Aztecs centli, and
the dried kernelH separated from the cob, llaoUi* was
the standard and universal Nahua food Indigenous
to America, in the development of whoso civilization,
traditionally at least, it played an impoilant part, it
has since been introduced to the world. It is the sub-
ject of the New- World traditions respecting the intro-
duction of agriculture among men. Tortillas, of maize,
accompanied l)y the inevitable frijoles, or beans, sea-
soned with chile, or pej)per, a»id washed down with
drinks prepared from the maguey and cacao, were
then, as now, the all-sustaining diet, and we are t«jld
that corn grew so strong and high in tiie Holds that

« Corlis, Carlan, p. 75; Ixtlilxorhitl, Ifisf. Chick., in Kiiiffsborough'ji
Mcu: Auti'/., vol. ix., p. 'liiit; I'liffid, Ifisf. Ant. Mrj., toiii. iii., p. 331.

* A full lint mill de.scr'ptioii of tlic iiiiiiiy eililtlu Mexican pluiitH whicli
witrv ciiltivutvd liy the NtiliiiaH in the ^sixteenth un<l earlier eenturieH, an
they have \h'v\\ ever Hiiu-e liy their il<<seen(lants, is jjiven by the lM)tnnist,
llernande/, in his Xum J'litutdnim; nee also ('/nn'fferti, Storia Ant. ilr.l
.Mi.isiro, toMi. i., pp. 4."» OS; re|>eHte(l in ('iirlmjal K.s/iitioxa, Hint. Mrx.,
toni. i., pp. I()_'-I!t; Arusta, Hist. dr. ln.i )'iii/., p. '2'M\, ft sfij. Maize, n>u-
L'liey, cacao, hananax, and vuu.'!u. i'ri:s<:ot€x Mvx., v«»l. i., pp. l.Sj-<i. Tho
I'oloiiacH raixi-il fruits, luii, no , ri-ao or rriiifiniztli. Sithaifiin, Hint, (len.,
tiini. iii., lilt, x., p. 131. T!ie |HMiple of Mirhoacan raised 'inaii!. frisolen,
pepitii.s V friilu, y he. sciiiillas <li> nianteniitiicntos, llanniduH miitl.tli, y
'■/liiin.' til., p. 137. i'he Matlull/iiicas also ruised the hixnilitli. Id., p.
130. Ilesides corn, the most iniiiortant prodncts were cotton, <'acao, nui-
;iiiey (nietl), frijole.s, <'liia, and eliile. ('loriijmi, Storia Ant. di'l Mn.i.sico,
titui. ii., u. \i>H; t'tirhajid l\.i/iino.in, Hint. Mix., toni. 1., p. (»'2t. ' l.cs Mexi-
cuins cnltivaient non-senleinent tonics les tieurs et tontes les ]>lantes <|U«

|iroi|iiit lenr I'.ays, nuiis encon; niie inlinitc d'antrcs iin'ils y avai<>nt trans
|iliiiit('es lies coiitrccs les pins cloi;;n('cs.' T-'zozdniiir, Ili.it. ]\li.i., toni. i., p.
44. /(/. Cniiiim, in Kin</.sooroii<f/i'.i .l/»v. Aiitiif., vol. ix., p. IH. 'Hay frulas

de niiiclias nianeras, en ipie h,iy cere/as, y ciriiehts que son seniejaliies a Ins
lie Iv.ipaiiiL' ('Hi-fi's, t'(irta.s, p. KM. I'ruil was ntore ahuiidant anioni; the
lliiastecs khan '.-Lsewlierc. Tfzmomuf, lli.sf. Mi-x., toin. i., p. 147. ' I'hey
liiiiic also many kindes of ]iot hcrU's, as Icllice, raddiith, cresHCH, (;arlicke,
"Miyons, and many other herlH;s Itcsides.' I'rtir Martyr, dee. v., lih. iii.
Iliiihle fruits, Sahaijiin, Jli.it. Urn., toni. ii., lib. viii., p. 3(K).

" Miilina, liiiriunitriii. 'Centli, o TIaulli, i|ue otros dizen niayz.' (Jo-
iiutra. Com/. Mix., j». 3-<3.

■^

'5 1

348

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

covered the surface of the country in some parts, as
to seriously embarrass the conqueror Cortes in his
movements aj^ainst the natives hidden in these nat-
ural labyrinths.*

Respecting the particular methods of cultivation
practiced by the Nahuas, except in the raisin*^ of corn,
early observers have left no definite information."'
The valleys were of course the favorite localities for
cornfields, but the hij^hlands were also cultivated.
In the latter case the trees and bushes were cut
down, the land burned over, and the seed put in
amonjic the ashes. Such lands were allowed to rest
several years — Torquemada says five or six — after
each crop, until the surfjice was covered with grass
and bushes for a new burning. No other fertilizer
than ashes, so far as known, was ever employed.
Fields were enclosed by stone walls and hedges of
maguey, which were carefully njpaired each year in
the month of Panquetzaliztli. Tluy had no laboring
animals, and their farming impUMnents were ex« • < •!
ingly few and rude. Three of tb's. .niy arc i
tioned. The hnictli was a kind </ -iit-cn hhcnui w
spade, in handling which Inith haiMl> and feet were
used. The conf/, or cok (serpent), so called |)roba-
bly from itn shape, was a copper iniplr-nieiit with a
wooden handle, used somewhat as a hoe is us«'d by
modern farmers in breaking the surface of the soil.
Another copper instrument, shaped lik<' a sickle, with
a wooden handh;, was used for pruning fruit-trees. A
simple •jharp stick, the point of whicli was hardened
in the fire, or more rarely tipped with copper, was the
im)>iement in most conmion use. To plant corn, the
farmer dropped a few kernels into a hole made with
this stick, and covered them with his f(K>t, taking tlu;

* Cort^n, Cnrlnt, p. (14; Tnrqitrmailn, Moiinrq. Intl., toin. i., p..")!.') In
Tlascala 'no tionon otni rii|uoza iii |;;ranjeria, hjiio ceiitii que cm hii ,>Hn.'
itoinnrn, Coiiq. Mi'x., fol. Hi.

'• Peter MarJvr iiinl tlic AiionyinnuR Conqueror rwy, however, that cnctto-
trecH were iiliuited under lar;;('r trecH, '.vhicli were eut down when the |dunt
gained Hutliuieut titrunj,'th. Dec. v., lib. iv. i fcasbakcla, ('ol. dr. iJoc, io»\.
I., p. 380.

CORNFIELDS AND GRANARIES.

349

greatest pains to make the rows perfectly straiglit and
parallel; tlio intervalH between the hills were always
uuit'onu, thoujj^h tiie space was re<j^ulated attcordins^
to the nature and fertility of the soil. The Held was
kept carefully weeded, and at a certain ai(e the stalks
were supported by heapin»r up the soil round tlieni.
At maturity the stalks were often broken two thirds
up, that the husks mitjfht protect the hanj^iniif ear
from rain. Durinj^ the growth and ripening of the
maize, a watchman or boy was kept constantly on
guard in a .sheltered station connmmding the Held,
who.se duty it was to drive away, with Ht<»nes and
shouts, tile Hocks of feathered robbers which abound-
ed in the country. Women and children aided the
men in the lighter farm labors, such as dropping the
.seeds, weeding the plants, and husking and cleaning
the grain. To irrigate the Helds the water of rivers
and of mountain streams was utilized by means of
canals, dams, and ditches. The network of canals by
whi^'J* tile cacao plantations of the tierra caliente in
T*biw«o were watered, ottered to Cortes' army even
niore H»-rious obstructions than the dense growth of
the maizales, or cornHelds.

(i.-Hfiaries for storing maize were built of oyamcti,
or o^iiiiK'tl, a tree whosi? long branches were regular,
tough, and Hexible. Tb*' .sticks were laid in log-house
fashion, one alnive an<jther, and close together, so as
to form a tight sfpiare ro(»m, which was covered with a
W;»t<'r tight roof, and had only two openings or win-
4i'.^s, one at the to|) arnl another at the bottom. Many
t4 the.se granaries had a <'a|)a('ity t)f seveial thou.sand
busheJH, and in them corn was preserved for several,
or, as iJrasseur says, for Hfteen or twenty, years,
liesides the regular and extensive plantations of sta-
])h' prodiu'ts, gardens wen' common, tastefidly laid
out an<l <le\oted to the cultivati«)n of fruits, vegeta-
bles, nie<licinal herbs, and parti<ularly flowers, of
which the Mexicans were very Ibnd, and which W(Te
in demand for teujple decorations and bou<iuet8. The

860

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

gardens connected with the palaces of kings and no-
bles, particularly those of Tezcuco, Iztapalapan, and
Huaxtepec, excited great wonder and admiration in
the minds of the first European visitors, but these
have been already mentioned in a preceding chapter."

We shall find the planting and growth of maize not
without influence in the development of the Nahua
calendars, and that it was closely connected with the
worship of the gods and with religious ideas and cere-
monies. Father Burgoa relates that in Oajaca, the
cultivation of this grain, the people's chief support,
was attended by some peculiar ceremonies. At har-
vest-time the priests of the maize god in Quegolani,
ceremonially visited the cornfields followed by a pro-
cession of the people, and sought diligently the fairest
and best-filled ear. This they bore to the village,
placed it on an altar decked for the occasion with flow-
ers and precious chalchiuites, sang and danced before
it, and wrapped it with care in a white cotton cloth,
in which it was preserved until the next seed-time.
Then with renewed processions and solemn rites the
magic ear with its white covering was wrapped in a
deer-skin and buried in the midst of the cornfields in
a small hole lined with stones. When another har-
vest came, if it were a fruitful one, the precious offer-
ing to the earth was dug uj) and its decayed remains
distributed in small parcels to the haj)py populace as
talismans a<;ainst all kinds of evil."

The game most abundant was deer, hare, rabbits,
wild hogs, wolves, foxes, jaguars, or tigers, Mex-
ican lions, coyotes, • pigeons, i)artridges, (juails, and
many aquatic birds. The usual weapon was the bow

» On tlic culture of maize nnd other points mentioned above kcc Tor-
quemada, Monarq. Intl., toni. ii., pp. 481-2, M4, toni. i., p. HM5; Clarigrro,
Storia Ant. del JUfniiiro, toni. ii., pp. 153-6; brasscur ilc Uourhourg, Hist.
Nat. Cir torn iii., pp. (5.3.1-7, toin. iv., p. (U; Varhtijnl Esintioaa, tlist.
Hex., toni. i., pp. 621-4; ('orti!.i. Cartas, n. 75; Denial Diaz, Hist. Couq.,
p. 128; L'amnrgo, Hist. Tlax., in Noumlcs Aimales ties Voy., 1843, torn,
xeviii., p. 196; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii. ; Gagern, \n Soc. Mcx. Geog.,
Botetin, i^^Kjwca, torn, i., pp. 815-16.

'• Burqoa, Geog. Descrip., torn, ii., pt ii., pp. 332-3; Ura.iseur de Hour-
bourg. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 40-2.

THE CHASE IN ANAHUAC.

SU:

and arrow, to the invention of which tradition ascribes
the origin of the chase; but spears, snares, and nets
were also employed, and the sarbacan, a tube through
which pellets or darts were blown, was an effective
bird-killer. Game in the royal forests was protected
by law, and many hunters were employed in taking
animals and birds alive for the king's collections.
Among the peculiar devices employed for taking
water-birds was that already mentioned in connection
with the Wild Tribes; the hunter floating in the
wiiter, with only his head, covered with a gourd, above
the surface, and thus approaching his prey unsus-
pected. Young monkeys were caught by putting in
a concealed tire a peculiar black stone which exploded
when heated. Corn was scattered about as a bait,
and when the old monkoys brought their young to
feed they were frightened by the explosion and ran
away, leaving the young ones an easy prey. The na-
tive hunters are represented as particularly skillful in
following an indistinct trail. According to Sahagun,
a superstition prevailed that only four arrows might be
shot at a tiger, but to secure success a leaf was
attached to one of the arrows, which, making a pecu-
liar whizzing sound, fell short and attracted the beast's
attention while the hunter took deliberate aim. Croc-
odiles were taken with a noose round the neck and
also, by the boldest hunters, by inserting a stick sharp-
ened and barbed at both ends in the ariinial's open
mouth. It is probable that, while a small portion of
the common peo[»le in certain j)arts of the country
sought game for food alone, the chase among the Na-
huas was for the most part a diversion of the nobles
and soldiers. There were also certain hunts estab-
lished by law or custom at certain periods of tlie year,
the products of which were devoted to sacrificial pur-
poses, although most likely oaten eventually.

In the month Quecholli a day's hunt was cele-
hrated bv the warriors in honor of Mixcojitl. A large
forest 4httt of Zacatepec, near Mexico, being a favor-

862

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

iJt:

n i

ite resort — was surrounded by a line of hunters many
miles in extent. In the centre of the forest various
snares and traps were set. When all was ready, the
living circle began to contract, and the hunters with
shouts pressed forward toward the centre. To aid in
the work, the grass was sometimes fired. The various
animals were driven from their retreats into the snar*""
j)repared for them, or fell victims to the huntsmen's
arrows. Immense quantities of game were thus se-
cured and borne to the city and to the neighboring
towns, the inhabitants of which had assisted in the
hunt, as an offering to the god. Each hunter carried
to his own home the heads of such animals as he had
killed, and a prize was awarded to the most successful.
In the month Tecuilhuitontli also, while the warriors
practiced in sham fights for actual war, the common
people gave their attention to the chase. Large num-
bers of birds were taken in nets spread on poles like
spear-shafts. In earlier times, when the chase was
more depended on for food, the first game taken was
offered to the gods; or, by the Chichimecs and Xochi-
milcas, to the sun, as Ixtlilxochitl informs us,"

Fish was much more universally used for food than
game. Torquemada tells us that the Aztecs first in-
vented the art of fishing prompted by the mother of
invention when forced by their enemies to live on the
lake islands; and it wtis the smell of roasted tisii,
wafted to the shore, that revealed their preseni'e.
This tradition is somewhat absurd, and it is difftcult
to believe that the art was entirely unknown during
the ])re('oding Toltec and Olmec periods of Nahua
civilization. Besides the supply in lake and river,

1' On hunting »rc MotoUnin, Hist. ladios, in Teazhnlceta, Col. dr Dm:,
torn, i., p. 48; Snhaf/iiH, Hist. <ifii.. Xnnx. i., lib. ii.. ii. 1(>5, toni. iii., lib. xi..
pp. 140-2*20, ini'ludiuK » full liHt and ilcHcription uf Muxican uninial.>i; Tor-
quemntlii, ilona,.^. /(tW., toni. i., j). 208, torn, ii., pp. 281,207; Piter Murtyr.
aec, v., liU. iii.; Cortes, Cartas, p. 22; Canuirrfo, Hist. Tlax., in \oui'rlli:i
Aniutlrs ilf.i Votf., 184.3, torn, xcviii., p. 106; Ixtlilxochitl, Jirlnrtoiii:t, in
Kinijshonmrfh'ti Mcx. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 2iX>, S40, 4.')8; Claritfrro. Stnrin
Ant. (M .Mr.mro, torn, ii., pp. 160-2. List of Mexican aninwls in Id., toiii.
i., pp. 6«-0}>; Carbajnl tspinosa. Hist. Mex., Umi. i. m*. (536-7, 12(1-44,

I*'
th

with same lint; Braxaeur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., Umi. L, p. 235.

FISHERIES AND SALT.

853

artificial ponds in the royal gardens were also stocked
with fish, and we have seen that fresh fish from the
ocean were brought to Mexico for the king's table.
Respecting the particular methods employed by the
Nahua fishermen, save that they used both nets and
hooks, the authorities say nothing. The Tarascos
had such an abundance of food in their lakes that
their country was named Michoacan, 'land of fish;'
and the rivers of Huastecapan are also mentioned as
richly stocked with finny food."

The Nahuas had, as I have said, no herds or flocks,
but besides the royal collections of animals, which in-
cluded nearly every known variety of quadrupeds,
birds, and reptiles, tlie common people kept and bred
techichi (a native animal resembling a dog), turkeys,
quails, geese, ducks, and many other birds. The no-
bles also kept deer, hares, and rabbits."

Next to chile, salt, or iztatl, was the condiment
most used, and most of ilie supply came from the Val-
ley of Mexico. The best was made by Ixtiling the
water from the salt lake in large pots, and was pre-
served in white cakes or balls. It was oftener, how-
ever, led by trenches into shallow pools and evaporated

•* Clarnqami, Sforia Ant. del Messiro, torn, i., pp. 90-10.')., torn, ii., p.
1(52, with iiHt and description of Mexican fishes, of wliioh iiver ItK) vurie-
lies fit for fiMHl are mentioned; rejieated in Vnrbajal EsfiiiioHa, Hint. Mex.,
turn, i., pp. I4r>-."»0, 6'28; I'eter Afiirti/r, dec. v., lib. li., iii.; Tezozomoc,
Hint. Mex., toni. i., pp. fi<), 147; Torrfiiemaila, Monarq. Intl., toin. i., p. 93;
I'amarffo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles A nnale.<i de» V")/., 1843, toni. xcviii., p.
IH'2; Acosla, Hist, de las Ynd., p. 4*i0. List uf tittlieH in Salutgun, Hist.
(kn., torn, iii., lib. xi., pp. 19<^207.

" 'Crian nnichaH pilhnus . . . .que son tan grandesconio jtavos.' 'Conejos,
liehrcs, vcnadoM y perros petiuenos, cjiie crian para comer (!a8tradcm.' Cortes,
( 'itrtas, pp. '2,3, 94, 104, '2'2'2. ' V'oun); whelpes flesh is vsuuii there .... which
tiiev ^cld and fatte for footle.' I'ctir Mnrti/r, dec. v., .'ib. iii. The same
luitlior, dec. v., lil). iii., nives some (jueer information rcspectin}; the turk-
eys. 'The fcmalles •■ometimes lay :a). or HO. ejjjji-s. »o tiiat it is a niulti-
plyin}! company. The males, arc alwuyes in loue, and therefore they say,
ilifv are verj' Iifjht nieate of di)restion.' A i-ertain iiriest rejMirts that 'the
iiiaie is tnuihlcd with certayne impedimentes in tne le^^^es, that he can
si'iirse allure the lienne to treade her. vnlesse s<»me knownc iK'nwm take her
in his hand, and hohl her . .AssoMMttut hee perceia«th the iienne which he
liMiclh, is lichl, hce pn^sentJy ctmimeth vnto her, and performes his husinesse
ill tiie hantt of the ludder ' See tJlavt^ro, Storiit An-t. del Messir.o, toni.
ii., pp. l.VM). tom. iv., p. :!28; Cnrbajtil Espt-uomt, Hist. Mex., turn, i., pp.
tiJf-6: Owdo. Hint. Gen., wm. iii., pp. 291-2.
Vol. II. 'U

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

I
!

by the nun. The work would seem to have been done
by women, since Saha^un speaks of the women and
^irls employed in this industry as dancing at the feast
in honor of the ji^oddess of salt in the month Tecuil-
huitontli. A {Mxjr quality of salt, tequizquitl, brick-
colored and strongly impregnated with saltpetre, was
scraped up on the Hats around the lakes, and largely
used in salting meats. Las Casas mentions salt springs
in the heA of fresh-water streams, the water of which
was [Kiinped out through hollow canes, and yielded on
evapiiration a fine white salt; but it is not certain what
part of the country he refers to. The Aztec kings
practically monopolized the salt market and refused
to sell it to any except tributary nations. In conse-
quence of this disposition, republican Tlascala, one of
the few nations that maintained its independence, was
forced for many years to eat its food unsalted; and
so habituated did the people become t(j this diet, that
in later times, if we may credit Camargo, very little
salt was consumed."

We now come to the methods adopted by the Na-
hujis in preparing and cooking fcKKj. Maize, when
in the milk, was eaten boiled, and called elotl; when
dry it was often prepared for food by simply parciiing
or roa-sting, and then named mumtiehiti But it usu-
ally came to the Aztec table in the shape of tlaxcalli,
the Spanish tortillas, the standard bread, then as now,
in all 8[)anish America. It would be difficult to
name a book in any way treating of Mexico in wiiicli
tortillas are not fully described. The aborigines boiled
the corn in water, to which lime, or sometimes nitre,
was added. When sufficiently soft and free from
hulls it was crushed on the metlatl, or metate, with a
stone roller, and the dough, after being kneaded also

'« Peter Martur, dec. v., lib. iii. ; Torqttcmada, Momir^. Ind., torn, i.,
p. 4.")0; Herrern, Hist. (!eii., dec. ii., lib. vii., caj). v.; Oviedo, Hist. Geii.,
torn, iii., p. 284; Cortts, Cartas, p. 66; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, i., 111),
ii., pp. 124-8, torn, iii., lib. x., p. 1.10; Alho'rnoz, in Intzbalceta, Vol. dv.
Dor., t(Hii. i., p. fi07; Camnrgo, Hist. Ttax., in Nouvelles Annates d>s
Vojf., 184.S, toni. xcviii., p. 180; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 100; Solis, Hist.
Conq. Mex., toin. i., pp. 390-1.

THE NAHUA CUISINE.

8B5

on the metate, was formed by the hands of the women
into very thin round cakes which were quickly baked
on eartnen pans, or comalli, and piled up one on
another that they might retain their warmth, for
when cold they lost their savor. Peter Martyr speaks
of these tortillas as "bread made of Maizium." They
were sometimes, but rarely, flavored with different
native plants and flowers. There was, however, some
variety in their preparation, according to which they
bore different names. For example totanquitlaxcal-
litlaquelpackolli were very white, being folded and cov-
ered with napkins; huietlaxcalli were lan^e, thin, and
soft; qnaHhtlfujualli were thick and rough; tlaxcal-
fmcholli, grayish; and tldcepoallitlaxvalli presented a
blistered surface. There were many other kinds. In
addition to the tlaxcalli, thicker corn-bread in the form
of long cakes and balls were made. Atolli varied in
consistency from porridge, or gruel, to mush, and may
consequently be classed either as a drink or as food.
To make it, the hulled corn was mashed, mixed with
water, and boiled down to the required consistency ;
it was variously sweetened and seasoned, and eaten
both hot and cold. According to its condition and
Koasoning it received about seventeen names; thus
totonqaiatoUi was eaten hot, nequatoUi was sweetened
with honey, ch'dneqnatoUi was seasoned with chile,
iuul qimnhnexatoUi with saltj)etre.

Beans, the etl of the Aztecs, the frijoles of the
Spaniards, were while yet green boiled in the pod,
and were then called exotl; when dry they were also
i^unerally boiled; but Ixtlilxochitl mentions flour made
from beans.

Chilli, chile, or pepper, was eaten both green and
dry, whole and ground. A sauce was also made
tVoin it into which hot tortillas were dipped, and which
formed a part of the seasoning in nearly every Nahua
tlish. " It is the principal sauce and the only spice
of the Indias," as Acosta tells us.

Flesh, fowl, and fish, both fresh and salted, were

866

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

stewed, boiled, and roasted, with the fat of the
tochichi, and seasoned with chile, tmnatl (since called
toinatos), etc. The larjjer roasted game preserved for
eating from the sacrifices in the month of Itzcalli is
termed calpuleque by Sahagun. Pipimi was a stew
of fowl with chile, tomatos, and ground pumpkin-
seeds. Deer and rabbits were barbecued. Peter Mar-
tyr speaks of "rest and sodden meates of foule."

Fruits, for the most part, were eaten as with ua,
raw, but some, as the plantain and banana, were
roasted and stewed.

So much for the plain Nahua cookery. Into the
labyrinthine mysteries of the mixed dishes I shall
not penetrate tar. It is easier for the writer, and
not less satisfactory to the reader, to dismiss the sub-
ject with the remark that all the articles of food that
have been mentioned, fish, flesh, and fowl, were mixed
and cooked in every conceivable proportion, the pro-
duct taking a different name with each change in the
ingredients. The two principal classes of these mixed
dishes were the pot-stews, or cazuelas, of various
meats with multitudinous seasonings ; and the tamnfli,
or tamales, meat pies, to make which meats were boiled,
chopped fine, and seasoned, then mixed with maize-
dough, coated with the same, wrai)ped in a corn-husk,
and boiled again. These also took different names
according to the ingredients and seasoning. The ta-
male is still a favorite dish, like tortillas and frijoles.

Miscellaneous articles of food, not already spoken
of, were axaifiwatl, flies of the Mexican lakes, dried,
ground, boiled, and eaten in the form of cakes; aJin-
auhtli, the eggs of the same fly, a kind of native
caviar; many kinds of insects, ants, maguey-worms,
and even lice; tecuitlatl, 'excrement of stone,' a slime
that was gathered on the surface of the lakes, and
dried till it resembled cheese ; eggs of turkeys, igua-
nas, and turtles, roasted, boiled, and in omelettes ; vari-
ous reptiles, frogs, and frog-spawn ; shrimps, sardines,
and crabs; conj-silk, wild -amaranth seeds, cherry-

EATING OF HUMAN FLESH.

857

stones, tule-roots, and very many other articles inex-
pressible; yucca flour, potoyucca, tunas; honey from
maize, from l)ees, and from the maguey; and roasted
portions of the maguey stalks and leaves.

The women did all the work in preparing and cook-
ing food; in Tlascala, however, the men felt that an
apology was due for allowing this work to be done by
women, and claimed, as Sahogun says, that the smoke
of cooking would impair their eye-sight and make
them less successful in the hunt. All these articles
of food, both c«)oked and uncooked, were offered for
sale in the market-places of each large town, of which
I shall speak further when I come to treat of com-
merce. Eating-houses were also generally found near
the markets, where all the substantial and delicacies
of the Nahua cuisine might be obtained."

One article of Nahua food demands special men-
tion — human flesh. That they ate the arms and legs
of the victims sacrificed to their gods, there is no room
for doubt. This religious cannibalism — perhaps human
sacrifice itself — was probably not practiced before the
cruel-minded Aztec devoteesof Huitzilopochtli came in*^
to power, or at least was of rare occurrence; but during
the Aztec dominion, the custom of eating the flesh of
sacrificed enemies became almost universal. That can-
nibalism, as a source of food, unconnected with religious

" On the preparation of food, and for mention more or less extensive of
miscellaneous articles of food, see Sahagun, Ilist. (icn., torn, i., lib. ii., pp.
l2»-.30, 184-6, toni. ii., lib. vii., p. 258, lib. viii., pp. 207, .302-5, torn,
iii., lib. X., pp. 118-19, 130, 132; Acosta, Hist, tk las Yud., pp. 237-68;
250-1, 254, 2o7-8; Beriial Diaz, Hist. Cony., fol. 68-9; Cortds, Cartas, pp.
23, 68, 103-5; Relacion dc Algunas Cosas, in Ivazhalceta, Col. de Doc., torn,
i., pp. 378-9; Peter Mnrtj/r, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.; La.i Casas, Hist. Apolo-
gitica, MS., cap. 43, 175; Torqtiemada, Moiiart/. Ltd., toni. i., pp. 9.3, 353,
373, torn, ii., p. 297; Goiiuxra, Conq. Mex., fol. 39, 318-19; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, toni. ii., pp. 158, 217, etc., toni. iv., p. 228; Solis, Hist.
Conq. Mex., torn, i., p. 394; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., torn, i., pp. 44, 48-9, 60,
88, 133, 141-3; Sniegazionc delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in
Kingsborougli's ilex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 191; Carhajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex.,
torn, i., pp. 624, 628-30, 674-9; Diaz, Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc.,
toni. i., pp. 298-9; Zuazo, Carta, in Id., pp. 359-61; Brasseur de Bour-
liinirg. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., p. 234, torn, iii., pp. 031, G41-4; Camargo,
Ilist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annates des Voy., 1843, turn, xcviii., pp. 142,
151-2.

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358

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

rites, was ever practiced, there is little evidence. The
Anonymous Conqueror tells us that they esteemed
the flesh of men above all other food, and risked their
lives in battle solely to obtain it. Bemal Diaz says
that they sold it at retail in the markets; and Veytia
also states that this was true of the Otomls. Father
Gand assures us that there were many priests that
ate and drank nothing but the flesh and blood of chil-
dren. But these ogreish tales are probably exaggera-
tions, since those who knew most of the natives,
Sahagun, Motolinia, and Las Casas, regard the canni-
balism of the Nahuas rathier as an abhorrent feature
of their religion than as the result of an unnatural ap-
petite. That by long usage they became fond of this
food, may well be believed; but that their prejudice
was strong against eating the flesh of any but their
sacrificed foes, is proven, as Gomara says, by the fact
that multitudes died of starvation during the siege
of Mexico by Cortes. Even the victims of sacrifice
seem only to have been eaten in banquets, more or
less public, accompanied with ceremonial rites. A
number of infants sacrificed to the Tlalocs were eaten
each year, and the blood of these and of other victims
was employed in mixing certain cakes, some of which
were at one time sent as a propitiatory offering to
Cortes."

i> 'Oi dezir, que le (for Montezuma) Bolian guisar cames de mucha-
ohos de poca edad.' Bemal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68, 35, 37. A slave
'elaborately dressed' was a prominent feature of the banquet. Preacotfs
Mex., vol. i., p. 156. They ate the arms and legs of the Spaniards cap-
tured. Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Qol. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 527. 'They
draw so much blood, as in stead of luke warme water may suffice to temper
the lumpe, which by the hellJHh butchers of that art, without any perturba-
tion of the stomacke being sutticiently kneaded, while it is nioytit, and soft
euen as a potter of the clay, or a wax chandler of wax, so doth this image
maker, admitted and chosen to be maister of this damned and cursed worke.'
Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv., i. 'Cocian aquella came con maiz, y daban
d cada uno un pedazo de ella en una escudilla 6 cajete con su caldo, y su
maiz cocida, y llamaban aquella comida tlacatlaolli. Sahagun, Hist. Gen.,
tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 89, 14, 84, 93, 97. ' La tenian por cosa, como sagrada, y
mas se niovian a esto por Religion, que por vicio.' Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 684-8. See also Albomoz,Sn leazbafceta, Col. de Doc.,
torn, i., p 488; Zuazo, Carta, in Id., pp. 363, 385; Motolinia, Hist. Indios,
in Id., pp. 40-1, 59; Belacion de Algunas Cosas, in Id., p. 398; Veytia,
Hist. Ant Mej., torn, iii., pp. 282-3; Gand, in Temaux-t'ompans, Voy.,

DRINKS AND DRUNKENNESS.

8B»

The most popular Nahua beverages were thc^ie since
known as pulque and chocolate. The former, called
by the natives octli — pulque, or pulcre, being a South
American aboriginal term applied to the liquor in
some unaccountable way by the Spaniards — ^was the
fermented juice of the maguey. One plant is said to
yield about one hundred pounds in a month. A cavity
is cut at the base of the larger leaves, and allowed
to fill with juice, which is removed to a vessel of
earthen ware or of skin, where it ferments rapidly
and is ready for use. In a pure state it is of a
light color, wholesome, and somewhat less intox-
icating than gr?.pe wine; but the aborigines mixed
with it various herbs, some to merely change its color
or flavor, and others to increase its intoxicating prop-
erties. This national drink was honored with a spe-
cial divinity, Ometochtli, one of the numerous Nahua
gods of wine. According to some traditions the
Quinames, or giants, knew how to prepare it, but its
invention is oftener attributed to the Toltecs, its first
recorded use having been to aid in the seduction of
a mighty monarch from his royal duties.^'

Chocolatl — the foundation of our chocolate — was
made by pounding cacao to a powder, adding an equal
quantity of a seed called pochotl, also powdered, and
stirring or beating the mixture briskly in a dish of
water. The oily foam which rose to the surface was

B^rie i., torn, x., p. 197; Bologne, in Id., p. 215; Duran, Hitt, Indiaa, MS.,
torn, iii., appendix, cap. iil; Carbajal, Diacurso, p. 60; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del McHsico, toin. ii., p. 47; Brai>seur de Bourhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
torn, iii., pp. 502-3, torn, iv., p. 90; La» Casus, Hist. Apologitica, MS.,
cap. 175-6.

" Tcaxaleevia, texcalcevilo, and malaluhtli are some of the names given
to pulc^ue according to its hue and condition. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn,
i., lib. li., pp, 175, 179, 186. Pulque from Chilian language, Clavigero, Slo-
ria Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 221-2. See Carbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mex., tom. i., pp. 679-80; Brasseur de Bourhourg, Hist. Nat, Civ., torn,
iii., pp. 643-4, torn, i., pp. 340-5; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii.,
cap. xxii; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 151. 'Antes que d su vino lo
cuezan con unas raices que le ecnan, es claro y dulce como i^uamiel. Des-
nues de cocido, hdcese al^ espeso y tiene nial olor, y los que con ^1 se em-
Deodan, mucho peor.' Stotolinia, Hist. Indies, in Icazbalceta, Col. deDoe.,
tom. i., pp. 22-3; and Ritos Antiguos, pp. 16-17, in Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., vol. ix. ' No hay perros muertos, ni bomba, aue assi hiedan como
el haliento del borracho deste vino.' Oomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 319.

360

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

then .separated, a small quantity of maize flour was
added, and the liquid which was set before the fire.
The oily portion was finally restored and the beverage
was drunk lukewarm, sweetened with honey and often
seasoned with vanilla. This drink was nutritious,
refreshing, and cooling, and was especially a favorite
with those called upon to perform fatiguing labor with
scant food.**

Miscellaneous drinks were water, plantain -juice,
the various kinds of porridge known as atolli, already
mentioned, the juice of maize-stalks, those prepared
from chian and other seeds by boiling, and fermented
water in which corn had been boiled — a favorite Ta-
rasco drink. Among the ingredients used to make
their drinks more intoxicating the most powerful was
the teonanacatl, 'flesh of god,' a kind of mushroom
which excited the passions and caused the partaker
to see snakes and divers other visions.'*

The Aztec laws against drunkenness were very se-
vere, yet nearly all the authors represent the people
as delighting in all manner of intoxication, and as
giving way on every opportunity to the vice when
the power of their rulers over them was destroyed
by the coming of the Spaniards. Drinking to ex-

*" 'Esta bebida ea el mas sano y mas sustancioso aliinento de cuantos se
conocen en el inundo, pues el que bebe una taza de ella, aunque haga una
Jornada, puede pasarse todo el dia sin tomar otra cosa; y siendo frio por
su naturaleza, es mejor en tienipo caliente que frio.' Belacion de Algunaa
Cosas, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc, torn, i., p. 381. 'La mejor, maa dclicada
y cara beuida que tienen es de liarina de cacao y agua. Algunas vezes le
mezclan miel, y harina de otras legunibres. Esto no emborracha, antes re-
fresca mucho.' Gomara, Conq. JUex., fol. 319. 'Of ccrtaine almondes....
they make wonderfull drinke.' Peter Martyr, dec. v,, lib. ii., iv. 'Cierta
bebida hecha del mismi/ cacao, que dezian era para tener acceso con mu-
geres.' Bernal Diaz, His'. Conq., fol. 68. Red, vermilion, orange, black,
and white. Sahagun, JUat. Gen., torn, ii., lib. viii., pp. 301-2. See Acosta,
Hist, de las Ytia., p.iil; Clavigero Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp.
219-20; Brasseur de Buurbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 642-3.

<> Chicha and sendfchd, fermented drinks. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. ii., p. 221. Sendech6, an Otomi drink, for a full description
see Mendoza, in Soe. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da epoca, tom. ii., pp. 25-8.
'Ale, and syder.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv. 'Pr.nicap que es cierto
brebaie que ellos beben.' Cortis, Cartas, p. 76. See besides references in
note 19; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazoalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p.
23; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 118, 130; Mendieta, Hist.
Eaet., p. 139; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 67G, 673-9.

MEALS OF THE COMMON PEOPLE.

86t

ex-

cess seems to have been with them a social vice,
confined mostly to public feasts and private ban-
quets. It may have been chiefly against intemperance
among the working classes, and ofiicials when on duty,
that the stringent laws were directed. Mendieta
speaks of the people as very temperate, using pulque
only under the direction of the chiefs and judges for
medicinal pui-poses chiefly. The nobles made it a
point of honor not to drink to excess, and al' feared
punishment. But Motolinia and other good author-
ities take an opposite view of the native character in
this respect.**

Concerning the manner of serving the king's meals,
as well as the banquets and feasts of nobles and the
richer classes, enough has been already said. Of the
daily meals among the masses little is known. The
Nahuas seem to have confined their indulgence in rich
and varied viands to the oft-recurring feasts, while at
their homes they were content with plain fare. This
is a peculiarity that is still observable in the country,
both among the descendants of the Nahuas and of
their conquerors. The poorer people had in each
house a metate for grinding maize, and a few earthen
dishes for cooking tortillas and frijoles. They ate
three meals a day, morning, noon, and night, using
the ground for table, table-cloth, napkins, and chairs,
conveying their tlaxcalli and chile to the mouth with
the fingers, and washing down their simple food with
water or atole. The richer Nahuas were served with
a greater variety on palm-mats often richly decorated,

^ Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 138-40. 'Comunmente comenzaban d be-
1)er despues de viaperas, y dabanse taiita prisa & beber de diez en diez, 6
quince en quince, y los escanciadores que no cesaban, y la coniida que no
era mucha, a prima noche ya van perdiendo el sentido, ya cayendo ya useu-
tundo, cantando y dando voces Uaniando al denionio.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios,
in Icazbalceta, Vol. de Doc, torn, i., pp. 23, 32. 'Bcben con tanto exceso,
que no paran basta caer como niuertos de pure ebrios, y tienen & grande
honra beber niucho y embriagarse.' Relacion de Algutias Cosas, in Id., pp.
582, 587. Drinkers and druntcards had several special divinities. Brasseur
de bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., totn. iii., p. 493. Drank less before the con-
quest. Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., torn, iii., cap. xxii. ; Clavigero, StoriaAnt.
del Messico, toni. i., p. 119.

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

around which low seats were placed for their conveni-
ence; napkins were also furnished.^

*> 'Comen en el suelo, y soziamente. . . .parten los hueuos en vn cabello
que Be arrancan,' whatever that operation ma^ be. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
319. . 'Es gente que con muv poco mantenimiento vive, y la que menos come
de cuantas nay en el mundo. Relacion deAlgunas Coaat, in Icazhalceta, Col.
de Doc., torn, i., pp. 379-80. ' Molto Bobrj nel mangiare.' Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, torn, i., p. 119. 'It is notlawfuU for any that ia vnmaried to
sit at table with such as are maried, or to eate of the same dish, or drinke of
the same cup, and make themseluca equall with such as are married.' Peter
Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iv. The nobles gave feasts at certain periods of the
year tor the relief of the poor. Torquemada, Moiiarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 270.
See also Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138; Oviedo, Hist. Gen.,
torn, iii., p. 535; Brasseurde Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 644-5,
Additional references for the whole subject of Nahua food are: — Montanus,
Nieuwe Weercld, pp. 74, 80, 247, 251; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 83, 91,
278-9, 283; Klemm, Cultur-Geschiehte, torn, v., pp. 10-13, 20-6, 102, 104,
180-3, 189, 196; Wdppaus, Geog. «. Stat., pp. 44-9; Tylor'a Anahuac, pp.
62, 103, 145-6, 173-4; Fossey, Mexique, pp. 44, 215, 485-6; Malte-Brun, Pr6-
cis de la G6og., tom. vi., p. 456; Monglave, Risumi, pp. 37-8, 261; Delaporte
Reisen, tom. x., pp. 257, 268-9; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 45; Chevalier, Mex.
Ancien y Mod., pp. 15-27; MiUler, Amerikanisclie Urreligionen, p. 538;
Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pp. 278-9; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i.,
p. 22; Gibhs, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 99; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte,
tom. ii., p. 502; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 455; Lafond, Voyages, tom.
i., p. 107; Baril, Mexique, pp. 20S-9; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 164-6,
178, 230; Lenoir, Parallile, p. 39; Long, Porter, andYucker's America, p.
162; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., pp. 16-17.

CHAPTEK XI.

DRESS OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.
Prooress in Dress— Dress of the Pre-Aztec Nations— Garments

OF THE CHICHIMECS AND TOLTECS— INTRODUCTION OF COTTON—

The Maxtli— The Tilmatli— Dress of the Acolhuas— Origin

OF THE TaRASCAN COSTUME— DRESS OF THE ZAPOTECS AND TABAS-

CANS— Dress of Women— The Huipil and Cueitl— Sandals-
Manner OF WearinA the Hair— Painting and Tattooing- Or-
naments used bv the Nahuas — Gorgeous Dress of the Nobles-
Dress OF the Koyal Attendants— Names of the Various
Mantles— The Royal Diadem— The Royal Wardrobe— Costly
Decorations.

With but few exceptions the dress of all the civi-
lized nations of Mexico appears to have been the same.
The earliest people, the historians inform us, went en-
tirely naked or covered only the lower portion of the
body with the skins of wild animals. Afterwards, as
by degrees civilization advanced, this scanty covering
grew into a regular costume, though still, at first,
made only of skins. From this we can note a farther
advance to garments manufactured first out of tanned
and prepared skins, later of maguey and palm-tree
fibres, and lastly of cotton. From the latter no further
progress was made, excepting in the various modes of
ornamenting and enriching the garments with feather-
work, painting, embroidery, gold-work, and jewelry.
The common people were obliged to content them-
selves with plain clothing, but the dress of the richer

1363)

364

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

classes, nobles, princes, and sovereigns, was of finer
texture and richer ornamentation.^

The descriptions of the dresses of the nations which
occupied the Valley of Mexico before the Aztecs
vary according to different authors. While some de-
scribe them as gorgeously decked out in painted and
embroidered garments of cotton and nequen, others
say, that they went either wholly naked or were only
partially covered with skins. Thus Sahagun and
Brasseur de Bourbourg describe the Toltecs as dressed
in undergarments and mantles on which blue scor-
pions were painted,' while the latter author in another
place says that they went entirely naked.' Veytia
goes even farther than Sahagun, affirming that they
knew well how to manufacture clothing of cotton, that
a great difference existed between the dress of the
nobles and that of the plebeians, and that they even
varied their clothing with the seasons. He describes
them as wearing in summer a kind* of breech-cloth or
drawers and a square mantle tied across the breast
and descending to the ankles, while in winter in addi-
tion to the above they clothed themselves in a kind of
sack, which reached down as far as the thighs, with-
out sleeves but with a hole for the head and two
others for the arms.*

The Chichimecs, generally mentioned as the suc-
cessors of the Toltecs, are mostly described as going
naked, or only partly dressed in skins.* This appears,

^ 'La gcnte pobrc vestia de nequen, que es la tela que se haze del ma-
guey, y los ricos vestian de algodon, con orlaa labradas de plunia, y pelo de
conejoB.' Herrcra, Hist. Gen., dec ii., lib. vii., cap. ii.

* Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., p. 112; Brassevr de Bour-
bourp. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., p. 233. 'Maxtli enrichide broderies, et

tunique d'unc grande finesse.' Id., p. 350. 'En tiempo de calor con sua
mantas y pauetcs de algodon, y en tiempo de frio se ponian unos jaque-
tones sin mangus que los llevaban hasta las rodillas con bus mantaB y pa-
fietes.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mcx. Antirj., vol. ix., p.
327.

3 'Nu Buivant la coutume des indigenes qui travaillaient aux champs.'
Brasseur dc Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., p. 348.

* 'Algodon, que sabian beneficiar y fabricar de ^1 las ropas dc que se
vestian.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., toni. ii., p. 43, Id., tom. i., p. 253.

i 'Su vestuario eran las pieles. . . .que las ablandaban y curabau para
el efecto, troyendo en tiempo de f rios el pelo adentro, y en tiempo do calo-

DRESS OF THE AZTECS, TABASCOS, AND HUASTECS. 865

however, only to relate to the people spoken of as
wild Chichimecs; those who inhabited Tezcuco and
others in that neighborhood as civilized as the Aztecs,
dressed probably in a similar fashion to theirs; at
least, as we shall presently see, this was the case with
their sovereigns and nobles. All the Nahuas, with the
exception of the Tarascos and Huastecs, made use of
the breech-cloth, or maxtli.* This with the Mexicans
in very early i imes is said to have been a kind of mat,
woven of the roots of a plant which grew in the Lake
of Mexico, and was called amoxtli'' Later, the fibre
of the palm-tree and the maguey furnished the mate-
rial "or their clothing, and it was only during the reign
of S^ing Huitzilihuitl that cotton was introduced."

res . . .el pelo por la parte afuera.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hut Chich., in Kingabor-
ough's Mcx. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 214; Motoliiiia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta,
Col.dc Doc, torn, i., p. 4; Gomara, C'onq. Mex., fol. 298; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, torn, i., p. 133; Torquemcuta, Monarq. Iiid., torn, i., p. 38.
Por lo frio de su clima vestian todos pieles de aniniales odubndas y curtidas,
nin que perdiesen el pelo, las que acomodaban d maiiera de un sayo, que por
detras les Ile;;aba hasta las corvas, y por delante & medio inuslo.' Veytia,

Hist. Ant. Met., torn, ii., p. 5, toin. i., p. 25. 'S'liabillaient depeauxde

bStes fauves, Ic poil en deiiors durant V&i&, el en dedans en liivcr. . . .Chez

Icb cla£r"'.is aisles ces peaux dtaient tann^ea ou maroquin^es avec art; on

y usait aussi des toilcs de ncquen, et quelquefois des cotonnadcs d'une grando
finesse.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 186.

^ 'Maxtlatl, bragas, o cosa scnieiante.' Molina, Vocabulario. The
Tarascos 'n'adoptferent jamais I'usage des eale^ons.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax.,
In Noitvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, toni. xcviii., p. 132. The maxtii is
frequently spoken of as drawers or pantaloons. The Huastecs 'no traen
maxtlcs con que cubrir sus vergiienzas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, iii.,
lib. X., p. 134.

' Torqtiemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 84.

8 'Cominciarono in questo tempo a vestirsi di cotone, del quale erano
innanxi aflfatto privi per la loro miseria, n^ d'altro vestivansi, se non delle
tele grosse di flio di maguei, o di palma salvatica.' Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, torn, i., p. ISl. 'Lcs Mexicains, les Tecpaneques etlesautres
tribus qui restferent en arri^re, conservferent I'usage des Atones de coton, do
fil de palmier, de maguey ixohcle, de poil de lapiu et de lifevre, ainsi que
des peai.x d'animaux.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvellcs Annales des
Voy., 1843, xcviii., p. 132. 'Non aveano lana, nfe ssta comune, ni; lino,
nb canapa; ma sapplivano alia lana col cotone, alia seta colla piuma, e col
pelo del coniglio, e della lepre, ed al lino, ed alia canapa coll' Icxotl, o

nalma montana, col QuetzeUtehUi, col Pati, e con altre spezie di Maguei

II modo, che avevano di preparer qoesti materiali, era ^uello stesso, che
hanno gli Europci nel lino, e nella canapa. Macerevano m acqua le foglie.
c poi Ic nettavano, le mettcvano al Sole, e le ammaccavano, hnattantoch^
Ic mettevano in istatodi poterle filare.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
torn, ii., pp. 207-8. Yc^otl, Palma Montana. 'Non videtur fileudum, h
foliis huius arboris fila parari, linteis, storisq. intexendis perquam accom-
moda, politiora, firmioraq. eis quaa ex Metl passim fieri consueuere, ma-

866

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The maxtli was about, twenty-four feet long and
nine inches wide, and was generally more or less orna-
mented at the ends with colored fringes and tassels,
the latter sometimes nine inches long. The manner
of wearing it was to pass the middle between the
legs and to wind it about the hips, leaving the ends
hanging one in front and the other at the back, a^i
is done at this day by the Malays and other East
Indian natives. It was at the ends usually that the
greatest display of embroidery, fancy fringes, and tas-
sels was made.'

As a further covering the men wore the tilmatli, or
ayatl, a mantle, which was nothing more than a square
piece of cloth about four feet long. If worn over
both shoulders, the two upper ends were tied in a knot
across the breast, but more frequently it was only
thrown over one shoulder and knotted under one of
the arms. Sometimes two or three of these mantles
were worn at one time. This, however, was only done
by the l>etter classes. The older Spanish writers gen-
erally compare this mantle to the Moorish albomoz.
It was usually colored or painted, frequently richly
embroidered or ornamented with feathers and furs.

dentibus in primis aqua, mox protritia, ac lotis, iteTum<][. et iterum macera-
tis, et insolatis, donee aptaredauntur, vt ncri possint, et in usus accommodari
n: iteries est leuis, ac lenta.' Hernandez, Nova. Plant., p. 76.

* ' Maxtles, c'est ainsi qu'on nomme en langue mexicaine des esp^ces
d'almai/sales ([iii sont loneuea de quatre brasses, larges d'une palme et
demie et terniin^es par des Moderies de diversescouleurs, qui out plus d'une
palme et demie de naut.' Camargo. Hist. Tlax., in Notivellea Annates des
Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132. 'Cuoprono le loro jiarti vergogno se cosi
di dietro come dinanzi, con certi sciugatoi molto galanti, che sono come gran
fazzuoli che si legano il capo per via^o, di diuersi colori, e orlati di varie
foggie, e di colori similmente diuersi, con i suoi iiocclii, che nel cingersegli,
viene I'un capo dauanti e I'altro di dietro.' Relatione fa tta far vn qentiV
huomo del Stgnor Fernando Cortese, in Eamusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol.
305. In Meztitlan, 'les uns et les autres couvraient leur nudit^s d'une
longuebande d'^toffe, semblable & un a/matzar , qui leur faisait plusieursfois
Ic tour du corps et passait ensuite entre les janibes, les extr^mit^s retoni-
bant par-devant jusqu'auxgenoux.' Chaves, JRapport, in Ternaux-Compaiis,
Koy., s^rie iL, tom. v.,p.316. 'Losvestido8quetraen(Totonacs)es comode
almaizales muy pintados, y los hombrestraen tapadas sus verguenzas.' Cor-
tts, Cartas, p. 23. In Oajaca, 'Maxtles conque se cubrian sus vcrgiienzas.'
Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib.x., pp. 136, 123, 131. The Miztecs 'por
caraguelles trahian matzles, que los Castellanos dizen mastiles.' Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii, cap. xii.; Clavigera, SU>ria Ant. del Messico,
torn. iL, p. 223.

GARMENTS OP THE TABASCOS.

807

The edges were scolloped or fringed with tufts of cot-
ton and sometimes with gold. Kich people had, be-
sides these, mantles made of rabbit or other skins, or of
beautiful feathers, and others of fine cotton into which
was woven rabbit-hair, which latter were used in cold
weather.*"

In only one instance garments with sleeves are
mentioned. Ixtlilxochitl, in describing the dress of
the Acolhuas, says that they wore a kind of long
coat reaching to the heels with long sleeves."

The dress of the Tarascos differed considerably
from that of the other Nahua nations. This difference

10 II Tilmatli era un mantello quadro, Iiingo quattro piedi in circa; due

esitremit^ d'esso annodavano buI petto, o sopra una spalla Gli Uomini

solevano portar due, o tre mantelli.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Mesisico,
toni. ii., p. 223, and plate, p. 224. 'I vestimenti loro aon certi manti di
bambagia come lenzuola, ma non cosi grande, lauoratori di gentili lauori di
diuerse maniere, e con le lor franze e orletti, e di ^uesti ciascun n 'ha duoi b
tre e se gli liga per dananti al petto.' Relatione ^atta per un gentil 'hvomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Namgationi, torn, iii., fol. 30.'>;
Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annates des Voy., 1843, torn, xcviii., p.
131. 'Todos traen albornoces encima de la otra ropa, aunque son diferen-
ciados de los de Africa, porque tienen maneras; pero en la liechura y tela y
los rapacejos son muy semejables.' Cortis, Cartas, pp. 75, 23. 'Leur v6te-
mcnt consistait anciennement dans deux ou trois manteaux d'une vare et
demi en carr^, nou^s par en haut, le nceud se niettant pour les uus sur la
poitrine, })our les autres h, I'^paule gauche, et souvent par derri^re.' Chaves,
Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., s^rie ii., torn, v., jjp. 315-16. 'Nin-
gun plebeyo vestia de algodon, con franja, ni guamicion, ni ropa roza-
gante, sino senzilla, liana, corta, y sin ribete, y assi era conocido cada vno
en el trage.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 174. 'Otras hacian de pelo de

Conejo, entretcxido de hilo de Algodon con que se defendian del frio.'

Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 488; Diaz, Itinerario, in Icaz-
balceta. Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 298. The Totonacs; 'algunos con ropas
de algodon, ricas a su costumbre. Los otros casi desnudos.' Gomara, Cong.
Mex., fol. 39, 95; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131. Huas-
tecs 'andan bien vestidos: y sus ropas y niantas son muy pulidas y curiosas
con lindas labores, porque en su tierra haccn las mantas que llaman cent-
zontilmatli, cemonquaehtli, que quiere dezir, mantas de tnu colores: de alld
se traen las mantas que tienen unas cabczas de monstruos pintadas, y- las
de remolinos de agua engeridas unas con otras, en las cuales y en otras mn-
chas, se esmerabau las tejedoras.' Id., p. 134. 'Una manta cuadrada
anudada sobre el pecho, hdcia el hombro siniestro, que dcscendia hasta los
tobillos; pero en tiempo de invierno cubrian mas el cuerpo con un sayo cer-
rodo sin mancas, y con una sola abertura en la sumida para entrar'la ca-
beza, y dos d los lados para los brazos, y eon ^I se cubrian nasta los muslos.'
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 263; Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col.
de Doc., tom., i., p. 360.

" 'Vestianse unas tdnicas largas de pellejos cnrtidos hasta los carcafia-
les, abiertas por delante y atadas con unas d manera de agugetas, y sus
manos que llegaban hasta las mufiecas, y las manos.' Ixtlilxochitl, Mela-
donet, in Kingsborough's Mcx. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 341.

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

is said to have originated in ancient times, when they
together with other tribes, as the legend relates, immi-
grated into Mexico. While on their wanderings be-
ing obliged to cross a river, and having no ropes with
which to construct rafts, they used for this purpose
their maxtlis and mantles. Not being able to procure
other clothing immediately, they were under the ne-
cessity of putting on the huipiles, or chemises, of the
women, leaving to the latter only their naguas, or

{)etticoats. In commemoration of this event, they
ater adopted this as their national costume, discard-
ing the maxtli and wearing the huipil and a mantle."
The tilmatli, or ayatl, was by the Tarascos called
tlanatzi. It was worn over one shoulder and was
knotted under the other arm. They frequently trimmed
it with hare-skins and painted it gaudily. The young
wore it considerably shorter than old people. The
manufacture of feather garments seems to have been
a specialty of the Tarascos."

The Zapotecs chiefly dressed in skins, while others
in Oajaca are said to have worn small jackets, and
Cortds reports these people to have been better dressed
than any he had previously seen." In Tabasco but
little covering was used, the greater part of the popu-
lation going almost naked."

There was no difference in the dress of the women
throughout Andhuac. The huipil and cudtl were the
the chief articles, and were universally u ;d. Be-
sides these, mantles of various shapes and materials
were worn. The huipil was a kind of chemise, with

I* Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvellea Annates des Voy., 1843, torn,
xoviii., p. 132; Srasseiir de Bourhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 57.

" Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annates des Voy., JMS, torn,
xcviii., pp. 130-1; Beaumont, Crdn. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 49-50; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.

1* '£1 trage de ellos era de diversus maneras, tinos traian mantas, otros
oouio Unas xaquctillas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., p. 136.
' Era mas vestida qtie estotra que habemos visto.' Cortis, Cartas, v. 93.
'La mayor parte nndauan en cueros.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii.,
cap. xiv. The Miztecs 'vestian mantas blancas de ulj^on, texidas, pinta-
daii, y matizadas con flores, roHas, y aves de diferentes colorea: no trahian
camisas.' Id., cap. xii.

i> 'Andan caaideanudos,* Gomara, Conq. Mcx., fol. 36.

DRESS OF WOMEN.

93.

iii.,
inta-
ihian

either no sleeves at all or very short ones ; it cov-
ered the upper part of the body to a little below
the thighs. The lower part of the body was covered
by the cueitl, a petticoat, reaching to about half-way
hotween the knees and ankles, and often nicely em-
broidered and ornamented. Skins, ixcotl, or palm-
fibre, nequen, and cotton were the materials used for
these garments. Out of doors they frequently put
on another over-dress similar to the huipil, only
longer and with more ornamental fringes and tassels.
Sometimes they wore two or three of these at the
same time, one over the other, but in that case they
wore of different lengths, the longest one being worn
vmdcrneath. A mantle similar in size and shape to
that used by the men, white and painted in various
designs on the outside, >> ..s also used by the females.
To the upper edo-e of this, on thai portion which was
at the back of lue neck, a capuchin, like that worn
by the Dominican and other monks, was fastened,
with which they covered their head."

To protect their feet they used sandals, by the Az-
tecs called cactli, which were made of deer or other
skins, and frequently also of nequen and cotton. The
strings or straps used to fasten them were of the same
material." I do not find any description of the manner
in which they were fastened, but in an old Mexican
manuscript on maguey paper, in which some of the

10 'Traen camisas dc mcdias mancas.' Gomara, Conq. Mcx., fol. 317; Re-
latione fntta per un GentiPhuomo del Signor Fernando Cortcse, in Ramnsio,
Narkjationi, torn, iii., fol. 305; IxtlUxochitl, Relarioiies, in Kingsboroiigh'a
Mcx. Antitf., vol. ix., p. 327; Cortis, Cartas, p. 23. In Jalisco they had
'vn Huipilillo corto, que llaman Ixqueniitl, 6 tcapxoloton. ' Tor^vemada,
Monarq. ItuL, torn, i., p. 339. ' Una soprav vesta . . .con nianiclie piu lunghe.'
Ctafigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 223; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej.,
torn, ii., p. 6, torn, i., pp. 253-4; Ihasxeur de Bonrbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
torn, i., p.283. In Michoacan 'notraian vimles.' Sahag tin. Hist. Gen., torn.
iii., lib. X., pp. 138, 123; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codicc Mexicano (Va-

Ucn., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.

" Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., pp. 112, 123; IxtlUxochitl, Rela-
done-s, in KingsborougKs Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 336, 341; Herrera, Hist.
Gc«.,dec. ii.,Iib. vi., cap. xvii. ; Id., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix., xii.; Beau ont
Vrdii Mcchoacan, MS., p. 60; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, i., p. 259; Go-
mam, Conq. Mex., fol. 317; Chaves, Rajtport, in Ternavx-Compans, F<
Bcrie ii., torn. v. , p. 316; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, toni. ii., p. '
Vol. XI. a*

870

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

i i

natives are painted in various colors, I find that the
sandals were fastened in three places; first by a strap
running across the foot immediately behind the toes,
then another over the instep and running toward the
heel, and lastly by a strap from the heel round the
ankle.

As a general thing Mexicans wore the hair long,
and in many parts of the empire it was considered
a disgrace to cut the hair of a free man or woman."
Unlike most of the American natives they wore mous-
taches, but in other parts of the body they eradi-
cated all hair very carefully." There were public
barber-shops and baths in all the principal cities. ''°
The Aztecs had various ways of dressing the hair,
differing according to rank and office. Generally it
was left hanging loose down the back. The women also
frequently wore it in this way, but oftener had it done
up or trimmed after various fashions; thus some
wore it long on the temples and had the rest of the
head shaved, others twisted it with dark cotton
thread, others again had almost the whole head
shaved. Among them it was also fashionable to dye
the hair with a species of black clay, or with an herb
called xiiihquilitl, the latter giving it a violet shade.
Unmarried girls wore the hair always loose; they con-
sidered it as especially graceful to wear the hair low"

'8 'Aveanoadisonorc Tcsser toaati.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
torn. ii. , p. 224.

^^ Brasseur de Bourhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., p. 350. 'Ni bicn
baruiidos, porque se arrancan y vntaii los pelos para que no nazcaii.' Go-
mara, Conq. Mcx., fol. 317. The Mistec8 'las barbaa sc arrancauan con
teiiazillas do ore' Herrera, Hint. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.

«o Cort<</i, Cartas, pp. 68, 104; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., toin. iii., p. 300.

'■ ' Hazcn lu iie<^ro con ticrra por gentileza y porque Ics mate lus pinjos.
Las casadas se lo rodean a la cabe9a con vn fludo a la frcnte. Las virj^incs
y por casar, lo traen auclto, y cchado atras y adelantc. Pelan se y vntan so
todas para no tener pclo sine en la cabeca y cejas, y assi ticnen por liernio-
Bura tcner chica frcntc, y llena dc cabcllo, y no tener coloilriilo.' Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 317; i>ahagun. Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. viii., pp. 309-10,
torn, iii., lib. x., pp. 11.3, 120, lib. xl., p. 309; Clamfcro, Storta Ant. del
Messico, torn, ii., p. 224; Chaves, Rapport, in Tcrnanx-Comnans, Voy.,
sdrie ii., torn, v., p. 316. The Chichiniccswore it, 'largo hasta las cspaldii-s,
y por dclante se lo cortan.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's
Alex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 335.

HAIR-DRESSING AND PAINTING.

«n

on the forehead. The virgins who served in the tem-
ples had their hair cut short.**

The Otomi's shaved the fore part of the heads of
children, leaving only a tuft behind, which they called
piochtli, while the men wore the hair cut short as far
as the middle of the back of the head, but left it to
grow long behind ; and these long locks they called
piocheque. Girls did not have their hair cut until
after marriage, when it was worn in the same style as
by the men.'" The Tarascos, or as they were also
called Quaochpanme, derived this last name from an
old fashion of having their heads shaved, both men
and women.'" Later they wore the hair long, the
common people simply letting it hang down the back,
while the rich braided it with cotton threads of vari-
ous colors.'" The Miztecs wore the hair braided, and
ornamented with many feathers. **

The Nahua women used paint freely to beautify
their person, and among some nations they also
tattooed. Among the Aztecs they painted their
faces with a red, yellow, or black color, made,
as Sahagun tells us, of burnt incense mixed with
dye. They also dyed their feet black with the same
mixture. Their teeth they cleaned and painted with
cochineal ; hands, neck, and breast were also painted."
Among the Tlascaltecs the men painted their faces
with a dye made of the xagua and bixa.^ The Oto-
mfs tattooed their breasts and arms by making in-
cisions with a knife and rubbing a blue powder
therein. They also covered the body with a spe-

niojos.
vir^jines

•* Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 224.

^ Sa/uiffitn, Hint. Gen., toin. iii., lib. x. , p. 124.

<* 'Lldinose taiiibieii Qiiaochpannio, que quiere decir hombres de cabeza
rapada 6 ruida, porque anti^^iiaiiiente estos talcs no traian cabelloa lar^^os,
aiit«s Rc rapaimn la cabeza asi loa hornltres, conio las mugerea.' Sahagun,
Hist. Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., p. 137; Brusseur de Bourbourg, Hiit. Nat.
Civ., torn, iii., p. 57.

^ Beaumont, Cnfn. Mechoacan, MS., p. 60.

* Herrera, Hist. Gen,, dec. iii., lib iii., cap. xlv. .

" 'Se raiaban las Caras.' Torqtiemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 26A;
Sahagun, Hi»t. Gen., torn, ii., lib. viii., p. 310.

** Gomara, Conq. Hex. , fol. 7I^.

ar72

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

cies of pitch called teocahuitl, and over this again
they applied some other color. Their teeth they
dyed black.'®

The Nahuas, like all semi -barbarous people, had a
passion for loading themselves with ornaments. Those
worn by the kings, nobles, and rich persons, were of
gold or silver, set with precious stones; those of the
poorer classes were of copper, stone, or bone, set with
imitations in crystal of the rarer jewels. These orna-
ments took the shape of bracelets, armlets, anklets,
and rings for the nose, ears, and fingers. The lower
lip was also pierced, and precious stones, or crystals,
inserted. The richer classes used principally for this
purpose the chalchiuite, which is generally desig-
nated as an emerald. There existed very stringent
laws reijardinor the class of ornaments which the dif-
ferent classes of people were allowed to wear, and it
was prohibited, on pain of death, for a subject to use
the same dress or ornaments as the king. Duran re-
lates that to certain very brave but low-born warriors
permission was accorded to wear a cheap garland or
crown on the head, but on no account might it be
made of gold.** Gomara tells us that the claws and
beaks of the eagle and also fish-bones were worn as
ornaments in the ears, nose, and lips.^*

The Otomfs used ear-ornaments made of burned
clay, nicely browned, and others of cane.** The Ta-
rascos chiefly relied on feathers for their personal
adornment.^ Of the natives encountered by Cortes

^ Sahagun, Hist. Gen., iom. iii. ,lib. x., pp. 124-6.

30 Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., toiu. i., cap. xxvi.

" Gomara, Conq. Max., fol. 317; Hcrrern, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii.,
cap. xii. ; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, toiii. ii., p. 224, describes the
nrnanients, but in his accompanying plate fails to show any of tiicin. Te-
BozoMoc, Crdnica Mex., in KingshorougKs Mex. Antiq., vol., ix. pp. 79-
80; Purchas his Pilfjrimes, vol. iv., p. 1119.

3> 'Do barro cocido bien bruilidaa, 6 de cafia.' Sahagun, Hist Gen., torn.
iii., lib. X., p. 124.

" Id., p. 137. The Totonacs 'traian vnos giandes agujeros en los be908
do abaxo, y en ellos vnas rodajas do piedras pintadillas do aznl, y otros con
vnaa hojad do oro delgadus, y en laH orojas muy grandcs agujeros, y en clloa
pucstas otniB rodajas de oro, y piedras. BernaV Diaz, Hist, Conq., fol. 28;
Corttt, Cartas, p. 23.

DRESS OF TQE NOBLES.

378

when he landed at Vera Cruz, Peter Martyr tells us
that in the "hole of the lippes, they weare a broad
plate within fastened to another on the outside of the
lippe, and the iewell they hang thereat is as great as
a siluer Caroline doUer and as thicke as a mans
finger."^

In Oajaca more ornaments were worn than in any
other part of the country, owing, perhaps, as the Al bj
Brasseur de Bourbourg remarks, to the plentiful sup-
ply of precious metals in that state.**

The dress of the nobles and members of the royal
household differed from that of the lower classes only
in fineness of material and profusion of ornaments.
The kings appear to have worn garments of the same
shape as those of their subjects, but, in other respects,
a particular style of dress was reserved for royalty,
and he who presumed to imitate it was put to death.
On occasions, however, when the monarch w^ished to
bestow a special mark of favor upon a brave soldier or
distinguished statesman, he would graciously bestow
upon him one of his garments, which, even though
the recipient were a, great noble, was received with
joy, and the wearer respected as a man whom the
king delighted to honor.^ In Tlascala differences of
rank among the nobles were easily recognized by the
style of dress. The common people were strictly for-
bidden to wear cotton clothes with fringes or other
trimmings, unless with special permission, granted in
consideration of services rendered.^

The court laws of etiquette prescribed the dress to
be worn by the royal attendants, who could only appear
without sandals, barefooted, and in coarse mantles

'* Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. vii.

" The Miztecs 'tracn iniilii, axorcosmiiy anchasdeoro, ysnrtales de pie-
(Ira li las niuftecas. y joyeles do ^stas y de oro al cuello.' Sahaffiiii, Jlisl.
Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., p. 136; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist, Nat. Civ.,
torn, iii., p. 30.

3B 'Ninguna Peraona (aiinque fnesen siis propios Hijos) podia vcstirlo, bo
pcna de la vida.' Torqucmada, Monarq. ind., torn, ii., p. 642; Duran,
Hist. Indias, MS., torn, i., cap. xxvi.

" Camarffo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvellet Annalet dtt Voff., 1843, t^m.
xcviii., p. 198.

874

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

before the king, and even the apparel of the sovereign
was in like manner fixed by custom, if not by law.
The different kinds of tilmatlis, or mantles, had each
its appropriate name, and varied in material as well
as in ornament and color. The cotton mantles are
described as being of exceeding fineness of texture, so
much so that it required an expert to determine
whether they were cotton or silk.* The mantle worn
as every-day dress in the palace was white and blue
and called the xiuhtilmatli.^ There were many other
kinds of mantles, of which the following are the
principal: A yellowish, heavily fringed mantle, on
which monstrous heads were painted, was called
coazayacaiotilmatli; another, blue, ornamented with
red shells, with three borders, one light, another
dark blue, and a third of white feather- work, and
fringed with the same kind of shells, was named
tecuciciotilmatli; another, dark yellow, with alternate
black and white circles painted on it, and a border
representing v/es, was the teinalcacaiotilmatlitenisio:
a similar one, differing only in the figures and shape
of the ornaments, was the itzcayotilmatli; a very
gaudy one, worked in many colors, was the umetech-
tecomaiotilmatli; another, with a yellow ground, on
which were butterflies made of feathers, and with
scolloped edges, was called papaloiotilmatlitenisio; the
xaoalquauhiotilmatlitenisio, was embroidered with de-
signs representing the flower called ecaeazcatl, and
further ornamented with white feather-work and feath-
er edges; the ocelotentlapalliyiticycacocelotl was an
imitation of a tiger-skin, also ornamented with an
edge of white feathers; the ixnextlacuilolli was
worked in many colors, and had a sun painted on it."
Other mantles, differing mainly in their style of orna-

^ * Tan delgada» y bicn texidas que necesitalian del tacto para diferen-
ciarsc dc la seda.' Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., torn, i., p. 132; Acosta, Hist,
do las Ynd., p. 607.

3' Glaviqero, Sloria Ant. del Mesaieo, torn, ii., pp. 116-16; Torqutmada,
Monarq., ind., torn, ii., p. 542.

*<> Saliagun, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. viii., pp. 286-8.

DRESS OF THE KINGS.

875

mentation, were the coaxacayo and tlacolhuaztihnatli,
the latter worn when the king went into his gardens
or to the chase. In the same manner there are also
various kinds of maxtlis mentioned, such as the ynya-
0' '" nxaliuhqui, ytzahuazalmaxtlatl and yacahualiuqui.*^
Ill fact there appears to have been a different dress
for every occasion. We are told, for instance, that
when going to the temple the king wore a white
mantle, another when going to preside at the court
of justice, and here he again changed his dress, ac-
cording as the case before the court was a civil or
criminal suit.*' The sandals of the kings were always
richly ornamented with precious stones, and had golden
soles.**

Whenever the sovereign appeared in public he
wore the royal crown, called copilli, which was of

*• Tezozomoc, Crdniea Mex., in KingsborougKs Mcx. Antiq., vol. ix.,
p. 57.

** 'Para salir de Palacio los Reies k visitar los Teniplos, se vestian de
bianco; pero para entrar en los Consejos, y asistir en otros ActOB publicos, se
vestian de diferentes colores, conformc la ocasion.' Torquemada, Monarq.
Iiid., torn, ii., p. 643. 'Les rois s'habillaient tantdt de blanc, tant6t d'e-
toffes d'un jaune obscur onides de f ranges de mille couleurs.' Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., p. 284, torn, iv., pp. 210-11. 'Mantas
de & dos liaces, labradas de pluniaa de papos de aves, tan suaves, que tray-
endo la mano por eneima d pelo y A pospelo, no era mas que una marta cebel-
lina inuy bien adobada: hice pesar una dellas, no pe86 mas de seis onzas.'
Zitazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc, torn, i., p. 360. Vestidos de
pelo de cone jo y de algodon de mucha curiosidad, y estas eron vestiduras de
Caciques y de gente muy principal' in Michoacan. Beaumont, Crdn. MechO'
oacan, MS., pp. 49-50; IxtUlxochitl, Hist. Chick., in KiHf/sborough'a Mex.
Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 336, 240,2&5;Id., IielacioHes,\nId.,\>. 836; Oviedo, Hist.
Gen., torn, iii., p. 298. Description of Montezuma's dress when meeting Cor-
tes, in Solis, Hist. Conq. Mcx., torn, i., p. 369; Clavigcro, Storia Ant. del
Messico, torn, iii, p. 77; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mcj., torn, iii., p. 386; Prescott's
Mcx., vol. ii., p. 317. Representations of tiie dresses of the Mexican kings
and nobles are also in the Codex Mendoza, in KingshorovglCs Mex. Antiq.,
vol. i.

" ' Traia cakr :08 como eotnras, que assi se dize lo que se calfan, las

suclos de oro, y iv \y jLirsciada pedreria eneima en ellos.' Birnal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 65. 'Portoit nne chanssure do pcau de chevreuil.' Nouvelles
Annates des Voy., 1824, torn, xxiv., p. 137. 'Capatos de oro, que filos
llanian zagles, y son a la munera antigua de los Komunos, tcninn eti\n pe-
dreria de mucho valor, las suelas cstauan prendidas con corrcas.' uerrera.
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v. 'Cotaras de cuero de tigro j.' Tezozo-
moc, Crdniea Mex., in Kingsbor oughts Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 79; Solis,
Hist. Conq. Mex., torn, i., p. 369; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p.
525; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 210-11; Cortfs,
Cartas, p. 85; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej. ,iom. iii., p. 386; IxtUlxochitl, Beta-
Clones, in KingsborouttKs Mex, Antiq., voL ix., p. 327; Prescotd Mex.,
vol. u., pp. 73-4, 317.

97«

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

solid gold, and is described by most writers as having
been shaped like a bishop's mitre; but in the hiero-
glyphical paintings, in which the Mexican kings are
represented, it is simply a golden band, wider in front
than at the back, the front running up to a point; on
some occasions it was ornamented with long feathers."
The following description of ornaments, worn by the
Mexican kings and nobles, I extract from Sahagun: —
The quetzalalpitoai consisted of two tassels of fine
feathers garnished with gold, which they wore bound
to the hair on the crown of the head, and hanging
down to the temples. The tlauhquecholtzontli was a
handsome garment of feathers worn on the shoulders.
On the arms they placed gold rings; on the wrists a
thick black strap made soft with balsam, and upon it
a large chalchiuite or other precious stone. They
also had a harhote, or chin-piece, of chalchiuite or other
precious stone, set in gold, inserted in the chin.
These chin-ornaments were made long, of crystal,
with some blue feathers in the centre, which made
them look like sapphire. The lip had a hole bored in
it, from which precious stones or gold crescents were
suspended. The great lords likewise had holes in
their nose, and placed therein very fine turquoises or
other precious stones, one on each side of the nose.
On their necks they wore strings of precious stones, or
a medal suspended by a gold chain, with pearl pend-
ants hanging from its edge, and a flat jewel in the
centre of it. They used bracelets of mosaic work

** ' La corona de Rey, que tiene semejan^a a la corona de la Scfioria dc
Venecia.' Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., p. 471. 'Unas tiaras de oro y pedre-
rio.' IxtlUxochitl, Hist. Chick., in Ktngsborough's Mex, Antiq., vol. ix., p.
295. 'En la Cabcpa vnos Plumajes rices, que ataban tantos cabcllos dc la
Corona, quanto tonia el cspacio de la Corona Clerical : estos Plumajes prcndi-
aii y ataban con vna corrca colorada, y de ella colgaban con sua pinjantes do
Oro, que i>endian ^ manera de chias de Mitra de Obispo.' Tortfuemada,
Monarq. IiuL, torn, ii., pp. 642-3. 'Era di varic materie giusta il piaccrc
dei Ke, or di lame sottili d'oro or tessuta di filo d'oro, c figurata con vaghe
penne. Clavigero, Stwia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 115, torn, iii., p. 77.
'Before like a Myter, and behinde it was cut, so as it was not round, for the
forepart was higlier, and did rise like a point.' Purchas, his Pilgrimes, toni.
iv., p. 1062; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, iii., p. 386; PreseotVs Mex., vol.
ii., p. 317; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Uiv., torn, iv., p. 210.

ABORIGINAL DRESS.

877

made with turquoises. On their legs they wore, from
the knee down, greaves of very thin gold. They car-
ried in the right hand a little golden flag with a tuft
of gaudy feathers on the top. Upon their heads they
wore a bird made of rich feathers, with its head and
beak resting on the forehead, its tail toward the back
of the head, its wings falling over the temples.*

*5 Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, vii., lib. ii., pp. 288-90; Tezozomoc, Crdnica
Mex., in Kingsborovgh^s Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 57, 79; Jxtlilxochitl,
Hist. Chich., in Id., p. 327; Torquemada, Motiarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 525;
Veytia, Hist. A at. Mej., torn, i., p. 259, torn, iii., p. 392; Camargo, Hist.
Tlax., in Nouvelles Annates des Voy., 1843, torn, xcix., p. 178. Fur-
ther mention of ornamenta in the enumeration of presents given by Monte-
zuma to Cortds in Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iii., pp. 65, 80;
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iii.,
pp. 279, 283, 285, 292, 298; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., pp. 125, 132-3;
Purchas, his Pilgriines, vol. iv., pp. 1118-9, 1124; Corlds, Cartas, pp. 69, 85;
Brasseur de Bourbonrg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 76, 84, 214, 2^-4;

PrcscotVs Mex., vol. ii., p. 83. Among the modern authors who have writ-
ten upon the subject of dress may be mentioned: Carbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mex., tom. i., pp. 326, 680-2, tom. ii., pp. 91, 224-5, with numerous cuts;
liussierre, L" Empire Mex., p. 145; C/ievnlter, Mex., Ancien et Mod., pp. 57-8;
Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 47; Klemm, Cultnr-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 13-14, 22,
28, 189; Monglave, R6sumi, p. 36; BroxonelPs Ind. Races, pp. 65, 79; Barili
Mexiq'ie, p. 209; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Baza Indigena, p. 61.

CHAPTER XII.

COMMERCE OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The Main Features of Nahua Commerce— Commerce in Pre-Aztec
Times— Outrages Committed by Aztec Merchants— Privileges
OF the Merchants of Tlatelulco— Jealousy between Mer-
chants and Nobles— Articles used as Currency — the Mar-
kets OF AnAhuac — Arrangement and Regulations of the
Market-Places — Number of Buyers and Sellers— Transpor-
tation OF Wares— Traveling Merchants— Commercial Routes
— Setting out on a Journey — Caravans of Traders — The
Return — Customs and Feasts of the Merchants— Nahua
Boats and Navigation.

Traditional history tells us but little respecting
American commerce previous to the formation of the
great Aztec alliance, or empire, but the faint light
thrown on the subject would indicate little or no
change in the system within the limits of Nahua his-
tory. The main features of the commercial system in
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, were: markets
in one or more of the public squares of every town,
where eatables and other articles of immediate neces-
sity were daily sold — shops proper being unknown;
frequently recurring fairs in each of the large towns,
where the products of agriculture, manufacture, and
art in the surrounding country were displayed before
consumers and merchants from home and from abroad;
similar fairs but on a grander scale in the great com-
mercial centres, where home products were exchanged

(878)

COMMERCE IN PRE-AZTEC TIMES.

for foreign merchandise, or sold for export to mer-
chants from distant nations who attended these fairs
in large numbers; itinerant traders continually tra-
versing the country in companies, or caravans ; and the
existence of a separate class exclusively devoted to
commerce.

From the earliest times the two southern Andhuacs
of Ayotlan and Xicalanco, corresponding to what are
now the southern coast of Oajaca and the tierra caliente
of Tabasco and southern Vera Cruz, were inhabited
by commercial peoples, and were noted for their fairs
and the rich wares therein exposed for sale. These
nations, the Xicalancas, Mijes, Huaves, and Zapotecs
even engaged to some extent in a maritime coasting
trade, mostly confined, however, as it would appear,
to the coasts of their own territories and those imme-
diately adjacent ; and in this branch of commerce little
or no advance had been made at the time when the
Spaniards came.*

The Toltecs are reported to have excelled in com-
merce as in all other respects, and the. markets of
ToUan and Cholula are pictured in glowing colors; but
all traditions on this subject are exceedingly vague.'
In the new era of prosperity that followed the Toltec
disasters Cholula seems to have held the first place
as a commercial centre, her fairs were the most famous,
and her merchants controlled the trade of the south-
ern coasts on either ocean. After the coming of the
Teo-Chichimec hordes to the eastern plateau, Tlascala
became in her turn the commercial metropolis of the
north, a position which she retained until forced to
yield it to the merchants of the Mexican valley, who
were supported by the warlike hordes of the Aztec
confederacy. Before the Aztec supremacy, trade
seems to have been conducted with some show of fair-
ness, and commerce and politics Were kept to a great

' Bur^oa, Geog. Dcscrip., torn, i., pt ii., fol. 181; Brasseur de Bour-
hourg, Htst. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 42-3.

• Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. N^at. Civ., torn, i., pp. 271-3; IxtlilxO'
chill, Relaciones, in Kingsborough'a Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 332.

.880

THE MAHUA NATIONS.

extent separate. But the Aztecs introduced a new
order of things. Their merchants, instead of peace-
ful, industrious, unassuming travelers, became insolent
and overbearing, meddling without scruple in the pub-
lic affairs of the nations through whose territory they
had i.D pass, and trusting to the dread of the armies
of Mexico for their own safety ; caravans became little
less than armed bodies of robbers. The confederate
kings were ever ready to extend by war the field of
their ccmmerce, and to avenge by the hands of their
warriors any insult, real or imaginary, offered to their
merchants. The traveling bands of 'laders were in-
structed to prepare maps of countries traversed, to
observe carefully their condition for defence, and their
resources. If any province was reported rich and de-
sirable, its people were easily aggravated to coinmit
some act of insolence which served as a pretext to lay
waste their lands, and make them tributary to the
kings of Andhuac. Within the provinces that were
permanently and submissively tributary to Mexico,
Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, traffic may be supposed to have
been as a rule fairly conducted. The merchants had
in turn to pay into the royal treasury a large percent-
age of their gains, but this, under the circumstances,
they could well afford.

Tlatelulco while an independent city was noted for
her commerce, as was Tenochtitlan for the prowess of
her warriors, and when mercantile enterprise was
forced to yield to the power of arms, Tlatelulco, as a
part of Mexico, retained her former preeminence in
trade, and became the commercial centre of Andhuac.
Her merchants, who were a separate class of the
population, were highly honored, and, so far as the
higher grades were concerned, the merchant princes,
the pochtecas, dwellers in the aristocratic quarter of
Pochtlan, had privileges fully equal to those of the
nobles. They had tribunals of their own, to which
alone they were responsible, for the regulation of all
matters of trade. They formed indeed, to all intents

THE TLATELULCAN COMPANY.

881

and purposes, a commercial corporation controling the
whole trade of the country, of which all the leading
merchants of other cities were in a sense subordinate
members. Jealousy betwfeen this honored class of
merchants and the nobility proper, brought about the
many complications during the last years of the Az-
tec empire, to which I have referred in a preceding
chapter. Throughout the Nahua dominion commerce
was in the hands of a distinct class, educated for their
calling, and everywhere honored both by people and
by kings; in many regions the highest nobles thought
it no disgrace to engage in commercial pursuits.

Besides the pochtecas, two other classes of merch-
ants are mentioned in Tlatelulco, the nahualoztome-
cas, those who made a specialty of visiting the lands
of enemies in disguise, and the teyaohualohuani or
traders in slaves.' The merchants were exempt from
military and other public service, and had the right
not only to make laws for the regulation of trade, but
to punish even those who were not of their class for
offenses against such laws. Sa^agun gives an account
of the gradual development and history of the Tlate-
lulcan company, stating the names of the leading
merchants under the successive kings, with details
respecting the various articles dealt in at different
periods, all of which is not deemed of sufficient in-
terest to be reproduced in these pages.

Nahua trade was as a rule carried on by means of
barter, one article of merchandise being ej^changed
for another of equivalent value. Still, regular pur-
chase and sale were not uncommon, particularly in the
business of retailing the various commodities to con-
sumers. Although no regular coined money was
used, yet several more or less convenient substitutes
furnished a medium of circulation. CLIef among
these were nibs, or grains, of the cacao, of a species
somewhat different from that employed in making the
favorite drink, chocolate. This money, known as pat-

) 'Teyaoyaualoani. el que cerca a los enemigos.' Molina, Vocabulario.

882

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

lachtS, passed current anywhere, and payments of it
were made by count up to eiffht thousand, which con-
stituted a xiquipilli. In Targe transactions sacks
containing three xiquipilli were used to save labor in
counting. Patolquachtli were small pieces of cotton
cloth used as money in the purchase of articles of im-
mediate necessity or of little value. Another circu-
lating medium was gold-dust kept in translucent
quills, that the quantity might be readily seen. Cop-
per was also cut into small pieces shaped like a T>
which constituted perhaps the nearest approach to
coined money. Cortds, in search of materials for the
manufacture of artillery, found that in several prov-
inces pieces of tin circulated as money, and that a
mine of that metal was worked in Taxco. Sahagun
says the Mexican king gave to the merchant-soldiers,
dispatched on one of their politico-commercial expedi-
tions, sixteen hundred quauhtli, or eagles, to trade
with. Bustamante, Sahagun's editor, supposes these
to have been the copper pieces already mentioned, but
Brasseur believes, from the small value of the copper
and the large amount of rich fabrics purchased with
the eagles, that they were of gold. The same au-
thority believes that the golden quoits with which
Montezuma paid his losses at gambling also served as
money.*

The Nahuas bought and sold their merchandise by
count and by measures both of length and capacity,
but not by weight; at least, such is the general opin-

* The Toltecs ' usaban de una cierta inonec de cobre de largo de dos dcdos
y dc ancho uno d mancra de achitas pequefiait y de grueso, conio iin real de
a oclio. Esta moiieda no lia niucho tiempo \ i la nan dejado los de TutU-

pec del mar del sun' Ixtlilxochitl, Belach

Antiq., vol. ix., p. 332. 'No saben que cosa

ninguno.' Gomara, Coiiq. Mex., fol. 87, 342.

come vn mezzo marchetto (about three cents) fra

aentifhuomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in h

lii., fol. 306. See CorUa, Carta*, p. 311; Sahafi

ix., p. 342; Brasseur de Bourhourg, Hist. Nat

Id. Quatre Lettres, p. 276; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn. ii',,p

666. Salt used as money. Chaves, in Temaux-Compans, Voy., sdrie ii.,

tom. v., p. 328. I omit a long list of references to authors who merely

mention cacao and the other articles us used for money.

in KivgsborouglCs Mex.
8 moneda batida de metal
n cacao nibs ' val ciascuno
>i.' Belationefalta pervn
•nusio, Navigationt, toin.
t, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib.
"¥»., torn, iii., pp. 627-9;

THE MARKETS OF ANAHUAC.

818

ion of the authorities. Sahagun, however, says of the
skillful merchant that he knows "the value of gold
and silver, according to tlie weight and fineness, is
diligent and solicitous in his duty, and defrauds not in
weighing, but rather gives overweight," and this too
in the "time of their infidelity." Native words also
appear in several vocabularies for weights and scales.
Brasseur de Bourbourg regards this as ample proof
that scales were used. Clavigero thinks w« ights may
have been employed and mention of the fact omitted
in the narratives.' The market, tianquiztli, of Tlate-
lulco was the grandest in the country and may be
taken as a representative of all. Its grandeur con-
sisted, however, in the abundance and variety of the
merchandise offered for sale and in the crowd of buy-
ers and sellers, not in the magnificence of the buildings
connected with it; for the market-place was simply an
open plaza, surrounded as all the authorities say with
'porticoes' where merchandise was exhibited. What
these porticoes were we are left to conjecture. Prob-
ably they were nothing more than simple booths
arranged in streets and covering the whole plaza,
where merchants and their wares were sheltered from
the rays of a tropical sun. Whatever may have been
the nature and arrangement of these shelters, we know
that the space was systematically apportioned among
the different industries represented. Fishermen, hunt-
ers, farmers, and artists, each had their allotted space
for the transaction of business. Hither, as Torque-
mada tells us, came the potters and jewelers from
Cholula, the workers in gold from Azcapuzalco, the
painters from Tezcuco, the shoe-makers from Tenayo-
can, the huntsmen from Xilotepec, tlie fishermen from
Cuitlahuac, the fruit-growers of the tierra caliente, the

> 'No tenian peso (que yo sepa) log Mexicanos, falta grandissima para
la contratacion. Quicn dizc qne no lo vsaiiaii fiorescusur los cnj^auoH, quion

Sor que no lo auian mcncster, quien por ignorancia, que cs lo cicrto. Por
onde parecc que no auian oido conic hizo Dies todos las cosas en cucnto,
peso, y niedida.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 342; Clavitjcro, Storia Ant. del
Messico, toni. ii., p. 1C6; Sahantm, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., pp, 42, 40;
Brasaeur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. C29-30.

884

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

mat-makers of Quauhtitlan, the flower-dealers of Xo-
chimilco, and yet so great was the market that to each
of these was afforded an opportunity to display his
wares.

All kinds of food, animal and vegetable, cooked and
uncooked, were arranged in the most attractive man-
ner; eating-houses were also attached to the tian-
quiztli and much patronized by the poorer classes.
Here were to be found all the native cloths and fab-
rics, in the piece and made up into garments coarse
and fine, plain and elaborately embroidered, to suit the
taste and means of purchasers; precious stones, and
ornaments of metal, feathers, or shells; implements
and weapons of metal, stone, and wood ; building ma-
terial, lime, stone, wood, and brick; articles of house-
hold furniture; matting of various degrees of fineness;
medicinal herbs and prepared medicines; wood and
coal ; incense and censers ; cotton and cochineal ; tanned
skins; numerous beverages; and an infinite variety of
pottery; but to enumerate all the articles noticed in
the market-place by the conquerors would make a very
long list, and would involve, beside, the repetition of
many names which have been or will be mentioned
elsewhere.

Cortes speaks of this market as being twice as large
as that of Salamanca, and all the conquistadores are en-
thusiastic in their expressions of wonder not only at
the variety of products offered for sale, but at the per-
fect order and system which prevailed, notwithstand-
ing the crowd of buyers and sellers. The judges of
the commercial tribunal, twelve in number according
to Torquemada, four, according to Zuazo, held their
court in connection with the market buildings, where
they regulated prices and measures, and settled dis-
putes. Watchmen acting under their authority, con-
stantly patroled the tianquiztli to prevent disorder.
Any attempt at extortionate charges, or at passing off
injured or inferior goods, or any infringement on anoth-
er's rights was immediately reported and severely pun-

BUYERS AND SELLERS.

885

jghed. The judges had even the right to enforce the
death penalty. Other markets in the Nahua regions
were on a similar plan, those of Tlascala and Tezcuco
coming next to that of Tlatelulco in importance.*

Trade was carried on daily in the tianquiztli, chiefly
for the convenience of the inhabitants of the city, but
every fifth day was set apart as a special market-day,
on which a fair was held, crowded not only by local
customers, but by buyers and sellers from all the
country round, and from foreign lands. In Tlatelulco
these special market-davs were those that fell under
the signs calli, tochtli, acatl, and tecpatl. In other
large cities, days with other signs were chosen, in
order that the fairs might not occur on the same day
in neighboring towns. Las Casas says that each of
the two market-places in the city of Mexico would
contain 200,000 persons, 100,000 being present each
fifth day; and Cortes tells us that more than 60,000
persons assembled daily in the Tlatelulco market.
According to the same authority 30,000 was the
number of daily visitors to the market of Tlascala.
Perhaps, however, he refers to the fair-days, on which
occasion at Tlatelulco, the Anonymous Conqueror puts
the number at 50,000, limiting the daily concourse to
about 25,000.'' Considering the population of the
cities and surrounding country, together with the
limited facilities for transportation, these accounts of
the daily attendance at the markets, as also of the
abundance and variety of the merchandise, need not
be regarded as exaggerations.

« On the Nahua markets and the articles offered for sale, sec: Cortia,
Cartas, pp. 03, 103-5; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 70; Relatione /alia
]>cr VH gentil ^huomo del Siqnor Fernando Cortcsc, in Ramusio, Nnviga-
lioiii, torn, iii., fol. 309; Sahamn, Hist. Gen., tmn. ii., lib. viii., pp. .323-8,
lih. ix., p. 357; Las Casas, Htst. Apoloifitien, MS., cap. Ixx; Torquemada,
Mininrq. Ltd., torn, ii., pp. 554-60; Ofiedo, Hist. Gen., toni. iii., pp. 272,
290-301; Gonmra, Conq. Mex., fol. 87-8, 116-18; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec.
ii., lib. vii., cap. xv., xvi. ; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii., iv.; Zuazo,
Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doe., toni. i., pp. 359-61.

' Cortis, Cartas, pp. 10.3, 68; Relatione falta per vn pentiPhuomo del
fHqnor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navie/atiom, torn, iii., fol. 300. 'Es
tnnta la gente que concurrc d vender y comprar, que no pucde facilmente
deolararac.' Las Camts, Hist. ApoUuiltra, mH., cap Ixx.
Vol. II. m

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

On the lakes about the city of Mexico merchandise
of all kinds was transported to and from the markets
by boats, 50,000 of which, as Zuazo tells us, were
employed daily in bringing provisions to the city.'
The heavier or more bulky articles of trade, such as
building material, were often offered for sale in the
boats to save the labor of repeated handling. Boats
were also used for transportation on the southern
coasts, to some extent on navigable rivers, and also
by traveling merchants in crossing such streams as
could not conveniently be bridged. The only other
means of transportation known in the country was
that afforded by the carriers. Large numbers of these
carriers, or porters, were in attendance at the markets
to move goods to and from the boats, or to carry par-
cels to the houses of consumers. For transportation
from town to town, or to distant lands, merchandise
was packed in bales, wrapped in skins and mats, or in
bamboo cases covered with skin, known as petlacalli.
Cases, or cages, for the transportation of the more
fragile wares were called cacaxtli. The tlamama, or
regular carriers, were trained to their work of carrying
burdens from childhood, seventy or eighty pounds was
the usual burden carried, placed on the back and sup-
ported by the mecapalli, a strap passing round the fore-
head ; twelve or fifteen miles was the ordinary day's
journey. The tlamama, clad in a maxtli, carried on
long trips, besides his bale of merchandise, a sort of
palm-leaf umbrella, a bag of provisions, and a blanket.

Expeditions to distant provinces were undertaken
by the company of Tlatelulco for purposes of com-
mercial gain ; or by order of the king, when political
gains were the object in view, and the traders in
reality armed soldiers; or more rarely by individual
merchants on their own private account. For pro-
tection large numbers usually traveled in company,

■ Carta, in Icazbalcela, Col. de Doe., torn, i., p. 359. 'Sobrc cincucnta
mill canoos y cicnt mill segiiii 8c crcc' Las Casas, Hist. Apologdtica, MS.,
cap. Ixx. ' The lake day ami night is plyed with boateb going and return-
ing.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. uL

TRAVELING MERCHANTS.

387

choosing some one of the company to act as leader.
Previous to departure they gave a banquet to the old
merchants of the town, who by reason of their age
had ceased to travel; at this feast they made known
their plans, anci spoke of the places they intended to
visit and roads by which they would travel. The old
merchants applauded the spirit and enterprise of
those who were going on the expedition, and, if they
were young and inexperienced, encouraged them
and spoke of the fame they would gain for having
left their homes to undertake a dangerous journey and
suffer privations and hardships. They reminded them
of the wealth and honored name acquired by their
fathers in similar expeditions, and gave them advice
as to the best manner of conducting themselves on
the road.'

On the route the carriers marched in single file, and
at every camping-place the strictest watch was kept
ai^ainst enemies, and especially against robbers, who
then as now infested the dangerous passes to lie in
wait for the richly laden caravans. Rulers of the
different friendly provinces, mindful of the benefits
resulting from such expeditions, constructed roads and
kept them in repair; furnished bridges or boats for
crossing unfordable streams; and at certain points,
remote from towns, placed houses for the travelers'
accommodation. Expeditions in hostile provinces
were undertaken by the nahualoztomecas, who dis-
guised themselves in the dress of the province visited,
and endeavored to imitate the manners and to speak
the language of its people, with which it was a quali-
fication of their profession to make themselves ac-
quainted. Extraordinary pains was taken to guard
against robbers on the return to Mexico, and it is also
said to have been customary for the merchants on
Hearing the city, to dress in rags, affecting poverty,

* For specimens of the exhortations of old merchants to young men see
Sniiagun, llitt. Gen., torn, i., lib. iv., pp. 310-314; Torquemtula, Monarq.
IiiU., torn. iL, pp. 685-&

388

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

i I

and an unsuccessful trip. The motive for this latter
proceeding is not very apparent, nor for the invariable
introduction of goods into the city by night; they
had not even the hope of evading the payment of
taxes which in later times prompts men to similar
conduct, since merchandise could only be sold in the
public market, where it could not be oft'ered without
paying the royal percentage of duties.

The usual route of commercial expeditions was
south-eastward to Tochtepec near the banks of the
Rio Alvarado, whence the caravans took separate
roads according as their destination was the coast re-
gion of Goazacoalco, the Miztec and Zapotec towns
on the Pacific, or the still more distant regions across
the isthmus of Tehuantepec. The southern limit
reached by the traders of the Aztec empire, it is im-
possible accurately to determine. The merchants of
Xicalanco furnished Cortds, when about to undertake
the conquest of Honduras, tolerably correct maps of
the whole region as far south as the isthmus of Pa-
nama;'" the raiders from And,huac are known to have
penetrated to Chiapa, Soconusco, and Guatemala; it
is by no means improbable that her merchants reached
on more than one occasion the Isthnms."

The preceding pages contain all that has been pre-
served concerning Nahua trade and traders except
what may be termed the mythology of commerce, a
branch of the subject not without importance, em-
bracing the eremonies, sacrifices, and superstitions
connected with the setting-out, journey, and return of
the Tlatelulcan caravans. Commerce, like every other

^0 Herrera, Hist, Geit., dec. iii., lib. vi., cap. xii.; Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conn., fol. 197.

'' A very full account of the Nahua commerce is given in Claviqero,
Storia Ant, del Mcssico, torn, ii., pp. 163-70, and the same is transluted
with slight changes, in Carhnjal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., torn, i., pp. 6i28-.35,
in lirasscur de Bourbourg, Hist^ Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 612-32, and in Id.,
in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1868, torn, clix., pp. 4o-58. See also llelits'
Span. Con^., vol. ii., pi>. 329-31; Gage's New Stmmj, pp. 109-12; Midler,
Amerikantsr.he Urveltgionen, p. 641; Klemm, Cultvr-Uesr.hichte, torn, v.,
pp. 25-8; West-Indische Spieghel, pp. 247-8; ^»/««V»rc, UEmnire Mex.,
pp. 166-71; Touroii, Hist. Gtit,, torn, iii., pp. 43-6. See altto Note 12.

SETTING-OUT OF THE MERCHANTS.

889

feature of Nahua civilization, was under the care of a
special deity, and no merchant dared to set out on an
expedition in quest of gain, without fully complying
with all the requirements of the god as interpreted
by the priesthood. The particular divinity of the
traders was lyacatecutli, or lyacacoliuhqui, 'lord with
the aquiline nose' — that nasal type being, as the Abbd
Brasseur thinks, symbolic of mercantile cunning and
skill. Services in his honor were held regularly in the
month of Tlaxochimaco ; but the ceremonies performed
by traveling merchants, seem to have been mostly de-
voted to the god of fire and the god of the roads.

First a day was selected for the start whose sign
was deemed favorable — Ce Cohuatl, 'one serpent,'
was a favorite. The day before they departed the
hair was cropped close, and the head soaped ; during
all their absence, even should it last for years, these
operations must not be repeated, nor might they wash
more than the neck, face, and hands, bathing the body
being strictly prohibited. At midnight they cut flag-
shaped papers for Xiuhtecutli, the god of fire, fastened
them to sticks painted with vermilion, and marked on
them the face of the god with drops of melted ulli,
or India-rubber. Other papers also marked with ulli,
were cut in honor of Tlaltecutli, to be worn on the
breast. Others, for the god of the merchants, were
used to cover a bamboo stick, which they worshiped
and carried with them. The gods of the roads, Za-
catzontli and Tlacotzontli, also had their papers orna-
mented with ulli-drops and painted butterflies; while
the papers for Cecoatlutlimelaoatl, one of the signs
of the divining art, were decorated with snake-like
figures. When all the papers were ready, those of the
fire-god were placed before the fire in the house, the
others being arranged in systematic order in the court-
yard. Then the merchants, standing before the fire,
offered to it some quails which they first beheaded,
and forthwith, drawing blood from their own ears and
tongue, they repeated some mystic word and sprinkled

890

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

the blood four times on the fire. 'Jlood was then
sprinkled in turn on the papers in the house, towards
the heavens and cardinal points, and finally on the
papers in the courtyard. The fire-god's papers, after
a few appropriate words to the deity, were burned in
a brasier with pure white copal. If they burned with
a clear fiame, it was a good omen ; otherwise ill for-
tune and disaster were betokened. The papers left
outside were burned together — save those of the mer-
chants' god — in a fire which was kindled in the court,
and the ashes were carefully buried there.

All this at midnight. At early dawn the principal
merchants of the city or of the neighborhood, or
simply friends and relatives of the party about to set
out on the journey, according to the wealth of tlie
party, with youths and old women, were invited to
assemble and, after a washing of mouths and hands,
to partake of food. After the repast, concluded by
another washing and by smoking of pipes and drink-
ing of chocolate, the host spoke a few words of wel-
come to the guests, and explained his plans. To this
some one of the chief merchants briefly responded
with wishes for the success of the expedition, advice
respecting the route to be followed and behavior while
abroad, applause for the spirit and enterprise shown,
and words of encouragement to those about to under-
take their first commercial journey, picturing to them
in vivid colors both the hardships and the honors that
were before them. Then the merchandise and pro-
visions for the trip were made ready in bales and
placed in the canoes, if the start was to be made by
water, under the direction of the leader who, after
attending to this matter, made a farewell address of
thanks for advice and good wishes, recommending to
the care of those that remained behind their wives
and children. The friends again replied briefly and
all was ready for the departure. A fire was built in
the courtyard and a vase of copal was placed near it.
As a final parting ceremony each of the departing

CARAVANS OF TRADER&

891

merchants took a portion of the copal and threw it
on the fire, stepping at once toward his canoe. Not
another word of farewell must be spoken, nor a part-
ing glance be directed backward to friends behind.
To look back or speak would be a most unpropitious
augury.

Thus they set out, generally at night, as Sahagun
implies. On the journey each merchant carried con-
tinually in his hand a smooth black stick representing
his god lyacatecutli — probably the same sticks that
have been mentioned as being covered with papers in
honor of this god the night before the departure from
home. When they halted for the night the sticks of
the company were bound together in a bundle, form-
ing a kind of combination divinity to whose protect-
ing care the encampment was piously entrusted. To
this god offerings of ulli and paper were made by the
leaders, and to the gods of the roads as well. Blood
must also be drawn and mingled with the offering,
else it were of no avail ; and, a most inconvenient rule
for poor weak humanity, the sacrificial offering had to
be repeated twice again each night, so that one or
another of the chiefs must be continually on the watch.
The caravans, when their destination was a friendly
province, usually bore some presents from the sov-
ereigns of Mexico as tokens of their good will, and
they were received by the authorities of such prov-
inces with some public ceremonies not definitely de-
scribed.

When the merchants returned home, after consulta-
tion with a tonalpouhqui, they awaited a favorable sign,
such as Ce Calli, or Chicome Calli, ' one, or seven house,'
and then entered the city under shade of night.
They repaired immediately to the house of the lead-
ing merchant of the corporation, or to that of the
merchant under whose direction their trip had been
made, formally announcing their safe arrival, and also
their intention to invite all the merchants on the fol-
lowing day to partake of "a little chocolate in their

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

poor house," that is, to be present at a most sumptu-
ous banquet. Papers were then cut and at midnight
offered with ulH, much after the manner already de-
scribed, to the gods as a thank-offering for their pro-
tection. The feast that took place next day, when all
the guests were assembled, was accompanied by addi-
tional offerings to the gods of fire and trade, and, of
course, by speeches of the returned travelers and their
guests, but presented no particularly noticeable con-
trasts with the many feasts that have been described.

Not only was the traveler obliged, according to the
Nahua superstition, to abstain from baths during his
absence, but even his family during tho same period,
while allowed to bathe the body, must not wash the
head or face oftener than once in eighty days; thus
were the gods propitiated to watch kindly over their
absent relative wandering in distant lands. If a mer-
chant died Wtile on a journey, his body, at least if
he belonged to the highest rank, was neither buried
nor burned, but, clad in fine apparel, and decorated
with certain mystical papers and painted devices, it
was put in a wooden cage, or cacaxtli, and secured to
a tree on the top of a high mountain. Advice of the
death was forwarded to the old merchants, who in
turn informed the family of the deceased, and regu-
lar funeral ceremonies were performed either immedi-
ately or on the return of the caravan. If the deceased
met his death at the hands of an enemy, a wooden
image was prepared, dressed in the clothing of the
dead merchant, and made the subject of the usual
funeral rites.

Besides the regular feasts attending the departure
and return of caravans, many others took place under
the auspices of the mercantile class. We have noticed
the fondness of the Nahua people for entertainments
of this kind, and it is natural that the merchants, as
the richest class in the community, should have been
foremost in contributing to this popular taste. Each
merchant, when he had acquired great wealth by

FEASTS OF THE MERCHANTS.

good fortune in his trading ventures, deemed it, as
Sahagun tells us, a most disgraceful thing "to die
without having made some splendid expenditure" by
entertaining ' his friends and fellow-merchants in a
banquet, which should be remembered as the event
of his career. A long time was devoted to making
ready for the feast, to the purchase of provisions and
decorations, and to engaging dancers and singers, that
no item might be neglected, nor any oversight be
allowed to mar the perfect enjoyment of the invited
guests. All being ready, a propitious sign was se-
lected, and invitations issued. The object of the dis-
play of hospitality being not only the entertainment
of friends, but a thanksgiving to the gods for favors
shown to the host, the first ceremonies were naturally
in honor of the deities. These began in the night
preceding the feast-day, with offerings of flowers in
the shrine of Huitzilopochtli, in the chapels of other
gods, and finally in the courtyard of the host, where
were placed drums and two plates, on which perfumed
canes were burning. Those officiating whistled in a
peculiar manner, and all, stooping, put some earth in
their mouth, crying "our lord has sounded." Then
all burned perfumed copal, and a priest beheaded a
quail before the drum, throwing it on the ground and
watching in what direction it might flutter. If north-
ward, it was a bad omen, foretelling sickness, or per-
haps death. But the west and south were fortunate
directions, indicating a peaceful and friendly disposi-
tion on the part of the gods. Incense was burned
toward the cardinal points, the burning coals were
thrown from the censer into the fire, and then the
performers engaged for the areito, including, it would
seem, soldiers of several classes, led by the tlacatecatl,
began to dance and sing. Neither the host nor mer-
chant guests joined in the dance, but remained in the
house to receive the company and present them with
bouquets of flowers. At midnight ulli-marked paper
was ofiered to the gods, and its ashes buried to pro-

894

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

mote the prosperity of future generations. Before
the light of day chocolate was drunk and the na7iacatl,
or intoxicating mushroom, was eaten, which caused
some to dance, others to sing, and yet others to sit pen-
sive in their rooms dreaming dreams and seeing visions
of horrid import, whose 'narration at a later hour, when
the effects of the drug had passed away, formed a
prominent feature of tlie entertainment. At the ap-
pearance of the morning star all the ashes of the
sacrifices, the flowers, the burning canes, and all the
implements used in the foregoing ceremonies, were
buried, that they might not be seen by any visitor
polluted by any kind of vice or uncleanness. The
rising sun was greeted with songs, dancing, and beat-
ing of the teponaztli. The day was passed in feast-
ing and music, and at the close of the day's banouet
food was distributed to the common people. The
banquet was often continued more than one day, and
if after the first day's feast the provision of food was
exhausted, it was regarded by the guests as a bad
sign — a very sensible superstition truly.

There was another merchant's feast in the month of
Panquetzaliztli, in which a number of slaves were killed
and eaten. The victims were purchased sometime be-
forehand at the slave mart in Azcapuzalco, kept clean,
— being therefore called tlctaltilzin, 'washed' — and fat-
tened for the occasion. The male slaves meantime
had no work but to dance daily on the housetop, but
the women had to spin. The articles collected for
this feast embraced large numbers of rich mantles,
maxtlis, and huipiles, which were to be presented to
guests. Not only the residents of Mexico were in-
vited but members of the Tlatelulcan company who
lived in other towns. The giver of the feast went
personally to many towns, especially to Tochtepec, to
issue invitations and distribute gifts. On his arrival
he went first to the shrine of lyacatecutli, before whose
image he performed certain ceremonies and left some
offerings. Then he went to the house of the Tlate-

SACRIFICE OF SLAVES.

806

lulcan company, prepared a feast and summoned the
rich traders, who came at midnight. Washing of the
hands and -mouth preceded and followed the eating,
presents were made, chocolate drunk, pipes smoked,
quails offered in the courtyard, and incense burned.
One of the best speakers then announced the purpose
of their visitor to kill a few slaves in honor of Huit-
zilopochtli, and in his name invited the company to
be present at the pleasing spectacle, and partake of
the human flesh and other choice viands. Another
speaker responded in a speech of acceptance, and the
'feast-giver directed his steps homeward to Mexico.
After resting awhile the merchant ceremonially in-
vited those of his own city to be present at the feast,
and the latter, after many precautions, including an
inspection by the older merchants to satisfy them-
selves that food enough had been provided and that
the aftair could not be a failure, deigned to accept,
although they warned the would-be host of the fear-
ful responsibility he would incur should the feast be
in any respect improperly managed, through his un-
willingness to spend money enough. Ce Calli, Ome
Xochitl, and Ome Ozomatli, were good signs for this
feast.

On the first day the male slaves, richly attired and
decorated, were made to dance and perform the areito,
carrying garlands of flowers and also pipes from which
they were continually puffing smoke. The females,
in equally rich attire were stationed with plenty of
food in one of the rooms where all could readily see
them. The eating, drinking, and distribution of gifts
were kept up all night. The following day's feast
was a repetition of the first, and was called tlaixnexia;
that of the third day was called tetevaltia, and on this
day they made many changes in the dress of the slaves,
putting on wigs of many-colored feathers, painted ear-
flaps, stone nose-ornaments like butterflies, jackets
with fringed borders and death's heads for decoration,
hawks' wings, thmaitl, on the shoulders, rings, mata-

806

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

caastli, on the anns, stained sandals, and girdles called
xiuhtlal'pilli. From this time forward strict guard was
kept over them day and night until their death.

On yet a fourth occasion, apparently some days, or
perhaps weeks, later, the merchant assembled his
guests, and then just before sunset the victims were
made drunk with teuvetli, and carried to Huitzilo-
pochtli's temple, where they were made to dance and
sing, and kept awake all night. At midnight they
were placed on a mat before the fire, and the master
of the banquet, dressed much like the slaves them-
selves, put out the fire, and in the darkness gave to
each four mouthfuls of a dough moistened with honey^
called tzoalli. Then a man dancing before them
played upon an instrument called chichtli, hairs were
pulled out of the top of each slave's head and put in
a plate, quacaodtl, held by the dancer, and the master
threw incense toward the east, west, north, and south.
The slaves were offered food, but could not be in-
duced to eat, expecting each moment the messenger
of death. They were first taken to the ward of Co-
atlan, and in the courtyard of the temple of Huitz-
calco were forced to fight against certain persons, the
most valiant of whom were called tlaamaviques. If
by force of arms these persons captured any of the
slaves, they were entitled to receive their full value
from the owner, or in default of such payment to
take the bodies after the sacrifice and eat the same.
After the contest the victims were sacrificed on the
shrine of Huitzilopochtli, the complicated <i<«tail8 of
the ceremonies which followed differing only very
slightly from those of similar sacrifices a'leady several
times described. The bodies were thrown down the
steps as usual, carried home by the owner, cooked
with maize, seasoned with salt without chile, and
were finally eaten by the guests. With this horrible
repast the great feast of the month of Panquetzaliztli
ended; but he who had given it carefully preserved
the clothing, and other relics of the slaughtered slaves,

BOATS AND NAVIGATION.

897

e
i

guarding them in a basket as most precious and pleas-
ant souvenirs all the days of his life; and after his
death the basket and its contents were bunied at his
obsequies.

Acosta tells us that in Cholula the merchants, es-
pecially those that dealt in slaves, furnished each year
a slave of fine physique to represent their god Quet-
zalcoatl, in whose honor he was sacrificed, with appro-
priate and complicated ceremonies, his flesh' being
afterwards eaten in a banquet.*'

The little to be said of Nahua watercraft may be
as appropriately inserted here as elsewhere. I have
already referred to the important use made of canoes
in the transportation of merchandise upon the lakes
of And,huac. In the art of navigation, however, no
progress was made by the Nahuas at all in proportion
to their advancement in other respects. As navi-
gators they were altogether inferior to their savage
brethren of *he Columbian and Hyperborean groups
on the north-west coasts, whose skill in the manu-
facture and management of boats has been described
in a preceding volume of this work. The reason is
obvious: their progress in agriculture enabled them
to obtain a food supply without risking their lives
habitually on the sea; their sunny clime obviated the
necessity of whale-blubber and seal-skins. In the
earlier stages of civilization men make progress only
when impelled by some actual necessity ; consequently
among the Nahuas, when means were supplied of
crossing streams, and of transporting goods on the
lakes and for short distances along the coast at the
mouth of large rivers, progress in this direction ceased.

Clavigero's investigations led him to believe that
the use of sails was unknown, and although Brasseur

li On merchants' feasU;, ceremonies, and superstitions, see Sahagun,
Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. ix., pp. 335-86, torn, i., lib. iv., pp. 310^15;
Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., pp. 388-92; Torquemada, Monarq, Ina., torn, ii.,
pp. 685-7. See also account of a feast of flower-dealers in this volume, p.
315, and account of the Choluliec feast in honor of Quetzalcoatl, in vol. iii.,
pp. 286-7 of this work.

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

de Bourbourg in one place speaks of such aids to nav-
igation, yet he gives no authority for his statement."

Rafts and 'dug-out' canoes were the vessels em-
ployed ; the former were used for the most part in
crossing streams and were of various material and
construction. Those of the ruder kind were simply a
number of poles tied together with strings." Those
called by the Spaniards balsas were of superior con-
struction, made of otlatl reeds, or titles, and rushes of
different kinds in bundles. The best balsas were
about five feet square, made of bamboos and supported
by hollow gourds closed by a water and air tight cov-
ering. The rafts were propelled by swimmers, one in
front and another behind."

The canoes — acalli, 'water-houses' among the Az-
tecs, called also tahucup in Tabasco — were hollowed
out from the trunk of a single tree, were generally
flat-bottomed and without keel, somewhat narrower
at the bow^ than at the stem as Las Casas says, and
would carry from two to sixty persons. As to the in-
struments employed in hollowing out and finishing
the acalli we have no information, neither do we know
whether fire was one of the agents made use of.*°

" ClttviRcro's description of Nahna boats and navigation is in his Sloria
Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp. 168-9. 'Leiirs barques, dont les plus gran-
des mesuraient jusqu'k soixantc picds dc longueur, couvertcs et abritecs
contre le niauvais temps, marchaicnt h. la voile et ii la ramc," probably re-
ferring to a boat met r;; Columbus some distance out at sea. Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 632.

■* Invented, according to tradition, by the Tarascos of Michoacan during
their early migrations. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annates dcs
Voij., 1843, torn, xcviii., pp. 131-2.

'-^ 'Mettcvansi a sedere in questa maccliina quattro, o sei passaggieri
alia volta.' Claviqero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 168. 'Ces
radeaux sont fort lugers et tr^s-solides; ils sont encore en usage dans I'Amd-
rique, ct nous avons passe ainsi plus d'unerivi6re.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 295.

"> Las Casas, Hist. Apologitiea, MS., cap. Ixx. 'En coda vna cabian
sesenta Hombres.' Torquemada, Moiiarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 4C0, and Her-
rcra. Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. viii., cap. iv. 'TheCanowes are litle burkes,
made of one tree.* Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iii. Called Acafes. Id., dec.
v., lib. ii. ' Estas acallis 6 barcas cada una es de una sola pieza, dc uu
arbol tan grandc y tan grueso conio lo dcnmnda la longitud, y coniorme al
audio quo Ic puedcn dar, que es dc lo grueso del lirbol dc que se haccn, y
para esto hay bus maostros como en Vizcaya los hay de navios.' Motolinia,
Jjist. Jndios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc,, torn, i., p. ?00.

BOATS USED IN WAR.

3.-9

The use of boats was not altogether confined to
traffic, but extended to war and the transportation of
troops. Fierce conflicts on the waters of the lakes
are recorded in the ancient annals of And,huac ; canoe
fleets of armed natives came out to meet the Span-
iards at various points along the coast ; and we read
of the vain efforts to defend the approaches to the
Aztec capital, by thousands of boats which could offer
little resistance to the advance of Cortes' brigantines."

These fleets, so inefficient against Spanish vessels
and arms, must have been of great service to the Az-
tecs in maintaining their domination over the many
towns on the lake shores. To increase the efficiency
of boats and boatmen, races and sham fights were es-
tablished, which, besides affording useful training to
paddlers and warriors, furnished an additional means
of entertainment to the people who gathered in crowds
to watch the struggles of the competitors, applaud
the ducking of each vanquishe'l boat's crew, and to
reward the victors with honors and prizes."

" 'The sides of the Indian boats were fortified with bulwarks.' Pres-
eotVs Mcx., vol. iii., p. 100-, Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 140; Cortis,
Cartas, p. 211.

>'< 'Sriesso s'csercitavano in questogenere di combattimenti.' Clavigero,
Star ia Ant. del Messico. torn. ii. , p. 151; Wcst-Irulische Spieghel, p. 251.
20U,U^0 cunoes on the lako about Mexico. Gomara, Conq. Mcx., fol. 115.
Sec also note 8 of this chapter. Additional notes on Nahua boats. ' Habia
en Mexico niuchaa acallis o barcas para servicio de las casos, y otras niu>
chas dc tratantcs que vcnian con bastinicntos & la ciudad, y todos los pue-
blos tie la redonda, que estdn lleiios do bnrcas tue nunca cesan de entrar y
salir &. la ciudad, las cuales eran innuni.'>r;>>>lca.' 'Con CBius salen d la mar,
y con lus {jrundea de cstas ucallis nuvc^an de u\ia isia d otra, y se atrevcn 4
atruvc8araljrungolfo])equeflo.' Mololinia. Jlit*. Iiulios, in Icazhakcta, Col.
de Doc, toni. i., pp. 187, 200. 'Lo mas del irnto, y camino dc los Indios, en
afiuclla Tierra, e.s por Agua, en Acules, o Cuiioas.' Toraiiemada, Mouarq.
Ltd., torn, ii., p. 613; Herrera, His',. Gen., dec. ii., lib. viii., cap. iv.;
Montantts, Nieuvoe Weereld, p. 247; Carbajnl Espinoaa, Hitt. Mex., torn.
i., p. G33, torn, ii., p. 591; Kit mm, C ultur-Genchichte, torn, v., pp. 75-6.

CHAPTER XIII.

WAR CUSTOMS OF THE NAHUAS.

Importance of the Military Profession— Indications of Rank-
Education OF Warriors— Rewards for Valor— Military Or-
ders and their Dress— Gorgeous War-Dressks of Montezuma
AND the Aztec Nobility— Dress of ti e Common Soldiers— Ar-
mor AND Defensive Weapons— Offensive Weapons— Standards
—Ambassadors and Couriers— Fortifications— The Military
Council— Articles of War— Declaration of War— Spies— Or-
der OF March and Battle— War Customs of the Tlascaltkcs
and Tarascos-Keturn of the Conquei^ing Army— Celebra-
tion of Feats of Arms.

As might be expected from a people so warlike and
ambitious as the Nahuas, the profession of arms
ranked high above all other callings, save that of the
priests. This was especially tne case in the later
days, under the Aztec kings, whose unscrup'dous am-
bition and passion for conquest could only be gratified
by their warriors. Huitzdopochtli, god of war, pro-
tector of the empire, was glorified and honored above
all other gods; his altars must be red with blood, for
blood alone could extort his favor, and wars were
frequently waged solely for his propitiation; valor
was the loftiest virtue, the highest honors were paid
to those who distinguished themselves in battle; no
dignities, positions, or decorations, under the govern-
ment, were given to any but approved soldiers. Chil-
dren were taught by parent and priest the chivalrous

(400)

THE MILITARY PROFESSION.

401

deeds of their ancestors, whom they were urged to
emulate in daring; titles, rewards, and posts of honor
were offered to stimulate the ambition of the young
men. The king might not receive his crown until
with his own hand he had taken captives to be sacri-
ficed at the feast of his coronation. The priests were
the foremost inciters to war and carnage. All wars
were i'eligious crusades. The highest earthly rewards
were in store for the victor, while the soul of him that
fell in battle took immediate flight to heaven. Only
defeat and cowardice were to be dreaded.

Thf^ Nahua warrior's services were rewarded only
•>y -notion, since no paid troops were employed.
Bui ^ vjinotion was sure to follow brilliant exploits
per''oimed by even the humblest soldier, while with-
out such daring deeds the sons of the highest nobles
could hope for no advancement. Dress and orna-
ments were the indications of rank, and were changed
in some detail for every new achievement. To escape
from the coarse nequen garments of the common
soldier, and to put on successively the decorative
mantles of the higher grades, was deemed a sufficient
reward and incentive. The costume of each warrior
indicated the exact number of prisoners captured by
the wearer.

Especial care \i'a.s taken, however, with the sons of
lords intendx;-^ for 'he profession of arms. At an early
age their h ^a I ; >"ere shaved, except a tuft on the back
of tlie head ':a\i< A mocuexpaltia, a designation changed
to ciu'xpLUchivi'<"2"^ 'ben the boy was fifteen years old.
At this age he was sent to war in charge of veteran
warriors, and if with their aid he took a prisoner, the
tuft was cut off and another given to be worn over
the ear with feather plumes; on his return he was
addressed after the following manner by his grand-
parents or uncles: "My child, the Sun and the
Earth ha • washed and renewed thy face, because
thou dide:. '..ve to attempt the capture of an enemy
in compan V , 4ch athers. Lo, now it were better to

Vol. II. 20

402

THE NAHUA NATIONS,

abandon thee to the mercies of the enemy than that
thou shouldst again take a prisoner with the aid of
others, because, should it so happen, they will place
another tuft over thine other ear and thou wilt appear
like a girl ; truly, it were better thou shouldst die than
that this should happen to thee." If after a fair trial
the youth failed to take a captive, he was disgraced,
and ceased to be a warrior in the eyes of his com-
rades: but if, unaided, he was successful, he was
called a warlike youth, telpuchtlitaquitlamani, and
was presented to th» V'^ ' whose stewards dyed his
face red, his temples ca tdy yellow, and bestowed
upon him mantles and ni .itlis of the colors and de-
signs which his achievements gave him the right to
wear. If he took two captives, the honors were of
course greater; three entitled him to a command over
others; four made him a captain who might wear long
lip-ornaments, leathern ear-rings, and gaudy tassels.
With five prisoners the young man became a quauh-
tacatl, 'eagle that guides,' with corresponding insignia,
a head-plume with silver threads, the mantle called
cuechintli, another called chicoapalnacazminqui of
two colors, and still another decorated with straps.
The prisoners must, however, be from nations of ac-
knowledged prowess, such as those of Atlixco, the
Huexotzincas, or Tlascaltecs; double or triple the
number of Cuextecas or Tenimes must be captured,
and no number of these could entitle a youth to the
highest honors.*

In the Mexican picture-writings are delineated the
successive grades by which a graduate from the tem-
ple school advanced, with the costumes and defensive
armor he was permitted to wear. First we see him
leaving for the war, carrying the impedimenta of the
chief priest, who goes into the field to embolden the
troops, enforce orders, and perfonn other duties. The
pictures that follow portray the devices on the shields,
manner of painting, armor, head-dresses, and orna-

i SaKagun, HuL Oen,, torn, ii., lib. viii., pp. 329-32.

THREE MILITARY ORDERS,

403

ments they were allowed to assume, according to the
number of captives each had taken. The warrior-
priests were rewarded, in like manner, with accoutre-
ments and insignia of peculiar designs, and with
important commands in the army.'

Three military orders were established by the Aztec
monarchs, the members of which were granted cer-
tain privileges, and entitled to wear badges of distinc-
tion ; they also had apartments allotted to them in the
royal palace and formed the royal guard. Promotion
to the order was open to all, but could only be won by
some notable feat of arms. The members of the first
of these three orders were called Achcauhtin.or Princes,
of the second, Quauhtin, or Eagles, of the third, Oce-
lome, or Tigers. The distinctive mark of the Princes
was their manner of dressing the hair, which was tied
on the crown of the head with a red thong, and worked
into as many braids, each terminating in a cotton tas-
sel, as were the deeds of valor performed by the
wearer; the Eagles wore a kind of casque, in the form
of an eagle's head ; the Tigers wore a particular armor,
spotted like the skin of the animal whose name they
bore. These insignia were only used in war; at court
all military officers wore the tlacJiquauhj/o, a dress of
many colors. The members of these three military
orders had the privilege of wearing garments of much
finer texture than the common people, as well as suph
feathers and jewels as they could afford to buy. An
inferior order of knighthood appears also to have ex-
isted, the members of which had their hair cropped
close about their ears, and wore skull-caps and split
collars; these were only armed for defence from the
girdle upwards, whereas their superiors fought in com-

* Codex Mendoza, in Kiiufsboronyh's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., pi. Ixiv-
Ixvi. In explanation of plate Ixv., No. 19, it is Btatcil that the warrior was
culled Quachic by reason of having taken five prisoners in war. ' Halicr
caiitivado en la guerra cinco, demos de que en otras gucrrus a cautivado
otros muchos de sus eneinigos.' Explanation of Id., vol. v., p. 104; while

Purchus says such a one was 'called Quagchil shewing that lice had

taken flue at the Wars of Guexo, besides that in other Wars be tooko many
of hia enemies.' Purchat hit Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. U 10-11.

'4M

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

plete armor. All these privileged warriors were per-
mitted to use pfiinted and gilt vessels, but the common
soldiers might use none but plain earthen ones.'

Montezuma, who was a member of the order of
Princes, when he went in person against the enemy,
wore upon his legs greaves of gold, and upon his arms
thin plates of the same metal, as well as bracelets;
about his neck were a cellar and chains of gold and
precious stones; from his ears and lower lip hung or-
naments of gold set with precious chalchiuites ; and
from the back of his head to his waist was suspended
the glittering decoration of royalty, only worn by
kings, the quachictli. This was an ornament of ex-
quisite workmanship, wrought with great labor of
costly feathers and jewels, and shaped somewhat like
a butterfly. In addition to this he was distinguished
from his retinue by a shield upon which was displayed
the royal coat of arms in feather- work ; and he car-
ried also a small drum, upon which he beat the sig-
nal for battle.*

On the occasion when the sovereigns and nobility
of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan came out to receive
Cortds, there was little, Svi far as dress was concerned,
by which king might be distinguished from subject;
the only difference was that the monarchs wore crowns

3 Torqueinada and Brasseur speak of a yet higher rank among the
princes. ' Vna de las niaiores graude^as, k quo Ilegaba, era atarse el ca-
iiello, que era denionstracion de Gran Capitan, y estos se Ilaniaban Quachic-
tin, que era el mas honroso nombre, que a Ids Capitanes se Ids daba. y \tocQ»
lo alcan9aban.' Torquemada, Monarq. Iiid., torn, ii., p. 543. 'Dont Ibh
menibres se nominaient "Quachictin," c'est-ii-dire, Couronn^s. Leurs iii-
nignes consistaient dans la courroie ^carlate dont nous avons parl<i plus haiit,
niais dunt le bout, avec sa houpne de plumes, pendait alors jusqu ii la eeiii-
ture.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 590-1. Herrerii
and Acosta both mention a fourth order: 'Aula otros conio caualleros Par-
dos, que no eran de tanta cuenta, como estos, los quales tenian vnas coletiiM
cortanas por encima de la oreja en redondo.' Acosta, Hist, de las Viid., \tp.
443-4; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix; West vnd Ost In-
discher Lustgart, pt i., p. 99; Monfauus, Nicuwe Weereld, pp. 2C7-8;
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 140.

*The greaves were called cozehnatl, tlie brachials matemecatl, tlie
bracelets matzopctztli, the lip ornament tetitetl, the ear-rings nacochtU,
and the collar or necklace cmnnprtlitfl. Torqueinada, Monarq. Ind., toni.
ii., p. 543; Brasseur de Bourhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 695; Cla-
vigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 141.

MILITAUY DRESS AND ORNAMENTS.

406

of gold and precious stones, bejeweled sandals with
golden soles, and tassels at the end of the ribbon with
which their hair was bound.' A prince of the blood-
royal, on his debut upon the battle-tield, was clad in
plain white; his behavior was closely watched, and
after the action such insignia and colors sm he had
merited by his conduct were bestowed upon him.

Sahagun gives an extended description of the gor-
geous war-costumes of the noble Aztec warriors, with
the native name for each fraction of the equipments.
Here are described head-dresses composed of rich
feathers, prominent among which were the quetzal;
corselets of red and green feathers, worked with gold
thread; head-dresses of green feathers set in gold
bands, or of tiger-skin; helmets of silver; a garment
called tocivitl reaching to the knees, made of yellow
macaw-feathers, embroidered with gold, and worn with
a golden casque plumed with quetzal-feathers; and
other equally gorgeous attire. As a means of direct-
ing their men some officers bore small drums, painted
and ornamented with feathers so as to correspond with
their dress, in a net at their backs ; others carried lit-
tle flags made of feathers held together with bands
of gold or silver. Many noble warriors had their
armorial bearings, devils, monsters, and what not,
painted or embroidered upon their backs. Truly such
spolia opima were worthy of a hero's toil.*

The rank and file of the Aztec army wore no ( loth-
ing but the maxtli in battle, but by painting their
faces and bodies in grotesque patterns with brilliant
colors, and covering their heads with raw cotton, they
presented a sufficiently fierce and gaudy appearance.'

The Tlascaltec leaders wore a quilted cotton tunic
two fingers in thickness that fitted closely to the body

i Iztlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kin gaborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp.
'295-«.

* Sahagun, Hist. Gen,, torn, ii., lib. viii., pp. 293-7.

^ Las Caaas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. Ixvi.; Brasaeur de Bour-
bourg. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 593; Clavtgero, Storia Ant. del Mesaico,
torn, ii., p. 143; Torquemada, Monarq, Ind,, torn, ii., p. 643.

406

THE NAHUA NATIONS,

and also protected the shoulders and thighs; the
wealthier class wore over the tunic a cuirass of thin
gold or silver plates, and over all they threw a rich
mantle of feather- work elegantly embroidered ; to pro-
tect their legs they put on leathern boots or wooden
greaves ornamented with gold. On their heads they
wore a morion made of hide or wood representing the
head of some animal, bird, or serpent. From the
crown waved a magnificent tuft of richly variegated
plumes, a conspicuous mark, that served to denote the
warrior's rank.

The armor and defensive weapons of the Nahua
knights, though of little service against the firearms
and swordsmanship of the Spaniards, yet were admi-
rably suited for protection from the weapons in use
among themselves. The chimalli, or Mexican shield,
was made of various materials and in divers forms;
sometimes it was round, sometimes oval, sometimes
rounded only on the lower side; it was commonly
constructed of flexible bamboo canes, bound firmly
together, and covered with hide. The face of the
shield was ornamented according to the rank and taste
of the bearer; that of a noble was generally covered
with thin plates of gold, with a heavy boss in the
centre. In Tabasco, and along the coast, tortoise-
shells, inlaid with gold, silver, or copper, were com-
monly used as shields. Reed-grass, hides, or ne-
quen-cloth, coated with India-rubber, served to protect
an Aztec common soldier. Some shields were of
an ordinary size, others were intended to cover tlie
entire body, and were so constructed that when not in
use they could be folded up and carried under the
arm. The body-armor of the nobles and higher grades
of warriors consisted of a breast-piece made of quilted
cotton, one or two fingers in thickness, called ichca-
huepilH; over this was ;i thick cotton coat, which
covered part of the arms and thighs, made in one
piece, fastened behind, and decorated with feathers of
whatever colors the uniform of the company to which

ARMOR AND DEFENSIVE WEAPONS.

the wearer belonged might be. This cotton armor
was completely arrow-proof, and was of great service
to the Spanish Conquerors, who lost no time in adopt-
ing it in place of their heavy steel armor. Arm and
leg guards made of wood covered with leather or gold
plates and trimmed with feathers, and morions of the
same material shaped and painted to represent the
head of a tiger, serpent, or monster, with mouth open
and teeth bared, complete the defensive equipment.
Over a cuirass of gold and silver plates some lords
wore a garment of feathers which is said to have been
proof against arrows and javelins. Nobles and offi-
cers also wore lofty plumes so as to present the appear-
ance of increased stature.'

The shields used by the Toltecs were made of skins
ornamented with feathers of various colors; on their
heads they wore helmets of gold, silver, or skins.
The body-armor worn by the principal warriors was
made of double cloth padded with cotton; it differed
from that of the Aztecs inasmuch as it reached down
to the ankles and was worn over a .hin white tunic.
The private soldiers, like those of the Aztec army, also
painted the upper part of the body to represent ar-
mor, but from the waist to the thighs they wore short
drawers and over them, fastened round the waist, a
kind of kilt that reached to the knees and availed
them somewhat for defence. Across the body was a
sash made of feathers that passed from the right
shoulder to the left side of the waist. They wore
sandals on their feet and had feather-ornaments upon
their heads, more or less rich according to the quality
of the warrior. When going to battle they adorned
their necks, breasts, arms, and legs with their most
valuable trinkets of gold or precious stones.* Tezozo-
moc mentions that the Tarascos wore steel helmets,
but, as I have already stated, none of these nations

' Claviffero, Sloria Ant del Messico, torn, ii., pp. 141-3; Relationefaf.ta
per va gcntiPhuomo del Sigtior Fernando Cortest, in Bamusio, Navigationi,
torn, iii., fol. 305.

9 Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mrj., to:ii. i., pp. 289-90.

408

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

were acquainted with the use of iron in any shape.*"
Some of the armor in use among the Tabascans must
have been exceedingly rich, judging by that which
was presented to Juan de Grijalva by the cacique of
that province. It consisted of greaves for the knees
and legs made of wood and covered with sheets of
gold, head-pieces covered with gold plates and pre-
cious stones, among which was a visor, of which the
upper half was of jewels linked together, and the
lower half of gold plates ; then there were cuirasses of
solid gold, besides a quantity of armor-plates sufficient
to cover the whole body."

The offensive weapons of the Aztecs consisted of
bows and arrows, slings, clubs, spears, light javelins,
and swords; and in the use of all of these the soldiers
were well skilled. The bows were made of tough,
elastic wood, and were about five feet in length; for
strings they used the sinews of animals or stags'
hair twisted. The arrows were light canes, with
about six inches of oak or other hard wood inserted
in the end ; at the extremity a piece of iztli was fast-
ened with twisted nequen-fibre, and further secured
by a paste of resin or other adhesive substance. Some-
times instead of iztli they used the bones of animals
or fish; the bone of a fish called libisa is said to have
caused by its venomous properties" a wound very dif-
ficult to heal. It is well known that none of the
Nahua nations used poisoned arrows; such weapons

"• Tezozomoc, CrdnicaMex., in Kingahorougk'a Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
83.

'1 Carli, Cartas, pt i., pp. 17-21; Torfj^itemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p.
354; Herrcra, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. ii. ; Gomara, Conq. Mcx.,
fol. 37; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., toni. i., p. 519; VogoUudo, Hist. Yuc, p. 14.
For further reference to defensive weapons and armor, see: Carbajal Es])i-
nosa. Hist. Mcx., torn, i., pp. 608-19; West-Indische Spieghel, p. 246;
Montanus, Nieiiwe Weereld, p. 267; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, torn, v.,
pp. 81-3; Mcxique, Etudes Hist., p. 8; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt ii.,
p. 28; liussiare, L" Empire Mex., p. 161; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nou-
velles Annates des Voy., 1843, torn, xcviii., p. 133; Miiller, Amerikanische
Urreligionen, p. 642.

" Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. viL, cap. xi.; Gage's New Survey,
pp. 99-100.

OFFENSIVE WEAPONS.

409

would have defeated the object for which they often
engaged in war, namely that of taking their enemies
alive for the purpose of immolating them upon the
altars of their gods. It is reasonable to believe that
many of them attained to great accuracy in shooting
with the bow, but there is room to doubt the asser-
tion that some of them were able to shoot with three
or four arrows at a time; or to throw an ear of com
into the air and pierce every kernel before it reached
the ground ; or to throw up a coin of the size of half
a d 3llar, and keep it in the air as long as they pleased
witii their arrows." The sling was a braid of pita-
thread or other fibre, broader in the middle than at
the ends, with which stones were thrown with much
force and accuracy; the missiles were carried in a
pouch filled with stones and suspended from the waist
in front. The maza was a club similar to the Roman
clava, tapering from the handle towards the end and
terminating in a knotty head, filled with points of
iztli or tempered copper." The macana, or macua-
hiiitl, called by the Spaniards, espada, a sword, was
made of tough wood, about three and a half feet long,
with a flat blade four fingers in width armed upon
both sides with sharp pieces of iztli about three
fingers long by three wide, which were inserted into
the grooved edge at intervals, and cemented with
some adhesive compound." This weapon, when not

" ' I Tehuacanesi erano singolarmente rinomati per la lor destrezza nel

tirur tre, o quatro frecce insieme La destrezza di quel PopoH nel tirar Ic

frcccc non sarcbbc credibile, se noii fosse accertata per la deposizionc di
ccntinaja di testimonj oculati. Hadunatisi parecehj frecciatori gettaiio in
sii una pannoccliia di frumentone, c si inettono a saettarla con una tal pron-
tczza, c con una tal desteritii, che non la lasciano venite a terra, finattan-
tochfe non le hanno levati tutti i grani. Gettano similniente una moneta
d'argcnto non piii grande d'un giulio, e Baettandola la trattengono in aria,
quanto voglioni.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Mcssico, torn, ii., p. 143.

i< IxtliTxGchitl mentions clubs studded with iron, but it is well known
tliat the Aztec nations had no knowledge of that mineral, although it is said
they possessed the art of being able to temper copper to the hardness of
steel, 'porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre y oro.' Ixtlilxochitl, Eelaeiones,
in Kinf/sborougKt Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 332.

1^ According to Gomara it was made of 'cierta rayz que llaman facoti,
y de teuxalli, que es vna arena rezia, y come de vena de diamantes,
mezclan y amassan con sangre de morcielagos, y no ge que otra« aues.'
nmra, Conq. Mex., fol. 110.

que
Go.

410

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

in immediate use, was carried slung to the arm with
a cord. Many of these swords were two-handed and
very heavy, and it is asseiied that with them the
Aztec warrior could at one blow cut a man in two or
sever a horse's head. The one with which the fa-
mous Tlascaltec commander Tlahuicol fought was so
weighty that a man of ordinary strength could hardly
raise it from the ground." The Mexican spears were
very strong, and were pointed with iztli or copper.
Spears were the principal weapon used by the Zapo-
tecs and other tribes of Oajaca. The tlacochtli, or
Mexican javelin, was like a long arrow made of otlatl
or bamboo; the point was usually hardened in the fire
or armed with iztli, copper, or bone; many had three
points, thus inflicting a very severe wound; they were
hurled with great force, and had a cord attached, so
that when thrown they could be recovered for another
cast. Some writers mention a ballesta as being used
with which to launch the javelin, but I do not find
any description of its form or of the manner of using
it;" certainly the javelin was projected with great ve-

'* In reference to the macana, which all assert to have Ixjcn amost fomiid-
able weapon, I quote only u few authorities. 'Sua es|)U(laH Ue ]ialo lar<,'as, do
un pale nuiy fuerte, en;;ci'i<!as de pedernales agudisinios, que dc una eucliil-
lada cortttbau & ccrceii cl pescuczo de un cabaUo.' Motoliiiin, Hist. Iiulios,
in Icazbtdceta, Col. ilc Doc, torn, i., p. 188. Bemal Diaz describing a Imt-
tic with the TIascaltecs where Pedro de Moron was Mounded and had his
horse killed, says 'dicron vna cuchillada &, la yej^ua, que le cortaron el pes-
cue90 rcdondo, y alii qucd6 inuerta.' Bemal Diaz, Hist. Coiiq., fol. 44.
'Ta<;lia come vn rasoio di Tolofia. lo viddi die conibattendosi vn dl, dicdc
vn Indiano vna cortellatu a vn cauallo sopra il qual era vn catialliero con clii
conibatteua, nel petto, die ^lielo aperse nn alle interiora, et cadde inconliin-
cnte niorto, <& il uicdesinio {;iorno viddi die vn'altro cortellata a vn'altro caual-
lo su il coUoche sc lo gettb niorto a i piedi.' Relatione fatta pervngeittiriivo-
mo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramwsio, Naviqationi, torn, iii., fol.
305. The Anonymous Concjueror docs not say the head was cut ott", but
that one horse was killed with a cut on the breast that opened it to the en-
trails, and the other from a cut on the neck was laid dead at his feet. 'Lo
que poilriin efectuar con aquclla espada en cl {lescuezo del caballo sera de la
lieriua cuanto cntraren los filos en la came, que no pasardn de un cantode
real de plata, porque todo lo otro es gnieso, por tener el lonio que arriba
referinios las navajos.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologftiea, MS., cap. Ixvi.; Her-
nandez, Nova Plant., p. 340; Purchas his Pilqrimes, vol. iv., p. 1129.

17 It may be that this Imllesta was a somewhat similar implement to that
used by the Aleuts and Isthmians. Sec vol. i., pp. 90, 7G1. 'Dardi chc
essi tiruno con vn manga no fatto di vn'altro bastnine. Relatione fatta per rn
tj/entifhtiomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramvsio, Naviqationt, toni.
lii., fol. 305; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 594-5.

THE BLOWPIPE AND STANDARDS.

411

locity, if it be true, as asserted, that they would pass
throujufh a man's body; tliey were much dreadoa by
the Spanish Conquerors.

When the Chichimecs first settled in the valley of
Andhuac the only weapons were the bow and arrow
and blow-pipe, in the use of which they were very ex-
pert. The blow-pipe was a long hollow tube through
which clay pellets were projected, and it is affirmed
that with them the Chichimecs could kill a man or
wild beast at a moderate distance; afterwards this
weajKin came to be generally used by other nations,
but was only employed for shooting small birds.
Among other things, Cortes was presented by Mon-
tezuma with a dozen blow-pipes beautifully orna-
mented and painted with figures of birds and animals;
the mouth-piece of each was made of gold, five or six
inches long; they were also ornamented in the centre
with gold, and accompanying them were gold net-work
ouches to cany the pellets." The Matlaltzincas and
labascans used weapons similar to those of the na-
tions of the Anahuac valley , the former were especially
dexterous in their practice with the sling, which, when
not in actual use, was carried wound about the head."
The fighting men among the Jaliscans, were similarly
armed, but the lords and captains carried only long
staves with which to urge their men to fight and pun-
ish any who were disorderly or showed symptoms of
cowardice.**

Each nation had its own particular standard on
which were painted or embroidered the armorial
bearings of the state. That of the Mexican empire,
as we have seen, bore an eagle in the act of seizing a
tiger, or jaguar. That of the republic of Tlascala,
a bird with its wings spread as in the act of fly-
ing, which some authors call an eagle, others a white
bird or crane. Each of the four lordships of the re-
's Cortis, Cartas, p. 101; Veytia, Hist. An!. Mej., torn, ii., p. 5; Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., torn, iii., p. 299; Torqiiemada, Moiiarq. hid., torn, i., p. 4ti0.
*^ Sahaffun, Hist. Gen., torn, ili., lib. x., pp. 128-9.
'" Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. .S39.

412

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

public had also its appropriate ensign ; Tizatlan had a
crane upon a rock, Tepeticpac a wolf with a bunch of
arrows in his paws, Ocotelulco a green bird upon a
rock, and Quiahuiztlan a parasol made of green feath-
ers." Each company or command had also a distinct
standard, the colors of which corresponded to that of
the armor and plumes of the chief The great stand-
ard of the Tlascaltec army was carried by the general
commanding, and the smaller banners of the compa-
nies by their respective captains; they were carried on
the back and were so firmly tied there that they could
not be detached without great difficulty.** When
upon a march and not in presence of the enemy the
standard of the Tlasealtecs was carried in the van, but
in action it was always placed in the rear. The Mex-
ican standard was borne in the centre of the army.
Instruments of music, consisting of drums, horns, and
large sea-shells, were sounded while fighting to en-
courage and animate the men.

The office of ambassador was one of much conse-
quence, and persons of the highest rank, selected for
their courteous manners and Oiatorical powers, were
appointed to the position. Their persons were held
sacred and they were usually received by those to

*> In regard to the armorial ensign of the Tloscaltecs, authors differ. It
is admitted that the general-in-chict carried the standuni of the rejmblic,
and important authorities say that the one borne by XicotcncatI in his
battle with Cortes liad emblazoned n])on it a white bird resembling an
ostrich or heron, but Clavigero and Frescott incline to the opinion that the
emblem was an eagle. In regard to this we have the following accounts.
Ucrnal Diaz, an actor in the battle, says the Tlascaltec armv was ranged
under the banner of XicotencatI, 'qua era vn aue blanca tendidas las alas,
conio que queria bolar, que parece conio auestruz.' Hist. Conq., fol. -VS.
' Llcuuua el estandarte de la ciudad, qiie es vna grua dc oro con las alas tendi-
das.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 75. 'Esta bandera de Tascaltecle es una grua
que troc por divisa, 6 armas al natural, de oro, 6 teniUdas las alas.' Oria/o,

Hint. Gen., tom. iii., p. 409. 'XicotencatI ilcvaba el Estandarte de la

Itepublica, que era vn Aguila de Oro, con las Alas estcndidas.' Torqurinadu,
Moitarq. Ina., tom. i., p. 423; Cfariffcro, Stot-ia Ant. del Messieo, tom. ii.,
p. 14.5; Prewotl's Mex., vol. i., \t. 439; Biissierre, L'Empire Alex., p. 234.

X 'Ha ogni compagnia il suo Alliere con la sua insegna inhastatu, <& in
tal niodo ligata soprale snailc, chc non gli da alcun disturbo di ]>otcr cum-
battere ne ror ci6 chc vuolc, & la porta cosi ligata b'.ne al corpo, che ae nun
fanno del stio curuo |iczzi, non segli puoslignre, ne argliela nmi.' Relatione
fatta per vn gentil'hiiomo del Siffiior Fernando Cot Use, in Bamuno, Navi-
gationi, tom. iii., fol. 303.

AMBASSADORS AND COURIERS.

418

whom they were sent with honor and respect, per-
fumed with incense, presented with flowers, and well
lodged and entertained; in case any insult or indig-
nity was offered them, it constituted a sufficient ''ause
of war. Such an instance occurred when the Tepa-
necs, during the reign of their king Mnxtlaton, in-
vited the Mexican monarch Itzcoatl and his chiefs to
visit their province and partake of their hospitality.
Itzcoatl declined at the advice of his chiefs, but the
latter went, carrying presents. They were accepted
by the Tepanecs and the chiefs sent back in women's
apparel, which they were compelled to wear; the
indignity brought about a war between the two na-
tions. The proper courtesy and protection due to
their position was, however, only accorded them when
on the high road that led to thc'r destination; if they
deviated from it they lost their rights and privileges
as ambassadors. When on duty they wore a special
garb that denoted their office ; it consisted of a green
habit resembling a scapulary, or small cloak; handsome
feathers w^ere twisted in the hair with tufts of divers
colors ; i> the right hand they carried an arrow with
the point towards the ground, and in the left a shield;
a small net containing provisions hung from the left
arm.

A complete courier-system was established through-
out the empire; these couriers were employed to carry
messages in peace and war, and fresh provisions for the
king's table ; as we have seen in a former chapter, it is
asserted that Montezuma had fresh fish brought to his
palace daily from the gulf coast. They were exceed-
ingly swift runners, being exercised from childhood and
encouraged by rewards to excel in speed. Stations were
fixed at distances of about six miles apart, where
small towers were built, in which dwelt one or more
couriers ready at all times to set out with dispatches.
As soon as a courier arrived at one of these towers,
one of those waiting received from him the message
he bore, usually expressed in paintings, and at once

414

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

started for the next stage, and thus the tidings were
conveyed to the capital in an incredibly short time.
When the dispatches were of an important nature,
the courier wore some badge or was dressed in a man-
ner indicative of the intelligence entrusted to him.
For instance, if it related to a defeat in battle, he
traveled with hair dishevelled, preserving a strict
silence until the message was delivered to the person
to whom it was directed; on the other hand, if he
brought news of a victory, his hair was neatly tied
with a colored string, about his body was wrai)ped a
white cotton cloth, on his left arm he carried a shield
and in his right hand a sword which he brandished as
if in combat, singing at the same time the glorious
deeds of the. victors.'^

The Mexicans and other Nahua i.ntions, favored by
the general features of the country, adopted a system
of fortifications and entrenchments admirably adapted
to secure them from the attacks of internal enemies,
though insufficient as a defense against the superior
tactics and indomitable perseverance of Cortes. The
position of the city of Tenochtitlan, or Mexico, gave it
all the advantages of a fortified town. There was no
avenue of approach to it but the causeways, which
were defended by towers and ditches spanned by
draw-bridges ; it was the untimely raising of one of
these draw-bridges that caused such destruction to the
Spaniards ad their allies on the 'noche triste.' Be-
sides this, the inhabitants prepared themselves to
defend their city by means of boats, and were fre-
quently exercised in sham naval engagements. The
temples of Mexico served all the purposes of citadels,
especially the great temple built by the Emperor
Tizoc. Jt occupied the centre of the city and was

f 'Respetaban & los Embaxadorcs de bub mortalea cnemigos, conio h
DioBes, teiMeiido por mejor violur qualquicr rito dc su Religion, que pecar
contra la tee dada ii lo8 EnibaxodoreB, Torquemada, Monarq. Jiid,, torn,
ii., pp. S36-6. 'Los Correos, h MenttogeroB, que se despacliaban de las
GuerroB, tambicn piisalian scguroB, nor todoa portei.' lb.: Clavigitro, Storia
Ant, del Meaaico, ti<m ii., pp. 118-20.

NAHUA FORTIFICATIONS.

416

surrounded by a stone wall eight feet high and very
thick, having turrets and stone figures upon it; the
wall was pierced by four principal entrances, over each
of which were fortified apartments, well stocked with
weapons, offensive and defensive, ready for immediate
service; here, in case of a revolt or sudden alarm,
the garrison went and armed themselves.** One of
the royal palaces also contained a large armory where
great quantities of arms were kept and armorers em-
ployed in their manufacture. The peculiar archi-
tecture of the temple rendered the ascent to its top
very slow and difficult; during the battles of the
Mexicans with Cortes' troops after Montezuma's
death, five hundred Mexican nobles took possession
of this summit, whence they hurled darts, arrows, and
stones against the Spaniards, many of whom lost their
lives during the assault before the position was taken
by Cortds in person. In his dispatch to the Emperor
Charles the Fifth he says: "so arduous was the at-
tempt to take this tower that if God had not broken
their spirits, twenty of them would have been suffi-
cient to resist the ascent of a thousand men, although
they fought with the greatest valor even unto
death. "^

Besides the arsenal and general rendezvous there
were many turreted towers and strong buildings
throughout the city, from the top of which men could
shoot their arrows and hurl darts and stones with
great effect. The lofty teocalli served as watch-
towers, whence the movements of the enemy could be
observed. Naturally impregnable localities, such as
the vicinity of impassable rivers or ravines were se-
lected as sites for cities, which they further strength-

*> ' A coda parte y piicrta tic las ciiatro del patio del temjilo grande va
dicho hubia una gran sala con muy bucuos apuHcntus alUm y bajo8 en n;dc-
dor. Kn eutus tcnian muchas arnias, iNti-quc conio log Teinploa tcngnn nor
fortAlczos de los pueblos ticnen en ellos toda su municion.' Las Casas, Iltst,
Apologftica, MS., cap. li.

'^ 'Si Dios no les quobrara las alas.' Cortis, Cartas, p. 132. Sec also
Claviyero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp. 161-2; Ortega, in Veytia,
Hut. Ant. Mej., torn, iii., p. 319.

416

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

ened with forts or surrounded with stone walls.
The city of Guacachula, taken by Cortds shortly
after his retreat from Mexico on the 'noche triste,'
is thus described by him in his letter to Charles
the Fifth: "This city of Guacachula is situated
upon a plain bounded upon one side by some very
lofty and craggy hills; encircling the plain, on the
other sides, about two cross-bow shots apart, are
two rivers that run through large and deep ravines.
There are but few means of entrance to the city,
and those extremely difficult both in the ascent and
descent so that they can hardly be passed on horse-
back. The whole city is surrounded by a very strong
wall of stone and lime about twenty-two feet high on
the outside and almost level with the ground upon
the inside. Around the whole wall runs a battle-
ment, half the height of a man, as a protection when
fighting; it has four entrances of sufficient width to
admit a man on horseback, and in each entrance are
three or four curves in the wall that lap one over the
other and in the course of the curves, on the top of
the wall are parapets for fighting. In the whole cir-
cuit of the wall is a large quantity of stones large
and small and of different shapes for use in action."
Four leagues distant from Guacachula was another
city called Izucan, also strongly fortified with breast-
works, towers, and a deep river that encircled a great
part of the city.*

One of the most celebrated structures built for de-
fence was the stone wall erected by the Tlascaltecs to
secure themselves from the incursions of the Mexicans.
This wall was six miles long, extending across a val-
ley from one mountain to another; it was nearly nine
feet high and twenty feet thick, surmounted along its
whole length by a breastwork that enabled its defend-
ers to fight in comparative security from the top.
There was only one entrance, about ten paces wide,
where one part of the wall overlapped the other in

» Cortit, Cartat, pp. 150, 162.

NAHUA FORTIFICATIONS.

417

curvilinear form in the manner of a ravelin for a dis-
tance of forty paces. Bernal Diaz and Cortds differ
as to the materials of which the wall was built. The
former affirms that it was built of stones cemented
together with lime and a bitumen so strongly that it
was necessary to use pick-axes to separate them, while
the latter says it was built of dry stone.

Cortes, describing the residence of the cacique of
Iztacmaxtitlan, a garrison of the Mexicans, says it
was situated on a lofty eminence, with a better fort-
ress than there was in half Spain, defended by a wall,
barbican, and moats.*' In many other parts of the
country were stone fortifications, wooden stockades
and intrenchments. A short distance from the vil-
lage of Molcaxac stood a strong fortress built on the
top of a mountain ; it was surrounded by four walls,
erected at certain intervals between the base of the
mountain and the top. Twenty-five miles from C6r-
dova was the fortress of Quauhtochco, now Guatusco,
encircled by high stone walls in which were no en-
trance gates; the interior could only be gained by
means of steep narrow steps, a method commonly
adopted in the country.*" The nations of Michoacan
and Jalisco employed heavy tree-trunks in fortifying
their positions against the Spanish invaders, or cut
deep intrenchments in which they fixed sharpened
stakes. Previous to an attack led by Pedro Alvarado
against the inhabitants of Jalisco, the latter took up
a strong position on a hill which they fortified by
placing large stones in such a manner, that upon cut-
ting the cords that held them they would be precipi-
tated upon the assailants ; in the assault many Span-
iards were killed and Alvarado was thrown from his

" 'Una gran cercadepiedraseca.' Cortes, Carlos, pft. 59-&). 'Unafuer^a
jnfucrte liccha de cal y canto, y de otro bctun tan rezio, que con picos
dc hicrro era for9080 dcshazerla.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq.,ioi. 4S; Torque-
mnda, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., pp. 418-19; Bussierre, L'Et,

l)ien fiicrte liccha de cal y canto, y de otro bctun tan rezio, que con picos

' ■■ ■ - - - - - ■ .,fol. 43; Torque-

'mjfire Mex., pp.

2'29, 2.32; Brdsseur de Bourboiirg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iv., pp. 134-S;

, Mex., fol. 70; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. i.; Clavigero, Sto-

'Jessica, tonri. ii., p. 160; Solis, Hitl. Conq. Mex., torn, i., p.

llomara, Con
ria Ant. del
241.

•» Claviaero, Storia Ant. del Memco, torn, ii, p. 150.

Vol. II. 2T

418

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

horse with such violence that he died two days after-
wards."

Under the tripartite treaty made by the kingdoms
of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, a military council
was established consisting of a president and twenty-
one members. During the reign of the emperor Ne-
zahualcoyotl their deliberations were held in a hall of
his palace in Tezcuco. The president belonged to the
highest rank of the nobility and commanders of the
army, the other members were composed of six of the
principal men of Tezcuco, three nobles and three com-
moners, and fifteen selected from the other chief prov-
inces. Ail were veteran officers of recognized courage
and good conduct. To this court were referred all mat-
ters relating to war. The council assembled when re-
quired, to discuss and decide all affairs of the service,
whether for the punishment of offenses subversive of
military discipline, or to transact the business relative
to a declaration of war against other powers. In the
latter case the consultation always took place in pres-
ence of the sovereign, or of the three heads of the
empire. All ambassadors and soldiers were subject
to this tribunal, which meted out reward as well as
punishment. The following were the articles of war:

First: any general or other military officer who,
accompanying the king on a campaign, should forsake
him, or leave him in the power of the enemy, thereby
failing in his duty, which was to bring back his sov-
ereign dead or alive, suffered death by decapitation.

Second: any officer who formed the prince's guard
and deserted his trust, suffered death by decapitation.

Third : any soldier who disobeyed his superior offi-
cer, or abandoned his post, or turned his back ui)on
the enemy, or showed them favor, suffered death by
decapitation.

*• Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, p. 107; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iii.,
p. 567; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, torn,
xcviii., p. 133.

ARTICLES OF WAR.

419

jruartl

Fourth: any officer or soldier who usurped the
captive or spoil of another, or who ceded to another
the prisoner he himself had taken, suffered death by
hanging.

Fifth: any soldier who in war caused injury to the
enemy without permission of his officer, or who at-
tacked before the signal was given, or who abandoned
the standard or headqu ^rters, or broke or violated any
order issued by his captain, suffered death by decapi-
tation.

Sixth: the traitor who revealed to the enemy the
secrets of the array or orders communicated for the
success thereof, suffered death by being torn to pieces;
his property was forfeited to the crown and all his
children and relations were made slaves in perpetuity.

Seventh: any person who protected or concealed
an enemy in time of war, whether noble or plebeian,
suffered death by being torn to pieces in the middle of
the public square, and his limbs were given to the
populace to be treated as objects of derision and con-
tempt.

Eighth : any noble or person of distinction who, in
action, or at any dance or festival, exhibited the in-
signia or badges of the kings of Mexico, Tezcuco, or
Tlacopan, suffered death and forfeiture of property.

Ninth: any nobleman who, being captured by the
enemy fled from prison and returned to his country
suffered death by decapitation ; but, if he fought and
vanquished seven soldiers in gladiatorial combat pre-
vious to return, he was free and was rewarded as a
brave man. The private soldier who fled from an
enemy's prison and returned to his country was well
received.

Tenth: any ambassador who failed to discharge his
trust in accordance with the orders and instructions
given to him or who returned without an answer, suf-
fered death by decapitation.

" Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, iii., pp. 203-4, 422-3; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., pp. 384-5, 540; La» Caaas, Hist. Apologitica, MS.,

420

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

As I have already stated, the primary object of
most wars was to procure victims for sacrifices to
Huitzilopochtli and other gods, and the Mexicans
were never at a loss for an excuse to pick a quarrel.
The refusal of a neij^hboring power to receive in its
temple one of the Mexican gods, neglect to pay trib-
ute demanded, insults offered to ambassadors or trav-
eling merchants, or symptoms of rebellion in a city
or a province, furnished sufficient pretext to take up
arms. The rulers of Mexico, however, always en-
deavored to justify their conduct before they made
war, and never commenced hostilities without send-
ing due notice of their intention to the adversary.
Before an actual challenge was sent or war declared
against any nation, the council met in presence of the
three heads of the empire, and gravely discussed the
equity of the case. If the difficulty lay with a prov-
ince subject to the empire, secret emissaries were sent
to inquire whether the fault originated solely with
the governor or if he was sustained by his subjects.
If it appeared that the whole blame rested with the
governor, a force was sent to arrest him, and he was
publicly punished, together with all others implicated ;
but if the rising was with the consent of the people,
they were summoned to submit and place themselves
in obedience to the king whose vassals they were, and
a fine, proportionate to the magnitude of the case,
was imposed. It was customary for the rulers of
Mexico or Tezcuco to send messengers to distant
provinces with a demand that they should receive one
or more of their gods and worship them in their tem-
ples. If the messenger was killed or the proposed
god rejected, a war ensued.

As I have said, it was a breach of international
etiquette to proceed to war without giving due notice
to the enemy, and military law prescribed that three
embassies should be despatched before commencins^

cap. ccxv; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kinffsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol.
ix., pp. 243, 24C; Mendieta, Hint. Ecles., p. 132.

DECLARATION OF WAR.

421

hostilities. The number of ambassadors varied ac-
cording to the circumstances and rank of the princes
against whom war was to be made, for the higher his
rank the fewer in number were the envoys. If he
was a great king only one was sent, and he was
generally of the blood-royal or a famous general.
Sometimes the ambassadors were instructed to de-
liver their message directly to the hostile prince, at
other times to the people of the province. In the
first case upon entering into the prince's presence
they paid their respects with reverence, and having
seated themselves in the centre of the audience-
hall, waited till permission was given them to speak.
The signal made, the principal among them deliv-
ered his messaijfe in a low tone of voice and with a
studied address, the audience preserving a decorous
silence, and listening attentively. As a general thing,
in all embassies an interchange of presents was made,
and if the message was from one friendly power to
another, a refusal of such gifts was a serious affront.
I f, however, it was to an enemy, the ambassador could
not receive a present without express orders from his
master. When the three powers of Mexico, Tezcuco,
and Tlacopan acted in unison, in the event of a diffi-
culty with another nation, the first ambassadors sent
were of the Mexican nation and were called quaquauh-
nochtzin. Upon arriving at the capital of the king-
dom or province they proceeded at once to the public
square and summoned before them the ministers and
aged men, to whom they made known the several cir-
cumstances of the case, warning them that, in case
their lord refused to accede to their propositions, upon
them and their families would fall the evils and hard-
ships produced by war, and exhorting them to counsel
and persuade their lord to maintain the good will and
l)rotection of the empire; for this purpose they granted
twenty days, within which time they would expect
an answer, and in order that there might be no com-
[)laint of being surprised and taken unprepared they

•*.

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

left a supply of weapons and then retired outside
the town to await the answer. If within the twenty
days it was decided to accept the terms of the ambas-
sadors, the ministers went to the place where they
were in waiting and conducted them into the city,
where they were received with every mark of respect,
and in a short time were sent back to their own coun-
try, accompanied by other ambassadors, bearing costly
presents in token of friendship and esteem. If, how-
ever, twenty days passed without a satisfactory ad-
justment of the difficulty, a second set of ambassa-
dors, held in readiness for the occasion, who had to be
of the kingdom of Tezcuco and were called achca-
cauhtzin, were sent into the city. These carried with
them a quantity of arms, some feathers of a bird
called tecpilotl, and a small earthen-ware jar con-
taining a certain balsamic and aromatic ointment,
compounded of various herbs and gums. They went
directly to tlie palace of the prince and in presence of
the gentlemen of his court delivered their message.
They then represented to him the miseries of war,
and warned him, that if within the space of twenty
days he did not agree to their terms, in the event of
his being taken captive during the war which would
ensue he would be put to death under the penalty of
the law, which sentenced him to have his head
smashed with a club, and that his vassals would be
chastised in proportion to the oftence each had com-
mitted. If the refractory prince or noble refused
immediate compliance, the ambassadors anointed his
right arm and his head with the ointment brought
with them, telling him to be strong and of good
courage and to fight bravely against the troops of
the empire, whose valor in war they greatly extolled.
They then tied the tecpilotl-plumes at the back of
his head with red strings, handed him the weapons
they had brought with them, and retired to the
place where the first ambassadors were, to await tlio
expiration of the twenty days. If he surrendered

DECLARATION OF WAR.

423

within the time, he was required to pay a stipulated
annual tribute of small amount, but if he refused to
surrender, there came a third sot of ambassadors, who
were of the kingdom of Tlaeopan; they appeared be-
fore the lord in the presence of his ministers and
court, and delivered their message with 8tron<>er
threats and warnings, to the effect that if he did not
surrender at the expiration of a further twenty days,
the aiTiiy of the empire would march against his
territory and punish the inhabitants regardless of
age or sex, and that altiiough they might implore its
clemency they would not be heard; they then gave
theui a larger supply of arms than on the preced-
ing occasions, telling them to avail themselves of
them and not to say at a future time that they had
been assailed unprepared. If the lord of the prov-
ince surrendered within the last twenty days, he was
punished according to the pleasure of the three pow-
ers, but not with death nor with the confiscation of
his rank or property; he was usually condemned to
pay an extraordinary tribute out of his own revenues;
should he continue rebellious, war broke out, and the
anny of the empire, already prepared on the frontiers, '
commenced its operations. ^^

It was usual to send a formal challenge or declara-
tion of war, accompanied by some presents, either of
arms, clothing, or food, as it was held to be a discredit-
able act to attack any unarmed or defenseless people.
A notable instance of this spirit was thown by the
Tlascaltecs when they confronted the army of Cortes ;

31 Las Cosas says that very old women were admitted to war councils.
*\unca movian guerra sin dar parte al pueblo, y sin mucho consejo de los
uias ancianos y caballeros ejereitados en la guerra, al cual consejo se ad-
niitiau las mujercs nniy vicjas conio personus que liabian visto y uido
muclias cosas y asi esperimcntadas de lo pasado,' Las Casus, hist. Apolo-
gHica, MS., cap. Ixvi. According to the Chevalier lioturini tiic iirst ambas-
sadors were accredited to the king or lord of the province, the second were
dispatched to the nobilitv requiring them to persuade their lord, and the
third convoked the people and advised them of the motives their monarch
had for waging war against them. Boturini, Idea, pp. 162-3. See also Fcy-
tin. Hist. Ant. Mej., toni. iii., pp. 424-7; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in
Kingsborough^s Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 246-7; Tezozomoc, Crdnica Mex.,
n id., pp. 40, 73; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., pp. 382-3, 534-5.

424

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

their general is reported to have exclaimed : " Who
are these presumptuous men, so few in number that
they attempt to enter our country in spite of us ? Lest
they think we want to take them by hunger rather
than by force of arms, let us send them food, that we
may find tliem savory after the sacrifice, for they come
starved and worn out." Before the battle they sent
three hundred turkeys and two hundred baskets of
centli or tamales, each basket weighing' about twenty-
five pounds, a gift most acceptable to the Castilians.^
When war against another nation was decided upon,
the first care of the Mexicans was to investigate the
character and resources of the region they were about
to invade. Certain spies called quimichtm, who were
selected for their knowledge of the language and
customs of the enemy's country, were sent thither,
dressed after the manner of the inhabitants. These
spies were directed to prepare maps of the districts
they passed through, showing the plains, rivers, mount-
ains, and dangerous passes as well as the most p: icti-
cable routes, and were to take notice of all means of
defense possessed by the enemy. The sketches and
■information thus obtained were given to the chiefs of
the army to guide them in their march and enable
them to make the best disposition of their forces.
Such spies as brought valuable news were reward-
ed with the grant of a piece of land, and if one
came over from the enemy s side and gave advice of
their preparations and force, he was well paid and
given presents of mantles.** When a war was to be
conducted jointly by the three allied powers, procla-
mation was made by heralds in the public thorough-
fares of the capital cities. Commissariat officers
called calpixques collected the necessary stores and
provisions for the campaign, and distributed weapons

M Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 423; (lomara, Conq. Mcx., fol.
75; Ilerrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. vi.

33 'A cstas Eapios, que embiaban delante, Uamiiban Ra^toncb, aiie andaii
dc noche, 6 escoiididos, yil liurtadillas.' Torquemada, Mcnarq. Iitd., torn,
ii., p. 5.38.

ORDER OF MARCH AND BATTLE.

425

and coarse mantles of nequen to the rrmy. The
troops then went to the temple and performed the
ceremony of scarifying their bodies, while the custom-
ary sacrifices were offered by the priests to ITuitzilo-
pochtli.

If the expedition was an important one and the
army large, it was composed of several divisions,
called xiquipilH, each consisting of eight thousand
men under their respective commanders. When all
was in readiness the order of march was thus formed:
the prifists with their idols started one day's march in
advance; next came the captains and flower of the
army, followed by the soldic.s of Mexico; after them
the Tezcucans, and then tiiose of Tlacopan, the rear
l)eing closed by the troops of other provinces; one
day's march separated each division. Perfect order
was maintained on the route, and when near the ene-
my's country the chiefs traced out the camping-ground
each divis'an should occupy, and directed all to en-
trench anJ fortify their positions.^

The Ijattle was sometimes fought on a piece of
neutral ground lying between the confines of two ter-
ritories. Such a place was known by the name yauh-
tlalli, and was especially reserved for the purpose,
and always left uncultivated." Before the action
commenced each soldier received from the royal mag-
azine a handful of pinole and a kii:d of cake called
tlnxcaltotopochtli; afterwards the high-priest or chief
addressed the troops, reminding them of the glory to
be gained by victory, and the eternal bliss in store for
tliose who fell, and concluded by counseling them to
J ... •' their trust in Huitzilopochtli and fight valiantly.
If the king was present on the field the signal foi

^ .imargo says: ' L'arm^e ^tait divis^e par bataillons de cr nt honinies.'
Hist. Tlax., ill Nouvelles Anuales des Voy., 1843, torn, xfviii., p. 134.
' ijiiando I'escrcito era nume^so, si contava per XiquipilH: <,d ogiii Xiqui-
pilH si coin]M>nova d'otto mila uomini.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
torn, ii., p. 147.

M Also spelt qui ' Hale, jaoflalli, meaning a place for war. Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Mcj-uco, torn, ii., pp. 147-8; Gomura, Conq. Mex., fol. 322;
Torqueinada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 538.

4aa

THF. NAHUA NATIONS.

attax;k was given by him. The Mexican monarch
issued his orders to commence the action by sounding
on a large shell maJcing a noise like a trumpet; the
lords of Tezcuco beat UT>on a small drum, and lords of
other provinces struck two bones together. The sig-
nals for retreat were given upon similar insti-uments.
When the battle commenced, the shrieking of musical
instruments, the clashing of swords against bucklers,
and shouting of the combatants made a noise so great
as to strike terror into those unused to it. While
fighting the warriors shouted the names of their re-
spective towns or districts to enable them to recognize
each other and prevent confusion.**

In fighting there appears to have been no special
tactics; the commanders of divisions and the captains
used every effort to keep their men together, and were
very careful to protect the standard, as, if that was
taken, the battle was considered lost and all fled.
They observed the wise policy of keeping a number
of men in reserve to replace any who were wearied or
had exhausted their weapons. The archers, slingerss,
and javelin men commenced the action at a distance
and gradually drew nearer, until they came to close
quarters, when they took to their swords and spears.
AH movements, both in advance and retreat, were
rapidly executed; sometimes a retreat was feigned in
order to draw the enemy into an ambuscade which
had been prepared beforehand. The chief object was
to take prisoners and not to slay; when an enemy re-
fused to surrender, they endeavored to wound thcni
in the foot or leg so as to prevent escape, but they
never accepted a ransom for a prisoner. Certain men
were attached to the army whose duty it was to re-
move the killed and wounded during the action, so
that the enemy might not ':now the losses ond take
fresh heart."

M Tczozomoc, Crdnica Mex., in Kingsborougk's Mex. Antin.. vol. ix., pp.
31, 41. 50, 147.

" For further acconnt of their manner of conducting a war, see: Cl<tn-
gero, Storia Ant. del Messico, toin. ii., pp. 147-9; Sahagun, Hist, Gen., um\.

TLASCALTECS AND TARASCOS.

437

The Tlascaltecs formed their army into battalions,
each having its appointed chief, the whole being under
the command of a general-in-chief, who was elected
from among those of tlie four seigniories into which
the republic was divided. Their mode of fighting
differed little from that of the Mexicans, with tlie ex-
ception of a certain practice which they observed
upon first coming in contact with the enemy , This
consisted in carrying with them two darts which they
believed would presage victory or defeat according to
the result of their delivery into the hostile ranks.
Accordinsr to Motolinia the tradition among them in
regard to this belief was, that their ancestors came
from the north-west, and that in order to reach the
land they navigated eight or ten days; from the
oldest among them they then received two darts
which they guarded as precious relics, and regarded
as an infallible augury by wliich to know whether
they would gain a victory or ought to retreat in time.^
When a victory was won the great standard was
brought to the front and placed upon a rising ground
or in some conspicuous position, and all were obliged
to assemble around it ; he who neglected to do so was
punished.

The Tarascos fought with great courage to the
sound <^f numerous horns and sea-shells, and carried
to battle banners made of feathers of iiiany colors.
Their skill and valor is best proven by the fact that
the Mexicans were never able to subdue them. They
showed especial strategy in luring the foe into ambush.
Like the Mexicans their chief object in battle was to
take prisoners to sacrifice to their godf.**

ii., lib. viii., pp. 311-12; Lns Cnmn, IlUt. Apologitica, ISIS., cap. Ixvii. ;
Mmdictn, Hist. Eclci., pn. 129 31; Gom-ira, Vonq. Mi-x., fol. 32.J-3; Jims-
sctir (In liourhouvg, llisl. Nat. Cii\, Idiu. iii., pp. .WS-COl ; Torque inuila. Mo-
nnrq. fnd., torn, ii., pp. 537-40; Charc.i, llniiport, in Tcriniux-Coiii/iaiis, Vvij.,
sdrle ii., torn, v., np. 313-14; Klcinm, Viutw-diaihirhte, toin. v., pp. 8«J-8.

^^ MotoUnia, Ilist. I'lUios, in Icazlxilccla, Col. <lc Doc, t.oiii. >., p. II;
Ilerrrra, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cup. xvii.; Gomara, Coiiq. Mix., fol.
87; Torqucmada, Mounrq. liid., torn, i., p. 34; Gage's New Survey, p. 77;
Bwniierrc, L'Empire Mrx., i>. 230.

^"^ Beaumont, Crtin. Mevhoacan, MS., pp. 51, CO-1.

428

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Among the Mexicans, when the battle was over,
the first prisoners taken were given to the priests to
be sacrificed before the idols they carried with them.
An account was taken of the losses sustained and of
the number of prisoners and other booty gained. Re-
wards were distributed to all who had distinguished
themselves and punishment inflicted on any who had
misbehaved. All disputes relative to the capture of
prisoners were inquired into and adjusted. If a case
arose where "either of the disputants could prove
their title, the prisoner was taken from them and
given to the priests to be sacrificed. Those inhabi-
tants of the conquered province who could prove that
they had taken no active part in the war were pun-
ished at the discretion of their conqueror; usually
they were condemned to pay a certain annual tribute,
or to construct public works; meantime, the van-
quished province v.'as supplied with a governor and
officers, appointed from among the conquerors.*"

When the king or a feudatory lord captured a pris-
oner for the first time, his success was made the occa-
sion of much rejoicing. The captive, dressed in showy
apparel and mounted on a litter, was borne to the
town in great triumph, accompanied by a host of war-
riors shouting and singing; at the outskirts of the
city the procession v/as met by the inhabitants, some
playing on jnusical instruments, others dancing and
singing songi composed for the occasion. The pris-
oner was saluted with mimic honors, and his captor
greatly extolled and congratulated. Numbers of peo-
ple arrived from the adjoining towns and villages to
assist in the general hilarity, bringing with them
presents of gold, jewels, and rich dresses. Upon the
day appointed for the sacrifice a grand festival was
held, previous to and after whicli the lord fasted and
performed certain prescribed ceremonies. Tlie victhu
was usually dressed for the occasion in the robes of

*" Sahaffun, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. viii., p. 313j Las Caaas, Hist.
Apologttica, MS., cap. Ixvii.

GLADIATORIAL COMBAT.

429

the god of the sun, and sacrificed in the usual man-
ner. With some of the blood that flowed, the priest
sprinkled the four sides of the temple ; the remainder
was collected in a vessel and sent to the noble
captor, who with it sprinkled all the gods in the
court yard of the temple as a thank-offering for the
victory ^e had gained. After the heart was taken
out the uody was rolled down the steps and received
below; the head was then cut off" and placed upon a
high pole, afterwards the body was flayed, and the
skin stuffed with cotton and hung up in the captor's
house as a memento of his prowess."

When a renowned captain or noble was made pris-
oner, the right of fighting for his liberty was granted
him — an honor not permitted to warriors of an inferior
rank. Near the temple was an open space capable of
containing a large multitude; in the niiddle was a cir-
cular mound built of stone and mortar, about eight
feet high, with steps leading to the top, where was
fixed a large round stone, three feet high, smooth, and
adorned with figures. This stone was called the te-
malacatl; upon it the prisoner was placed, tied at the
ankle with a cord, which passed through a hole in the
centre of the stone. His weapons consisted of a
shield and macana." He who had taken him pris-
oner then mounted the stone, better armed, to combat
with him. Both the combatants were animated with
the strongest motives to fight desperately. The pris-
oner fought for his life and liberty, and his adversary
to sustain his reputation. If the former was con-

*' Mendicta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 131-4; Torijnrnuula, Monarq. Ind., toni.
ii., pp. 541-2; Claviffcro, Stona Ant. del Mcsxiro, («)m. ii., n. 149.

" Ciinmruo says the prisoner was given IiIh rlioice of every kind of
ofTcnsive ana defensive weapons. Hist. Tlax., in yourcllcs A unities den
Voy., 1843, torn, xcviii., pp. 188-9, bnt all other authors tttate that he watt
onlv given a short sword and shield. Itoturini suys a servant wlio waH
under the stone drew the cord and so controlled tlic prisoner that he could
not move. Idea, p. 164. Uuran says: 'el modo que en celelirarlo tenian;
que era atar li los I'rcsos con una soga al pi^ por un ahugcro uuc aquclia
piedra tenia por medio, y desnudo en cuoio'i le daban una nMiela y una
espada dc solo palo cmpluniado en las manos, y unas pelotas de palo con que
se dcfcndian de los quo salian d combatir con i\, que eran cuatro r.:r.y
liicn arniadoB.' Hist. Iiidias, M8., torn, i., cap. 30.

430

THE NAHUA NATIONS,

quered, a priest, called chalchiuhtepehua, immedi-
ately seized him, hurried him dead or alive to the
sacrificial stone and tore out his heart. The victor
was then publicly congratulated and rewarded with
military honors. If, however, the prisoner van-
quished his first opponent and six others, by whom, in
succession, he was attacked, he was granted his free-
dom, all spoil taken from him in battle was restored
to him, and he returned to his country covered with
glory. A notable violation of this law is recorded of
the Huexotzincas. In a battle between them and
the (Jholultecs, the leader of the latter nation became
separated from his own persple during the heat of
battle, and was, after a gallant resistance, made pris-
oner and conducted to the capital. Being placed on
the gladiatorial stone he conquered the seven adver-
saries that were brought against him, but the Huex-
otzincas, dreading to liberate so famous a warrior,
contrary to their universal law, put him to death, and
thereby covered themselves with ignominy.**

If the prisoner was a person of very high rank, he
was taken before the king, who ordered that he should
be sumj)tuously fed and lodged for forty days. At
the end of that time he was accorded the right of
combat, and if conquered, after the usual sacrificial
ceremonies' the body was cut into small pieces ; these
were sent to the relations and friends of the deceased,
who received them as relics of great value and ac-
knowledged the favor by returning gold, jewels, and
rich plumes." If we are to believe Gonuira and
others, the number of victims, chiefly prisoners of
war, sacrificed at some of the festivals, was enor-
mous. The historians relate that in front of the
principal gate of the temple there was a mound
built of stone and lime with innumerable skulls
of prisoners inserted between the stones. At the

*' Relatione fatla per vn gcntiVhuomo del Siijnor Fernando Cortcse, in
liammio, Nuriifationt, torn, iii., fol. 305; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
turn, ii., pp. 47-8.

** Toi-qucmada, Monarq, Ind., torn, ii., p. 63C.

PRISONERS OF WAR.

481

head and foot of the mound were two towers built
entirely of skulls and lime; on the top of the mound
were seventy or more upright poles, each with many
other sticks fastened crossways to it, at intervals,
from top to bottom ; on the points of each cross stick
were five skulls. They go on to say that two soldiers
of Cortes counted these skulls and found them to
amount to one hundred and thirty-six thousand.
Those that composed the towers they could not count."

The nations contiguous to tiie Mexicans imitated to
a great extent their manner of disposing of pris-
oners of war, and kept them to be sacrificed at their
festivals. The first prisoner taken in battle by the
Tlascaltecs was flayed alive and he who captured
him dressed himself in the horrid trophy, and so cov-
ered served the god of battles during a certain num-
ber of days. He paraded from one temple to another
followed by a crowd that shrieked for joy ; but had,
however, to run from his pursuers, for if they caught
him they beat him till he was nearly dead. This cere-
mony was called exquinan, and was sometimes observed
by two or three at the same time." At one of their
festivals they bound their prisoners to high crosses and
shot them to death with arrows; at other timies they
killed them with the bastinado. Thev had also solemn
banquets, at which they ate the flesh of their prisoners.
At the taking of Mexico, the Tlascaltec soldiery
feasted upon the bodies of the slain Mexicans, and
Cortes, although shocked at the revolting practice,
was unable to prevent it."

The Mexicans, Tlascaltecs, and neighboring nations

<^ Gomara, Conq. Mcx., fiil. 121-2; Acostn, Hist, dc las Ynd:, pp. 333-5;
Ilr.rrrra, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii. ; Montanus, Nicmce
Wecrdil, p. 242.

*•> Vamanjo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvcllcs Annates des Voy., 1843, torn,
xcix., j>. 1.34.

*' Ctangcro, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 51; Torquemada, Mo-
ttarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 423. For further reference to treatment of priHon-
en*, see: Ixflilxorhitl, Hist. Chick., in Kinasborovgh's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,
pp. 250-1; Tezozomoc, Crdnicn Mex., in id., p. 164; Klemm, Cultur-Ge-
scliirhte, torn, v., pp. 102-3; Miiller, Amcrikanisch.e Urreligionen, p. 634;
Fosscy, Mexique, pp. 215-16; Peter Martyr, dec. v., iih. viii.

432

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

always made the return of a successful army the occa-
sion of great festivity and rejoicing; the loud sound
of drums and musical instruments greeted the entry
of the victorious troops into the capital; triumphal
arches were erected in the streets and the houses
decorated with flowers; an abundance of copal was
burned and sumptuous banquets were prepared; all
were dressed in their gayest attire, and the warriors put
on all the insignia of their rank ; gifts were distributed
to those who had performed any deed of gallantry,
and minstrels sung or recited poems in their praise.
Many went to the temples to observe especial acts of
devotion to the gods, and numbers of the prisoners
were then sacrificed. All these ceremonies tended to
inspire the youths with courage and make them am-
bitious to gain distinction in war.*

,48

** Instances of how the Mexicans received their victorious armies are
given in Tczozomoc, Crdnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,
pp. 39, 61, 177-8; Brasseur de Botirbourg, Hist. Nat Civ., torn, iii., pp.
321-2. See further, Cnmargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelks Annalesdes Voy.,
1843, torn, xcix., p. 136; Herrrra, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.;
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tuni. ii., p. 574; Acosta, Hist.delas itid., pp.
489-90.

CHAPTER XIV.

NAHUA LAWS AND LAW COURTS.
General Remarks— the Cihuacoatl, or Supreme Judge— the Court

OF THE TLACATECATL — JURISDICTION OF THE TECUTLIS— THE CEN-

tectlapixques and Topillis— Law Courts and Judges of Tez-
cuco — Eighty -Day Council — Tribunal of the King — Court
Proceedings— Lawyers— Witnesses— Remuneration of Judges
—Justice of King Nezahualpilli— He orders his Son's Execu-
tion— Montezuma and the Farmer — Jails — Laws against
Theft, Murder, Treason, Kidnapping, Drunkenness, Witch-
craft, Adultery, Incest, Sodomy, Fornication, and other
Crimes— Story of Nezahualcoyotl and the Boy.

It has already been stated that among the Nahuas
the supreme legislative power belonged to the king;
the lawful share tliat he took in the administration of
justice we shall see as we examine the system of juris-
prudence adopted by them.

When treating of the Nahua judiciary the majority
of historians have preferred to discuss almost exclu-
sively the system in vogue at Tezcuco, partly, per-
haps, because it presents a nicer gradation of legal
tribunals, and consequently a closer resemblance to
European institutions than did the more simple rou-
tine of the Mexicans, but mainly because the mate-
rials of information were more accessible and abundant.
Many writers, however, have not followed this rule,
but throwing all the information they could obtain
into a general fund, they have applied the whole in-

VoL. II.-28 (433)

434

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

discriininately to the 'Mexicans,' by which tenn they
mean all the inhabitants of the regions conquered by
Cortes. Las Casas, speaking of the allied Kingdoms
of Mexico, Tezcuco, and TIacopan, says that "their
government and laws scarcely differed, so that what-
ever may be said of those parts concerning which the
most information can be obtained, may be understood,
and perhaps it is best to say it, as applying to all."*
Although the number and jurisdiction of the law-
courts of Mexico and Tezcuco differed, there is reason
to believe that the laws themselves and the penalties
inflicted were the same, or nearly so.

In Mexico, and in each of the principal cities of the
empire, there was a supreme judge, called cihuacoatl^
who was considered second only to the king in rank
and authority. He heard appeals in criminal cases
from the court immediately below him, and from his
decision no appeal was allowed, not even to the king.^

1 'El govierno y las Icyes quasi no difcrian, por mancra que por lo que
de Unas partes dijcrcmos, y adoiide tuvinios mayor notifia, se pmlru cntcii-
der, y quiza sera nicjur, decirlo en coiiiun y general nicnte.' Lan Casan,
Hist. Apologilica, MS., cap. ecxii. It is also stated that many Mexican
cases, presenting more than ordinary difficulty, were tried in the Tczciicaii
law-courts; see Ztirita, Rapport, in Teniaux-Compans, Voy., sdric ii., toiii.
i., J). 95; Las Casas, Jiist. Ajmloyetica, MS., cop. ccxii. ; torquemada, Mo-
■narq. Iiid., torn, ii., )>. 354. Si)eaking of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopun,
Zurita says: 'Les lois et la procedure etaicnt Ics mCnies dansccstroisutntM,
dc sorte qii'en exirasant les usages (itablis dans I'un d'eux, on fera coniiaitru
ce qui se passait dans les autres.' Support, in Tcrnaiix-Compans, Voy.,
sdrie ii., torn, i., pp. 93-4.

' The title ciliuucoati, meaning 'serpent-woman,' appears incompre-
hensible as applied to a judge, but M. I'AbW Brasseurde Boiirl)ourg, Jiisf.
Nat. Cir., Utni. iii., pp. 579-80, sees reason to believe that the MexicuiiH,
when tlicy succeeded to tlie rights of the Toltec kings of Culhuacan, adopted
also the titles of the court, and that the name cihuacoati had l)cen given
to the prime minister in memory of Cihuucoatl, the sister of t'aniaxtli,
who cared for the infancy of i^uetzalcoatl. The learned Abl>6 translates
cihuncoatl, serpent femclle, which is literally a seqient of the female sex.
Molina, however, in his Vorabnlario, gives 'ciua* as a substantive, mean-
ing 'women' (inugeres), and 'coatl' as another substantive, meaning '^rr-
]ieiit' (culebra), the two as a comirauiid he docs not give. I translate the
word 'serpent-woman,' because the sister of Camaxtli would more proba-
bly lie thus distinguished among women, than among serpents as the ' wu-
man-serpent.'

3 Although all other historians agree that the judgment of the cihnn-
coatl was final, the interpreter of Meiidoza's collection states that an apiieal
lay from the judges (he does not state wlii«h) to the king. tJjplieacioii dc
la Coleceion de Mendoza, in KinqshorotifilCs Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 109.
Prescott, Mex., vol. i., p. 29, attributes this to the changes made during

pun
Boii

THE CIHUACOATL, SUPREME JUDGE.

Whether or not the cihuacoatl pronounced judgment
in civil cases is uncertain. According to Clavigero
he did ;* Prescott," Brasseur de Bourbourg," and Car-
bajal Espinosa' agree with Clavigero, and Leon Car-
bajal* cites Torquemada as an authority for this state-
ment, but the fact is Torquemada distinctly aflirms
the contrary,' as does Las Casas,^" from whom Tor-
quemada takes his information. It appears, however,
reasonable to suppose that in some exceptional cases,
as, for instance, where the title to large possessions
was involved, or when the litigants were powerful no-
bles, the supreme judge may have taken cognizance
of civil aifairs. Whether the jurisdiction of the ci-
huacoatl was ever original, as well as final, as Pres-
cott" asserts it to have been, I do not find stated by
the earlier authorities, although this may have hap-
pened exceptionally, but in that case there could have
been but one hearing, for the king, who was the only
superior of the supreme judge, had no authority to
reverse the , decisions of the latter. The cihuacoatl
was appointed by the king, and he in turn appointed

Montezuma's reiun, the period which the Mendoza paintin!|^ repreacnt, and
Leon Carbajal, Discurso, p. 98, totally denies the truth of the 8tutenicnt.

* 'Dalle Bcntenzc da lui pronunziatc o nel civile, o nel criniinale, non
si potcva appellare ad un altro tribuuale,' &c. Storia Ant. del Mesnico,
toni. ii., p. 1*27.

* Mex., vol. i., p. 29.

« //*■*/. Nat. Oil'., torn, iii., p. 580.
T Ifist. Mcx., toni. i., p. 693.

* Disrumo, p. 97.

' 'Uhi de cttusas, <^ue se dcbolvian, y remitian & hX, por apelacion; y
csfas eran solns las criminales, pornm dc las civilrs no se apclabn de «im
Jitslidas ordinarias.' Monara. I ml., torn, ii., p. .352. It is possible that
Scnor Carhojul may have reaa only a suhsecjucnt possa^^c in the same cliap-
tcr, where T'ormicmada, speaking of the tribunal of the tlacatecatl, says:
'De este se apelabu, para el Tribunal, y Audienria del Cihuacohuutl, que
era Juez Suprenu), despues del Kci.' From what has^rone Ituforc, it is, how-
ever, evident that the author here refers onlv to the criminal cases that
were amicttled from the court of the tlacatecatl,

'* llist. Apologitica, MS., cap. ccxii.

" Mfx., vol. i., p. 29. Clavijjero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp.
127-8, also affirms, indirectly, that cases were sometimes laid in the first in-
stance liefore the supreme judge, inasmuch t.s he first says that the cihua-
coatl took cognizance of both civil and criminal cases, and afterwards,
when spcakinff of the court of the tlacatecatl, he writes: 'Se la causa era

Suramente civile, non v'era appellazione.' The same applies to llrasseur de
lourbourg. Hiit. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 680.

486

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

the inferior judges. He held his office for life, and
in addition to his regular judicial duties had charge of
the most important affairs of government, and of the
roval revenues. He was without a colleague, and
nmst administer justice in person. Such was the
rospeot paid to this exalted personage, that whoever
had the audacity to usurp his power or insignia suf-
fered death, lus property was confiscated and his
family enslaved."

The next court was supreme in civil matters and
could only be appealed from to the cihuacoatl in cases
of a criminal nature. It was presided over by three
judges, the chief of whom was styled tlacatecatl, and
from him the court took its name ; liis colleagues were
called qitauhnochtli and tlanotlac?^ Each of thetie
had his deputies and assistants. Affairs of import-
ance were laid in the first instance before this tri-
bunal, but appeals from the inferior courts were also
heard. Sentence was pronounced by a crier entitled
tecpoijotl in the name of the tlacatecatl, and was
carried into execution by the quauhnochtli with his
own hands. The office of tecpoyotl was considered

'* Herein lies the only difference Ijctwcen Lns Cnsas and Torqucnmda on
the Hubject of the Cihuacoutl. Tiic former writes: 'Qiialqnieru que cste
olicio puru si usurpara, 6 lu conecdiera d otro, avia de niorir por ello, y siis
padres y detidoa eran dcsnatwados del pueblo doude acacciexc haka lo
quarta gciieracioii. Allcnde (\xie todos los biencs avian de scr coniiscados, y
aplicadus para la republica.' Hist. Apolugitica, MS., cap. ccxii. Toniucinuda
says: 'era tiin aiitori^-udo este oficio, que el que lo vsurpara pura si, h lo
i;oniunicilra h, otro en al{(una i>arte del Ueino, niuriera )K>r ello, y siis Ilijos,
y Muger/ueran vendidos, por pcrnctuos csclavos, y contiscados sus biencs,
por Lei, que para esto havia. Aloiiarq. Ltd., toni. ii., p. 352. Notwith-
standiag all other historians distinctly atfinu that the cihuacoatl wu4, in
the exercise of his functions perfectly independent of the king, Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., toni. iii., p. 580, nuikes the following extra-
ordinary sttitcnient: *H jugeait en dernier ressort ct donnait dcs ordrcs en
lieu ct place du aouverain, chaquefoin que eclui-ci ne le/ai.suit pas direetc-
meiit etpar lui-miine.' This must be from one of the original manuscripts
iu the possession of M. I'Abbd.

" Las Casas, Hist. Apolnqitiea, MS., cap. ccxii., spells these names Taea-
tecatl, acoahunotl, and tlaylotlat; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., toni. ii., p.
352, tlacateccatl, quauhnuchtli, and tiaylotlac; and Clavigero, Sloria Ant.
<iel Messico, torn, ii., p. 127, tlacatecatl, ouauhnochtli, and tlaniitlac, or
tlaiiotlac, a defect in the im|>ression makes it difficult to tell which.
Scarcely two of the old writers follow the same system of orthography,
and in future I shall follow the style which appears simplest, endeavoring
only to be consistent with myself.

THE TECUHTLI AND CENTECTLAPIXtJUE.

437

one of hi^fh honor because he declared the will of the
kin<^ as represented by his judges.

In each ward of the city there was a magistrate
called tecuhtli who was anniuilly elected by the in-
habitants of his district; he judged minor cases in
the first instance only, and probably the office some-
what resembled that of our police judge. Appeal
lay from him to the tlacatecatl." It was the dutj'
of the tecuhtlis to give a daily report of affairs that
had been submitted to them, and of the judgments
they had rendered thereon, to the tlacatecatl, who
reviewed their proceedings. Whether the tlacatecatl
could reverse the decision of a teuchtli when no
appeal had been made, is uncertain, but it appears
improbable, inasmuch as a failure to exercise the
right of appeal would imply recognition of justice in
the judgment passed by the lower tribunal. In each
ward, and elected in the same manner as the tecuh-
tlis, were officers whose title was centectlapixque,
whose province it was to watch over the behavior and
welfare of a certain number of families committed to
their charge, and to acquaint the magistrates with
everything that passed. Although the centectla-
pixques could not exercise judicial authority, yet it
is probable that petty disputes were often submitted
to them for arbitration, and that their arbitrament
was abided by. In case the parties could not be
brought to any friendly settlement, however, the
centectlapixque immediately reported the matter to
the tecuhtli of his district, and a regular trial ensued.

The tecuhtlis had their bailiffs, who carried their
messages and served summonses. In addition to
these there were constables styled topilli, who ar-
rested prisoners and enforced order."

•* Clavigero, Storia Ant. del. Mesaieo, torn, ii., p. 128, writes 'egiomal-
mentc si portava al CihuacoatI, od al Tlacatecatl per avvcrtirlo di tutto cio,
clic occorreva, c riccver gli ordiiii da !ui;' but it would nrobably be only in
cuflci of great imirartancc that the reports uf the teuchtli would be carried
to the cihuacoatl.

1^ Las Canas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. ccxii. ; Torquemada, Monarq.

488

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

In Tezcuco, although the kingdom was divided into
many provinces," the higher courts of justice were
placed in six of the principal cities only." Each of
these tribunals was presided over bv two judges, who
were very high nmgnates and usually relatives of the
king, and from these an appeal lay to two supreme
judges who resided at the capital." These twelve
judges were assisted by twelve sherift's," whose duty
it was to arrest prisoners of exalted rank in their
own district, or to go in search of offenders in other
provinces. The peculiar badge of these officers
was a certain ornamented mantle; wherever they
went they were held in great awe and respect,
as representatives of the king, and seldom encoun-
tered resistance in the exercise of their functions.
There were also constables in attendance on the
courts, who acted with great diligence in carrying
messages or making arrests. Every ten or twelve
days all the judges met in council with the king,*"

Ind., torn, ii., p. 355; Clavigero, Sloriu Ant. del Meanco, torn, ii., pp.
127-8.

i« Tor«jnemada, Monara. Ind., torn, it, p. 364, says that there were lif-
tecii pniviiiceM Hiibjcct to tiie king of Tczciico.

>^ The Kii<;lii«h edition of Clavigero reads: 'the judicial p«)wer was di-
vided amongst iienen principal cities, p. 354; but the ori^^inat agrees with the
other authorities: 'nel Kegno d'Acoliiuacan era lagiurisdizionc conipartita
tra «ct ('itth principali.' Storia Ant. del Mesgico, toni. ii., p. 128.

w Las Vfnum, Jliat. AjtologHica, MS., cap. ccxii. Torqucniada, however,
asserts that there were 'en la Ciudad de Tetzcuco (que era la Cortc) dcntro

de la Casti Keal dos Salas de Consejo y en ca<la Sala dos Juccch. Ila-

via difercncia entre los diclios Jueces; porque losde la vna Sulu emu <le mas
autoridad, que los de la otra; estos se liamaban Jueces niaiores, y csotros
menores; los maiores olan de causas graves, y que pertenecian h'lu dcter-
minacion del Kei; los segundos, de otras, no tan graves, sinu mas Icvcs, y
livianas.' Monarq. hid., tom. ii., p. 354. The lowerof these two pruhaMy
either formed one of the si.\ superior courts above mentioned, or corre-
sponded with them in jurisdiction. According to Zurita, 'chacune des
nombreuses provinces soumises h ces souverains cntretenait h Mexico, h
Tezcuco et h, Tlacopan, qui 6taient les trois cupitales, deux jugcs, (lerson-
nes de sens choisies a cet effet, et qui quclquefois etaient parents des sou-
verains,' and adds: 'les appels «$taient portes devant dovze autrca jugcH
SHpfrieitrs qui prononpaicnt d'aprfes I'avis du souverain.' Bajt^jort, in 'Jcr-
naux-Compans, Voy., s^rie ii., tom. i., pp. 95, 100.

•9 Torqucnutda, Monarq. Ind., tom. li., p. 355, writes: 'Tenia cada Sala
de estas dichas otro Ministro, que hacia oficiode Alguacil Maior,'&c., while
other writers assign one to each judge, of whom there were two in each
court.

«> Clavigero differs on this point from other writers, in making this
meeting occur every Mexican month of twenty days. Zurita, Bapport, in

THE EIGHTYDAY COUNCIL.

when cases of importance were discussed, and eitlier
finally settled, or laid over for decision at a j^rand
council which convened every four Mexican months,
makiujL,' in all eighty days. On these occasions all
the judges, without exception, met together, the king
presiding in person. All being seated according to
their order -of precedence, an orator opened the pro-
ceedings with a speech, in which he ])raised virtue
and severely reprimanded vice; he reviewed all the
events of the past eighty days, and commented very
severely even upon the acts of the king himself. In
this council all suits were terminated, the sentences
being carried out on the spot," and affairs of state and
policy were discussed and transacted; it generally sat
during eight or ten days.** In addition to these
judges there were magistrates of a lower order in all
the provinces, who took cognizance of cases of minor
imjmrtance, and who also heard and considered those
of greater consequence preparatory to laying them
before the Eighty-Day Council." The historian Ix-

Tcrnatix-Compana, Voy., sdrie ii., torn, i., p. 101, writes: 'Toua Ics <lnuze
joiini il y iivuit iinc asscnibluc f^iidrnlc <lc8 ju);cH pr<$Hi(lcc ])ar Ic pr'ncc;' to
this the editor attaches the folUiwiii;; note: 'il est Evident, coiiiiiic on le
verra iia^^e lOG, qii'il y u ici unc errcur, ct qne ccs nsscniblees, dont Ics sea-
sions duraicnt douzu jours, ne se tennient que tnus Ics quatrc-vin<^s jours.'
It is, however, the learned editor who is mistaken, liecausc, as we hava
seen a)H>ve, there were two distinct nieetin^^s of the jud{;es; u lesser one
everj' ten or twelve d».y8, <ind a fjreater every eighty days, and it is of the
latter that Zurita sjMS'iks on n. 100.

" ' Al one «Sl sei'tenciavalt arrojava una flechn de aquellas.' Trzozomoe,
Crdnicn Mrx., in Kinnsboroitffh's Mci. Anliq., toni. ix., p. SI. 'A cui>ital
sentence was indicated by a line traced with an arrow across the jMjrtrait of
the licensed.' Prrsrotl's Mex., vol. i., n. 3.1.

'' It is ]iroba1de that as matters of government, as well as legal aflairs,
were discussed at their Kightv-Day Council, it was not exclusively com-
piised of judges, but that nobles and statesmen were admitted to member-
ship. Torqucnuida is, however, the only writer who distinctly states this:
'tcnian Andicncia General, (\ue lu llnmaban Napualtlutolli, como decir,
Pulabra ochentena, que era Dui, en cl qual se juntaban todos los dc la C'iu-
dad, y los Asistentcs de tmlas las Provincias, con todo el Pueblo, asi nobles,
como Comunes, y Pielteios,' &c. Monarq. Iiul., tom. i., p. 1(>8; Ixtlilxo-
cliitl, Hist. Chicn., in KingsboroiiqlCs Atitiq. Mcx., vol. ix., \t\). 244-.'>, says
that the king was accompanied by all his sons and relatives, with their
tutors and suites.

^ Concerning this judicial system of Tezcuco, see: Las Casas, IIi.it. Apo-
Ingiticn, MS., cap. ccxii. ; Torquemnda, Monarq. Intl., tom. i., p. 108, tom.
ii., pp. 354-5; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voij., seric ii., tom.
i., pp. 90, ctseq.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Mesaico, turn, ii., ])p. 128-9;

440

THE NAHUA NATIONS,

tlilxochitl gives a fciomevvhat different account of the
Te».cucan triHunals, which, as it contains the only de-
scription given by the ancient writers of the halls in
which the judges sat, I translate in full.

In the palace were two principal courtyards, the
larger of which served as the market-place. The
second courtyard was. smaller than the firet, and was
situated more in the interior of the palace; in the cen-
tre of it a fire was kept continually burning. Here
were the tw(/ most important tribunals in the king-
dom. To the right of this courtyard, writes Ixtlilxo-
chitl, was the supreme tribunal, which was called
teohicpalpan, meaning, Tribunal of God. Here was.
a throne of gold, set with turquoises and other pre-
cious stones; before the throne stood a stool, upon
which were a shield, a macana, and a bow with its
quiver of arrows ; upon these was placed a skull, sur-
mounted by an emerald of a pyramidal shape, in the
apex of which was fixed a plume of feathers and pre-
cious stones; at the sides, serving as carpets, were the
skins of tigers and lions (tigres y leones), and mats
(mantas) made of the feathers of the royal eagle,
where a (juantity of bracelets and anklets (grevas) of
gold were likewise placed in regular order.** Tlie
walls were tapestried with cloth of all colors, made (>f
rabbits' hair, adorned with figures of divers birds,
animals, and flowers.'^' Attached to the throne Avas

Mrndlrtn, Ilisl. Erhx., j)p. 134-fi; Snfiafjini, TTixf. Grn., torn, ii., liU viii.,
pp. 3<)2-.'>; riiiKitli-l, Mem. sohir lu Itaza Inilnjiiia, pp. 'JS-St; Ciirhajal E.s-
piiio.iii, Hint. Mfx., toiii. i., p. '•)',)').

-'■ i'hi.s soiiti'Hi'e rends us folldWM ill tlu! i>ri;;iiml: 'il )oh lailos scHiiiin tlo
alfoinlira.s uiiii.s pielen <lo ti},'res y Icoiu-h, y iiiiiiitii.s IiccIiuh ilo i)liiiims do
ligiiilu roiil, I'll doiidi! asiiiiiHiud eHtuiian por sii orilt'ii cuiitidad de iniicek'tes,
y greviis do oro.' I.c/lilxorhitl, HUI. Vhic/i., m Kiiii/.shoroiiii/i'.'i .Mf.i\ Aiitii/.,
vol ix., p. 24M. It is dlHicult t<i iiuttgiiie why MniMX'Ieti's, y jjil'vu.s do oro*
bIiouM Ih' placer! ii[)i>ii tiic floor, but certainly the historian ^'ives uts to iiii-
derstan<l as iiii:.('ii. I'rescott, wiio affects to pve Ixtlilxocliitl's description
'in his own winds,' and who, fnrthcrniorc, encloses the extract in ijiiotation
marks, trets over this dilllenlty )»y oniittin*^ the above-inioleii sentence en-
tirely. ]\/i:f., vol. i., p, .'?4; and Veytia, ffinf. Aiit. Mij., toni. iii , p.
20.">, adopts the sanie convenient Itut soniewliat unsatisfactory coiirHe. 'J'liis
latter author's version of the whole matter is, however, like much other of
his work, inextricably <'onfused, when ecniiparcd with the ori;;inal.

i^ ' Las jiarcdes estalian entapizadas v adorna<las de uiios ])arios liechos
de pclo dc couejo, do todoa coluius, con iigurus do divuriiu» uves, uniniule.s y

THE TRIBUNAL OF THE KING.

441

a canopy of rich plumage, in the centre of which was
a glittering ornament of gold and precious stones.

The otlier tribunal was called that of the king; it
also had a throne, which was lower than that of the
Tribunal of God, and a canopy adorned with the royal
coat of arms. Here the kings transacted ordinary
business and gave public audience; but when they
rendered decisions upon grave and important oa;ses, or
pronounced sentence of death, they removed io the
Tribunal of God, placing the right hand upon the
skull, and holding in the left the golden arrow which
served as a sceptre, and on these occasions they put
on the tiara (tiara) which they used, wliich resembled
a half mitre. There were on the same stool three of
these tiaras; one was of precious stones set in gold,
another of feathers, and the third woven of cotton
and ral)bit-hair, of a blue color. This tribunal was
composed of fourteen grandees of the kingdom, who
sat in three divisions of tlie hall, according to their
rank and seniority. In the first division was the
king; in the second division were seated six grandees;
the first of these six, on the right hand, was the lord
of Teotihuacan, the second the lord of Acolman, tlie
third tlio lord of Tepetlaoztoc ; on the loft side sat,
first, the lord of Huexotla, secjond, the lord of Coat-
licluin, tliird, he of Cliimalhuacan. In the third di-
visitHi of the hall, which w is the exterior one, sat
eight otlier lords, according to their rank and senior-
ty; on tlie right side tlie first was the lord of Otom-
jtan, the second was the lord of Tollantzinco, the third
the lord of Quauhchinanco, the fourth the lord of Xi-
c()tepe(*, and on liie left side were, first, the lord of Te-
pechpan, siKH^id, the lord of Cliiauhtla, third, the
lord of (Jhiuhiiauhtla, and fourth, he of Teiotocan.

rtiHcs.' Tliis is roiulnrcwi hy Prcsrott: 'The walls wpro hung with tapestry,
iiiiidc cif the htiir nf iliiltTcnt wild aiiiiimlH, tif rifh uiiil various colors, frs-
till, iiri/ III/ ifolil riiif/s,tiiu[ fuihroideri'd with ti;;nrL's of hinls and (lowers.'
A few lines aliove, 'la silhi y espaldar era de oro,' is construed into 'a
throne or° imie ;,'(dd.' It seems scarcely fair to style the ancient (,'hiclii-
luce's description on(> 'of rather ii iioeticul cast,' at the same time making
tiiicli additions as these.

Sr if

I-

442

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

There followed, also, another hall, which adjoined
this on the ojistern side, and was dividf-d into two
parts; in the inner and principal division, were eijj^ht
judi^es, who were nobles and gentlemen, and four oth-
ers who were of the citizen class;'" these were followed
by fifteen provincial judg^es, natives of all the cities
and chief towns of Tezcuco; the latter took coj^iii-
zance of all suits, civil or criminal, which were em-
braced in the ei«^hty laws that Nt'Z<ihualct)yotl
established; the duration of the moist important of
these cases was never more than eijj^hty days. In
the other, or exterior, division of the hall, was a tri-
bunal composed of four supreme judjifes, who were
presidents of the councils; and tiiere was a wicket,
throui^h which they entered and went out to commu-
nicate with the kintr.^T

Besides these various tribunals for the jreneral ad-
ministration of justice, there were others that had
jurisdiction in cases of a ])eculiar nature only. There
was a court of divorce, and another wlii'<'li <l(alt only
with military matters; by it military m«;fi W' r. tried
and punished, and it had also the powtrr to confer
rewards and honors upon the deservinj<; th<; especial
jurisdiction of another tribunal extended ov»!r mat-
ters pertaininjLf to art and science, while a fourth court
luul charj^e of the royal exclufjuer, of taxes and trib-
utes, and </ those emi)loyed m coUectinj^ tlwjm. Of
some of these institutions i have already had <><•
casion to speak. The mod*^ of [irocedure, or daily
routine, in the law courts of Mexico and Tezcu<<)
was strict aiid formal. At sunrise, or as some sav,

*• Ixtlilxochitl, tilii mipra, writes: 'En los primeroR pucatoR oclio jtircox
qui! eraii ni>hl('« y caltaluMOH, y Um oiTos oiiatru (■run <lf Ids ciinlacfuiKiH.'
Veytia nayH: "I^oh cuatro priiiicrim craii rabullcruH dc la iioblvza il«' primer
orilun, loH cuatro Hit^iiicnteM ciududanoH dc Tczuocu.' Hi-it. Ant. Mfj., toiii.
iii., p. MH).

''' Jj-t/i/.rurhil/, IliHt. Vhich., ill Aiiiifxhorouffh'M MfJ". Antiq., vol. ix., p.
24'J X TIh! whole of tlic above deHeriptioii jh very difiieiilt to iraiiwlate
literally, owinj^f to (lie eonfiiHed xtyle in wliieli it is written; and if in
ida(H>H it Ih Huiiiewliat niiintelli>;ilile, the reader will recollect that I trans-
late merely wliat Ixtlilxtx-hitl Huys, and not what he inuy, or may nut, have
infant to any.

COURT PROCEEDINGS.

443

at daybreak, the judges took their places in court,
8quattin<; upon nuitn spread for the pui"})ose, usually
upon an elevated platform. Here they administered
justice until noon, when they j)artook of a meal
suj (plied from the royal kitchen. When this was over
and they had rested for a short s))ace, business was
resumed, and carried on durinj^ the ji-reater part
of the afternoon. Punctuality on the part of the
judges was strictly enforced, and he who absented
himself from court without good cause, such as ill-
ness, or royal permission, was severely punished.
This order was observed every day', except when the
presenc*^ of the judges was required at the public
sacrifices or solemn festivities, at which time the
coi;.-ts of justice remained closed.'"

Minor cases were conducted verbally, the parties
jii 'ucing their witnesses, who testified under oath
i'oi ae complaint or the defence. The testimony,
under oarth t)f' the ])rincipals was also admitted as
evi<l<-r*«;e; and one writer even asserts that the de-
fendant could clear himself by his oath;^ but it is
plain that if su<h were the case conviction would be
very rare. In cases of greater importance, esj)ecially
in civil units v;here the possession of real estate was
involved, paintings, in which the j)n)perty in dispute
was rej)rehented, were pnxluced as authentic docu-
jnents, and the whole of the proceedings, such as the
the object of the claim, the evidence, the names of
the ■> •♦^ies and their resj)e*-tive witnesses, as well as
tlx <)• -iion or sentence, were recorded in court by
n<jtarie», or clerks, a])pointed for that purpose.* A

** Torqufmaffii, Monarq. Iiirf., toni. ii.. |>. .V>4; /Lrt.v Casns, Hist Apolo-
(fftira, MS., cap. cfxii.; \f\jtin, llixt. Aiii Mj . loin, iii., jt. I'.lit, ( lavi-
ijetui. Xtofiii Ant. ikl Mcsnico, toni. ii., j) I'ih; /.uiti- Jinjijiurl, in Tiriiaxix-
('uiii/iiiiiK, Voif., si-rip ii.. toiii. i., ]\. lOti; Mfitdirto. Hixl. Kili.i., p. 1,34.

''■' C/tirif/rro, Storia Ant. del MfK.s-icn, toin. ii., p I'i'.t.

3'i I'rcNfott, Mrx., vol. i., p Xi, suyn: 'Tlio paiiiliiij{s were cxorutcil
with HO much accunic.v. that, in ull suitx r<'«|>«'riinj{ iciil jirtijiorty, tlu'y v,v\v,
iiiidWPil to he priMliicetl um kihh\ iiiitlinrity in llio Spanish trihniuilN, very
liuii.' lifter th<' ('iint|(ieKt: and a rhair fur th«>ir Nln<ly aixi interpretation >vaH
CHtiiliMKheil at Mexico in i'lTi'A, which hatt hmt; nince Hinircil the fate of most
uthcr pruvisiuUH fur k'iiruiujj in thitt Jiif«/rtunute country.' iioturini thuH

-'it

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

witness in an Aztec court of law occupied a serious
position. In the first place the judges are by all
writers said to have been particularly skillful in cross-
examination. They seem to have made it an especial
study to harass witnesses with pertinent questions
and minute details; in the next place the punishment
for perjury was death, and perjiuy among these peo-
ple consisted in making a false statement when under
oath, without the possibility of being saved by a legal
({uibble; in addition to this, superstition attached
great weight to the oath which every witness was
obliged to take, and which consisted in touching the
forefinger to the earth and then to the tongue, as if to
say, as Las Casas expresses it : By tlie goddess Earth,
who supports and affords me sustenance, I swear to
speak truth. This oath was considered to be very
sacred and binding, and is said to have been rarely
violated. Whetlier counsel or advocates were em-
ployed is a disputed point, some writers asserting dis-
tinctly that they were, and others that they were
not.^' Veytia states that the complainant and de-

describes the paper used l>y the Aztecs: 'El Pnpcl Iiidiuno kc ci>inponla de
Itts peiicas del MarfitH/, que en lcii<;ua Niicionul sc llama Miil, y cii CuHtel-
huio Pita. l/os cchahaii ii jwdrir, y lavnhan el liilo de ellas, el que liavi-
cndose ablandado estendian, para coniponer sii papcl }{rue!<iso, h deJL'adn,

3 lie dcspiies brufiian para |>iiitar en bl. Taiiibicii luiciaii ]iupcl de las ii<>ja»
e Paliiia, y Yo tengo al^iinos de estos delgados, y blandos taiitu cunio la
seda.' ViiMloffo, in Id., Idea, pp. 95-C.

31 Veytia writes very jjositivcly on this point: 'Habia tanibien abojtndos
y procuradores; il los ])riinero8 llaniaban tenantlatoani, que quicre decir cl
que habhi por otro, y d los se^nndos tlniiciniliaiii, que en lo stistaiu-iiil t-jcr-
ciaii Hus ininiHterios casi del niisino inod(» que en niieHtnm tribuiia!cs. . . .
Dalian ti'miinos A las partes para que sns abogados liablasen jior ollus, y
estos lo liacian del inisino inodo que eii iiucstros tribiiiialcs.' Hint. Ant.
Mej., toni. iii., pp. 207-8. Sahagun relates the qualities which wore suji-
posed by the Aztecs to constitute a good or bad pmrnradur or .lulirita-
dor, and descril)es their duties: 'Kl prociirador favorecc h una banda de
los pleyteaiitcs, por quieii en sii negocio vuelvc nuicho y apela, toiiieiido
poder, y llovando salario por ello. lil buen prociinidor es vivo y solicito,
osado, diligeiite, coiistaiite, y perscverante en los iiegocios, en los cualcs no
sc doja veneer; siii^ que alega de su dcrecho, apela, lacha los tcsti};<)s, ni
sc cansa liasta vcnci-r li la jiarte contraria y triuiifar de cl!a. El iiial j:n)-
curador es interesable, gran jtedigiicfio, y de nuilicia sncle dilalar los iicp)-
cios: liace alharacas, es inuy iiegligciite y tU-si'uidado en cl picito, y fraiidii-
lento de tal niodo, que de entranibas partem llcva nalario. I'.l t«tlicitii<l<)r
nnnca para, aiida sienipre solicito y listo. El buen solicitador cs niny ciii-
daduBo, deterniinado, y soHcitu en todo, y por liacer bicn sii olicio, inuchos

EXAMINATION OF WITNESSES.

440

fendant were sometimes confronted with each other,
and compelled to argue the case before the court, no
other person being allowed to speak the while. The
judges heard and passed sentence l>y a majority of
votes,** each giving his decision aloud. If the trial
took place in an inferior court, a disagreement sent
the matter on appeal to a higher gourt; if it took
place in the first instance before a superior tribunal,
it was appealed to the great council of the emperor.
The same writer also says that where a serious public
offense had been committed, the witnesses were ex-
amined, and sentence was immediately passed without
giving the accused time to defend himself.** We
have already seen that the duration of suits was lim-
ited to eighty days, and generally thuy terminated
much sooner than this, all po.ssible expedition being
always used. The better to avoid bribery and cor-
ruption, it was expressly forbidden for a judge to
receive presents, no matter how triHing, and he who
violated this rule was deposed from office, and other-
wise punished with exceeding rigor.

The way in which the judges were paid for their serv-
ices was peculiar. A certain ]K)rtion of land was set
apart for their exclusive benefit, which was c\iltivated
and harvested by tenants, who doubtless were allowed
to retain a part of the produce in return for their hihor.
These lands were not inherited b\ the son on the
death of the fathe'v but ]»assed to the judge H|)p()inted

veccs (loja <lc roiiior y <lc (loriiiir, y ftiulii de ciisa rii casu solicituiido l<m
iic;;ocio!*, Icih cikiIch trntii (U- Imoiiii tiiitii, v cnii tt'iimr I'l rocf' >, dc i|ii«> por
su (Icscuiilo no tonpiii iiiiil hiu'osd los iii'^iui«ie«. l'!| imil HoliiitiKlor os Hojo
y descuiilailo, lenlo, v ciicaiiililador paru satur liiiii'iiis, y fa<'iliiioiito sr ilcjn
colii'diar, |ii>r(]uc no iialtlf iiiul rl ncpH-in <• nuo iiiicnta, y iisi rsnclc i-fliur li
ptTilcr loH pK'iloH.' ]li.st. (Icti., toni. iii., Iit>. x.. pp. 'l',\-i. ('Iavif.;oio taki's the
opposite Mi<lc> of tlieciiichtion: 'Neijriii<lizj dci .^I^'^^i<•alli racfvaiio la ]iiii'ti ilu
jK'r ise Hte.sHC le Inro allegazioni: alinoiio noii siipi^iunto, die vi fosseio Av\o-
rati.' Sfiiri)! Aiif. (frl Mrsstm, toni. ii., p. I2'.>. 'No coiinxel was (-inployt>il;
tlie parties stated their <»vn ease, and supported it hy their witnesses.' /Vc.v-
rott'n Mcx., vol. i., |). :12. l/olHee d'aviMiit etail itu'onnii: les parties etul»-
hssaient ellesiiieines lour raiise, en se fai^<alll at'eoni|ia^MU'r de leure
tenioiiiH.' /';v/.v,v(i/c (/<■ IttiiirhttHi^f. Hist. Siil. ''"'., toni. iii., p. .'iKi.

^^ 'I'l'iO reader wilt Iiave ivnu>rke<I in a previous note that Veytia ussiyns
more jiid^res to eii<-^ eourt than aii\ other writer.

" I'v^fiti, His Anl. My., toin. iii., )i. "JOS.

446

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

in the place of the latter."* Veytia does not mention
these lands; he says that the judges had no fixed
salary, but were paid according to the king's pleasure,
more or less, in proportion to the size of their families,
besides which the king made valuable presents when
the Eighty-Day Council met, to those who had per-
formed their duty to his satisfaction.** The allowance
was in all cases made amply sufficient, that there
might be no excuse on the ground of poverty for a
judge receiving presents or bribes. They held their
office for life, and were selected from the higher
classes, especially the superior judges, who were gen-
erally relatives of the king, or even members of the
royal family. None were eligible for the office who
were not sober, upright men, brought up in the tem-
ples, and who were well acquainted with court life and
manners. A judge who became drunk, or received a
bribe, was three times severely reprimanded by his
fellow-judges; if the offense was repeated, his head
was shaved publicly, a great disgrace among the Az-
tecs, and he was deprived of his office with ignominy.
A judge making a false report to the king, or con-
victed of receiving a large bribe, or of rendering a
manifestly unjust decision, was punished with death.""
All this machinery of the law was dispensed with in
Tlascala, where all disputes and difficulties were
promptly settled by certain old men appointed for
that purpose."

A love of impartial justice seems to have charac-
terized all the Aztec nionarchs, and, as we have seen,
the laws they enacted to ensure this to their subjects

'< Torgtirmada, Muiinrq. hid., torn, ii., pp .SiM-fu Mrndieta, Hist. Ecles.,
p. l.V); Chtn'fffro, Sforin Ant. drl Mcusicn, tuiii. ii., pp. HS8-9.

3i Veytiii,'lli.sl. A lit. .yfij., torn, iii., i>. '2m.

'6 f,n.s CasnD, Ui.st. A/io. v"'''""- MS., rap. ccxv., ccxii.; Sahnrfuii, Hint.
Gen., toiii. ii., lilt, viii., jip. 3()4, SI.S; M<»(li<t(i, llixt. Erlr.s., p. IS.'i; Vri/tiir,
Hist. Ant. Mrj., toiii. iii., )>. 423; Znritii, liftii/iorf. in Tenia iij--<'tinij)nii.i,
i'oif., NL-ric ii., torn, i., i>ii. l(tl-'2. T<iri|iu>iniulu mivs the unjust juilfrt- wild
warned twice, and Mlinved at the third ott'eiise. Moiiarq. hid., toni. iL. p
3.'>fi. Sec also /(A, p. .■18.\

'*^ Catiuirgo, Hint. Ttux., in NouvelUtt Amntleades Voy., 1843, toni.xcix-,
p. 136.

ANECDOTES OF NE7AHUALPILLI.

447

were severe in the extreme. No favoritism wa« al-
lowed; all, from the highest to the lowest were held
amenable to the law. A story, illustrating this, is
repeated by nearly all the old writers. In the reign
of Nezahualpilli, the son of Nezahualcoyotl, who were
accounted the two wisest kings of Tezcuco, a suit
sprang up between a rich and powerful noble and a
poor man of the people. The judge decided against
the poor man, who thereby lost what little he had,
and was in danger of having to sell himself as a slave
to procure subsistence for his family. But suspicion
of foul play having been aroused, the king ordered
the matter to be thoroughly investigated, wlien it
transpired that the judge had been guilty of collusion
with the rich man ; so the king commanded that the
unjust judge should be hanged at once, and that the
poor man's j)roperty should be restored to him.

Neither were the rulers themselves, nor their fami-
lies, exempt from observance of the law, and instances
are not wanting where fathers have, Brutus-like, con-
demned their cliildren to death, rather than allow the
law to be violated, and the offender to go unpunished.
NezahuaUfWotl caused four of his own sons to be pub-
licly execDfflied because they had sinned with their
step-mothers, the wives of their father.^ A very
touching incident is narrated by Torquemada, show-
ing to what an extent this love of impartial justice
was carried by a Tezcucan sovereign.

Nezahualpilli, king of Tezeucu, had married two
sisters, whom he dearly loved, and especially did he
dote upon the younger, whose njune was Xocotzincat-
zin. By her he had several ••hildren, the eldest being
a son, named Huexotzincatzin, who was beloved by
all who knew him, on account of his amiable disposi-
tion and noble ((ualities, and who was besides a very
valiant young man and a great warrior. No wonder
that he wais the king s pride, iWid beloved even more

^\\

'" Turquemada, Moiiarq. Ind., torn. i.. p. IfiS.

448

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

than his brotheiH and Kisters, for his own and his
mother's sake. So much had Hucxotzincatziii dis-
tinguished himself, that, although he was but a young
man, his father determined to bestow upon him the
office and title of tlacatecatl, which was a post of the
highest honor and importance.'" For this purpose the
king one day ordered that the j)rince be sent for and
brought into his i)resence. With a light heart, and
much elated, Huexotzincatzin, acconjj)anied by his
suite, and the ntibles who were his tutors, set out for
the rt>yal }>alacc. As he was about to enter, the prince
met one t>f his father's concubines, attended by her
ladies. This concubine was a very beautiful and
proud woman, yet withal of a free and easy carriage,
tliat encouraged Huexotzincatzin, who perha|)s did
not know who .'^he was, to address her ni a familiar
and disrespectful maiuier. The woman, who, the his-
torian remarks, could not have Ixu-n possessed of much
sense, either because she felt offended at his conduct
towards her, or because she dreaded the conse(juence
if the king should discover what had happi-ncd, turned
from the prince without a word, and entered the pal-
ace. The king's concubines, as we have seen in a for-
mi!r chapter, were always accom|)anied by ccrtfiin
elderly women, whose duty it was to instruct them in
discreet behavior and to watch continually over their
actions. One of these women, who had been with the
concubine at the time of her meeting with }{uexot-
zincatzin, and had overheard the j)rince's remarks,
went straightway to the king, and informed him of all
that had hai>pencd. The king immediately sent for
his concubine, and inquired of her if the prince had
spoken lewdly to her publicly and in the presence of
the ladies and courtiers, or if he had intended his

w Torqiicmada trniiMlatcR tincntocati, rnptniii (Ipnornl, (rn|)itnn Ocn-
crul). Wc have already hccii that it was tlic title of tin- pruHiilin^ }^*'^liO
of tiie second Mexican court of justice, hut it was prohahly in this case a
military title, both hccauHe military promotion would lie more likely to he
conferred u|Mm a renowned warrior than a judj^csliii), and hccauHC the
prince is s|M)kcn of as a younjj man, while only nuMi of mature years and
;;ri<at experience were entrusted with the higher judiuial olliccs.

PUNISHMENT OF THE KING'S SON.

44ii

words to reach her ear alone; for Nezahualpilli would
fain have discovered some excuse for his son, the pun-
ishincnt for s]ieaking lewdly in public to the kini^'s
concubines bein«]f, accordinjr to law, death; but the
frightened woman replied that Huexotzincatzin had
spoken openly to her, before all that were present.
Then the king di.smi8sed tlie concubine, and retired,
mourning, into certain apartments which were called
the 'rooms of sorrow.'

When these things came to the ears of the friends
and tutors of the prince, they were much troubled on
his account, because the severity of the king, ind his
strict adherence to the law were as a proverb among
the peoj)le, and their apprelKMisions increased when,
upon arriving at the royal apartments, the prince was
denied admission, although his attendants were or-
dered to appear at once before the king. There they
were closely questioned by him, and although they
would willingly have saved the prince from the conse-
quences of his folly, yet they dared not speak anything
but truth, for he who was convicted of wilfully deceiving
the king, suffered death. All they could do was to
make excuses for the jirince, and ask pardon for his
crime, and this they did with many prayers and en-
treaties, advancing, as extenuating circumstances, his
youth, his previous good conduct, and his possible ig-
norance of the fact that the lady was his father's
concubine. The king listened patiently to the end,
answering nothing, and then he connnanded that Hu-
exotzincatzin be forthwith arrested and placed in con-
finement. Later in that same day he pronounced
sentence of death against his S(m. When it became
known that Huexotzincatzin was to die, all the pow-
erful nobles who were at court went in a body to the
king and earnestly conjured him not to insist upon
carrying out his sentence, telling him that it was bar-
barous and unnatural, and that future generations
would hold in horror and hatred the memory of the
man who had condemned his own son to death. Their

VuL. II. 2»

450

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

prayers and arguments seemed, however, to render the
old kint;^ only the more implacable, and he dismissed
them, saying that it' the law forbade such things, and
if that law was inviolably observed throughout the
kingdom, how could he justify his conduct to his sub-
jects, were he to allow the same to be infringed upon
in his own palace, and the offender to remain unpun-
ished merely because he was his son; that it should
never be said of him that he made laws for his sub-
jects which did not apply to his own family.

When Xocotzincatzin, the prince's mother, heard
that he was condenmed to death, she gathered the
rest of her sons about her, and coming suddenly be-
fore her husband, she fell on her knees and besought
him with many tears, to spare the life of her darling
son, the first pledge of love that she, his favorite wife
had given him. Finding all her entreaties fruitless,
she then implored him for the sake of the love he had
once borne her, to slay her and her other sons with
Huexotzincatzin, since life without her first-born was
unbearable. But the stern old king still sat to all aji-
pearance unmoved and immovable, and coldly directed
the attendant ladies to convey the wretched mother to
her apartments.

The execution of the prince was delayed in every
possible manner by those who had charge of it, in the
hope that the king might even yet relent; but Neza-
hualpilli having been informed of this, immediately
ordered that the sentence should be carried out with-
out further delay. So Huexotzincatzin died. As soon
as the news of his son's death was carried to the king,
he shut himself up in certain apartments called the
'rooms of sorrow,' and there remained forty days,
mourning for his first-born and seeing no one. Tho
house of the late prince was then walled up, and
none were allowed to enter it, and so all tokens of
the unhappy young man were destroyed.*"

" Torqucmada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., pp. 189-90.

MONTEZUMA AND THE FARMER.

Another anecdote, which is written in execrable
Spanish by the native historian, Tezozoinoc, may nut
be out of place here. It is told of the emperor Mon-
tezuma of Mexico, and the reader will at once recog-
nize a resemblance between this and many other anec-
dotes with which he is familiar, where a bold and
merited rebuke from a subject to his sovereign is
received with respect and even favor.

it happened one summer, that the king, being
wearied with the cares of government, went for rest
and recreation to his country palace at Tacubaya.
One day, when out shooting birds, he came to an or-
chard, and having told his attendants to remain out-
sidii, he entered alone. He succeeded in killing a
bird, and as he was returning, bearing his game in his
hand, he turned aside into a field where a remarkably
fine crop of corn was growing. Having plucked a
few ears, he went towards the house of the owner of
the field, which stood hard by, for the purpose of show-
ing him the ears that he had plucked, and of praising
his crop, but as by law it was death to look upon the
king's face, the occupants of the house had fied, and
there was no one therein. Now the owner of the
field had seen the king pluck the corn from afar off,
and, notwithstanding it was against the law, he ven-
tured to approach the monarch in such a way as to
make the meeting appear accidental. Making a deep
obeisance, he thus addressed the king: "How is it,
most high and mighty prince, that thou hast thus
stolen my corn? Didst thou not thyself establish
a law that he who should steal one ear of corn, or
its value, should suffer death?" And Montezuma an-
swered; "Truly I did make such a law." Then said
the farmer: "How is it then, that thou breakest thine
own law?" And the king replied: "Here is thy corn,
take back that which I have stolen from thee." But
the owner of the field began to be alarmed at his own
boldness, and tried to excuse himself, saying that he
had spoken merely in jest, for, said he: "Are not my

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i52

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

fields, and myself, and my wife, and my children, all
thine, to do with as thou wilt;" and he refused to take
back the ears of com. Then the king took off his
mantle of net- work and precious stones, which was
called xiuhayatl and was worth a whole city, and
offered it to the farmer, who at first was afraid to ac-
cept so precious a gift, but Montezuma insisted, so he
took the mantle, promising to preserve it with great
care as a remembrance of the king. When Monte-
zuma returned to his attendants, the precious mantle
was at once missed, and they began to intjuire what
had become of it ; which the king perceiving, he told
them that he had been set upon by robbers, when
alone, who had robbed him of his mantle, at the same
time he ordered them, upon pain of death, to say
nothing more about the matter. The next day, hav-
ing arrived at his royal palace in Mexico, when all his
great nobles were about him, he ordered one of his
captains to repair to Tacubaya, and inquire for a cer-
tain Xocliitlacotzin, whom they should at once bring
to his presence, but nnder penalty of death they should
not injure or abuse him in any way. When the king's
messengers told Xochitlacotzin their errand, he was
greatly alarmed, and tried to escape, but they caught
him, and telling him to fear nothing, for that the king
was kindly disposed towards him, they brought him
before Montezuma. The king, having bidden him wel-
come, asked him what had become of his mantle. At
this the nobles who were present became much ex-
cited, but Montezuma quieted them, saying: "This
poor man has more courage and boldness than any of
you who are here, for he dared to speak the truth and
tell me that I had broken my laws. Of such men
have I greater need, than of those who speak only
with honeyed words to me." Then having inquired
what principal offices were vacant, he ordered his at-
tendant lords to shelter and take care of Xochitlacot-
zin, whq was henceforth his relative and one of the
chief men of the realm. Afterwards he who had so

PUNISHMENT OF CRIMES.

468

lately been a poor farmer was given a principal horse
of Olae for his own, and it was long the boast of his
descendants that they were relatives of Montezuma."
The Aztecs adopted numerous ways of punishing,
offenders against the law, as we shall see presently,
but I do not think that imprisonment was largely re-
sorted to. They had prisons, it is true, and very cruel
ones, according to all accounts, but it appears that
they were more for the purpose of confining prisoners
previous to their trial, or between their condemnation
and execution, than permanently , for punishment.
These jails were of two classes, one called teilpiloyan
for those imprisoned on a civil charge, another called
quaiiJicalco*^ for prisoners condemned to death. The
cells were made like cages, and the prison was so con-
structed as to admit very little light or air ;*^ the food
was scanty and of a bad quality, so that, as Las Casas
expresses it, the prisoners soon became thin and yel-
low, and commenced at the prison to suffer the death
that was afterwards adjudged them. Clavigero, how-
ever, asserts that those condemned to the s&crificial
stone were well fed in order that they might appear
in good flesh at the sacrifice." A very close watch
was kept upon the captives, so much so, indeed, that
if through the negligence of the guard a prisoner of
war escaped from the cage, the community of the
district, whose duty it was to supply the prisoners
witli guards, was obliged to pay to the owner of the
fugitive, a female slave, a load of cotton garments,
and a shield.*" Mendieta says that these prisons were
only used for persons awaiting trial on very grave

*i Tezozomoc, Crdnica Mex., in Kingsborotigh's Max. Antiq., torn, ix., p.
146.

*' These names are spelled ilelpiloia and qnahucalco by Las Casas, and
Teilpilo;/an and QuaHhcalli, by Brasscur de Bourbourg.

*} Las Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. ccxii,, says that the jails
called quahucalco resembled tne stocks; the other writers do not notice this
difference.

<* Clavipero, Sloria Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 138.

■•* Claviqero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp. 138-9; Torqnemada,
Monarq. Ind., toni. ii-, p. 353; Las Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap.
ccxii.; Mendieta, Hist. Eclea., p. 138.

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

charges; for, he writes, in the case of one held to
answer on an ordinary charge, "it was sufficient for
the minister of justice to place the prisoner in a cor-
ner with a few light sticks before him; indeed, I be-
lieve that to have merely drawn a line and told him
not to pass it would have sufficed, even though he
might have reason to believe that there was a heavy
punishment in store for him> because to flee from
justice, and escape, was an impossibility. At all
events, I with my own eyes have seen a prisoner
standing entirely unguarded save for the before-men-
tioned sticks."*®

Like most semi -barbarous nations, the Aztecs
were more prone to punish crime than to recom-
pense virtue, and even when merit was rewarded,
it was of the coarser arid more material kind, such
as valor in war or successful statesmanship. The
greater part of their code might, like Dracon's, have
been written in blood — so severe were the penalties
inflicted for crimes that were comparatively slight,
and so brutal and bloody were the ways of carrying
those punishments into execution. In the strongest
sense of the phrase the Aztecs were ruled with a rod
of iron; but that such severity was necessary I have
no doubt, inasmuch as whatever form of government
exists, be it good or bad, that form of government is
the necessary one, or it could have no existence. All
young states must adopt harsh laws to secure the
peace and well-being of the community, while as yet
the laws of habit and usage are unestablished ; and as
that community profjresses and improves, it will of
itself mold its system of government to fit itself.
The code of Dracon v/as superseded by that of Solon
when the improved itate of the Athenian community
warranted a mitigation of the severity of the former,
and in like manner the laws of Montezuma and Neza-
hualcoyotl would have given place to others less
harsh had Aztec civilization been allowed to progress.

«• Mettdiela, Hist. Eclca., p. 138.

CODE OF LAWS.

456

The laws of the several Aztec kingdoms were essen-
tially the same; some slight differences existed, how-
ever, and in these instances the code of Tezcuco proves
the most rigid and severe, while more of lenience is
exhibited in that of Mexico. I have before remarked
that the majority of writers treat of the legislation of
Tezcuco, but, as in other matters, many authorities
who should be reliable surmount the difficulty of dis-
tinguishing that which belongs to one system of juris-
prudence from that which belongs to another, by
speaking generally of the code that existed in Nueva
Espaiia, or among 'these people.' Most of the sub-
jected provinces adopted the laws of the state to which
they became subject. But this was by no means
obligatory, because as conquered nations were not
compelled to speak the language of their conquerors,
neither were they forced to make use of their laws."
Let us now see what these laws were.

Theft was punished in various ways, and, it ap-
pears, not at all in proportion to the magnitude of
the crime. Thus he who stole a certain number of
ears of corn,*^ suffered death, while he who broke
into the temples and stole therefrom, was enslaved
for the first offence and hanged for the second, and
it is distinctly stated** that in order to merit either
of these punishments the theft must be an exten-

*' Clavigero, Sloria Aft. del Messico, tom.ii., p. 137.

*8 Torqiiemada, Moiiarq., Ind., toiii. i., p. 166, toni. ii., p. 381; Ortega,
in Veiftia, Hist. Ant. Mej., toin. iii., p. 2125; Boturini, Idea, p. 27. The
miniber of ears of corn varies according to the different writers from three
or four to seven, except Las Casus, who makes the number twenty one or
over, stating, however, that tills and some other laws that he gives are pos-
sibly not authentic. Hist. ApologHica, MS., cap. ccxv. The Anonymous
Conqueror writes: 'quando ultri cntrauano nellc possessioni altrui per rub-
bare frutti, 6 il gruno chc essi luvnno, che per entrar in vn campo, c rubbarc
trc 6 quattro mazzocchc 6 spighe de quel loro grano, lo faceuano schiauo del
patronc di quel campo rubbato.' Relatione fa tta per vn gentiV hiiomo del Sig-
ner Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigotiont, tom. lii., fol. 300. Clavi-
gero agrees wi(h the Anonymous Conqueror, that the thief of com liccume the
slave of the owner of the field from which he had stolen, and adds in a
foot-note: 'Torquemada ag^iunge, che avea pena di morte; ma ci6 fu nel
Regno d'AcoIhuacan, non giit in quello di MesBico.' Storia Ant. del Mes-
sico, tom. ii., p. 133.

*'* Las Uasas, Hist. ApologHica, MS., cap. ccxiii. ; Mendieta, Hist.
Ecles., p. 138.

466

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

sive one. In cases not specially provided for, it
appears that a petty thief became the slave of the
person from whom he had stolen ; according to Or-
tega, however, the injured party had the • privilege
of refusing to accept the thief as a slave, in which
case the latter was sold by the judges, and with the
proceeds of the sale the complainant was reimbursed.
The same writer states that in some cases a compro-
mise could be effected by the offended party agreeing
to be indemnified by the thief, in which case the latter
paid into the treasury a sum equal to the amount
stolen. This statement is somewhat obscure, inasmuch
as it would be but poor satisfaction to the party robbed
to see the equivalent of that robbery paid into the
public treasury; but I understand the writer to mean
that the loser had his loss made good, and that for
the satisfaction of justice an equal amount was im-
posed as a fine upon the prisoner.** Theft of a large
amount was almost invariably punished with death,
which was inflicted in various ways. Usually the
culprit was dragged ignominiously through the streets
and then hanged;" sometimes he was stoned to
death.®* He who robbed on the highway was killed
by having his head smashed with a club;®' he who
was caught in the act of pilfering in the market-place,
no matter how trivial the theft, was beaten to death
with sticks on the spot by the assembled multitude,
for this was considered a most heinous sin ; but not-
withstanding the fearful risk incurred, it is asserted
that many were so light-fingered that it was only
necessary for a market woman to turn her head away,
and her stall would be robbed in a trice. There was

5* Ortega's statement reads: 'Casi siempre se castigaba con pcna do
muerte, d iiit^nos de que la parte ofcndida conviniecc en ser iudeninizuda iH>r
el ladron, en cuyo caso pagaba este al lisco una cantidad igual il la robaua.'
Veytia, Hist. Ant. McJ., torn, iii., p. 225.

i' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt li., p. 33; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
torn, i., p. 166.

** Explicacion dc la Collcccion do Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., vol. v., p. 112.

M Ixtlilxochitl, hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., torn, ix.,
p. 246.

PUNISHMENT OP THEFT.

457

a regular judicial tribunal established for the settling
of disputes in the general government of the market-
place, of which I have had occasion to speak before;
but this 'tribunal does not appear to have troubled
itself much with persons who were caught in the act
of stealing, as it seems to have been tacitly allowed
to the people assembled in the market-place to exer-
cise lynch law upon the culprit."

Besides these general laws for the prevention of
theft, there were others which prescribed special pen-
alties for those who stole certain particular articles.
For instance, Ortega tells us that the thief of silver
or gold was skinned alive and sacrificed to Xipe, the
tutelary divinity of the workers in precious metals,
such a theft being considered a direct insult to the
god."" In some of these cases fines were imposed.
Among a collection of laws given by Las Casas, for
the authenticity of which he does not vouch, "be-
cause," he says, "they were taken out of a little In-
dian book of no authority," we find the following relat-
ing to theft : If any one stole the plants, called maguey,
from which they manufactured more than twenty
articles, and which were used for making syrup, he
was compelled to pay as a fine as many cotton cloths
as the judges might decree, and if he was unable to
pay the fine imposed, or if he had stolen more than
twenty plants, he was enslaved. Whoever stole a
fishing-net or a canoe was punished in the same man-
ner. Whoever stole corn to the amount of twenty
ears or upward, died for it, and if he took a less
quantity, he paid that which he was sentenced to fcy.
He that plucked the corn before it had formed f ied,

5* Mcndicta, Hist. Ecles., p. 138; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. McJ.,
torn, lit., p. 225; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, li., yt. 381. Las Casus,
Hist. Apoiogddca, MS. , cap. ccxiii. , says that he wlio stole in the market-place
was hanjred there and then by order of the judges of the place, and in cap.
cexv., he writes: 'El que en el niercado algo liurtava, era ley que lucgo
publicanientc alii en el niismo mercado lo niatasen & palos.* Again in the
same chapter he gives a law, for the authenticity of which he does not
vouch, however, which reads as follows: 'el que en el mercado liurtava
algo, los inisnios del niercado tenian licencia para lo matar d pedradus.*

4* Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. MeJ., torn. iiL, p. 225.

458

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

suffered death. Whoever stole a tecomatl, "which is
a little gourd tied at the top with strips of red hide,
and having feather tassels at the end, used by the
lords for carrying a green powder, from which they
take in smoke through the mouth, the powder l)eing
called in the island of Espanola 'tabacos' — whoever
stole one of these died for it." He that stole precious
stones, and more especially the stone called chalchiuite,
no matter from whence he took it, was stoned to
death in the market-place, because no man of the
lower orders was allowed to possess this stcnie.^"

In Mexico, a distinction seems to have been inade
between the thief who reaped the benefit of his crime
and him who did not ; in other words, if the stolen
property was recovered intact from the thief he was
only enslaved, but if he had already disposed of his
plunder he suffered death," Whether the ultimate
recovery of the property after it had passed from the
thief's hands, would answer the same end, we are not
told, but if not, then it would ai)pear that according
to Aztec jurisprudence the culprit was punished not
so much in proportion to the actual injury he inflicted
upon others, as in accordance with the actual extent
of the crime he committed. In Michoacan, the first
theft was not severely punished, but for the second
offence the thief was thrown down a precipice and his
carcass left to the birds of pr€)y.°*

The murderer suffered death even though he should
be a noble and his victim but a slave.®" In Michoa-

* Las Cams, Hist. Apolog6tica, MS., cap. ccxv.

" Torqucmada , Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 381; Las Casus, Hist. Apolo-
gitica, MS., cap. ccxv.

^^ Hcrrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; Beaumont, Crdn. Me-
choaean, MS., p. 51.

^ ' L'omicida pagava coUa propria vita il suo delitto, qiiantiinque I'uc-
ciso fosse uno schiavc' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Mcssivo, toiu. ii., p. 130.
The manner of putting the murderer to deatli is ditfercntly stated: 'El ho-
micidio, bien fuese ejecutado por noble 6 plebeyo, bien por liombrc 6 muger,
8e ctistigaba con pena dc muerte, depedazando al honiicida.' Ortega, in
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 226. 'Al que niataba ii otro, nacian
degoUar.' Torqucmada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 160. ' Al matador lo de-
gollaban.' Vetnncvrt, TeatroMex., pt ii., p. 33. Other writers merely say
that the murderer suffered death, without stating the manner of execution;

THE FATE OF TRAITORS AND CONSPIRATORS. 463

can, we are told by Herrera,** that there was no pun-
ishment for murder, since, through fear, the crime was
never committed. Beaumont allows that for a time
there were no murders, but says that afterwards they
became frequent, and then the criminal was dragged
along the ground until he died." He who adminis-
tered poison to another, thereby causing death, died
for it, and the same punishment was awarded to him
who furnished the poison.®'

Traitors, conspirators, and those who stirred up sedi-
tion among the people or created ill feeling between
nations, were broken to pieces at the joints, their
house.^ razed to the ground, their property confiscated,
and tieir children and relations made slaves to the
fourtli generation. The lord of vassals wlio rebelled,
unless taken captive in battle, was killed by having
his head smashed with a club; the common rebel was
tied to an oaken s[)it and roasted alive.^

In Tezcuco, he who kidnapped a child and sold it into
slavery, was hanged; in Mexico, the kidnapper was
himself sold as a slave, and of the price he brought
one half was given to the stolen child, or its parents,

sec, Las Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. ccxiii. ; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chich., in Kiuffsborovqh's Mex. Antiq., vol. '\\., p. .S87; Mendieta, Hist.
Edes., p. 136. Diego l!)uran, in his incuitcd ' History of New Biiin, ' asscrtH
that the murderer did not suffer death, hut hecunie the slave for life of the
wife or relatives of the deceased. Kingsborough's Mcx. Antiq., vol. viii.,
pp. 240-1.

*• Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lih. iii., cap. x.

«' Beaumont, Crdii. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 51-2.

6* Mendieta, Hist. Eclcs., p. 136; Ortega, in Veytiu, Hist Ant. Mej.,
torn, iii., p. 226; Las Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. ccxiii. In cap.
ccxv., among his unauthenticatcd laws, we read that if the victim of \m\-
son wp.<3 a slave, the person who caused his death was nnide a slave, in the
place of suffering the extreme penalty, but the opposite to this is expressly
stated by Clavigero and implied by Ortega.

^'^ Relatione fatta per vn gentiChvomo del Signer Fernando Cortese, in
Hamnsio, Navigationi, torn, iii., fol. 307; Las Casas, llixf. Apologitica,
MS., cap. ccxiii.; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., \ii'\\., p. 33; Turqiieniadu, Mo-
narq. Ind., tom. i., p. 166; Mendieta, Hist. Evles., p. 138; Vnjiia, Hist.
Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 421. Ixtlilxochitl writes that the children and relations
of the traitor were enslaved till the Ji/th generation, and that salt was scat-
tered upon his lands. Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix.,
p. 245. ' II traditore del Re, o dello Stato, era sbranato, ed i suoi parenti, che
consanevoli del tradimento non lo aveano per tempo scojwrto, crano privati
dellalibertii.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. li., p. 130.

460

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

and the other half became the property of the pur-
chaser; if several persons were implicated in the
crime, they were all sold as slaves.^'*

Drunkenness was punished with excessive rigor;
indeed, intoxicating liquor was not allowed to be
drunk, except by express permission from the judges,
and this license was only granted to invalids and per-
sons over fifty years of age, who, it was considered,
needed strong drink in order to warm their blood; and
even they were only permitted to partake of a limited
quantity, at each meal,*" though according to the ex-
planation of Mendoza's collection old men of seventy
years were allowed to drink as much as they pleased. *
Moderate conviviality at weddings and public feasts,
was not forbidden, and upon these occasions the young
people were allowed to partake of the wine-cup spar-
mgly;*^ the same license was granted to those whose
daily occupation necessitated great bodily exertion,
such as masons, carpenters, and the like.'* Women
in childbed were allowed to use stronsf drink as a

'* IxlUlxochitl, Bdaciones, in Kingshorough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
387; Torquemada, Monarq. Ltd., toni. ii., p. .382; Las Casas, Hist. Apofo-
gdtica, MS., cap. ccxv., among tlie collection of unautheuticatcd lawa so
jfrequcntly mentioned heretofore, gives the following: 'Si algunos vendieron
algun nifio por escluvo, y despues se saltc, todos los que entendieron en ello
eran esclavos, y dellos davan uno al que lo conipr6, y los otros repartinn en-
tre la niadre del nifio y entre 6\ que lo descubri6.' In the same chapter,
among anoi^'.er list of laws which, says Las Casus, 'son tenidastodasporan-
tenticas y verdaderas,' we read: 'Era ley, y con rigor guardada, que si
alguno vendia por esclavo algun niiio perdido, que se hicicsc csclavo ul que
lo vendia, y su hacienda se partiese en dos partes, la una era para el nifio,
y la otra al aue lo liavia cutnprado, y si quizas lo avian vendido y eran
muchos, d toaos hacian esclavos.'

65 Zurita writes: 'ils n'avaient droit d'en prendre que trois petites tasses
K chaquc repas.' Rapport, in Ternavx-Compans, Voy., sdrie ii., torn, i., p.
110; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.

••6 Codex Mcndoza, in Kiiigsborongh's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., pi. 72; Espli-
cacion, in Id., vol. v., pp. 112-13; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap.
xvi.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 134.

6' 'Dans les noccs publiqucs et les fetes, les hommes ftgds de plus de
trcnte ans dtaient ordinaireinent autoriscs ii en boire deux tasses.' Zurita,
Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii. , toin. i., p. 110; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, toin. ii., p. 134; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib.
iv., cap. xvi.

68 Ortega says that the privilege was also extended to private soldiers.
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, iii., p. 227. Zurita, however, writes 'les
gucrriers rcgardaieiit coninie uii dcHhoiiiieur d'en boire.' Rapport, in Ter-
naux-Compans, Voy., s^rie ii., toin. i., p. lU.

LAWS AGAINST INTOX[CATION.

461

stimulant, but only during the first days of their con-
finement. With these exceptions, the law against
drinking was strictly enforced. The young man who
became drunk was conveyed to the jail, and there
beaten to death with clubs; the young woman was
stoned to death. In some parts, if the drunkard was
a plebeian, he was sold for a slave for the first offence,
and suffered death for the second; at other times the
offender's hair was cut off in the public market-place,
he was then lashed through the principal streets, and
finally his house was razed to the ground, because,
they said, one who would give up his reason to the
influence of strong drink, was unworthy to possess a
house, and be numbered among respectable citizens.
Cutting off the hair was, as we shall see, a mode of
punishment frequently resorted to by these people,
and so deep was the degradation supposed to be at-
tached to it, that it was dreaded almost equally with
death itself. Should a military man, who had gained
distinction in the wars, become drunk, he was deprived
of his rank and honors, and considered thenceforth as
infamous. Conviction of this crime rendered the cul-
prit ineligible for all future emoluments, and especially
was he debarred from holding any public office. A
noble was invariably hanged for the first offence, his
body being afterwards dragged without the limits of
the town and cast into a stream used for that purpose
only. But a mightier influence than mere fear of the
penal law restrained the Aztec nobility and gentry
from drinking to excess ; this influence was social law.
It was considered degrading for a person of quality to
touch wine at all, even in seasons of festivity when,
as I have sf.id, it was customary and lawful for the
lower classes to indulge to a certain extent. Wine-
bibbing was looked upon as a coarse pleasure, peculiar
exclusively to the common people, and a member of
the higher orders, who was suspected of practicing
the habit, would have forfeited his social position,
even though the law had suffered him to remain un-

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

punished.* These heathens, however, seem to have
recognized the natural incongruity existing between
precept and practice, fully as much as the most ad-
vanced Christian.'"*

He who employed witchcraft, charms, or incanta-
tions for the purpose of doing injury to the commu-
nity or to individuals, was sacrificed to the gods, by
having his breast opened and his heart torn out."

Wlioever made use of the royal insignia or ensigns,
suffered death, and his property was confiscated.'"
The reader will recollect that the same penalty was
inflicted upon him who should usurp the insignia or
oflBce of the Mexican cihuacoatl, or supreme judge.
Whoever maltreated an ambassador, minister, or cou-
rier, belonging to the king, suffered death; but am-
bassadors and couriers were on their part forbiddeL to
leave the high road, under pain of losing their privi-
leges." He who by force took possession of land not
belonging to him, suffered death'* He who sold the
land of another, or that which he held in trust, with-
out judicial authority, or permission from such as had
power to grant it to him, was enslaved." If a piece
of land was fraudulently sold twice over, the first pur-
chaser held it, and the vendor was punished.'" He
who squandered his patrimony suffered death." The

^ Las Casas, Hist. ApoloffHica, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv. ; Torqvemada,
Monarq. Ind., toiii. i., p. 160, torn, ii., p. ,386; Vctancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii.,
p. 33; Codex Memloza, in KingsboroiiglCs Mex. Antiq., vol. i., pi 72; Es-
plicacioH, in Id., vol. v., pp. ll'i-lS; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., ' Id., vol.
IX., p. 246; Id., Belaciones, p. 387; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Aiil. Mej., torn,
iii., pp. 22G-7; Clavigcro, Storia Ant. del Mesaico, torn, ii., p. 134; Zurita,
Riipfwrt, in Ternaiix-Compans,Voy., a^rie ii., torn.!., pp. 110-11; herrcra,
Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvL

""> Sec this vol. pp. 360-1.

" L(ts Casus, Hi.it. Apoloqttica, MS., cap. ccxv. ; Torqvemada, Monarq.
Ind., torn, ii., p. 386; Ixtlilxochitl, Belaciones, in KingshoroufjJCs Mex.
Antiq., vol. ix., p. 387; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mrj., torn, iii., jj. 226.

'* Ixllilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in KingsborougtCs Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
246; Clavigcro, Storia Ant. del Messico,tom. ii-.p. 130.

" Vlumgero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 130.

'* Ixtlilxochitl, Belaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
387; Orte^ja, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Me/., torn, iii., p. 226.

■" Las Casas, Hist. Ajtologttica, MS., cap. ccxv.

"• Ixtlilxochitl, Belaciones, in KinqsborouglCs Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
388.

11 Las Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. ccxv., gives two laMs on this

MISCELLANEOUS LAWS.

4G3

son that raised his hand against his father or mother,
suffered death, and his children were prevented from
inheriting the property of their grand-parents. Jn
the same manner a father could disinherit a son
who was cowardly or cruel.''^ He who removed
boundary-marks, died for it.™ Those who disturbed
the peace by engaging in petty fights and H<iuabbles,
without using weapons, were confined in jail for a few
days, and obliged to make good whatever damage they
had done; for, says Las Casas, they generally re-
venged themselves by breaking somethmg. If any
one was wounded in a brawl, he who made the assault
had to defray all the expenses of curing the injured
party. But those who fought in the market-place,
were dealt with far more severely.** Slanderers wer<^
treated with great severity. In Mexico, he who wil-
fully calumniatea another, thereby seriously injuring
his reputat" :i, was condemned to have his lips cut off,
and sometimes his ears also. In Tezcuco, the sland-
erer suffered death. The false witness had the same
penalty adjudged to him that would have been awarded
to the accused, if convicted. So great a lover of truth
was king Nezahualcoyotl, that he is said to have made
a law prescribing the death penalty to historians who
should record fictitious events.*^ Whoever obtained

f»oint. To the first, which is among the collection of unauthenticatcd laws,
le adds: ' Y si era plcheyo 6 de buja suerte hncian lo esclavo.' Ixtlilxo-
cliitl aI»o gives two laws: 'Aloshijos du los senorcs si nialbaratahan sus
riqueziis, 6 bicn mueblcs que sus padres tenian, Ics dabaii garrotc.' Hist.
Chick., iw Kiugsborough's Mcx. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 246. 'Si algun princi-

1>al niayorazgo fuese desbaratado,6 travicso, d si entre dos de estos talcs
iul)ici!iu alguna diferencia sobre tierras ii otras cosas, el que no quisiese
cstarse (^ucdo con la averiguacion que entre ellos se hiciese por ser soberbio
y nuU mirado, Ic fuesen quitados sus bienes y niayorazgo, y fuese puesto en
dcp6sito en alguna persona que diesc cuenta de ello para el tieni|)u que Ic
fuese pedido, de cual niayorazgo estubiese desposeido todo el tienipo que la
voluntad del seiior fuese. Relacioiies, in Ld., p. 387; Torquemada, Moiiarq.
lad., toni. ii., p. .385; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 1.34.

™ Vcytia, Hii.l. Ant. Mei., torn, iii., p. 423.

''^ Las Casus, Hist. Apoloffitica, MS.,tai>. cexv. ; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., toni. ii., p. 386; Ixtltlxochitl, Belacioncs, in Kingaborough's Mex,
Aiitiq., vol. ix., p. 387.

*" Las Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. ccxiii.

*' Ixtlilxochill, Rclaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., «ol. ix., p.
337; Carbajal Espinoaa, Hist. Mex,,iom, i., p. 604; Clavigero, Storia Ant.

464

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

goods on credit and did not pay for them, was en-
slaved, and the delinquent taxpayer met with the
same punishment.**

Concerning the way in which adulterers were
treated scarcely two of the ancient writers agree,^
and it is probable that the law on this point
differed more or less in various parts of the Az-
tec kingdoms; indeed, we have Clavigero's testi-
mony that in some parts of the Mexican empire
the crime af adultery was punished with greater se-
verity than in others, and Las Casas and Mendieta
both speak of several penalties attaching to the of-
fence in different localities. According to what can
be gathered on this point, it appears that adulterers
taken in flagrante delicto, or under circumstances
which made their guilt a moral certainty, were stoned
to death. A species of trial was granted to the cul-
prits, but if, as some writers assert, confession of guilt
was extorted by torture,"* this trial must have been as
much a mockery of justice as were the proceedings of
most European courts of law at that period. The
amount of evidence necessarv to convict is uncertain.
Veytia says that accusation by the husband was in
itself sufficient proof *^ Las Casas and Torquemada,
however, who are both far older authorities, tell us
that no man or woman was punished for adultery upon

del Mcssico, torn, ii., p. 134; Ortcaa, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, iii.,
pp. 227-0; Chaves, Itammrt, in Ternaux-t'ompans, Voy., surie ii., torn, v.,
p. 313; Torquemada, Moiiarq. I'td., toni. i., p. 1C5.

82 Oriedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., p. 502; Las Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS.,
cnp. ccxv.

"" Concerning adultery see: LasCasas, Hist. Apologttica, MS., cap. ccxiii.,
ccxv.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 166, torn, ii., pj). 378, 380;
Ixtlilxnehitl, Hist. Chich., in KinqshorougKs Mex. Autiii.,\o\. ix., p. 246;
R^laeiones, in Id., p. 387; Codex Mendoza, in Kingshorougli's Mex. Atitiq.,
vol. i., pi. 72; Esplicacioii, in Id., vol. v., p. 112; Veytia, Hist. Aiit. Mej., toni.
iii., p. 423; Mendieta, Hist. Ecle^t., pp. 136-7; Clamgero, Storin Ant. del Mes-
sieii, torn, ii., pp. 130-1 ; Bologne, in Teniaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., torn, x.,
p. 211; Zurita, Rapport, in Id., sdrie ii., torn, i., pp. 107-10; Ortega, in Vey-
tia Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, iii., p. 224; Vetancvrt, Tcatro Mex., pt ii., p. 33;
Duran, in Kingsborougli's Mex, Anfiq., torn, viii., pp. 242-3; Valades, Rhe-
toriea Christiana, in Id., p. 129, note.

*• Las Casas and Mendieta, as in preceding note.

*^ 'Para la justificacion fueso bastante la denunciadel niarido.' Ibid.

PENALTY FOR ADULTERY.

465

the unsupported testimony of the husband, but that
other witnesses, and the confession of the defendants
were necessary to procure their conviction.*' Usually
if the condemned adulterers were of the lower orders,
they were taken out into a public place and there
stoned to death by the assembled multitude, and few
of the old writers omit to remark that this manner of
death was almost painless, since no sooner was the
first stone thrown than the poor wretch was immedi-
ately covered with a pile of missiles, so great was the
number of his executioners, and so eager was each to
take a hand in the kilUng. Another common mode
of execution consisted in placing the head of the con-
demned upon a stone, and smashing his skull by let-
ting another stone fall upon it.*^ The noble convicted
of the same crime was not killed in this public man-
ner, but was strangled in jail: and as a mark of re-
spect to his rank, his head, after death, was adorned
Avith plumes of green feathers, and the body was then
burned. Adulterers who were found guilty merely
upon circumstantial evidence also suffered death by
strangulation. It was strictly forbidden for a husband
to take the law into his own hands, and he who should
seek to avenge his honor by slaying his wife or her
paramour, even though he took them in the act of
adultery, suffered death; in the same manner should
the criminal endeavor to save himself by killing the
injured husband, his fate was to be roasted alive before
a slow fire, his body being basted with salt and water
tliat death mijjfht not come to his relief too soon.*
An adulterer could not escape the law on the plea of
drunkenness,** and, indeed, had such an excuse been

** Ijis Casas writes: 'A ningtma miiger iii hombrc castigavnn por ndul-
tcrio, si solo cl intiriilu dolla lus aciisalMt, sino que havia de haver testigos v
confesioii dcllos.' Hist. Apologitica, M.S., cap. ccxv. Torqiicniada uses al-
most the same words.

^' Father Francisco de Bolocne says that this mode of niinishment was
only resorted to in the case of Ute man, and that the femalo adulterer was
impaled. Tcrnaux-Comjmiis, Voy., st'rie i., torn, x., p. 211.

** This Ht4itenicnt is made by Ixtlilxochitl and Voytia, uhi sup.

*> Las Casas, Hist, Apolo'f^tica, MS., cap. ccxiii. ; Mcndieta, ubitup.
Vol. n. 30

466

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

held admissible, little would have been gained by ex-
changing the fate of the adulterer for that of the
drunkard. The trespasL. af a married man with a free
unmarried woman was not considered to constitute
adultery, nor punished as such, so that the husband
was not bound to so much fidelity as was exacted
from the wife. I have before remarked that although
the crime of adultery was punished in all parts of the
Aztec empire, yet the penalty inflicted differed in point
of severity and in manner of execution. Thus, in the
province of Ixcatlan, if we may believe Clavigero, a
woman accused of this crime was summoned before
the judges, and if the proofs of her guilt were satis-
factory, she was there and then torn to pieces, and lier
limbs were divided among the witnesses, while in
Itztepec the guilty woman's husband cut off her ears
and nose, thus branding her as infamous for life.*' In
some parts of the empire the husband who cohabited
with his wife after it had been proved that she had
violated her fidelity, was severely punished."^

Carnal connection with mother, sister, step-mother
or step-sister, was punished by hanging ; Torquemada
says the same penalty was incurred by him who had
connection with his mother-in-law, because they consid-
ered it a sin for a man to have access to both mother
and daughter. Intercourse between brother-in-law
and sister-in-law was, however, not criminal, and, in-
deed, it was customary for a man to raise up seed to
his deceased brother by marrying his widow."^ He
who attempted to ravish a maiden, whether in the
field, or in her father's house, suffered deatl^"^ In
Michoacan, the ravisher's mouth was split from eai*

w Ilndem. Among the Miztecs, when extenuating circumstances coulil
ho proved, tlic imnishnient of death was commuted to mutilation of cars,
noae, and lips. Ilcrrcra, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lih. iii., cap. xii.

91 Torquemada, Moiiarq. Intl., torn, ii., p. 380; Clavtgero, vhi sup.

" Las Casus, Hist. ApoloqHica, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv; Torquemada
Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., pp. 377-8, 380j Ortega, in Veylia, Ihst. Ant.
Mej., torn, iii., p. 224.

*> Las Coma, Jfial. Apologttica, MS., cap. ccxiii.; Meudicta, Hist. Ecles.,
p. 136.

UNNATURAL CRIMES.

467

to ear with a flint knife, and he was afterwards im-
paled."* In Mexico, those who committed sodomy
were hanged ; in Tezcuco, the punishment for unnat-
ural crime was characteristically brutal. The active
agent was bound to a stake, completely covered
with ashes and so left to die; the entrails of the pas-
sive agent were drawn out through his anus, he also
was then covered with ashes, and, v;ood bemg added,
the pile was ignited.'" In Tlascaia, the sodomite was
not punished by law, but was scouted by society, and
treated Avith scorn and contempt by all who knew
him."* From the extreme severity of the laws en-
acted by the later sovereigns for the suppression of
this revolting vice, and from the fact that persons
were especially appointed by the judicial authorities
to search the provinces for offenders of this class, it is
evident that unnatural love had attained a frightful
popularity among the Aztecs. Father Pierre de
Gand, or, as he is sometimes known, de Mura, bears
terrible testimony to this; he writes: "Un certain
hombre de pretres n'avaient point de femmes, sed
eorum loco j^ncros qiiibus ahutehantur. Ce peche dtait
si commun dans ce pays, que, jeunes ou vieux, tons en
^taient infectds; ils y etaient si adonnds, que m6mes
des enfants de six ans s'y livraient.""

Las Casas relates that in several of the more remote
provinces of Mexico unnatural vice was tolerated, it
not actually permitted,"* and it is not improbable that

9' ITm'cra, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; Beaumont, Cr6n. Me-
choaccm, MS., p. 51.

9J Torifueiuaila, Monarq. Ltd., torn, i., p. 166, torn, ii., p. .380; Las
Canas, hint. ApulogMca, MS., caj). ccxv. ; Veytia, Hist. Ant, Mrj., torn,
iii., p. 423; Ortega, in Id., p. 224; Vctancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 3.3;
Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 137; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kinnshorough't
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 245. Caibajal EspinoHU differs from these in say*
iiig: 'al posivo le arrancaban las entrailas, se Uenaba sii vicntrc de ceniza y
cl cadilvcr era queniado. ' Hist. Mex., torn, i., p. 603.

** Camargo, Hi.'it. Tlax., in Noiivelles Annates des Voy., 1843, torn,
xcviii., p. 19H. Carli is therefore mistaken in saying this crime was punished
with death. Cartas, p. 122.

^ Lettre, in Ternniix-Compana, Voy., sdrie i., torn, x., p. 197.

9* Hist. ApologMea, MS., cap. ccxiii. Clavigcro writes: 'Appressotntte
leNozioni di Anahuac, fiuirchfe appresso i Panuchesi, era in abboniinR-'ione
si fatto delitto, c da tuttc si puniva con rigore.' This writer is very bitter

468

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

in earlier times this was the case in the entire empire.
Inexpressibly revolting as the sin must appear to a
modern mind, yet we know that pederasty has ob-
tained among peoples possessed of a more advanced
civilization than the Aztecs. In ancient Greece this
unnatural passion prevailed to such an extent that it
was regarded as heroic to resist it. Plutarch, in his
FAfe of A<jesilaus, cannot praise too highly the self-
control manifested by that great man in refraining
from gratifying a passioii he had conceived for a boy
named Megabates, which Maximus Tyrius says de-
serves greater praise than the heroism of Leonidas;
Diogenes Laertius, in his Life of Zeno, the founder
of stoicism, the most austere of all ancient sects,
praises that philosopher for being but little addicted
to this vice; Sophocles, the Tragic Homer, and the
Attic Bee, is said by Athenseus to have been espe-
cially addicted to it. Moralists were known to praise
it as the bond of friendship, and it was spoken of as
inspiring the enth-: jiasm of the heroic legion of
Epaminondas. The defeat of the Romans by Hanni-
bal at CannsB was said to be caused by the jealousy
of Juno, because a beautiful boy had been introduced
into the temple of Jupiter. Las Casas tells us that
pederasty was tolerated because they believed that
their gods practiced it.** In precisely the same man-

against M. de Pauw for stating that this pederasty was common among the
Mexicans, and adds: 'madcllu falsitti di tal calunnia, clic con troppu, ed
assai biiisimevolc facility addottarono parccchj Autori Euronei, ci consta
per la testinionianza di moltri altri Autori iniparziarli, e nieglio infonnati.'
Clavigero docs not, however, state wlio these 'more impartial and better
informed writers' are. That tlie crime of sodomy was prevalent in Ta-
basco, we have the testimony of Oviedo, who writes that aiii()ii<r the idols
that the Christians saw there 'dixeron que avian hallado eiitro aqucllos
9emis 6 yulos, dos personus hcchas de copcy (que es un drhol assi llanmdo),
cl uno caballcro 6 cabalgando sobre el otro, en figuradc aquel abominable y
ncfando iiccado de sodomia, e otro de barro que tenia la natura asida con

ambas manos, la qual tenia como ^ircunpiso y no es cste jMJcado entro

aquellas nial aventuradasgentesde8i)re89iaao, ni sumarinmcnte averiguado:
antes cs mucha verdad quanto dellos se pucde decir 6 culjinr en tal caso.'
Ilist. Gen., torn, i., p. 633. Zuazo, spcaKing of the Mexicans, says: 'estas
gontes tionon la tria pecsatela que dccia el Italiano: no crcqn en Dios; son
cast todoa godotnitas: comen carne humana.' Carta, in Irazbalceta, Col. de
Doc, (,om. i., p. 365.

w Hist. Ajtoloffitica, MS., cup. ccxiu.

LAWS KESPECTING CHASTITY.

409

ner did the ancient Greeks make the popular religion
bend to the new vice, and, by substituting Ganymede
for Hebe as heavenly cup-bearer, make the head of all
Olympus set an example of unnatural love.

The priest who violated his vow of chastity was
banished; his house was demolished and his prop-
erty confiscated.^* Pimps were publicly disgraced m
the market-place, by having their hair burnt off so
close to the head that the drops of resin falling from
the burning pitch-pine chips fell upon and seared the
scalp; if the persons for whom the panderage was
committed were of high rank, a greater penalty was
inflicted upon the pander."^ This was the law in
Mexico; in Tezcuco, according to the historian of the
Chichi mecs, the pimp suffered death in all cases. ^"*

Simple fornication was not punished, unless it was
committed by a noble lady, or with a maiden conse-
crated to the service of the gods, in which cases it
was death. Fornication with the concubine of an-
other also went unpunished, unless they had been
living a long time together, and were in consequence,
according to custom, considered man and wife. If
any one had connection with a slave, and the woman
died during her pregnancy, or in giving bii'th to the
child, then the offender became a slave; but if she
was safely delivered, the child was free and was taken
care of by the father.^"* The woman who took any
drug to procure an abortion, and she who furnished

■oo Las Casas, ainon<; his unauthentic laws has one which prescribes death
in this ca'ic, but in another list, which he says is composed of authentic
hiws, banishmcni iiid confiscation of property is given fts the penalty. Hist.
Apologitira, Ms ecxv. ; Torqucmada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 380;

Vcytin, Hist. An . <><:j., toni. iii., p. 423.

"" Tor-Jiiemada, Monarq. Ind., torn. ii-.P. 380; Las Ca.ias, Hist. Apolo-
gitica, MS., cap. ccxiii.; Mmdieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 137. Ortega adds tiiat
their heads were rubbed with ashes; 'sc lea untaba con ceniza ca'iente.'
Veiftia, Hist. Ant. M"j., torn, iii., p. 225.

'"^ Ixflilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in KingshorougVs Mex. Antiq,, vol. ix., p.
246; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mcj., p. 224.

^"'^Ixflilxochitl, Rclar.imies, in Kingsborongh's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
387; Veijtia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, iii., p. 423; Dnran, in Kingsborongh't
Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 243-4; Torqucmada, Monarq. Ind., toni. ii., p.
380; Zrt» Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. ocxv. ; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist.
Ant, Mej., torn, iii., pp. 224-5.

470

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

the drug, both suffered death.*"* If one woman sinned
carnally with another, both died for it.** The man
who went about the streets dressed as a woman, or
the woman who dressed as a man, was slain.*""

In this account are comprised nearly all the special
laws of the Aztecs which have been preserved, with
the exception of those relating to military matters,
marriage, divorce, and slavery, all of which I have
already had occasion to consider.

That the Aztec code was a severe and brutal one
there can be no denial, but that it was more severe
and brutal than was necessary, is, as I have before
remarked, doubtful. We have already seen that a
horrible death was the inevitable fate of those de-
tected stealing in the market-place, yet we are told
that did the owner of a stall but turn away his head
for a moment, his wares would be pilfered. A people
accustomed almost daily to see human blood poured
out like water in sacrifice to their gods, must of
necessity have been hardened to the sight of suffer-
ing, and upon such none but an execution of the
most revolting description could create an impression
of awe or fear. It appears remarkable that punish-
ments involving only disgrace should have been
adopted by such a people, yet it is doubtful whether
slavery was not considered a lighter punishment
than having the hair burned off in the public market.
Some of the Aztec monarchs evinced a desire to be
as lenient as the stubborn nature of their subjects
would allow, but the yoke upon the people, if it were
in any degree to control them, must at best be a heavy
one; in short, despotism of the harshest was neces-
sary and indispensable to them in their stage of civil-
ization.

'"* Zflw Casus, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; Mendieta, Hist.
Ecles., p. 136.

">* Lcia Casas, Ibid.; Torqucmada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 380-1.

"» Las Casas, Ibid.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 380; Men-
dieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 137-8; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii.,
p. 133.

NEZAHUALCOYOTL AND THE BOY.

471

Nezahualcoyotl, kinjj of Tezcuco, was especially
mercit'ul and considerate towards his subjects. For
instance, he ordered that corn should be planted, at
the expense of government, by the roadside, in order
that none who were guilty of stealing from the fields,
might excuse thomselves on the ground of hunger.*"
It is related that this monarch went frequently among
his people in disguise, for the purpose of discovering
their grievances and general condition, and some of
the adventures he met with on these occasions are as
entertaining as any told by Sheherezade of the Good
Caliph. I select one, not because it is the best, but
because it points more particularly to Nezahualco-
yotl's benevolence and love of justice. During the
reiorn of this monarch, owinsf to the immense con-
sumption of wood, the use of oil and tallow being
then unknown, the forests began to grow thin, and
the king foreseeing that unless some precautions were
taken, there would soon be a scarcity of wood in tho
kingdom, ordered that within certain limits no wood
should be touched. Now it happened one day, when
the king was abroad in disguise, and accompanied
only by his brother Quauhtlehuanitzin, that they
passed by the skirts of a forest wherein it was pro-
hibited to cut or gather wood. Here they found a
boy who was engaged in picking up the light chips
and twigs that had been carried by the wind outside
of the enclosure, because in this locality the inhabit-
ants were very numerous, and had exhausted all the
timber that was not reserved by law. Nezahualcoyotl,
seeing that under the trees of the forest there lay
a great quantity of fallen wood, asked the boy why
he contented himself with dry leaves and scattered
twigs when so great an abundance of fuel lay close at
hand. The boy answered that the king had forbid-
den the people to gather wood in the forest, and

'w Torqtiemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 381; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist.
Ant. Mej., torn, iii., pp. 225-6; Clavigero, Storia Ant. ctel Messico, torn, ii.,
p. 133.

472

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

therefore he was obliged to take whatever he could
get. The king told him to go, nevertheless, into the
forest and help himself to fuel, and none would be
the wiser, for that he and his companion would say
nothing of the matter. But the boy rebuked them,
saying that they must be traitors to the king who
would persuade him to do this thing, or that they
sought to avenge themselves upon his parents by
bringing misfortune upon their son, and he refused to
enter the forbidden ground. Then was the king
much pleased with the boy's loyalty, and seeing the
distress to which the people were reduced by the
severity of the forest laws, he afterwards had them
altered.""

W Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 165. In the following works
more or less mention is made of the system of jurisprudence that existed
among the Nuhua peoples. Pimentel, Mem. soore la Baza Indigena, pp.
31-5; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist Mex., torn, i., pp. 593-605; Amcr. Ethno.
Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 153; Klemm, Cultur-Ucschichte, torn, v., pp. 36-6,
63-4, 69-75, 96-7, 105, 205; Cortis, Aven. y Cong, pref., p. 13; Ddajnorte, Rei
ten, torn, x., pp. 264-7; Incidcntsand Sketches, pp. 60-1; Simon's Ten Tribes,
pp. 263-70; Bnssierre L'Eiiipire Mex., pp. 1.50-8; Chambers' Jovr., 18.^5,
vol. iv. ,p. 253; Bard, Mexiqne, pp. 205-7; Tonron, Hist. Gin., tom. iii.,
pp. 29-31; Soden, Spanicr in Peru, tom. ii., p. 14.

CHAPTER XV.

NAHUA ARTS AND MANUFACTURES.

Metals Used and Manner of Obtaining Them— Working of Gold
AND Silver— Wonderful Skill in Imitating— Gilding and Plat-
ing—Working IN Stone— Lai'IDARy Work— Wood Carving—
Manufactlre of Pottery— Various Kinds of Cloth— Manu-
facture OF Paper and Leather— Preparation of Dyes and
Paints— The Art of Painting — Feather Mosaic Work— Leaf-
Mats— Manner of Kindling Fire— Torches— Soap— Council of
Arts in Tezcuco— Oratory and Poetry— Nezahualcoyotl's
Odes on the Mutability of Life and the Tyrant Tezozomoc —
Aztec Arithmetical System.

Gold, silver, copper, tin, and lead were th6 metals
known to and used by the Nahuas. The latter, how-
ever, is merely mentioned, and nothing is known about
where it was obtained or for what purposes it was em-
ployed. We have only very slight information respect-
ing the processes by which any of the metals were
obtained. Gold came to the cities of Anahuac chiefly
from the southern Nahua provinces, through the
agency of traders and tax-gatherers; silver and tin
were taken from the mines of Taxco and Tzompaneo;
copper was obtained from the mountains of Zacatol-
lan, the province of the Cohuixcas, and from Micho-
acan. Nuggets of gold and masses of native copper
were found on the surface of the ground in certain
regions; gold was chiefly obtained, however, from the
sand in the bed of rivers by divers. It was kept, in

(473)

474

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

the form of dust, in small tubes or quills, or was
melted in small pots, by the aid of hollow bamboo
blow-pipes used instead of bellows, and cast in small
bars. Frescott tells us that these metals were also
mined from veins in the solid rock, extensive gal-
leries being opened for the purpose. Quicksilver, sul-
phur, alum, ochre, and other minerals were collected
to a certain extent and employed by the natives in the
preparation of colors and for other purposes.* The
use of iron, though that metal was abundant in the
country, was unknown. Such metals as they had they
were most skillful in working, chiefly ^y melting and
casting, and by carving, but also to some extent by
the use of the hammer. We have no details of the
means employed to melt the harder metals, besides
the rude blow-pipe and furnace mentioned in connec-
tion with gold.

For cutting implements copper was the only metal
used, but it was hardened with an alloy of tin until
it sufficed to cut the hardest substances nearly as
well as steel.* The pure and softer metal was used
to make kettles and other vessels. Copper tools
were, however, rare compared with those of stone,
and seem to have been used chiefly in working wood
where a sharp and enduring edge was required.
Such tools usually took the form of axes and chisels.

1 'Tambien las minas de plata y oro, cobre, plomo, oropel natural, es-
tafio y otros nietaleH, que tmlos los sacaron, labraron, y dejaron Befiales y
incnioriu.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tuin. iii., lib. x., pp. 110-11. To obtain
gold 'se nictian al fondo del agua y Hacaban las inanos Ucnas de oreiia, pura
buscar luego en ella los granos, los que se guardaban enlaboca.' iJiaz,
Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., torn, i., p. 299. In Michoacan
'tnibajaban minas de cobre.' Beaumont, Crdn. Mcchoacan, MS., p. 48.
'Tlie traces of their labors furnished the best indications for the early Span-
ish miners.' PrescotVs Mex., vol. i., pp. 138-9; Carhajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mcx., torn, i., pp. 99-100; Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., p. 198 et seq.

< ' Whether a man desire the rude mettall, or to haue it molten, or beaten
out, and cunningly made into any kinde of lewell, hee shall find them
ready wrought.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv. Gomara and Gnma state
that they mixed gold and silver, as well as tin, with copper, for the manu-
facture of gimlets, axes, and chisels. Conq. Mex., fol. 318; Dos Piedras, pt
ii., p. 26. Clavigero states that in ZacatoUan two kinds of copper were found,
hard and soft, so that there was no need of any hardening process. Storia
Ant. del Messico, torn, iv., pp. 210-11.

GOLD AND SILVER SMITHS.

475

Sticks for working the ground, the nearest Nahua
approach to the plow, were also often tipped with
copper, as we have seen. Metal was not much used
in making weapons, not being found in swords or
arrow-heads, but employed with obsidian in spear-
heads and on the niaza, or club. Both copper and
tin dishes and plates are mentioned but were not
in common use. In the manufacture of implements
of copper and tin these metals were wrought by means
of stone hanmiers and not cast.'

No branch of Nahua art was carried to a higher de-
gree of perfection than the ornamental working of
gold and silver. The conquerors were struck with
admiration on beholding the work of the native gold-
smiths; they even in some cases frankly acknowledge
that they admired the work more than the material,
and saved the most beautiful specimens from the melt-
ing furnace, the greatest comj^liment these gold-greedy
adventurers could pay to native art. Many of the
finer articles were sent as presents and curiosities to
European princes, who added their testimony to that
of the conquerors, pronoui. .ing the jewelry in many
instances superior to the work of old-world artists.
Azcapuzalco was the headquarters of the workers in
gold and silver.* The imitation of natural objects,

' ' Porras clavcteadas do liicrro, cobre y oro.' Ixtlilxochitl, Rclaciones,
in Kingsborough's Mcx. Autiq., vol. ix., p. 332. 'Nous avons cu eiitic lea
mains de beaux outils de cuivrc rosette.' Viollct-lc-Duc, in Chariiay, liiUues
Amir., pp. 86-7. 'Hazeu niucbas co»as, conio los mcjorcs caldereros del
niundo.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cup. ix. Sonic bad plates
and otbcr vessels of tin. Ociedo, Hist. Gen., toni. iii., p. 4C5. 'Contutto-
ci6 si sa, clic lavoravano bene il ranie, c clic piacquero assai a<^Ii Spagniioli
lo loro sciiri, e le loro picclie.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, toni. ii.,
p. 19G. Peter Martyr Hpcaks of large copper stands or candlesticks wbich
supported pine torcbes to liylit tbe courts of tbc l»etter bouses. Dec. v., lib.
X. ' II existait de si grands vases d'argent qu'un boninie pouvait Ji peine
les cntourer de scsbras.' liaril, Mcxiquc, p. 209; lirowncU's Ind. Races, p.
94; Edinburgh Review, July 1867.

* 'Todo variadizo, que en nucstra Espafia los grandcs Plateros tiencn
queniiraren ello.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 09. 'Los Plateros do
Madrid, viendu algunas Piczas, Brazaletes de oro, con que se arniaban en
guerru los Reyes, ^ Capitanes Indianos, confessaron ^ue eran ininiitablcs en
Europa.' Boturint, Idea, \\ 78. 'Non sarcbbero vensimili Ic niaraviglic di
cotal arte, sc oltre alia testimonianza di quanti le videro, non fosscro state
mandate in Europa in gran coiiia si fatte raritii.' 'Finalmcntc erano tali si
fattc opere, che ancke que' Sotdatl spagnuoli, che si sentivano travagliati

476

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

particularly animals, birds, and fisheB, wras a favorite
field for the display of this branch of Nahua talent.
The conqueror Oortt% tells us that Montezuma had in
his collection a counterfeit in f?old, silver, stones, or
feathers, of every object under heaven in his domin-
ions, so skillfully made, so far as the work in metal
was concerned, that no smith in the world could excel
them. This statement is repeated by every writer on
the subject. Dr Hernandez, the naturalist, in pre-
paring a treatise on Mexican zoology for Philip 11., is
said to have supplied his want of real specimens of
certain rare species by a resort to these imitations."
The native artists are said to have fashioned animals
and birds with movable heads, legs, wings, and tongues,
an ape with a spindle in its hands in the act of spin-
ning and in certain comic attitudes; and what particu-
larly interested and surprised the Spaniards was the
art — spoken of by them as a lost art — of casting the
parts of an object of different metals each distinct
from the rest but all forming a complete whole, and
this, as the authorities say, without soldering. Thus
a fish was molded with alternate scales of gold and
silver, plates were cast in sections of the same metal,
and loose handles were attached to different vessels.*

dalla sacra fame dcir oro, prcgiavano in esse piii I'artc, chc la materia.'
Clariffcro, Storia Ant, del Mcssico, torn, ii., pp. 195-6.

* Cartas, Cartas, pp. 109, 100-1. In the collection of Nezohimlcoyot-
zin 'no fultava alii ave, pcz ni animal de toda csta tierra, que no estuv'iese
vivo, 6hecho Hgiira y talle, en piedras de oro y pcdreria.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chich., in KingsborouglCs Mcx. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 244. 'There is no
fourefooted beast, no foule, no fyslie, which their Artificers have once seene,
but they arc able to drawc, and cutte in niettall the likenesse and iiroportion
thereof, eucn to the lyfe.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x., iv. Ei<;ht ^old
shrimps of much perfection. On'cdo, Hist. Gen., ♦ )m. iii., p. 285; Pimentel,
Mem. sobre la Baza Indigcna, p. 56.

6 'Sacan un ave, como un papagayo que se Ic nda la lengua como si
vivo la mencase y tambien la cabcza y las alas. ' rostro de aguila lo mis-
mo, una rana, y un pescado.senalada muchascscai una deplata y otra de
oro, todo de vaciado, que espanta a todos nuestros o, lies. ' Las Casas, Hist.
Apologftica, MS., cap. Ixiii. * Funden vna niona, qi, juegue pies y caltcfa,
y tenga en las manos vn huso, que parezca que liih o vna maufana, que
come. Esto tuuicron a mucho nuestros Espanolcs, y ts plateros de aca no
alcanpan el primer.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 117. «' lo que mas es, que
sacaban de la fundicion vna pie^a, la niitad de Oro, la mitad de Plat^a.'
Torquemadn, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 487; Vetancvrl, Teatro Mex., pt ii.,

S. 59; Mcndicta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 403-7. 'Sacauan al mercado los oficialcs
estearte, plates, ochauados de vn quarto de oro, y otro de plata, no solda-

GILDING AND PLATING.

477

After tho Spaniards came the native artizanH had
a now and wide Held for the display of their skill, in
imitating' the numerous products of European art.
A slij^ht examination, often obtahied hy stealthily
looking into the shop windows, enabled them to re-
produce and not unfrequently to improve upon the
finest articles of jewelry and plate.'

Clavigero says that vessels of copper or other in-
ferior metal were gilded, by employing a: unknown
process in which certain herbs were used, and which
would have made the fortune of a goldsmith in Spain
and Italy. Oviedo also tells us that various orna-
mental articles were covered with thin gold plate."
To enumerate tlie articles manufactured by the Na-
hua gold and silver smiths, and included in the long
lists of presents made by Montezuma and other chief-
tains to their conquerors is impracticable; they in-
cluded finely modeled goblets, pitchers, and other
vessels for the tables of the kings and nobility ; frames
for stone mirrors and rich settings for various precious
stones; personal ornaments for the wealthy, and es-
pecially for warriors, including rings, bracelets, ear-
drops, beads, helu ets and various other portions
of armor; small figures in human form worn as
charms or venerated as idols; and finally the most
gorgeous and complicated decorations for the larger
idols, and their temples and altars."

dos, Hino fiiiululns, y en In fiindicion pe^do, cosa dificultosa dc entcnder.
Sneiiimii vim ciildcrctn dc plutii, con cxcclentcs laborca, y su assa dc vna
fiiiidicioii, y lo que era dc inuruuillur que la osa cstuua sueltu.' Herrera,
Hixt. Gcii., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv.

"I ' Acuci'iulcs & los priucipios eutar un indio cnvuclto en una manta que
no 8e le parecian si no los ojos, conio cllos se poncn no muy cerca dc una
tienda dc algun platcro dc los nucstros disiniuladunicntc, conio no prc-
tcndiu niirar nada y el platero estai- labrando dc oro y dc ]data ulguna joya
6 pieza dc niucho artiticio v muy dolicada, y dc solo veric Iiaccr algiina
parte dclla irsc d su casa y hacelfo tanto y mas perfccto y traello desdc &
poco en la niano para lo vender.' Las Casus, Hist. ApologdUca, MS., cap.
ixiii. Zuazo, however, pronounces some of the native work inferior to tho
European. 'Yo vi algunas piezaay no me parecicron tan priniamente la-
bradas conio las nuestras.' Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. deDoc, toni. i., p. 362.

* Clai-igero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., p. 211; Oviedo, Hist. Gen.,
torn, i., p. 520.

9 'Vna rueda de hechura de Sol, tan grandc eomo dc vna carreta, con
muchas labores, todo de oro muy iino, gran obra de mirar; otra mayor

478

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Little is known of the methods or implements by
which the workers in gold accomplished such marvel-
ous results. The authors tell us that they excelled
particularly in working the precious metals by means
of fire; and the furnaces already mentioned are pic-
tured in several of the Aztec picture-writings as
simple vessels, perhaps of earthen ware, various in
form, heaped with lumps of metal, and possibly with
wood and coal, from which the tongues of flame pro-
trude, as the workman sits by his furnace with his
bamboo blow-pipe. How they cast or molded the
molten gold into numerous graceful and ornamental
forms is absolutely unknown. The process by which
these patient workers carved or engraved ornamental
figures on gold and silver vessels by means of their
implements of stone and hardened copper, although
not explained, may in a general way be easily imag-
ined. They worked also to some extent with the
hammer, but as gold-beaters they Avere regarded as
inferior workmen, using only stone implements. The
art of working in the precious metals was derived
traditionally from the Toltecs, and the gold and silver-
smiths formed in Mexico a kind of corporation under
the divine guidance of the god Xipe.'"

nieda dc niata, figiirada la Luna, con muchos rcsplandores, y otras figuraa
en ella.' Jicrnal Dinz, Hist. Coiiq., fol. 26-7. 'Espejos liechos de Marga-
jita, que C8 vn metal herniosissinio, conio plata muy rcsplaudecieutc y estos
grandes eonio vu puiio redimdos conio vna Iwla, engastados en oro.' Jler-
rem, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., caji. v. 'Doze zcbratanas de fustay plata,
con ([ue 8()lia ol tirar. Las unas puitadas y inatizadas de aves, aninialcs,
rosas, llorcs, yarboles. . . .Laa utras cran variada.s, y sinzeladas con mas pri-
mor y sotilcza que la pintura.' Gomara, Uoiiq. Mex., fol. 135-6, 42; Ociedo,
Hist. Gen., torn, iii., p. 259; Las Casus, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap.
cxxxii.

'•'Vnas fundidas, otras labradas de Piedra.' Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., t«ni. ii. , p. 557; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv. 'V
lo que mas las Iiace odmirables, es que las obron y labran con solo fuego y
con una jjiedra 6 pedernal.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologttica, MS., cap. Ixiii.
Hammered work inferior to that of European artizans. Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 196. 'Los ohciales que labran oro son de dos
mancras, unoH de ellos sc llanian martilladores 6 aniajadorcs, porqne estos
labran oro de niartillo majiindoiv* con piedras 6 con niartillos, para haccrlo
delgado como papcl: otros se llanian tlaflaliani, que quiere decir, que asi-
cntan cl oro 6 alguna cosa en <S1, 6 en la ]>lata, estos son yerdaderos oficiales
6 por otro nomhre so llanian tulteca; pcro estdn divididos en doa partes,
porquc labran cl oro car''> nno de 8U manera.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen,, torn.

WORKING IN STONE.

479

Stone was the material of moat Nahua implements.
For this purpose all the harder kinds found in the
country were worked, flint, porphyry, basalt, but espe-
cially obsidian, the native iztli. Of this hard material,
extensively quarried some distance north of Mexico,
nearly all the sharp-edged tools were made. These
tools, such as knives, razors, lancets, spear and art-ow
heads, were simply flakes from an obsidian block.
The knives were double-edged and the best of them
slightly curved at the point. The maker held a round
block of iztli between his bare feet, pressed with his
chest and hands on a long wooden instrument, one end
of which was applied near the edge of the block, and
thus split off knife after knife with great rapidity,
which required only to be fitted to a wooden handle to
be ready for use. The edge thus produced was at first
as sharp as one of steel, but became blunted by slight
use, when the instrument must be thrown away.
Thus Las Casas tells us that ten or fifteen obsidian
razors were required to shave one man's beard. Stone
knives seem rarely if ever to have been sharpened by
grinding." Of obsidian were made the knives used
in the sacrifice of human victims, and the lancets used
in bleeding for medicinal purposes and in drawing
blood in the service of the gods. For bleeding, simi-

ii., lib. ix., p. 387, et scq. For pictures of furnaces and of some manu-
factured articles from the hieroglyphic MSS., ace Ewhank, in Sc/ioolcrnft'»
Arch., vol. iv., p. 448, et seq. 'The,v cast, also, vessels of gold and silver,
carving them with their metallic chisels in a very delicate manner.' Prcs-
cotCs Mcx., vol. i., i)p. 1.39-40.

" 'Siontaiise en el suelo y toman un pcdaro de aquella piedra negra

Aqucl pcdazo que toman cs dc un i>almo I't poco mas largo, y de grucso como
la pieriia 6 poco iiienos, y roUizo. Tionen un palo del grucso de una lanza
y largo coino tres codos o poco mas, y al principio de cstc palo noiicn pegado
y bicn atado uii trozo de palo dc un palino, grucso como el mollcdo del
brazo, y algo mas, y cst« ticiie su frentc llaiui y tajada, y sirve cste trozo
para (pic ]k;sc mas aquella parte. Juntan ainbos pies descalzos, y con ellos
aprietan la ])icdra con el pccho, y con aiiibas liM inanos toman cl palo que
diju era como vara de lanza (que tumbicn cs llano y tajado) y ponciilo d
besar con el canto de la frciitc de la piedra (que tambicn es liana y tajada),
y entonces aprietan hdciael pecho, y luego salta de la piedra una navaja
con su puntu y sus filos dc ambas partes.' Mcndieta, I/tst. Edes., p. 406;
repeated in nearly the same words in Torqucmada, Monara. Ind., tom. ii.,

p. 433-30; Las Casas, Hist. Apolog6tifa, MS., cap. Ixii., Ixvi: Velancvrt,

eatro Mcx., pt ii., p. 60.

480

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

lar knives are said to be still used in Mexico." The
use of stone in the manufacture of weapons has been
mentioned in another chapter. Masks and even rings
and cups were sometimes worked from obsidian and
other kinds of stone. Axes were of flint, jade, or
basalt, and were bound with cords to a handle of hard
wdbd, the end of which was split to receive it." Tor-
quemada says that agricultural implements were made
of stone." Mirrors were of obsidian, or of marga-
jita, — spoken of by some as a metal, by others as a
stone, — often double-faced, and richly set in gold."

The quarrying of stone for building and sculpture
was done by means of wooden and stone implements,
by methods unknown but adequate to the working of
the hardest material. Stone implements alone seem
to have been used for the sculpture of idols, statues,
and architectural decorations. A better idea of the
excellence of the Nuhuas in the art of stone-carving
may be formed from the consideration of antiquarian
relics in another volume than from the remarks of the
early chronic^lers. Most of the sculptured designs
were executed in soft material, in working v.'hich flint
instruments would be almost as effective as those of
steel ; but some of the preserved specimens are carved
in the hardest stone, and must have taxed the sculp-
tor's patience to the utmost even with hard copper
chisels. The idols and hieroglyphics on which the
native art was chiefly exercised, present puri)osely dis-

•' Tylor's Researches, p. 194. 'Tienen lancetas de azubachc negro, y
vnos nauajos dc axenic, licchas coiiio jtuniil, iiiuh ^^ordas cii medio que & los
iilos, con quese jasaan y sangran dc la lengua, bra^os, y piernas.' Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 324-5; Acosla, Hist, de las Ynd., p. 491.

'3 Lenoir, ParalUle, pp. 64-5. 'In the beginning of this so rare inuen>
tion, I gotte one of them, which Christopltorus Colonus, Adniirall of the Sea
ganc inee. This stone was of a greene darkisho colour, fastened in most
nrme and harde woode, wliich was the handle or heluc thereof. I stroke
with all my force V|M>n Iron barres and dented the Iron with my strokes
without spoyling or hurting of the stone in any part thereof. With these
atones therefore they make their instruments, for hewing of stone, or cutting
of timber, or any workcmanship in gold or siluer.' Peter Martyr, dec. v.,
lib. iv.

'* Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 231.

•' Las Gasas, Hist. Apologftim, MS., cap. Ixii. See note 9 of this
chapter.

WORKING OF PRECIOUS STONES.

481

torted figures and are a poor test of the artists' skill ;
according to traditional history portrait-statues of the
kings were made, and although none of these are
known to have survived, yet a few specimens in the
various collections indicate that the human face and
form in true proportions were not beyond the scope of
American art; and the native sculptors were, more-
over, extremely successful in the modeling of animals
in stone."

The Nahuas were no less skillful in working pre-
cious stones than gold and silver. Their Toltec an-
cestors possessed the same skill and used to search for
the stones at sunrise, being directed to ihe hidden
treasure by the vapor which rose from the place that
concealed it. All the stones found in the country
were used for ornamental purposes, but emeralds,
amethysts, and turquoises were most abundant. The
jewels were cut with copper tools with the aid of a
silicious sand. Single stones were carved in various
forms, often those of animals, and set in gold, or some-
times formed into small cups or boxes. Pearls, moth-
er of pearl, and bright-colored shells were used with
the precious stones in the formation of necklaces,
bracelets, ear-rings, and other decorations, for the
nobles or for the idols. Various articles of dress or
armor were completely studded with gems tastefully

'* 'Sculptured images were so numerous, that the foundations of the
cathedral in the plaza mayor, the great square of Mexico, are said to be en-
tirely composed of them.' Prescotfs Mcx., vol. i., pp. 140-1. Two statues
in likeness of Montezuma and his brother cut in the cliiT at Cliapultcpcc.
Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., torn, i., cap. iii. The idols destroyed by Cortes
'cran de manera de dragones cspantables, tan grandes como beccrros, y otraa
liguras de manera de medio hombre, y de perros grandes, y de nialas seme-
jan^as.' Bcrnal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 35. 'Sapevano csprimcrc nelle lore
statue tutti gli attcggiamcuti, e positure, di cui h capace il corjio, osservavano
esattamente le proporzioni, e faeevano, dove si riciiiedcva, i piii niinuti, e
ililicati intaglj.' Viavigero, Storia Ant. del Afussico, imn. ii., p. 195. 'Ha-
l)ia cntre ellos grandes escultores de canteria, que labralian cuanto qucriaii
en piedra, con guijarros 6 pedernales, tan prima y curiosamente como en
nuestra Castilla los muy nuenos oficiales con escodas y nicos de acero.'
Mendieta, Hist. Erles., p. 403; Torquemada, Monara. Jnd., torn, ii., pp.
486-8; Portrait-statues of the Tezcucan kings. Ixtlitxochitl, Hist. ChicK.,
m KingshorouglCs Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 264; Id., Relaciones, p. 440.
Statues of Montezuma and brother. Bustamante, in Cnvo, Trea Siglos, torn.
iii., p. 49.

Vol. II. 31

482

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

arranged, and a kind of mosaic, with which wooden
masks for the idols were often covered, attracted
much attention among the Spaniards. Mirrors of
rock crystal, obsidian, and other stones, brightly pol-
ished and encased in rich frames, were said to reflect
the human face as clearly as the best of European
manufacture."

Trees were felled with copper hatchets, hewn with
the same instruments into beams, and dragged ,hj
slaves over rollers to the place where they were
needed for building. Some of the chief idols, as for
instance that of Huitzilopochtli, according to Acosta,
were of wood, but wood-carving was n^it apparently
carried to a high degree of perfectiqv,! Some boxes,
furnished with lids and hinges, also tables and chairs,
were made of wood, which was the chief material of
weapons and agricultural implements. The authori-
ties devote but few words to the workers in wood,
who, however, after the conquest seem to have be-
come quite skillful under Spanish instruction, and
with the aid of European tools. Fire-wood was sold

IT 'Gli smeraldi erano tanto comuni, che non v'era Signore, che non ne
avesse.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, toin. ii., pp. 206-7. 'Esmaltan
assi inesmo, eiigastan y labran esnicraldas, turquesas, y otros piedras, v
aj^ujeran perlos pero no tatiibicn como por aca.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
117. 'Ambar, cristal, y las piedras Uaniadas amatista i)erlas, y todo ;;dncro
de ellas, y demas que traiaii por joyas que ahora se usan.' Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., pp. 109-11, 117-18. 'Un enculado nmy pulido, que
era de ver, y piedras de que estaban hechas, tambicn labradas y pegadas,
que purecia scr cosa de iniisaico.' Id., p. 107. Shields adorned with 'perlaa
menudas coiuo aljofar, y no se puecic dczir su artificio, lindeza, y hermoaura.'
Sandals having 'por suelas vna picdra blanca y azul, cosa prcciosa y nuiy
delgada.' Herrera, Hist 'ien., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. Guaric^ucs of blue
stones set in gold; a stciic face surrounded with gold; a string of stone
beads. * Dos mascaras do piedras incnudas, como turquesas, sentadas sobre
madcra do otra nmsdyca.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, i., pn. 626-8, torn, iii.,
pp. 285, 305. Idol covered with n.osaic work of motncr of pearl, tur-
quoises, emeralds, and chalcedonies. Las Casus, Hist. Apologttica, MS.,
cap. cxxxii. 'Excellent glasses may bee made thereof by smoothing and
polishing them, so that we all confessed that none of ours did better shcwe
the naturall and liucly face of a manne.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x.
' lis avaicnt des masques garnis de pierres pr^cieuses, rcpn^sentant des lions,
des tigres, des ours, et«.' Camarao, Hist. Ttax., in Nonvelles Annates des
Voy., 1843, torn, xcviii., p. 133. Emerald altar t-o the Miztcc god. Burgoa,
Geo^. Descrip., tom. i. , pt ii., fol. 156. 'Y lo de las piedras, que no Iwsta
juicio d comprehender con qu^ instrumentos se hiciesc tan {terfecto.' Cortis,
Cartas, p. 109.

MANUFACTURE OF POTTERY.

483

in the markets ; and Las Casas also tells us that char-
coal was burned."

At Cholula the best pottery was made, but
throughout the whole country nearly all the dishes
used were of clay. Pots, kettles, vases, plates for
domestic use, as well as censers and other utensils for
the temple service, also idols, beads, and various orna-
ments were modeled from this material. The early
Spaniards were enthusiastic in praising the native
potters' skill, but beyond the statement that vessels
of earthen ware were glazed and often tastefully dec-
orated, tliev give no definite information respecting
this branch of manufactures. Many small earthen
trumpets, or i. igeolets, capable of producing various
sounds, and of iinitating the cries of different bi^-ds,
have been found in different parts of the Mexican
Republic. Fortunately relics of pottery in every form
are of frequent occurrence in the museums, and from
the description of such relics in another volume the
excellence of Aztec pottery may be estimated. Be-
sides the earthen dishes, and vessels of metal and
carved wood, some baskets were made, and drinking-
cups or bowls of different sizes and shapes were

18 Huitzilopochtli's idol 'era vna cstatua de madcra entrctullada en
semejan^a dc vn liombre sentado en vn escario azul.' Acosta, IJi.st. dc las
Ynd. , p. 324. Large chests ' hcchas de niadera con sus tapaderaa que bc abrcn
y cierran con unos colKadizos.' Zuazo, Carta, in Icazlalceta, Col. de Doc,
torn, i., pp. 361-2. ' I Tategnami lavoravano bene pareccliie spezio di Icgni
co'loro strumcnti di rame, de'quali se ne vedono alcuni anche oggidl.' Clavi-
gero, Storia Ant. del Mcmco, torn, ii., pp. 207, 194-5. 'Los carpinteros y
entulladores labraban la inadcra con instrumcntos dc cobre, pero no sc da-
ban <i labrar cosas curiosas como los canteros.' Mendieta, Hist. Eclcs., p.
403. 'Labravan lazos, y animales tan curiosos (^ue causaron adniiracion k
los primeroa Espanoles.' Vctanarrt, 7'ca<ro ^/ipx., pt ii., p. 59. 'With their
Copper Hatchets, and Axes, cunnyngly tempered, they fell those trees, and
hcwc them smooth, taking away the chyppes, that they may more easily
bc drawne. They haiie also ccrtaync hcarlics, with the which, in steed of
brooiiie, and hempe, they make ropes, cordca, and cables: and bonring a
hole in one of the edges of the Iwame, they fasten the rope, then scttc their
slaucs vnto it, like yoakes of oxen, and lastly instecde of wheels, putting
round blocks vnder the timber, whether it be to lie drawn steepc vp, or
directly downc the hill, the matter is performed by ilic neckesof the slaucs,
the carpenters onely directing the carriage.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib.
X. 'Hazen caxas, escritorios, mesas, escruianias, y otras cosas dc mucho
primor.' Hcrrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. 'They made cups
and vases of a lackered or painted wood, impervious to wet and gaudily
colored.' PreKotCs Mex., vol. i., p. 143.

484

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

foimed from the hollow shells of gov ds. These were
known as xicalli, later jicaras, and tecoinatl}* Sea-
shells were also used as dishes to some extent."

The finer kinds of cloth were made of cotton, of
rabbit-hair, of the two mixed, or of cotton mixed with
feathers. The rabbit-hair fabrics were pronounced
equal in finish and texture to silk, and cotton cloths
were also fine and white. Fabrics of this better class
were used for articles of dress by the rich, nobles, and
priests ; they were both woven and dyed in variegated
colors. The cloths in the inahufacture of which feath-
ers were employed often served for carpets, tapestry,
and bed-coverings. Maguey-fibre, and that of the
palm-leaves icxotl and izhuatl were woven into coarse
cloths, the maguey-cloth being known as nequen.
This nequen and the coarser kinds of cotton were
the materials with which the poorer classes clothed
themselves. The palm and maguey fibres were pre-
pared for use in the same manner as flax in other
countries, being soaked in water, pounded, and dried.
The same material served also for cords, ropes, and
mats. A coarser kind of matting was, however,
made of different varieties of reeds. All the work of
spinning and weaving was i)erformed by the wc-aen,

w Molina, Diceionario, says, however that, tlio teconiatl was an earthen
vase. Sec also ]). 458 of this volume.

^ 'Siete sartas dc qiientas nicnudas de barro, redondas y doradas niuy
bien.' Ovicdo, Hist. Gen., toni. i., pp. 526, 533. 'I Pentolai faceva-
no d'arjnlla non solo gli stovi^lj necessarj per I'uso dclle case, ma ezi-
andio altri lavori di mcra cunoaitii.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Mcssi-
CO, tom. ii., p. 207, torn, iv., pp. 211-2. 'La loza tan hennosa, y dclicada
como lade I^acnza en Italia.' Hcrrcra, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap.
ii., vii. 'Los incensarios con que incensaban cran dc barro, }i nianera ue
cuchara, cuio reniatc era hueco, y dentro tenian metidos pclotillus del mis-
mo barro, qne sonaban como cascavcles, h, los golpes del Incieuso, como
Buenan las cadenas dc nuestros incensarios.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
torn', ii., p. 264. The jicara was of gold, silver, courd-shclls, or fish-
aliclls. 'Aanquc estbu cicn Alios en el Agiia, luinca la pinturasc les bor-
ra.' Id., p. 488. 'Para C4iger la sangre tienen cscudillas de calaba^a.' Go-
niara, Conq. Mex. , fol. 324-5. ' Many sorts also of earthen vessels are sold
there, as water pots, greatc iuggs, chargers, gobblets, dishes, colcnders,
boscns, frying pans, porringers, pitchers.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv.
' Vasos qne Daman xicalll, y teconiatl, que son do vnos arlwics, que so dan
en tierras rnlicntes.' 'A estas les dan vn bamiz con flores, y animales dc
divei-sos colores, hernioseadas, que no se quita, ni sc despinta aunquc ostb
cii ol agua muchoj diau.' Vetancin-f, Tcntro Mex., pt ii., p. CO.

^-...i ,M

MAKING OF CLOTH AND PAPER.

486

forming indeed their chief employment. The spin-
dle used in spinning, shown in many of the Aztec
manuscripts, was like a top, which was set whirling in
a shallow dish, the fibre being applied tt) its pointed
upper extremity until the impetus was exliausted.
All we know of the native process of weaving is de-
rived from the native paintings, a sample of which
from the Mendoza Collection, showing a woman en-
gaged in weaving, may be seen in chapter xvii. of this
volume.'*'

Paper, in Aztec a/matl, used chiefly as a material on
which to paint the hieroglyphic records to be described
in a future chapter, was made for the most part of
maguey-fibre, although the other fibres used in the
mamifacture of cloth were occasionally mixed with
those of this plant. The material must have been
pressed together when wet, and the product was gen-
erally very thick, more like a soft paste-board than
our paper. The surface was smooth and well adapted
to the painting which it was to bear. Certain gums
are said to have been used for the more perfect cohe-
rence of the fibre, and the amatl was made in long
narrow sheets suitable for rolling or folding. Hum-
boldt describes certain bags of oval form, the work of
a species of caterpillars, on the trees in Michoacan.
They are white and may be separated into thin layers,
which, as the author states, were used by the ancient

21 'Non avcano lana, nh seta conmnc, nh lino, nbcanapa; ma supjilivano
alia lana col eotonc, alia seta coUa pinnia, e col polo del coni{;li(>, e dclla
Icpre, c<l al lino, ed alia canupa coll Icxoll, o palnia montana, col Quctea-
lichtli, ct>\ I'ati, e con altre spezie di Ma}j;uei.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Mcssico, torn, ii., pp. 207-8, 210. 'En toclo el niundo no se podia hacer ni
tejer otra tal, ni ae tantas ni tun diversas y natnrales colores ni labores.'
Corlis, Cartas, p. 101. 'Una Vest idiira del Gran Sacerdote Achcauhquit-
liiiarnncdni sc embib h, Roma en ticmpo dc la Conquista, que dexhpasmada
at^ucUa Corte.' Boturini, Idea, p. 77. The Olmecs used the hair of dogs
and other animals. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. l.'J4, '2Si2-S.
'Incredible matters of Cotton, honsholde-stuffc, tapestry or arras hangings,
garments, and couerlets.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii. Humboldt states
that silk made by a species of indigenous worms was an article of com-
merce among the Miztecs, in the time of Montezuma. Essai Pol., tom. ii.,
p. 454. 'HUan teniendo el copo en vna mano, y el huso en otra. Tuercen
al ruuea que aca, estando el huso en vna escudilla. No tiene hucca el liuso,
mas hilan a prissa y no mal.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 318.

486

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

inhabitants . in the manufacture of a superior kind
of paper. *•

The skins of animals killed by the Nahua hunters
were tanned both with and without the hair, by a pro-
cess of which the authorities say nothing, although
universally praising its results. The leather was
used in some cases as a sort of parchment for hiero-
glyphic writings, but oftener for articles of dress,
ornament, or armor."*

In the preparation of dyes and paints, both min-
eral, animal, and vegetable colors were employed, the
latter extracted from woods, barks, leaves, flowers,
and fruits. In the art of dyeing they probably ex-
celled the Europeans, and many of their dyes have
since the conquest been introduced throughout the
world. Chief among these was the cochineal, nochiz-
tli, an insect fed by the Nahuas on the leaves of the
nopal, from which they obtained beautiful and perma-
nent red and purple colors for their cotton fabrics.
The flower of the matlalxihuitl supplied blue shades;
indigo was the sediment of water in which branches
of the xiuliquilipitzahucvc had been soaked ; seeds of
the achiotl boiled in water yielded a red, the French

*s Humboldt, Essai Pol., torn, ii., pp. 454-5, Maguey -paper 'resembling
somewhat the Egyptian joajoyrM«.' PrescotfsMex., vol. i., pp. 99-100. Some
paper of palm-lcat, as thin and soft as silk. Botvrini, Catmogo, mid.. Idea,
pp. 95-6. Native paper called cauAantat/. Tezozomoc,Cr<inica Mcx., in Kin^s-
hoi'ough's Mcx. Antiq., torn, ix., p. 65. They made paper of a certain species
of aloe, steeped together like hemp, and afterwards washed, stretched, and
smoothed; also of the palm icxotl, and thin barks united and prepared with
a certain gum. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 189, torn,
iv., p. 239. Torquemoda speaks of a sheet 20 fathoms long, one wide, and
as thick as the finger. Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 263.

'3 ' Habia oficiales de curtir cueros y muchos de adovarlos niaravillosa-
mente.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. Ixii. 'Cueros de Venado,
Tigres, y leones. . . .con pefo, y sin pelo, de todos colores.' Tt^-qucmada,
Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 488. 'Tan suaves que de ellos se vestian, y saca-
ban correas.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 60; Sahagun, Hist. Gen.,
torn, iii., lib. x., p. 118. Cortes found the skins of some of his horses slain
in battle 'tan bien adobados como entodoelniundolopudieranhacer.' Car-
tas, p. 183. lied skins resembling parchment. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, i.,
p. 526. 'No se puede bien dezir su hermosura, y hechura.' Hcrrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. 'Los tarascos curtian perfectamente las pieles
de los auimales.' Payno, in Soc. Mex. Geog., liolettn, 2da cpoca, torn, i., p.
721. 'Des tapis de cuir maroqnain^s avec la demifere perfection.' Bras-
seur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., toni. i., p. 271.

DYEING AND PAINTING.

487

roucou; ochre, or tecozahuitl, furnished yellow, as did
also the plant xochipalli, the latter being changed to
oraTi';o by the use of nitre; other shades were pro-
duced by the use of alum; the stones chimaltizatl and
tizatlalli being calcined, produced something like
Spanish white; black was obtained from a stinking
mineral, tlaliac, or from the soot of a pine called
ocotl. In mixing paints they used chian-oil, or some-
times the glutinous juice of the tzauhtli. The numer-
ous dye-woods of the tierra caliente, now the chief
exports from that region, were all employed by the
native dyers. It is probable that many of the secrets
of this branch of Nahua art were never learned by
the Spaniards.''^

The Nahua paintings showed no great artistic
merit, being chiefly noticeable for the excellence of
the colors. Very few specimens have been preserved
for modern examination, except the hieroglyphic
paintings in which most of the figures are hideously
and, as it is supposed, purposely distorted, and con-
sequently no criterion of tlie artist's skill. It is not
known that the Nahuas ever attempted to paint
natural scenery, except that they prepared maps of
sections of their territory on which they rudely rep-
resented the mountains, rivers, and forests, indicating
the lands of different owners or lords by the use of
different colors. They sometimes made portraits of
the kings and nobles, but the Spanish chroniclers
admit that they exhibited much less skill in picturing
the human form and face than in drawing animals,
birds, trees, and flowers. Some niodern critics of
lively imagination have, however, detected indications
of great artistic genius in the awkward figures of the

** Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp. 18{>-90; Carhajal Espi-
nosa. Hist. Mex., torn, i., pp. 652-3. Method of raising cochineal. Id., jij).
625-6. 'En parcourant le palaiti de Montuzuina les Castillans furent tr^s-
dtonn^B d'y voir des sacs de punaiscs dont on se servait a tcindre et nidme h
badigeonner les niurs.' Bostty, in Comiti d'Arch. Amir., 1866-7, pp. 15-
16. See p. 235 of this volume. They possessed the art of dyeing a fabric
without impairing its strength, an art unknown to Europeans of the 18th
century. Carli, Cartas, pt ii., pp. 95-7.

488

TilE NAHUA NATIONS.

picture-writings. Native painters, when Cortds ar-
rived on the coast, painted his ships, men, horses,
cannon, in fact everything new and strange in the
white men's equipment, and hurried with the canvas
to Montezuma at the capital. Very little is known
of ornamental painting on the walls of private dwell-
ings, but that on the temples naturally partook to a
great extent of a hieroglyphic character. The dura-
bility of the paintings on cloth and paper, especially
when rubbed occasionally with oil, was remarked by
many observers, as was also the skill displayed by the
natives later under Spanish instruction.'"

The mixture of feathers with cotton and other fibres
in the manufacture of clothing, tapestry, carjjet >, and
bed-coverings has already been mentioned. For such
fabrics plain colors from ducks and other aquatic birds
were generally employed, brighter hues being occa-
sionally introduced for ornamental purposes. Feath-
ers also played an important part in the decoration of
warriors' annor, the tail-feathers of the bright-hued
quetzal being the favorites. These were formed into
brilliant plumes, often tipped with gold and set in
precious stones. Beautiful fans were made of the
same material. But the art which of all those prac-
ticed by the Nahuas most delighted and astonished
the Europeans, was the use of feathers in the making
of what has been called feather-mosaic. The myriads

ss ' Y pintorcs ha habido entre cllos tan sefialados, que sobre muchos de
los scfialados dondc qiiicra que Be hallasen se podian sefialar.' Las Casus,
Hist. Apologitica, M8., cap. Ixii. The same author speaks of their skill
in reducing or cnhir^iii^ drawings. 'Havia Piutores buenos, que retrata-
ban al natural, en especial Aves, Animales, Arboles, Flores, y Verduras, y
otras seinejantes, que vsaban pintar, en los aposentos de los Keies, y Seflores;
pero formas hunianas, asi couio rostros, y cuerpos <le Hombres, y Mngcres,
no los pintaban al natural.' I'orqnemaaa, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 487,
torn, i., p. 388; Mendieta, Hist. Eclcs., p. 404. 'Dans leur grotesque et
leur raccourci, on trouve encore cependant une dt^lieatesse de pinceau, fort
remarquable, une purctti et une finesse dans les esquisses, qu'on ne saurait
s'enipficher d'adiuirer; on voit, d'ailleurs, tin grand nonibrc de portraits de
rois et de princes, qui sent ^videniment faits d'apres nature.' Brasscitr de
Boiirbourg, Hist. ISat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 653-4. 'Wee sawe a Mappe of
those countreyes 30. foote long, and little lesse in breadth, made of white
cotton, wouen: wherein the whole playne was at large described.' Peter
Martyr, dec. v., lib. x., iii., v.

FEATHER-MOSAIC.

4»

of tropical birds in which the forests of the tierra
caliente abounded, chief among which were the quet-
zal, many varieties of the parrot kind, and the nuit-
zilin, or humming-bird, supplied feathers, fine and
coarse, of every desired color and shade. It was for
this use chiefly that the royal and other collections of
birds, already described, were so carefully kept. These
captive birds were plucked each year at the proj)er
season, and their plumage sorted according to color
and quality. Some shades only to be obtained from
the rarest birds, were for ordinary feather- work arti-
ficially produced by dyeing the white plumage of more
common birds.

To prepare for work the amanteca, or artist, ar-
ranged his colors in small earthen dishes within easy
reach of his hand, stretched a piece of cloth on a board
before him, and provided himself with a pot of glue
— called by Clavigero tzauhtli, — and a pair of very
delicate pincers. The design he wished to execute
was first sketched roughly on the cloth, and then with
the aid of the pincers feather after feather was taken
from its dish and glued to the canvas. The Spanish
writers marvel at the care with which this work was
done ; sometimes, they say, a whole day was consumed
in properly choosing and adjusting one delicate feather,
the artist patiently experimenting until the hue and
position of the feather, viewed from different points
and under different lights, became satisfactory to his
eye. When a large piece was to be done, many work-
men assembled, a part of the work was given to each,
and so skillfully was the task performed that the parts
rarely failed at the end to blend into an harmonious
whole; but if the effect of any part was unsatisfac-
tory it must be commenced anew. By this method a
great variety of graceful patterns were wrought, either
fanciful, or taken from natural objects, flowers, ani-
mals, and even the human face, which latter the na-
tive artists are said to have successfully portrayed.
Las Casas tells us they made these feather-fabrics so

490

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Hkillfully that they appeared of different colors accord -
in«i^ to the direction from which they were viewed.
Tiie Spaniards declare that the feather-pictures were
fully equal to the best works of European painters,
and are at a loss for words to express their admiration
of this wonderful Nahua invention ; specimens of great
beauty have also been preserved and are to be seen in
the museums. Besides mantles and other garments,
tapestry, bed-coverings, and other ornamental fabrics
for the use of the noble and wealthy classes, to which
this art was applied, the feather-mosaic was a favorite
covering for the shields and armor of noted war-
riors. By the same process masks were made repre-
senting in a manner true to nature the faces of tierce
animals; and even the whole bodies of such animals
were sometimes counterfeited, as Zuazo says, so faith-
fully as to deceive the ignorant observer. The Taras-
cos of Michoacan were reputed to be the most skillful
in feather-work.*'

The feather-workers were called amantecas from
Amantla, the name of the ward of Mexico in which

*• 'La Natura ad essi somministrava qnanti colori fa adnpcrar I'Arte, c
alcuni ancora, que esaa non b capnce d' iinitarc' The Hpecimeiis made aft(*r
the conquest were very inferior. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn,
ii., pp. 197-9. 'Hazense las mejores yniagince de phima en la prouincia
dc Mechoacan en el pueblo de Pascaro.' Acoata, Hist, de las Y'na., p. 286.
'Vi ciertos follajes, pdjaros, niariposas, abejones sobre unas varan teni-
blantes, negras 6 tan delgadas, que apenas se veian, A de tal nianera que
rcalinente se hacian vivas & los que las niiraban un poquito de lejos: todolo
dcnias que estaba cerca de las dichas ninriposas, pdjaros 6 abejones corres-
pondia naturalniente d boscajes de yerbas, ranios e ilores dc diversas colo-
res 6 fornias.' Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc, torn, i., p. 360.
'Figuras, y iniagenes de Principes, y de sua idolos, iKn vistosas, y tan acerta-
das, i^ue hazian ventaja a las pinturas Castellanus.' Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv. 'Muchas cosasde Plimva, foi; o Aves, Animales,
Hombres, y otras cosas niui delieadas, CnpaH, y Manias para cubrirse, y
vestiduras para los Sacerdotes de sub Templos, Coro.as, Mitras, Kodclas,
y Mosqueadores.' Torqnemada, Monarq. Iiid., t-sii. ii., pp. 488-9; Vetan-
evrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 59; Mendicta, Hist. Eeits., pp. 405-6; Las Casas,
Hist. Attologitica, MS., cap. Ixii. 'Acontece les no comer en todo vn dia,
poniendo, quitando y assentando la pluma, y mirando k una parte, y h otra,
al sol, a la sombra,' etc. Goinara, Cong. Mcx., fol. 116-17. Mention of the
birds which furnished bright-colored feathers. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Cong.,
fol. 68-9. ' lis en faisaient des rondaches et d'autres insignes, compris sous
le nom d' " Apanecayotl," dont rien n'approchait pour la richcsse et le iini.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. C»v., torn, i., p. 285; Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., p. 109. Mention of some specimens preserved iu
Europe. Kletnm, Cultur-Geschichte, torn, v., p. 30.

THE COUNCIL OF ARTS IN TEZCUCO.

they chiefly lived. This ward adjoined that of Poch-
tlan, where Hved the chief merchants called })ochtecas,
and the shrine of the ainantecas' god Ciotlinahuatl,
was also joined to that of the merchants' god lyacate-
cutli. The feather- workers and merchants were closely
united, there was great similarity in all their idola-
trous rites, and they often sat together at the same
banquet."

Another art, similar in its nature to that of the
feather-mosaics, was that of pasting leaves and flow-
ers upon mats so as to form attractive designs for tem-
porary use on the occasion of special festivals. The
natives made great use of these flower-pictures after
the conquest in the decoration of the churches for
Catholic holidays.**

The Nahuas kindled a fire like their more savage
brethren by friction between two pieces of wood,
achiotl being the kind of wood preferred for this pur-
pose. Boturini, followed by later writers, states that
the use of the flint was also known. Once kindled,
the fla aes were fanned by the use of a blow-pipe.
For lights, torches of resinous wo )d were employed,
especially the oeotl, which emitted a pleasing odor.
The use of wicks with oil or wax was apparently un-
known until after the coming of Europeans. Substi-
tutes for soap were found in tlie fruit of the copalxo-
cotl and root of the amolli.

All the branches of art among the Nahuas were
placed under the control of a council or academy
which was instituted to favor the development of poe-
try, oratory, history, painting, and also to some extent
of sculpture and work in gold, precious stones, and
feathers. Tezcuco was the centre of all high art and
refinement during the })aliny days of the Chichimec
empire, and retained its preeminence to a great extent
down to the coming of the Spaniards; consequently

" Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. \x., pp. 392-0.

*8 Tor^uemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 489; Vetancurt, Teatro
Mex., pt li., p. R9; Mendieict, Uist. Ecles., p. 405; Las Casas, Hist. Apolo-
gHica, MS., cap. 1.

492

T ,.ii NAHUA NATIONS.

its school of arts is better known than others that
probably existed in other cities. It was called the
Council of Music, although taking cognizance of other
arts and sciences, chiefly by controlling the education
of the young, since no teacher of arts could exercise
his profession without a certificate of his qualifications
from the council. Before the same body all pupils
must be brought for examination. TJie greatest care
was taken that no defective work of lapidary, gold-
smith, or worker in feathers should be exposed for
sale in the markets, and that no imperfectly instructed
artists should be allowed to vitiate the public taste.
But it was above all with literary arts, poetry, oratory,
and historical paintings, that this tribunal, composed
of the best talent and culture of the kingdom, had to
do, and every literary work was subject to its revision.
The members, nominated by the emperor of Tezcuco,
held daily meetings, and seats of honor were reserved
for the kings of the three allied kingdoms, although a
presiding officer was elected from the nobility with
reference to his literary acquirements. At certain
sessions of the council, poems and historical essays
were read by their authors, and new inventions were
exhibited for inspection, rich prizes being awarded for
excellence in any branch of learning.^

Speech-making is a prominent feature in the life
of most aboriginal tribes, and in their fondness for
oratory the Nahuas were no exceptions to the rule.
Many and long addresses accompanied the installa-
tion of kings and all public officers; all diplomatic
correspondence between different nations was carried
on by orators; prayers to the gods were in aboriginal
as in modern times elaborate elocutionary efftirts; the
departing and returning traveler was dismissed and
welcomed with a speech; condolence for misfortune
and congratulation for success were expressed in pub-

» Veytin, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, iii., pp. 201-3; Torquemada, Monarq.
Iml., toiii. i., p. 147; Jxllilxoc/utl, Ilist. Chich., in Kingsborough^s Mcx.
Antiq., vol. ix., p. 244.

ORATORY AND POESY.

lie and private by the friends most skillful in the art
of speaking; social intercourse in feasts and banquets
was but a succession of speeches; and parents even
employed long- discourses to impart to their children
instruction and advice. Consequently children were
instructed at an early age in the art of public speak-
ing; some were even specially educated as orators.
They were obliged to commit to memory, and taught
to repeat as declamations, the speeches of their most
famous ancestors, handed down from father to son for
many generations. Specimens of the orations de-
livered by Nahua speakers on dift'erent occasions are
so numerous in this and the following volume, that
the reader may judge for himself respecting their
merit. It is impossible, however, to decide how far
these compositions have been modified in passing
through Spanish hands, although it is probable, ac-
cording to the judgment of the best critics, that they
retain much of the original spirit of their reputed
authors.**

Poets, if somewhat less numerous, were no less
honored than orators. Their compositions were also
recited, or sung, before the Council of Music in Tez-
cuco, and the most talented bards were honored with
prizes. The heroic deeds of warlike ancestors, national
annals and traditions, praise of the gods, moral les-
sons drawn from actual events, allegorical produc-
tions with illustrations drawn IVom the beauties of
nature, and even love and tiio chmns ot" woman were
the common themes. The cnijieror Nezahualeoyotl,
the protector and promoter of all tlie arts and sci-
ences, was himself a poet of groat renown. Several

" ' Av^-e^achfe i lor |)iu cclcbri Aringutori nou siciio da parii<;i>imrsi
co}?li Oraton dclle Xuzioni culte doU'Europii, \ioii piifi pcraltro lU'j^ai'Mi, olio
i loro ra(;ioiiaiiieiiti itoii fosscro };™vi, sodi, cd eleganti, come si kcoivc dagli
avaiixi elie ci restano della loro eloiiiuMi/a.' Clavigrro, Sfon'a Aiif. ad Mrs-
nico, torn, ii., yv '7 -5. 'Lcs rai»<oiuiciiiont8 y sont graves, los ar{L;iiiuciitH
Bididca, et pleii;. • .('"anct-.' Brassi'iir de liourbourg, Hint. Xnf. Civ., toni.
iii., p. 672; Prcsr.ott'.i Mex., vol. i., pp. 172-.S. Moiiteziinia's sncfcli to Tor-
tds, 111 Ovicdo, Jlist. GfU., toiii. iii., i)p. 285-0. 'Tliu Spaniards have ffivcii
us nuiny fine polished Indian oratioiis, but they weru certainly fabricated
at Madrid.' Adair, Aiiier. I ml., p. •202.

494

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

of his compositions, or fragments of such, },".ve been
preserved ; that is, the poems were written from mem-
ory in Aztec with Koman letters after the conquest,
and translated into Spanish by Ixtlilxochitl, a lineal
descendant of the royal poet. They have also been
translated into other languages by various authors.
The following will serve as specimens.'^

SONO OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL, KING OF TEZCUCO; ON THE MUTABILITY

OF LIFE.

Now will I sing for a moment,
Since time and occasion offer,
And I trust to be lienrd with favor
If my effort proveth deserving;
Wherefore thus I begin my singing,
Or rather my lamentotion.

O thou, my friend, and beloved.
Enjoy the sweet flowers I bring thee;
Let us be joyful together
And banish each care and each forrow;
' For although life's pleasures are. fleeting,
Life's bitterness also mu£t leave us.

I will strike, to help me in singing.

The instrument deep and sonorous;

Dance thou, while enjoying these flowers.

Before the great Lord who is mighty ;

Let us grasp the sweet things of the present,

For the life of a man is soon over.

Fair Acolhuacdn thou hast chosen

As thy dwelling-place and thy palace;

Thou hast set up thy royal throne there,

With thine own hand hast thou enriched it;

Wherefore it seems to Ik; certain

That thy kingdom shall prosper and flourish .

'I Four poems or fragments are given in Spanish in Kingshoronf/h's
Mcx. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 110-15. No. 1 has for its subject the tyrant Te-
zozomoc; No. 2 is an ode on the mutability of life; No. 3 is an oilc recited
at a feast, comparing the ^reat kings of Anahuac to precious stones; No. 4
was composed for the dedication of the author's palace and treats of the un-
satisfactory nature of earthly honors. Nos. 2 and 3 arc also found in Doc.
I fist. Mcx., serie iii., torn, iv., pp. 286-93. No. 2 is given in PrescofCa
Max., vol. iii., pp. 425-30, in Spanish and English verse. A French trans-
lation of No. 1 is given by Brasseur do Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. C'ii:, torn,
iii., pp. 672-4, who also gives an additional specimen from Carochi's
grammar, in Aztec and Spanish. Nos. 1, 2, and 4 in French, in Bu.s,ti'Tre,
L' Empire Mex., pp. 411-17. No. 4 is to be found in Granados y Galvcz,
Tarda Aincr., pp. 90^. Nos. 1 and 4, in German, in Midler, Reisen, torn,
iii., pp. 138-41, where are also two additional odes. No. 2 is also given in
German by Klemm, CtUtur-Geschichfn, tom. v., pp. 146-61.

NEZAHUALCOYOTL'S ODES.

495

3en

sm-

3St,

leal
3en
|)rs.

Uty

And thou, wise Prince Oyojrotzin,
Mighty monarcli, und King without equal,
Rejoice in the beauty of Hpring-time,
Be happy while spring abides with thee,
For the day creepeth nearer and nearer
When thou shalt seek joy and not find it.

A day when dark Fate, the destroyer.
Shall tear from thine hand the proud sceptre,
When the moon of thy glory shall lensen,
Thy pride and thy strength be diminished.
The spoil from thy servants be taken.
Thy kingdom and honor go from thee.

Ah, then in this day of great sorrow

The lords of thy line will lie mournful,

The princes of might will be downcast,

Tlic pride of high birth will avail not;

When thou, their great Head, hast liccn smitten

The pains of grim Want will assail them.

Then with bitterness will they remember
The glory and fame of thy greatness.
Thy triuiDPhs so worthy of envy.
Until, while comparing the present
With years that are gone now forever,
Their tears shall be more than the ocean.

The vassals that cluster about thee

And arc us a crown to thy kingdom.

When thine arm doth no lonj^er uphold them.

Will suffer the fate of the exile;

In strange lands their pride will be humbled.

Their rank and their name be forgotten.

Tl'.i ttiiiie of the race that is mighty,

A'l') w ;Ttliy a thousand fair kingdoms,

Wii? \uA 1. 1 the future be heeded;

T'le imli U18 will only remember

The j':".ice with which they were governed

III Ui? vears when the kingdom was threefold.

lu M- -'ico 7)r<»udest of cities.

Reign cu lie mighty and bruve Montezuma,

Nezahualcoyotl, the just one

Of blest Culhiiaciin wus the monarch,

To strong Totoqull fell the ])ortion

Of Acatlapdn, the third kingdom.

But yet thou shalt not be forgotten.

Nor the good thou hast ever accomplished;

Fo.-, is not the throne that thou fillest

The gift of the god without equal,

I'he mighty Creator of all thiiifjs,

V,:e maker of Kings and of Princes?

496

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Nezahualcoyotl, be happy

With the pleasant things that thou knowest,

Rejoice in the lieautiful garden,

\yreatlie thy front with a garland of floweni,

Give heed to my song and my music.

For I care but to pleasure thy fancy.

The sweet things of life are but shadows;
The triumphs, ihe honors, what are they
But dreams that arc idle and last not
Though clothed in a semblance of being?
And so great is the truth that I utter,
I pray thee to answer this question.

Cihuapdn, the valiant, "i -^ '= he.
And QuauhtzintecomtKih, o'^ity.

The great Cohualuiatzin, >> .;ro they?

They are dead, and have lei; i no token.
Save their names, and the fame of their valor;
They are gone from this world to another.

I wo\ild that those living in friendship.
Whom the thread of strong love doth encircle.
Could see the sharp sword of the Death-god.
For, verily, pleasure is fleeting.
All sweetness must change in the future.
The good things of life are inconstant.

ODE ON THE TYRANT TEZOZOMOC BY NEZAHUALCOYOTL THE KINO.

Give ear unto the lamentation which I, Nezahualcoyotl the King, make
within myself for the fate of the Empire, and set forth for an example unto
others.

O King, unstable and restless, when thou art dead then shall thy people
Im3 overthrown and confcmnded; thy place shall l>e no more; the Creator,
the All-powerful shall reign.

Who could have thought, having seen the palaces and the court, the
glory and the power of the old King Tezozomoc, that these things could
have an end? Yet have they withered and perished. Verily, life giveth
naught but disappointment and vexation; all that is, wcareth out and pass-
eth away.

Who will not Imj sorrowful at the remembrance of the ancient splendor
of this tyrant, this withered old man; who, like a thirsty willow, nourished
by the nu>isturc of his ambition and avarice, lorded it over the lowly mead-
ows and flowery fields while spring-time lasted, but at length, dried up and
decayed, the storms of winter tore him up by the roots and scattered him
in pieces upon the ground.

Itut now, with tliis mournful song, I bring to mind the things that flour-
ish for an hour, and jircsent, in the fate of Tezozomoc, an example of the
brevity of human greatness. Who, that listens to me, can retrain from
weeping? Verily, the enjoyments and pleasures of life are as a Iwuquet of
flowers, that is passed from hand to hand until it fades, withers, and is dead.

Hearken unto me, ye sons of kings and of princes, take good heed and
ponder the theme of niy mournful song, the things that flourish for an hour,
and the end of the King Tezozomoc. Who is he, I say again, that can hear
me and not weej)? Verily, the enjoyments and pleasures of life are as a
handful of flowers, blooming fur a space, but soon withered and dead.

AZTEC ARITHMETICAL SYSTEM.

497

Let the joyous birds sing on and rejoice in the beauty of spring, and the
butterflies enjoy the lioney and perfume of the flowers, for lite is as a ten-
der plant that is plucked and withereth away.

Granados tells us that Nezahualcoyotl's poems were
all in iambic verse, resembling in style the works of
Manilius, Seneca, Pomponius, Euripides, and Lilius.
In one of his songs he compared the shortness of life
and of its pleasures with the fleeting bloom of a
flower, so pathetically as to draw tears from the au-
dience, as Clavigero relates. Ixtlilxochitl narrates
that a prisoner condemned to death obtained pardon
by reciting a poem before the king. There is not
much evidence that verses were ever written in rhyme,
but the authors say that due attention was paid to
cadence and metre, and that some unmeaning syllables
were added to certain lines to accommodate the meas-
ure. By their system of combination a single word
often suflSced for a line in the longest measure.
Many of their poetical compositions were intended for
the dramatic representations which have been spoken
of elsewhere.**

The Nahua system of numeration was very simple
and comprehensive, there being no limit to the num-
bers that could be expressed by it. The following
table wilS give a clear idea of the method as em-
ployed l>y the Aztecs:

One, ce, or cetu

Two, otne.

Three, yey, or ei.

Four, nahui.

Five, maciUlli, — signifying the 'clenched hand,' one finger having been

originally doubled, ns is ujpposcd, Tot each unit in

counting from one to five.

»« Boturini, Idea, pp. 90-7. The language of their poetry was brilliant,
pure, and agreeable, ngurutiye, and cniljollislicd with frequent comparisons
to the most pleasing objects in nature. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom.j'i., pp. 174-6. Nezahualcoyotl left sixty hymns composed in honor of

the Creator of Heaven. Id., torn, i., pp. 232, 246-7; Pimentd, Mem. xobte
la Baza Indi^ena, pp. 57-9; PrescotfsMex., vol. i., pp. 108, 171-5; Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 639-40. 'Cantauan lamentaciones, y
endechas. Tenian pronosticos, especialmente que se aula de acabar el
mundo, y los cantauan lastimosamente: y tambien tenian memoria de bus
grandczas, en cantares ypinturas.* Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi.,
cap. xvi.; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., ia Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol.
ix., p. 275.

Vol. II. 33

498

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

8ix, chico a ee.

Seven, chic ome.

Eight, chico ey.

Nine, chico nahui, - These names from six to nine are simply those
from one to four, with a prefix whose meaning is not
altogether clear, but which is said to be composed of
chico, 'at one side,' and ihitan or huan, meaning
'near another,' 'with,' or simply 'and.' These names
may conse(]^uently be interpreted perhaps, 'one side
(or nand) with one,' 'one hand with two,' etc., or one
two, etc., 'with the other side.'

Ten, tnatlactli — that is the upper part of the body, or all the fingers of
the hands.

Eleven, matlactli oc ce, ten and one.

Twelve, matlactli om ome, ten and two.

Thirteen, matlactli om ey, ten and three.

Fourteen, mMtlacili o nahui, ten and four.

In these names oc, om, o, or on as Molina gives it,
seems to be used as a connective particle, equivalent
to 'and,' but I am not ac(^uaintcd with its derivation.

Fifteen, caxtolli, a word to which the authorities give no derivative mean-
ing.

Sixteen, caxtolli oc ee, fifteen and one, etc.

Twenty, ccm j/ohualli, ouce twenty.

The vord pohuulU means 'a count,' the number
twenty being in a sense the foundation of the whole
numerical system.

Twenty-one, cem pohualli oc ce, once twenty and one, etc.

Thirty, cem pohualli, ihuan (or om as Molina has it) matlactli, once twenty
and ten.

Thirty-five, cem pohualli ihuan (or on) caxtolli, once twenty and fifteen,
etc.

Forty, ome pohualli, twice twenty, etc.

One "hundred, macuil pohualli, five times twenty.

Two hundred, matlactli pohualli, ten times twenty.

Four hundred, cen tzontlt, once four hundred, 'the hair of the head.'

Eight hundred, ome tzontli, twice four hundred.

One thousand, ome tzontli ihuan matlactli pohualli, twice four hundred
and ten times twenty.

Eight thousand, xiquipilli, a purse or sack, already mentioned as contain-
ing eight thousand cacao-nibs.

Sixteen thousand, ome xiquipilli, twice eight thousand.

It will be seen from the table that the only num-
bers having simple names are one, two, three, four,
five, ten, fifteen, twenty, four hundred, and eight
thousand; all the rest are compounds of these con-
structed on the principle that when the smaller num-
ber follows the larger the sum of the two is expressed,
but when the smaller precedes the larger, their prod-
uct is indicated. Molina and Leon y Gama are the
chief authorities on the Nahua arithmetical system.
All the writers agree perfectly respecting its details,
but difier considerably in orthography. Molina writes

SYSTEM OF NUMERATION.

489

each compound name together as a single word, while
Gaina often separates a word into its parts as I have
done in every case, following his spelling.

The manner in which the numbers were written
was as simple as the system itself. A point or small
circle indicated a unit, and these points sufficed for
the numbers from one to nineteen. Twenty was in-
dicated by a flag, four hundred by a feather, and eight
thousand by a purse. One character placed above
another indicated that the product was to be taken;
for instance, 160,000 might be expressed either by
twenty purses, or by a flag over a purse. To avoid
the excessive use of the unit points in writing large
and fractional numbers, each flag, feather, and purse
was divided into four quarters, and only those quar-
ters which were colored were to be counted. Thus
five might be expressed by five points or by a flag
with but one quarter colored; three hundred and
fifty-six would be indicated by a feather with three
quarters colored, two complete flags, three quarters
of another flag, and one point.

We have seen that twenties were used, much as
dozens are by us, as the foundation of all numeration,
but strangely enough these twenties took difierent
names in counting different classes of articles. The
regular name, as given in the table, is pohualH; in
counting sheets of paper, tortillas, small skins, and
other thin objects capable of being packed one above
another in small parcels, each twenty was c.iUed pilli;
in counting cloths and other articles usually formed
into large rolls, quiinilli was the name applied to
twenty; and in counting persons, lines, walls, and
other things ranged in order, the term tecpantli was
sometimes employed. In reckoning birds, eggs, fruits,
seeds, and round or plump objects, generally tetl, 'a
stone,' was affixed to each one of the numerals in the
table ; pantli was in the same way added for objects
arranged in regular order, and also for surface meas-
urements; tlamantli likewise was joined to the nu-

soo

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

merals for articles sold in pairs or sets, as shoes,
dishes, etc.; while ears of corn, cacao in bunches, and
other bulky articles required the termination olotl.

Among all the Nahua nations, so far as known,
the arithmetical system was practically the same, and
was essentially decimal. Nearly all gave great prom-
inence to the number twenty; the Huastec lan-
guage had simple names for the numbers from one to
ten, twenty, and one thousand ; the Otomi approached
still nearer our modern system by making one hun-
dred also one of its fundamental numbers with an
uncompounded name as well as a compounded one.''

Astrology, soothsaying, the interpretation of dreams,
and of auguries such as the flight or song of birds,
the sudden meeting of wild animals, or the occurrence
of other unlooked-for events, were regarded by the
Nahuas as of the greatest importance, and the prac-
tice of such arts was entrusted to the tonalpouhqui,
'those who count by the sun,' a class of men held in
high esteem, to whom was attributed a perfect knowl-
edge of future events. We have seen that no under-
taking, public or private, of any importance, could be
engaged in except under a suitable and propitious sign,
and to determine this sign the tonalpouhqui was ap-
pealed to. The science of astrology was written down
in books kept with great secrecy and mystery, alto-
gether unintelligible to the common crowd, whose
good or bad fortune was therein supposed to be painted.
The details of the methods employed in the mysterious
rites of divination are nowhere recorded, and the con-
tinual mention of the seer's services throughout the
chapters of this and the following volume render this
paragraph on the subject sufficient here.

In addition to the miscellaneous arts described in
the preceding pages, separate chapters will be devoted

** Molina, Vocabulario; Leon y Gatna, Dos Piedras, pt ii., pp. 128-47;
Soc. Mex, Geog., Bolvtin, 2da ^poca, torn, iv., Sept., 1872; Gallatin, in
Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 49-57; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la
Raza Indigena, pp. 45-7; Prescotft Mex., vol. i., pp. 10&-10.

AUTHORITIES ON NAHUA ARTS.

601

to the Nahua calendar, hieroglyphics, architecture,
and medicine.**

^ My authorities for the matter in this chapter are: Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., torn, ii., lib. ix., pp. 282-337, 387-96, torn, iii., lib. x., pp. 107-12,
117-18, 122, 131, 137; Las Caaaa, Hist. Apohaetica, MS., cap. 1., Ixii-lxiii.,
Ixv., cxxi., cxxxii., clxxii., ccxi. ; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 403-7; Cortts,
Cartas, pp. 29-34, 94, 100-1, 109, 183, 192; Acosta, Hist, de Itu Ynd., pp.
198, 286, 324; Vetanevrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., pp. 59-60; Beaumont, Crdn.
JdecAoacan, MS., pp. 48-50; Boturini, Idea, p|>. 77-8, 90-7; Peter Martyr,
dec. iv., lib. iv., oec. v., lib. i-v., x., dec. viii., lib. iv.; Gomara, Conq.
Mex., fol. 39, 42, 60-2, 75, 116-18, 135-6, 318, 324-5, 342-3; Duran, Hist
Indias, MS., torn, i., cap. iii.; Leony Gama, Dos Piedras, ptii., pp. 26,
128-47; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn. L, pp. 232, 245-7, torn, ii.,
pp. 174-8, 189-99, 205-10, 224-8, torn, iv., pp. 210-11, 232, 239; Torque-
mada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., pp. 37, 72, 146-7, 168, 228-31, torn, ii., pp.
263, 486-90, 657-8; Ixtlilxochitl , Hist. Chieh., in Kingshorough's Mex. An-
tig., vol ix., pp. 243-4, 264; Id., Belaciones, pp. 327, 332, 440-1, 455; Herrera,
Uist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. iv., v., lib. vi., cap. xi., xvi., lib. vii.,
cap. iL, vii., ix., xv., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.; Camargo, Hist. Tlax.,
in Nouvelles Annates lies Voy., 1843, torn, xcviii., p. 133; Tezozomoc, Crd-
nica Mex., in Kingshorough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 17, 41, 46, 49, 64,
171; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, i., pp. 620-1, 626-8, 533, torn, iii., pp. 269,
272, 285-92, 298-300, 305, 464-5, 499; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., torn, i., pt
ii., foL 156, 160-1; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 26-7, 68-9; Veytia, Hist
Ant Mej., torn, i., pp. 154, 238, 252-3, torn, iii., pp. 201-3, 319; Zuazo,
Carta, in leazbaleeta. Col. de Doc, torn. »-, PP- 360-2; Diaa, Itinerario, in
Id., p. 299; Belacion de Algunas Cosas, in la., pp. 378-9; Motolinia, Hist.
Indios, in Id., pp. 204, 211; Hernandez, Nova Plant, p. 339; Granados
y Galvez, Tariles Amer., pp. 90-4; PrescotVs Mex., vol. i., pp. 99-100,
108-10, 138-45, 170-5, vol. lii., pp. 425-30; E\obank, in Schoolcraft's Arch.,
vol. iv., pp. 44-56; Miiller, Reinen, torn, iii., pp. 125-8, 134; Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist Mex., torn, i., pp. 62, 9f 02, 378, 431-2, 498, 588-9, 638-
40, 652-3, 657-60, 666-7, 682-3, i^ax. ii., pp. 60, 69-70, 74, 103-4, 198, 230-1;
Soe. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ^poca, torn, i., p. 721, torn, iv., Sept. 1872;
Bosny, inComiti d^Arch. Ain^r., 1866-7, pp. 15-16; Gallatin, in Amer. Eth-
no. Soc, Transact, vol. i., pp. 49-57; Tytor's Researches, pp. 165, 194, 201,

Bosny, inComiti d^Arch. Ainir., 1866-7, pp. 15-16; Gallatin, in Amer. Eth-
no. Soc, Transact, vol. i., pp. 49-57; Tytor's Researches, pp. 165, 194, 201,
267; Id. Anahuae, pp. 95-101, 107-9; Humboldt, Essai Pot., torn, ii., pp.

454, 486; Carli, Cartas, pt ii., pp. 94-7; Lenoir, ParalUle, pp. 48, 56, 62,
64-5; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat Civ., torn, i., pp. 130, 271-2, 286-
6, 288, torn, iii., pp. 648-54, 672-4; Id., in Nouvelles Annates des Voy., 1858,

torn, clix., pp. 77-86; Pimentel, Mem. sohre la Baza Indigena, pp. 44-7, 64-
9; Cavo, Tres Sighs, torn, iii., p. 49; Viollet-le-Duc, in Charnay, Buines
Amir., pp. 86-7; BrowneWs Ind. Baces, p. 94; Edinburgh Beview, .July,
1S67; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, torn, v., pp. 13-20, 24, 26-32, 144-61,
162-3, 181; Baril, Jfextoue, pp. 209-10; Busaierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 168-
72, 244, 270, 411-17; KingsborougKs Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 110-15;
West-Indische Spieghcl, pp. 218, 220, 225 6, 238-9, 246, 250-1, 343; Chevalier,
Mex, Anden et Mod., pp. 19, 28, 36-7; Mill's Hist Mex., p. 150; Herredin
y Sarmiento, Sermon, pp. 73, 83; Gage's New Survey, pp. 110-11; Lafond,
Voyages, torn, i., pp. 161-2; Touron, Hist. Gin., torn, iii., pp. 142, 146;
Fransham's World in Miniature, vol. ii., p. 9; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld,
pp. 221-2; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 248-50; Malte-Brun, Pricis de laGiog.,
torn, vi., pp. 435, 456; Dupaix, Bel., 2de Expid., pp. 25,28; Soden, Spanie-
in Peru, torn, ii., pp. 27-9; Wappdus, Geog. u. Stat, p. 47; Monglave, Bt
sumi, pp. 43, 52, 57; Delaporte, Beisen, torn, x., p. 268; Gordon, Hist,
and Geog. Mem., p. 76; Helps' Span. Conq., voL ii., pp. 268-9, 450; Alzatt
y Bamirez, Mem. sobre Grana., MS.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE AZTEC CALENDAR.

Astronomical Knowledge op the Aztecs— Contradictions of Au-
thors RESPECTING THE CALENDAR— VALUE OF THE RESEARCHES OF

Various Writers— The First Regular Calendar— The Mexi-
can Cycle— The Civil Year— The Aztec Months— Names of the
Days and their Signification— The Commencement of the Az-
tec Year— The Ritual Calendar— Gama's Arrangement of
THE Months— The Calendar-Stone— The Four Destructions
OF THE World— The Calendar of Michoacan— Reckoning of
the Zapotecs.

Perhaps the strongest proof of the advanced civili-
zation of the Nahuas was their method of computing-
time, which, for ingenuity and correctness, equaled,
if it did not surpass, the systems adopted by contem-
poraneous European and Asiatic nations.

The Nahuas were well acquainted with the move-
ments of the sun and moon, and even of some of the
planets, while celestial phenomena, such as eclipses,
although attributed to unnatural causes, were never-
theless carefully observed and recorded. They had,
moreover, an accurate system of dividing the day into
fixed periods, corresponding somewhat to our hours;
indeed, as the learned Sr Leon y Gama has shown,
the Aztec calendar-stone which was found in the
plaza of the city of Mexico, was used not only as a
durable register, but also as a sun-dial.

(803)

THE AZTEC CALENDAR.

608

Although the system of the Aztec calendar as a
whole is clear and easily understood, yet it is ex-
tremely difficult to describe with certainty many of
its details, owing to the contradictory statements of
nearly all the earlier writers, who visited Mexico and
there in different localities picked up scraps of what
they afterwards described as being the 'calendar of
the Mexicans,' not taking into consideration that the
many and distinct kingdoms surrounding the Aztec
territory, although using essentially the same sys-
tem, differed on many important points, such as the
names of years, months, days, the season of begin-
ning the year, etc. This difficulty increases when we
attempt to make Mexican dates agree with our own.
Even Boturini, who gathered his information in Mex-
ico, makes many mistakes ; and Veytia, although we
must accord him the credit of having thoroughly
studied the subject, and of having reduced it to a
clear system, is at fault in many points. Of the older
writers, such as Sahagun, Las Casas, Duran, Moto-
linia, and others, no one is explicit enough on all
points to enable us to follow him; and such details
as they unite in giving are mostly contradictory.
Torquemada, who draws a great portion of his ma-
terial from Motolinia, contradicts himself too fre-
quently to be reliable. Leon y Gama, although he
spent much labor in trying to clearly expound the
system, has also fallen into some errors, attributable,
perhaps, to his not having the valuable aid of Saha-
gun's writings, and to his having placed too much trust
in the writings of Torquemada and the manuscript of
the Indian Cri8t6bal del Castillo, as is shown in the
review of Gama's work by Sr Josd Antonio Alzate in
the Gacetas de Literatura. Baron von Humboldt's
description, valuable as it is on account of the ex-
tended comparisons which he draws between the
Mexican, Asiatic and Egyptian calendars, is on that
account too intricate to be easily understood. From
all these descriptions Gallatin, McCuUoh, and Muller,

604

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

with perhaps a few others, have each given us a very
good rdsumd, but without attempting to reconcile all
the contradictions.

The first notice we have of any regular calendar is
given by Ixtlilxochitl, who states that in the year
5097 from the creation of the world, an assembly of
learned men met at the city of Huehuetlapallan, and
determined the reckoning of the years, days, and
months, leap years and intercalary days, in the order
in which they were found at the time of the con-
quest* Previous to this time it is said that the only
reckoning kept was regulated by the yearly growth
of the fresh grass and herbs from which the name of
the Mexican year xihuitl, 'new grass,' is derived. It
is also said that a rough computation of time was
made by the moon, from its appearance to its disap-
pearance, and that this period called metztli, 'the
moon,' was divided into two equal parts, named re-
spectively mextozolitzli, the time when the moon was
awake or visible, and mecochiliztli, the sleep of the
moon, or the time when it was invisible.' Of the
larger divisions of time, accounts are very conflicting.
Two, three, four, and five ages are said by various
writers to have existed, at the end of each of which
the world was said to have been destroyed, and re-
created at the beginning of the age next following.
The common aboriginal belief was, however, that at
the time of the conquest, the world had passed
through three ages, and was then in the fourth. The
first age, or 'sun,' as it is also called, was the Sun of
Water, atonatiuh; the second, the Sun of Earth, tlal-
chitouatiuh; the third, the Sun of Air, ehecatonatiuh.^

^Ixtlilxochitl, Selaeiones, in Kingsborflugh's Mex. Antiq., torn, ix., p.
322. 'En un ailo qtie fu6 sefialado con el geroglifico de un pedcrnal, que
xegun las tablas parece haber sido el de 3^1 oel mundo, se convoco una

Kran junta de astr61ogoB para hacer la corrccion de bu calendario y re-

formar bus c6mputos, que conocian errados segim el sistema que hosta en-
tdnccs habian seguido. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., toni. i., p. 32.

«M, pp. 31-2.

' Ixtlilxochitl,^ Hist. Chich., in KinfjsborougKs Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
205; Id., Relaciones, in Id., pp. 331-2, 459; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in

THE MEXICAN CYCLE.

606

This is about all we know of any division of time,
before the assembly at Huehuetlapallan which is said
to have introduced the regular calendar.

The Mexican calendar contains the following divi-
sions of time: The 'age,' consisting of two periods of
fifty-two years each, was called huehuetiliztli; the
'cycle,' consisting of four periods of thirteen years each,
was named xiuhmolpilli, xiuhmolpia or xiuhtlalpilli,
meaning the 'binding up of the years.' Each period
of thirteen years or, as it was called by the Spanish
historians, 'indiccion,' was known as a tlalpilli, or 'knot,'
and, as stated above, each single year was named xi-
huitl, or 'new grass.' The age was not used in the
regular reckoning, and is only rarely mentioned to
designate a long space of time. The numeral pre-
fixed to the name of any year in the cycle, or xiuh-
molpilli, never exceeded four, and to carry out this
plan, four signs, respectively named tochtli, 'rabbit,'
calli, 'house,' tecpatl, 'flint,' and acatl, 'cane,' were
used. Thus the Aztecs commenced to count the
first year of their first cycle with the name or hiero-
glyphic Ce Tochtli, meaning 'one (with the sign of)
rabbit;' and the second year was Ome Acatl, 'two,
cane;' the third, Yey Tecpatl, 'three, flint;' the fourth,
Nahui Calli, 'four, house;' the fifth, Macuilli Tochtli,
'five, rabbit;' the sixth, Chicoace Acatl, 'six, cane;'

Nouvellea Annales des Voy., 1843, torn, xcix., p. 132; Ternnux-Compana,
in Id., 1840, torn. Ixxxvi., pp. 5-6; Boturini, idea, p. 3; Cladf/cro, Storia
Anl. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 57; Brasseur de Bourbourg, S'il existe dea
Sourcea de Vllist. Prim., pp. 26-7; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice
Mexicano (Vaticano), in Kingaborough'a Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 164-7;
Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Rcmensis, in Id., pp. 134-6. 'Cinco

Soles que son edadcs el primer Sol se pcrdiopor agua El segiindo Sol

perecio cayendoel cielosobre la tierra El Sol tercero falto y se consuniio

por fuego. . . .El quarto Sol fcnccio con aire Del ^uinto Sol, que al pre-

sente tienen.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 297. 'Le ciel et la terre s'etaient
faits, quatre fois.' Codex Chimalpopoca, in Brasaeur de Bonrbmtrg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., torn, i., p. 53. 'Creyeron que el Sol liabia muerto cuatro veces,
6 que hubo cuatro soles, que habian acabado en otros tantos ticnipos 6
cdades; y que el quinto sol era el que actualmente les alumbraba.' Leon y
Gama, Dos Piedra.i, pt i., p. 94. 'Hubo cinco soles en los tiempos pasa-
dos.' Mendieta, Hist. Eclea., p. 81, repeated lit«rally by Torqiicmada, Mo-
narq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 79; Humboldt, Viiea, torn, ii., pp. 118-29; Gallatin,
in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Tranaact., vol. 1., p. 325; Midler, Amerikanische
Urreliyionen, pp. 610-12.

506

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

the seventh, Chicome Tecpatl, 'seven, flint ;' the eighth,
Chico ey Calli, 'eight, house;' the ninth, Chico nahui
Tochtli, 'nine, rabbit;' the tenth, Matlactli Acatl, 'ten,
cane;' the eleventh, Matlactli occe Tecpatl, 'eleven,
flint;' the twelfth, Matlactli omome Calli, 'twelve,
house;' and the thirteenth, Matlactli omey Tochtli,
'thirteen, rabbit.' This numeration continued in the
same manner, the second tlalpilli commencing again
with 'one, cane,' the third tlalpilli with 'one, flint,'
the foarth with 'one, house,' and so on to the end
of the cycle of fifty-two years. It will easily be seen
that during the fifty-two years none of these four
signs could be accompanied by the same number
twice, and therefore no confusion could arise. Instead,
therefore, of saying au event happened in the year
1850, as we do in our reckoning, they spoke of it as
happening, for instance, in the year of 'three, rabbit'
in the twelfth cycle.* Still, some confusion has been
caused among different writers by the fact that the
different nations of Andhuac did not all commence
their cycles with the same hieroglyphic sign. Thus
the Toltecs commenced with the pign tecpatl, 'flint;'
and the Mexicans, or Aztecs, with tochtli, 'rabbit;'
while some again used acatl, 'cane;' and others calli,
'house,' as their first name," A cycle was represented
in their paintings by the figures of tochtli, acatl, tec-
patl, and calli, repeated each thirteen times and placed
in a circle, round which was painted a snake holding
its tail in its mouth, and making at each of the four
cardinal points a kink with its own body, as shown in
the plate on the opposite page, which served to divide

* Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 296-7; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib.
vi., pp. 256-7; Acosfa, Hist, de las Yud., pp. 397-8; Leon y Gaina, Dos Pie-
dras, pt i., p. 16 et seq. ; Vci/tii^, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, i., p. 42 et seq.

* 'No todos cuineiixabaii d contnr e! ciclo por uii misino nflo: los tnltc-
cos lo empezalMin desde Tccjmtl; lots de Tcotiliuocaii dcmlc Calli: los iiioxi-
canoB desde Tochtli: y los tczcocanos dcstle Aratl.^ Lron y Gama, Dos
Pitdraa, pt i., p. 16; Peytia, Hist. Ant. Mef., toni. i., p. 58. 'So Iwgftiiiioii
die Aciilhuns von Texcoco iliro Uniliinfe nut dcni Zoichcn Cc Tecpatl, die
Mexicaner dogc^en im Co Tochtli.' Miiller, Beisen, t lUi. iii., p. 66; Botu-
rini, Idea, p. 125.

PAINTING OF THE AZTEC CYCLE.

607

The Aztec Cycle.

the cycle into four tlalpillis.* These four signs, rahbit,
cane, flint, and house were also, aceordini}^ to Botu-
rini, used to desij^nate the four seasons of the year,
the four cardinal points, and lastly, the four elements.
Thus, for instance, tecpatl also sii^niKed south ; calli,
east; tochtli, north; and acatl, west. In the same

'Esto circulo rodoinlose dividiii en niiitni jmrtcs. . . Lti primera parte
que i)ertoneciaii Oricntc lluiiialmiile lim trcce anim do Iuh canaH, y axi on cada
t'usa dc> Ids treco tcnian iiintada iinucana, y el niiniem d'.-'. unoforriontc. . . .
La HCKunda ]iartc aplicatian al Hcptentriui;. i|iie era do otraH trot-o ciisas, d
laM ctialex llaniatMn Ian trccc coHaH del |)crterr.:;i ; y axi teniar. pintadn eii

eada caMi un i>odcrnal A la tereera parte Occidental, llanialMinIc las

troce casas, y aMi vrrdnios en cada parte do las trecc una oaNilla pintada

A la cuartA y lUtinm parte niie era de otms trccc aflot, llaiiialHinIa Ioh treco
casas del concjo; y atii en caila cafui dc aqncllas vert'nioH pintada una calic/^i
dc coiiejo.' Duran, Hist. //t</«a«,MS., tow. iii., u)>iH>ndix, cap. i.

608

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

manner tecpatl was used to designate fire; calli,
earth; tochtli, air; and acatl, water.'

The civil year was again divided into eighteen
month and five days. Each mc th had its particular
name, but the five extra days were only designated
as nemontemi or 'unlucky days,' and children born at
this time, or enterprises undertaken, were considered
unlucky. In hieroglyphical paintings these months
were also placed in a circle, in the middle of which a
face, representing either the sun or moon, was paint-
ed. This circle was called a xiuhtlapohualli, or 'count
of the year.' Concerning the order in which these
months followed one another, and the name of the
first month, hardly two authors agree; in the same
manner we find three or four various names given to
many of the months. It would appear reasonable to
suppose that the month immediat'^ly following the ne-
montemi, which were always added at the end of the
year, would be the first, and the only difficulty here
is to know which way the Aztecs wrote; whether
from right to left or from left to right. On the circle
of the month given by Veytia, and supposed to have
been copied from an original, these five days are in-
serted between the months Panquetzaliztli and Ate-
moztli, and counting from left to right, this would
make Atemoztli the first month, which would agree
with Veytia's statement. But Gama and others de-
cidedly dissent from this opinion, and name other
months as the first. I reserve further consideration
of this subject for another place in this chapter, where
in connection with other matters it can be more clearly
discussed, and content myself with simply inserting
here a table of the names of the months as enumer-
ated by the principal authors, in order to show at a

1- ■

1 .
1.

jr
II.

T (JemclH Carcri gives thonc naincB in a different order, ci llinc tochtli
south, acatl cast, t«cpatl mirth, and calli went; further, tichtli earth,
acatl water, tecpatl air, and calli fire. Gcmelli Carcri, in Chn.-chilVa Col.
Voyages, vol. iv., pp. 487-8; lioturitii. Idea, pp. 64-6. The ahove are
only figurative names, .-vs the words for the cnniinal points and also for
the elements ore entirely different in the Mexican language.

lit

TO VARIOUS

11.

OchpulzUl

PacbtU, or He-

(OZtli.

Ochpaniztli

Ochpanlztly

Ochpaniztl ,
Vchpanlztll.

(ohpanlztU.

»C»itll

achtli, or He-

IDZtU.

l^eytecuilbuUl .
Hey Tecuilhuitl
<|ip»Dlztll . . .

Teo4

sicailbnltzintli
t Tlaxochima
).

(^panltztli.

ttll, or Ezoz-
or Teotleco.

iltl

tniztlt

'Ihpuiallztli . .
(t>aiilztlt

Hue

Teol

Pac)

Pad
Teu

Teol

Hu(

Hui

Mic
Mlc
Teo

Hue
or!

Pac

Uui
Pi
pe

Te«

Te<

NAMES OF MEXICAN MONTHS ACCOR

AUTHORS.

SaBaoum

Atlacahualco, or

Tlacazipeoaliztli .

Tozoztontlt

Veytocoztli..

Tozcatl

EtzacuallzUi ....

TecnllbultontU . .

VeytecuilbulU...

Tlaxocbimaco . . .

Xocobuet

MOTOUMIA

QuavlUeloa.

AOOITA

QOMAMA ......

TlacBxlpeualiztli

Tozfuztli

Hueltoz^ttztli....

Toxcalt, or Tepu-
pocbuiliztli.

E«alcoallztU

TecnllbulclntU . .

Hueltecnllbuitl..

MlccailbulclntU .

VeymtccallbulU .

Vcbpantz
Tenauat

U iBTiM DX Leon*

Atlcahualo

Tlacazipebualiz-

tu.

To^oxtontll

Hueltofoztontll .

Tocbcatl

EtzalouallztU....

TecuilbuitonUl..

Hueltaucyilbultl

Tlazocbimancn . .

Xocotlbm

DOEAN

Xuchitzitzquiln,
or Quauitlehus,
or Atlmotzacus-
ga, or Xiloma-
uiztly.

Tlacaxipabualiz-

tu.

Tocoitontly

Ocbpanlztly, or
Cueytozoztly.

Tozcatl ....

EtzalcualUtly . . .

Tecuilultontly, or
Tlaxocbimaco.

Hueytecttilbultl..

HlccaUbultontly.

Tocotluet

OODEX Vatiganvs .

Atlcaualo

Tlacaxlpeualiztli .

TocozlntU

Teitozcoctll

Toxcatl

Hetzalquallztl. . .
EtzalquallztU . . .

TecullTltontl ...

Vnltecnilnitl

Hlccailhultl

Veymlcca
Xocotlbue

TOBQVEMADA

Atlacabualco, or
Quahuitlehua.

Tlacaxlpehualiz-

tli.

Tov-oztontli

HueytofoztU . . .

Tozcatl

TecubUbuttontli.

Hueytecubjlbuitl

Tlaxucblmaco, or
Hueymiccaylbultl

VCTAXOrKT

AtlachuaU-o, or
QuabuiU'biia.

Tlacaxlpebualiz-
tii.

Tocoztontli

Hueytocoztll ....

Teozcalt

EtzaqualizUt ....

TecuylhultonUl..

Hueytecuyllbuitl

Tlaxocbimaco. . . .

Xocotlbue

Vetahcvbi (TUb-
Mlteo names,)

XilomaUbuitzili.

Coylhultl

MlcaylbultziuUl.

Hueymica

Tlacaxlpebualitz

tu.

Tlacaxlpenaliztli

AtemoztU

Atemoztli

Atlacabualco

Tozoztli

Hueytozoztli ....

Tozcstl

EtzalcualiztU....

Tlcuyllbnltl

TacuUbulctntU...

Tozcotzlntli

TozootzlntU

EtzalcualiztU.

HueytecuUbultl .

Huebtecnilbultl .

HueytozcoztU....
Buey TozcoztU . .
TecuUhultontU ..

Mlcaylbultl. ...
MiccatbulcintU..
Toxcatl

Bueymloailbultl.

Vetmlccallbultl..

ExolqualtzMl ....
EzalqualUztU....
Tlaxocbimaco . . .

Ocbpanlzt
Vcbpaniz!

La»t

Tozcactll

TitUl

Huettozcuztli....

Itzcalll

TzcalU

Toxcalt, or Tepu-
pocbuUiztli.

XilomaniztU

XilomanUte

Hueitozoztli

EzalloallztU

C!obuallbuitl ....
Cohaullbuitl ....
Toxcatl

Veytia

Tenavati
Tecultbui

Titltl

Toxcatl

Tecuilbul

Tlacaxlpehualiz-
tli.

(tzcalli.orXocbtl-
buitl.

Tlacaxlpebualitz-
tli.

Tozoztonlli

Tozoztontll

Hueltecnllbuitl . .

Xocohuetz

Q\UA t

TiUU.orltzcBlU.

XilomaDaliztU.or
Atlcabualco, or
QuabuUlehua,
or Cihnailbultl.

Tlacaxipebuallz.
tu, or Cobuall-
biUtl.

Hueltozoptli ....

Toxcatl.orTepo-
pochiUliztU.

Tozoztontll

Uuey Tozoztli...
Etzalaualitztli

Toxcatl, or Tepo-
pocbuillztli.

EtzalquallzUl....

TecullbultzlntU.

Hueytecui

Huuxcn

Tlacaxipcbuallz-
tU.or Cobuall-
buitl.

Huey Tozoztli. . . .

EUalquallztli....

TecuilbttitzintU .

Haeytecuilbultl .

MlccBllbultzlntly,
or Tlalxocblma

CO.

Hueymtccailhultl,
or Xolotlbuetziii.

Ocbpanlzt
Tenabua

BBAUnmDlBOUB-
BOUBO.

Atlacabualco ....

Tlacaxipebualiz-

tu.

TotottontU

Huey-Tosottll. ..

Toxcatl

EtzacualiztU ....

Tecullbultontll..

Hney TecuUbuitl

Tlaxocbimaco . . .

Xocobueti

■A.

Atlacabualco ....

Tlacaxipehualiz-

tu.

Tozoztontll

Hueitozoztli

Toxcatl, or Oox-
catl.

EtzalcoaliztU....

TeucuUbuitontli.

HueituecuUbultl.

Tlaxocbimaco....

Xocotlbue

Teculluitontl....

VeytecuUultl ....

Micbaylbultl....

Huej-mtcci

AMO-RXKBMIU.

Buturlul repeat* Martin do Leon and UemelU Careri,

MONTHS ACCORDING TO VARIOUS AUTHORS.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

Commencement of
Mexican year, ac-
cording to our reck-
oning.

tl...

TUzoohlmsoo . . .

Xocohnetzl

OchpanlzUl

Teotleco

TepellbniU

QuechoUi

Panqnetsaliztil..

AtemozUi

TitiU

YzcaUi

tad February.

Commencement of
March.

26th February.

tli.

TeymiccailhuiU .
TUzichlmanco . .
MlccaUhultonUr.

Micctilhuitl

Tlaxucblmsoo, or
Hueyinlccaylhuitl

TUzochimaco

MlcaylhttltzluUi .
Hueymk^ailhultl.

ExolqualiztU ....
EzalqualUztU....
Tlazochlmaco . . .

TecuilhuitzlDtli.

Vchpanlztli, or
TenauatilUJl.

Xocotlbaetzl ....
Tocotluetz

Teymlccailhuitl .
Xocotlhuetzi ....

Xocotlhuetzl ....

Hueymicaylhuitl.

OchpaniztU

VchpaniziU, or
TenavatillztU.

TecuUhultzlntU .

Tecullhultzlntli

Xocohuetzl

Hueytecuilhultl

PachtU, or He.

fOZtli.

OchpaniztU

Ochpanictly

ochpanixtl

Tchpanizttl

(DhpanlztU

HueipachUl, or
PachUl.

Teotleco

QnecboUi

Tepeilhuitl

Veypachtly, or
CoailhttlU.

Velpachth

Tepeilhuitl

Tepeylhuttl

Pachtzintll

Panque^aUatll ..

QuechDlU

Quecholli

Quecholl

Quecholli

QuecholU

Hatemuztll

PanqnetzaUztU..
Panquetializtly..

Panquetaaliztli...
PanquetzaliztU . .

PanquetzaUztli . .

TiUtlh

AtemuztU

AtemoztU

AtemuztU

AtemozUique....

Izcalll

Coauitleuac, or
Ciuiilhuilt.

Ytzcall

lltl

Tititl

2nd February.
l8t March

itl.

Pachtontly

PachtonU

Teutleco

Teotleco

TiUO

Yzcalll, or Xilo-
maniztlv, or
Queuitlena.

Yk*\U

Izcalll

TitlU

34th February.
1st February.

February.

niti

TIUU

ttiti

Titiotl

Izcalll

li..
tl..

»chtll

Hueypachtli

HuelpachtU

Mlcallhuitzintll .
MlctallhutlzlutU.

Checiogli

Quecholli

Hueymlcailhuitl.
Hueymictailhuitl
Tepeilhuitl

OchpaniztU, or
TenahuaUUztli.

PanchetzaliztU . .

Fanquecallztlt..

Huepaniztli

OchpaniztU

Quecholli

Pachtii. or Ezoz-
tll, or Teotleco.

Tepeilhuitl

AtemozUi

HatemuztU

PachtelnUi

PachtlizintU ....
Panquetzaliztli . .

Hueypachtli, or
Pachtii, or Te-
peilhuitl.

TltiU

Tititl

IzcasU

AUacoalo

Coavltlevac

Panquetzaliztli . .
PanquetzalliztU .
IzcalU

Flrat year of cen-
tury, 10th April.

March or ffith of

HchtU, or He-
ipztU.

Ifeytecullhultl .

liey Tecullhultl

uhpanlztU

Mtcailhnttzlntll.
« Tlazochima-

(^pantUtU

Ii«htll, or Ezoz-
.U, or Teotleco.

CltpanlztU

'iwhpanaliztli . .
ukpantztli

Izcalll

Hueypachtli

AtemoztU

Quecholli

QuecholU

Quecholli

TiUtl

Februaiy.
2nd Februat ; .

First y«sr of centu-
ry, 36th February.

9th January.
36th February.

Bueymiccallhuitl,
or Xocotlhuetzi.

Pachtii

PanqnetzaUzUi..
TitlH

AtemoztU

IzcalU

tiy.

lltl
Itl.

Hueytniccailhultl,
or Xolotlhuetziii.

Tlasochimaco . . .
TUzochimaco....
Mlchaylhuitl....

OchpaniztU, or
TenahuaUUztli.

Xocohuetzl

Xocotlhuetzl

Hueymlccaylbuttl

Hueypachtli, or
Pachtii, or Te-
peilhuitl.

Teotleco

Pactontly

QuecholU

Tepeilhuitl

Veypactli

Panquetzaliztli..

QuecBoiM

Quecholli

QuechoU

AtemozUi

Panquetaliztll . .
Panquetzaliztli...
Panquetzaliztli,..

TiUU.orltecaUi.

AtemoztU

AtemozUi

AtemoztU

lUcalU. or Xo-
chilhultl,

TiUU

Xllomanaliztli.or
Atlcahualco, or
Quahuitlehua,
orClhuallhultl.

IzcalU

Yzcatll .

30th March.

TltiU

First year of centu-

TitlU

ry. 36th February.
S4th February.

t Homboldt and Oallatin repeat Leon y Qama.

! i

I !

NAMES OF THE AZTEC MONTH.

500

glance the many variations. I also append to it the
different dates given for the first day of the year, in
which there are as many contradictions as in the
names and position of the months.

Each month, as before stated, was represented by
its proper hieroglyph, having a certain meaning, and
generally referring to some feast or natural event,
such as the ripening of fruit, or falling of rain, hap-
pening during the month, although in this case also
there are many differences between authors regarding
the meaning of the names.

Tititl, which according to Gama was the first month,
is translated by Boturini as 'our mother,' or 'mother
of the gods,' while Cabrera calls it 'fire.'* Itzcalli,
according to Boturini, means 'regeneration;' the Co-
dex Vaticanus translates it 'skill;' and Veytia, 'the
sprouting of the grass.'' Atlcahualco means the
'abatins: of the waters.' The TlascaUec name of this
month, Xilomanaliztli, signifies the 'offermg of green
maize.' In other localities this month was also known
by the name of Quahuitlehua, the 'burning of the
mountains,' or rather of the trees on the mountains,
previous to sowing.*" Tlacaxipehualiztli means the
'flaying of the people;' the other name of this month,
Cohuailhuitl, is the 'feast of the snake.' Tozoztontli,
Tozcotzintli, and Hueytozoztli are respectively the
small and great fast or vigil; while some translate
these words by 'pricking of veins,' ' shedding of blood,*
or 'great and small penance.'" Toxcatl is a 'collar'
or 'necklace.'" Etzalqualiztli is translated by Bo-
turini 'bean stew,' or 'the eating of beans,' while Vey-
tia calls it 'the eating of maize gruel.' TerrlUiuit-

* 'Itctl, Ititl, barriga o vientre.' Molina, Vocabulario. 'Vientre, la

madre, A excepcion del padre.' <S'a/va, Nuevo Dice. 'Titl signiiica

fuego. Tititl escrito en dos eilabas y seis letras nada signitioa en el idionia
mexicano.' Cabrera, in Ilustracion Mex., torn, iv., p. 4^-

> ' Izcalia, abiuar, tornar en si, o resuacitar.' Molina, Vocabulario.

10 'Quiahuitl-ehua significa la lluvia levanta.^ Cabrera, in Ilustra-
cion Mex., torn, iv., p. 464.

11 'Tofoliztii vela, el acto de velarode nodonnir.' Molina, Vocabulario.
1* 'Garganta totuzcatlau, tuzquitl.' lb.

610

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

zintli and Hueytecuilhuitl mean respectively the
small and great 'feast of the Lord.' Miccailhuitzintli
is explained both as 'the feast of dead children,' and
'the small feast of the dead;' another name for this
month is Tlaxochimaco, meaning 'distribution of flow-

The Aztec Year.

ers.' Hueymiccailhuitl is either 'the feast of dead
adults/ or 'the great feast of the dead.' Xocotlhu-
etzin, another name for this month, means 'the ripen-
ing of the fruit. ' Ochpaniztli is ' the cleaning of streets. *
Teotleco, or 'the arrival of the gods,' was the next

NAMES OF THE AZTEC DAYa

611

month, and was also named Pachtli, or Pachtontli, the
latter being translated by 'humiliation/ and the former
by 'moss hanging from trees.' Hueypachtli was 'the
great feast of humiliation/ also called Tepeilhuitl, or
'feast of the mountains.' Quecholli means 'peacock/
but the interpreter of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis
calls it the 'serpent of the clouda.' Panquetzaliztli is
'the raising of flags and banners.' Atemoztli, the
last month, means the 'drying up of the waters.'*'
The plate on the preceding page shows the order of the
months and the pictures by which they were repre-
sented.

Each month contained twenty days, which werft
divided into four groups or weeks, as we may for con-
venience call them; and at the end of each group a
public market or fair was held. There is no differ-
ence of opinion as to the names of the days or the
order in which they follow one another, but it is very
difficult, and in many cases impossible, to reconcile
one with another the different hieroglyphic signs
denoting these days given in the codices or in the
various representations of the calendar. The names
of the days are: Cipactli, a name of which it is al-
most impossible to give the correct meaning, it be-
ing variously represented as an animal's head with
open mouth armed with long tusks, as a fish with a
number of flint knives on its back, as a kind of lizard
with a very long tail curled up over its back, and
in many other monstrous shapes. It is called the
'sea-animal,' the 'sword-fish,' the 'serpent armed with
harpoons,' and other names. Ehecatl is 'wind;' Calli,
'house;' Cuetzpalin, 'lizard;' Coatl,' 'snake;' Mi-
quiztli, 'death;' Mazatl, 'deer;' Tochtli, 'rabbit;' Atl,

" For the various etymologies of the names of months, see: Spiegaziotie
(Idle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in KingshovotigKs Mex. An-
tio., vol. v., pp. 190-97; Explicacion del Codex "telleriano-Remenais, in
la., pp. 129-34; Leon, Catnitw del Cielo, fol. 96-100; Boturini, Idea, pp.
60 52; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, i., pp. 64-5; Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Measico, torn, ii., pp. 66-^; Humboldt, Vues, torn. i-. PP- 349-362;
Brassenr de Bourboura, Hist. Nat. Cm, torn, iii., pp. 602-36; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ittd., torn, ii., pp. 260-30a

512

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

* water;' Itzcuintli, *dog;' Ozomatli, 'monkey;' Mali-
nalli, 'brushwood,' or 'tangled grass;' Acatl, 'cane;'
Ocelotl, 'tiger;' Quauhtli, 'eagle;' Cozcaquauhtli, a
species of vulture, known in Mexico as 'rey de los
zopilotes;' Ollin, 'movement;' Tecpatl, 'flint;' Quia-

The Aztec Month.

huitl, 'rain;' and Xochitl, 'flower.* It will be seen
that the days having the names or signs of the years,
— nainely: Tochtli, Calli, Tecpatl, and Acatl — stand
first in each week. The five nemontemi had no
particular name. The cut given above shows the

INTEUCALARY DAYS.

B18

method by which the Aztecs represented their month,
with the hieroglyphic names of each day."

As three hundred and sixty-five days do not make
the year complete, the Mexicans added the missing
thirteen days at the end of the cycle of fifty-two
years. But Gania asserts that they came still nearer
to our more correct calculations, and added only twelve
days and a half." It has been frequently attempted

M This order is varied by a few authors. Veytia gives the following en-
tirely different system: 'Si cl afio era del carActcr Tcciiatl, con este se
sefialaba el primer dia de cada mes, y seguian anotdndoso los dcnias con
los gero<;liticoH s-guientes en el 6rden en one los he ]>ueMto; do manera quo
el vigdsimo dia de cada mes sc hallnba Ollin. . . .Si el afio era del scgundo

Serogiifico Calli, por este se comenzaba & contar, y & todos los dias primeros
e cada mes se les daha este nombre.' The same method he contends is
followed also in those years of each tialpilli which commence with Tochtli
and Acatl. Vor cozcaqitauhtli he uiscs the name temeztlatl, orinetate. Hi»t.
Ant. Mej.,inm.'\., pp. 76-80; Gomara, Conn. Mcx., fol. 294-5. Gcnielli Ca-
reri states that Cipactli was not always the nrst day of the month. Chvrchiirs
Col. Voyaqr.s, torn, iv., p. 489; Ditran, Hist. Indios, MS., tom. iii., appendix,
cap. ii.; RUosAntigtios, p. 22, m KinqsborougKs Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.; Mote-
linia. Hist. Iudios,\\\ Icazbnlceta, Col.deDoc, tom. i.,p.36. Boturini adds to
Ollin the word Tonatiuh, and translates it 'movement of the sun.' Idea, p.
45. Gama places Ollin between Atl and Itzcuintli. DosPiedras, jit i., p. 26;
Gallatin, '\\\ Amcr. Ethno. Soc, Transact, tom. i., p. 59; Brassrur de Bmir^
hourg. Hist. Nat. Cii'., tom. iii., p. 463. See also hieroglyphics in Codex Tel-
Icriano-Rcmensis, pi. ix., in Kingshorough's Mcx. Antiq., vol. i., and Co-
dex Borgian., in Id., vol. iii., pi 24; Torqucmada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., p. 304. In Nicaragua where the Aztec language was spoken by a
largo portion of the population, the calendar and the names of the days
were the same as Aztec, with but some slight differences in spelling.
Ovicdo gives the names of the days as follows: 'aqat, ocelot, oate, coscago-
ate, olin, tapecat, quiaiiit, sochit, gip<it, acat, cali, qticspal, coat, misiste,
magat, tostc, at, izquindi, or.omate, malinal, acato. . . .lln afio. . . .tiene diez
9cmpuales, 6 cada cempual es veynte dias.' Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 52.

'* Sahagun, and after him several others, do not agree with this, but
pretend that one day was added every fourth year, on which occasion a
certain feast was celebrated, but Ganui has clearly demonstrated that this
is a mistol'.c. Kl afio visiesto, que era de cuatro en cuatro anos.' Hist.
Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 75. *Otra fiestri hacian dc cuatro en cuatro afios d
honradel fuego, en la que ahugeraban las orejan li todos los ninos; y la llama-
lian Pillabanaliztli, y en esta nesta es vcrosimil, y hay congcturns que hacian
su visiesto contandoseis dias de nrmnntemi.^ Id., lib. iv., pp. 347-8. lioturini
expresses the same opinion. ' Determinnron cada quatro afios anadir un dia
mas, que recogies.sc las lioras, qiie se despcrdiciaban, loquesupongo exccuta-
ron contando dos veccs uno de los Syniholos de el ultimo mes de el afio, d la
manera dc los llomanos. ' Idea, p. 137. ' £1 afio de visiesto que era dc ({uatro
k quatro afios. ' Leon, Camino del Cielo, fol. 100. ' They order d the bissextile,
or leap-year, after this manner. The first vear of the age becan on the tenth
of April, and so did the second and third, out the fourth or leap-year, on the
nintii, the eighth on the eighth, the twelfth on the seventh, the sixteenth on
the sixth, till the end of the age, which was on the twenty -eighth of March,
when the thirteen days of the leap-years, till the tenth of April, were spent in
rejoicing.' Gemclli Careri, in ChiirchilVs Col. Voyages, voL iv., p. 490. Veytia
Vol. II. S3

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

to fix accurately the time when the Mexican year
commenced accordinuf to our dates, but there is no
agreement un this point between the old historiang, as
will be seen from the table given, and although many
elaborate calculations have been made for the purpose

following Botiirini adds one day every fourtli year by repeatinjj[ the last da\'.
Ilisf. Ant. Mt'j., toni. i., pp. ll()-20. 'La correccion no 8e hucia hoHta el fin
del cielo, en que Me iutcrcalubaa juntos Ioh 13 diaH.' LeonyGnma, Dos I'iedras,
pt i., p. 24. ' l^cs Mexicains ont (^-vidcninicnt suivi Ic syHtiiniu Ac» I'erHcn: iU
couHervoicnt I'unnd vague juMpi'ti cc ([ue Ics hcures exc<^dantcH forniasDcnt
une deniilunaiiion ; iifl intcrculoient, par contu^quent, treize iourH toutcH \e» lig-
atures ou eyi-icH dc cinquuntv-dcux ans . . . h cliaquc annexe au oigne tochlli, leH
Mcxicaina ]icrdoient un jour; ct, pur I'efl'et de rcttc n'trograaalion. Tannine
ealli dc In ([uutrit^nic indivtion conimcufoit Ic 27 deccnibre, et finisHoit au
solstice d'liiver, Ic 21 dcccmbrc, en iu> faJHant pas ontrer en ligno do conipte

Ics cinq jourH inutiles ou conipldnientuircH. II en rt^sulte quo trcize

mnn iiitcrcaluircM runi^ncnt Ic coninienecnicnt do I'anniie au 9 junvier.*
HiimbolUt, Vues, torn, ii., pp. GO-1. 'Non frnniniettcvano un giorno ogni
quattru aiini, nta trcdici |rionii. . .ogni cinquantnduc anni.' Uarir/ero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tuni. ii., p. 02. 'They waited till the expiration of fifty-
two vague ycara, when they intprj>oHcd thirteen days, or rather twelve and
a half, this Itcing the nuniltcr v.liioh had fallen in urrear.' PrescotVs Mex,.
vol. i., p. 112; Bras.srur de lioKrhoiirg, Hist. Nat. Cit\, toni. iii., p. 469.
In this connection I also give the remarkable statenieut of Pedro de los
Rios in his interpretation of the Codex Vuticanus: 'Item, si lui da notare,
che il loro bisesto aiiduva solo in qiiattro lettere, anni.oscgni die sono Can-
na, Pietra, Casa, e Coniglio, pcrclie conic liunno bisesio dcTii giorni a fare di
quattro in quuttro anni un nicse di quclli cinque giorni niorti die avanza-
vanodi ciascunanno, cosi avevano bisesto di anni ](erchfe - i cinquantadue in
cincjuantaduc nnni, che b una loro £tt\, aggiun,<;evuno un anno, il quale senipre
veniva in una di qucstc lettere o scgni pcrclid come ogni lettera o segno di
questi vinti habbiu trcdici del suo gencre clio le servano, rcrhi gratid.'' Kings-
Sorovgli's Mex. Aiilii/., vol. v., pp. 174-5. In the Explieacion del Codex lei-
leriano-Ucnicnsis we read: *A 19 de Fcvrcro los cinco dias niuertos que no
aviasacriiicios; eatos eran los dias que sfibravan de los de veynte en veynte del
afio: y sicnipre en cuniplicndose los 3G5 dias, dexavan pasurestos, v luego tor-
navanatoniarclanoculalctraquecntrava.' Jd.,\>. 134. Tothis Lord Kings-
borough adds in a note: 'The Mexicans reckoned 3G5 days to their year; the
last five of which had no sign or place n])propriated to them in the calendar;
since, if they had been admitted, the order of the signs would have been
inverted, and the new year would not always have coniniciiced with Co
Cipactli. These days, therefore, although included in the computation of
the year, were rejected from the calendar, until at the expiration of four
years an intercalation of twenty corresponding signs might Im) effected
without producing any confusion in it. It would appear, however, that
this intercalation did not actually take place till at the expiration of .')2
years; for it is impossible, except on this supposition, to understand the
intcrraliition of years nientioneu in the V^atican MS. as occurring at flie
expiration of every period of 52 years, when an entire year was in
calated: but admitting the i)08tponcmcnt of an intercalation of n
every four years during a period (.f 52 years, such an intcrculatioi
then become quite intelligible; since thirteen Mexican months, of °. v t
each, exactly constitute a ritual year of the Mexicans which contaiih lii)
days, and was shorter than the civil year by 105 days; and this is the jh
cise number of months of which tho intercalation would have been post-
poned.' Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., jtp. lOS-4.

THE RITUAL CALENDAU.

BIS

of verifying the one or the other statement, the result
is in no two cases the same. Gama calculated, and
Humboldt and Gallatin confirmed liis statement, that
the first year of a Mexican cycle commenced on the

3 1st day of December, old style, or on the 9th day

■ ■ th '

day Cipactli."

of January, new style, with the m(;ath Tititl and the

Wo come now to another mode of reckoning known
as the ritual calendar, which, as its name implies,
was used for adjusting all religious feasts and rites
and everything pertaining thereto. The previously
described reckonmg was solar, while that of the ritual
calendar was lunar. The periods into which it was
divided were of thirteen days each, thus 'epresenting
about half the time that the moon was visible. The
year contained as many days as the solar calendar,
but they were divided into entirely different periods.
Thus, in reality there were no months at all, but only
twenty weeks of thirteen days each ; and these not
constituting a full year, the same kind of reckoning
was continued for one hundred and five days more, and
at the end of a tlalpilli thirteen days were intercalated
to make up for the lost days. The names of the days
were the same as in the solar calendar but they were
counted as follows. To the first day the number one
was prefixed, to the second, two, to the third, three,
and so on to thirteen ; when the fourteenth name was
again called one, the fifteenth, two, and so on to thir-
teen again, after which the same count was continued
to the end of the year. But as in this reckoning it
naturally hapi)ens that one name has the same num-
ber twice, accompanying signs were added to the
regular names, which were called quecholli, 'lords or
rulers of the night.' Of these there were nine.

1* LeonyGama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 62-8?; Gallatin, in Amer. Elhno.
Soc, Transact, vol. i., pp. 69-86. Veytia's rer^on for romineiicing the year
with Atcino.^tli, is, that on the calendar circlr which he saw. and of wliich I
insert n copy, this was the month following; the five nemontemi. This ap-
pears very reasonable, but nevcrthclcHf uama and Gallatin's calculations
sho' it to be an error. See Veytia. Hint. Ant. Mej., torn, i., pp. 74-6.

516

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

il !

I! I

xiuhtecutli, tletl, 'lord of the year, fire;' tecpatl,
'flint;' xochitl, 'flower;' centeotl, 'goddess of maize;*
miquiztli, 'death;' atf, 'water,' represented by the
goddess Chalchihuitlicue ; tlazoUeotl, 'goddess of love;'
tepeyollotli, a deity fAipi)osed to inhabit the centre
of the moiintains; quiahuitl, 'rain,' represented by
the god Tlaljc." As stated above, one of these signs
was understood to accompany the regular name of each
day, coni nencing with the first day of the year; but
they were never written or mentioned with the first
two hundred and sixty days, but only with the last
one hundred and five days, to distinguish them from
the former." For the purpose of making this sys-
tem more comprehensible, I insert a few months of
tlie Mexican calendar, showing the solar and lunar
system together, as arranged by Gama.

Months Hiid days of
our era.

January

. 9
10
11
12
13
14
IS
111
17

18
19
20
91

22
21
94
9A
96

27
28

•jn

Months and dayR of
the MexJi'an civil,
or solar, calendar.

'litltl

.. 12

ItzralU

Da>B and weeks ot
the Mexican ritual,
or lunar, calendar.

l..Clpaotll....
2..£hecatl ....

3. .Call!

4..Cuetzpalin ,

5..Coatl

fi..Mlqui7.tli ..

7..Maxatl

H..Tochtll

9..Atl

10. ItzruintU.
ll..Uzoniatli.
ri..M«Unalli.
13..Acatl

1..0pelotl

2..guauhtU

S.C'rzcaquauhtll.

4..0llln

5. .Tecpatl

fi.. Quiahuitl.
7.. Xochitl...

8..fipactU..
9..thecatl .
10..C'*1U....

Accompanyinf! signs,
oriordHof the night.'

Tletl 1

Ti'cpati '.'

Xochitl :<

Centeotl -i

MlquiztU

Atl (i

Tlazolteotl 7

Tepeyollotli 8

QuiahiUtl

Tlrtl 1

Tecpatl 2

Xochitl 3

i:enteotl 4

Miquiztll 5

Atl «

Tlazolteotl 7

Tepeyollotli n

Quiahuitl

Tletl 1

Teci atl 2

X<Mhm 3

t.'entiHitl 4

Miquiztll 5

tiirini jjivcH llic nik-rs of the night as folUnva- Xiuhteiicyhhuu,
I ol Alio; Ytztfiicy<)hiui, Seizor do el Kiijgo; I'iltzintcucvohua, SSe-

»••<» ^ /-<•.» r.ii i-t..r„..i I \i..:-. »i:..4i <„. »...vl...« u..."...!.

" notii

Seilor cle ( _, ^ — - -. „ , - .

ilor dc losNiftos; Ciiitiueyhhua, Scno' deel Mai*: Micthiiitcu-ybhua, Sefior
decl Inlieriio; Chttlfhihuitliciiejohiia, Scnor de eJ Auiia; Tlaz>>ly6hiia, Se-
flor de el Amor deshonesto; Teiicyoloybhua, Sefior de los Eiitranaa de los
Montcs; Quiauhteucybhua, Sefior dc laa LliivioH. /den, n. 58,

i» Leon y Gama, Don Piedras,ni i., Pp. 2S»-31, 52-3; Satniini, Idea, pp.
57-9; Gallatin, in Amer. Elhtio. Soc, Transact., vol. i., p. 61.

TABLE OF MONTHS, WEEKS, AND DAYS.

&17

llooths and days of
our era.

Mentha and dayR of
the Mexican civil
calendar.

Days ami ««eka of
the Mexican ritual
calendar.

Accompanying algns,
or ' lorda (if the night'

February 1

■1

ll..Cnetzpalln

12..Ci.atl

13..M!quiztli

l..llazatl

Atl 6

1 lazolteotl 7

TepeyoUutli 8

Quiahuitl 9

3..TochtU

Tletl 1

7
8
9

3 Atl

4..Itzcuintll ...

S..Ozoinatll

6..Halinalli

7..Acatl

Tecpatl 2

Xwhitl.. a

Ceiiteotl 4

Hiquiztii ft

Atl «

8 Ocelotl

Tla/:oltcotl 7

9..QnauhtU

10..Cozca(iuaubtU ..

IL.OIlin

TepeyollotU 8

Quiahuitl 9

Tletl ~1

12 'lerpati

ecpatl 3

13..Qiiialiuitl

Xochitl a

L.Xochitl

Ceuteotl 4

2..ripacm

3..Bhevatl

4..CuIII

H
19

Atlcahiulco 1

Miquiztli A

Atl (1

2(1

'1 lazolteotl 7

S..C.'net7.palin

O..Coatl

Tepeyollotli 8

Quiahuitl 9

Tletl 1

7..Hiqniztli

H..Waztttl

9 Ttu'htli

24
2S

'.»

Tecpatl 3

Xochitl 3

10. .Atl

Ceuteotl 4

27
38

ll.Itzciiintll

12..Uzouiatli ..

13 .Mallnalll-

L.Aoatl

Miqui/tU 5

Atl 6

March 1

TIazolteotI 7

Tepeyollotli 8

Quiahuitl 9

Tletl 1

2..Ucelotl

1.^1

S.Qiiauhtli

4..Cuzcaiiuauhtli.. .
S..()llin

Tecpatl 3

Xochitl 3

6. .Tecpatl

11)

7..yulalniit!

8..Xochitl

Miquiztli 6

Atl «

■•[}

10
Jl

TlacaxipchiiuUztli 1

9..Cipactli

:ii..Khpcatl. . ..
11 i;»lli

Tla/olteotl 7

•I epeycillotU 8

Qui^huiU »

Tletl 1

13
13

12,.Cuet7.paliil

1,1 CoatI

Tecpatl a

LMiqul/tU

2 ..\la/.atl

IS
16

X.HhttI 3

(Vutciitl 4

3..Tochtll

4. .Atl

5 It/ciiintli

•:. .Oziiiaatll

7..UaliualU

g Acatl

Miquiztli B

A»I 6

IH
19

20
21

Tepeyllotll 8

Quiah^Utl 9

Tlotl 1

9. t>cel. tl

IO..(juaulttli

11. .('ii/.caquKuhtli . .
12 (lliin .

'Icipiifl 3

Xochitl 3

I.l

I'e iteotl 4

Miqui/tli S

Atl «

1.1 Tecpatt

l..QuiahntU

2. XochlU

n..Cipa<-tU

TIazolteotI 7

'iO

Tepeyollotli 8

Quiahuitl 9

Toiortoutli 1

4..Ehucatl

Tletl 1

f m ';'?!"'l^^!Br"

618

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The five nemontemi were counted in. this calendar
as other days, that is, they received the names which
came in the regular order, but, nevertheless, they
were believed to be unlucky days and had no accom-
panying signs.

Besides the preceding cuts of the Mexican cal-
endar systems, as they were represented by Gemelli
Careri, Veytia, and others, the calendar-stone is the
most reliable source by which the extent of the astro-
nomical science of the Aztecs can be shown. Gama,
and after him Gallatin, give very accurate descriptions
of this stone ; I insert here a r^sumd from the latter
author. On this stone there is engraved in high-relief
a circle, in which are represented by certain hiero-
glyphics the sun and its several motions, the twenty
days of the month, some principal fast-days, and other
matters. The central figure represents the sun as it
is usually painted by the Mexicans. Around it, out-
side of a small circle, are four parallelograms with th6
signs of the days, Nahui Ocelotl, Nahui Ehecatl, Na-
hui Quiahuitl, and Nahui Atl. Between the two upper
and lower parallelograms are two figures, which Gama
explains as being two claws, which are the hieroglyphics
representing two eminent astrologers, man and wife.
Gama further explains these four signs of the days in
this place, as having reference to the four epochs of
nature, of which the Aztec traditions speak. The
first destruction of the sun is said to have taken place
in the year Ce Acatl and on the day Nahui Ocelotl.
The second sun was supposed to have died in the year
Ce Tecpatl and on the day Nahui Ehecatl ; the third
destruction occurred also in the year Ce Tecpatl and
on the day Nahui Quiahuitl; and lastly, the fourth de-
struction took place in the year Ce CalH, on the day
Nahui Atl. But Mr Gallatin thinks that these four
parallelograms had yet some other purpose ; for on the
twenty-second of May and on the twenty-sixth of
July, which days are K^ahui Ocelotl and Nahui Quia-
huitl, if we accept the thirty-first of December as the

THE AZTEC CALENDAR-STONH.

619

first day of the Mexican cycle, the sun passed the me-
ridian of the city of Mexico. But in this case the
other two days, Nahui Ehecatl and Nahui Atl cannot
be explained in connection with any other astronomi-
cal event. Between the lower parallelograms are two
small squares, in each of which are five oblong marks,
signifiying the number ten ; and as the central figure
is 'in ollin tonatiuh, or sun, the number ten in these
two squares is supposed to mean the day Matlactli
Ollin. Below this again are the hieroglyphics Ce
Quiahuitl, and Ome Ozomatli. The day Matlactli
Ollin in the first year of the cycle is the twenty-
second of September; Ce Quiahuitl in the year Mat-
lactli omey Acatl, which year is inscribed at the head
of the stone, is our twenty-second of March; and
Ome Ozomatli in the same year would be our twenty-
second of June. Here are therefore designated three
of the principal phenomena as they happened in the
first year of the cycle, viz : two transits of the sun by
the zenith and the autumnal equinox. In the year
designated on the stone Matlactli omey Acatl, there
are given the spring equinox and summer solstice.
In a circle surrounding these figures are represented
the twenty days of the months. From the central
figure of the sun there runs upward, as far as the circle
of days, a triangle, the upper and smallest angle of
which points between the days Cipactli and Xochitl,
thus confirming the idea that Cipactli was always
the first day of the month. But Gama, Gallatin,
Humboldt, Dupaix, and all others who have copied
from them, do not represent the characters on this
stone as they really appear. By a photograj)!! taken
by M. Charnay, of which the cut on the next page is
a copy, it will be seen that all the figures, days as well
as parallelograms, are reversed on the representations
given by the above-mentioned authors; that is, the
engraver, when making his tracing, did not reverse
the figures before drawing them on tlie stone ; an error
corrected in the foUowmg cut. Therefore, instead

630

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

of running from right to left, the days really run from
left to right. From the circle of days, four triangles,
or rays, project, exactly dividing the stone into four
quarters, each of which has ten visible squares, and, as
the rays cover twelve more, there would be fifty-two in
all. In each square are five oblong marks, which mul-

The Calendar-Stone.

tiplied by fifty-two, give two hundred and sixty, or
the first period of the Mexican ritual year. Outside of
the circle of these squares the four quarters are each
again divided by a smaller ray, and, as stated before,
at the head of the stone, over the principal triangle is
the sign of the year Matlactli Omey Acatl. Round
the outer edge are a number of other figures and hiero-

CALENDAR OF THE TABASCOS.

621

m
ir

n
1-

glyphics, which have not yet been deciphered, or
whose interpretations by difterent writers present so
many contradictions that they would have no value
here.^'

The only information we have of the calendar used
in Michoacan is furnished by Veytia, and this is only
fragmentary. Enough is known, however, to show
that their system was the same as that of the Aztecs.
Instead of the four principal signs of the Aztecs, tec-
patl, calli, tochtli, and acatl, in Mechoacan the names
inodon, inhani, inchon, and intihui were used. Of
the eighteen months only fourteen are mentioned by
name. These are: Intacaci, Indehuni, Intecamom,
Interunihi, Intamohui, Inizcatolohui, Imatatohui,
Itzbachaa, Intoxihui, Intaxihui, Intechaqui, Inte-
chotahui, Inteyabchitzin, Intaxitohui. The five in-

1* Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc, Transact., vol. i., pp. 94-103; Leon y
Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 89-114. Further description, and mention
of the astrononiical system will be found in Humboldt, Viies, torn, i., pp.
■132-92, and torn, ii., pp. 1-99, 356-80; Tor^uemada, Mouarq. Ind., torn,
ii., pp. 295-305; !,«« Uasas, Hist. Apolog^ttca, MS., cap. cxli; Sahagun,
Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-76, lib. iv., pp. 282-309, 338-49, torn, ii.,
lib. vii., pp. 256-60, 264-5; Explanation of the Codex Vatieanus, in Kings-
borough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 196, 200; liolurini. Idea, pp. 42-59,
109 10, 122-4, 137-40, 153-5; Id., Catdlopo, pp. 57-72; Motolinia, Hist. In-
dios, in Irazltalirta, Col. de Doc., torn, i., pj». 35-8; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mrj.,
torn, i., pp. .10-13S; Carbaial Espinosa, Hist. Mrx., torn, i., pp. 517-31;
Brasseur de liourboiirg, Hist. hat. Civ., toni. iii., pp. 457-82; Goinara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 294-97; Gcmelli Careri, in ChurchilFs Col. Voyages, tom.
iv., pp. 487-90; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno.
Sor., Transact., vol. i., pp. 57-115; Laet, Novvs Orbis, pp. ?41-2; Pres-
cott's Affx.,\n\. i., pp. liO-27; Pimentel, Mem. soln-e la liaza Indiyena,
pp. 41-3; Xrhcl, Viaje, pi. I.; Herrcra, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap.
xviii. ; Ixtlilxochitl, liclaciones, in KingsborougWs Mex. Antiq., tom. ix.,
j)p. 322-4; Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., pp. 397-9; Clavigiro, Sloria Ant. del
Messico, torn, ii., pp. 56-65; Midler, licisen, tom. iii., pji.fi3-90; McCnlloh's
RcHcurches in. Amer., pp. 201-25; Klemm, Cnltur-Ge.schichte, torn. v., i)p.
128-30; I'l/lor's lic^enrrXes, pp. 92-4; Id., Aitahuae, p. 103; Schoolcrn'fTs
Arch., vol. i., lip. 44-5; Montanns, Niewnr Wecrcld, pp. 266-7; PeterMar-
tyr, dec. iv., lii». viii., pp. 537-8; Baril, Mrxiqne, pp. 194-5, 211-15; Mor-
ton's Crania Amer., p. 150; Malte-Iirun, Precis dela Giog., torn, vi., pp.
445,293; Macgrcgor's Progress of Amer., \{A. i., p. 22; Chambers' Jour.,
1835, vol. iv., p. 254; Laf'ond, Voyaaes, tom. i.,p. 118; Tuuron, Hist. 6V«.,
tom. iii., pp. 21-2, 24-5; Poinsett s S'otes Mex., pp. Ill, 75-6; Simon's Ten
Tribes, pp. 149-57; Kendall's Nar.,\o\. ii., p. 328; Prichard's Nat. Hist.
Man, vol. ii., p. 507; Cabrera, in Ilnstracion Mex., torn, iv., pp. 461-70;
Midler, A mcrikanische Urreligionen, pp. 93-4; Humboldt, Essat Pol., tom.
i., p. 92; Thompson's Mex., p. 213; FallUs, £tudes Hist, sur les CivilisationI,
Paris, (n. d.) pp. 67-62.

ii J' i

522

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

tercalary days were named intasiabire* The days
of the month, divided into four equal parts by the
above-mentioned four principal signs, were called:
Inodon, Inicebi, Inettuni, Inbeari, Inethaati, Inbani,
Inxichari, Inchini, Inrini, Inpari, Inchon, Inthahui,
Intzini, Intzoniabi, Intzimbi, Inthihui, Inixotzini,
Inichini, Iniabi, Intaniri.*^

The Zapotecs in Oajaca, according to the descrip-
tion of Burgoa, used the same calendar as the Aztecs,
with this difference, that the year always commenced
on the twelfth day of March, and that the bissextile
year was corrected every fourth year, by adding, in-
stead of five, six intercalary days.""

I* 'Los cuatro mescs que faltan son losque corresponden d nuestro enero,
febrero y niurzo, porque ul innnuacrito le fulta la priiiieru hoju, y solo comi-
enza desde el dia 2*2 dc niarzo, y concluye en 31 dicieinbre, confrontando
BUS nieses con los nuestros.* Vei/tia, Hist. Ant. Mej., toni. i., p. 138. 'II
est dit que Tannine coninien9ait aii 22 innrsavcc le premier jour In Thacari.'
Brasaeur de Bourhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., toni. iii., p. 467.

" Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, i., pp. 137-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 463, 467; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc,
TraMoet., vol. i., pp. 104-5.

** 'Dabanle diez y ocho ineses de h 20. diaa, y otro mas do cinco, y
estc al cabo dc quatro auos conic nuestro Bisiesto lo variaban h seis dios,
pos las seis boras que sobran cada afio.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., torn, i.,
pt ii., ful. 136.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE AZTEC PICTURE -WRITING.

Hieroglyphic Records — The Native Books — Authorities — De-
struction OF THE Native Archives by ZumArraoa and his
CoNFRbREs— Picture-writings used after the Conquest for
Confession and Law -Suits —Value of the Records — Docu-
ments sent to Spain in the Sixteenth Century — European
Collections — Lord Kingsborough's Work— Picture-writings
retained in mexico— collections of ixtlilxochitl, slgutsnza,
Gemelli Careri, Boturini, Veytia, Leon y Gama, Pichardo,
aubin, and the national museuh of mexico — process of
Hieroglyphic Development — Representative, Symbolic, and
Phonetic Picture-writing — Origin of Modern Alphabets —
the Aztec System — Specimen from the Codex Mkndoza —
Specimen from Gemelli Careri— Specimen from the Boturini
Collection— Probable future success of Interpreters— The
Nepohualtzitzin.

The Nahua nations possessed an original hiero-
glyphic system by which they were able to record all
that they deemed worthy of preservation. The art
of picture-writing was one of those most highly
prized and most zealously cultivated and protected,
being entrusted to a class of men educated for the
purpose and much honored. The written records
mcluded national, historic, and traditional annals,
names and genealogical tables of kings and nobles,
lists and tribute-rolls of provinces and cities, land-
titles, law codes, court records, the calendar and
succession of feasts, religious ceremonies of the tem-

(au)

624

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

pie service, names and attributes of the gods, the
mysteries of augury and sooth-saying, with some de-
scription of social customs, mechanical employments,
and educational processes. The preparation and
guardianship of records of the higher class, such as
historical annals and ecclesiastical mysteries, were
under the control of the highest ranks of the priest-
hood, and such records, comparatively few in number,
were carefully guarded in the temple archives of a
few of the larger cities. These writings were a sealed
book to the masses, and even to the educated classes,
who looked with superstitious reverence on the priest-
ly writers and their magic scrolls. It is probable
that the art as applied to names of persons and places
or to ordinary records was understood by all educated
persons, although by no means a popular art, and
looked upon as a great mystery by the common
people. The hieroglyphics were painted in bright
colors on long strips of cotton cloth, prepared skins,
or maguey-paper — ^generally the latter — rolled up or,
preferably, folded fan-like into convenient books called
amatl, and furnished often with thin wooden covers.
The same characters were also carved on the stones
of public buildings, and probably also in some cases
on natural cliffs. The early authorities are unanimous
in crediting these people with the possession of a hie-
roglyphic system sufficiently perfect to meet all their
requirements.*

1 'Todas las cosas one conferimos me las dieron por pintnras, que aquella
era la escritura que ellos antiguamcnte usaban: los {nucndticos las declara-
r»n en su lengiia, escribiendo la dcclaracion al pie de la pintura. Tcngo
aun ahora estos originalcH.' Sahaffitii, Hist. Gen., torn, i., p. iv. ' Aiinqiic no
tenian escritura coniu numtrus tcniiin einpero bus iiguras y caractcrett que
todas las cosas qui querian, significaban; y destas suslibros grandes por tan
agudo y sutil nrtiticio, que podriamos decir que nueHtras letras en aquello
no les hicieron niuclia ventaja.' Las Casas, Hist. A/iologelica, M8., cap.
ccxxxv. 'Tenian sus figuros, y Hieroglyficas con que ])intauan las cosas en
esta forma, que las cosas que tenian nguras, las ponian con sus jtroprias
ymagines, y para las cosas que no auia ymagen propria, tenian otros ca-
racteres signincatiuos de aquello, y con este modo figurauan quanto querian.'
Acosta, Hist. de laa Ynd., p. 408. 'Letras Kcales de cosas pintadas, como
cran las pintnras, en one Ici^ Eneas la destruicion de Troya.' 'Y esto que
afimio, es tomado de las niisuias Historias Mexicanas, y Tetzcucanas, que

DESTRUCTION OF ABORIGINAL RECORDS.

525

Unfortunately the picture-writings, particularly
those in the hands of priests — those most highly
prized by the native scholar, those which would, if
preserved, have been of priceless value to the students
of later times — while in common with the products of
other arts they excited the admiration of the foreign
invaders, at the same time they aroused the pious
feare of the European priesthood. The nature of the
writings was little understood. Their contents were
deemed to be for the most part religious mysteries,
painted devices of the devil, the strongest bund that
held the people to their aboriginal faith, and the most
formidable obstacle in the way of their conversion to
the true faith. The destruction of the pagan scrolls
was deemed essential to the progress of the Church,
and was consequently ordered and most successfully
carried out under the direction of tlie bishops and
their subordinates, the most famous of these fanatical
destroyers of a new world's literature being Juan de
Zumdrraga, who made a public bonfire of the native
archives. The fact already noticed, that the national

son las que sigo en este discureo, y las que tengo en mi poder.' Torqiiema-
da, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., pp. 29, 149, also pp. 30-1, 36, 253, toiii. li., pp.
263, 544-6. ' I liaue lieeretofore aaydc, that tlicy haue books whereof they
brought nianv: but this Ribcra saith, that tlicy are not made for the vse of

readinge What I shouhl thinke in this variety I knowo not. I suppose

them to l)ee bookes.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x!, dec. iii., lib. viii. ' Y en-
tre la barbaridiul destas naciones (dc Oajuca) sc liallaron muchos libros h su
niodo, en hojos, 6 telos de especiales cortc.'^as dc arholcs . . . . Y destos mes-
mos instrunientos he tenido en niia manos, y oydoh>sexplicar h algunos viejoa
con bastanto adniiraciun.' Burgoa, Palestra Hist., pt i., p. 89. 'I'intaban
en vnos papeles de hi tierra que dan los arlioles pegados vnos con otrus con
engrudos, que Ilaniaban Tcxnmalll sushistorias, y Iwtallas.' Vctanevrt, Tea-
tro Mex., pt ii., p. 60. 'Lodiciio lo c<>in))ruebau clarauicnte las Historias de
las Naciones Tultcca y Chichinieca, fi^uradas con pinturas, y Ucroglificos,
cspecialmentcenaquel Libro, queen Tula hicieronde suorigcn, y Ic lluniaron
Teoniaxtli, esto cs, Libro divino.' Lorrmann, in Corlis, Hist. N. Esjtaiia, pp.
6, 8-9. ' It is now proven beyond cavil, that both Mexico and Yucatan had
for centuries before ('oluinbus a phcuietic system of writing, which insured
the perpetuation of their histories and legends.' Brinton's Mjftlis. See also
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chkh., in Kingslwrouqh's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 203-4,
235, 287; Id., Rclacionrs, in Id., p. 325; bitos Antiqiios, p. 4, in Id. ; Garcia,
in /rf., vol. viii., pp. 190-1; Gomara, Conq. Mex., itol. 299; Motolinia, Hist.
Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., torn, i., pp. 186, 209; Fiicideal, in Ter-
navx-Compniia, Fbi/.iSorie i., torn, x., p. 230; Veiftia, Hist. Ant. Met., torn,
i., pp. 6-7, 251-2; Jternal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68; Purchat his Pilgrinws,
vol. IV., p. 1135.

526

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

annals were preserved together in a few of the larger
cities, made the task of Zumdrraga and his confreres
comparatively an easy one, and all the more important
records, with very few probable exceptions, were blot-
ted from existence. The priests, however, sent some
specimens, either originals or copies, home to Europe,
where they attracted momentary curiosity and were
then lost ani forgotten. Many of the tribute-rolls
and other paintings of the more ordinary class, with
perhaps a few of the historical writings, were hidden
by the natives and thus saved from destruction. Of
these I shall speak hereafter.'

After the zeal of the priests had somewhat abated,
or rather when the harmless nature of the paintings
was better understood, the natives were permitted to
use their hieroglyphics again. Among other things
they wrote down in this way their sins when the
priests were too busy to hear their verbal confessions.
The native writing was also extensively employed in
the many lawsuits between Aztecs and Spaniards
during the sixteenth century, as it had been employed
in the courts before the conquest. Thus the early
part of the centuiy produced many hieroglyphic docu-
ments, not a few of which have been preserved, and
several of which I have in my library. During the
same period some fragments that had survived the
general destruction were copied and supplied with ex-

1 * Aunque por haverse qiiemado estos Libros, al principio de la conver-

Bion no ha quetlatUt, para aora, miii averigiiado todo lo que ellos hicieron.'

Torquemada, Munarq. Iiid., torn, ii., p. 544, torn, i., prologo. Some of
them burned by order of the monks, in the fear that in tlie matter of reli-
gion these boolKa might prove injurious. LasCnsas, Hint. Apologttica, MS.,
cap. ccxxxv. UoyaT archives of Tezcuco burned inadrertenlly by the first
pncsta Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. C/iich., in Kiiujsbaroufffi's Afcx. Antiq.,\o\. ix.,

f). 20.*). ' Principalniente habiendo pereeido lo mejor de sus historias entrc his
lamas, p«)r no tenersc conocimiento de lo que signiticalmn bub pinturax.'
Leoti y Gniiia, Don Piedras, pt i., np. 2, 5. 'Por descracia loB misioneros
confundicron con los objetos ncl culto idoldtrico todos los gerogliiicos crono-

16gicos 6 hist4trico8, y en una misma hogucra so consumia el Idolo y cl

manuBcrito.' Alaman, Diaertacioiits, tom. ii., p. 154. See also PrescotCa
Mcx., vol. i., p. 101; Sahanuii, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 139-41;
Claviqero, Storia Ant. del Afaiaico, torn, ii., p. 18S; Duatumante, Mailanaa,
torn, li., prdlogo; Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., p. 226; Wilton's Conq. Hex., p.
24.

VALUE OF THE NATIVE RECORDS.

rger

r^res

tant

)lot-

>me

>pe,

'^ere

rolJs

ith

[den

planations written with European letters in Aztec, or
dictated to the priests who wrote in Spanish. The
documents, copies, and explanations of this time are
of course strongly tinctured with Catholic ideas wher-
ever any question of rcliirion is involved, but other-
wise there is no reason to doubt their authenticity.*

To discuss the historical value of such Aztec writ-
ings as have been preserved, or even of those that
were destroyed by the Spaniards, or the accuracy of
the various interpretations that have been given to tlie
former, fonns no part of my i)urj)ose in this chapior.
Here I shall give a brief account of the preserved
documents, with plates representing a few of them as
specimens, and as clear an idea as possible of the sys-
tem according to which they were painted. Respect-
ing the theory, supported by a few writers, that the
Aztecs had no system of writing except the habit
conmion to all savage tribes of drawing rude pictures
on the rocks and trees, that the statements of the con-
querors on the subject are unfounded fabrications, the
specimens handed down to us mere inventions of the
priests, and their interpretations consequently purely
imaginary, it is well to remark that all this is a mani-
fest absurdity. On the use of hieroglyphics the au-
thorities, as we have seen, all agree ; on their destruc-
tion by the bishops they are no less unanimous; even
the destroyers themselves mention the act in their
correspondence, glorying in it as a most meritorious

' 'It is to this transition-period that we owe many, perhaps most, of the
picture-documents still preserved.' Ti/lor's Researches, p. 97. 'There was

until late in the last century, a professor in the University of Mexico,

especially devoted to the study of the national picturc-writinu. But, as this
was with a viewtolepil procccdinp4, his information, pro1)abiy, was limited
to deciphcrin(r titles.' J'rescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 106. 'L'usage de ces pein-
tures, servant de pifeces de proces, c'est conservtS dans Ics tribunaux es-
pagnols long-temps apr^s la conqufite.' Humboldt, I'?<f.«, torn, i., pp. 109-70.
'Escriltcn toda la doctrina ellos por sus figuras y caracteres niuy ingeniosa-
nientc, poaieiido la tigura quo corrcs|>ondia en la voz y sonido d nuestro
vocahlo. Asi como si dijeremos Amen, poiiian pintada una conio fuentc y
luego un maguey que en su lengiia correspoude con Amen, porque lluniada
Ametl, y asl de todo lo dentas.' Las Casus, I fist. AiwloaHira, MS., cap.

ccxxxv. ^e aXao Ritos Antic — ~ "" "" ''" — *■ *' — .•-*.•-

vol. ix.; Ramirez, I'rovcso at
linia. Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta,

intas. Las Vasas, lltst. Apolonttira, MS., cap.
itigvos, p. 63, in Kingsboroiigh's Mex. Antiq.,
de Restd.; Carhajal, IHscuiso, p. 115; Moto-
\alceta, Col. de Doc., toui. i., p. 122.

538

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

deed. The burning was moreover perfectly consistent
with the policy of the Church at that time, and its
success does not seem extraordinary when we consider
the success of the priests in destroying monuments of
solid stone. The use of the aboriginal records in the
Spanish courts for a long period is undeniable. The
priests had neither the motive nor the ability to in-
vent and teach such a system. Respecting the liis-
torical value of the destroyed documents, it is safe to
believe that they contained all that the Aztecs knew
of their past. Having once conceived the idea of
recording their annals, and having a system of writing
adequate to the purpose, it is inconceivable that they
failed to record all they knew. The Aztecs derived
their system traditionally from the Toltecs, whose
written annals they also inherited ; but none of the
latter were ever seen by any European, and, according
to tradition, they were destroyed by a warlike Aztec
king, who wished the glory of his own kingdom to
overshadow that of all others, past, present, or future.
If the hieroglyphics of the Nahua nations beyond the
limits of Andhuac differed in any respect from those
of the Aztecs, such differences have not been recorded.*

* 'Au Mexique, rusoge dcs peintnres et celni du papier de maguey
s'etcndoient bien au dclii dcs liinitCH de I'enipire de Montezuma, jusqu uux
bordH dn lac de Nicaragua.' 'On voit que les pcuples de I'Aniferiquc etnicnt
bien uIoigu6s de cctte perfection qu'avoient atteintc les £gypticu8.' Hum-
boldt, Kmcs, torn, i., pp. 208, 193-4. 'Clumsy as it was, however, the Az-
tec picture-writing seems to have been adequate to the demands of the
nation.' PreacotCs Mex., vol. i., pp. 07-8, 108. 'The Mexicans may have
advanced, but, we believe, not a great v;ay, Iteyond the village children,
the landlady (with her ale-scores), or the Uosjcsnians.' Quarterly Review,
I81G, vol. XV., pp. 451, 449. ''i\M picture writings copied into the monster
volumes of Lora Kingsltorough, we have denounceu as Spanish fabrica-
tions.' Wilson's Conq. Mex., pp. 21-24. ' Until some evidence, or shadow
of evidence, can be found that these quasi records are of Aztec origin, it
would be useless to examine the contradictions, absurdities and nonsense
they present. . . .The whole story must be considered as one of Zumarraga's
pious frauds.' Id,, pp. 91-2. 'Las pinturas, que sc qucmaron en tieniiN)
del sefior de Mexico, que se decia Itzcdatl, en cuya d]M)ca los senores, y los
principales que liabia ent6nces, acordaron y mandaron que se quemasen
todas, para que no vinicsen d manos del vulgo, y f ucscn mcnospreciados.' Sa-
hagun. Hist. Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., pp. 140-1; Brasscur de Bourhourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 209. See also Waldcck, Voij. Pitt., pp. 46-7;
Gallatin, in A mer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 144; Orozco y Bcrra,
Qeogrtrfia, p. 100; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, etc., vol. L, p. 93.

EUROPEAN COLLECTIONS. m

I have said that many hieroglyphic manuHcripts,
saved from the fires kindled by Zumdrraga's bigotry,
or copied by ecclesiastical permission before servmg as
food for their purifying iiames, were sent to Spain by
the conquerors. After lying forgotten for a few cen-
turies, attention wab again directed to these rel-
ics of an extinct civilization, and their importance
began to be appreciated ; search was made throughout
Europe, and such scattered remnants as survived their
long neglect were gathered and deposited in public
and private libraries. Eight or ten such collections
were formed and their contents were for the most part
published by Lord Kingsborough.

The Codex Mendoza was sent by the viceroy Men-
doza to Charles V., and is now in the Bodleian Library
at Oxford. It is a copy on European paper, coarsely
done with a pen, and rolled instead of folded. Another
manuscript in tuo Escurial Library is thought by
Prescott to be the original of this codex, but Hum-
boldt calls it also a copy. Au explanation of the
codex in Aztec and Spanish accompanies it, added by
natives at the order of Mendoza. It has been sev-
eral times published, and is divided in three parts, the
first being historical, the second composv^d of tribute-
rolls, and the third illustrative of domestic life and
manners."

The Codex Vaticanus (No. 3738) is preserved at
Rome in the Vatican Library, and nothmg is known
of its origin further than that it was copied by Pedro
de los Rios, who was in Mexico in 1566. It is di-

* See Mexican MSS.. in the list of authorities in vol. i. of this work, for
the location of this and other codices in Kingsborough 's work. This codex
was published also in Purchas his I'ilgrimet, vol. iv. ; Thevenot, Col. de
Voy., 169C, torn. ii. ; and by Loremana, in Cortis, Hist. N. EspaAa. 'D'aprfes
les recherches que j'ai faites, il parolt qu'il n'cxistc aujourd Jiui en Eunipe

3uesix collections de peintnres mexicamcc: celles de rEscurial, deBologne,
e Veletri, de Rome, de Vienne et de Berlin.' Humbcldt, Vues, torn, i.,
p. 215. See also on the Codex Mendoza: Id., torn, ii., pp. 30&-22; Robert-
son's Hist. Amer., (Lond., 1777), vol. ii.,P. 480; PreseotVs Mex., vol. i., PP*
40, 103-4; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del mesaieo, torn. i>, JPP- 22-3, 26; UOi-
latin, in Amer. Ethno. Soe., Transact., vol. i., pp. 116-S29; Kingsborough^
Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 299.
Vol. II. M

880

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

vided into two |ia»^i/H, mytholoj^ical and historical, and
luiH a partial c'\|>l'inatii>n in Italian. Anotlier nianu-
t:jri[)t, (No. 377()) preserved in the same lihnirv, is
written on skin, hjiH been interpreted to Home e.\tent
by Humboldt, and is supposed to pertain to relij.>ioU8
rites. The Vodt'.c Tvllvnano-lii'meiisi)*, formerly in
the possession t>f M. Le Tellier, and now in the
Koyal Library at Paris, is nearly identical with tlie
(Jodex Vaticanus (No. 37Ji8), havin«r onl> one fij^ure
not tbund in that cihIc.x, but itself iackinjL>- many. It
has, however, an explanation in Aztec and Spjuiish."
The Cixh'x lioi'ijiou was deposited in the Collei»"e
of the Propaj^anda at Home by Cardinal .!>(>rtfia, who
found it used as a playtliin«( 'oy the children in the
(iiistiniani family. It is written <tn skin, and appears
to be a ritual and astroli>^ic ahiianai; very similar to
the Vatican manuscript (No. .'{77(»). It is accompa-
nied by an interpretation or connnentary by Fabre«fa.
The CV/f'.r /it»/<>;/iio, preserved in the libiary of the
Seientitic Institute, was presente«l in MWJ;) tt> the
Manpiis (le Caspi, by C ount Valeri(» Zani. It is writ-
ten on badly pre|)ared skin, and ap]>ears to treat of
astroloi^y. A copy exists in the Museum of Cardinal
J^or>;ia at Veletri. Of the (/oiAr I'lcnmt iiotliinn' is
known exce|>t that it was j^iven in 1(577 to the Km-
pfior Leopold by the l)uk< of Saxe-Kiseiiach, and
that its resemblance to tlie mamisci'ipts at Home aiul
N^'lctri Would indicate a connnon ori]nin. Four ad-
ditional manusi ri|)ts jroin the Hodleian Lib ary at
()xford, and one luilonyiui,^ to M. de Fejcrvary in
Hungary, arc published by Kin^^sborouj^h. Xothini;'
is known of the oriijin ol" these, nor has any intcipii^
ta,ti(tn Ikjcu attejupted, althoui^di the last named seems
to be historical or chronolojLfical in its Jiature.^

'• Uiimhnlill, Vitis, toil), i., p).. 17;i. I'MAl; Mhm. |il. V.}, U, 'Jf.. .".«!. (U».
tiMll. ii., |i. IIS; I'ftin'ifi rii, Slm/ir .l;(^ (/('/ Mrsxiru, tulil. i.. |i '2'.i: >iii//iiliii.
ill Aniir. ICf/iiiit. Snr., 7'(7(^■•'»>'•^, Mil. i., jiji. I Hi, I2.'>, I.TJ-IH; Kiixixhiir-
vinili's Mr.r. Aiifi'/., M>\. vi., |i|>. !>.'», I.m; II ilxun's <'i,iii/. Mix., |i iH. ■Till'
firlioii of sdiiic SiuiiiiMli inidlk.' (Jiinrtirh/ /{i riiii\ IHUi, vol, xv., p. IIH.

' IliimliitUlt, Viiis, toiii. i., p|i. ■-•It)-I!>, 'JW-.'rfi, with |MiitiiiiiH ol llii- llor-

rU'TUUE-WHITINfJS i'UESERVKn IN MKXKO.

Thll

I h ive said that nmny manuHcripts, mostly cojjieH,
but |) irliuhly some ori^j^inalH, were preserved from de-
striK^tioii, and retaiiie<l m Mexico. Material is not
ai'<!essil>le for a complete «letailed history of these
doeuments, nor does it seem desirahle to attempt here
to disei!taii,i»'le the mimeroiis contradictory statements
on the snhject. The survivinjir remnants of the 'IVz-
cucan archives, with a<lditions from various sounds,
Were inherited hy IxtlilxocliitI, the line; i descendant
of Tezcu(!o's last kiny\ who used them ; .lensively if
not always judit'iously in his voluminoUH historical
writini;s. Tlie collection of which these documents
formed a nucleus may he traced m«»re or less cltarly
to the successive possessicni of Sit^iienza, the ( V»lley;e
of San Pe(ho y San l*ahlo, iioturini Benaduci, tlie
Vice-re<jfal Palace, Vtytia, ()r*e^'a, Leon y (Jama,
Pichardo, Sanchez, and jit last to the Nati(»nal Mu-
seum of the Hniversity of Mexii-o, its pri'sent and
appropriiite restin^^-j>lac(\ FretpU'ut interventions of
«fovernment and private law-suits interrupted this
line of succession, and thi^ colhction hy n(» m(tans
passed down the line intact. I'lidcr the care ol' sev-
eral of the owners larj^e portions of the accumulation
were scattered; hut on the otlan* hand, several l»y
persitnal research oreatly enlarsj^ed their store of ah-
ori-jfinal literature. While in Siijiienzas possession
the (IfHumeiits were e\. nniu'd hy the Italian traveler
(Jemelli Careri, through whose puhlish«'<l work one of
the most important t)f the j»ictured na-ords was made
known to the world. This latter has Iummi often re-
puhlished and will he n'lven as a specimen in this
chaitter." ('lavit,^'ro studied the maimscripts in the
.Kssuit Col'ejre of San I*e<lro y San F*al>lo in \7^)\h^

" Ciiriri, (liriiilil Moin/n, (Nii|ilcs, ItJiMI- ITlHt), toiii. \i,; Ihuiilni/i//, ]'iii:<i,
toiil. ii., |tii. KJS S,'i, Alius, |il. xwii.; Ixniiisliiiriiiiiili's Mix. .{iili'i.. Mil, iv.;
Si-hiiiihrnfl'.'i Arr/i., vol. i., |i. 'JO; I'livn.l/'s Hist. I'liiii/. .Mi.r {\iv\. IsUi),
ti)iii. iii.; iiitri'iti 1/ I'liliii.v, .if/iit; Siiiiiiii'.s '/'ill Triliis, frniiliH|iii-rc; ( •iillaliii,
ill Aiiin-. Klhiin. S<ir., Trmisivl. , veil, i., ii. l'J7, |>ioiii>iiin'cs it an iiiiitaliini
ami not a coitv of a Mcxiraii |>aiiitiii|{, nlxmr aiitlioiitieity may lii.' (louhtu<l.

'■> Storiu A)il. ifil Mr.t.stcu, torn, i., pp. *i2-('i.

532

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Boturini was a most indefatigable collector, his accu-
mulation in eight yeai's amounting to over five hun-
dred specimens, some of them probably ante -dating
the S})ani«h conijuest. He published a catalogue of
his treasures, which were for the most part confiscated
by the government and deposited in the })alace of the
viceroy, where many of the documents are said to
have l)een destroyed or damaged l)y damj^ness and
want of care. Those retained bv the collector were
even more unfortunate, since the vessel on which they
were sent to Europe was taken by an English pirate,
and the papers have never since l)een heard of. Only
a few fragments from the Boturini collection have
ever been published, the most imjwrtant of which, a
history of the Aztec migration, has been often re-
produced, and will be given »n this chapter. The
original was seen by HumlK)ldt in tl»*! palace of the
vicerov, and is now in the Mexican Museum.'"

The confiscated documents pHJ*t*ed by order of the
Spanish government hito the hands of \'»vtia. or at
least lie was permitted to use them in tin- preparation
of his history," and after his death ar*d tti* cf/rnple-
tion of his work by Ortega, they passt/J, mA without
a lawsuit, into the j)ossession of f^'on y Oama, the
astronomer." ( )ii tlio death of (iama a part of his
mamiscripts were K<»ld to Humboldt to ft)rm the Ber-
lin collection published by KingslM)rougb;'^ the rest

n Botiiriiti. CaMlogo, in /</., /r/ru, Aiihiii, in Rv(is»fiir dr Jiourhourg,
Ili-it. Nut. dr., toMi. i.. pp. xxxiii.; frrnroff'/i Mrj;., v«»l. i., pp. I.'»*-4I0;
HinnhnMt, Vtirn, ttini. i., pp KW 3, 'Z-ilfr-A; ('l>n-i/firv, Storia Aiif. drl \tf»-
ulri,, toiii. !., pp. '15-17, '.'3-.'); <riit/<i(ni, in Aiaer. Klhno. So<:, Tranxurt ,
vol. i., pp. I'20-I; I'fi/fin, Hist. Ant. Mr/., toni. i., p. xxi., et scq., p. 1 1«
'I'iuit portion of tiic rcMlt'X M<MHlo/.a jfivon in Vortfn, Hist. N. En/mrin, »««
fiMMi II rops ii' till* llotnrini colU'.-tion. Tliv n)anuHcript ilcHcriliiii}; tli*>
Aztec hii;;rati<>ii wtin piihliMlii-il in KinptlM>rnu};li, Srli«Milcmft, I'rcscott.
(MfX. IH4(ll, lliinilMildt M .l^/f(.v, Dcliilii'lirH Antiq. Amir., (ianlii v Culms'
A tins, anil I liavo in ni\ lihrury two copiuH on long tttripH of ]>u|)(;r fol<ic(l in
tiie ori;.'inul form.

'• Ortc;;a, in I'ruti/i. Hist. j\ *. Mrj., toni. I., pp. xxii-xxiv., Ha\« thi'V
wiTo not jfiviMi to Vcvtia iIm Hotnrini a executor, but winiply entruHteU to
him for \\*v in liis work, and aftfrwanJM ri<tnrne<l to the areliivuH.

'* (iomlra. in I'irsi-off. /fist, t'otiq. Ulrjr. (M«;x., 1840), toHi. iii., p. ii., H4iyH
that ( ianni waH Si)r(keny.a'H heir.

ii Humboldt, luut, toni. i., pp. IC). ■i.'M 1.

hip:roglyphic development.

533

came into the hands of Pichardo, (Jrama's executor,
who spent his j)rivate fortune in iniprovinji^ his collec-
tion, described by Humboldt as the richest in Mexico.
Many of Pichardo's papers were scattered durin«; the
revolution, and the remainder descended throuufli his
executor Sanchez to the Museum." It is not unlikely
either that the French intervention in later years was
also the means of sendinj^ some picture- writ! n«^s to
Europe. Of the documents removed from the Mexi-
can collections on difterent occasions and under ditfer-
ent T>retexts, M. Aubin claims to have secured the
larffer part, which are now in his collection in J^aris,
with co])ies of such maimscripts as he has l)een unable
to cbtain in the orijfinal form."

In order to form a clear idea of the Aztec system
of picture-writinjjc, it will be well to consider first the
-'eneral principles of hiero«)flyphic development, which
ire remarkably uniform and simple, and which may
l)eHt f*- illustrated l>y our own langua*»'e, supposin*^ it,
f<f»r C(Mivenience, to be only a spoken timyue.

ft is ♦•vidt'iit that the first attempt at expressing?
Wi«'as with the brush, [)encil, or knife, would be the
reprcs»rritatioti of visible objects by j)ictures as accti-
rately <irawn .'is jK)ssible; a house, man, bird, or Hower
are Jravvn true to the life in all their details. But
very s<M»n, if a frecjuent repetition of the pictures were
needed, a desire to save labor would prompt the artist
to simplify his drawing, makiiiLj only the liiu^s neces-
mi4f to show that a lnHiwe, man, etc., were meant, -a
rt!<f'>yfnide movement artisti<ally considerel. but intel-
lectually the first step towaids an Ml]>iiabet. The
rej»resentation of action.^ aiul conditions, such as a
house on fire, a dead man, a flvini>- bird, or a red flower
Would naturally follow.

'* /hmtfiinfinfr, in Leon y damn, Ikm PifArax, pt i., pp. ii-iii. ~_-

'■* St'c li»t of part iif M. AuUin'- iiiniiii'U'riptH in lirnssrurih' RouftioHrr/,
Ilixt, S'lif. f '//'., toMi. i., |ip. Ivvxi lxx^iil ; uIho a very ••Diiiplt'to acrdimt of
llic ilirt'tTfiit oillcriiiiiiM of A/tcM- pii-liiiV'Wriliii;>N ' ill tiic iiitnxlurtory
••hapti'r of l){jin€ii'ih, Atnuiuint J'oloyruj)/ii<jU(.

534

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The three j^rades of cleveh)pment mentioned helong
to what may he tenned representative picture-writiiiju^.
It is tt) he noted that this writing has no rehition to
hin<;uaufe; that is, the signs re})resent only visihle oh-
jects and actions Avithout reference to tlie words l)y
which the oiyects are named or the actions expressed
in our hinguage. The pictures would have the same
meaning to a Frenchman or Cjermanas to the painter.

The next higher phase of the art is known as svm-
bolic picture-writing. It springs from the need that
would soon he experienced of some method hy which
to express abstract (pialities or invisible oiyects. The
symbolic system is closely analogous in its earlier
stages to the represiiutative, as when the act of swim-
ming is symbolized by a fish, a journey by a succes-
sion of f<K>tprints, night by a black s<|uare, light by
an eye, power by a hand, the connection between the
picture anil the idea to be expressed being more or less
obvious, Such a comiection, real or imaginary, must
always be supposed to have existed originally, since it
is not likely that purely arbitrary symbols would be
adopted, but nearly all the symbols would be practi-
cally arbitrary and meaningless to a would-be inter-
preter ignorant of the circumstances which originated
their signification.

We have seen that the symbolic and representative
stages of development are in many res])ects very like
one to the other, and there* are many hieroglyphic
metluKls between the two, which it is verv difiicult to
assign altogether to eitlier. For instance, when a
large j>ainted heart expresses the name of a chief
'Big Heart;' or when a j>eculiarly formed nose is
painted to rej)resent the man to whom it belongs; or
when tbe outlines of the house, man, bird, or fiower
already mentioned are so very much simplified as to
lose all their a]>parent resemblance to the objects
represents!, ft is also to be noted that the symbolic
writing, as well as the re})resentative, is entirely in-
dependent of language.

HHPItESENTATIVE AND SYMBOLIC WUITING.

&35

Pictiire-writinjr of the two classes descrilHjd has l)eeii
praeti(;ed uiore or less, i)robal)ly, hy every savajje
tribe. By its aid records of events, such as tribal
inij>rations, and tlie warlike achievements of noted
chiefs, may be anil doubtless have been made intelli-
gible to those for wluwe ]»erusal they wtjre intended.
But the key to such hierojLflyphics is the actual ac-
(juaintance of the nation with eacli chara<*ter and
symbol, and it cannot loni»' survive the practice of the
art. Jn only two ways can the meanin*.^ <'f >^i>*h
records be i>reserved, — the study of the art while
actually in use by a peo]>le of superior culture, or its
devel<)pment into a hierojflypbic system of a liiyher
jjfrade. Neither of these conditions were fulfilled in
the case of our Wild Tribes, but both were so to some
extent, as we shall see, in the case of the C'ivili/ed
Nations. Throughout the Pacific States rock-carvinii^s
and painted devices will be noted in a subseipient vol-
ume of this work ; most of them doubtless bad a me.in-
ui^ to their authors, althouoch many may be attributed
to the characteristic common to savau^es and iliildren
of whilinj^ away time by tracinjjc unmeaniniif sketches
from fancy. All are meaninucless now and must evi i-
remain so. Full of meaniiii^ to the ^feneration whose
work they were, they served t«) keep alive in the tol-
lowinif ^feneration the memory <»f some distinuiiished
warrior, or some element of aboriti'inal worship, but
to the third <jeneration thev became nt)t]iinL:- but ob-
jects of superstitious wonder. Kven after cominif
into contact with h^:>"opeans the siiva<;e often indicates
by an arrow and otluT fiLTures cjirved on a forest-tree
the number of an enemy and the dire<tion tluy have
taken, or leaves some other e<|ually simple representa-
tive record.

The next and most important step in hierooly]»hic
develojtnient is taktii when a phonetic element is in-
troduced; wJien the pictures come into a ndation, not
bef«»ir attaininl, with sounds or spoken liin;4ii!ii^e ;
when a pictui*e of thr luunaii form sinrnifies ntai:,

636

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

not homme or hombre; a painted house, house, not
caxa or maison. Of this phonetic picture-writing
in its simplest form, the illustrated rebuses — chil-
dren's hieroglyphics — present a familiar example; as
when charity is written by drawing in succession a
chair, an eye, and a chest ef tea, * chair-eye-tea.' In
pronouncing the whole word thus written, the sounds
of the words represented by the pictures are used
without the slightest reference to their meaning. To
the Frenchman the same pictures 'chaise -ceil -the'
would have no meaning.

In the example given the whole name of each word
pictured is pronounced, but the number of Mords that
could be produced by such combinations is limited,
and the first improvement of the system would per-
haps be to pronounce only the leading syllable or
sound of the pictured word, and then charity might
be painted 'cha (pel)-ri (ng)-tee (th).' By this sys-
tem the same word might he written in a great many
ways, and tlu3 next natural improvement would l)e
the conventional adoption of certain easily pictured
words to represent certain sounds, as *hat,' 'hand,' or
'ham,' for the sound ha, or simply the aspirated h.
The next development would be effected by simplify-
ing the outlines of the numerous pictures employed,
which have now become too complicated and bulky
for rapid writing. For a time this process of siiii])li-
fit'ation would still leave a rude resemblance to the
original picture; but at last the resemblance would
become very faint, or only imaginary, and j)erha|»s
some arbitrary signs would be added — in other words,
a phonetic alphal)et would be invented, the highest
degree of perfection yet aciiieved in this direction.

To recapitulate bricHy: picture-writing may be di-
vided, according to the successive stages of its devel-
opment, into three classes, re[)resentative, symbolic,
and phonetic, \h -mw of which except the last in its
highest or alphabetic, and the first in its rudest, state,
would be used alone by any people, but rather all

HIEROGLYPHIC WRITING.

687

would be employed together. In the representative
stage a ^ might express a human hand, or as the
system is perfected, a large, small, closed, black, or
red hand; and finally 'Big Hand,' an Indian chief;
and all this would be equally intelligible to American
or Asiatic, savage or civilized, without respect to
language.

Symbolic picture-writing indicates invisible or ab-
stract objects, actions, or conditions, by the use of
pictures sui)posed to be suggestive of them ; the sym-
bols are originally in a manner representative, and
rarely, if ever, arbitrarily adupted. As a symbol the
{j might express power, a blow, murder, the number
one or five. These symbols are also independent of
language.

Phonetic picture-writing represents not objects, but
sounds by the picture of objects in whose names the
sound occurs; first words, then syllables, then ele-
mentary sounds, and last — by modification of the
pictures or the substitution of simpler ones — letters
and an alphui»et. According to this system the ^
siirnifies successivelv the word 'hand,' the svlial)le
'hand' in handsome, the sound 'ha' in happy, the
aspiration 'h' in head, and finally, by simpHfying its
form «r writing it rsipidly, the ^ becomes h, and then
the 'h of the alphabet.

The process of development which I have attempted
to explain by iniaginarv exiimples and iiiustrations in
our own language, is probably applicable to a greater
or less extent to all hieroglyphic systems; vt-t such
hierogly|)hics as have been preserved are of a mixed
class, uniting in one word, or senterno, or d<K'unu!ut,
iill the forms, representative, symlK»liv, an<l phonetic;
the Egyptians first sj>elled a wtuxi phonetieally aM<l
then, to make the meaning clear, re[)resente(l the
word by a picture or sviuIh)! ; the Chinese characters
were originally j)ictures of visible objects, though
they would m^ now be recognize<i Jis such, if the
originals were not in existence. What j)roj)ortion of

588

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

the letters in modern alphabets are simplified pictures,
or roj)re8entative characters, and what arbitrary, it is
of course iini)()HHible to determine; many of them,
however, are known to be of the former class."

In the Aztec picture-writings all the grades or
classes of pictures are found, except the last and high-
est — the al|)habet. A very large pait of the charac-
ters employed were representative ; many conventional
syml)ols are known; and the Aztecs undoubtedly em-
ployed plionetic paintings, though perhaps not very
extensively in the higher grades of development.

The plate on the opj)08ite page is a reproduction of
a part of the Codex Mendoza from Kingsborough's
work. Its four grouj)s describe the education of the
Aztec child under the care of its parents. In the first
group the father (fig. .'{) is punishing his son by hold-
ing him over the fumes of burning chile (fig. 5); while
the mother threatens her daughter with the same
punishment. Figures 2 and 8 represent, like 11,1 (>,
20, 24, 30 and 34 in the other groups, the child's al-
lowan<'e of tortillas at each meal. In the secitiid
group the son is punished by being stretched naked
on the wet ground, having his luunls tied, while the
girl is foncd to swee|), or, as she has no tear in her
eye, jierhaps is merely being taught to sweep instead
of being })ui)i.shed. In the third grouj) the father em-
ploys his boys in luinging wo«)d (fig. 21) or reeds
either on the back or in a can»)e; and the mother
tea<;hes her daughter to make tortillas (fig. 27) and
the use of the metate and other household utensils
(figs. 23, 25, 26, 28). In the last group the son learns
the art of fishing, and the daughter that of weaving.

'6 In the Egyptian development, ft i)ict.iiretl mouth first Rignificd the
word rn, then the syUahle ro, and tinally the h'tter or Hound r, ultlioii^di it
Ih thMil>tful if thev nuu\i' much use of tlie third t<ta!.'e, except in writiii}.'
Home foreijfn wonU. Many of the Ciiiiiese ])icturcM are douhie, one iM-in;^
determinative of sound, tlic otiier of HcuHe; as if in Knglish >ve shouhl e.\-
iirews tiie xound jmir hy a picture of the fruit of that name, the fruit jxar
liy (lie same picture nccomiianied by a tree, tlie wtuii jmrr hy the name pic-
ture and a knife, the word i«»/> hy the jiicture and two points, ete. Hum-
boldt, Viiex, toni. )., pp. 17<-'.»; Tj/lor's ilinninhr.i, pp. OS-IOl.

SPECIMEN FKOM CUDEX MENUOZA.

'"GO
COOQO
00000

coooo f^
coooo

Education of Aztec CItildrcn.

Thus far all the pictures are purely representative;
the remainder are more or less symbolic. Tlie small
circles (H<,^ 1, 10, H), 29) are numerals, as explained
in a juecedini^ chai)ter, and indicate the aye of the

640

THE N AH II A NATIONS.

children, eleven, twelve, thirteen, and fourteen years
respectively; the character isHuin^ from the mouth of
the parents is the 8yml)ol of siK'ech, and indicates that
the person to whom it is attached is speakinjir; the
tears in the children's eyes, are symlnils of the weep-
inir naturally caused by the punishment inflicted; and
fiffure 14 is interpreted to be a syml>ol of nijjht, indi-
cating that the child was forced to sweep at nijjfht."

Many of the Aztec symbols are of clearly repre-
sentative ori»^in, as foot-prints, symb<ilw of travelmjf;
tongues, of speech; a man sitting on the ground, of
an earth(}uake ; painted drops, of water; and other signs
for day, night, air, movement, etc., which are more or
less clear. But of others, as the serpent, symbol of
time, the origin is not affirmed. To define the extent
to which the symbolic writing prevailed is very ditticult,
Injcause many of the characters which were, originally
at least, representative, would appear to the unini-
tiated purely arbitrary ; and it is not improbable that
many signs may have had a double meanuig according
to tiio connection in which they were employed. The
system is ca)»able of indefinite expansion in the hands
of the [)riesthood for purpiises of religious mystifica-
tion; and the fact that the religious and astrologic
documents seem to contain but few of the representa-
tive and phonetic signs by which other paintings are
interpreted, lends some probability to the theory that
the priests had a partially distinct symbolic system of
their own. The Abbe Brasseur goes so far as to say
that all the historical documents had a double mean-
ing, one for the initiated, another for the masses.
The use of symbols doubtless accounts for the difii-
cultv experienced in tlie inteqirotation of the j)icturo-
writings which have been j)reserved, and for the
variety of extravagant theories that have been founded
on them.

The intermediate method already mentioned as

" Codtx Mcndozn, in Kiiiffiihoruiii//i\i .l/lx. Autiq., vol. i., pi. Ixi. Ex-
planation, vol. v., pp. 9tt-7. See p. '1\\ of tliiH voliiiiie.

AZTEC PHONETIC WRITING.

541

coming between the purely representative and the
8ynil)olic, was very extensively employed by the Az-
tecs in writing the names uf ])laces and persons,
nearly all of which were derived from natural objects.
Examples of this method are: Itzcoatl, 'stone (or ob-
sidian) serpent;' Chapultepec, 'hill of the grasshop-
per;' Tz«>mpanco, 'place of skulls;' ChimaljKipoca,
'smoking shield;' Acamapitzin, 'hand holding reeds;'
Macuilxochitl, 'five flowers;' Quauhtinchan, 'house of
the eagle;' all written by the simple pictures of the
objects named. The picture expressing a person's
name was attached by a fine line to his head.

The use of the phonetic element by the Aztecs was
first noticed by the early missionaries in their efforts
to teach Church forms. The natives, eager or obliged
to learn the words so essential to their salvation but
so new to their ear, aided their memory by writing
phonetically in a rude way the strange words. Amen
was ex[»ressed by the symbol of water, att, joined to
a maguey, tncfl, forming the sounds atl-metl or a-m^,
sufficiently accurate for their purpose. Pater noster
was likewise written with a flag, ptintli, and a prickly
pear, nm'htli; or sometimes a stone, tetl^ was intro-
duced before and after the prickly pear, the whole
reiuling pa (ntfi) • te (tl) - noch (tli) - te (tl). Here it
will be observed that the sound only of the objects
employed is considered, with no reference to their
meaning. The name Teocaltitlan is an excellent
specimen of the syllabic -phonetic writing. It is
written in one of the manuscripts of the Boturini
collection by a pictured pair of li{)H, tentU, for the
syllable te; footste|)s, syml>olic of a road, otli, for o; a
house, <•«///, f<jr cnl; and teeth, tlantli, for thin, ti being
a common connective syllable. The termination coatl
is a very frecpient one in Aztec words, and is often
written phonetically by a 'pot,' comitl, surmounted by
the symbol of water, att, co-atl; but coatl means
'serpent' and is also written representatively by a
simple picture of that reptile. Matlatlan 'net-place,'

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C/a

542

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

is written by pictured teeth, tlantli, phonetic, and a
net, matia, representative. Mixcoatl, 'cloudy ser-
pent,' is expressed by the representative sio;n of a
cloud, mixtli, and by the word coatl phonetically writ-
ten as before explained. These examples suffice to
illustrate the system. There is no evidence that the
Aztecs ever reached the highest or alphabetic stage
of hieroglyphics, and so far as is known they only
used the syllabic method in writing names, and for-
eign words after the coming of the Spaniards. Still
there is some reason to suspect that the phonetic ele-
ment was much more in use than has been supposed,
and that many characters which, hitherto considered
by students as representative and symbolic signs, have
yielded no meaning, may yet prove to be phonetic,
and may throw much light on a complex and myste-
rious subject.^*

•8 'Oil trouve ini^ine cliez les Mexicaiiis des vestiges de ce genre d'liiero-
glyphes que Ton aitpelle ])lioiictii[iies, et qui nniioiive des rapports, iioii avee
meiiose, iiiais avec la laiigue parlee.' Humboldt, Vuc.ti, torn, i., p. 191, also
pp. l(>'2-'202. ' IJut, alt'Tougli the Aztecs were instructed in all tlie varieties of
iiieroglypliical n'liiitiiig, tliey cliierty resorted to tiie clumsy nietliod of direct
representation. I'lrsr.olfs Mex., vol. i., p. 97, also i)p. 88-107. 'It is to M.
Aubin, of Paris, a most zealous student of Mexican antiquities, that we owe
our first clear knowledge of a piieuomenon of great scientiKc interest in the
liisto\v of writing. This is a well-defined system of ]>hoiietic characters,
which Ciavigero and Humlioldt do not seem to have been aware of.' Ti/lor\t
Bciicarrhes, p. 95, also pp. 89-I0(). 'Dans les compositions grossihres, dont
les auteurs se sont jiresmie e.\clusiveinent occuptJs jusqu'ici, elle (I'ecriture
Azt^que) est fort senibialile au.v rebus que I'enfance inC'le ii ses jenx. Coiii-
inc ces rebus elle est gcneraleiiient phonutique, niais souvent aiissi coiifus^-
nieiit ideograpliique et syiubolique. Tels sont les noiiis de villcs et de rois,
cites liar Ciavigero, d'aprbs Purchaa ct Lorenzaiia et d'apres Ciavigero, par
line foule d'auteurs.' Aiduii, in Brasseitr dc Bourlmurq, Hist.Nnt. Civ.,
torn. ' , pp. xliv., <xx-lxxiv. See also on Aztec hieroglyphics and their
explanation: ISiixrhinunn, Ortxuamen, toni. i., ]q). 37-48; uoiidm, in Ptrs-
coff, Hist. Com/. Mcx., (Mex. 1841)), totn. iii. ; Lmn y Gamu, Dos I'iedras,
pt ii., pp. 29-45; Ell hank, in Srhoolcrnft'.i Arrh., vol. iv., pp. 453-«); ^h•ll^
dozn, in Sor. M''X. (frotf., Bofctin,2t\n 6yn>ci\., toni. i., jqi. 89(!-9()4; Rinnirez,
in Id., toni. iii.. pp. ()9-70; lioturini. Idea, jip. 5, 77-87, 9('). ll'J-13; CUiriqcm,
Ston'a Aiif.. del Mc.i.siro, toin. ii., ]>i). 187-94; I'imnitii, M'ni. sohrcla Miiza
Indiiji'iKi, pj(. 49-50; Carbtijn/. fH.iriirso, p. 5; Klemm, Ciiltiir-Gfse/iii'./ite,
toni. v., pp. 131-7; Vhei'itlir'r, M .r. Aiiricn. ct Mod., \\\>. 37-8,58; Hmiiholdt,
Ksmi Pol., torn, i., pp. 77, 93; Foster's Pre-Hist. Rnres, p. 322; Gidlatiii,
in Anier. Ethno. Sac,, Transact., vol. i., pp. 12(i, l()5-08; Ramirez, Proccso dc
Resld.; Lenoir, PiiralUle,m\ 1.3-16; Luhhoek's Pre- Hist. 7Vwr.«, p. 279; N.
Amvr. Rerieir, 1839, vol. xlviii., p. '289, 1831, vol. xxxii., pp. 98-107; ..4«ic;-.
Quart. Review, June 1827, vol. i., p. 438.

RECORD OF AN AZTEC MIGRATION.

543

On the two following pages is a copy of tlie paint-
ing already referred to as having been published by
Genielli Careri, Humboldt, Kingsborough, Prescott,
and others, and which 1 take from the work of iia-
mirez as being probably the most reliable source.*"
This painting, preserved in the National Museum, is
about twenty by twenty-seven inches, on maguey
paper of the finest (juality, now mounted on linen.
I do not propose to attempt in this chapter any inter-
pretation of the painting, to discuss the interpreta-
tions of others, or to invest gate its historical import-
ance. I simply present the document as an illustra-
tion of the Aztec picture-writing, with interpretations
of some of the figures as given by Senor Ramirez,
leaving to another volume all consideration of the old
absurd theory that a part of the painting (fig. 1-G)
pictures the flood, the preservation of Coxcox, the Az-
tec Noah, and the confusion of tongues.

The winding parallel lines, with frequent foot-prints,
by which the different groups of figures are united,
are symbols of a journey, and there is little doubt
that the whole [)ainting describes the migrations or
wanderings of the Aztec people. The square at the
right represents the place from which they started.
Fig. 1, 2, perhaps express phonetically its name, but
their interpretation is doubtful. It was evidently a
water}' region, probably a lake island in the valley of
Mexico. Fig. 3 is a xii(limo/pill{, 'bundle of grass,'
symbol of the Aztec cycle of fifty-two years; fig. 4
is a 'curved mountain,' or the city of Culhuacan, on
the borders of the lake; fig. 5 is a bird speaking to
the people (fig. 0), the tongues issuhig from its njouth
l)eing, as I have said, the usual symbols of speech.
It was a popular tradition among the Aztecs that the
voice of a bird started them on their wanderings.
The fifteen human forms (fig. 7, 12,) are the chiefs of
the migrating tribes, whose names are hieroglyphically

'* In Gnrcia y Ciihas, Atlat, with an interpretation.

544

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The Altec Migration.

PICTURE-WRITING FROM GEMELLI CARERI. 645

A'-t»-.^

Vol. II. £6

The Aztec Migration.

I I

516

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

expressed by the figures connected with their heads.
At their first stopping-place they completed another
'sheaf of fifty-two years (fig. 8), and perhaps built a
temple (fig. 11). The stay at Cincotlan (fig. 15) was
ten years as indicated by the ten circles; fig. 17 is
interpreted by Gemelli Careri Tocolco, 'humiliation,'
and fig. 18, Oztotlan, 'place of caves.' At the next
stopping-place fig. 20 represents a body wrapped in
the Mexican manner for burial ; his name as shown by
the character over his head is that of the central
figure in the group shown in fig. 7. As this name
does not appear again, the meaning is perhaps that
one of the tribes here became extinct. Fig. 25 is
Tetzapotlan, 'place of the tree tetzapotl.' The gen-
eric name of the tree is tzapotl (modern zapote), but a
particular species is tetzapotl, and the prefix te is pho-
netically expressed by the stone, tetl, at the base of
the tree. Fig. 28 is Tzompanco, 'place of skulls,'
representing supposably a skull impaled on a stick ;
fig. 29 is Apazco, 'earthen vase;' fig. 31, Quauhtitlan
'place of the eagle,' and here one of the chiefs of
tribes, the right hand figure of group 7, separates
from the rest to form a settlement at fig. 33. The
time of stopping at each place and the completion of
each fifty-two years are clearly indicated and need not
be mentioned here. Fig. 34 is Azcapuzalco, 'The ant-
hill;' fig. 83 is Chalco, 'the chalchiuite-stone;' fig. 36,
Tlecohuatl, tletl-cohuatl, or 'fire-serpent;' fig. 39, Chi-
comoztoc, 'chicome-oztotl,' 'seven caves;' the lower
part of fig. 47 is the symbol of water; fig. 48, Teozo-
maco, 'the monkey of stone.' Fig. 50 is Chapultepec,
'hill of the locust or grasshopper.' After the arrival
at Chapultepec a great variety of events, most of
which can be identified with traditional occurrences in
the early history of the Aztecs, are pictured. I shall
not attempt to ibllow them. The route seems to con-
tinue towards fig. 80, Tlatelolco; but five tribes (fig.
53), all but one identical with those of the group in fig.
7, 12, return as fugitives or prisoners (fig. 51) to Cul-

CHRONOLOGIC RECORD.

547

huacan (fig. 54), the original starting-point. Fig. 61,
and one of the characters of fig. 65, are tlie symbols
of combat or war. Fig. 67 is Inixiuhcan, 'birth-
place,' the picture representing a woman who has just
given birth to a child. Fig. 74 is Tenochtitlan, 'place
of tenochtli,' the tenochtli being a species of nopal
represented in the figure, and being also the sign of
the name of Tenoch, one of the original chiefs of the
group in fig. 12, and also seen in the group in fig. 81.
Six of the original tribes seem to have reached Te-
nochtitlan, afterwards Mexico, with the tribe that
joined them at Chapultepec; nine having perished or
been scattered on the wr.y, which agrees with the his-
torical tradition. The preceding brief sketch will give
an idea of a document whose full description and in-
terpretation, even if possible, would require much
space and would not be appropriately included here.
The picture-writing shown on the following pages
is the one already mentioned as having formed part
of the Boturini collection, is equally important with
the one already described, and is preserved like the
former in the National Museum. This painting, like
the other, describes a migration, indicated by the line
of foot-prints. Starting from an island, a passage by
boat is indicated to Culhuacan, 'the curved mountain,'
on the mainland. In this painting we hav^ not only
the number of years spent in the migration, and at
each stopping-place, but the years are named accord-
ing to the system described in the last chapter, .and
the migration began in the year Ce Tecpatl. The
character within that of Culhuacan is the name of
Huitzilopochtli, the great Aztec god. Next we
have in a vertical line the names of the eight tribes,
hieroglyphically written, who started on the mi-
gration, the Chalcas, Matlaltzincas, Tepanecs, etc.,
agreeing with the tradition, except tliree which can-
not be accurately interpreted. The first stopping-
place after Culhuacan was Coatlicamac, the first fig-
ure in the lower column of the first page. Here

TTT

i i

518

t— I

H
csj

O
P

o
o

»— I

1-3
•-]
O

&
H
O

FS4

THE NAHUA NATIONS,

HHBMH

HailHSl-H

.JHHiB
HSBMH

BiiHi--^

THE AZTEC MIGRATION.

549

lH[§-[^

eg^ec*

«&^«c3l

BBa

'»

^c^

IHlI-^-H

BhHlHiHH

L-WiHlHffi

660

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

they remained twenty-eight years from Oine Calli to
Yey Tecpatl as indicated by tlie squares connected by
a line. The last but one of these years completed the
cycle and is represented by a picture showing the
process of kindling fire by friction, instead of the
bundle of grass as before. Between the groups of
small squares are the hieroglyphic names of the stop-
ping-places, which are in the following order, begin-
ning with the second column of the first page, Coatli-
camac, Tollan, Atlicalaquiam, Tlemaco, Atotonilco,
Apazco, Tzompanco, Xaltocan, Acolhuacan, Eheca-
tepec, Tolpetlac, Coatitlan (where they first cultivated
the maguey), Huixachtitlan (where they made pulque
from the maguey), Tecpayocan, Pantitlan, 'place of
the flag,' Amalinalpan, Azcapuzalco, Pantitlan, Acol-

nahuac, Popotla, , Atlacuihuayan (Tacubaya),

Chapultepec, Acocolco, and Culhuacan (as prisoners).
The migration is not brought down to the arrival in
Tenochtitlan, but the chronology is perfectly recorded.
Several of the names of places are indicated by tlie
same hieroglyphic signs as in the other painting. It
will be observed that there is nothing to locate the
starting-place in the north-west. It was probably
either on the lakes of Andhuac, or in the south be-
yond what is now the isthmus of Tehuantepec. Both
oT these paintings will be noticed in the historical in-
vestigations to be given in volume V. of this work.

The hieroglyphic paintings afford no test of the
Aztec painter's skill; in an artistic point of view the
picture-writing had probably been nearly stationary
for a long time before the conquest. The pictures
were in most cases conventionally distorted; indeed,
to permit different painters to exercise their skill and
fancy in depicting the various objects required would
have destroyed the value of the paintings as records.
The first progressional steps had taught the native
scribes to paint only so much of representative and
symbolic objects as was necessary to their being un-
derstood; convenience and custom would naturally

THE NEPOHUALTZITZIN.

561

tend to fix the forms at an early period. Bold out-
lines, and bright contrasted colors were the desiderata;
elegance was not aimed at. Hence no argument re-
specting the Aztec civilization can be drawn from the
rude mechanical execution of these painted charac-
ters.

The American hieroglyphics contain no element to
prove their foreign origin, and there is no reason to
look upon them as other than the result of original
native development. Whether enough of the painted
records have been preserved to throw nmch additional
light on aboriginal history, may well be doubted; but
it is certain that great progress will be made in the
art of interpreting such as have been saved, when able
men shall devote their lives to a faithful study of this
indigenous American literature as they have to the
study of old-world hieroglyphics.**

I will in conclusion call attention to Boturini's
statement that knotted cords, similar to the aboriginal
Peruvian quipus, but called in Aztec nepohualtzitzin,
were also employed to record events in early times,
but had gone out of use probably before the Aztec
supremacy. This author even claims to have found
one of these knotted records in a very dilapidated con-
dition in Tlascala. His statement is repeated by
many writers; if any information on the subject is

20 ' On distingue dans les peintures mexicaines des t6tes d'une grandeur
<5norme, un corps excessivement court, et des pieds qui, par la longueur des

doigts, ressemblent h des griffes d'oiseau Tout ceci indiquc I'enfance de

I'art; mais il ne faut pas onblier que des pcuples qui cxprinient leurs idees

par des peintures attachent aussi peu d'lniportanec a peindre correcte-

nient que les savans d'Europe h employer une belle ecnture dans leurs
nianuscrits." Humboldt, Vites, torn, i., pp. 198-200; Brasseur de Bourbovrg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 653-4. Valades in 1579 gave an American
phonetic alphabet, representing each letter by an object of whose name it
was the initial in some language not the Aztec. Nothing is known of it.
Id., torn, i., p. Ixx. Borunda gives a Clave General de GerogUJicos Ameri-
canos, in Voz de la Patria, 1830, torn, iv.. No. iii. — an extract in Leon y
Gama, Dos Piedras, pt ii., p. 33. Sr Eufemio Mendoza, in Soe. Mex. Geog.,
Boletin, 2da 6poca, tom. i., p. 899, attaches some importance to Bonmda's
efforts. On the difficulty of interpretation see Boturitii, Idea, p. 1 16; Kinga'
borough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 87; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind,, tom. i.,
p. 149; Ixtlilxochill, Hist, Ghich., in KingsborottgKs Mex, Antiq,, vol. ix,,
p. 201; Preacott's Mex,, vol. i., p. 107.

6B2

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

contained in the old authorities, it has escaped my
notice.**

*> Boturini, Idea, pp. 85-7; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, i., p. 6; Cla-
viaero, Storia Ant. del JHe»Hico, torn, ii., p. 104; Carhajal Epinosa, Hi»t.
Mex., torn, i., p. 6fi6. Home additional reforcnceson liicroglypliicH are: Id.,
pp. 244, 5»l-2, 650-6, toiii. ii., p. 86; Noritmn's RnmhU« in Yuc, pp. 293-
6; Domenech's Desertfi, vol. i., pp. 407-8; Soden, Spanier in Peru, toni. ii.,
pp. 27-8; Huiuierre, V Empire Mex., pp. 175-6; Montnn%ts, Nieuwe Wee-
reld, pp. 206-7; Dappir, Neue Welt, p. 300; Dela field's Antiq. Anur., p.
42; Bonnyeastle's Span. Amer., vol. i., p. 62.

CHAPTER XVI IT.

ARCHITECTURE AND DWELLINGS OF THE NAHUAS.

Architecture of the .^.ncient Nations — General Featurks of
Nahl'a Architl^i . ii— The Arch — Exterior and Interior
Decorations— Method of Building— Inclined Planes— Scaf-
folds— 'iiu. USE OF the Plummet— BuiLDiNG-MATtaiALS— Posi-
tion AND Fortification ok Towns— Mexico Tenochtitlan—
The Great Causeways— Quarters and Wards of Mexico-
Tub Market-Place— Fountains and Aqueducts— Light-houhics
AND Street- work— City of Tezcuco— Dwellings— Aztec Gar-
dens—Temple OF HuiTziLorocHTLi— Temple of Mexico— Other
Temples— Teoc A LLi at Cholula and Tezcuco.

I shall describe in this chapter the cities, towns,
temples, palaces, dwellinj^s, roads, bridges, aqueducts,
and other products of Nahua architectural and con-
structive art, as they were found and described by the
Spaniards in the sixteenth century. Monuments of
this branch of Nahua art chiefly in the form of ruined
temples, or teocallis, are still standing and have been
examined in detail by modern travelers. The results
of these later observations will be given in Volume IV.
of this work, and I have therefore thought it best to
omit them altogether here. In order to fully com-
prehend the subject the reader will find it advantage-
ous to study and compare the two views taken from
different standpoints. It is for a general i ^d doubt-
less exaggerated account of the grandeur and extent
of the Nahua structures, rather than any details o\

(S.'>3)

554

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

their construction that we must look to the Spanish
chronicles ; and it is also to be noted that the descrip-
tions by the conquerors are confined almost entirely to
the lake region of Andhuac, the buildings of other
regions being dismissed with a mere mention. In
this connection, therefore, the supplementary view in
another volume will be of great value, since the grand-
est relics of Nahua antiquity have been found outside
of Andhu.'ic proper, while the oft-mentioned magnifi-
cent temples and palaces of the lake cities have left
no traces of their original splendor.

The Oliuecs, Totonacs, and others of the earlier
Nahua nations are credited by tradition with the erec-
tion of grand edifices, but the Toltecs, in this as in all
other arts, far surpassed their pVedecessors, and even
the nations that succeeded them. I have in a preced-
ing chapter sufficiently explained the process by which
this ancient people has been credited with all that is
wonderful in the past, and it will be readily under-
stood how a magnifying veneration for past glories,
handed down from father to son with ever accumulat-
ing exaggeration, has transformed the Toltec build-
ings into the most exquisite fairy structures, incom-
parably superior to anything that met the Spanish
gaze. With architectural as with other traditions,
however, I have little or nothing to do in this chapter,
but pass on to a consideration of this branch of art in
later times.

Respect for the gods made it necessary that the
temples should be raised above the ordinary build-
ings, besides which their height made them more
conspicuous to the immense multitudes which fre-
quently gathered about them on feast-days, render-
ing them also more secure from desecration and
easier of defence when used as citadels of refuge,
as they often were. But as the primitive ideas of
engineering possessed by the Aztecs and their insuf-
ficient tools did not permit them to combine strength
with slightness, the only way the required elevation

NAHUA ARCHITECTURE

656

could be attained was by placing the building proper
upon a raised, solid, pyramidal substructure. The
prevalence of earthquakes may also have had some-
thing to do with this solid form of construction. In
the vicinity of the lake of Mexico, the swampy na-
ture of the soil called for a broad, secure foundation ;
here, then, the substructure was not confined to the
temples, but was used in building public edifices,
palaces, and private dwellings.

Another general feature of Nahua architecture was
the small elevation of the buildings proper, compared
with their extent and solidity. These rarely exceeded
one story in height, except some of the chapels, which
had two or even three stories, but in these cases the
upper floors were invariably of wcxjd.

Whether the Aztecs were acquainted with our arch,
with a vertical key-stone, is a mooted point. Clavi-
gero gives plates of a semi-spherical estufa constructed
in this manner, and asserts, further, thai an arch of
this description was found among the Tezcucan ruins,
but I find no authority for either picture or assertion.
The relics that have been examined in modern times,
moreover, seem to show conclusively that key-stone
arches were unknown in America before the advent
of the Europeans, though arches made of overlapping
stones were often cut in such a manner as to resem-
ble them. The chaplain Diaz, who accompanied
Grijalva, mentions an 'arc antique' on the east coast,
but gives no description of it. Nevertheless, as the
'antique' would in this connection imj)ly a peculiar, if
not a primitive, construction, it is not probable that
the arch he saw had a key-stone.*

As decorations, we find balconies and galleries sup-
ported by square or round pillars, which were often
monoliths; but as they were adorned with neitlier caj)-
ital nor base the effect must have been rather bare.

' Clangero, Storia Ant. drl Mcssico, toin. iv., p. 212; Dinz, Itiniraire,
, ill TinKitije-Vompans, Voy., serie i., toin. x., p. 27; Braaaeur de liourbourg,
JlUt. Nat. Civ,, torn, iii., p. 6R8.

6K6

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Battlements and turrets, doubtless first used as means
of defense, became later incorporated with decorative
art. The bareness of *he walls was relieved by cornices
and stucco-work of various designs, the favorite fig-
ures being coiled snakes, executed in low relief, which
probably had a religious meaning. Sometimes they
were placed in groups, as upon the temple walls at
Mexico, at other times one serpent twined and twisted
round every door and window of an apartment until
head and tail met. Carved lintels and doorposts were
common, and statues frequently adorned the court and
approaches. Glossy surfaces seem to have had a spe-
cial attraction for the Nahuas, and they made floors,
walls, and even streets, extremely smooth. The walls
and floors were first coated with lime, gypsum, or
ochre, and then polished.

No clear accounts are given of the method of
erecting houses. Brasseur de Bourbourg thinks that
because the natives of Vera Paz were seen by him
to use scaffolds like ours, that these were also
employed in Mexico in former times, and that stones
were raised on inclined beams passing from scaffold
to scaffold, which is not very satisfactory reasoning.'

However this may be, we are told by Torque-
mada that the Aztecs used derricks to hoist heavy
timbers with,' Others, again, say that walls were
erected by piling earth on both sides, which served
both as scaffolds and as inclined planes up which
heavy masses might be drawn or rolled,* but al-
though this was undoubtedly the method adopted by
the Miztecs, it was too laborious and primitive to have
been general," and certainly could not have been em-

* Brasseur de Bourbourg, Jlisf. Nat. Cir., torn, iii., p. 658.

' Torqticmada, Monnrq. Iiid., toiii. ii., p. 274. Sahagun, in describing
how the people miscd a nitutt to the god of fire, says: 'AtAbanle diez nia-

romas por la mitad de 61 y como fe iban levantando, {mnianle inios ma-

deros atados dc dos en dos, y unos puntales sobre que descanzase.' Hist.
Gen., torn, i., lib. ii., p. 143.

* Herrera, Hist. Gen., (Translation, Lond. 1726), vol. iii., p. 280.

* Cnrhajnl Esf>inosa, Hist. 3fex., torn, i., p. 663; Clacigero, Storia Ant,
del Mcssico, torn, li., pp. 201-2.

BUILDING MATERIAL.

557

ployed in building the three-story chapels upon Huit-
zilopochtli's pyramid. The perfectly straight walls
built by the Nahuas would seem to indicate the use
of the plummet, and we are told that the line was
used in making roads." Trees were felled with copper
and flint axes, and drawn upon rollers to their destina-
tion,'' a mode of transport used, no doubt, with other
cumbrous material. The implements used to cut
stone blocks seem to have been entirely of flint.*

The wood for roofs, turrets, and posts, was either
white or yellow cedar, palm, pine, cypress, or oyametl,
of which beams and fine boards were made. Nails
they had none ; the smaller pieces must therefore have
been secured by notches, lapping, or pressure." The
different kinds of stone used in building were granite,
alabaster, jasper, porphyry, certain 'black, shining
stones,' and a red, light, porous, yet hard stone, of
which rich quarries were discovered near Mexico in
Ahuitzotl's reign.*" After the overflow of the lake,
which happened at this time, the king gave orders
that this should be used ever after for buildings in
the city." Tecali, a transparent stone resembling
alabaster, was sometimes used in the temples for win-
dow-glass." Adobes, or sun-dried bricks, were chiefly
used in the dwellings of the poorer classes, but burnt
bricks and tiles are mentioned as being sold in the

^ Motolinia, Ilist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc, torn, i., p. 63;
Clavigero, Storia Aiit. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 201.

T ' With their Copier Hutchcts, and Axes cunnyngly tempered, they fell
those trees, and hcwc thcni smooth. .. .and boiirinir a hole in one of the

edges of the beame, they fasten the roiie, then MCttc their slaues vnto it

putting round blocivs vnder tiie timber.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x. ;
Sahaffttn, Hist. Gen., torn, i., lib. ii., p. 141.

« Clavigero, Sforia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 205; Gomara, Conq.
Mex., fol. .318.

» Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x., states that they bored holes in l)canis.
They may thereiore have known the use of wooden bolts, but ttiis is doubt-
ful.

'" 'Le Tctzontli (pierre de cheveux), espbcc d'amygdaloidc poreuse, fort
dure, CMt une lave refroidie. On la trouve en grandc uuuntittS aupr^s do la
petite ville de San-Agostin Tlalpan, ou de las Cuovas, a 4 1. S. de Mexico.'
Brasscur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 381.

" Clamgrro, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 202; Carbajal Espi-
nosa, Hist. Mex., torn, i., p|>. fiG.3-4.

^* Brasseur de Bourbotirg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iv., p. 8.

658

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

markets.*' Roofs were covered with clay, straw, and
pahn-leaves. Lime was used for mortar, which was
so skillfully used, say the old writers, that the joints
were scarcely perceptible," but probably this was
partly owing to the fact that the walls were almost
always either white-washed, or covered with ochre,
gypsum, or other substances.

Frequent wars and the generally unsettled state
of the country, made it desirable that the towns
should be situated near enough each other to afford
mutual protection, which accounts for the great num-
ber of towns scattered over the plateau. The same
causes made a defensible position the primary obiect
in the choice of a site. Thus we find them situated
on rocks accessible only by a difficult and narrow
pathway, raised on piles over the water, or sur-
rounded by strong walls, palisades, earth-works and
ditches." Although they fully understood the neces-
sity of settling near lakes and rivers to facilitate in-
tercourse, yet the ^^owns on the sea-coast were usually
a league or two from the shore, and, as they had no
maritime trade, harbors were not sought for.^®

The towns extended over a comparatively large sur-
face, owing to the houses being low and detached, and
each provided with a court and garden. The larger
cities seem to have been layed out on a regular plan,
especially in the centre, but the streets were narrow,
indeed there was no need of wider ones as all trans-

^ Clm'iffcro, Storia Ant del Mcssico, torn, ii., p. 205. Cortes mentions
a 'siielo ladrillado' at Ixtu]*ala|Nin, Vartas, p. 83, and Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
(lee. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii., both adobes and ladrillos in speaking of building-
material.

'* IMi'ila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 75; Cnrbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mcx., torn, i., p. 6(53. 'L'ignorante Kicercatore ncga a' Messicani la cog-
nizionc, c rnso della calcina; ma consta per la teHtimonianza di tiitti gii
Storici del Mcssico, per la matricola de' tribiiti, e soiwatutto jier gli cdinzj
auticlii finora sussistenti, die tutte ({uellc Nacioni taccaiio dclla calcina il
mcdccimo use, che fanno gli Etiropex.' Clnvigero, Storia Ant. del Mcssico,
t im. ii., p. 205, torn, iv., pp. 212-1.3. Both dortiJs, Cartas, p. GO, and Her-
rera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., (in. vi., cap. iv., mention walls of dry stone, which
would show that mortar was sometimes dispensed with, in heavy structures;
b'.it Kernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 43, contradicts this instance.

'^ .\t Sienchimalcn. Vortis, Cartas, p. 57.

"' Hnisseur dc Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Cir., toni. iv., pp. 89-90.

MEXICO TENOCHTITLAN.

569

portation was done by carriers, and there were.no ve-
hicles. At intervals a market-place with a fountain
in the centre, a square filled with temples, or a line of
shady trees relieved the monotony of the long rows
"»f low houses.

The largest and most celebrated of the Nahua cities
was Mexico Tenoehtitlan." It seems that about the
year 1325 the Aztecs, weary of their unsettled condi-
tion and hard pressed by the Culhuas, sought the
marshy western shore of the lake of Mexico. Here,
on the swamp of Tlalcocomocco, they came upon a
stone, upon which it was said a Mexican priest had
forty years before sacrificed a certain prince Copil.
From this stone had 8i)rung a nopal, upon which, at
the time it was seen by the Mexican advance guard,
sat an eagle, holding in his beak a serpent. Impelled
by a divine power, a priest dived into a pool near the

" Mexico is generally taken to be derived from Mexitl, or Mexi, the
other name of Huitzilopochtii, the favorite god and leader of the Aztecs;
many, however, think that it comes from vwxico, springs, which were plen-
tiful in the neighborhood. Tenoehtitlan comes from tconochtli, divine noch-
tli, the fruit of the nopal, a species of wild cactus, and titlan, composed of
tetl, stone or rock, and an, an affix to denote a place, a derivation which is
officially accepted, as may l>e seen from the arms of the city. Others say
that it IS taken from Teiiiich, one of the leaders of the Aztecs, who settled
upon the small island of Pantitlan, both of which names would together
form the wor.l. ' Ce nom, qui veut dire Villc de la Tuna. . . .Le fruit de cet

arhre est appcle norhtli en mexicain, car le nom de tuna est tire de la

langue des insulaires de I'ile de Cuba On a aussi prdtendu que le veri-
table nom dc Mexico dtait Quauhnochtitlan, ce (^ui veut dire Fir/uicr de
VAigle. . . .D'autres, enfin, prdtcndent que ce figuier d'Inde n'otait pus un
» ocA//t propremcnt dit, mais d'une espfece sauvage qu'on appelle fcnorhtli,
ou de celle que les naturels nommcnt tconochtli ou figue divine.' 'Elle
avait nris du dieu Mcxix celui dc Mexico.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in
Nomrlks Annales dr.s Vo;/., 1843, tom. xcix., i)p. 174-5. 'Los Indios,
dcziun; y dizen oy Mexico Tcnuchtitluu; y assi se pone en las Proui-
siones lleales." Ihrrc'-a, Hist. Gcii., dec li., lib. vii., cap.xiv. 'Tenox-
titlan, que si; , i'uual en picdra.' Acosta, Hist, dc las Ynd., p.
466. The nati »■?» ui llaman Mexico, sino Tcnuchtitlan.' Torquemada,
Monani. Iiid., tom. i., p. 29.3. 'Tcnuchtitlan, que significa fruta do
piedra, 'Tambien dizen algunos, que tuuo esta ciudad nonibre de su
j>rimer fundador, que fue Tenuch, hijo scgundo dc Iztacmixcopti, cuyos
nijos y dccendientes poblaron. . .esta tierra. . .Tampoco falta quien ])iense
que se dixo de la grana, que llaman N'.ichiztli, la qual sale de' mcsmo car-
ditn nopal y fruta nuuhtii. . . .Tambien afirnian otros que sc llama Mexico
dc ios prinieros fundadorcs que se dixeron Mexiti.' uomara, Conq. Mex.,
fol. Il.'i-l.'); Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Ir.azhalceta, Col. dc Doc, torn, i.,

f». 180; Vlnrigcro, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 168-9. 'Tenoch-
Ulan, c'est-fi-dire, a'lprfes des nopals du rocher.' 'Ti-tlau est pris pour le
lieu.' lirasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 44(5-9.

560

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

I :

stone^ and there had an interview with Tlaloc, god of
waters," who gave his permission to the people to set-
tle on the spot.*' Another legend relates that Huit-
zilopochtli appeared to a priest in a dream, and told
him to search for a nopal growing out of a stone in
the lake with an eagle and serpent upon it, and there
found a city.*

The temple, at first a mere hut, was the first build-
ing erected, and by trading fish and fowl for stone,
they were soon enabled to form a considerable town
about it. Piles were driven into the soft bottom of
the lake, and the intermediate spaces filled with stones,
branches, and earth, to serve as a foundation for
houses. '^^

Each succeeding ruler took pains to extend and
beautify the city. Later on, Tlatelulco,** which had
early separated from Mexico Tenochtitlan, was re-
united to it by king Axayacatl, which greatly increased
the size of the latter city. Tezcuco is said to have
exceeded it in size and in the culture of its people,
but from its important position, imposing architecture,
and general renown, Mexico Tenochtitlan stood pre-
eminent. A number of surrounding towns and vil-
lages formed the suburbs of the city, as Aztacalco,
Acatlan, Malcuitlapilco, Atenco, Iztacalco, Zanco-
pinco, Huitznahuac, Xocotitlan or Xocotlan, Coltonco,
Necatitlan, Huitzitlan, etc.'^ The circumference of
the city has been estimated at about twelve miles, and
the number of houses at sixty thousand, which would

18 He is also termed god of the earth in the fable.

•9 Torqueinada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., pp. 91-4, 289-91; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., pp. 443-9.

*• Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., pp. 465-7. See also Clavigcro, Storia Ant.
del Messico, torn, i., pp. 167-8. Nearly all the authors give the whole of
the above meanings, without deciding upon any one.

«• Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., torn. L, p. 313; Heredia y Sarmiento,
Sermon, p. 95.

** It means islet, from tlatelli, island. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib.
vii., cap. xiv. Veytia says it is a corruption of xalteloleo, sandy ground.
Hist. Ant. Mei., tom. ii., p. 141; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 115.

w Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 218; Brasseur de Bour-
bourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 5.

CITIES OF ANAHUAC.

661

(r-

give a population of three liundred thousand.'** It
was situated in the salty part of the lake of Mexico,
fifteen miles west of its celebrated rival Tezcuco,
about one mile from the eastern shore, and close to the
channel throu'::;h which the volumes of the sweet water
lake pour into the briny waters of the lake of Mex-
ico, washinnf, in their outward flow, the southern and
western parts of the city. The waters have, however,
evaporated considerably since the time of the Aztecs,
and left the modern Mexico some distance from the
beach.'"'

Fifty other towns, many of them consisting of over
three thousand dwellings, were scattered on and
around the lake, the shallow waters of which were
skimmed by two hundred thousand canoes.^ Four
grand avenues, paved with a smooth, hard crust of
cement,^^ ran east, west, north, and south, crosswise,
forming the boundary lines of four quarters; at the
meeting-point of these was the grand temple-court.
Three of these roads connected in a straight line with
large causeways leading from the city to the lake
shores; constructed by driving in piles, filling up the
intervening spaces witli earth, branches, and stones,
and covering the surface with stone secured by mor-

'* The Anonymous Conqueror says two and a half to three leagues in cir-
cumference, winch is accepted by most autliors. Relatione fattd per %m(f en-
tiVhuomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Raniusio, Nariijationi, toin. iii.,
fol. 309. But as tlie cnibanlvment whicli formed a semi-circle round the
town was three leagues in length, the circumference of the city would not
have been less. Brasscur de Boiirboiivfj, Hist. Nat. C'io., torn, iv., p. 4.
Cortds says that it was as large as Seville or Cordovi-, Cartas, p. KKS. Ay-
Ion, in Id., p. 4,S, j)laces the nuniber of houses as low as ,30,000. Las
Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. I., who is usually so extravagant in his
descriptions, confines himself to 'mas dc cinquenta mil casas.' (ioniara,
Conq. Mcv., fol. ll.S, f)0,(M)0, each of which contained two to ten occu-
pants. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., toni.i., p. "201, places the number as
liigh OS 120,000, which may include outlying 8\iburbs. The size and busi-
ness of the nmrkcts, the remains of ruins to be seen round modern Mexico,
and its fame, sustain the idea of a very large po])ulation.

^■> Hvii Carbajal E-ifiinosd, Hist. Mex., toni. li., pp. 216-17, on former
aiul present surroundings. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. li., lib. vii., cap. xiv. ;
Cortes, Cartas, p. 10.S.

** Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 115.

^ 'Erano di terra come mattonata.' Relatione fatta per ?•« gentif

huomo del Siijnor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, torn, iii.,
fol. 309j PreseotVs Mex., vol. ii., p. 110.
Vol. II. 3«

I i

ill

562

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

tar. They were broad enough to allow ten horse-
men to ride abreast with ease, and were defended by
drawbridj^es and breastworks. *"

The southern road, two leagues in length, com-
menced half a league from Iztapalapan, and was
bordered on one side by Mexicaltzinco, a town of
about four thousand houses, and on the other, first by
Coyuhuacan with six thousand, and further on by
Huitzilopochco with five thousand dwellings. Half
a league before reaching the city this causeway was
joined by the Xoloc road, coming from Xochimilco,
the point of junction being defended by a fort named
Acachinanco, which consisted of two turrets sur-
rounded by a battlemented v. all, eleven or twelve feet
high, and was provided with two gates, through which
the road passed.^ The northern road led from Tepey-
acac, about a league off; the western, from Tlacopan,
half a league distant; this road was bordered with
houses as far as the shore.* A fourth causeway from

28 'Fueron hechas k mano, de Tierra, y Cespedes, y mui qiiajadus de
Piedra; son anchas, que pucden pasar por cada vna de cllas, trcs Oarretas
juntas, b dicz Honibres h, Caballo.' Torqttemada, Motiarq. Ind., toni. i., j».
292; Las Casas, Hist. Apoloqetica, Mb., cap. 1.; Prescotfs Mex., vol. ii.,

S. 69; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., torn, li., p. 217. 'Tan ancha conio
08 lanzas jmetas. Cortes, Cartas, p. 103. He mentions four causeways
or entrances, but this must include either the branch which joins the south-
ern road, or the aqueduct. 'Pueden ir por toda ello echo de caballo &
la par.' Id., p. 8,3. The view of Mexico published in the Luxemburg edi-
tion of Cortis, Cartas, points to four causeways besides the aqueduct, but
little reliance can be placed on these fanciful cuts. Helps thinks, however,
that there must have been more causeways than are mentioned by the
conqtierors. Span. Conq., vol. ii., pp. Aata, 4l12. 'Entrano in essa per tre
strade alte di pictra& ai terra, ciascuna largatrenta ptissi.' Relatione fatta
per I'll ffcntir/moino del Sigiior Fernando Cortese, in Jiamiisio, Natugationi,
tom. iii., fol. 309. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 4.
'Las puentes que teniau hechas de trecho & trccho.' Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 70.

» 'Dos uuertas, una por do entran y otra por do salen.' Cortis, Cartas,
84, which means, no doubt, that passengers nad to pass through the fort.
e calls the second town along the road Niciaca, and the third Huchilo-
huchico. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that within the fort was a teocalli
dedicated to Toci, on which a l)eacon blazed all night to guide travelers.
Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iv., pp. 209-10. But this is a mistake, for Tezozo-
nioc. Hist. Mex., pt ii., p. l84, his authority for this, says that the beacon
was at a hill 'avant d'arriver h, Acuchinanco.'

M Torqiiemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 292; Las Casas, Hist. Apolo-
gitira, MS., cap. 1.; Cortes, Cartas, p. 84. The Anonymous Conqueror
calls them two leagues, one league and a half, and a quarter of a league

QUARTERS AND WARDS OF MEXICO.

C63

Chapultepec served to support the aqueduct which
suj)plied the city with water.'*

The names of the four quarters of the city, which
were thus disposed according to divine command, were
Thiquechiuhcan, Cuecopan, or Quepopan, now Santa
Maria, lying between the northern and western ave-
nues; Atzacualco, now San Sebastian, between the
eastern and northern; Teopan, now San Pablo, be-
tween the eastern and southern; and Moyotlan, or
Mayotla, now San Juan, between the western and
southern; these, again, were divided into a number
of wards.** Owing to the position of the city in
the midst of the lake, traffic was chiefly conducted
by means of canals, which led into almost every
ward, and had on one or both sides quays for the
reception and landing of goods and })assengers. Many
of these were provided with basins and locks to
retain the water within them ;^ while at the mouth
were small buildings which served as offices for the
custom-house officials. Bridges, many of which were
upwards of thirty feet wide, and could be drawn up
so as to cut off^ communication between the different
parts, connected the numerous cross-streets and lanes,
some of which were mere dry and paved canals.^

long respectively. Relatione fatta per vn gentiVhttomo del Signor Fernando
Cortcsc, ill Eamtmo, Navigatioui, toni. iii., fol. 309; Brasscurde Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iv., p. 4, makes the shortest a league.

31 'Habia otra algo mas estrecha para losdos acueductos.' Carbajal Enpi-
nosa. Hist. Mex., toiii. ii., p. 217.

^* In Tezcuco the wards were each occupied by a distinct class of trades-
people, and this was doubtless the case in Alexico also, to a certain extent.
'Cada Oticio se vsasc en Barrios dc porsl; de suerte, que losoue cran Plate-
ros dc Oro, avian de estkr juntos, y todos los de aquel Barrio, lo avian de ser,
y no se avian de niczclar utros con ellos; y los de Plata, en otro Barrio,' etc.
Torqucmada, Monarq. Ltd., torn, i., p. 147; lirasscur de Bourbnnrg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., torn, iv., p. 3; Curhaiat Espinosn, Hist. Mex., torn, ii., p. 218.

33 'AI rededor de la ciudad habia muclios ditpies y esclusas para conte-
ner las aguascn caso necesario. . . .no pocas que tenian en medio una ace-
quia eiitre dos terraplenes.' Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., pp.
218-19.

3* 'Hay BUS puentes de muy anchas y miiv grandes vigas juntas y
recias y bicn labradas; y tales, que por inucha» dellas pueden pasar dicz de
caballo juntos k la par. In case of necessity ' qiiitatlas las puentes de las
entradas y salidas.' With this facility for cutting off retreat, Cortes found
it best to construct brigantines. Cartas, j). 103; Alotolinia, Hist. Indios, in
Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc, torn, i., p. 187; Denial Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 73.

664

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The chief resort of the people was the levee which
stretched in a semi-circle round the southern part of
the city, forming a harbor from half to three quarters
of a leatjue in breadth. Here during the day the
merchants bustled about the cargoes and the custom-
houses, while at night the promenaders resorted
there to enjoy the fresh breezes from tiie lake. The
construction of this embankment was owing to an in-
undation which did serious harm during the reign of
Montezuma 1. This energetic monarch at once took
steps to i)revent a recurrence of the catastroj)he, and
called u[)on the neighboring towns to assist with peo-
ple and material in the construction of an outer wall,
to check and turn aside the waters of the fresh lake,
which, after the heavy rains of winter, rushed in vol-
umes upon the city as they sought the lower salt lake.
The length of the levee was about three leagues, and
its breadth thirty feet. In 141)8, fifty -two years after
its construction, it was further strengthened and en-
larged. **

Although the Spaniards met with no very impos-
ing edifices as they nassed along to the central part of
the city where the temple stood, yet they must have
found enough to admire in the fine smooth streets,
the neat though low stone buildings surmounted by
parapets which but half concealed the flowers behind
them, the elegantly arranged gardens, gorgeous with
the flora of the tropics, the broad squares, the lofty
tem]»les, and the canals teeming with canoes.

Among the public edifices, the markets are espe-
cially worthy of note. The largest in Mexico Tenoch-

'Otra Calle avia. . . .miii angosta, y tanto, que apenas podian ir dos Perso-
iiaa juntas, sou iinahncntc vnos Callejones nuii cstredius.' Torqucmadn,
Moiiarq. Ind., toin. i., p. 2!)1; Relatione fatta pcrvii tfriitil'/iuoino del Sifftior
Fernando C'ortesc, in Jtmntisio, Navigationi, toni. iii., fol. 309; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii.

35 Torquemadn, Monarq. Ind., toni. i., pp. 157-8. It is here said to be
four fathoniH broad. Brasseur de Boiirbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp.
231-2; Klcmm, Cidtiir-Genrhirhte, toni. v., p. 32; Muhlenpfordt, Mej'iro,

toni. ii., pt ii., p. 255, says: 'Ueste des gegen 39,400 Fuss langenau(lC5

Fuss breiten Daniines aus Steincu in Lehni, zu beiden Seiteu init Pallisa-
den verbranit.'

FOUNTAINS AND AQUEDUCTS.

665

titlan, was twice as large as the sauare of Salamanca,
says Cortds, and was surrounded oy porticoes, in and
about which from sixty thousand to one hundred
thousand buyers and sellers found room.*" The mar-
ket-place at Tlatelulco was still lari^er, and in the
midst of it was a square stone terrace, fifteen feet
high and thirty feet long, which served as a theatre.*'
The numerous fountains which adorned the city
were fed by the aqueduct which brought water from
the hill of Cha])ultepec, about two miles oft', and was
constructed upon a causeway of solid masonry five feet
high and five feet broad, running parallel to the Tla-
copan road.** This aqueduct consisted of two pipes
of masonry, each carrying a volume of water equal
in bulk to a man's body,** which was conducted by
branch pipes to different parts of the town to supply
fountains, tanks, ponds, and baths. At the different
canal -bridges there were reservoirs, into which the
pipes emptied on their course, and here the boatmen
who made it a business to supply the inhai)itants
with water received their cargoes on the payment of
a fixed price. A vigilant police watched over the
distribution of the water and the care of the })ipes,
only one of which was in use at a time, while the
other was cleansed.*" The supply was obtained from

36 Cortis, Cartas, p. 103; Gonmra, Conq. Mex., fol. 116; Oviedo, Hist.
Gen., torn, iii., p. 299; Carbajal E.iptnom, Hist. Mex., torn, i., ]>. 008.

3' 'Cosi graiide come sarebbe tre volte lu piazzn cli Salamanca.' Rela-
tione fatta per vn fjentiriiuomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Hamusio,
Nafir/ationi, torn, lii., fol. 309; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazhalcefn,
Col. de Doc, torn, i., p. 181.

'8 The Anonymous Conqueror states that this road carried the aqueduct
wliicli was three quarters of a league in length. Relatione fatta jier vn
qcntiVhnomo del iiiffnor Fernando Cortege, in Ramusio, Nai-ig-dioni, torn,
lii., fol. 309; Cortis, Cartas, p. 108; lirasscur de Bourbonrg, Hist. Nat. Cie.,
toiu. iv., p. 4; Torqueniada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 207; Prcseoft's Mex.,
vol. ii., p. 114.

39 ' Los cailos, que eran de madera y de cal y canto.' Cortes, Cartas, pp.
209, 108; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., p. .S04. Other writers make the
pipes larger. *Tan gordos como vn buey cada vno.' Goniara, Conq. Mex.,
fol. 113. 'Tan anchas como tres hombres juntos y mas.' Las Casus, Hist.
Apologitica, MS. , cap. 1.

*' Cortes, Cartas, p. 108, says ' echan la duloe por unas canales tan gnie-
sas como un buey, que son de la longura de las dichas puentes.' Torqtte-
viada, Monarq. Ina., torn, i., p. 207; Las Casus, Hist. Apologitica, MS.,

506

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

a fine spring on the summit of Mount Chapultepec,
which was guarded by two fit^ures cut in the sohd
stone, representing; Montezuma and his father, armed
with lances and shields.*' The present aqueduct was
partly reconstructed by Montezuma II. on the old
one erected by the first kin«if of that name. Its in-
aujufu ration was attended by imposing ceremonies,
otfurinj^s of quails, and burning of incense."

During Ahuitzotl's reign, an attempt was made to
bring water into the city from an immense spring at
Coyuhuacan. The lord of that place consented, as
became a loyal vassal, to let the water go, but pre-
dicted disastrous consequences to the city from the
overHow which would be sure to follow if the water
were taken there. This warning, however, so enraged
the king that he ordered the execution of the noble,
and inmiediately levied men and material from the
neighboring towns to build the aqueduct. The ma-
sons and laborers swarmed like ants and soon finished
the work. When everything was ready, a grand pro-
cession of priests, princes, nobles, and plebeians
marched forth to open the gates of the aqueduct and
receive the waters into the city. Speeches were made,
slaves and children were sacrificed, the wealthy cast
precious articles into the rolling waters with words of
thanks and welcome. But the hour of sorrow was at
hand. The prediction of the dead lord was fulfilled;
the waters, once loosed, could not be fettered again;
a great part of the city was inundated and n. ich dam-
SLiXe was done. Then the dist "acted king called once

• • •

more upon the neighboring to ms to furnish men, but
this time to tear down insteac' >f to build up.*'

Among the arrangements " the convenience of
the public may be mentioned li^ thouses to guide the

cap. 1.; Prescotfs Mex., vol. ii., p. 114; Ca. ij'al Espinosa, Hist. Mex.,
toil), i., p. 664.

*i Goinara, Conq. Mex., fol. 113; Herrera, Hat. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii.,
cap. xiii.

^'^ Acosta, Hist, de las Viiff., pp. 500-1; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
torn. i. , p. 207; Brasseur de lioiirbonrif. Hist. Nnt. Cii>., toni. iv., p. 4.

43 Duraii, Hist. Indias, MS., torn, ii., cap. xlviii., xlix.

LI(;HTH0U8K8 and STIlEETWOnK.

667

canoes which brouj^ht supplies to the great metropolis.
These were erected at (liferent points upon towers
and heights; the principal one seems to have been on
Mount Tocitlan, where a wooden turret was erected
to hold the Haming beacon." The streets were also
lighted by burning braziers placed at convenient inter-
vals, which were tended by the night j>atrol. A force
of over a thousand men kept the canals in order, swept
the streets and sprinkled them several times a day.*"
Public closets were placed at distances along the
canals.*" The care of buildings also received tlie at-
tention of the government, and every eleventh month
was devoted to repairing and cleaning the tem})les,
public edifices, and roads generally.*^ A number of
towns on the lake were built on piles, in imitation of
Mexico, chiefly for the sake of security. Thus, Izta-
palapan stood half on land, half over the water, and

<* Bransoir rlc lioHrhotirfi, JTi.sl. Nnt. Civ., toin. iii., i». 4'J7, toin. iv., pp.
209-10; Tczuzomor, Hint. Mex., toiii. ii., jt. 184.

** Ortena, in Veyliu, Jiisf, Ant. Mej., toni. iii., p. 319, Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., toni. i., pp. 206, 4(50.

*^ Brasaeur de Bourooiirg, Hint. Nnt. Civ., torn. iv. , p. 7. 'En Union
loH ciiininos qne tcninn heclios de cuniiH, it pnja, it ycrvus, ]M>rquc no Ium
vicssen Ioh que piiH8aH<:n por ellos, y iilli hc nietiun. Hi teniiui ^anu du piir-
»ar loa vicntrcH, ]M)rquo no su lea pcrdicsHC u<iiiullu 8ucicdad.' Bcrnat Diaz,
llist. Coiiq., fol. 70.

<T Torquemada, Afonarq. Ind., toni. ii.. p. 298. The authoritieH for the
description of the city ure: Relatione futta per vn (fentiVhuomo del Sionor
Fernando Cortene, in Eainnsia, Naeigationi, toni. iii., fol. 309, and in le.uz-
Ixdceta, Col. de Doe., toni. i., p. 390-2, with ])hins; Cortt'n, Vartns, pp.
43, 83-4, 102-9, 209; Id., Despatches, t». 333, plan; Ikrnal Diaz, Htst.
Con(i., fol. 70-3; Ton/ncmada, Monarq. Ind., toni. i., pp. 91-4, 147, ir)7-8,
200-7, 288-98, 306 7, 460; Acosta, Hint, de las Ynd., pp. 46.')-8, 500-1;
Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Ivazhalecfa, Col. de Doc., toin. i., pp. 180-3, 187-
8; Las Casas, Hist. Apologdica, MS., cap. 1.; Gomara, Conn. Mex., fol.
113-16; Ovicdo, Hist. Gen., toni. iii., pp. 28.3-4, 29J», SO.'i; Vei/tia, Hist.
Ant. Mej., toni. ii., p. 141; Ortega, in Id., toni. iii., p. 319; Herrera, Hist.
Gen., due. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii., xiv., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. .\i.; Id.,
(Translation, Lond. 1725), vol. ii., p. 372, vol. iii., p. 194, view and plan;
Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in No'vellcs Annalrs des Voy., 1843, toni. xcix.,
pp. 174-5; Clavigero, Sforia Ant. del Messico, toni., i., pp. 168-9; Hercdia
y Sarmiento, Sermon, pp. 95-6; Tezozomor, Hist. Mex., toni. ii., p. 184;
Montanns, Niemcc Weereld, pp. 81, 238-9; lirasscur de liourhourg. Hist.
Nut. Civ., torn, ii., pj). 443-9, torn, iii., pp. 231-2, 427, toin. iv., pp. 3-7,
209-10; Carhajal Espinoaa, Hist. Mex.,inm. i., pp. 310-14, 664, torn, ii.,
pp. 216-28, with plan; Pre.scotVa Mix., vol. i., pp. 16-17, vol. ii., pp. 69,
76-86; Miihlenpfordt, Mejico, toni. ii., pt ii., p. 255; Alaman, Ihserta-
eiones, toni. i., i). 184-8; Ilelps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., pp. 310-14, 456, 471-
2, 490-1, with plans; Carli, Cartas, pt i., pp. 33-6; Peter Martyr, dec. v.,
lib. X.

568

THE NAHUA NATIONS,

i ■!

;

Ayotzinco was founded entirely on piles, and had
canals instead of streets.*^

Other towns had recourse to strong walls and deep
ditches to secure their protection. Tlascala especially
was well defended from its ancient Aztec enemy, by
a wall of stone and mortar** which stretched for six
miles across a valley, from mountain to mountain,
and formed the boundary line of the republic. This
wall was nine feet high, twenty feet broad,*" and sur-
mounted by a breastwork a foot and a htrlf in thick-
ness, behind which the defenders could stand while
figliting. The only entrance was in the centre, wliere
the walls did not meet, but described a semi-circle,
one overlapping the other, with a space ten paces
wide and forty long between them." The other side
also was defended by breastworks and ditches. '^^ The
city itself stood upon four hills, and was crossed by
narrow streets/^ the houses being scattered in irregu-
lar groups. In size it was even larger than Granada,
says Cortes, which is not unlikely, for the market had
accommodation for thirty thousand people, and in one
of the temples four hundred Spaniards with their at-
tendants found ample room." At Huejutla tliere
was a curious wall of masonry, the outside of wliich
was faced witli small blocks of tetzontli, each about
nine inches in diameter on the face, which was round-
ed ; the end of each block was pointed, and inserted in
the wall.'"

<* Cnrbttjal Espinosa, Hist. Mcx., torn, ii., p, 197; PrescotCt Mix., vol.

*9 ("orti's says 'niedra seca.' Cartas, p. fi((, hut tliis is cniitradicttMl 1>y
Heriiul Diaz, wliolouiul it to he of stoni' and mortar. Hist. l'oiiq.,UA. 43.
'Sill iiiezcia de cal iii harro.' Urrvera, Hist, (int., dec. ii. , lil>. vi., fap. iv.

M C/ariifrro, Stnria Aiit. ilrl ^^r.1siM, toiii. ii., p. l.")0, give the measure-
ment at ei;;iit feet in hei;;ht and ei;rhteeu in widtii.

51 Cortrs, Cartas, p. GO; Jkriial JJias, Hist. Vono., fol. 4.1; M'e.it-In(fi.ir/ie
Spir-jhrl, pp. 2'25-<j. Vlarigcro, Utoria Ant. del Messico, toin. ii., i>. 150,
with a e:it.

52 Klriiim, Ciiltiir-(Tf.srhir/itc, torn, v., p. 180.

53 Delapurte says that streets met on the hills, lirisen, toui. x., p. 2.">(i.

5* C'«r/«'.«, Cartas, ]). (i~; ]l-''ttionc fatta jirr rii iji'iitiVhiainiii ilrl Sitjnor
Frraundo Curtcsr, in Jiaiiiiisio, Xaviijationi, toni. iii., fol. 3(IS; Hrnrrn,
Hist, (icii., dee. ii., lilt, vi., cap. xii.

" Cortis, Cartas, p. 171. See iVanlen, Rechcrchcs, pp. C7-8, on fortiti-

THE CITY OF TEZCUCO.

669

The city next in fame and rank to Mexico Te-
nochtitlan was Tezcuco,®" which Torquemada affirms
contained one hundred and forty thousand houses
within a circumference of from three to four leagues."
It was divided into six divisions, and crossed by a
series of fine straight streets lined with elegant build-
ings. The old palace stood on the border of the lake
ui)on a triple terrace, guarding the town, as it were;
the newer structure, in the construction of which
two hundred thousand men had been employed, stood
at the northern end; it was a magnificent building
and contained three hundred rooms. This city was
the seat of refinement and elegance, and occupied
relatively the same position in Mexico as Paris does
in Europe.**

The style of architecture for houses did not exhibit
much variety; the difierence between one house and
another being chiefiy in extent and material."" The

oatitins. In Miclionran, Hoino towns had wjills of planks two futlionis high
and one broad, llcnrra, Jlixt. Gen., dec. iii., lib. lii., eajt. iii.

i" Meaning place of detention, Iweanse here the ininiigrating trilnss used
to halt, while deciding ujwn their .settlement. Ixtlilxochill, Hint. Chick., in
Kia<isboronffh\i Mcx. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 214.

•" Las C'asas, Hist. Apolog^fieci, MS., cap. xlix., says that it was nearly
as large as Mexico. Gomara, C'oiiq. MfX., fol. 115. Motcdinia, Ili.if. Indios,
in Iruzhtdvvta, Col. tic Doc, toni. i., p. 182, gives it a league in width and
six in lengtii. Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. iv., gives it 20,()0() houses.
(Sarltajal Kspinosa, Ifist. Mrx., toni. i.. pp. 87-8, estinwites it at 30,00()
hiiiises, and thinks that Tormicniuda niU!4 nave included the three outlying
towns to attain his figure. Toivitcnindu, Moiittn/. Iiid., toni. i., p. ,S()4.

M lii-dSKi'iivdc BourboHr<i, Hist. Nat. Civ., toai. iv., pp. 89-iH), .S()3-4; Car-
lirniil Kspinosa, Hi.it. Mex., toni. i., pp. 87-8; Ixtlilxoe/iitl, Hist. Cliicli., in
hiiitf.ilioroiiijh's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 242-4. For further references to
Mexican towns, foils, etc., see: Cartas, Carta,i. \m. 24, 57-<'>t), 07-8, 74-.5,
'J2-.S, ir»3, 171, 186, 19(); Bernal Diaz, Hist. Coii'f., fol. 43; Relafonrfatta per
VII gentiVhiwmo del Siijiior Fernando Corte.ir, in lianiusio, Xarii/nfioni,
toin. iii., fol. 308; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kinifstmro Hi/It's Mcx. Antiq.,
toni. ix. , pp. 214, 242, 251-2, 2.57; Las Casas, Uist. Apolot/cfica, M.S., cap.
xlix.; Torqncniada, Moiiarq. fnd., torn. i.. pp. 251-2, .104, 44i>-.50; Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 2(i,51, 115; Ih'crcra, Hist, (leu., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. viii.,
lii>. vi., caji. iv., xii.. xvi., lilt, vii., civp. iv., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. iii.; Clari-
ifcro, Storta Ant. del M'ssico, toni. ii., |>. 1.50, with cut; I'ctcr Martyr, dec.
IV., lib. iv., vii., dec. viii., lib. iv.; Ociedo, Utst. Gen., toni. iii., p. 283;
Wcit-Indischc Spieijhel, pp. 221, 225-(); lioloi/nc, in Tcrnanx-Coniinnm,
Vol/., serie i., toin. x., p. 212i Montanits, Nieiinr Weereld, j). 23(1; Klcinni,
Cnltur-Geschichte, toni. v., p. 186; Dclaparte, Ilciscn, toin. x., j). 2.56; Car-
liajnl Espinosa, Hist. Mcx., toin. i., pp. 87-8, 2.5!», 6*53, toni. ii., pp. 51, 161;
narden, Recherches, m\. (57-8; Prcseott's Mcx., vol. ii., p. 65; Helps' Span.
Conq., vol. ii., p. 2%; liii-isierrc, U Empire Mex., pp. 2 JO, 2J3.

^ Lus Cusas states that when u warrior distinguished himself abroad

570

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

dwellings of the nobles were situated upon terraces
of various heights, which in swampy j)laces like
Mexico, rested upon tiera of heavy piles.* They were
usually a group of buildings in the form of a paral-
lelogram, built of stone or in Mexico of tetzontli,
joined with fine cement, and finely polished and white-
washed." Every house stood by itself, separated from
its neighbor by narrow lanes, and enclosed one or
more courts which extended over a large space of
ground."^ One story was the most common form, and
there are no accounts of any palaces or private houses
exceeding two stories."* Broad steps led up the ter-
race to two gates which gave entrance to the courts;
one opening upon the main street, the other upon the
back lane, or canal, that often lay beneath it. The
terrace platform of the houses of chiefs often had a
wide walk round it and was especially spacious in front,
where there was occasionally a small oratorio facing
the entrance. This style was particularly noticed on
the east coast."* The court was surrounded by numerous

he was allowed to Imild his house in the style used hy the enemy, a privi-
lege allowed to none else. Hist. Apologi'tiaf, MS., cap. Ixvi.

6* ' 1 fondauicnti delle case grandi della Capitale si gettavano a eagione
della poca sodezza di quel tcrreno sopra un piano di grosse stanghe di codro
ficcate in terra.' Clavigcro, Storia Ant. del Mcssico, toni. ii., p. 'HYl. 'I'or-
que la huniedad no lea causase enferniedad, alzahan los aposentos iiast^i uu
estado poco mas 6 inenos, y asi qncdahan comu eiitresuelos.' Mrm/icta,
Hist. Erics., p. 121. Speaking of Cenipoalla, Peter Martyr says: 'Vnto
these hou.ses or hahitations they ascend hy 10. or 12. steppes or stayres.'
Dec. iv.. lih. vii. The floor of the palace at Mitla consisted of slahs of stone
three feet tli'ck, which rested on ten feet piles. Brtisseiir ilc lioiirlwiira,
Hist. Nat. Civ., toni. iii., p. 2(>. Houses with elevated terraces were only
allowed to chiefs. Tczozoiiior, I fist. Mex., toni. i., p. 188.

61 Las Ca.ias, Hist. A/ioloifctim, MS., cap. xli.x. This mode of white-
washing the walls and ])olishing them with gypsum seems to have hccn very
common in all parts of Mexico, for we repeatedly meet with mentions of
the dazzling white walls, like silver, which the Spaniards noticed all through
their nnirch. Torqiianniht, Moiiarq. IiiiL, torn, i., p. 251; Clavigcro, Stvvia
Ant. <M Mfssiro, toui. ii., p. 202.

** In Cenipoalla, says Peter Martyr, 'none nuvy charge his neighliourswall
with l>eames or rafter.^. All the houses arc seperatcd the distance of 3.
paces asunder.' Dec. iv., lih. 7. Cortes, Cartas, p. 24, mentions as many
as five courts.

63 Torqiiemnda, Moitarq. Ltd., tom. i., p. 291; Las Casas, Hist. A/tohi-
gftica, MS., cap. 1.; Prescotfs Mex., v<d. ii., pp. 70-7; t'/tertdiei; Mr.r.
Anrien et Mod., p. 173. ' N'avaient gnere qu'un etage, ix cause de la frJ-
(luence des tremhlement de terre.' Jiussierrc, VEmpirc Mex., p. 173.

«< Corti's, Cartas, p. 24.

DWELLINGS OF THE RICHEU CLASSES.

671

porticos decorated with porphyry, jasper, and alabas-
ter ornaments, which, again, led to various chambers,
and halls, lighted by large windows. Two great halls
and several reception-rooms were situated in front ; the
sleeping-chambers, kitchen, baths, and store-rooms
weie in the rear, forming at times quite a complicated
labyrinth."' The court was paved with flags of stone,
tesselated marble, or hard cement, polished with ochre
or gypsum,^ and usually contained a sparkling fount-
ain ; occasionally there was a flower-garden, in which
a pyramidal altar gave an air of sanctity to the place."^
The stairway which led to the second stoiy or to the
roof, was often on the outside of the house, and by its
grand proportions and graceful form contributed not a
little to the good appearance of the house."* The roof
Avas a flat terrace of beams, with a slight slope towards
the back,*® covered with a coat of cement or clay,™ and
surrounded by a battlemented parapet, surmounted at
times by small turrets." There were generally flow-
ers in pots upon the roofs, or even a small garden;
and here the members of the household assembled in

^'> Chares, Rapporl, in Tfrnanx-Conipanx, Vo;/., sdrie ii., toin. v., p.
328. Tlie palace at TecptMjuo, savH Las Casas, was a very la))yriiith, ni
which visitors were liaUle to lose theinselves without a guide. In the pul>
ape allotted to Cortes at Mexico he found conifortaUle quarters for 40() of
his own men, 20I)U allies, and a number of attendants. Hist. Apologctku,
MS., caj(). lii., I. 'Ania salas con sus caniuras, ijuc cahia cada vn(» en su
cama, cientoy cincuentaCastellanos.' Ucnrm, Itisf. t'rcii., dec. ii., lili. vii.,
en]). V. ' Intorno d'una j?rau corti fosscro ]>rima j^randissime sale & stantie,
ncro' v'cra vna sala cosi ;!;rande die vi poteano star dentro senza dar Tun
tastidio all'altro pin di tre mila persone. Relatione fnttu per rn. geiitiVhtio-
mo del Siffiior Fcriiaiulo Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigatioui, torn, iii., fol.
.309.

66 Clarigrro, Storin Ant. <fel Mes-sico, torn, ii., pp. 2()0, 202; Torqitemada,
Monarq. Iiid., tom. i., p. 251.

^ Tezozomoc, J list. Me.r., ton» i., j). 188, says that chiefs were permitted
to erect towers i>ierced with arrows in tlio coiirtyaril. Prrseotfs Mex., vol.
ii., J). 120. The houses wert often quite sunonnded with trees. West-Iii-
t/isfhc Spieghel, p. 220.

6* lirasseiir dc liourbourg. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 056.

69 Tiflor's Annhiifir, pp. i:i5-(5.

'O 'lorqucmada, Moiuirq. Iiid., tom. i., p. 291. Las Casas, Hist. Apoln-
(ji'lica, MS., cap. 1., savs: ' Kucalados por encima, que no se pueden Hover.'
'Conered with reede, tnatcli, or marish sedjje: yet numy of them are couered
with slate, or shiii<;le stone.' I'eter Martyr, dec. iv,, lili. vii., dec. v., lih.x.

''^ Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lih. iv., dec. v., lib. x. ; Cathajul Espinoaa,
Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p, 219.

572

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

the cool of the evening to enjoy the fresh air and
charming prospect." Some houses had galleries,
which, like most work added to the main structure,
were of wood,'^ though supported upon columns of
marble, porphyry, or alabaster. These pillars were
either round or square, and were generally monoliths;
they were without base or capital, though ornamented
with fiofures cut in low relief Buildinifs were further
adorned with elegant cornices and stucco desijjfns of
flowers and animals, which were often painted with
brilliant colors. Prominent among these figures was
the coiling serpent before mentioned. Lintels and
door-posts were also elaborately carved.''*

The interior displayed the same rude magnificence.
The floors were covered with hard, smooth cement
like the courtyard and streets, rubbed with ochre or
gypsum, and polished.^' The glossy walls were
painted and hung with cotton or feather tapestry, to
which Las Casas adds silver plating and jewels. The
furniture was scanty. It consisted chiefly of soft
mats and cushions of palm-leaves or fur, low tables,
and small stools with palm-leaf backs. The beds
were mats piled one upon another, with a block or a
palm-leaf or cotton cushion for a pillow; occasionally
they were furnished with coverlets and canopies of

'8 Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 314.

73 Brasscur dc Itaurbonrff, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 658.

'< Vlarigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, toin. ii., pp. 2(KM2; Bussierre,
VEmpirc Mex., pp. 17. -4; Vurbujal Enpiiiosa, Hist. Me.i:., toin. i., pp.
(562 3, 665.

'i ' Emu los Patios, y Siielos de ellos, de argamasa, y desi)ucs de eiica-
IndoR, ciibrian la supcrfieie, y liaz, con Alnia^rre, y despues briiniaiiios, eoii
vnoH guijarroH, y ]iicdras miii lisas, y quedtu>aii con tan buena ti;z, y tan
liennosaniente brunidoM, mic no {lodia estarlo mas vn IMato du Phita; piics
coino fuese de nianana, y el Sol couien^ase t\ derraniar, y CNparoir la Lunibre
de Hiis UaioM, y I'ouieni^asen h reberverar en los Suelos, eni'endianios de
nianera, que h quien llcvaba tan buen deseo, y ansia de lialier (,)ro, y I'lata,
le jMido parecer, que era Oro el Suelo; y cs nuii cierto, que los sucloa de las
t'asas, y de los I'ation (en especial, de los Tcniplns, y de los Sefiores, y IVr-
Konas I'rincipalcs) se hacian, y aderc^'abau, en a<iucllos Tienipos, talcs, quo
eran niui de v^r, y algunos de cstos hcnios visto tan lisos, y lininios, que sin
asco se podia comer en ellos, sin Mantelcs, qualquicrMamar.' Tovquemada,
Monarq. lad., torn, i., pp. 251-2; Las Casas, Hist. Apoioijetica, mH., cap.
xlix.

HOUSES OF THE LOWER CLASSES.

673

cotton or feather-work.'^ Vases filled with smolder-
ing incense diffused their peifume through the cham-
bers. The rooms which were used in winter were
provided with hearths and fire-screens, and were
lighted by torches." There Avere no doors, properly
called such, to the houses, but where privacy was re-
quired, a bamboo or wicker-work screen was sus-
pended across the entrance, and secured at night with
a bar. To this was attached a string of shells, which
the visitor rattled to call the host or his attendants to
the entrance. The interior rooms were separated by
hangings, which probably also served to cover the
windows of ordinary dwellings,''^ although the trans-
parent tecali stone, as before stated, answered the
purpose of window-glass in certain parts of some of
the temples.™

The houses of the poorer classes were built of
adobe, wood, cane, or reeds and stones, mixed with
mud, well plastered and polished,*^ and, in Mexico,
raised on stone foundations, to prevent dami)ness,**
though the elevation was less than that of the houses
of the richer people. They were generally of an
oblong shape, were divided into several apartments,
and occasionally had a gallery in front. They could
not aflford a central court, but had instead a flower or
vegetable garden wherever space permitted. Terrace
roofs were not unconnuon in the towns, but more
generally the houses of the poorer people were

7« 'Toldillos cncinia.' licnml Dim, Hint. Conq., fol. 66.
''^ Las Cttxii.1, Hist. Apoloiji'ticn, AIS., wip. 1.; Gomarn, Coiiq. Mrx., fol.
:U8; Jicrtinl Diaz, Jlist. C'oiitj., fol. 66, 68; llerrrra. Hist. <lcn., dec. ii.,

lib. viL, flip, v., vii.; Jiussicirc, VEmpiic Mex., pp. 174-5; Corle.t, Cartas,
pp. 79, 174-5. Klciiiin, Vitltitr-Gesmichtc, toiii. v., pp. lii-U*, ineiitiuiis
stools of cane niid reed; and tirehujpt which were u.sed for li};htt>.

1^ Torque mndn, Moiiarq. Diil., totn. ii., p. .381; Clari(jcro, Storia Ant.
del Mi'ssiro, toin. ii., p. 201; Vurhajal Espiiiosa, Hist. Max., toiii. i., p. 6t)'i.
'Xo ay piiertas iii ventaiiaH que cerrar, todo C8 abierto.' Gosnura, Conq.
Mex., fol. 318.

'9 lirasseur de Dourbourq, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iv., p. 8.

"« Hcrrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii.; I'rft-r Martyr, dec. v.,
lib. X.; Las Casus, Hist. Apoloqitica, MS., cap. xli.\-l.; PrcscotCs Mex.,
Mil. ii., ]>. 70.

I*! I'cttr Marti/r, dec. v., lib. x.

S74

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

thatched with a kind of long thijk grass, or with
overlapping maguey-leaves."

Besides the oratory and store-house with which
most houses were prdvided, a temazcalli, or bath, was
generally added to the dwelling. This, according to
Clavigero, consisted of a hemisphere of adobe, having
a slightly convex paved floor sunk a little below the
level of the surrounding ground. The entrance was
a small hole just large enough to admit a man. On
the outside of the bath-house, and on the opposite side
to the entrance, was a furnace made of stone or brick,
separated from the interior by a thin slab of tetzontli,
or other porous stone, through which the heat was
communicated. On entering, the door was closed,
and the suffocating vapors were allowed to escape
slowly through a small opening in the top. Tho
largest bath-houses were eight feet in diameter, and
six feet i"^. height. Some were mere square chambers
without a furnace, and were doubtless heated and the
fire raked out before the bather entered."

The storehouses and granaries which were attached
to farms, temples, and palaces, were usually square
buildings of oxametl-wood, with thatched roofs. The
logs had notches near the ends to give them a secure
hold. Two windows, or doors, one above the other,
gave access to the interior, which was often large
enough to contain many thousand bushels of grain.^

M Motolinia, Hist Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc, torn, i., p. 199;
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 200; Gomara, Cong. Mex.,
fol. SiS; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Ctv., toin. iii., p. 657; Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., torn, i., pp. 661-2.

85 Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp. 214-15, with cut;
Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., torn, i., pp. 662, v]\-2, with cut The
poorer had tioubtless resort to public baths; they certainly existed in Tlas-
caio. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; Bussierre, L' Empire
Mex.,jp. 240.

8* Clavigero, Storia. Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 165; Brasseur de Bour-
bonrg. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 636; Torqttemada, Monarq. Ind., torn,
ii., p. 564. For description of houses, see: Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
torn, i., pp. 251-2, 291, torn, ii., ^p. 381, 564; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec.
ii., lib. VI., cap. xii., xvi., lib. vii., cap. v.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, torn, ii., pp. 156, 200-2, 214-15, with cut; Las Casas, Hist. Apolo-
g'tiea, MS., cap. xlix-lii; Cortes, Cartas, p. 24; Relatione fatta jter vn
gtntirhuomo del Signor Fernatido Cortese, in Bamvmo, Navigationi, torn.

AZTEC GARDENS.

676

Love of flowers was a passion with the Aztecs, and
they bestowed great care upon the cultivation of gar-
dens. The finest and largest of these were at Izta-
palapan and Huastepec. The garden at Iztapalapan
was divided into four squares, each traversed by
shaded walks, meandering among fruit-trees, blossom-
ing hedges, and borders of sweet herbs." In the centre
of the garden was an immense reservoir of hewn
stone, four hundred paces square, and fed by naviga-
ble canals. A tiled pavement," wide enough for four
persons walking abreast, surrounded the reservoir, and
at intervals steps led down to the water, upon the
surface of which innumerable water-fowl sported. A
large pavilion, with halls and corridors, overlooked
the grounds.*'

The Huastepec garden was two leagues in circuit,
and was situated on a stream; it contained an im-
mense variety of plants and trees, to which additions
were continually made." The chinampas, or floating
gardens, have been described elsewhere."

The Mexicans required no solid roads for heavy
traffic, since goods were carried upon the shouldere of
slaves, but a number of pathways crossed the country
in various directions, which underwent repair every
year on the cessation of the rains. Here and there

iii., fol. 309; Bemal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 66, 68; Gomara, Cong. Mex.,
fol. 318; Motolinia, Hist. Iiidios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., torn, i.,
p. 199; Mendiela, Hist. Ecles., \t. 121; Tezozomoe, Hist. Mex., torn, i., p.
188; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iv., vii., dec v., cap. x. ; Chaves, Haftport,
in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., s^rie ii., torn, v., p. 328; West-Indischc Spteghel,
p. 2:21; Brasseur de Bourbovrq, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 26, 222, 636,
656-8, iv., p. 8; Prescotfs Jitex., vol. ii., pp. 76-7, 120; chevalier, Mex.,
Ancien et Mod., p. 31; Bussierre, V Empire Mex., pp. 173-5, 240; Gar-
bajul Espinosa, Hist. Mex., torn, i., pp. 661-3, 671-2, with cut, toni. ii., p.
219; Tutor's Anahutic, pp. 135-6; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, torn, v., pp.
15-16.

^ 'El anden, hdcia la pared de la huerta, va todo labrado de cafias con
Unas vergas.' Cortis, Cartas, p. 83.

* 'Un anden de muy buen suelo ladrillado.' Covtts, Cartas, p. 83.

^ Oviedo, Hist. Gen., toni. iii., p. 283; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 636; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messieo, torn, ii., p.
166.

«* Cortes, Cartas, p. 196; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messieo, torn, ii., p.
157.

» See this vol., p. 345.

576

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

country roads crossed streams by means of suspen-
sion-bridges, or fixed structures mostly of wood, but
sometimes of stone, with small spans. The suspen-
sion-bridges were made of ropes, twisted canes, or
tough branches, attached to trees and connected by
a netting. The Spaniards were rather fearful of cross-
ing them, on account of their i^winging motion when
stepped upon and the gaping rents in them."*

Almost the only specimen of Nahua architecture
which has withstood the ravasfes of time until our
day is the temple structure, teocalli, 'house of God,'
or teopan, 'place of God,' of which Torquemada asserts
there were at least forty thousand ii. Mexico. Clavi-
gero regards this as a good deal below the real num-
ber, and if we consider the extremely religious charac-
ter of the people, and accept the statements of the
early chroniclers, who say that at distances of from a
quarter to half a league, in every town and village,
were open places containing one or more temples,®^
and on every isolated rock or hill, along the country
roads, even in the fields, were substantial structures
devoted to some idol, then Clavigero's assertion may
be correct.*"

The larger temples were usually built upon pyrami-
dal parallelograms, square, or oblong, and consisted of
a series of super-imposed terraces with perpendicular
or sloping sides."^ The celebrated temple at Mexico

00 ' Hay sus puentes cle muy anchas y muv grandcs vigas juntas y recias
V bien labradtis; y tales, que por muchas dellas pueden pasar diez de ca-
Wllo juntos & la par.' Cortes, Cartas, p 103. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 632, says that stone bridges were most coniinon,
which is doubtless a mistake. Speaking of swinging bridges, Kleniin says:
'Manche waren so fest angespannt, dasa sie gar kcine schwankende Bewe-
gung batten.' Cttltur-Geschichte, torn, v., p. 75; Clavigero, Storiu Ant. del
Messico, torn, ii., p. 169.

91 'En los niismos patios de los pueblos principales habiaotros cadadoce
6 quince teocallis harto grandes, unos mayores que otros.' Motolinia, Hist.
Iiuiios, in Icazbalceta, Vol. de Doc, toni. L, p. 64. 'Entre nmitro, 6 einco
barrios tenian vn Adoratorio, y sus idolos.' Bernul Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol.
7-2.

9* Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 84-6, Torqwmada, Moiiarq. Ind., torn,
ii., p. 141; Las Casus, Hiit. Ajioloff^tica, MS., cap. cxxiv. : Clavigero, Sto-
ria Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. 35.

93 Clavi'jero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp. 26, 34, cuts; Her.'.ra,
Hist. Oen.', (Translation, Loud. 1725), vol. ii., pp. 372, 378, cuts.

TEMPLE OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.

677

forms a fair type of the latter kind and its detailed
description will give the best idea of this class of edi-
fices.

When the Aztecs halted on the site of Mexico after
their long wanderings, the first care was to erect an
abode for their chief divinity Huitzilopochtli. The
spot chosen for the humble structure, which at first
consisted of a mere hut, was over the stone whereon
the sacred nochtli grew that had been pointed out by
the oracle. A building more worthy of the god was
soon erected, and, later on, Ahuitzotl constructed the
edifice from whose summit Cortds looked down upon
the scenes of his conquest. The labor bestowed upon
it was immense, and notwithstanding that the mate-
rial had to be brought from a distance of three or four
leagues — a serious matter to a people who were sup-
plied with no adequate means of transport — the tem-
ple was completed in two years.** The inauguration
tdok place in 148G, in the presence of the chief princes
and an immense concourse of people from all quarters,
and 72,344 captives, arranged in two long files, were
sacrificed during the four days of its duration." The
site of the building was indeed worthy of its charac-
ter, standing as it did in an immense square forming
the centre of the town, from which radiated the four
chief thoroughfares." The idea of thus keeping the
god before the people at all times had, doubtless, as
much to do with this arrangement as that of giving
him the place of honor. A square walP about four

adoce
Hist.
cinco

(., fol.

torn.
», Sto-

•* Tezozomop,, Hist. Mex., torn, i., pp. 151-3.

^ Torqiicmada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 186; Vetanevrt, Teatro Mex.,
pt. ii., p. .37. Other authors tpvc the number at 60,460, and the attend-
ance at 6,000,000. Claingero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, i., p. 257.

^ 'Uecihia dentro do su hueco todo el Huelo en que aora estk edificada
la Iglesia Maior, Casos del Marques del Valle, Casos Kealcs, y Casaa Ar^o-
bispales, con mucha parte de lo que aora es Pla^a, que parece cosa incre-
ible.' Sahagun, quoted in Torquenuida, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 146.
To-day the Cathedral stands upon the Plaza, and many liouaeH occupy the
spot; see Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., torn, ii., pp. 226-7, 2.33-5. Oppo-
site the south gate was the market and ' en face du grand temple se trou-
vait lo italais.' Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., torn, i., p. 152.

9' ' Dos cercas al rededor de cal, y canto.' Sernal Diaz, Hitt. C'onq., fol.
70-1.

Vol. II. 37

578

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

thousand eight hundred feet in circumference, from
eight to nine feet in height and of great thickness,
with its sides facing the cardinal points, formed the
courtyard of the temple.** It was built of stone and
lime, plastered and polished,"* crowned with battle-
ments in the form of snails, and turreted and adorned
with many stone serpents, — a very common ornament
on- edifices in Egypt as well as Andhuac — for which
reason it was called coatepantli, 'wall of snakes.'***
At the centre of each wall stood a large two-story
building, divided into a number of rooms, in which the
military stores and weapons were kept. These faced
the four chief thoroughfares of the town, and their
lower stories formed the portals of the gateways which
gave entrance to the courtyard."* This was partly
paved with large smooth flag -stones, partly with

w 'Mayores que la pla^a que ay en Salamanca.' Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 70. Cort^a, Cartas, p. 106, states that a town of 500 houses
could be located within its compass. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii.,
p. 144, Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 119, Las Casas, Hist. Aftologttica, MS.,
cap. Ii., and Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., agree upon a
length to each side of one cross-bow or musket shot, and this, according to
Las Cosas, cap. cxxxii., is 750 paces; in the same places he gives the length
at four shots, or 3000 paces, an evident mistake, unless bv this is meant the
circumference. Hernandez estimates it at about 86 percnes, or 1,420 feet.
Sahogun, Hist. Gen., tom. i. , lib. ii., p. 197, who seems to have investigated
the matter more closely, places it at 200 fathoms, which cannot be too nigh,
when we consider that the court enclosed 77 or more edifice), besides the
great temple. Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. IL, p. 226, gives a
length of 250 varas.

>* 'Eratodo cercado de piedra de manposterla mui bien labrado.' Tor-
quemada, Moiiari. Ind., tom. ii., p. 144. 'Estaban mui bien encaladas,
blancas, y bruaidas.' Id., p. 141.

■oo Ctamgero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 27; Brasaeur de Hour-
hourg. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 661; Prescotts Mex., vol. ii., p. 142.
' Era labroda depiedros grandcs a manera de culebras asidas las vnas a las
otras.' Aeosta, Hist, delas Ynd., p. 333; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icaz-
balceta. Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 63.

■01 Aeosta, Hist, de las Ynd., p. 333, says an idol stood over each gate,
facing the road. It is not statea by any author that tlie arsenals formed
the gatewav, but as they rose over the entrance, and nearly all mention
upper and lower rooms, and as buildings of this size could not have rested
upon the walls alone, it follows that the lower story must have formed the
sides of the entrance. 'A cada parte y puerta de las cuatro del patio del
templo grande ya dicho habia una gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos
ybajoB en rededor.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. Ii.; Torque-
mada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 146; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 120. Te-
zozomoc. Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 152, mentions three (^tes. 'A I'orient et k
I'occident d'une petite porte et d'une grande vis-ii-vis de Tescalier mdridi-
onaL'

THE GREAT TEMPLE OF MEXICO.

B79

>ioo

cement, plastered and polished, and so slippery that
the horses of the Spaniards could scarcely keep their
footing.'"* In the centre stood the great temple, an
oblong, parallelogramic pyramid, about three hundred
and seventy-five feet long and three hundred feet
broad at the base, three hundred and twenty-five by
two hundred and fifty at the summit, and rising in
five superimposed, perpendicular terraces to the height
of eighty-six feet.**® The terraces were of equal

101 'Y el misino patio, y sitio todo empedrado de piednw grandes de losaa
blancos, y inuy lisas: y adonde no auia de aquellas piedras, cstaua encalado,
yhrnUHlo,' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 70. The white stones had no
doubt received that coler from plaster. 'Los patios y suelos eran teiiidoB
de Almagre bruflido, y incorporado con la niisma cal.' Torquemada, Mo^
narq. Iiut., torn, ii., p. 141; Laa Casaa, Hist. Apologttica, \i8., cap. xlix.
The dimensions given by the diihrent authors are extremely varied; the
Anonymous Conqueror, as the only eye-witness who has given any measure-
ments, certainly deserves credit for those that appear reasonable, namely
the length and width; the height seems out of proportion.

IDS 'Cento & cin^uanta ]iiis.si, 6 poco piu di lunghezza, & cento quindici,
b cento & venti di largliezza.' Relatione fatta per vn gentiPhuomo del
Signor Fernando Cortese, in Bammio, Sfavigationi, torn, iii., fol. 307.
This would give the length and breadth of the base in the text, assuming
two and a half feet to the pace. With a decrease of two good paces for
each of the four ledges which surround the pyramid, the summit measure-
ment is arrived at. The terraces are stated by the same author to be two
men's stature in height, but this scarcely agrees with the height indicated
by the 120 or 30 steps given. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 70, counted 114
steps, and as most authors estimate each of these at a span, or nine inches in
height, this would give an altitude of 86 feet. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. ii., pp. 28-9, gives about .50 fathoms (perches, he calls them)
by 43 to the base, and, allowing a perch to the ledges, he places the
summit dimensions at 43 by 34 fatnoma. The height he estimates at
19 fathoms, giving the height of each step as one foot To prove that
he has not over-estimated tlic summit dimensions, at least, he refers to
the statements of Cortes, who affirms that he fought 500 Mexicans on
the top platform, and of Diaz, who says that over 4,000 men garrisoned
the temple. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 144-5, who fol-
lows Sanagim, states it to be 360 feet square at the base, and over 70
at the top; the steps he says are 'vna tercia, y mas' in height, which
closely approaciics a foot. Las Casas, Hist. Apologttica, MS., cap. Ii., says:
'Una torre triangular 6 de trcs esquinas de tierra y piedra maciza; y ancha

de esquina & esquina de ciento y viente pasos 6 cuasi con un llano 6

plaza de obra de setenta pies.' In cap. cxxxii. he calls it 100 men's stature
in height. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 119, says 50 fathoms square at the
Imse and 18 at the top. IxtlilxochitI, Hist. Chic.h., in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 245, d<>8cribes a temple which seems to be that of
Mexico, and states it to be 80 fathoms square, with a height of 27 men's
stature. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., places the dimen-
sions as low as 30 varas square at the Imsc and from 12 to 15 at the top. Of
modem authors Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iiL, p. 659,
gives the dimensions at 300 by 250 feet for the base, and 60 feet tor the
summit, after allowing from 5 to 6 feet for the ledges, a rather extraordinary
computation; unless, indeed, we assume that the terraces were sloping, but

580

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

height,'** the lowest, according to Tezozomoc, having
a foundation a fathom or more in depth, and each re-
ceded about six feet from the edge of the one beneath
it, leaving a flat ledge round its base.'*'' At the
north-west corner the ledges were graded to form a
series of steps, one hundred and fourteen in all, and
each about nine inches high, which led from terrace to
terrace, so that it was necessary to walk completely
round the ediHce to gain the succeeding flight. *'" This
style of building was probably devised for show as
well as for defence, for by this means the gorgeously
dressed procession of priests was obliged to pass in
sight of the entire multitude gathered on all sides of
the temple, winding at a solemn pace round each ter-
race. The structure was composed of well-rammed
earth, stones, and clay, covered with a layer of large

there is no reliable cut or description to confirm ouch a supposition.
Humboldt, Eumi Pol., torn, i., pj>. lGO-71), bas 07 metres for the scjuare,
and 37 fur the iieight. Orteua, in Vcijtia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, iii., pp.
280-82, is positive that the heit{ht was certainly no less than 38 varas.
Prescott, Mex., vol. ii., p. 144, remarks that there is no authority for
describing the tem^e as oblong, except the contemptible cut of the Anony-
mous Conqueror. This may be just enough as regards the cut, but if he
had exammed the description attached to it it, he would have found the
dimensions of an obloufj structure given. We must consider that the
Anonymous Conqueror is the only eye-witness who gives any measure-
ment, and, further, that as two chapels were situated at one end of the
platform the structure ought to have oeen oblong to give the space in front
a fair outline.

iM 'Alto come due stature dVn huomo.' Relatione fatta per vnqentiVhuo-
mo del Sii/iior Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, torn, iii., fol. 307.

loi 'I^ciano vna strada di largbezza di duo passi.' Relatione fatta per
vn gentifhuoino del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramtuio, Navigationi,
torn, iii., fol. 307. See note 87; Motolinia, Hif(. Indiot, in Icazbalceta,
Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 64.

116 The Anonymous Conqueror, Relatione, etc, \)bi supriL Las Casas,
Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. cxxiv., Gomara, donq. Mex., fol. 119, and
Torquemada, Monar<f. Itut., tom. ii., p. 14^, nV say that there was no
ledge on the west side, merely steps, but thi>i is, doubtless, a careless
expression, for 23 steps allotted to each terrace would scarcely have ex-
tended over a length of about 300 feet, the breadth of the pyramid. Near-
ly all agree upon the number of the steps, namely 1 14. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Ohich., in Kingxhorotigh'a Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 245, however, gives ICO
steps; Oviedo,*ii««<. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 502-3, 60 steps; and Acosta, Hist,
de Ins Ynd. , p. 333, 30 steps, 30 fathoms wide, but the latter author ha.s
evidently mixed up the accounts of two ditt'erent temples. Tezozomoc,
Hist. Itfrx., tom. i., p. 152, states that the temple had three stairways,
with 360 steps in all, one for every day in the Mexican year. According
to Klemm, Cidtur-GescAichte, tom. v., p. 155, the stejis are on the soutli
comer, but there is no authority for this statement; in the cuts they ap-
pear on the north.

THE GREAT TEMPLE OP MEXICO.

square pieces of tetzontli, all of equal size, hewn
smooth and joined with a fine cement, which scarcely
left a mark to be seen ; it was besides covered with a
polished coating of lime, or gypsum."" The steps
were of solid stone and the platform of the same slip-
pery character as the court.*" At its eastern end
stood two three-story towers, fifty-six feet in height,**
separated from the edjy^e by a walk barely wide enough
for one person. The lower story was of masonry with
the floor raised a few feet above the platform and an
entrance on the west; the two upj)er stories were of
wood, with windows, to which access was had by mov-
able ladders.**" A wooden cupola well painted and

ic^ 'De tierra y piedra, me^olida con cal muy macizAila.' Hfrrera, Hi»t.
Om., dec. ii., lib. vii., ciin. xvii. 'Purlu parte do fuera i^a »a imred de
piedra: lo de dentro hciiuiiiaiilu de piedra todo, 6 de barro y adolie; otrosde
tierra bien taniada.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in leuzhalceta, Col. de Doe.,
torn. i.. pp. 63-4. ' Heclia de inanpoHtoria.' TorqiKinada, Monarq. Ind.,
torn, ii., p. 144. The pyramid of Teutihuacan, which, according to some
authors, has been a nio.lel for othent, is built of clay mixed with small
stones, covered by a heavy wall of tetzoutli, which is coated with lime.
Humbolut, EssaiPol., turn, i., p. 187. 'Todus las piedras estauan assen-
tadas de tal suerte, que la mezcla casi no parecia, sino todas las piedras
vna.' Ddvila Padilla, Ilist. Fond. Mex., p. 75. The whitewash may, how-
ever, have given it this solid api>carance. ' Todos aquellus Tcniplos, y Salas;
y tmlas sus paredes que los cercaban, estaban mui bien encalauas, blancas,
y bruuidas.' Torqiteiitada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 141; The mortar was
mixed with precious stones and gold-dust. Tezozomoc, Cronica Mex., in
KingsborougKa Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 60.

'w Brasseurde Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 659, states that
three sides of the platform were protected bv a balustrade of sculptured
stone, and this is not unlikely when we consider the slippery nature of the
floor and the dizzy height. See Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p.
141, Las Casas, I'liat. Ajwioqilica, MS., cap. xlix., cxxiv, and note 76 on
polished floors. Carbajal lilspinosa. Hist, mex., tom. i., p. 664, states that
the summit was paved with nu'rble.

"" 'In alto dieci, 6 dodeci stature d'huomo.* Relatione fattapervn gen-
tiPhitomo del Sipnor Fernando Cortege, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii.,
fol. 307. This is followed bv Olavigero, Storia Ant. del Meisico, tom. ii.,
p. 29, who says 56 feet, or aooiit 9 perches. No other dimensions are men-
tiouf^d by the old chroniclers; Brasseurde Bourbourg, however, gives thsm a
base of 20 feet square. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 659-60, but this becomes
absurd when we consider the height of the buildings, and the accommoda-
tion required for the gigantic idols thev contained. This author hazards the
opinion that the chapels were placed close to the edge, to enable the people
to see the ido!-* from below, but there is no mention of any doors on
the east side, and it is stated that the chapels were placed at this end so that
the people in praying might face the rising sun. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
119; Las Casas, Hist. Apologttiea, MS., cap. Ii.

110 < Que se maud-- ban por la parte de adentro, por unas escaleras de ma-
dera movedizns. ' Ixtlilxochitl. Hist. Chich., in Kingsboro ugh' s Mex. Antiq.,
vol. ix., p. 245. Acosta states that the towers were ascended by 120 steps.

682

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

adorned formed the roof.*" The sanctuaries were in
the lower storv, the one on the ri<A\t hand dedicated
to Huitzilopochtli with his partner and lieutenant, the
other to Tezcatlipoca.*" The gicjantic images of these
gods rested upon large stone altars three to four feet
high,"' their monstrous grandeur shielded from the
vulgar gaze of the multitude by rich curtains hung
with tassels and golden pellets like bells, which rattled
as the hangings moved. Before the altar stood the
terrible stone of sacrifice, a green block about five feet
in length, and three in breadth and height, rising in
a ridge on the top so as to bend the body of the vic-
tim upwards and allow the easy extraction of the
heart."* The walls and ceilings were painted with
monstrous figures, and ornamented with stucco and

Hist, de las Ynd., p. 334. The towers were miide of 'artesones.' Gowam,
Gonq. Mex., fol. 119. Brasseur de ]iourl)oiirg Htates that the outside of the
walls was painted with various fi<;ures and monsters, but this seems to Ijc a
misinterpretation of Goniara, who places tlic paintings on the inside. Hist.
Nat. Civ., toni. iii., p. 6G0. Bernal Diaz says, besides, that the towers were
'todas blanqueando. Hist. Conq., fol. 70.

'" The eaves or the domes of the temples were decorated with fine red
and white pillars, set with jet black stones and holding two figures of stone
with torches in their hands, which supported a battlement in fonn of spiral
shells; the torches were adorned with yellow and green feathers and fringes.
Acosta, Hist, de las Yiid., p. 333? Montaniis, Nieuwe Weercld, p. 242.

'1' Most of the old authors say that Tlaloc occupied the second chapel,
but as the next largest temple in the court is dedicated to this god, I am
inclined to think, with Clavigero, that TezcatliiMica shared the chief pyra-
mid with Huitzilopochtli. Another reason for this 1>clief is that Tezcatli-
poca was held to oe the half-brother of Huitzilopochtli, and their feasts
were sometimes attended with similar ceremonies. Tezcatlipoca was also one
of the highest if not the highest god, and, accordingly, entitled to the place of
honor by the side of *'• j favorite god of the Aztecs. Tlaloc, on the other
hand, had nothing in common with Huitzilo|xichtIi, and the only possible
ground that can be found for his promotion to the chief pyramid is to be
seen in the fable of the foundation of Mexico, in which Tluloc, a.8 the lord
of the site, gives the Aztecs permission fo settle there. We have, besides,
the testimony of Bernal Diaz, who saw Tezcatlipoca, adorned with the
tezcatl, or mirror ornament, seated in the left hand temple. Hist. Conq., fol.
71; Ortega, in Vcytin, Hist. Ant. MeJ., torn, iii., p. 281. Brasseur de Bour-
bourg. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 660, thinks it possible that the second
temiHe was occupied by different idols, in turn, according to the festival.

113 'No eran mas altos que cinco palmos.' Goniara, Conq. Mix., fol. 11'.).
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Mcssico, torn, ii., p. 2ft.

•'♦ Clavigero thinks that the stone was of jasper. Storia A nt. del Mcssico,
tom. ii., p. 46, with cut. It is difficult to define the ixtsition of this stone; some
place it Defore the idol within the cha|iel, others at the western extremity
of the platform. Uefcrring to the idols in the chapel, Sahagun says: 'Dc-
lante de cada una de estas estaba una piedra redonda il manera de tajon
que llamau texcatl, donde matabau los que sacriticabuu & houra de aquel

THE SACRIFICIAL STONE.

688

carved wood-work, and, according to Las Casas, the
gold and jewel-decked interior exceeded even Thebe's
^famed temple in beauty;"" but the venerable bishop
was evidently led away by his well-known enthusiasm
for whatever concerned the natives, for Bernal Diaz
and others state that the floors and walls were steeped
with blood, diffusing a fetid odor which made the
visitors glad to escape to the fresh air."® The upper
stories were used as receptacles for the ashes of de-
ceased kings and lords,"'' and for the instruments con-
nected with the service of the temple, but Diaz also
noticed idols, half human half monstrous in form, and
found the rooms blood-stained like the lower apart-
ment."® Before each chapel stood a stone hearth of
a man's height, and of the same shape as the piscina in
Catholic churches, upon which a fire was continually
kept burning by the virgins and priests, and great
misfortunes were apprehended if it became extin-
guished."' Here was also the large drum covered

dios, y dcsclc la piedra hasta abajo un regaxal de sangre dc los que mata-
ban cii 61' — he dci^cribes the stone as round. Hist. Gen., toni. i., lib. ii., p.
198. And this I am inclined tu accept as correct, csnecially as several
points indicate that the stones stood inside the chapel. Their noor, we are
told, were steeped in blood that must have flown from the victims; further,
we know that the reeking licurt was held up before or thrown at the feet of
the idol, immediately after being torn out. The act of sacrilice wa-s in itself
a ceremony which could only have been performed before the idol. Acosta,
Ilist. de las Yiid., p. 334, and Solis, Hist. Cimq. Mex., toni. i., p. 397, place
it in the middle of the platform. Prescott, Mcx., vol. ii., p. 143, states
that the stone (one only) stood near the head of the stairway, but this is
most likely a hasty interpretation of Diaz' vngue account. There nmy,
however, have liecn a large stone at this ]> ace, whifh wa.s used for the

freat and general sacrifices. Bcnia! Dim, II' it. Conq., fol. 70; Las Casas,
list. Apologitica, MS., cap. cx.xiv. Brassrur de Bourl>ourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., pp. 6(!()-i, manages ver/ dexterously to place the two stones
before the chapel, and at the same time neat- the head of the steps. Klenim,
Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 98, mentions one stone with a hollow in the
middle.

'" Lrt« Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. cxxxii.; Gomara, Conq.
Mex., fol. 119.

•18 liernal Diaz, Hist. Comj., fol. 71.

'" Cortes, Cartas, p. 106. It is also stated that certain chapels in the
streets were used for burial places by the lords. ' Inde Straten waren veel
Cappellen, die .<■ st diendeden tot l)egravin^'be van de groote Heeren.'
Wcst-Indisrht ,,; ,.ghel, p. 248.

'" 'Dezian, que era el Dios do las scmentcras' (called Centeotl). Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Co'iq., fol. 71.

"» Clnvigero, Storia Ant. del Messiro, tom. ii., pp. 29-30; Cnrhaj'd Es-
pinosa, Hist. Mex., torn, ii., p. 228; Torquemcda, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii ,

684

THE NAHUA NATIONS

with snake-skins,™ whose sombre notes resounded o^'er
a distance of two miles on feast-days and other extca-
ordinary occasions — many a death-knell it struck for
the Spaniards before they became masters of it.
From this height the Spaniards gazed down upoTi be-
tween seventy and eighty other edifices withii the
enclosure, with their six hundred braziers of stone,
some round, some square, and from two to five feet
high,"* whose bright fires flared in perpetual adoration
of their idols, and turned the night into day. About
forty of these were temples, each with its idols, scat-
tered round the court and facing the great pyramid as
if in adoration.**" They were considerably smaller
than the central temple, and differed chiefly in the
form of the roof which was round, square, or pyrami-
dal, according to the character of the idol.*'" The
largest was that of Tlaloc, which stood nearest the
pyramid, and was ascended by fifty steps.*" Quetzal-
coatl's was the most singular in form, being circular

p. 145; on p. 141, he says, in contradiction: 'Delante de los Altares en
estos Templos avia vnos braseros Iiechos de piedra, v cal, de tres quartas en
alto, de fi^ura circular, b redondo, y otros quodrauos, donde de dia, y de
noche ardia coiitinuo fuego, tenian bus fogones, y braseros todos las 8alas
de los dichos Templos, donde encendian fuego, para calentarse los Sefiores,
quando iban tt ellos, y para los Saccrdotes.' 'Tan altos conio tres palmos
y cuatro.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologttica, MS., cap. cxxiv.

IM Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 70.

'*! See note 119; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col, de Doc,
torn, i., p. 65.

'** Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Mcssico, to.n. ii., p. 30. Las Casas, Hist.
Apologitica, MS., cap. li., and Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col.
de Doc., torn, i., p. 64, say that they face in all directions, .vhich lends to
prove that they must have faced the temple of the supreme and iiatron
gods. 'Estando encontrados, y puestos vnos contra otros,' adds Torque-
tiiada, Monarq. Ind., toni. ii., pp. 141, 146. Gomara, Conq. Mrx., fol. 119,
states that they were turned against all points but the east, so as to difler
from the chief temple. 'Tenian la cara dcia el occidcnte.' Sahaijini, Hist,
Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 198. Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., p. 334, states that
the court held eight or nine temples facing all quarters.

"J 'Todos eran vnos; pero difcrenciabanse en el asicnto, y postura.'

Torqttcmada, Monarq. Intl., torn, ii., p. 145. 'Lacuhierta eradediver-

sas, y varias formas, que aunque eran vnas de madera, y otras de paja,
como de Centeno, eran miii primamente l&>:rada8, vnas coiterturus piriinii'
dales, y quadradas, y otras redondas, y de otras formas.' lb. Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 118-19; Brasseurdc Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii.,
pp. 662-3.

12^ 'La menor dellas tiene ^in(][iicnta escaloncs para subir al cuerpo de la
torre.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. ill., p. 302; Cortes, Cartas, p. lOG.

TEMPLES OF MEXICO,

586

and surmounted by a dome, symbolic of the abode
of the god of air ; a snake's jaws with exposed fangs
formed the low entrance, and made the stranger shud-
der as he stooped to pass in.'** Among other notable
edifices were the tezcacalli, or 'house of mirrors,' so
called from the mirrors which covered its walls, and
the teccizvalli 'house of shells,' to which the king re-
tired at certain times to perform penance. The high-
priest also had a house of retirement called poiaithtla,
and there were several others for the use of cer-
tain other priests. Among these was a splendid
building, provided with baths, fountains, and every
"^lu^'oit, in which notable strangers who visited the
tut r ^e or the court were entertained. The Ilhuicatit-
la»i temple, dedicated to the planet Venus, contained
a large column painted or sculptured with the image
of the star, before which captives were sacrificed on
the appearance of the planet. Another temple took
the form of a cage, in which the idols of conquered
nations were confined, to prevent them from assisting
their worshipers in regaining their liberty.*'" The
quauhxicalco was used as a receptacle for the bones
of victims sacrificed at various sanctuaries. The
skulls of those killed at the great temple were depos-
ited in the fzompantli, ^'" which stood just outside the
court, near the western or main gate. This consisted
of an obl/iig .^loping parallelogram of earth and ma-
sonry, one liLaidred and fifty -four feet at the base,
a.icendt.'l !;;; thirty steps, on each of which were
skulb.^^' R( ind the summit were upwards of seventy
raised poles ul mt four feet apart, connected by nu-
merous rows of cross-poles passed through holes in
the masts, on each of which five skulls were filed, the

iM Torquemndn, Mbnarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 145.

126 TorqueiiKuIn, Monnrq. Ind., U»iii. ii., i)p. 147-50.

'«' Salmgun, Hist. Gen., toni. i., lib. ii., jjp. 201-7; Torquemada, Mo-
narq. fnr', ton ii., p. 149; Clavigero, Stona Ant. del Messico, toiii. ii.,
p. .32, I. . it Hiicitzonipiiii.

iw ' '' II ,.H csciiloiies habia tambien wn crdneo entre piedra y j)ie(lra.'
Orfefft, i ]■ Iff ill, Hi.if. Ant. Met., torn, iii., p. 287. But this is unlikely.
Sec ulttu (x',-: ..rci, Conq. Mex., fol. 121.

% I

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

sticks being passed through the temples.*'* In the
centre** stood two towers, or columns, made of skulls
and lime, the face of each skull being turned outwards,
and giving a horrible appearance to the whole. This
effect was heightened by leaving the heads of dis-
tinguished captives in their naiaral state, with hair
and skin on. As the skulls decayed, or fell from the
towers or poles, they were replaced by others, so that
no vacant place was left. The Spaniards are said to
have counted one liundred and thirty-six thousand
skulls on the step.; i^- - noles alone, but this number
is, no doubt, greatly iggerated."* In the court
was a large open space, hich stretched to the foot of
the stairway of the great temple. Here the great
dances were held in which thousands took part,*** and
here, in full view of the multitude gathered to join
in the festive ring, stood the gladiatorial stone, the
temalacatl, upon which the captives were placed to
fight with Aztec warriors, for their liberty as it was
termed, but rather for the delectation of the masses,
for their chance of victory, as we have seen, was very
small. It consisted of an immense flat circular stone,
three feet in height, very smooth, with sculptured
edge, placed upon a small pyramid eight f.^et in
height.*^ In another part of the court wer** three
large halls with flat roofs and plastered walls, painted
on the inside, which contained a number of low, dark
chambers, each the abode of an idol; the walls were

"9 ' Estos paloH hazian mucliaa ospos p' r las vigas, y cada tcrcio de aspa
o palo, tenia ciiico cabe9as ensartadas por las sienes.' Gomara, Com/. Mrj-.,
fol. 121-2. AcoBta, Hist, de las Ynd., p. 334, places the maata a fntliDin
apart, and twenty skulls upon each cross-pole, which is, to say the least,
very close packing.

"' At each end of the platform. Warden, Eechcrches, p. 66.

"' Clavigcro, S'nriii Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., p. .32; Gomara, Coiiq.
Mex., fol. 121-2; Hcrnra, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii; Acostn,
Hist, de Ins Ynd., pp. 3,33-5. The account of the latter author is so mixed
up with that of the chief temple as to bo of little value; Montanus, Nicitwe
nccrcld, pp. 242-3, follows him.

"« Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., p. .3.33, says that 8,000 to 10,000 persons
could dance with joined hands in this place.

"' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 48, with cut; Torqiir-
mada, Monarq. Ind., tont. ii., p. 154; Ortega, in Vei/tin, Hist. Ant. Mej.,
tom. iii., p. 283; Brtuseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 662.

THE TEMPLE COURT.

6S7

covered with blood, two lingers in thickness, and the
floors to the depth of a foot almost.*" The court also
contained a <>rove in which birds were raised for sacri-
fices, and whence the procession started on the day
devoted to the great hunt in honor of Mixcoatl ; there
were also a number of gardens, where flowers and
herbs for offerings were grown. There were several
bathing-places, one of which, the tetzaapan, 'cleans-
ing water,'*** was set apart for those who had made
vows of penance, and another, at Mixcoatl's temple,
filled with black water, for the priests. The toxpalatl
was a fine fountain, the waters of which were only
drunk at solemn festivals. It was supposed to have
been the identical spring in which the Aztec priest
had the interview with Tlaloc and obtained permis-
sion for the nation to settle. The care of all the
temple buildings devolved upon a perfect army of
priests, monks, nuns, sch(X)l children, and other peo-
ple, estimated at from five to ten thousand, who all
slept within the sacred precincts.*" The passing and
repassing of such numbers must have made the place
teem with life, yet everything was in such perfect
order and kept so sciuijulously clean, says Diaz, that
not a speck or a straw could he discover.*"

"* Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 120; Torqucmada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii.,
pp. 146-7; Las Casus, Hist, Apologitka, MS., cap. li.

•'J* Torqtietnada, Monarq. Ind., toin. ii., p. 151; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chich., in Kingsboro lights Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 244.

136 'llesideii en el a la contina uinco mil persunas, y toda^ duennen
dentro, y cunicn a su costa del.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 120. 'V'liauea
vnu guarnigione di dieci niila honiini di gucrra.' Relatione fatta per vn
genttt'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Bamusio, Navigationt, torn,
lii., fol. 309.

"' The authorities on the temple of Mexico are: Jiernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 70-2; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fei'nanJo
Cortese, in Ramnsio, Navigationt, torn, iii., fol. 307, 309, and in Irazbal-
ceta. Col. de Doc., torn, i., pp. 384-5, 394-5, with cuts; Torqucmada, Monarq.
Ind., torn, i., p. 186, torn, ii., pp. 140-56; Sahaqun, Hist. Gen., torn, i.,
lib. ii., pp. 197-211; Cort^, Cartas, p. 106; (Honiara, Conq. Mex., fol.
118-22; Las Casus, Hist. Ajwlogiticu, MS., cap. xlix., Ii., cxxiv. ; Vetun-
cvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 37; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messieo, torn,
i., pp. 257-8, torn, ii., pp. 25-32, 46-8, with cuts made up from the various
dcscriptiona of Diaz and others; see his remarks, p. 26. Acosta, Hist, de
las Ynd., pp. 3.S.)-5; this author mixes up the descriptions of the chief
temple and the Tzompantli, and represents this account as that of Hui-
tzilopochtli's sanctuary; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. viL, cap. xvii.,

868

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Besides this there were several other temples and
public oratorres in the city, situated either in groups
within a square, or scattered throughout the wards,
and attended to by their special priests and servants.
Torquemada thinks that their number equaled the
days in the Aztec year, namely, three hundred and
sixty, and Clavigero believes that there were two
thousand chapels besides.^**

The temples in other towns were pretty much like
the foregoing, three being usually grouped around a
central pyramid in a square, each with its idol and one
or two braziers. Others were mounds of earth cased
with stone, with one broad stairway in the centre of
the western side, or with steps on three sides, some-
times at each corner.^* The chapels on the platform
were usually tw«. or three stories in height, often pro-
vided with balconies, the whole edifice being plastered
and polished.'*"

The pyramid at Mexico, large as it was, did not
equal that at Cholula, which Humboldt estimates at
five thousand seven hundred and sixty feet in circum-
ference and one hundred and seventy-seven feet in

xviii.; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazhalceta, Col. de Doc, torn, i., pp.
63-5; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mcj., toni. iii., pp. 279-89; Tczozomoc,
Hist. Mex., torn, i., pp. 151-3, 193; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsbor-
ovglCs Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 245; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., pp.
302-3, 502-3; Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 75; Solis, Hist. Conq.
Mex., toin. i., pp. 394-98; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 242; West-In-
dische Spieghel, p. 248; Humboldt, Essai Pol., torn, i., p. 187; Klcmm,
Cultur-Ueschichte, torn, v., pp. 154-5; Btasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., torn, iii., pp. G59-65; Uarbaial Espinosa, Hist. Mex., torn, i., p. WW,
torn, ii., pp. 22G-35, with cuts; Warden, Becherehea, p. 66; PrescotVs Mex.,
vol. ii., pp. 142-5.

138 Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 145; Clatfigero, Storia Ant.
del Mcssico, toni. ii., p. 33. Uonmra, Conq. Mex., fol 120, sjiys that there
were 2U0U idols, each of which is supposed to have lind a separate cha]>cl.
Caro, Tres Siglos, torn, i., p. 2; Las Casas, Hist. AjmlogHtca, MS., caj).
cxx.xii. ; in cap. cxxiv., he adds that 100 of these were great temples.

•39 Cfomara, Conq. Mex. , fol. 120. Some temple pyramids, saya DAvila
PiuUlla, formed a perfect cone, the casing being composed of large stoncn
at the bottom; as the wall rose, the stones decreased in size; the summit
was crowned with a precious stone. Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 75; Prescott's
Mex., vol. i., }). 72.

"• ' Los grandes tenian tres sohrados encima de loe altarcs, todos de ter-
radosyhKn altos.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icuzbaleeta, Col. de Doe.,
tom. i., p. 64; Las Casas, Hist. Apologitiea, MS., cap. cxxiv.; Torque-
tnada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 141.

TEOCALLI AT CHOLULA AND TEZCUCO.

height. It consisted of four square terraces facing
the cardinal points, which seem to have been com-
posed of alternate layers of adobe and clay, and was
surrounded by a double wall, according to Diaz. On
the top stood the semi-spherical chapel of Quetzal-
coatl, with its door made low so that all who entered
should bend in humility."* This city contained, be-
sides, a great number of smaller temples, the total
equaling the number of days in the Mexican year."^
The temple at Tezcuco was also several steps higher
than the Mexican pyramid.**' King Nezahualcoyotl,
who is said to have believed in one supreme god,
erected in his honor a nine-story building, to indicate
the nine heavens, the roof of which was studded with
stars and surmounted by three pinnacles ; the interior
was decorated with gold and feather-work and pre-
cious stones. The upper floor was a receptacle for mu-
sical instruments, from one of which, the chiliUtli,
the edifice was named.*" The traditional temjiles of
early times, very fairy creations according to the ac-
counts of the natives, were far superior to the later
ones ; but these relations are little more than super-
natural fables.**"

•*i Las Casas, Hist. ApologHica, MS., cap. cxxiv; Humboldt, EssaiPol.,
torn, i., i)j». 239-40; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp. .3.3-4.
Bernal Diaz counted 120 steps, whicli scarcely agrees with the height of the
pyramid. Hist. Cotiq., fol. 72. Acostu, Hist, de las Ynd., pp. 390-1, men-
tions 60 steps only. 'Alto bien mas de qiiarenta estados: fue hecho de
Adove, y Piedra.' Torqvemada, Monurq. Ind., torn, i., p. 281. Montanns
adds that on the summit stood a square stnicture, suppor', \n\ ]>y 28 itilicrs,
within which were thousands of skulls; he mentions two clinpels. Nicirwe
Weereld, p. 236. It had 1508 steps; in the wall was a lurjje diamond.
West-Indische Spief/hel, p. 238.

"' Las Casas, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cap. xlix. Some of these had two
chapels, which would make the number of towers about 400. Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii.

^^ IxtUlxoehitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsboroiigh^s Mex. Antiq., yo\. ix.,
pp. 243. The description of the temple as given by this writer is almost
identical with that of the great temple at Mexico. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 72; Torqueinada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 305.

^** Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborongh's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,
p. 257.

^*^ Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 107-;8. Further authori-
ties on Mexican buildings: Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. iv-v.,
viii-xi., xiii-xviii., dec. iii., lib. i., cap. viii.. lib. ii., cap. xi., xv. ; Pefrr
Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii-iii., viii., x.; dec. viii., lib. iv.; Mendieta, Hist.

oeo

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

Eda^ pp. 84-7, 121; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mcj., torn, i., p. 155; Ziuuo, Carta,
in leazoaleeta. Col. ae Doe., torn, i., pp. 359, 362; West-Jtiduche Spieghel, pp.
240-^; MuHster, Cosmographia, p. 1410; MoiUanus, Niemm Weereld, j>p.
80-5, 236-7, 242-3; CortiH, Aven. y Conq., pp. 120, 128-33; Bussierre,
VEmpire Mex., pp. 123-7, 172-5, 252-3, 25»-9, M8; Klemm, Cultur-Ge-
schichte, torn, v., pp. 31-2, 75, 84-5, 97-9, 152-62; Monglcmt, Riaumi, pp.
20-1, 24-5, 36-7; Touron, Hist. Gin., toin. iii., pp. 40-8; Cooper's Hist. N.
Amer., pt ii., p. 164; Lafond, Voyage, tom. i., pp. 106-7; BrownelVs Ind.
Races, pp. 92-5; Banking's Hist. Researches, pp. 336-7; Domenech, Mex-
ique, pp. 70-2; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 391; Dilworth'a Conq. Mex., pp.
64, 70i; Lenoir, ParalUle, pp. 20-1; Ptmentel, Mem. sobre la Rata Indi-
gena, pp. 66-7; Chevalier, Mex. Ancien et Mod., pp. 30-3; Purchaa his
Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1033, 1123-4, 1133.

CHAPTER XIX.

MEDICINE AND FUNERAL RITES AMONG THE NAHUAS.

Mexican Contributions to Medical Science — The Botanical
Gardens— Longevity— Prevalent Diseases— Introduction of
Small-pox and Syphilis- Medical Treatment -The Temaz-
CALLi — Aboriginal Physicians — The Aztec Faculty— Stand-
ard Remedies— Surgery— Superstitious Ceremonies in Heal-
ing — Funeral Rites of Aztecs— Cremation— Royal Obsequies-
Embalming— The Funeral Pyre— Human Sacrifice- Disposal
of the Ashes and Ornaments — Mourners — Funeral Cere-
monies OF THE People — Certat'- Classes Buried — Rites for
the Slain in Battle— i>urial among the Teo-Chichimecs and
Tabascans— Cremation Ceremonies in Michoacan— Burial by
the Miztecs in Oajaca.

Writers on Mexico have paid but slight attention
to aboriginal medical science, although the greatest
benefit which Europe derived from that part of the
New World came doubtless in the form of medicinal
substances. Most of the additions to the world's
stock of remedies since the sixteenth century were
indigenous to tropical America, and in few instances,
if any, were their curative properties unknown or
unfamiliar to the native doctors. Jalap, sarsaparilla,
tobacco, with numerous gums and balsams, were
among the simples of American origin. Dr Hern i-
dez, physician to Phillip II., was sent to Mexico by
his king to investigate the natural history of the
country. The results of his researches, in which he

692

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

was assisted by native experts, were published in a
large work, which contains long lists of plants with
their medicinal properties, and which L.-'s been much
used by later writers. I shall not, however^ attempt
in this chapter to give any catalogue of medicinal
plants.* The healing art was protected by royalty,
and the numerous rare plants in the royal gardens,
collected at great expense from all parts of the
country, were placed at the disposal of the doctors in
the large cities, who were ordered to experiment with
each variety, that its curative or injurious properties
might be utilized or shunned. Thus the court physi-
cians derived from these constantly increasing collec-
tions all the advantages of travel through distant
provinces.*

The Nahuas were a healthy race ; naturally so with
their fine climate, their hardy training, active habits,
frequent bathing, and temperate diet. The extraordi-
nary statements respecting the great age attained by
their kings in the earlier periods of Nahua history are
of course absurdly exaggerated; but as centenarians
are often met with among their descendants at the
present day, there is no doubt that they were a long-
lived race, and that those who did not attain a hun-
dred years, succumbed for the most part to acutG
diseases.' Indigestion and its accompanying ills were
unknown, and deformed people were so rare tliat
Montezuma kept a collection of them as a curiosity.
The diseases most prevalent were acute fevers, colds,
pleurisy, catarrh, diarrhea, and, in the coast districts.

' Hernandez, Nova Plantarum, etc. The MSS., comprising 24 books of
text niul 11 books of plates, were sent to the Escurial in Spain, and from
them abridged editions were published in Mexico, 1615, and Home, 1G51.
The latter edition is the one in my collection. Salmgun also devotes con-
siderable space to a description of herbs and their properties. Hist. Gen.,
tom. iii., lib. x., xi.

* Claviaero, Storia Ant. del Me^sico, tom. ii-, P- 157; Hcrrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; Carbajnl Esjtinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 02.3-4.

3 'E'da maravigliare, che i Alcssicani, e mussiniamentc i povcri, non fos-
sero a niolte malattle sottoposti atteso la qualith de'loro alimenti. Clavi-
aero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 217; Humbold, Essai Pol., tom.
I., p. 88.

EPIDEMICS AND THEIR RAVAGES.

is,

intermittent fever, spasms, and consumption, aggra-
vated by exposure.*

Deadly epidemics swept the country at intervals,
the traditional accounts of which are so intermingled
with fable that we can form no idea of their nature.
One of the most fatal and wide-spread recorded was
that brought on by famine, war, and the anger of the
gods at the breaking-up of the Toltec empire." The
matlazahuatl was a pestilence said to be conHned en-
tirely in its ravages to the natives, and which made
great havoc even after the Spaniards came. It is
thought by some to have attacked the people periodic-
ally in former times, and to have been similar in its
nature to the yellow fever. While the Aztecs were
shut up in their island home, a curious malady, con-
sisting of a swelling of the eyelids, followed by a vio-
lent dysentery ending in death, or, as others say, by
a swelling of the throat and -body, attacked the na-
tions on the main land, especially the Tepanecs. The
popular tradition was that the fumes of roasted fish
and insects wafted from the island to the shore, cre-
ated a powerful longing for this new and, to them,
unobtainable food, and that the pangs of an unsatisfied
appetite originated the pestilence." Ixtlilxochitl re-
lates that a catarrhic scourge fell upon the people
during the unusually severe winter of 1450 and car-
ried off large numbers, especially of the aged.''

The vices introduced by the Spaniards, their op-
pression of the natives, and the consequent disregard
of the ancient regulations respecting cleanliness and

< 'Las principales cnfcrniedades qiie corrian entre esta gente, ernn de
ubuiidancia de culeni, y Heiiia, o otrus iiialos huinorcs, caiisudus do mala
comida, y falta de abrij^o.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dee. ii., lib. x., cap. x.xi.

* Tezozomoc, Vrdii. Mex., in Kingsboroiigh's Mcx. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 64;
lirasseur dr. liourbiturg. Hist. Nat. Civ., toin. i., p. .365.

6 'Hacia tiialparir las Mufferes, de antojo de coiner de ufjiiello que awi-

ban daban caniazas (i los Viejos de desco de comer de aqiicllo; y it lax

ftltigcres se los hinchaban los brazos, las manos, y las piernas, que adolecian
inucho, y morian con oquel dcseo.' Ihiran, Hist. Itidtas, MS., toni. i., cap.
X. Torquemada qualifies this by 'Esto dicho, pase por cucnto.' Monarq.
Iiid., torn, i., p. 93; Tezozomoc, t'rdn. Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Ah-
ti'j., vol. ix., pi). 21-2. 64.

' Hist. Chirh., in KingshorouglCs Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 2.50.
Vol. II. 38 •

004

THE NAHLA NATIONS.

the use of liquors, prepared the way for new mala-
dies. With the Spaniards came the sniall-pox,
measles, and as some believe, the syphilis. Small-pox
is said to have been introduced by a negro from one
of Narvaez' ships and spread with frightful rapidity
over the whole country, destroying whole households
who died and found no other graves than their houses.
Measles were introduced some ten or eleven years
later also from the Spanish ships. The yellow fever
has never prevailed to any great extent among the
natives.* Respecting syphilitic diseases and their ori-
gin there has been much discussion. The first api)ear-
ance of the malady has been attributed to the old
world and the new, and to many localities in the for-
mer. But naturally neither continent, nor any nation
has been willing to accept the so-regarded dishonor of
inflicting on the world this loathsome plague. The
discussion of the subject seems unprofitable and I
shall not reopen it here. The testimony in the matter
appears to me to prove that syphilis existed in Europe
long before the discovery of America; but there are
also some indications in the traditional history of the
Nahua peoples that the disease in some of its forms
was not unknown to the aboriginal Americans before
their intercourse with foreigners.*

Accustomed to look on death in its most terrible
form in connection with their oft-recurring religious
festivals, the people seem to have become somewhat
callous to its dread presence, and to have met its
approach with less fear of the dark and unknown
hereafter than might have been expected from their
superstitious nature. An attack of illness did not

8 Motolinia, Hist. Indioa, in Icazhalccta, Col. de Doc, torn, i., p. 15;
Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 148.

^ Claviqero, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, i., pp. 117-19, toni. iv., pp.
303-28; Herreru, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi.; Gomara, Conq.
Mex., fol. 148; Patiw, Rech. Phil., torn, i., pp. 46-9; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la
Baza Indigena, pp. 99-101; PrescotCs Mex., vol. ii., pp. 434-5; Humboldt,
Essai Pol., toni. i., pp. 66-71; Chevalier, Mex. Ancien et Mod., p. 53;
Brasseur de Boxtrbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., p. 182; Id., in Nouvelles
Annates des Voy., 1858, torn, clx., p. 280; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, ii.,
lib. vii., p. 246.

ATTENTIONS TO THE SICK.

696

are

p. 15;

necesHarily produce ^reat anxiety, or an immediate
recourse to the doctor's services; but the common
people resorted for the most part to simple home
cures, which were the more eftective as the curative
properties of herbs and their modes of application were
generally well known.*" The unconcern with which
they regarded sickness did not result from want of
affection, fur the Aztecs are said to have been very
attentive to their sick, and spent their wealth without
stint to save the life of friends. Yet the Tlascaltecs,
a hardier race, are reported by Motolinia to have
been less attentive, and some other Teo-Chichimec
tribes did not hesitate to kill a patient whose malady
did not soon yield to their treatment, under pretense
of putting him out of his misery, but really to get
him oft* their hands. This work of charity w is per-
formed by thrusting an arrow down the throat of the
invalid, and old people were especially the recipients
of such favors."

The favorite remedy for almost every ill of the
flesh was the vapor-bath, or temazcalli. No w<»ll-to-
do citizen's house was complete without conveniences
for indulging in these baths, and the poorer families
of each community owned one or more temazcalli in
common. The reader is already sufficiently familiar
with the general features of these baths, a confined
space with facilities for converting water into steam
being all that was required. Clavigero describes and
pictures a very graceful structure for this purpose, for
which, as it seems to involve the then-unknown prin-
ciple of the arch, he probably drew somewhat upon
his imagination. It is of adobes, semi-globular in

i' 'Both men, women, and children, had great knowledge in herbs. . . .
Tliey did spend little among Physicians.' Gage^a New Survey, j). 111. 'Casi
todos BUS males curan conyeruas.' Gomarn, Coiiq. Mex., fol. 117. 'No so
guardauan de males contagiosos, y enfermcdades, y bestialmentc se dexavan
niorir.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.

" Sahagun, HLt. Gen., t«m. iii., lib. x., p. 119. 'Si aljom medico entre
ellos (Tlascaltecs) fdcilmente se puede haber, sin mncho ruido ni costa, van
lo A ver, y si no, mas paciencia tienen que Job.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in
Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc,, torn, i., p. 76.

696

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

form, about eight feet in diameter, six feet high, with
a convex floor a little below the level of the ground.
On one side was an opening sufficiently large to admit
a man's body, on the opposite side a square furnace
separated from the interior by a slab of tetzontli, and
at the top an air-hole. Most of the bath-houses, how-
ever, were simply square or oblong chambers with no
furnace attached, in which case the fire had of course
to be removed before the apartment was ready for use.
When the apparatus was properly heated a mat was
spread on the floor, and the patient entered, sometimes
accompanied by an assistant, bearing a dish of water
to be thrown on the floor and walls to produce steam,
and a bunch of maize-leaves with which his body,
and especially the part affected, was to be beaten. A
plunge into cold water after a profuse perspiration
was frequently but not always resoited to. As I
have said, there were scarcely any maladies for which
this treatment was not recommended, but it was re-
garded as ]>articularly efficacious in the case of fevers
brought on by costiveness, bites of venomous serpents
and insects, bruises, and unstrung nerves, and to re-
lieve the pains and purify the system of child-bearing
women. The steam-baths were also much used to
promote cleanliness and to refresh the weary bodies
of those in good health."

The beneficial effects of a change of climate upon
invalids seem to have been ai)preciated, if we may
credit Herrera, who states that Michoacan was much
resorted to by the sick from all parts of the country."
For severe cases, the expenses of treating which could
not be borne except by the wealthy classes, hos[>itals
were established by the government in all the larger
cities, endowed with ample revenues, where patients
from the surrounding country were cared for by ex-

^* Claviffero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tam. ii., pp. 214-10, with ctits,
copied ill Carbnjal Kspimmi, Hist. Mex., 1 >in. i., pj). 071-3; Snhagun, Hist.
Gen., torn, iii., lib. xl., |>p. 280-7.

" Ilcrrcm, Hist, (feu., liec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.

THE NAHUA ESCULAPIUS.

597

perienced doctors, surgeons, and nurses well versed in
all the native healing arts." Medical practitioners
were numerous, who attended patients for a small
remuneration; the jealousy of Spanish phvsicians,
however, brought them into disrepute soon after the
conquest, and the healing art, like otliers, greatly de-
generated. It is related that a famous me(licine-man
of Michoacan was summoned before the college of Jihy-
sicians in Mexico on the charge of being a quack. In
reply to the accusation he asked his judges to smell a
certain herb, which produced a severe hemorrhage, and
then invited them to check the ilow of blood. Seeinsj
that they were unable to do this promptly, he admin-
istered a powder that immediately had the desired
effect. "These are my attainments," he exclaimed,
"and this the manner in which I cure the ailings of
my patients.""

The Esculapius of the Nahuas was embodied in the
persons of Oxomococipactonatl and Tlatecuinxochi-
caoaca, who were traditionally tli"? inventors of medi-
cine and the first herbalists among the Toltecs. Soon
after ts invention the healing profession became one
of the most highly honored, and its followers consti-
tuted a regular faculty, handing down their knowledge
aud practice from generation to generation, according to
the Naliua caste-system, according to which the son
almost invariably adopted the profession of his father,
by whom he was educated. This system of education
from early childhood under the father's guidance, the
opportunities for j>ractice in the public hosj>itals, free
access to the botanical gardens, and the numerous sub-
jects for anatomical dissection sup[»li»jd by sacrificial
rites, certaiidy offered to the Nahua doctor abundant
opportunities of acquiring great knowledge and skill.

'< 'Kn liiM CiHiladeM jirincipales. . . .Iinbia lioRpitnloH dotathiH dc reiitas y
vasalloM <loiitle hi- rusabiaii y cunibaii los eiifcrniuH jMiliies.' L(ts Vnsns, Hist.
Apologttivit, MS., cap. cxli. ' De ciiaiulo en cuamlo van jtor ttwla la pro-
vinc^ia li Iniscar loH cnfcrinoH.' Motoliiiia, Hint. Iiufioii, in laijMlrrta, Col.
<ff Dor., toni. i., p. 1.31; Torque ninda, Monatq, Intl., toni. ii., j). 165; Car-
bajnl, Ditirurso, pp. .37-8.

'* liustamaiitr, in Sulmijuit, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., lib. xi., p. 282.

«08

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The profession was not altogether in the hands of the
sterner sex ; for female pliysicians were in high repute,
especially on the eastern coant. In certain cases, as
of childbirth, we find the patient attended by none
but women, who administer medicines and baths and
render other necessary assistance, even going so far as
to cut out the infant in order to save the mother's

life.

Medicines were given in all the usual forms of
draught, powder, injection, ointment, plaster, etc. ; the
material for which was gathered from the three nat-
ural kingdoms in great variety. Many of the herbs
were doubtless obtained from the gardens, but large
quantities were obtained in the forests of different
provinces by wandering collectors who brought their
herbs to the market-places f».^ sale, or even peddled
them, it is said, from house to house. Each ailment
had its particular corrective, the knowledge of which
was not entrusted to the luemory alone, but was also
recorded in [)ainted books." Doubtless many of the
vegetable and other medicines employed were mere
nostrums administered to give an exalted opinion of
the doctor's knowledge and skill rather than with any
hope of effecting a cure.

Saha^un gives pagt! after page of native recipes for
every ailment of the human body, wliich cannot be
reproduced here. Many of the remedies and methods
of ap! Hcation are as absurd as any of those which

'<• Safiiit/ini, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. vi., p. 185; Hcrrera, Hint. Geii.,
dec. iv., lili. ix., cap. vii. ; Vlnvifjci'o, Slona Ant. (M Mrssirn, turn, ii., pp.
'211-r2, 216-17; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, iu Icazbalceta, Vol. dc Dot:, toiu.
i., p, m.

" ' Hiiy mile tie hcrhoInrioR dondc hay todas liw mlt-es y ycrlMis niwlici-
milcH *[uc en la tierra se liallnn. Hay casaM coiiio do lM>ticario8 dniide nc
vomica laH nu'diciiiax Iieclias, asi ]MitaliIeH I'lmio uii;;Uei,~tos einplastoa.' Cnr-
ten, Viirtas, n. I(U. They ' ponxudaieiit des livivs da.is lesqueU t'taii'iit
eoiisijfiieeH iiiiiiiitietiseiuoiit toiites Icuw iihservatiniis reii.'tivcs aux soieiicfw
imtitvellc's.' lininsciirdf Hiiurlmur;/, Hist. Nut. Cii'., toju. iii., pp. (!37-S.
Sec aWt Si'hiii/iiH, ///.s'. (rni., U»i\. iii., lib. x., p. 110; Oriedo, Hist. Gni.,
toin. iii., p. ;W(»; Goiiinrii, t'oiiq. M<x.,fo\. 117; Kilntione ,'atta per vn ffeii-
til'hiinmi) di't Sif/Hor FrriKiiido Curltse, in Riimusio, Nurii'iitioni, toin. iii.,
fol. .SOi). 'Teiiiaii ttiote, o ocho iiiaiieraH de rayzcs «le ycruati y flores: do
yeriuiM y arltoiei*, (lue eran laM niio mas coimiiiiiicnto vsauLii imra ciirarse.'
Hcrrcra, Hixt. Gen., dec. ii., lio. x., cap. xxi.

TREATMENT OF VARIOUS DISEASES.

•Ic

have been noticed among the wild tribes. For dis-
eases of the scalp a wash of urine, an ointment of
soot, and an application of black clay were prescribed,
to<^ether with vegetable specifics too numerous to
mention. The white of an egg was much used in
mixing remedies for wounds and bruises; a certain
animal tapaiaxiii was eaten for a swollen face; the
broth of a boiled fowl was recommended for conva-
lescents. Cataracts on the eye were rasped and
scraped with certain roots; for bloodshot eyes the
membrane was cut, raised with a thorn, and anointed
with woman's milk; clouded eyes were treated with
lizard's dung. Morning dew cured catarrh in newly
born children. Hoarseness was treated by drinking
honey, and an external application of India-rubber.
Wounds in the lips must be sewn up with a hair; a
certain insect pounded and hot pepper were among
the remedies for toothache, and great care of the
teeth Avas recommended. Stammering in children
was supposed to be caused by too long suckling.
Remedies for a cold were nearly as numerous as in
our day. Copper-filings were applied to bubos, which
may or may not have been syphilitic sores. For
looseness of the bowels in infants, the remedy was
given not only to the child but to the nurse. For a
severe blow on the chest, urine in which lizards had
been boiled must be drunk. The necessity of regu-
lating the bowels to sustain health was well under-
stood, and the doctor usually ott'ected his purpose by
injecting a herl»ul decoction from his mouth through
the leg-bone of a heron. Purgatives in common use
were jalap, [)ine-cones, tacudclic, amamaxthi, and
other roots; diuretics, axiximtli and axixtlitcotl; emet-
ics, mexochitl and neixcothpatli. IzficpatH, and cha-
talludc, are mentioned among the remedies for fevers.
Balsams were obtained from the huitzUoxitl by distil-
lation, from the huaconex by soaking the bark in
water, and from the man'penda, by boiling the fruit
and tender stones. Oils were made from tlapatl,

600

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

chile, chian, ocotl (a kind of pine), and the India-rub-
ber tree. Octli, or Avine, was often prescribed to
strengthen the system, and was also mixed with other
medicines to render them more palatable, for which
latter purpose cacao was also much used.

Several stones possessed medicinal properties: the
aztetl, held in the hand or applied to the neck,
stopped bleeding at the nose ; the xiuhtomoltetl, taken
in the form of a powder, cured heartburn and internal
heat. This latter stone fell from the clouds in stormy
weather, sunk into the earth, and grew continually
larger and larger, a solitary tuft of grass alone indi-
cating to the collector its whereabouts. The bones of
giants dug up at the foot of the mountains, were col-
lected by their dwarfish successors, ground to powder,
mixed with cacao, and drunk as a cure for diarrhea
and dysentery. Persons suffering from fever, or wish-
ing to allay carnal desires, ate jaguar's flesh; while
the skin, bones, and excrement of the same animal,
burnt, powdered, and mixed with resin, formed an
antidote for insanity. Certain horny-skinned worms,
similarly powdered and mixed, were a specific for the
gout, decayed teeth, and divers other ailments.

Surgery was no less advanced than other branches
of the healing art, and Cortes himself had occasion
to acknowledge the skill and speed with which they
cured wounds. Snake-bites, common enough among
a barefooted people, were cured by sucking and scari-
fying the wound, covering it with a thin transparent
pellicle from the maguey-plant. Rubbing with snuff,
together with heat, was another treatment, and the
coanenepilK and coapatli were also considered anti-
dotes. Fractures were treated with certain herbs
and gums, different kinds for different limbs, and
bound up with splints; if the healing did not pro-
gress satisfactorily the bone was scraped before the
operation of resetting. For painful operations of
this nature it is possible that narcotics were admin-
istered, for at certain of the sacrifices it is related

SUPERSTITIOUS CURATIVE RITES.

601

that the victims were sprinkled with yauhtli powder
to render them less sensitive to pain. Mendieta
states that a stupefying drink was given on similar
occasions; and Acosta mentions that oliliuhqui was
taken by persons who desired to see visions. This
latter was a seed, which was also an ingredient of the
teopatii, or divine medicine, composed besides of India-
rubber gum, ocotl-resin, tobacco, and sacred water.
This medicine could only be obtained from the priests.
Blood-lotting was much in vogue for various ills, the
lancets used being iztli knives, porcupine-quills, or
maguey-thorns. Ulli-marked pajiers were burned l)y
the recovered patient as a thank-offering to the gods.
Veterinary surgeons are mentioned by Oviedo as hav-
ing been employed in the zoological gardens of Mon-
tezuma.**

The medicines, though prepared and applied by the
doctors themselves, were not deemed sufficient for the
patient; superstitious ceremonies were held to be in-
dispensable to effect a cure, and to enhance the value
of professional services. Evil beings and things had
to be exorcised, the gods must be invoked, especially
the patron deity, known chiefly by the name of Te-
teionan, who was esteemed the inventor of many
valuable specifics, as the ocotl-oil and others, and con-
fessions were extorted to ease the conscience and ap-
pease the offended deity. The affected parts were
rubbed and pressed amid mutterings and strange ges-
tures, and to work the more upon the simple-minded

w Acosta adds that the nsheR of divers poisonous insects weic r.iixed with
the teopatii composition, which 1>enum1)cd the part to which it wi s applied.
' Aplicado por via de cuiphisto aniortigua his carncs esto solo nor si, '(Uanto
nios con tanto <;eiicni dc ponvoiias, y conio les aniorti<;naua el dolor, ]iarccia-
Ics efectode sanidad, y de virtud dinina.' Ilisf. de hut Ynd., pp. .370-1. For
details of medical practice ^-ce Sn/iaffitii, Hist. Gch., toin. lii., lih. x., i>p.
fW-lOS, 109, lih. xi.,pn. 21'2, 23G-80, t<mi. i., lih. ii.,pp. 214-1"); Lns Cams,
Hist. Apologitira, MS., cap. cxii., ccxiii. ; Meiulieta, Hist. Edcs., pp. 100,
13!); Torqiicinada, Monnrq. Ltd., tom. ii., pj». 274, 550, 558; Ormfo, Hist.
IiuL, tom. iii., p. ;W6; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii-iii. ; Herrera, IIi.it. Gin.,
dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi., dec. iii., lib. ii,, cap. xvii, , dec. iv., lib. ix., cup.
viii. ; CVrtc/Vwf*, Storta Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp. 77, 212-16; lirassrur
de Bourbourij, Uisl. Nat, Civ,, tom. ii., p. 180, torn, iii., pp. 638-40, tom.
iv., p. 366.

602

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

patient, they pretended to extract a piece of coal, bone,
wood, or other object, the supposed cause of the ail-
ment. A favorite treatment in certain prostrating
cases was to form a figure of corn dough, which was
laid upon a prickly maguey-leaf a id placed in the
road, with the view of letting the first passer-by carry
away the disease — a charitable hope that seems to
have afforded much relief to the afHicted. However
absurd this jugglery may appear, it no doubt gave a
powerful stimulus to the imagination, which must
have aided the working of the medicine. In critical
cases, chance was often consulted as to the fate of
the sufferer. A handful of the largest grains or beans
were thrown on the ground, ir d if any happened to
fall upright it was regarded as a sure sign that the
patient would die, and he received little or no atten-
tion after that ; otherwise prescriptions and encourag-
ing words were not spared. Sometimes a number of
cord riuijs were thrown in the same manner, and if
they fell in a heap, death was expected to result; but
if any fell ai)art, a change for the better was looked for.
To encounter a snake or lizard was held to be a sign
of death for the person himself or for his sick friend.
Although no curative process, probal)ly, in the case of
a serious illness was altogether free from superstitious
rites, yet it is surprising that these played so unim-
portant a role. Among a people so addicted on every
occasion to complicated ceremonies, the most compli-
cated might naturally be sought in their efforts to
combat disease; but it is just here that the least reli-
ance seems to have been placed in supernatural agen-

cies.

" Laa Casas, Hist. Apologitira, MS., cap. cxli. ; Id., in Kiiirf.sbornuffh'i<
yfcx. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 234. ' Luiuuhanloa (iinos conlclcH coiiio llnvero)
en el suelo, y si qiicduban rcvueltoH, dei-iuii que era hcAuI de miierte. Y »i
uljiuiiu d nl};iiii08 salian cxtendidus, tciiiuiilo por senal dc vida, diciendi»:
niic ya coiiicnzaba el cnferiiio & extender los ^i^s ylasnianos.' Mendida,
Hist. Erics., p. 110; Mofoliiiia, Hist. Jiidios, m Icazbalevta, Col. de Dor.,
toni. i., pp. 1.30-1; Torqiiemadu, Monnrq. Ind., torn, ii., pp. 491-2; //<■/•-
rcra. Hist. Gen., dec. iv. , lib. ix.. cap. yii. ; Clnviqero, Sloriu A iif. del Mrssiro,
torn. ii. , pp. 216-17. Other authorities on medicine arc: Putv/ins his Pit-
ffriitiea, vol. iv., p. 1133; Gage's New Survey, p. Ill; West- Indische Sjrie-

FUNERAL RITES OF KINGS.

603

The Aztecs were very particular about the disposal
of their dead, and conducted funeral rites with the
pomp that attended all their ceremonials. The ob-
sequies of kings were especially imposing, and their
description, embracing as it does nearly all the cere-
monies used on such occasions by these nations, will
present the most complete view of the proceedings.

When the serious condition of the monarch became
apparent, a veil** was thrown over the face of the
patron god, to be removed on his death, and notice
was sent to all the friendly princes, the grandees and
nobles of the empire, to attend the obsequies; those
who were unable to attend in person sent representa-
tives to deliver their condolence and presents. As
soon as the king had breathed his last, certain mas-
ters of ceremonies, generally old men whose business
it was to attend on these occasions, and who were
doubtless connected with the priesthood,''' were sum-
moned to prepare the body for the funeral. The
corpse was washed with aromatic water, extracted
chiefly from trefoil,** and occasionally a process of
embalming was resorted to. The bowels were taken

ghel, p. 247; PrescotCs Mcx., vol. i., p. 48, vol. ii., pp. 119-20, 137, 434-5;
Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., toiii. i., pp. 6tt8-74; MiMcitpfonlt, Me-
jico, torn, i., pp. 132-4; Klcinm, Cultur-GcsaiirJUe, toni. v., pp. 90-1; Che-
valier, Mex. Aneien et Mod., p. 16; Baril, Mexique, p. 208; Piinentel,
Mem. sohrc la Baza lurliaeiia, p. 51. I further have in my iioasesHioii a
very rare and curious medical work by Dr Monardes, treating; of the vari-
ous medicinal plants, etc., found in ^Icxicu and Central America, printed
in Seville in 1574.

*• 'Ponen miiscaras a Tezcatlipuca, o Vitziloi)uchtli, o a otro idolo.'
Goinara, Coiiq. Jfcr., fol. 309. As the idols wore masks, it is more likely that
a veil was thrown over the face, than that another mask should have licen
put on. 'Suivant unc coutnme antique attribuee h Toi>iltzin-Acx'' 'pr-
uicr roi do Tolliiii, on mcttait un nnisquc an visage des principalcs idoles,
ct Ton couvrait le« autres d'uue voile.' Jirasseiir dc liourbourq, llinl. Nat.
Civ., torn, iii., p. 572. 'Mcttcvan una maschcra all' Idolo di Huitzilopoch-
tli, ed un'altra aquello di Te/catlipoca.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messieo,
torn, ii., p. 95.

*' 'Ciertas mujcres y honibres que csbin salariados de piiblico.' Znazo,
Ctntn, in Irmhnlpcta, Col. de Doc., torn, i., p. 304. Brassenr de IJoiir-
bourg thinks that they were only employed by the common iteojdc. Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 569. Tezozomoc states that princes dre.iscd the body.
Crdiiica Mcx., in Kinqsboroiig/i's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 142.

^ Znazo says that the corpse was held on the knees of one of the male
or female shrouders, while o'liers washed it. Carta, in Jcazbalceta, Col. de
Doc., tom. i., p. 304.

604

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

; i

; M

: i

out and replaced by aromatic substances, but the
method does not seem to have been very complete,
and may only have been intended to serve while the
body lay in state, for no remains of embalmed nmm-
mies have been found. The art was an ancient one,
however, dating from the Toltecs as usual, yet gen-
erally known and practiced throughout the whole
country. A curious int)de of preserving bodies was
used by the lord of Chalco who captured two Tezcu-
can princes, and, in order that he might feast his eyes
upon their hated forms, had them dried and placed as
lijjht-holders in his ball-room.'*' When the invited
guests had arrived the body was dressed in many
mantles, often to the number of fifteen or twenty,
such as the king had worn on the most solemn occa-
sions, and consequently richly embroidered and glit-
tering with jewels.'** While some were shrouding
the body, others cut pajiers of different colors into
strips of various forms, and adorned the corpse there-
with. Water was then poured upon its head with
these words: ''This is the water which thou usedst
in this world;"** and a jug of water was placed among
the shrouds, the priest saying: "This is the water
wherewith thou art to perform the journey." More
papers were now delivered to the deceased in bunches,
the priest explaining the import of each, as he placed
it with the body. On delivering the first bunch he
said: "With these thou art to pass between two
mountains that confront each other." The second
bunch, he was told, would pass him safely over a
road guarded by a large snake; the third would con-
duct him by a place held by an alligator, xochilonal;

*5 Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., pp. 151, 87; Vetancvrt, Teatro
Mkx., pt ii., p. 16; Clai'igcro, Sloria Aiif. :lrl Mcusico, torn, i., p. 145, toin.
ii., p. !)!); Hcrrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.

** Tlic chapter on dress furiiiHhcs all the iiitnrniation respecting the
royal wardrobe. It is not unlikely that princes assisted in robing the king,
for such was the custom in Michoacan, and that the mantles brought b^'
them were used for shrouding, but authors are not very explicit on this
point.

*^ Brasseur de Bourbourg uses the expression ' C'est cette eau que tu as
re9ue en venant au nionde.' Hist. Xnt. Civ., toni. iii., p. 569.

PREPARATION FOR FUTURE EXISTENCE.

(06

the fourth would protect and aid him in traversing
the 'eight de.suit.s;' other papers would facilitate the
passage of the 'eight hills,' and still others atford pro-
tection against the cutting winds termed itzehecai/an,
which were so strong as to tear out rocks and cut like
very razors; here the wearing-apparel buried with
him would also be of great service. A little red dog
was thereupon slain by thrusting an arrow down its
throat, and the body j)laced by the side of the de-
ceased, with a cotton string about its neck. The dog
was to perform the part of Charon, and carry the
king on his back across the deep stream called Chicu-
nahuapan, 'nine waters,'^ a name which points to the
nine heavens of the Mexicans.

It will thus be seen that the dead had a difficult
road to travel before reaching their future abode,
which was on the fifth day after the burial, and that
they needed the articles of comfort and necessity, as
food, dresses, and slaves, with which affectionate
friends provided for them. The ideas entertained by
the Nahuas respecting a future life belong to another
department of my work, and will only be alluded to
incidentally in this chapter. After the defunct had
received his passports, he was covered with a mantle
like that of the god which his condition and mode of
death rendered appropriate, and decorated with its
image. As most kings were warriors, he would be
dressed in a mantle of Huitzilopochtli, and would, in
addition, wear the mantle of liis favorite god.*' A
lock of hair was cut off and placed, with one that had
been cut at his birth, as well as small idols, in a
casket painted inside and out with the images of the

*6 Torqacmada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 527; Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, torn, ii., p. U4. Uomiira says the dog Hcrved «b guide: 'vii
perro que lo guiosse adondo auia de yr.' Vonq. Mrx., fol. 309.

" 'Le ponian los vestidus del Dion, ^uc toiiiu pur mas Principal en su
Pueblo, en cuia Casa, 6 Templo, 6 Patio se havia <le enterrar.' Torque-
nuida, Monai'q. Ind., toni. ii., p. 521; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del ^tenxico,
toni. ii., pp. 93-5. Duran mentions an instance where a king wan dressed
in the mantles uf four different gods. Hist. Indias, MS., turn, i., cap.
xxxix. ; Gomara, Conq. ilfct:., fol. 309.

doe

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

patron deity. The casket used for this purpose in
the case of some of the Chichim^c kings is described
to have been of emerald or other fine stone, three
feet square, and covered by a gold lid set with
precious stones. A mask either painted, or of gold,
or of turquoise mosaic was placed over the face,** and
a chalchiuite, which was to serve for a heart, between
the lips. According to Tezozomoc and Duran a statue
was placed with the king, dressed in royal insignia by
the hands of princes. The chiefs of the senate re-
dressed it in other robes after painting it blue. It
was then honored with addresses and presents, and
again undressed, painted black, and arrayed in a robe
of Quetzalcoatl ; a garland of heron -feathers was
placed upon its head, bracelets and jewelry about its
body, a small gilded shield by its side, and a stick in
the hand. This figure shared the honors given to the
body and was burned with it."

The arrayed corpse was either laid upon a litter
covered with rich cloths, or seated upon a throne, and
watched over by a guard of honor, while princes and
courtiers came to pay their last respects.* They ap-
proached with great manifestations of grief, weeping,
lamenting, clapping their hands, bending the body or
exhibiting neglect of person, and addressed the de-

*s 'Sobre la mortaja le ponian vna mascara pintada.' Torquemada, Mo-
narq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 521. Perhara he confounds the idol image on the
robe with the mask, tor it is unlikely that the mask should be placed upon
the shroud. 'Visage decouvert' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nonvelles An-
nates des Voy., 1843, torn, xcviii., p. 201. Speaking of the obsequies of
Tezozomoc of Azcapuzalco, Ixtlilxochitl says that a turquoise mask was put
over his face, 'conforme lo iisonomia de su rostro. Esto no se usaba sino
con los monarcas de esta tierra; d los demas reyes les ponian una nidscara
de oro.' Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 370. Veytia
states that it was a gold mask 'garnecida de turquezas.' Hist. Ant. Mej.,
torn. iii. , p. 6. The hair, says Gomara, 'quedaua la memoria de su anima.'
Conq. Mex., fol. 309.

" Tezozomoc, Crdnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp.
90, 38-9; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., torn, i., cap. xxxix. 'On placait sur
le lit de parade la statue que Ton faisait toujours k Timagc du roi.' Brasseur
de Bouroourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., t»m. iii., p. 572. The only statue referred
to by other authors is that made of the ashes after the cremation.

'0 Some of the early Chichimec kings lay five days in state, and Tlalte-
catzin, forty days, his body being buried on theeightieth day. Torquemada,
MotMvq. Ind., torn, i., pp. 61, 72, 87.

ROYAL OBSEQUIES.

GOT

funct, referring to his present happiness, the loss his
departure had caused, his goodness and bravery, and
begged his acceptance of the presents they had brought.
This performance was enacted by all, those of higher
rank taking precedence and leaving offerings of ten
slaves, a hundred robes, and other things, while others
brought gifts of less value. Then came the women,
and while they were leaving their presents of food,
the aged courtiers intoned the funeral chant, the mic-
cacuicatl. Addresses of condolence were also made to
the royal family or the senate. The human sacrifices
were inaugurated at this time by the immolation of
the sacerdotal slave under whose charge the house-
hold idols stood.'* On the fifth day, before daybreak,
a grand procession formed for the temple, preceded by
an enormous paper banner, four fathoms in length, and
richly adorned with feathers, on which the deeds of
the defunct were doubtless inscribed, and attended by
priests who wafted incense and chanted his glory,
though in mournful strains, and without instrumental
accompaniment.*' The corpse was borne upon the
state litter by the most trusted of the noble servitors,
while at the sides walked the chief lords and princes
dressed in mourning, their attire consisting of long,
square mantles of dark color, trailing on the ground,
without any ornaments; some, however, were painted
with figures of skulls, bones, and skeletons. Behind
them ca'nc Ihe ambassadors of absent princes, the
grandees and nobles from all parts of the country, each
carrying some insignia, weapons, or jewels to be offered
on the pyre." In the procession were also a large

11 Acosta, Hist, delaa Ynd., p. 321, among others, calls this slave a priest.

^ Although Acosta says, 'tafiendo tristcs flautos y atani bores.* Hut. de
las Ynd., p. 322; Uerrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xviii. *0n
faisait deux grandes banniferes de papier bhinc.' Chaves, Rapport, in Ter-
naux-Compans, Voy., s^rie ii., torn, v., p. 309.

^ IxtUlxochitl, Uelaciones, iti Kin^morouffKs Mex. Anfiq., vol. ix., p.
."JTO; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, iii., pp. fr-7. Durau states that kings
Imre the corpse and that tne mourners were dressed as \vater-goddcsses.
Hist. Indias, MS., tom. 1., cap. xxxix., xl., torn, ii., cap. Ii. Acosta says
that the arms and insignia were carried before the body by knights. Hist.
de las Ynd., p. 321.

608

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

number of slaves, all newly attired in the royal liv-
ery,** and carrying clothes, implements, and other
articles, according to the duties assigned them. On
reaching the courtyard of the temple, the i>riest who
directed the burning came to receive the procession,
and conducted it to the altar devoted to cremation, all
chanting the while a moral song, in which they re-
minded the mourners that as they wore now carrying
a senseless body to its last resting-place, so would they
be carried; they also reminded them that good deeds
alone would remain to keo}) their remembrance green,
and pictured the glories in store for the deserving.
These priests were called coaeuiles, and their office
was held to be of such importance that they prepared
for it by fasting and confession. They appeared in
the same idol dress as the dead king, though with
more elaborate ornaments. We find them on one oc-
casion as demons with faces at different parts of their
dress, set with eyes of mirrors and gaping mouths ;
and at another time with blackened or dyed bodies
and paper maxtlis, swinging the yellow sticks used to
stir the ashes. According to Ixtlilxochitl, the high-
priest of Cihuacoatl, who was supposed to gather the
dead, came out to receive the procession.^

The opinions as to the introduction of cremation are
extremely varied, but it seems to have been practiced
in very ancient times by the migrating tribes, who
took this means to secure the remains of honored
chiefs from desecration; their ashes could thus be car-
ried along and serve as talismanio relics. Ixtlilxo-
chitl gives an instance of this in the case of a Chi-
chimec king who died in battle and whose body was

^ Tezozomoc, Cttfnica Mex., in Ki'iffsbovongh's Mex. Antiq., vol. i
90, 142, states that they were dressed in royal insignia and jewels, ^
is not very likely; a nnmber of them, l\owever, were loaded with the i
wardrobe, which fact may have awan i ise to this statement.

" Rdaciones, in KingsborougKg Men. Antiq., vol. ix., p. .370; Sjnegazione
delle Tamle del Codice Mexicano (Vnticano), in /rf., vol. v., pp. 200-1;
Aeosta, Hist, de la* Ynd., p. 322; Jhtran. '.iut. Inditts, MS., toiii. i., cap.
xl. 'Salia el gran Sacerdote, con los oiton Miuistros, k recibirlo.' Torque-
mada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 521.

CREMATION AND INTERMENT.

600

burned, so that the ashes might be carried home with
convenience and safety. Brasseur do Bourbourg also
holds that cremation was an ancient Tultec custom,
but the first recorded case is that of the last Toltec
king, Topiltzin.* Others assert that the Toltecs who
remained in the country after the destruction of their
empire adhered to interment, as did the early Chichi-
mecs. Veytia affirms that Ixtlilxoehitl or lezozomoc
was the first to be deposited according to the forms in-
stituted by Topiltzin and used by the Mexicans,
namely, burning; Torquemada distinctly states that
the Chichimecs used cremation, and Clavigero agrees
with him."^ Veytia also thinks that the first Aztec
kings were buried, but this is contrary to all other
reliable accounts. The custom may not have been
very general, for Saha^un states that during Itzcoatl's
reign it was resolved by the chiefs that all should be
burned, indicating at the same time that cremation was
tlieii already in use. The later established usage was
to I'urn all except those who died a violent death, or
oi' incurable diseases, and those under seventeen years
of age, who were all interred. The Tlascaltecs and
Tarascos practiced burning like the Aztecs.*

The altar devoted to the burning was doubtless one
attached to the temple consecrated to the deity to
whose abode the deceased was supposed to go. Cha-

^Ixtlilxoehill, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp.
332, 325, 327, 388.

" 'El (the inu(Ic) que estos Chichiinecas vsaron, fuequemarlos.' Monarq.

Ind., torn, i., pp. 60, 72, 87; Ixtlilxoehitl, Relaciones, in KiiigshorougK'a
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. .369, 388; Id., Hist. Chich., pp. 214, 223, 261-2.
Veytia, who introduces some argunieutH on this point, thinks that Tczozo-

niDC introduced burning, yet he describes ceremonial cremations in the case
•if several kings before him. Hist. Ant. Mej., toni. iii., pp. 3-4, tom. ii., p.
113. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 140, torn. u.. pp. 97 -S.
38 Caniargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annates Jes Voy:, \t>\% torn,
xcviii., pp. 165, 202. 'La gcnte menuda comunmc ite se entcrniua.' Go-
iimru, Uonq. Mex., fol. 308; Spiegazione delle TavJe del C'odice Mexicano
(Vtiticano), in Kingshorough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., p. 200; Torquemada,
Monarq, Ind., toui. ii., p. 528; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej,, tom. lii., p. 4;
Brasseur de Bourbonrg, Hist. Nat. Civ., toP'. iiL, p. 129. 'Sabiapor las
pinturos, <\\w se quemaron en tiempo del oefior de Mexico ^ue se decia
Itzndatl, 1 cuya epoca loa seAores, y )js nrincipales que habia ent6nccs,
acordaron y mandaron que se qnemasou touas, para que no viniesen & ma-
nos del vulgo.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., pp. 140-1.
Vox.. U 89

610

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

ves describes it as three feet in height and the same
in width,^ on which r, heap of ocotl was piled. Upon
this pyre the body wj\s laid in full array, together with
the dog. and, as the fire flared up, the mourners added
insignia, jewels, weapons, food, and other tributes.
Two of tho demon- like coacuiles stirred the fire while
others stood by chanting appropriate songs and sprink-
ling blessed water and incense upon the remains, as
well as upon the mourners. Now began the sacrifice
of those doomed to follow the deceased to the other
world and there administer to his wants and i)leasure.
These were at first but few in number, but during the
bloody dominion of the Aztecs they increased to sev-
eral hundred, as at the funeral of Nezahualpilli, when
two hundred males and one hundred females were im-
molated ; they consisted chiefly of slaves and deformed
beings from the royal retinue, and such as had been
presented. Duran says that all slaves and deformed
persons belonging to the household were killed, and
Acosta goes so far as to state that the whole royal
household was dispatched, including the favorite
brother of the king; but this must be taken with a
grain of allowance, for, at this rate, the nobles, who
crowded the service of the monarch, even in menial
positions, would soon have been exterminated. Some
courtiers were, no doubt, expected to prove the sin-
cerity of their life-long adulations by either offering
themselves as victims, or submitting to a selection
made from their number. Sometimes a chief would
signify his preference for those among his concubines
whom he wished to have with him, a mark of favor
often received with great joy, for they would thus be
sure of entering into the supreme heaven, where the
warlike lords usually went, while they might other-
wise be doomed to di,rk Michlan. Solf-inmiolation
of wives was, accordingly, not uncommon, althoU;j;h
not prescribed by law as in India. Brasseur says

* Rapport, in Ternaux-Compant, Voy., tAfw ii., torn, v., p. JOO.

DISPOSITION OF THE REMAINS.

611

that captives were sacrificed, but Duran states that
they were not oftered except to the gods. Persons born
during the last five days of the year — the unlucky
days — were, however, reserved for royal obsequies.*"

This array of victims was harangued by a relative of
the deceased, who dilated on the happiness before
them in being allowed to join their master, and ad-
monished them to serve him as faithfully in the next
world as they had done here. They were then con-
signed to the priests, who laid them upon a teponaz-
tli," cut open the breast and tore out the heart, which
was thrown upon the pyre, while the bodies were cast
upon another blazing hearth near by.** Gomara and
others state that the bodies were interred, but as the
dog and the property were burned, it is not likely that
the more important and useful human servants were
buried.**

When the body had been thoroughly burned, the
fire was quenched, the blood collected from the vic-
tims being used for this purpose, according to Duran,
and the ashes, sprinkled with holy water, were placed
with the charred bones, stones, and melted jewelry in
the urn, or casket, which contained also the hair of
the deceased. On the top of this was placed a statue
of wood or stone, attired in the royal habiliments,
and bearing the mask and insignia, and the casket
was deposited at the feet of the patron deity, in the

♦" Ixtlilxochitl, RelacioHcs, in Kiiiffsboroufjh's ^feJ;. Antiq., vol. ix., pp.
.S79, .388; Duran, Hint. Indias, MS., torn, i., cap. xxxix., xl. ; Bolitgiir, in
Trrnaux-ComjKtiin, F'oi/., serie i., t«m. x., pp. 213-14; Solin, Hi/if. Cotiq.
Mcr., torn, i., p. 4.12; t'nm'u-fio. Hint. Tlnx., in Nonwllcs AtinalesdM Vot/.,
184.3, torn, xcviii., p. '2()i; liruiMeiir dc liourbourg. Hint. Nat. Civ., toia. ill.,
p. 573; Veytia, Hint. Ant. M'j., toni. iii., pp. 8-9.

<• Tezozomoc, Crdiiica Mex., in Kingsbovou^lCs Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
90; Duran, Hist. Indian, MS., toni. i., cup. xxxix., toni. il., cnp. li.

" Torquemada,Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. .')21; Acosta, Hist, dr Itts Vnd.,
p 321. Caniar^to indicates that the tiodieH were thrown uiMtn the same
>.vre togetiicr with the presentH. Hist. Tlnx., in Xoinrl/cn Annalrn dcs
Vol/., 1843, toin. xcviii., p. 202. ' SacilndoleH loft corazoncn, y la NaiiKr«> dc
cllo.H en una iNitea 6 eran xicara, con la cual roriavan li Huitzilopocntii, (i
onlen le presentaron Ji>i* corazoneHdetodoHloHniuertoH.' Tezozomoc, Crdnica
M>'x., in Kingtboroiigli'n Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 90.

*' Gomnrd, Conq. Mex., fol. 301; IxflUxoehitl, Relneiones, in Kings-
borough's Mex, Antiq., vol. ix., p. 370; Tezozomoc, ubi 8up.

612

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

chapel.** On the return of the procession a grand
banquet was given to the guests, ending, as usual,
with a presentation of gifts. For four days the
mourners paid constant visits to the shrine to manifest
their sorrow and to present the offerings ol" food,
clothes, or jewels, termed quitonaltia, *to give good
luck.' These were either placed hy the urn or upon
the altar of the god, and removed by the priests, who
ate the food and sent the valuables to the temple
treasury. These ceremonies closed Avith the sacrifice
of ten to liiteen slaves, and then the casket was de-
posited in that part of the temple appointed for its
permanent reception.** Among the Chichimecs the
royal casket often remained forty days on view in the
palace, whence it was carried in procession to its final
resting-place.**

In cases of interment the deceased was deposited
in the grave, seated on a throne in full array, facing the
north,*' with his property and victims around him.
In early times, when the practice of interment was
more general, the victims were few, if not dispensed
with entirely, and consisted usually of two favorite
concul)ines, placed one on each side of their master,
who, it is said, were entombed alive, though it is more

** 'La colocaroii en el inisnio liigur en que anlio la pira.' Veytia, Hint.
Ant. Mej., torn, iii., )i. 9. This uiitlior miys that tlie iiioiith-Btonc of the
deceasea tOKether with the mauk, nilMis, and ornanientH were taken off l>e-
forc tlie IhnI)' was placed npon the i>yrc; tlilM cuiild only have licen for the
pnrjKtsc of 'iressing tlie wtNulen Htatne tlicrein; the ntoiie was, however,
])laeed inside the urn. IxtlUxoehitl, uhi Hup. Itratwenr do DourlKtur); cnll.-*
tills l>uiidle of Imnes tlaquimiloUi, wliieli he says was sjicre<lly preserved,
whether of kin<,'s or braves. Nnuvtllvn Aiiuales drs Voi/., 1858, toni. fix.,
p. 'H'iS. In the ease of Nanhyotl of Cnlhuacan, the hones were cxhnnied
and phtced in a statne, which was made in his honor, and deposited in a
teiii])ie consecrated to jiiiii. Diiran, Hint. IiuHas, MS., toni. i., cup. xxxix.

<^ 'Al cnurto dia, al unoclicccr, eargaron lus sacerdotes lit area do las
eeniii.'ts y la estatua, y la coloearon en niia cspecie dc luclio, dentro del tcin-
plo.' Vcjitia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, iii., p. 10. 'Sous le pave niCine du
sanctuaire, i!evant la statue du dieu.' Iira.<i.srur de Boiirbnunj, Hist. Nnt.
Cii'., toni. ii.., p. 574. Duran mentions that the oshes of one king were
deposited at the foot of the stone of sacrilice. Hist. Indian, MS., toni. i.,
cap. li.; Ti'zozoinoe, Crdnica Mex., in KiiigsftorougKs Mex. Antii/., vol. ix.,
p. 142; Cortes, Cnrtn.<t, p. 106, Las Cams, Hist. Apologitica, MS., cop. li.

« Tornimnnda, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., pp. 72, 87j Vetancvrt, Tcatro
Mex., pt li., pp. 15-16.

" SahaguH, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. vii., p. 257.

NAHUA SEPULCHRES.

613

pi'dbable that they were stupefied by narcotic drinks,
or clubbed, as in Michoacan. This practice of bury-
ing aHve is ascribed to the Toltecs.** The graves were
usually large subterranean vaults of stone and lime, sit-
uated in the temple court, palace, or some favorite spot
near the city, as Chapultepec. It is related that the
temple py.oniid in Mexico was the superstructure of
royal graves, the remains being deposited on the sum-
mit, and the successor to the crown erecting upon this
another platform. On destroying the temple, the
Spaniards found several vaults, one beneath the other,
with their valuable contents of jewelry.*® The Tol-
tecs also buried their dead in and near the temples,
and, according to some authors, the mounds at Teoti-
huacan, to the number of several hundred, which will
be described in Vol. IV. of this work, are the graves
of Toltec chiefs.* The Chichimec kings were usually
buried in round holes, five to six feet deep, situated in
caves beneath the palace or in the mountains; in later
times, however, they chose the temples."*

Twenty days after the burial further offerings were
made, together with a sacrifice of from four to
five slaves; on the fortieth day two or three more
died; on the sixtieth, one or two; while the final im-
molation consisting of ten to twelve slaves took })lace
at the end of eighty days, and put an end to the
mourning. Motolinia adds, however, that testimo-

*^BraJ>seur de liourhoiirg, Jlist. Nut. Civ., torn, i., p]>. .310, .131; lio-
loffiie, in Tcniaitx-Cum/iniis, Vutj., seric i., toin. x., i>p. i!l;i-14; ('(imiinjo,
itist. Tlax., in Nouvclles Annates ties Voij., 1843, toni. xcviii., jip. 11(2,
202.

*' 'La mucrte sc Im^ian cnterrar en la mAs alta )j;rada, 6 dcspues el sub-
cc8»or mihia otras (los ^rradas.' Oi'icdo, Hist. (ie)i.,{nm. iii., J). ."jO-S. 'Loh
rrincirws neccsitaliaii do ;;raii Ht'imltiira, jionjiic se llevaban trassi la mayor
parte ue BUS riqucza» y faniilia.' .SV(>, lli.tt. Cmio. Mi:r., timi. i., j). 432.
'[o aiiitai a cauar d'vna sepoltiira tre niila Casti^liaiii poeo piii b nieno.'
lidationc fatta per vn (fcntiVhuomo del Signor Fernando Cortcse, in liamn-
sio, Nnviijnfioni, torn, lii., £(il. .SIO.

^'> Sa/iiiffun,Hisf. Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., p. 141; Ixtlihorhitl, Itrlitrin-
ncs, in Kinifshorottgh's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix. , »> 327; Itumlmldt, Esuni I'ol.,
torn. i.,p. 189.

^' txtiilxorliitl, Ifi.lL Chirh., in Kiii(fshoroiiffh'.i Mex, Aiitiq., vol. ix.,
p. 214; /(/., Itclaeinne.s, pp. 3.15, 344; Clnvigero, Sloria Ant, del Messie't,
toni. ii., p. 98.

■ '■

614

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

nials of sorrow accompanied by offerings continued
to be made every eightieth day for the space of a
year."^

The obsequies of the subjects were, of course, on a
scale of much less grandeur, though the rich and no-
bles ventured to exhibit a certain pomp. The common
man, after having been washed in aromatic waters,
was dressed in his best garments; a cheap stone called
the tenteti, 'mouth-stone,' was inserted between the
lips; the passport papers for the dark journey were
handed to him with the usual address ; and by his side
were placed the water, the dog, the insignia of his
trade, as arms, spade, or the like — spindle or broom in
the case of a woman — with the dresses and other
things required for comfort. Lastly the mantle of the
god which his condition in life and manner of death
rendered appropriate, was placed upon him ; thus, a
warrior would wear the mantle of Huitzilopot;htli
with the image of the war god upon it ; a merchant
the mantle of lyacatecutli ; the ai*tisan that of the
patron deity of his trade. A drunkard would, in ad-
dition, be covered with the robe of the god of wine; a
person who had died by drowning, with that of the
water gods ; the man executed for adultery, with that
of the god of lasciviousness ; and so on."* According

i I

! r

. r

^'^ Hist. Itidios, in Icazbalcela, Col. de Doc. , torn, i., p. ,31; Rilo.i Aiiti-
guos, p. 20, ill KiiiffshorouifWs Mex. Antiq., vol. ix. IxtlilxiR*hitl, Kcla-
cioncK, ill KuKjshoroiif/h's Mi'x. AHtiq.,\o\. ix., p. 371,8tute!4 tliat the fuic-
rificett on the fourth <liiy coiiHisted of Hvc to six hIiivca, on tiic tenth of one,
on tiie ci;;htieth of three. 'Lc ciuquiciiic on Hueritiuit plusieurs cm;hivet*, ct
cette iniiiiohitioii so rejuituit eiicoro quiitre foi», de <lix en <lix jours.' llrun-
geur dc lioiirboiny. Hist. Nat. Cit'., toin. iii., i>. .")74. Duriiii, Jlist. Indkts,
MS., toni. i., cup. xiv., xxxix., mentions u fust of eighty duys, at tlie lmkI
of which a stutuc wus made, lil(c one whii-li he states wus hnrncd with (lie
corpse, niid to tliis exactly the same ceremonies were puid us totlie defunct,
tlio stutue Iwiii); hurned with uu eqiiuUy large number of slaves us lieforo.
The fullest descriptions of royal ottsequies are given in Torr/uciiutdti, Mn-
nnrq. Ind., tom. li., pp. 5'2l-,3; Vei/tia, Hist. Ant. Mej., toin. iii., pp. .S-ll;
Clariijero, Storia Ant. del Mcssico, torn, ii., pp. 95-8; Goinara, Cuiiq. .Mi:r.,
fol. 309-10; lirassriir ili: Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pj). •'•"I-^;
Duran, Hist. Iitdias, MS., torn, i., cap. xxxix., xl,, tom. ii., cap. xlviii.;
Tezozomoc, CrdnicaMex,, inKtHgsboroiigh's Mex. Aittiq., \ol. ix., pp. Hii-
90, 99.

^ After describing the robing of drnnkards and others, noninra says:
'V finulmcntca coda oflciul duiiuii el traje del idolo dc uquel olicio,' which

PLEBEIAN FUNERAL RITES.

616

to Zuazo, the corpse waa further decorated with feath-
ers of various colors, and seated in a chair to receive
the expressions of sorrow and respect of friends, and
their humble offerings of flowers, food, or dresses.
After a couple of hours a second set of shrouders
removed the garments, washed the body again, re-
dressed it in red mantles, with feathers of the same
color, and left it to be viewed for an hour or more, ac-
cording to the number of the visitors. A third time
the l)ody was washed, by a fresh corps of attendants,
and arrayed, this time, in black garments, with feath-
ers of the same sombre color. These suits were either
given to the temple or buried with the body." No-
bles had the large banner borne in their procession,
and seem to have been allowed the use of sacrifices."
According to Chaves the common people were also
burned in their own premises or in the forest, a state-
ment which Acosta and others indirectly confirm by
saying that they had no regular burial-places, but
their ashes were deposited in the yards of their
houses, in the temple courts, in the mountains, or in
the field. Upon the graves were placed flags, orna-
ments, and various offerings of OxkI during the four
days of mourning. Visits of condolence with attend-
ant feasting extended over a period of several days,
however. °" People who had died a violent death, by
lightning or other natural causes or of incurable dis-

ccrtainly indicates that a drowned or Iwftottcd nrtiwin M'ould wear the man-
tle due to his position in life as well as that due to his niuniici of death.
Coiiq. Afex., fol. 309. Clavi}?cro, Storia Ant. dd Mrssico, toni. ii., j))). 93-4,
uses the following expression : ' Vestivanio d'un ahito corris|>ondente ulla
sua condizione, alle sue fucoltil, r</ullc eircostunzc dclhi sua niorte.'

** Xnnzo, Carta, in Irazhaleeta, Col. dr I>o<:, toni. i., pp. 364-5.

" Caninrgo savs, with reference to sacrillccs and ^MtniJMjus ceremonies,
'tout rehi nvait lieu, plus ou nioins, h touted les fundraillcs, selou larichessc
du defunt.' Hint, Tlax., in Nouvrlles Annalis dea Toy., 1843, toni. xcviii.,
p. 2()2; PrescotCs Mex., vol. i., p. 03.

^ Ziiazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc, toni. i., p. 30.5; Chaves,
Rapport, in Tcrnaux-Compans, Voy., w&ne ii., torn, v., p. 310; 'Durauan
Itts cxequiiiH diez dias.' Aeo»ta, Hist, de las Ynd., p. .121. 'On pnssnit vin^t
ou treiitn jours au milieu des fiites ct des festins.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in
Nouwlles Annalcs des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 'iO'2. Hrnrra, Hist.
Gr.n., dec. iii., lih. ii., cap. xviii.: Clavigero, Storiu .■liit. del Mcs.sieo, toiii.
ii., pp. 93-5.

616

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

eases, such as leprosy, tumors, itch, gout, or dropsy,
were not burned but interred in sjiecial graves. Branches
or shoots of amaranth were placed upon their cheeks,
the brow was rubbed with texutli, certain papers were
laid over the brain, and in one hand was placed a
wooden rod which was supposed to become L^reen and
throw out branches in the other world. The bodies of
women who died in childbed were also buried; and
the burial was attended by great difficulty, since war-
riors and sorcerers fought bravely to obtain possession
of some part of her body, as has been stated in a pre-
ceding chapter."

A trader of the rank of pochteca, who died on a
journey, was dressed in the garb of his class, with
eyes painted black, red circles round the mouth, and
with strips of paper all over his person. The body
was then deposited in a cacaxtli, or square basket,
well secured by cords, and carried to the top of a
mountain, whore it was fixed to a tree, or |jJole driven
into the ground, and left to wither. The spirit was
supposed to have entered the abode of the sun.** On
the return of the caravan the death was reported to
the guild, who broke the news to the family of the
deceased. A puppet made of candlewood, and adorned
with the usual paper ornaments, was left at the tem-
ple for a day, during which the friends mourned over
it as if the body was actually before them. At mid-
night the puppet was burned, in the quauhxicalco and
the ashes buried in the usual manner. Funeral cere-
monies were held lor four days, after which the rela-
tives washed the faces, that had remained untouched
by water during the absence of the trader, and put
an end to the mourning. The practice of paying
honors to the dead in effigy was especially in vogue
among the warrior class.*

*T Torquemnda, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 629; Sahagun, Hist, Gen.,
1. ii., Ub. vi., lip. 18(S-01. See p. 269 of this volume.
M Sahagun, Itist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. ix., p. 358.

^ Sahiigiiii intiinuteM that the puppet was for those who were shiin by
enemies, but odds, afterwards, that a puppet was burned with the same ccr<

HONORS TO THE SLAIN IN BATTLE.

617

Besides funeral honors to individuals, ceremonies
for all those who died in a battle or war were of fre-
(]uent occurrence, as that ordered by the first Mon-
tezuma in memory of the slain in the campaign
against Chalco. A procession of all the relatives and
friends i)f the dead, headed by the fathers bearing
decorated arms and armor, and terminated by the
children, marched through the streets, dancing and
chanting mournful songs in honor of those who had
fallen fighting for their country and their gods, and
for each other's mutual consolation. Towards even-
ing presents were distributed by the king's ofiicials,
clothing to the common people, ornaments to the
chiefs, and food to all. An effigy was then pre-
pared, the details of whose dress and decoration are
minutely described, and before it, placed in the ci-
liaacalli, war songs were chanted, instruments were
played, women danced and cried for four days;
then the image was burned before the temple, the
ceremony being called quitlepanqiietzin, 'burning the
dead of the last war.' Some of the ashe: were scat-
tered upon the relatives, who fasted for eighty days,
the remaining ashes being in the meantime buried;
but after the eighty days had passed they were dug
up and carried to the hill of Yahualiuhcan, on the
boundaries of Chalco, where they were left. Five
days later a feast took place, during which the gar-
ments of the dead warriors were burned, more offer-
ings were made, and as a final honor to the memory
of the departed all became intoxicated with pulque.
Very distinguished warriors were sometimes honored
with the funeral rites of royalty.*"

The ceremonies during the period of mourning were

cmonies in the court, of the house, if they died at home. Hist. Gen., toni.
i., lib. iv., pp. 314-15; Toraneuuula, Moiiarq. Intl., torn, ii., p. 587; Bras-
sear de Botirbourg, Hist. ifat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 621-2. See this vol.,
p. ,S92.

*• Tezozomoe, Crdnica Mex., in Kingsboroiufli's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp.
37-8, 8«>-7, 101-2; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., torn, i., cap. xviii., toni. ii.,
cap. xlviii. ; lirmseur de Bonrhourg, Hist. Nat. Cir., torn, iii., pp. 251M)1,
407-8.

618

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

not the last honors paid to deceased friends. Every
year during the four years that the souls were sup-
posed to live in a preparatory state in the heavens,"
offerings of choice viands, wine, flowers, and reeds of
perfume were placed before the casket or upon the
grave; songs extolling the merits of the departed
were sung, accompanied by dances, the whole closing
with feasting and drinking. After this the dead were
left to oblivion.** These commemorations tt>ok place
in the months of Tlaxochimaco and Xocotlhuetzin.
The former was termed 'the small festival of the
dead,' and seems to have been devoted to the common
people and children, but at the celebration in the lat-
ter month great demonstrations were observed by all ;
and certain royal personages and warriors who had
died for their country were awarded divine honors,
their statues being placed among those of the gods,
to whose presence they had gone. While the priests
were burning incense and making other offerings to
the dead, the people stood with blackened bodies on
the roofs of their houses, and, facing north, prayed to
their dead relatives, calling on them to visit their
former homes. *"

In the month of Quecholli another celebration took
place, which seems to have been chiefly intended for
warriors who had perished in battle. On the fifth
day certain small arrows from five to nine inches in
length, and torches, were tied in bundles of four each
and placed upon the graves, together with a pair of
sweet tamales. At sunset the bundles were set on
fire, and the ashes interred with the dead. The shield
of the dead, with arrow, mantle, and maxtli attached,

*' ETtplicarione del Codex Tclleriano-Remensis, in Kingshoroiigh's Mex.
Antiq., vol. v., p. 1.3(); Spiegazione dellc Tavole del Codice Mvxicano, (\'u-
tieuiio), in Id., p. 193.

** Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., toni. i., p. 31;
Tormumada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 523.

« Torqiiemadn, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 298; Spiegazione dclle Ta-
vole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in KingshorougVa Mex. Antiq., vol.
v., pp. 193-4. 'Los tres dias ultinioB dc estc nies ayiinavan todos Ioh vivos
& los niuertos.' Explicacione del Codex Tcllerinno-Rcinensis, in KingsLo-
rough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 130. Sec this vol., pp. 328, 331.

FUNERAL RITES OF THE TARASCOS.

«19

was afterwards fastened to a stalk of maize of nine
joints, mounted by two paper flags, one of which
reached the length of the stalk. On the small flag
was a cross, worked in red thread, and on the other
an ornamentation of red and white thread, from the
white part of which a dead humming-bird was sus-
pended. Bunches of white aztatl feathers, tied in
pairs, were also attached to the stalk by a thread
covered with white hen-feathers. This was burned
at the quauhxicalco."

Among the peoples whose funeral ceremonies differ
from those described, may be mentioned the Teo-Chi-
chimecs, who interred their dead, and danced and sang
for several days after.*" In Tabasco interment seems
also to have prevailed, for Grijalva found a grave in
the sand, containing a boy and a girl wrapped in cot-
ton cloth and adorned with jewelry.** In Goazaco-
alco it was the custom to place the bones in a basket,
as soon as the flesh was gone, and hang them up in a
tree, so that the spirit of the defunct might have no
trouble in finding them.*'

In Michoacan the funeral rites were of a very ex-
acting character. When the king lay on his death-
bed it was incumbent on all vassals and courtiers to
attend at the palace, and those who stayed away were
severely punished. While awaiting the final breath
they were royally entertained, but none could enter
the death-chamber. When the corpse was ready for
shrouding, the lords entered to dress it in festive robes,
each attending to a particular part of the attire; the
emerald brooch was put between the lips, and the

w Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, i., lil). ii., pp. 16.3-4; Torqttemada, Monnrq.
Iiul., torn, ii., p. 281. Ura8^scur <le BourlK>iir;i; mxya that this celebration
was of u ){cnenil character, and dilutCH the nieu^rre an<l doubtful informa-
tion of his authority considerably. The arrowa and fiMHl, ' aiirbs (lu'clles y
avaicnt dcnieurd un jour et une nuit, on let) enlevait ct on br(^]uit Ic tout
ensemble en I'honneur dc Mixcohuatl et de ses compugnons d'urnics.' Nist.
Nnf. Cii'., toMi. i., p. 234, torn, iii., pp. 528-9.

^ Sdhngun, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., p. 119.

** lUaz, Itinernrio, in Icazbaleeta, Col. dc Doc., torn, i., p. .304; Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., toni. i., j». 532.

*' Hcrrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.

620

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

I li

; :

body was laid upon a litter covered with cloths of dif-
ferent colors. On one side of the body were placed a
bow and quiver, on the other was a doll made up of fine
mantles and dressed exactly like the king.** While
the courtiers were giving vent to lamentations and
tendering their respects, the new king proceeded to
select those among the servitors, who, according to
the inviolable law of the country, were doomed to
follow the dead prince. Seven of these were noble
women, to whom various duties were assigned; one
was appointed to carry the precious lip-ornament, an-
other to keep the rest of the jewels, a third to be cup-
bearer, and the others to attend at table and to cook.
Among the male victims, who seem to have been
slaves for the most part, every trade and profession
was represented,®" as valets, hair-dressers, perfumers,
fan -holders, chair -bearers, wood -cutters, boatmen,
sweepers, doorkeepers, and artisans; also clowns, and
some of the physicians who had failed to save the
life of the monarch. Occasionally some enthusiast
would offer to join his beloved master of his own ac-
cord, but this seems to have been prohibited; besides,
the new king had, doubtless, selected all that were
obnoxious to him, and could not afford to lose good
servants. At midnight the litter was carried on the
shoulders of the chief men to the temple, followed by
vassals, warriors, and courtiers, some blowing trump-
ets, others chanting the glories of the dead. In
the van of the procession were the victims, who had
been bathed in aromatic waters and adorned with
garlands stripped of their leaves and branches, and
with yellow streaks over the face, who marched in files,

^ Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 310. 'Esta figiira sc la ponian enciinn nl
Difiinto.' I'orqiwiiuti/ti, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 524. it is not likely,
however, that a lite-»izc tij;ure, a» Uoiimra calls it, or any fi;;iire, for that
matter, should have l)eea placed over the ornaments of thckinj^und pressed
upon the body. Beaumont says: 'Lo cubriancon una nianta, en queestaba
nintado 6 realzado el cadaver con los niismos adomos.' Crdn. Aiechoacan,
MS., p. 55. 'Au-dcssns on asseyait une pnnj)ue de la taille du dtifnnt.'
Brasseurde Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., totii. iii., p. 8.S.

<B 'Matauan vno, y aun mas dc caila olieio.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
311.

CREMATION OF THE TARASCAN KINGS.

621

sounding whistles, rattling bones, and beating tor-
toise-shell drums. Torch-bearers attondod the party,
and ahead wont a number of men who swept the
road, singing at the same time : " Lord, here
thou hast to pass, see that thou dost not miss
the road !'""* Four turns were made round the pyre
before depositing the corpse upon it. While the
■flames shot up, and the funeral chants fell from ilie
lips of the mourners, the victims were stupefied with
drinks and clubbed; the bodies were thrown into
holes behind the temple, by threes or fours, together
with the ornaments and other belongings of the de-
ceased. The ashes and valuables were gathered from
the smoking pyre, and made into a figure, which was
dressed in royal habiliments, with a mask for its
face, a g^olden shield on its back, bows and arrows by
its side; this was set upon a throne facing the east,
the whole being placed in a large urn, which was
deposited upon a bed of golden shields and silver
articles in a grave with stone walls, lined with mats,
about twelve feet square, and equally deep, situated
at the foot of the temple. The urn was covered with
a number of valuable mantles, and around it were
placed various implements, food, drink, and Imjxcs
filled with feather- work and ornaments; the grave was
finallv bridjfed with varnished beams and boards,
and covered v/ith a coating of earth and clay.
After the funeral, all who had taken an active
part in the ceremonies went to bathe, in order to
prevent any injury to their health," and then
assembled at the palace to partake of a sumptuous
repast. At the close of the banquet a cotton cloth
was given to each guest wherewith to wipe his face,
I)ut all remained seated for five days with lowered

■"• Torquemada, Moitarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 525. The slaves, he says,
'los embudurimlMiii ttulo el cuerpo, con vim tiiitu ninnrilla.' ' VInmi las an-
(las (\ atahiid en hombros de los tres principales.' lieaumont, Crdn. Mechoa-
can, MS., p. 56.

''■ ' Todos los que habian tocado el Caltzontzi y d los denias cuerpos se
ilian & bailar por preservarse de alguna enferniodad.' Beaumont, Crdn. Me-
vhoacan, MS., p. 67.

622

THE NAHUA NATIONH.

heads, without uttering a word, except the grandecH,
who went in turn hy night to watch and mourn at the
grave. During this period the mourning was gen-
eral, no corn was ground, no fires lighted, no business
transacted; the streets were deserted, and all re-
mained at home, mourning and lasting. The ob-
sequies of the people bore a general resemblance to
the above, the ceremonies being regulated by the
rank and means of the deceased. The graves were
usually situated in the fields or on the slope of a
hill."

Among the Miztecs, in Oajaca, where cremation
does not seem to have obtained, compliments and ad-
dresses were presented to the corpse of a chief, just as
if he were alive. A slave arrayed in the same splen-
did garments worn by his master, with mask, mitre,
and other insignia, was placed before it ; and while the
funeral procession accompanied the body to burial, he
represented the chief, and received the honors paid to
royalty. At midnigiit four priests carried the body to
the forest, where it was placed, in the presence of the
mourners, in a cave, with the feet to the east, and
surrounded with various weapons and implements.
Two male and three female slaves, who had in the
meantime been made drunk and strangled, were also
placed in the grave, together with idols to serve as
guides. Burgoa was told by the natives that devoted
servants used to follow their lord alive into the grave.
On the return of the funeral cortege, the slave who
represented the deceased was sacrificed and deposited
in a hole, which was left unclosed. The cave selected
for the grave of the chief was supposed to be the
gate to paradise. Burgoa found two of these resting-

{)laces. One was situated in a hill and lighted by
oopholes from above. Along the sides were stone

">* Beaumont, Crdn. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 54-8; Torquemnda, Monarq.
I ltd., torn, ii., pp. 523-6; Gomara, Vonq. Mcx., fol. 310-12; Gane's New
Surveji, pp. 167-60, with a cut; Brasseur de Bourbotirg, Hint. Nat. Civ.,
torn, iii., pp. 82-6; Payno, in Soc, Uex. Geog,, Boletin,2Aa ^poca, torn, i.,
pp. 717-19.

8EPULCHRE8 IN OAJACA.

benches,' like troughs, upon which lay the bejowelod
skeletons, and here and there were niches occupied
by idols. Another was a stone vault, with plastered
walls, arranged like tiit former; a stone block closed
the entrance." Some authors Htate that when the
flesh was consumed, the l>ones were taken out and
placed in graves in the houses or in the temples;
this may, however, only have applied to certain
chiefs, for Burgoa found skeletons, as we have seen,
in the caves which he explored. Every year, on the
anniversary of the birth of the last defunct lord, not
on that of his death, great ceremonies were held in his
honor." Like the Aztecs, they believed that the soul
wandered about for a number of years before entering
into perfect bliss, and visited its friends on earth once
a year." On the "« of that day the house was pre-
pared as if for a festive occasion, a quantity of choice
food was spread upon the table, and the imnates went
out with torches in their hands, bidding the spirits
enter. They then returned and squatted down round
the table with crossed hands and eyes lowered to the
ground, for it was thought that the spirits would be
offended if they were gazed upon. In this position
they remained till morning, praying their unsr.en vis-
itors to intercede with the gods in their favor, and
then arose, rejoiced at having observed due respect for
the departed. The food, which the spirits were sup-
posed to have rendered sacred by inhaling its virtue,
was distributed among the poor, or deposited in some
out-of-the-way place. During the day further cere-
monies, accompanied by offerings, were made at the
temples, and a table was spread for the priests."

" Geog. Descrip., torn, i., pt ii.. fol. 160-1, torn, ii., pt ii., fol. 320.

T* Claviqcro, Storia Ant. del MeJisico, torn, ii., pp. 98-9; Ilerrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. lii., lib. iii., cap. xiii. ; Explicacion del t'oiiex Telleriuno-Bemrn-
sin, in Kingshorough's Mex. Antiq., \o\. v., p. 130; lipiegaziotte delle Tavolt
del Codice Mexieano (Vaticano), in Id., p. 193; Erasteur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 22-4.

"i^ 'Au douzifeme mois dc Tunnde zapot^que.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., p. 23.

76 Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., torn, ii., pt ii., fol. 392-3; Brasseur de Bour-

624

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

The Nahiias were physically a fine race. They are
described by all the old writers as being tall," well-
formed, and of an olive or light copper color; as hav-
ing thick, black, coarse, though soft and glossy hair,
regular teeth, low, narrow, retreating foreheads,™ black
eyes, scant beards,^' and very little hair on their

v I

honrg. Hist. Nat. Civ., toin. iii., |i]). 'J3-4. A(l(]itioiiul .eferences to fn-
nurnl ceremonies arc: Vn/tia, lliitt. Ant. Mn'., tuin. i., p. 238, toin. ii., jiji.
79, 231-2, 2J>8; ycfaiirrr't, Ttotvo M.x., jit li., i>\>. 1">, 25, 29; I'czozomoe,
Vninira. Mcx., in Kitigihorouqh'a Mix. Aiitiq., vol. ix., pp. 89-91, 98-9,
141-2, 178-9; Purchus'/n.s Pi/iinmcf, vol. iv., pp. 1(»2<K1(), 1138-9; llcmdli
Carcri, in C/iiiir/n'irn Col. ]'ui/ii<if.s, vol. iv., p. 514; Montuiins, Nieunr
Wicrfld, pf>. 2(J1 2; Ji'Ai'ity, //Amfruiue, toni. ii., j>. 09; Ai/air, Amrr.
Intl., p. 21/; Touriiii, Jlixt. ({en., toni. iii., ]»p. 9-10; Iklajxirte, licisiii,
toni. .<., pp. 318-23; I.riioir, ParalUh: pp. 11-13, 28, 3(); Noiinllrn Anna frit
tffn I'oi/., 1824, toni. x.xiv., pp. 137-8; Fraim/iam^s World in Miiiiatiirr,
vol. ii., p. 19; Mit/irr, Amcrik(mi.irhc Unrliiiioiirn, p. 666; I'imvnlcl,
Mi'iii. nohrr la Jiaza liidiiji'na, pp. 64-5; Varbajal EnpiHosa, Hist, Mrx.,
toni. i., pp. 234, 559-64, torn, li., pp. 375, 604; Jirassciir de liourhinirq,
Uixt. Nat. Civ., toni. ii., jip. 424-5, toni. iii., pp. 407-8, 453, 520-3, 528-9,
569-74; Carli, Carton, lit i., p. 107; Mnltc-ltrini, Precis de la Oiog., toni.
vi., p. 45<); Sinwn^a J'en Tribes, pp. 275-6; JHoiiijlare, Resumi, p. 32;
t'ointer'.s Hist. N.Aiiicr., vol. ii., p. 163; liaril, Mcxique, p. 203; Jiiissicnr,
I/hiiiiiirr .\[fx., j)p. 147-9; Jianh-iii</sHist. Rcsearrhcs, pp. 381-4; liroirmirs
Ind. ilare.t, jt. IHi; Klfiiiiti, Cidtiir-Gcachic/ite, toin. v., pp. 31, 49-53, 77,
184; Carhajal, Jti.inirso, p. .S7.

" Kxcept the Za|K>t('i'i», wlio, CiirlHijiil Espinosa says, were of low stature
and Itroitd-shoiiltlercti. Hist. Mex., toni. i., p. 245.

'" (loniara wiys tliev liiul wide forelieauH. Coiiq. J/cx., fol. 317. 'La
fortiia, o li};uni de las (^iIh-^mis, comnninente las tienen jmipiiirionadas il los
I'liorpoH, y h loH otro8 iiiiiMii))i'os de b\, y dcreelias; ai^niioH hm tienen cm-
pinadiis, v Ihh frentoH niiadradas, y llaiiaH; otroB (coiiio win estos Mexica-
noH, y alKiKioH del J'irii) las ti-niiin, y tienen de niejor forma, al^^o di;
lici'liiira de .Martiilo, o Navio, que es la niejor forma do toilas.' Torqiiemai'a,
Miiiiarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 5S2-3. 'Tlie Aztee skulls are dcsrrilied as lieiiig
reiuarkalile for tiie shortiu'sM of their axis, their hir;^!' Ihitteiied oecijiut ob-
liipU'Iy triineatcd lichind, the Iiei;r|il of the HOiiiicirciilar line of the teiii-
plen, and the sliorliicss and trapezoiilal form of the parietal jda'ie. They
present an elevation or rid-;!' alou^ the sa;;ittal suture; the base ot the sk'.ill
IS very short, mid llie fare Mli}{litly prognathic, as anioii<; the Moii;;ol-lial-
iiiiics. Tiiey liear a stroti},' uiialojxy to tiie skulls of a I'eruviati Mracl yce-
jiiudi delineated hy Morton ' Fosti'r's Prc-Hisf. Kacci, p. .126. 'The ahorigi-
nal Me\i('ans of our own time are of jjood stature and well jiroportioiied i.;
all their limiis. They have narrow foreheads, hiaek eyes, while, well-set,
r(V'ular teeth, thick, coarse and ^^'los.xy Ivlack hair, thin heards, and are iii
•rciicral wilhout any hair on their Ie;;s, thi;{hs, or nrins. Their skin is (dive
coi.iured, and many line youii<; women may be seen anions them with ex-
tremci.- lij,'ht complexions. I'lieir senses are very aeute, more es|ieciully
tliiit of sij-iit, whiih they enjoy unimpaired to the most aflvmiced ajre.'
Fiiliiiir's Hum. Rare, p. 4."). For remarkson Mexican ('riinia, ilescriptions
and measurements of skulls with cuts, see Morton's Crania Anirv., ]i\>. 144-
7, l.">_'-7, 231-3, 257, and plates xvi-xviii.', lix-lxi.

*9 Accord inj,' to llerrera. Hist. Urn., (Loud. 1726,) vol. iv., p. 125, and
nrasseur de llourbourj;, Uisl. Sat. Civ., toni. iii., p. 35, the Miztees hod
long licards.

PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES.

bodies. Their senses were very acute, especially that
of sij^ht, which they enjoyed unimpaired to the most

I riTi_

advanced age.* Iheir bodies they kept in training
by constant exercise. They were wonderful runners
and leapere, and, as we have seen, some of their ath-
letic and acrobatic feats were looked upon by the con-
querors as nothing short of the work of the devil. It
was no unusual thing to meet with people who from
their color could scarcely be distinguished frt- r* Euro-
peans. The people of Michoacan enjoy the reputa-
tion of having been the tallest and handsomest among
the Nahuas.** The women of Jalisco found great
favor in the eyes of the reverend Father Torquemada.
He was shown one there, he says, who might be con-
sidered a miracle of beauty; indeed, so fair was her
skin, so well ])roportiouod her Ivody, and so regular
her features, that the most skillfui portrait-painter
would have been put to it to do her justice.** De-
formed people were very uncommon; indeed, as we
have seen, their rarity made them valuable as objects
of curiosity, and kings and princes kept collections
of them.^

hcv

•il

al-

ft,

ivc

(■\-

ally

■TO.'

8" 'En lo8 SentidoA extcriores (cotno son los dc cl Vfer, Ok, Oler, y Gus-
tar) loM alcunvuu iidiiiirultleN; jioniuu \hn nuii <lc lejoH, y no vhuu dt> Anto-
jos, si III) Hon niui pocos, dcspiies <|ue Ioh liun visto, en niiuHtniH KspuAolcH,
y OHO us on In vejez, y tiencn coinnnnitMito los ojos Uuemis, y liernuisos, oien
niiu'lio, !iiiel(>ii taiiibicn (|iiul(|nier oumu >; niiii lojos; lo niisino es ul (!usto;
cl Sentitlo d(>l tacto, coninnnicnti c.s <iet; 'tido, lo iiuni sc verilica en ullos,
]Mir<pie ([ualiiuier cosu, ijne pucd'V lust<niurlos, conio es frio, ualor, u^otes, <>
otra exterior atliecion, ios ani^e niui fat-ihnente, y en niueiko jjrado, y qual-
(I'.iiera enferniedad los adel^ji.^i', mas presto los enllaqneee, y inata, (jne ii
tiira Nacion, asi Kspafiola, eomo otra al^^una, eonio es notorio, h toilos itm
•(lie los <-onoemnoH, y son |Mira Mufrlr niui pouo truUajo.' Torquviiuuln, Mo-
iiiirq. flit/., toni. ii., p. 580.

"' li'diiiiiiiiif, Cniti, Mi'rhoar.nn, MS., j». 5(); llmnnrn, Cmiq. Mrj\, fol.
218; Tiiiujio'ituftfi, Mii.iirq. Iiid., ttnn. i., p. ."{37, toni. iii., p. 332; limsscur
ill! Hdiirliiiiiri), ifi.tt. Xitt. Cir., toni. iii., |>. 57.

"** lie adds further: ' Y esto |auni{ue no en tanto cxtrenio) corre, nini en
pMieral, por todos eMto.s lleinos, y eu es])ei.'ial en a<(U(d de Xalisco, en la
Nacion, ((ue llamai Cocn, y Teeucx, <[ue son los Toiuiltecos, v por ach en
lii de 'I'laxealla, y ')tras niuelias, <|ue por eseusar enfado, eallit. Momirq.
lull., foni. ii., p. 582; see also foin. i., p. .S3i).

*•' 'Sonovi cos! rari i defornii, <'lie tutti (jue^fli Sjta^rnuoli, e Creoj;!!, clio
ncl 17t>H. vennero dal Messieo in Italia, reslarono allora, e sono anehe ojj-
(.'idi niaravi;;liati <Iair osservarc nclle (Mttii di questa coltissinia |H>nisola uu
«i t;ran nuniero di ciechi, di f{obl);, di zoppi, d'attratti e<-.' ('liifiitvro, Sloria
.•lilt, del Mi'.siiirii, toni. iv., p. ir>3. Sc« farther, eoneerniiiK the physical
Vol. II. 40

626

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

I \ -

^Hli

The character of the Nahiias, althouji^h the state-
ments of the best authors are nearly unanimous con-
cerning it, is in itself strangely ciifitradictory. We
are told tiiat they were extremely frugal in their
habits, tliat wealth had no attractions for them, yet
we find them trafficking in the most shrewd and care-
ful manner, delighting in splendid pageants, gorgeous
dresses, and rich armor, and wasting their substance
in costly feasts; they were tender and kind to their
children, and solicitous for their welfare, yet the pun-
ishments they inflicted upon their offspring were cruel
in the ^.-xtreme;*^ they wer^ mild with their slaves,
and ferocious with their cajjtivew; they were a joyous
race, fond of feasting, dancing, jesting, and innocent
anmsements, yet they delighted in human saciitices,
and were cannibals; they possess*^! a well-advanced
civilization, yet every action of their lives was influ-
enced by gross superstition, Ur a religion inconceivably
dark and bloody, and utterly without one redeemin/
feature; they were brave warriors, and terrible in w>«f.
yet servile and submissive to thtir Hiperiors; tli- v
had a strong imagination and, in strtit' iii»<tancex, go<Hl
taste, yet they represented their g«idM as monsters,
and their religious myths and historical legends are
absurd, disgunfing, and puerile.

That the NahunK were a most ingenious people in
abundantly proven by their work as well as by tin*
statements of those wlw knew them. It has been

pcciiliuritic)' of the Naluiax and earlier itcoplcH: Ixtlilxorhifl. Ri-lariuiirs,
111 h'i)i</»t>jritiiff/i's Mij-. Aiifitf., vol. i.\., \t\>. 32C, li'Mt-f', 341, M4-^. 'M*'>;
Vi'ftti'frrf, Tviilni Mf.i\, tulii. li., 1». 12; ({iniiara, Coiiq. Mij-.. M 37. 44,
{K), 31>i, Sahnf/nii, liml. <ifii., toiii. iii., lib. x., jt. 112, lit), 13'2; Torqiir-
niiiita, MiiiKirt/. Intl., toiii, i., jip. .S7, fil, '2.')5, t<»iii. ii., pp. 580-S3; ('urlix,
Cnrfim, toiii. i., p. '23; Vcijtiii, Hut. Ant. MrJ., toiii. i., pp. l43-t), toiii. ii.,
p. 5; Ikrrerti, IUhI. (ifii., <ler. ii., lib. x., cuii. .\ix.; (/n'ri/o, Jli.tt. ilni ,
torn, iii., p. 4!)9; Cfiirii/n-i). Storia Ant. del Afexm'ro, toiii. i., pp. ilH-l!(,
tiiiii. iv., pp, l(il-7<i; lir/tttioiir fatta per rii iffnfir/iuoiiio <til Siijii'ir fi'f-
Hondo <'fttit'iti\ ill 11)1 III imio, ^nvignlioni, Unn. iii., fol. 3(M; limssmr </<•
lionrlionrg, Ui-st. Xtit. fir., foiii. i., p. 282, toiii. ii., pp IH7, IW, tmii. iii.,
p. ST); Curhajn/ Exiiinosn. Hint. Mrr,, toiii. i., pp. 1K>, 24."), torn, ii., pp. :t'.'<i.
487; ftiitmix, Ril., 2(U' Kx|hmI., ji, 25; (iordon's Hint, mid (iioif. Mnn., pp.
71-2; Ihllon'* Hist. Mr.r., p. 4ft; Afiicffrrtjor's I'rwjirsH of Ainer., vol. i.,
p. 21; I'duftrr'n His:. \. Anier., vol. ii., p. 103.
•* Sec this volume, p. 242.

chai:acter of the nahuas.

said that they were not inventive, but this Clavigero
indijjfnantly denies.** It is certain that their power of
imitation was very great,* and that they were very
(]uick to learn the new arts introduced among them by
the Spaniards." They were geiierous and remarkably
free from avarice.** They are said to have been very
temperate in their habits,*" but judging from the vjist
number of dishes served up at the tables of the rich,
and the stnngent laws which were necessary to j)re-
vcut drunkenness, this appears doubtful. Although
terrible to their enemies, and naturally warlike, they
were peaceable among themselves, and seldom quar-
reled. ! as Casas says that when a difficulty arose
between two of them, the disputants ditl not come at
oncc to blows, but contented themselves with such
|)or.sonal abuse as: "Go to, thou hast bad eyes; thou

'■ • ' aono niolti, clio iiccordano iii MesHicani iinii j^rnnde abiliti\ [wr
T,' -'' ■ oiH': iiiH lor I'lmtrintaiio <|iip11ii (lt!ir iiivt'iizione. Erri>r volgnro,
riir troviini smv'iitiio iiellii Storitt untU'U <li questii Nazionc' Sloriu Ant.
ilil Mrmtirii, t<i««. i , ]i. 1'2().

«« H«-» K\\\v. Vi*!^!)^, Jip. 47r)-<i.

*" ' \a— iiinoH <t<- lim Iiuliiis iio Hon nioleHtos con ohHtiimcinn iii porfiu a la
f • Calti'ilit'u. I'oiiio In will loH .Morns y hidios; antes apruiidiMi ilc tal iiiaiu'ra
IttH vcr't^'lt'H d«* loM t'liriittianoit. iiuc ito Holaiiientc MaliMi con ollas, sino (mic
liis agirfuti. >• V* tauui «u farilida^i <iin' jiarect' <|ue «e law Ikmu-ii. .\|irvnii(>n
max presto i|iif V— iiifios Ks|mftok>s; y con mas contonto los Articiilos ilc la
l''c por su on^M, \ las dciiias oracioiu's do la doclrinaChristiaiia, rctciiiciido
CM la inciiiori» liehiientc lo (|iu' se leu cnsefia.' iMriln I'adilhi, Jli.il. Fnit/.
lf< r , p. 1^. "Il n'ctait rien (jue 1»* Indi'Mis n'apprisscnt avec uiic rapidit6
Mirprenanto, d s'il arrivait (nudum* mmvcHU metier tloiit ils n'eiMsenf au-
ciiiie I iiiinaissM.iice, ils H'aiipli<|uaieiit a \e voir faire avec taut d'intelligence,
i|iic. iiial;;r6 les soins de I ouvrier a leur cacher miii M-cref , ils le lui eulevai-
ciii ail isnit de <juel<jiw« jourw. ' Branstur de Bourhouri/, iliat, Nat. Civ.,
lidii. iv u 728.

** 'IV* rt«iy ladrones, mentiroHos, y liol};a/.aneH. La fcrtilidad de la
tierra d*""**' -••usar tuiila |K're/a, o (tor no serelloscodieiosos.' (iniiinin. Cuiiif.
M' .!•., fid. 'A\ '. ' l.a lilH-ialita e lo staccainento da <|iialsisiaintcressc soiio dci
priiici|wli MitriWiiti del lorn caratteiv. L'i»ri< iioii lia presso i Messicani
liiMa <|iiella sriiiia, die (.'ihIc iiresso altri. Daniio Mii/a dispiacere ouello,
■ I If M priM-ai riano coll soniniaiatica. (.^uesto JoiosiiiiiMiiiento dairintcrcKse,
''I d |HH'o aiiiore, die portano a i|nei die ;;li ^oxiTiiaiio, ii fa rifiiitaie i|U(dIo
filidie, a ciii Hono da essi costretti, e uuesta •' Mppmito la taiito esap-nita
l>i>;ri/ia deifli Aiiiericaiii ' Cluriijiro, Slorm Aiit. i/i/ MrK.sim. fom. i., jip.
1-1 -'J. 'Kstavan iilirei* de la eiifenn«M|ad de la codicia, y no |M'iisaiiaii en la
vaiiidad did oro, y plata, ni lia/ian entiniacion dello.' iMvitn, Tmlrn Krlr.i.,
toiii. i., p. 18. 'Se;;iin 111 que ai|iiella edad jieriiiile, son iiicliiiadissimos it
«cr lilH-ralcR. Tanto iiionta <|iie lo <|im' >!■ les da, se de m \no como h inn-
liiiis: por(|iH' lo que viio recilK', se re]iartc liiejfo entre todos,' iHiriUi J'li-
dill,,, II,. if. I,„(l \l,.r . p i:«l.

"' Tlie most soIht peopU" known. Hi-hitioiufutln per m fffntiVhiiomo
'III SiffHur Fernuiido Cortetf. in liiniiiuiio, yarignlivni, toni. iii., j). 304.

628

THE NAHUA NATIONS.

art toothless;" or they threw handfuls of dirt in each
other's faces and then separated and washed them-
selves. On rare occasions they pushed and elbowed
each other, or even had a scuffle, in which hair was
pulled out, clothes were torn, and bloody noses re-
ceived, but deadly weapons were never used, nor even
worn except by soldiers on duty. The same writer
relates that two women were put to death by order of
the king of Tezcuco for fighting in the public market-

{)lace, a scandalous outrage upon public decency, the
ike of which had never been heard of before. He
says, further, that when two young men became enam-
ored of the same woman, or when one carried off
the other's mistress, the rivals were allowed to fight
a duel for the possession of the woman. The ct)mbat
did not take place, however, until the army went
forth to war, when upon the first engagement they
sought out each other, and fought with their weapons
until one was vanquished.*" They seem to have been
very strict and jealous in all matters relating to their
women. "'

The Tlascaltecs were great lovers of liberty, and
were always ready to fight for it; they were, besides,
quick to take oftence, otherwise they are said to liavo
been of a peaceable, domustic disposition, content to
stay at home and listen to or tell stories in their own

M Liis Crtsas, in Kmgsboromh\i Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 124-5.

" 'Son ccloHisHiiiioH, y assi lus aitorrenu inucho.' Gomani, Cuiiq. Mix.,
fol. 317. We have seen In a former chiipter, that Nemhiialcoyotl mit his
tlcuroMt Hon to death for H])eaking lewdly to hifl father's concubine, bee tiiix
volume, pp. 447, etneq. ; see further concerning the character of tiie Mex-
ican!s, alHiut whom the a)M>vc remarks, though doubtless apidlcubic to many
other of the Nahua nations, arc more partiuuhirlv made: Esplieacioii i/f In
Volrecion tic Mcndoza, In Kinffuhuroiigh'ii Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 4(1; Aro.stit,
Hist, ilf Ins Yiid., np. 458-9; DiUila Padilia, Hist. Frnil. Mix., w. l.S!»,
'i70; Ton/nrinnfla, Monarq. Ind., tom. III., p. 2.32; Gomiirn, ('om/. Mr.r., w.
317-lS; /''i/illii, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 8; Znrita, In Kingsboroiajh's Mix.
Aiifi'/., M>1. viii., p. 2.15; Tezozomor, Crdnirn Mrx., In Id., vol. ix.. ji. 107;
Lnn Caxtm, hist. Ajnilngdka, MS., cap. xilv., xlv., l.wii., cxl. ; ClnvKi'm,
Sfitria Aiif. del Mcmco, tom. I., pp. 119-23, torn, iv., pp. 177-2t)2; Smkii,
SiKuiicr in Pfru, tom. ii., p. 17; liraHscur de liourhourq. Hist. Xal. Cir.,
toiii. iv., i)p. 727-.30, 810; Edinbiirrj/i Jirneu; 1867; klemm, Cidtiiv-Hi-
.irhiclitr, tiiin. v., iij). 8-10; Espiiiosn, ITiat. Mex., tom. i., p|>. 90-3; Gorduu'-i
Hist, tind Grog. Mrni., p|» 7.1-C; Ci'tfcalier, Mcxiqiir, p[>. 03-4.

CHARACTER OF THE NAHUAS.

629

families, an amusement of which they were very fond.
They are further described as truthful, just, frugal,
and industrious."

The Cholultecs, so celebrated for their pottery, are
reported to have been very peaceful, industrious, and
shrewd traders, yet brave withal, and capable of de-
fending their rights.®^ The Zapotecs were a tierce
people, always at war with their neighbors.** The
Miztecs are said by Herrera to have been the bravest
people in all New Spain; the same writer asserts that
they were lazy and improvident, while Espinosa speaks
of them as an industrious race." The natives of Vera
Cruz are spoken of as affable and shrewd.®* The peo-
ple of Jalisco were witty and slothful, yet they will-
ingly carried burdens for the Spaniards, Herrera tells

^ The Tarascos were exceedingly valorous, great

liars, and industrious.*

• For the character of tlie Tla8calt«c8 see: CorUa, Cartas, p. 68; Co-
margo. Hist. Tlax., in Xouvellcs Annalrf dot Voy., 184.S, toiii. xcviii., jtp.
197-'itM», toiii. xcix., pp. 1.S6, 149, ir)l; Mot<„.:»iti, Hint. IikHoh, in Imzhnl.
ceta. Col. de Doc., toiii. i., p. 7(>; (Somnra, (.,•/</. Mr.e., fol. S7; Alrnfo,
Ih'rr.., torn, v., p. 15S; Hereaia if Sarmknlu, Svnnvii, \t. 88; l.rtlilj'itrliitl.
Hist. Ghieh., in Kingsborough'.s .ifrx. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 25(4; I'ltn- Mnrlip',
•Ice. v., lib. i. ; Prndt, Cartas, pp. 175-fi; Varliajal Ks/iiiinaa, Hist. Mix..
toni. ii., pp. 121, 129, 511; Khmm, Ciiltiir-descliirhte, torn, v., pp. 186-7;
Bussierre, L^Eiiifiire Mx., ]>. 230; Dillon, Hist. Mrx., ji. 7.

^ Oviedo, Hist. Gcii., toin. iii., p. 499; Gomnrn, Com/. J/cr., fol. 'X>;
Pradt, Cartas, p. 17(5; lirassriir dr lioiirlioiinj, Hist. Xnt. tJir.. torn, iv.,
1>. l.W; Carhajal Es/tiiiosii, Hist. Mrx., toiii. i., \i. 259, toiii. ii., p. 1"JI, .S,19.

9* Herrera, Hist. Gni., lU-c. iii., lit>. iii., i-ap. xiv. ; Ihivila I'at/idn, Hiit.
Fviid. Mi'x., p. 548: Ihln/nirfr. Ri'isrn. toin. x., p. 183.

^Herrera, Hist, (iiii., dcr. iii., lil». iii., nin. \iii. ; Cnrfiajiil K.ff)iiiosa,
Hist. Mex.. torn, i., p. 244; ISrasseiir de lioiirboiinj. Hist. Xul. Cir., tnni.
iii., p. .35.

9* Gomnra, Hist. Tnd., fol. 57.

'^ Herrera, Hist. Gni., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ii.

*8 lieaninout, Criiii. .Mer/ioaeaii, MR., pp. .Il-S; Torqvemada, Monnrq.
II. i., p. .337, foin. iii., p. ;W2; oriedo,
IxflilxoehitI, Hist. Chii'h., in Ki)iif.itnir<iiiiih's Mex. Aii/ii/., vol, ix.. p .S08;

Ind., toni.

Ifist. Gen., toni. iii., |<. ."ilLS;

Herrera, Hi.it. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x. ; Gomiira, Cmn/. Mix., fol.
218; Hrasseur de fioiirhoiirg, Hi-it \al. <'ii-., toni. iii., iij). .")ti 7: ('irlm/id
Es/iino.ia, Hi.it. Mex., toni. i., p. 291, torn, ii., p. 595; Slultr-Iinui, I'rieis
de la G(og., torn, vi., p. 46&

CHAPTER XX.

GOVEHNMENT, SOCIAL CLASSES, PROPERTY, AND LAWS OF THE

MAVA NATIONS.

Introductory Remarks— Votan's Emhre— ZamnA's Reign— Thk
RovAL Families of Yucatan; Cocomes, Tutul Xius, Itzas,
AND CiiELEs— Titles and Order of Succession— Classes of
NoiiLEs — The QuickC- CAKciiiyuEL Empire in Guatemala -
The Ahau Ahpoi* and Succession to the Throne— PRivii.EciEO
Classes -(;ovehnmext of the Provinces— The Royal Culxcil
—The Ciiiapanecs— The Pipiles- Nations of Ni(;ara(jua The
Maya Priesthood — Plebeian Classes — Slaves— Tenike of
Lands— Inheritance of Property — Taxation— Debtors and
Creditors — Laws and THE Administration of Justice.

My reasons for dividing the Civilized Nations of
our territory into two groups, the Nahuas and the
Mayas, whose institutions are separately descrihtid,
have been stated in the General View, to which a
preceding chapter has been devoted. In the same
place' was given an outline sketch of the nations com-
posing each group, and their mutual relations,* which
may serve as an introduction to the remainder of thJH
volume. Without further preliminary remarks 1 may
therefore enter at once upon the subject-matter ni"
this second division of my topic, a description of
Maya institutions, or the manners and customs of the
civilized nations whose home was south of the isthmus

1 See pp. 81-123 of this volume, aiul eHpeuiolly pp. Il4-Si,
natioiM.

(630)

the Miiya

VOTAN'S MAYA EMPIRE.

631

of Tehuantepec. It will be evident to the reader
from what has been said that this account must be
not only much briefer, but also less complete and sat-
isfactory than that of the Nahua nations. Concern-
ing the Aztecs and kindred peoples about the lakes
of the Mexican valley, as we have seen, a large
amount of information has been preserved; I have
consequently been able, in treating of the northern
peoples, to take tliese nations of the valley as a
nucleus, adding in their proper places such fragments
of knowledge as are extant respecting tribes outside
the limits of Anilhuac. In the south, fragmentary
information is all we have; there is no nucleus round
which to group it; the matter of the following chapters
will, therefore, be very similar in its nature to what that
of the preceding would have been, had 1 undertaken to
describe the Tarascos, Totonacs, Zapotecs, etc., with-
out the Aztecs. In this branch t)f my subject I shall
follow as nearly as jjossible the same order as in the
preceding, bringing together into one chapter, how-
ever, the topics before treated in several. 1 shall
also include the civilized nations of Nicaragua in this
division, aJthough one at least of tlieni was of Nahua
blood amtii huiguage. In the days of ancient Maya
glory when Votan and his successors reigned over
mighty and perhaps confederated empires in Chiapas,
(ruatemala. and Yucatan, the kings ])layed roles to a
great extent n\ythical, being pictured by tiadition as
combining the ciiaracter and powers of legislators,
teachers, higli-priests, and monarclis. Details of the
system by which they governed ai-e altoi.'-other want-
ing,* but after a long term of prosj>erity this govern-
ment in (xuatemala Jind ( 'hiapas bei-ame weakened
and at last practically destroyed; the country was

* AlthiMiiih RriiHHeur iJ»» BoiirlmurK, on the authority of mrnte of bin
ori^'iiiiil MSS. {H>rhii|iN, staUw tliat XiliiiUm in the hci;;ht of itn ^Hory wuh
riilcH hy tkirteon jirincos, two of wimm wer»' kiii^M, tlic iHtToiid iK'iny; sub-
oniiiuttv to the fiixt; uii<t u^oo that th«Tf wu'< ii council of twelve, prissiilcil
iivi-r liy tlic kin;;. Hu uIho incntiouH a xiicccNKion uf tMiveuteea kiugx after
Votan. Ilisf. Xdt. Cir., tuuL L. pp. HZ, 123, a5-7.

an THE MAYA NATIONS.

divided among petty chiefs, concerning whose rule
even less is known than of that of their predecessors,
but who not improbably based their forms of au-
thority on the ideas handed down from Votan. From
these governmental relics there sprung up in later
years, under new and perhaps foreign leaders, the
Quiche and C.akchicpiel empires, of whose govern-
ment some details are known, since these nations
came into direct contact with the Spaniards at the
conquest. Leaving these nations for the present, [
will »{)eak first of another branch of the primitive
Maya empire.

Yucatan received its culture traditionally from
Zamnd, who came from abroad, governed the Mayas
through a long life, and loft the throne as an heritage
to his successors. He was doulitloss a comi)ani(»n or
a descendant of Votan, and founded institutions simi-
lar to those of the western kingdoms whence ho
came. The government and institutions estaldislied
in Yucatan njot to a certain extent the same fate as
those of Chiapas; that is, the country was finally split
up by civil wars into numerous petty indepoiulent
sovereignties; but this divisi«m was at a much later
date than that of Votan 's western empire, — not long
preceding the Spanish concjuest — and the govermnent
of the independent chieftains was substantially that
of their ancestors, many of whom claimed to be of
the royal family founded by Zamnd. Consequently
some scraps of information are extant resj)ecting the
form of government, as well as other institutions, in
Yucatan ; and from these we may form a faint idea of
the earlier institutions of Guatemala and Chiapas.

Zanmii, like Votan, united in himself the qualities
of ruler, law-giver, educator, and priest; he founded
the city of Mayapan, and divided the whole country
ainong the chiefs of the leading families who came
with him, making them vassals of the king whom he
left on the throne at Mayapan. The nobles of the
royal family were of course the highest, a family

THE UOYAL FAMILIES OF YUCATAN.

033

which was perhaps that known later as the Cocomes,
and which lasted to the couiiujuf of the Spaniards
Each of the vassal ])riuces had to live in the capital
during a certain jmrt of every year; and Brasseur de
Bourbourg, following Ordoilez, thinks that Mayapan
may have formed a confederacy with Tulhd, and l^a-
lenque in Chiapas.'

Another royal family, the Tutul Xius, sprung up
later and liecame very powerful as allies and vassals
of the king reigning in Mayapan ; and still another
family, the Itzas, built up a strong government of
theocratic nature at Chichen Itza. Then came Cu-
kulcan with some new religious teachings — a famous
personage bearing a striking resemblance in his tra-
ditional career and in the etymology of his name to
the Quetzalcoatl of the Nahuas. Being finally called
to the throne at Mayapan, he formed a confederacy,
making the princes of the Tutul Xius and Itzas his
associate moiiarchs, subordinate nominally in rank but
practically independent except where mutual assistance
was required. Cukulcan I jft the throne to the Coco-
mes, seven of whom ruled during a period of great
prosperity, the succession being from father to son,
down to about the eleventh centuiy. Afterward tlie
Cocomes, becoming tyrannical, were deposed from
their higli position, Mayapan destroyed, and a new
confederacy established with the Tutul Xius at the
head, Uxmal being at first their capital, the Itzas
second, and the Cheles at Izamal third. The Tutul
Xiu rule .vas no less glorious than that of the Coco-
mes. They rebuilt Mayapan and made it once more
the capital, but tlie unfortunate city was again sacked,
this time by foreigners — perhaps tlie Qiii<'hL's in the
thirteenth century; and was finally destroycil in the
middle of the fifteenth century by the vassal lords of
the realm, who revolted, overthrew the Tutul Xiu dy-
nasty, obtained their complete independence, and ruled

' Coffollmlo, Hist. !•'»«;., pp. 178-9; On/oilrz, Hist, tfcl cielo f/de la Tierra,
MS.; JJrHsseiirde Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., pp. 78-80.

684

THE MAYA NATIONS.

each his petty province with sovereijfn power. This
was their condition when the Spaniards came, but be-
fore that time by civil war, and by famine and pesti-
lence also, OS tradition tells us, the power of the rulers
and the population of the country had been jjreatly
diminished and the ancient Maya glury had departed
forever. Shortly before the final destruction of the
monarchy a portion of the Itzas had left Chichen and
mii^rated southward to found a small but powerful
nation in what is now the province of Peten, belon*^-
iujuf politically to Guatemala. It is from traditionary
accounts of the kin<rdom under the Tutul Xius, and
from the meaj^re observations of the Spaniards in the
sixteenth century that our slij^ht knowledjje of Maya
institutions in the peninsula is gained.

The hij^hest title of the kinjjf at Mayapan was Ah-
tepal, which siijnifies in the Maya ton<^ue 'Majestic,'
or 'Aui^ust.' His power was absolute, but he rarely
acted in matters of importance without consultinjr liis
lords, and, in accordance with their advice and that of
the chief priests, he appointed all officials, secular and
relij^ious, in the kiiii^dom, possessing moreover the
right to organize all courts and to condemn to death
any of his subjects. The succession to the throne
was confined to the royal family, to the male line, and
to the sons of noble wives; the eldest son seems to
have been the acknowledged heir to the throne, and
Landa tells us that if the king died during the cliikl-
IkmkI of liis heir, then his eldest or most capal)le brother
ruled not only during the son's minority but during all
his own life ; and in case there were no brothers the
priests and nobles chose a suitable person to reign.*

* 'Si moriiiel Hcrior, aunqne Ic HUCCcdicHse cl liijo mayor, craii tticiiiprc
1(M (luiniiH liijos limy iioutudos, y nyiuhuliM y tenidos por Henoren.' Lnmhi,
Ri'ltirinti, p. 1 12. 'Si nuaiido et Hci'ior nioria no eran los liijos para rcjjir y
tenia lierinanoH, re;^ia dc los hcrinanoH cl mayor o cl moH (fcHcnliuvlto y al
Iicrctlero mostravan huh costiunhrcH y Kcstas para quando fnesHC homhrc y t's-
to« licnnanns, aiinqiic el creilero fiiesHc para regir, niandavan to<la hu vidn,
y nino avia licrnianoM, elcj^riaii los HacerdotcH y Kcntc principal un lionihre Hiilli-
cicnte para cllo.' Id., ji, 138. RrasHcur de Honrl>ourg, in Iuh Frciicli trans-
lation of this pussa}^, gives a ditterent meaning from what 1 ducni the cur-

COIIIIT ETIQUETTE IN YUCATAN.

685

One author HiiealcM of tlie kiri<r an liavir)<]^ the rijij^ht
to appoint a council which Hhould naniu liiH huccuhhop,
and lieinesal muntiouH that in the province of Cani-
peche, a woman who came in the dnrct line of huc-
ccHHion received hi<ifh honorw, l)ut the mo8t capahle
of her male relativcH ruled the Htute."

Whenever the kin«( appeared in puhlic, he wa8 al-
wayH atten<led hy a larj^e company and wore a lonjf
white fiowinj^ rohe decorated with ornamentH of j^old
and precious stones, bracelets, a ma<;niHcent collar,
and sandals of ^old. His crown was a plain jjolden
circle somewhat wider on the forehead than behind,
and surmounted with a plume of (juetzal-feathers.
This bird was reserved for the king and highest no-
bles, death being the penalty, according to (Jrdonez,
for one of lower rank who should capture the bird or
wear its plumage. The monarch was borne on the
shoulders of his nobles reclining in a palanouin, shaded
by a feather canopy, and constantly fanned by attend-
ants of high rank. Any person who came into the
presence of the king or other high official, was ex-
pected to bring some gift proportioned t(j his means,
and Herrera informs us that the highest mark of re-
spect was to [)lace the right hand, anointed with spit-
tle, on the ground and then to rub it over the heart.
Villagutierre mentions without description a kind of
small throne among the Itzas, and states that the king
of this southern realm bore the title of ( janek, the name
of the leader of their migration. Our only knowlcilge
of the royal palaces of Yucatan is derived from their
examination, when more or less in ruins, by modern
explorers; consecjuently I refer the reader to the chap-

rcct one as piven in my text. He understands that the brother Bticcccdcd in
liny case. 'V,c nVtuient pas sett tiU (|ui MHcuediiicnt uu pouvcnuMiient, niuis
hicn I'uinu dc sch fr^rcH,' and also tliut the jierson apjMtinted l>v the pricHts if
there wuh no brother, ruled only durin;' the heir's minority, '|uh<[ii a hi inu-
jorit«5 de I'heritier,' all of which may lie very reasonable, but certainly is
not found in the Spanish text.

i 'Orjrnnisait les conscilsde la re1i);ion et de Tutat qui devaient, aprbs
lui, nominer son siiccesscnr.' lirn.surur de Itowbounj, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn,
ii., p. 53-6; Reinesal, Hist. Vhyapa, p. 256.

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G36

THE MAYA NATIONS.

ter on Maya buildings for a general description of
these grand stone structures, and to another volume
of this work for a detailed account with illustrative
plates.

The nobility of the highest class belonged to mem-
bers of the royal families, the Cocomes, Tutul Xius,
Cheles, and Itzas, those of the reigning king's own
blood taking naturally the highest rank. Ahau was
the ordinary title of the princes, and Halach Winikel,
'most majestic men,' was a high title among the Tu-
tul Xius. From nobles of the royal families men-
tioned, governors of provinces, and all the highest
officials were chosen. Their positions were nominally
at the king's disposal, but practically they descended
hereditarily in the same manner as the royal power,
the king interfering with new appointments only on
extraordinary occasions. These rulers were almost
absolute in matters concerning their own provinces,
and exacted great honors, ceremonial attendance, and
implicit obedience from all their subjects; but they
we; J not exempt in matters of crime from the penal-
ties of the law, and were obliged to reside during a
part of each year in the capital, to render personal ser-
vice to the monarch, and to take part in the supreme
council by which he was guided in the administration
of public aifairs. They were, however, exempt from all
tribute except that of personal service, and lived on
the product of portions of the public domain assigned
them. Cogolludo tells us that the nobles of Maya-
pan were also required to perform certain services in
the temples, and to assist at the religious festivals.
They not only had the exclusive right to the govern-
ment of provinces, but also to the command of armies.

Nobles of a lower class, with the title Batab, gov-
erned cities, villages, or other subdivisions of prov-
inces. They were not of royal blood, or at least were
only connected with the reigning family thrruigh the
female branch. Their position was also practically
hereditary, although the heir could not assume his

THE QUICHfi-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRES.

687

inherited rank without the royal sanction. No gov-
ernment officials received any salary, but they Avere
obliged to maintain themselves and the poor and dis-
abled of their respective communities from the pro-
ducts of their inherited estates.*

The most powerful kingdoms in Guatemala at the
coming of the Spaniards were, that of the Quiches,
whose capital was Gumarcaah, or Utatlan, near the
site of the modern Santa Cruz del Quiche ; and that
of the Cakchiqutls, capital Iximche, or Patinamit,
near Tecpan Guatemala. These two nations were in-
dependent of and hostile to each other in the six-
teenth century, but they had been united in one
empire during the days of Guatemala's greatest glory,
their separation dated back only about a century,
and their institutions were practically identical, al-
though they were traditionally distinct tribes in the
more remote past. The same remark may be made

6 'Toilos los sefiores tenian cuenta con visitar, respetar, alegrara Cocom,
acompanaiulole y festejaiidole y aciulieiulo a el con los negocios arduos.'
Lanaa, Rclacion, p. 40. A kind of niayordonio called Caluac, whose budge
of office was a thicK short stick, was the agent through whom the lord per-
formed the routine duties of his position. lb. 'Concertavan las cosas, y
negocios principalmente de noche.' Id., p. 112. 'Fub todo el Ueyno de Yu-
catan, y sus Provini'ias, con el Nombre de Alayaphii, desde que los Indios
fneron a h\ y le poblaron, sujeto ii vn solo Key, y Sefior absoluto, con Go-
vierno Moiianjuico. No durb estopoco tiempo, sinopor muchos Afios.' ViU
laquticrre. Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 28. Among the Itzas Cortes was visited by
'el Canek, con treinta y dos Principales.' Id., p. 46. 'Despues Uanni el
Canek k Consejo t^ todos sus Capitanes, y Principales.' Id., p. 91. 'Vno,
como Ji modo, 6 forma de Trono pcqueno, en one el solia estar.' Id., p. 105.
'Vna Corona de Plumas, de varios colorcs.' I<1., p. 349. Yucatan 'regido
de Sefiores Particularos, que es el Estado de los Ueies: Governavanse por
Leies, y costumbres bucnus; vivian en Paz, y en Jnsticia, que es Argumento
de su Itueu Govicrno.' Torqi'onadu, Moiinrq. Iiid., toin. ii., p. 345. Brasseur
refers to Torquemada, lib. xi., cap. xix., on Vucutuu Government, Inittiiat
chapter relates wholly to Guatemala. 'Quando h>s Sefiores de la Ciudad
de Maya])iin dominaban, toda la ticrra Ics tribiitaba.' In later times they
attached much importance to their royal blood. Coifollndo, Hint. Yuc, p.
17;>. 'Dizese, que vn Sefior de la(.'iu<lad de Mayapan, cabe<;a de el Ueyno,
hizo niatar afrentosamcnte «\ vn hcrmano suyo, jjonjue corrompio vna don-
cdla.' Id., p. 182. See also on the system of government in Yucatau;
Hrrcra, Hist. Gen.., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii-iv.;
lii-nssriif de Bourboiirg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 16-17, 38, 46, 5.3-6,
72; Las Cnsas, in Kiuifshoroiiiffi's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 147; Morrlet,
Voi/fifjfl, torn, i., pp. 182-4; Pinicntel, Mnn. sobrc In Baza Indiijcna, p. 27;
Carbajnl E.ijnnosit, Hist. Afcx., tom. i., p. 202; Tcriiaux-Comjmns, ui Xou-
relics A II naii's ties Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 45-6, 146; Fancourt's Hist.
Yuc, pp. 55-6, 115-16.

638

THE MAYA NATIONS.

respecting the institutions of the other nations in
Guatemala which were wholly or partially independ-
ent of the powers mentioned above. All the abo-
riginal powers had greatly deteriorated by wars, one
with another, and their mutual hatred made their
defeat by foreigners possible, as had been the case in
the conquest of the Nahua nations farther north.

There is little doubt that the Quichd-Cakchiquel
peoples were direct descendants of Votan's subjects,
but the line of traditional history that unites the two
empires is broken at many points and cannot be satis-
factorily followed. There are evidences also of for-
eign, chiefly Nahua, influences in the molding of
Quiche institutions, exerted before or after the Toltec
era in Andhuac, probably at both periods. The tra-
ditional history of the Quichd empire for three or
four centuries before the Conquest, rests almost en-
tirely on manuscripts written in the native languages
with the Roman alphabet, which have only been
consulted by one modern writer. Into the labyrinth
of this complicated record of wars and political
changes I shall not attempt to enter, especially since
the general nature of Quichd institutions does not
seem to have been perceptibly modified by the events
recorded.

An aristocratic monarchy, similar in nearly every
feature to that I have described in Yucatan, seems to
have been the basis of Quiche government from the
first. All high positions, judicial, military, or sacer-
dotal were hereditary and restricted to noble families,
who tiaced their genealogy far back into the mythic
annals of the nations. Between noble and plebeian
blood the lines were sharply defined. The nobles
were practically independent and superior in their
own provinces, but owed tribute, allegiance, and mili-
tary aid to the monarch. At the time of Guatemala's
highest prosperity and glory, when King Qikab from
his throne in Utatlan ruled over all the country, the
monarch, if we may credit the traditional account,

SUCCESSION TO THE QUICHfi THRONE.

made an effort to diminish the power of the nobles,
by conferring military commands and other high po-
sitions on the ablest men of plebeian blood. Thus a
new class of liobles, called Achihab was created. This
newly conferred power became, acting with the aliena-
tion of the old hereditary nobility, too great to be
restrained by the monarch who created it. The Achi-
hab became ambitious and insubordinate; they were
at last put down, but the dissolution of the empire
into several states was the indirect result of their
machinations.

Respecting the order of succession to the Quichd
throne Torquemada and Juarros state that the king's
brother was the king elect, and the direct heir to the
throne; the king's oldest son was the senior captain
and the next heir; and the latter 's first cousin, the
nephew of the king, was junior captain and third
heir. When the king died each heir was promoted
one degree, and the vacant post of junior captain was
filled by the nearest relative — loliose nearest relative
the authors neglect to say. Whoever may have been
elevated to the vacant position the whole system as a
regular order of succession would be a manifest ab-
surdity. Brasseur de Bourbourg agrees with the
authors cited and gives to the king, the elect, and
the two captains the titles of Ahau Ahpop, Ahau
Ahpop Camha, Nim Chocoh Cawek, and Ahau Ah
Tohil, respectively; but when the last position was
left vacant by the death of the king, the Abbe tells
us that "it was conferred upon the eldest son of the
new monarch," — that is, upon the same man who held
it before I Padre Ximenez implies perhaps that the
(^rown descended from brother to brother, and from
the youngest brother to a nephew who was a son of
the oldest brother. I have no authorities by the aid
of which to throw any light upon this confused sub-
ject; it is evident, however, that if the last^mentioned
system, identical with that which obtained among
some of the Nahua nations, be not the correct one,

640

THE MAYA NATIONS.

! ;

M '

! I

nothing whatever is known of the matter in ques-
tion.'

All the authorities state that this remarkable sys-
tem of succession was established to prevent the power
from coming into the hands of young and inexperi-
enced men; and that an incompetent person in the
regular line could not succeed to the throne, but re-
tained throughout his life the rank to which he was
born. It is not clearly explained how the heir's com-
petency was decided upon, but it seems probable that
the matter was settled by the reigning king with the
advice of his council of princes. The king's children
by his first Avife were preferred above the rest, though
all received high honors. At Rabinal the Ahau, or
ruling prince, was regularly chosen by the nobles, from
the royal family, but was not necessarily a son or brother
of the last ruler. Among the Cakchiquels the suc-
cession alternated between two royal families. The
king's title was Ahpozotzil; the next heir from the
other branch bore the title Ahpoxahil; their eldest
sons, the elder of which became Ahpoxahil on the
king's death, had the titles Ahpop Qamahay and Ga-
lel Xaliil. Inferior titles were Galel Qamahay, Atzih
Winak, and Ahuchan Xahil, the bearers of which suc-
ceeded to the throne in default of nearer heirs. It

7 ' It was ordained that the eldest son of the king (that is, of the first king
who founded tiie nionarcliy) should inherit the crown; upon the second son
the title of Elect was conferred, as 1)eing the next heir to his elder brother;
tlie sons of the eldest son received the title of Captain senior, and those of
the second Captain junior. When the king died, his eldest son assumed
the sceptre, and the Elect became the immediate inheritor; the Captain
senior anccuded to the rank of Elecl;, the Captain junior to that of Captain
senior, and the next nearest relative to that of Captain junior.' Juarros,
Hint. Gmtt., pp. 188-9. 'Luego el Cnpitan menor, entraba i>or nutior, y
metian otro en el que avia vacado del Cu]iitan menor, «me oruinariamente
era el Pariente mas cercano.' Torqiie.mntla, Moiinrq. Jnd., torn, ii., pp.
338-41. 'Kcsstait alors la charge d'Aliau-Ali-Tohil; elle 6tait conferee au
Ills ain6 du nouveau monaruuc.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Cir.,
torn, ii., pp. 547, 103, 496. 'Luego que el primero subi6 al reino, mand6 el
padre (the first king) que el segundo fuese capitain, y niand6 por ley, que
si fuesen cuatro, que el primero reinase, el segundo fuese como priiici|)c,
cl tercero cupltau general, y el cuurto capitan segundo, y que niuerto el
primero, rcinason todos por su 6rden, si se alcanzaseu en vitla. Note, 'Bieu
clara estil la dexi'endcncia de padres & hijos dc todos tres hermanos.' A7-
menez, Hist. Jiuf. Gnat., EhcoUos, pp. 195-C.

CORONATION IN GUATEMALA.

641

will be noticed that this plan of succession is but little
clearer than that attributed to the Quiches."

The ceremonies of coronation in the kinordom of
Rabinal, and, so far as can be known, in the other king-
doms of Guatemala, consisted of an assemblage of all
the nobles at the capital, — each being obliged to attend
or send a representative — the presentation of gifts and
compliments to the new king, a discourse of congratu-
lation and advice addressed to him by one of the an-
cients, and finally a splendid feast which lasted several
days and usually degenerated into a drunken orgy.
The Quiches a' id Cakchiquels also bathed the new
king and anointed his body Avith perfumes before seat-
ing him on the throne, which was a seat, not described,
placed on a carpet or mat, and surmounted by four
canopies of feather- work placed one above another, the
largest at the top ; the seats of the three lower princes
already mentioned were also shaded by canopies,
three, two, and one, respectively. Whenever he ap-
peared in public the monarch was borne in a palan-
quin on the shoulders of the nobles who composed his
council."

The machinery of government was carried on in
the provinces by lieutenants of the king's appoint-
ment, and the monarch was advised in all matters of
state by a council of nobles. Juarros tells us that the
supreme Quiche council was composed of twenty-four
grandees, who enjoyed great privileges and honors,

8 Braaseur de Bourhourfi, If inf. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., pp. 549-50, 5.34, with
reference to Romun, Bcpub. de los Jndios, lib. ii., cap. viii. Titles in Atit-
lan. Ternaux-Comnans, Voy., s^rie i., torn, x., p. 416. 'Las Prouinciaade
Tazulatlan, getitc oelicoaa y braua, si bien con piilicia, porqiic viuian en
|>oblacionc8 rormadas, y gouierno de Republica.' iMrila, Tcatro Ecles., torn.
1., p. 148. Tazulatlan, or Tuzulutlan, was the i)ruvince of liabinal. Berne-
mi, Hist. Chyapa, p. 147.

• ' Aq ui havia muy grandes, y sumptuosas coniidaSjV boriacheras. ' ' Sen-
taban alnuevo Electo on vna estera mui pintada.' Torquemada, Monarq.
I lid., torn, ii., pp. 34*2, 338-45. 'In one of the saloons stood the throne,
under four canopies of plumage, the ascent to it was by several steps.'
Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 88. Tlio twenty-four counsellors ' carried the em-
peror on their shoulders in his chair of state whenever he quitted his pal-
nee.' Id., p. 189. 'No se diferenciaba el rey de Guatemala o de Utatldn de
los otros en el trage, siiio en que ^1 traia horadadaa las orcjas y narices, que
se tenia por granilcza.' Ximenez, Hist, Ind. Guat., pp. 197, 196.
Vol. II. 41

642

THE MAYA NATIONS.

personally attended the king, and managed the admin-
istration of justice and the collection of the royal rev-
enue, but were liable to severe punishment if they
committed crime. Brasseur de Bourbourg speaks of
a supreme council, giving the names of the princes
that composed it, and also of an ordinary council whose
members were called ahchaoh, or 'judges,* and were
entrusted with the collection of tribute. The other
authorities, Torquemada and Ximenez, state that the
councils were not permanent, but were summoned by
the king and selected for their peculiar fitness to give
advice upon the subject under consideration. The
lieutenants had also their provincial councils to advise
them in matters of local importance, but all cases of
national import, or affecting in any way the nobles of
high rank, were referred to the royal council. So great
was the power of the nobles assembled in council,
that they might, under certain conditions, depose a
tyrannical sovereign and seat the next heir on the
throne. No person unless of noble blood could hold
any office whatever, even that of doorkeeper to the
council-chamber, if we may credit Juarros; conse-
quently the greatest pains was taken to insure a lin-
eage free from any plebeian stain. A noble marrying
a woman of the common people was degraded to her
rank, took her name, and his estate was forfeited to
the crown. Ximenez states that traveling officials
visited from time to time the different provinces, to
observe the actions of the regular judges, and to cor-
rect abuses. ^°

1" 'Tenia el rey ciertos varones de gran autoridad y opinion, que eran
come oidores, y cunocian de todos los pleitos y negocios que se orreciun;'
they collected the royal revenues and attended to the expenses of the royal
familv. 'Tenia en cada pueblo gruiide bus cancillerias con sus oidores, que
eran las cabczas de calpul; pero no era muy grande la couiision quctcnian.'
' Poderosos Senores, los quales esperaban su confirinacion de sus estados del
dicho rey.* ' Aun en las cosas pequefias y de poca importancia entraban en
consulta.' 'Unos como alquaciles que Servian de llamar y convocar al ]>uc-
blc' Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Gnat., pp. 196-7, 201-2. The king's lieuteimtits
'tenian su jurisdicion limitada, la qual no era mas, que la que el Seflor, b
Rei les concedia, reservando para si, v su Consejo las cosas graves.' These
lieutenants held their positions for life if they were qualitied and obedient,
but to hold them they must have been promoted from lower offices. 'KI

THE QUICHfi NOBILITY.

648

The following is the Abbd Brasseur's account of
the grades of nobility taken from the Quiche manu-
script published under the title of Popol Vuh:
"Three principal families having a common origin
constituted the high nobility of Quiche, modeled on
the ancient imperial family of the Toltecs. The first
and most illustrious was the house of Cawek, the
members of which composed the royal family proper;
the second was that of Nihaib; and the third that of
Ahau Quichd. Each of these houses had its titles
and charges perfectly distinct and fixed, which never
left it, like the hereditary offices of the English court
at the present time ; and to each of these offices were
attached fiefs, or particular domains, from which the
titularies drew their revenue, their attendants, and
their vassals, and a palace where they lived during
their stay in the capital. The house of Cawek, or
royal house proper, included only princes of the blood,
like the eldest branch of the Bourbons in Franco. It
was composed of nine chitiamital, or great fiefs, whose
names corresponded to those of the palaces occupied
by these princes in the capital, and whose titles were
as follows: — I. Ahau Ahpop, or 'lord of the princes,*
title of the king, corresponding nearly to 'king of
kings,' whose palace was called ciiha; II. Ahau Ahpop
Camha, or 'lord of the princes and seneschal' (camha,
he who cares for the house, majordomo), whom the
Spaniards called the second king, and whose palace was

consejo no era de qualesquiera Personas, sino de aqucllaa, que mas cursadas
estaban en la misma eosa, de que se trataba.' They HonietinieB called in the
aid of foreign nations to depose a tyrant. Torquenuula, Monarq. Ind., torn,
ii., pp. 339-40, 343, 386. 'There was no instance of any person hemg
appointed to a public office, high or low, who was not selected from the no-
bility.' Juarros, Hist. Guat, pp. 190-1. Some members of the counciU
were priests when religious interests were at stake. Herrcra, Hist. Gen.,
dec. iv., lib. viiL, cap. x. 'Les personnes on officiers qui scrvaient le sou-
verain ii la court se nonimaient Lolmay, Atziluinac, Calel, Ahuchan.
C'etaient les factenrs, les contador, et trdsoriers.' Teruaux-Compaiis, Voy.,
s^rie i., torn, x., p. 418. 'De I'assembl^e des princes des niaisons de
Cawek, d'Ahau-Quich^ et de Nihaib, rduiiis avec le Galel-Zakik, et I'Ahau-
Ah-Tzutuha, se composait le conscil extraordinaire du nionarquc.* Brasseiir
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 548-9. The king 'constitua
vingt-dcux grandes dignities, auxquelles ii (^leva lea membres de la haute
aristot ratie. Id. , pp. 496-7.

64A

THE MAYA NATIONS.

called tziquinaha, or 'house of birds;' III. Nina Cho-
coh Cawek, or 'grand elect of Cawek;' IV, Ahau
Ah Tohil, or 'lord of the servants of Tohil,' priests
of Tohil, the principal Quichd god; V. Ahau Ah
Gucumatz, or 'lord of the servants of Gucumatz,'
(priests of Quetzal coatl); VI. Popol Winak Chituy,
or president of the counsellors; VII. Lolmet Queh-
nay, the principal receiver of royal tributes, or min-
ister of finance; VIII. Popol Winak Pahoni Tzalatz
Xcaxeba, or 'grand master of the hall of the council
of the game of ball;' IX. Tepeu Yaqui, 'chief or
lord of the Yaquis' (Toltecs, or Mexicans).

" The house of Nihaib, the second in rank, had also
nine chinamital, with names corresponding to their
palaces, and titles as follows: I. Ahau Galel, 'lord
of the bracelets,' or of those who have the right to
wear them, and chief of the house of Nihaib; II.
Ahau Ahtzic Winak, 'lord of those who give,' or of
those who made presents (especially to ambassadors,
who were introduced by him); III. Ahau Galel
Camha, 'lord of the bracelets, and seneschal;' IV.
Nimah Camha, 'grand seneschal;' V. Uchuch Cam-
ha, 'mother of the seneschals;' VI. Nima Camha
Nihaib, 'grand seneschal of Nihaib;' VII. Nim Cho-
coh Nihaib, 'grand elect of Nihaib;' VIII. Ahau
Awilix, 'lord of Awilix' (one of the gods of the
Quichd trinity); IX. Yacol Atam, 'grand master of
feasts.'

"The third house, that of Ahau Quiche, had only
four chinamital with the following titles: I. Ahlzic
Winak Ahau, 'great lord of givers;' II. Lolmet
Ahau, 'grand receiver;' III. Nim Chocoh Ahau,
'lord grand elect;' IV. Ahau Gagawitz, 'lord of
Gagawitz' (one of the gods of the Quiche trinity).""

Respecting the Chiapanecs, who are not generally
considered as the descendants of the peoples who in-
habited the country in Votan's time, we have no

'* Lists of the nobility. Brasseuv de Bourboiirg, Popol Vuh, pp. 337-47;
Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., toiii. i., pp. 4.10-.S2.

PIPILES AND NICARAGUANS.

645

knowledge of their government save a probably un-
foundod statement by Garcfa that they were ruled by
two chiefs, elected each year by the priests, and never
had a king." The Pipiles in Salvador, although tra-
ditionally among the partially civilized nations, seem
to have been governed in the sixteenth century by
local chieftains only, like most of the wild tiibes
already described. These chiefs handed down their
power, however, to their sons or nearest relatives.
Palacio tells us that to regulate marriages and the
planting of crops was among the ruler's duties. Squier
concludes that all these petty chiefs were more or less
allied politically, and acted together in matters affect-
ing the common interests."

Nicaragua, when first visited by Europeans, was
divided into many provinces, inhabited by several na-
tions linguistically distinct one from another, one of
them, at least, speaking the Aztec tongue ; but in re-
spect to their government and other institutions, the
very meagre information preserved by Oviedo enables
us to make little or no distinction between the differ-
ent tribes. In many of the provinces we are told the
people lived in communities, or little republics, gov-
erned by certain huehues, or 'old men,' who were
elected by the people. These elective rulers them-
selves elected a captain-general to direct their armies
in time of war, which official they had no hesitation
in putting to death when he exhibited any symptoms
of insubordination or acquired a power over the army
which seemed dangerous to the public good. In other
and probably in most provinces a chieftain, or teitef

J* 'Nunca tuvieron Rei, sino solo elegian los Sacerdotcs cadn Afio dos
Capitanes, que eran coino Uovernadores, h, ^uieii todos obcdcciaii, aiiiique
era maior el respeto, i veneracion, que tenian h los Sacerdotes.' Garcia,
Oriffen de los Ind., p. 329; a statement repeated in Pimvntel, Mem. sobre
la Raza Indigena, ji. 27; and Heredia ^ Sarmicnto, Sermon, p. 84. Garcia
r(>fers to Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi., where the only state-
ment on the subject is that 'son muy respetados los principales. '

" ' No doubt there were individual chiefs who possessed a power biipe-
rior to the others, exercising a great influence over them, and perhaps
iirrofjating a qualiticd authority.' Squier's Cent. Amer., pp. 331-4; Pal cio.
Carta, p. 78.

646

THE MAYA NATIONS.

ruled the people of his domain with much the same
powers and privileges as we have noticed in Yucatan
and Ouatemala. These teites had their petty vassals
and lords to execute their orders, and to acconij)any
them in public di8i)lays, but it seems they could claim
no strictly personal services in thuir palaces from any
but members of their own household. Peter Martyr
speaks of a 'throne adorned with rich and princely
furniture.' These rulers affected great state, and in-
sisted on a strict observance of court etitjuette. They
would receive no message, however pressing the occa-
sion, except through the regularly appointed officials;
and one of them, in an interview with the Spaniards,
would not condescend to open his royal mouth to the
leader until a curtain was held between him and his
foreign hearers. On several occasions they met the
Spaniards in a procession of men and women gaily
decked in all their finery, marching to the sound of
shell trumpets, and bearing in their hands presents
for the invaders. But even in the provinces nominally
ruled l)y the teites, all legislative power was in the
hands of a council called monexico, composed of old
men, who were elected every four moons. Without
the consent of the monexico the chief could take
action in no public matter whatever, not even in war.
The council could decide agai' it the teite, but he had
the right to assemble or dis&oive it, and to be present
at all its meetings. The decisions of the monexico
were made known in the market-place by a crier,
whose badge of office was a rattle. The lords also,
in sending an ambassador or messenger on any public
business, gave him a fan, bearing which credential he
was implicitly trusted wherever he might go. Two
members of the council were chosen as executive offi-
cers, and one of them must be always present in the
market-place to regulate all dealings of the buyers
and sellers. Squier says that the council-houses were
called grepons, and its corridors or porticos galpons;
Oviedo in one place terms the buildings galpones,

THE MAYA PRIESTHOOD.

and in another applies the name to a class of vassal
chiefs."

It is only of the priesthood as connected with the
government, as an order of nobility, as a class of the
community, that a mention is required here : In their
quality of priests proper, religious teachers, oracles of
the gods, leaders of ceremonious rites, confessors, and
sacrificers, they will be treated of elsewhere. Their
temporal power, directly exercised, or in'1ir3ctly
through their influence upon kings and chielr.iins,
was perhaps even greater than we have found it
among the Nahua nations. Votan, Zamnd, Cukulcan,
and all the other semi-mythical founders of ;:.lie Mayn
civilization, united in their persons the qualities of
high-priesi and king, and from iheir time to tVo com-
i' :; of the Spaniards ecclesiastical and secular au-
thority marched hand in hand. In Yucatan, the
Itzas at Chichen were ruled in the earlier times by a
theocratic government, and later the high-priest of
the empire, of the royal family of the Cheles, became
king of Izamal, which became the sacred city and the
headquarters of ecclesiastical dignitaries. The gi-
gantic mounds still seen at Izamal are traditionally
the tombs of both kings and priests. The office of
chief priest was hereditary, the succession being from
father to son — since priests and even the vestal vir-
gins were permitted to marry — but regulated appar-
ently by the opinions of kings and nobles, as well as
of ecclesiastical councils. The king constantly ap-
plied to the high-priest for counsel in matters of
state, and in turn gave rich presents to the head
of the church; the security of the temples was also
confided to the highest officers of the state. The
rank of Ixnacan Katun, or superior of the vestals,
was founded by a princess of royal blood.

In Guatemala the high-priests vho presided over

" Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iv., pp. 36-8, 52, 54, 104. 108, 11^. torn, iii.,
p. 231; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., pp. 340-0; Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. ; Peter Martyr, dec. vi., lib. iii.; Scherzer,
Wanderiingen, p. 64.

'l !

648

THE MAYA NATIONS.

i i

the temples of the Quiche trinity, Tohil, Awilix, and
Guciimatz, were all princes of the three royal fami-
lies; their titles have been given in the lists of the
Quiche nobility; and one of the most powerful kings
is said to have created two priestly titles for tiie
family of Zakik, to each of which he attached a
province for its su})port. Ximenez tells us that in
Vera Paz th.3 chief priest, next in power to the king,
was elected from a certain lineage by the people. In
the j)rovince of Chiquimula, Mictlan is described as a
great religious centre, and a shrine much visited by
pilgrims. Here the })ower was in the hands of a
sacerdotal hierarchy, hereditary in one family, whose
chief bore the title Teoti and was aided by an ecclesi-
astical council of live members, which controlled all
the priesthood, and from whose number a successor to
the Teoti was appointed by the chief of the Pipiles,
or, as some authointies state, was chosen by lot.

Thus we see that while the priesthood had great
power over even the highest secular rulers in all the
Maya nations, yet the system by which the liigli-
priests were members of the royal families, rendered
their power a support to that of royalty rather than
a cause of fear. The fear which kings experienced
towards the priests seems consequently to have been
altogether superstitious on account of their suj)er-
natural j)owers, and not a jealous fear of any jxjssible
rivalry. Ordinary priests were ap[)ointed by the
higher authorities of the church, but whether the
choice was confined to certain families, we are not in-
formed. It is altogether probable, however, that
such was the case in nations whose lowest secular
officers must be of noble blood. ^'

In the south as in the north, the status of the

'5 On the status of the prioHfliood see: Landa, Rr/iirinii, pp. 4'2, H4, .")('),
114, 1(U), 354; Conolludo, llisf. Vw:, i). 19S; Hrrrrra, Hint, (irii., i\w. iii.,

:u ;.. _ ;: J.. :.. l:i. ..::: ...... .. im. .. :: /i ..• . 7 //.■./

PLEBEIANS AND SLAVES.

649

lower classes, or plebeians, has received no attention
at the hands of the Spanish observers. We know
that in Yucatan the nobles were obliged to support
from their revenues such of the lower classes as from
sickness, old iyj;o, or other disabling cause were unable
to gain a livelihood. It has been seen also that none
of plebeian blood could hold any office, the only ex-
(teption noted being the attempt of one of the Quiche
kings to humiliate the aristocracy by raising plebeian
soldiers to the newrank of Achihab, 'men' or 'heroes.'
The lower classes of freemen were doubtless for the
most part farmers, each tilling the portion of land
allotted him in the domain of a noble; and beyond
the obligation to pay a certain tax from the product
of their labor, and to render military service in case
of necessity, they were probably independent, and
often wealtliy.^'

Lowest in the scale among the Mayas as elsewhere
in America were the slaves. Slavery was an institu-
tion of all the nations in the sixteenth century, and
had been traditionally for some centuries. In Yuca-
tan, tradition speaks of a time when slavery was un-
known; its introduction by a powerful Cocomo king
was one of the acts of oppression which brought about
a revolution and deposed him from the throne, lour-
ing the power of the Tutul Xius which followed,
slavery is said to have been abolished, but must — if
indeed the tradition be not altogether unfounded—

'6 ' L'idi'c do la siipi'-rioritV' do caste out tolloiiiciit i''\ idoiito dans lo I'opol-
Vii/i, liar oxaiiiplo, quo lo prii/t/e, o'cst-ii-diro la iiiaHso i''tiaii;^oro aiix trilius
t[iiiolioes, u'ost jamais dosijjiio que sous dos iioiiiiiios (raiiiiiiaiix; oo soiit
les fmirinis, les rats, Ion singes, les oisoaux, etc' Vitilli'l-lr-Dut'., in Vluir-
liny, liiiiiirs Aiii^r., p. 8H. 'Afostnnibravau biiscar en Ins piielilos los
iiiunoos y ciegos y que li's davan lo neeosario.' Linu/a, liilacinii, p. 40. ' Y
iti:s sofioros daium (tont'iiiadnres a los puohlos, a los <[uales oncoinrndauau
niuelio la paz, v luien Irataniiento do la gonta nionuda.' l/irrrni, His'.

lien., dec. iv., liU. x., "ai). ii. 'Achih signilie regulioreinont lioios,

jjuerrier; il semlile touSofois s'apj>Iiquor il ooux qui n'ap]iartenaient \w\\\\ ii
I'aristocratie, 'inais a uiie elassc intermediaire entre la noMesse et les serfs
ou paysans.' lirn.isriir i'c Hoitrbourrf, Popol Viih, pp. H2-.S, 324-.'); Id., Hist.
Nat. Gil'., toni. ii., i)p. .5r»-r>8. Among the I'ipiles 'los que no eran para la
guorrn, cultivaban las lierras millpas del oaziquc i papa i saoonlotes, i tic
las propias Huyas (tavau un tanto para la gonte do guerra.' J'nturio, Cnrtn,
p. 82. Hoggais mentioned iu Nieuruguu. Gomaru, Hist. Intl., fol. i:(»4.

w i

650

THE MAYA NATIONS.

have been re-introduced at a still later period." In
the annals of other Maya nations no time seems to be
noted when slaves were not held. This unfortunate
class was composed chiefly of captives in war, or of
those whose parents had been such ; the condition was
hereditary, but, in Yucatan at least, the children had
the right to redeem themselves by settling on unoccu-
pied lands and becoming tribute-payers. Foreign
slaves were also brought into the country for sale; and
Cortes speaks of Acalan, a city of Guatemala, as a
place where an extensive trade in human kind was
carried on." In Nicaragua a father miufht sell him-
self or his children into bondage, when hard pressed
by necessity; but in such cases he seems to have had
the right of redemption." In Nicaragua and Yuca-
tan the thief was enslaved by the owner of stolen
property, until such time as he paid its value; he
could even be sold to other parties, but it is added
that he could only be redeemed in Nicaragua with the
consent of the cacique. In Yucatan, if a slave died
or ran away soon after his sale the purchaser was en-
titled to receive back a portion of the price paid.^

Kidnapping, according to Las Casas, was common
in Guatemala, but the laws against the offence were
very severe. He who sold a free native into slavery

" Brasseur (h Bourhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,iom. ii., lip. .3."), -11, 70. 'Co-
corn file itriinero el que hizo esclavos pero por deste inal se Hi<riiio iisnr law
arnios con que se defendieron para que no fiiesseii todos esclavos.' Lunda,
Rclacion, i>. .W.

18 'Ell Ins ^ucrras. ipic por su nnibicion liazian vnos h, otros, se cautiiialmii,
qiicdando lieclios cscliiuos los vciicidos, que cogiaii. En esto craii rij;iiro-
smsimos, y lostratalmiiconaspcreza.' Cogolfi-cio, Ifist. Y'ui\, j))). 181-2; C'ttr-
rillo, in Soc. Mrx. Grmj., Botetin, 2d.'i 6poca, toiii. iii., p. 2(i7; Brmscur tk
Bourhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iom. ii., {). 70; Vortfs, t'nrlns, ji. 421; Lax
Casas, in Kingsborouffh's Mcx. Aiitiq., vol. viii., p. 144. In Nicara^jua Helps
tells us tliat only tlie coniinon captives were enslaved, the chiefs bciiij;
killed and eaten. Span. Coiiq., vol. iii., p. 2!V7.

•9 ' .Acaesfe que veiiden los padres & los hijos, 6 auii rada uiio se pucdc
vender li si proprio, si quiere c por loque quisiere.' Ovicdo, Hist. Gen., tinii.
iv., i»p. 51, i>4; Herrrrn, Hist, (fen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. ; Sqiiirr'n
Niraraffua, (Ed. l85Ct,) vol. ii., p. 345. Bienvenida says that in Yucatan iis
soon as the father dies the strongest of those who remain enslave the oth-
ers. In Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sdrie i., torn, x., p. 331.

*<> Herrcra, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. ; Gomara, Hist. Ind.,
fol. 204; Cogolludo, Hist. Fwc, pp. 181-2; Pinientcl, Mem. sobrc la liuzc
Indigena, p. 34; Fancourt't Hist. Yuc, p. 117.

TREATMENT OF SLAVES.

651

was clubbed to death, his own wife and children were
sold, and a large part of the price received went to
fill the public exchequer.'*^ Pimentel concludes that
slaves were more harshly treated in Yucatan than in
Mexico; Gomara and Herrera state that no punish-
ment was decreed to him v/ho killed a slave in Nica-
ragua; but in Yucatan the killer of another's slave
must pay the full value of the property destroyed,
and was also amenable to punishment if the murdered
slave was his own. In Guatemala if a freeman had
sexual intercourse with the female slave of another
he had to pay the owner her full value or purchase for
him another of equal value; but if the woman were
a favorite of the owner, the penalty, though still
pecuniaiy, was much increased. In the province of
Vera Paz, as Las Casas states, if slaves committed
fornication with women of their own condition, both
parties were slain by having their heads broken be-
tween two stones, or by a stick driven down the
throat, or by the garrote; the man, however, being
sometimes sold for sacrifice. Among the Pipiles a
freeman cohabiting with a slave was himself enslaved,
unless pardoned by the high-priest for services rendered
in war. In Yucatan, as it is expressly stated, and
elsewhere probably, the master was permitted to use
his female slaves as concubines, but the off*spring of
such connection could not inherit. Thomas Gage tells
us of a town in Guatemala whose inhabitants in the
olden time were all slaves and served the people of
Amatitlan as messengers. The only distinguishing
marks of slaves that are mentioned were the shear-
ing of the hair in Yucatan, and marks of powdered
pine charcoal, called tile, in Nicaragua.^''

*' Las Casas, in Kiiiffsborough's Mcx. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 13fi, 144;
Ilr.rrrra, Gnmara, and Pimentel, ubi sup.

;>/.t; jernnKX-vompniis , m lyouveiir.s .inntues ur.s y o;/., io-t,t, uiiii. .\rvii.,
p)). 46-7; Coffolluifo, Hist. Viic., p. 182; Gage's New Survey, p. 414; (tviedo,
Hist. Gen., toiii. i., p. 204.

652

THE MAYA NATIONS.

Respecting the tenure of landed property among
the Maya nations the little information extant applies
chiefly to Yucatan. The whole country, as we have
seen, was divided into many domains, or fiefs, of vary-
ing extent, ruled over by nobles, or lords, of different
rank. Although each lord had, under the king,
nearly absolute authority over his domain, yet he
does not seem to have been regarded as in any sense
the owner of the lands, or to have had a right to sell
or in any way alienate them, A certain portion of
these lands were set apart for the lord's support, and
were worked by his people in common; the rest of the
land seems to have been divided among the people,
the first occupant being regarded in a certain sense as
its owner, and handing it down as an inheritance from
generation to generation, but having no right to sell
it, and being also obliged to contribute a certain part
of its products to the lord of the domain. Cogolludo
and Landa speak of the land as being common prop-
erty, yet by this they probably do not mean to imply
that any man had a right to trespass on the culti-
vated fields of another, but simjjly that unoccupied
lands might be appropriated by any one for purposes
of cultivation. Game, fish, and the salt marshes
were likewise free to all, but the hunter, fisherman,
or salt-maker must pay a tribute to the lords and to
the kinL!f. In Nicaragua land could not be sold, and
if tlie owner wished to change his residence he had
to leave all his property to his relatives, since nothing
could be removed."'

*3 'Las tierras nor aora es de comun, y assi el que primero las ocupa las
possee.' Landa, Rdaeion, \t. 130. 'Las tierras eran comunes, y assi eiitre
los Pueblos no auia tcrmiiwis, o uioiones, que las dividiesscn: aumiuc si t'litn;
vua I'rovincia, y otra, jHir causa de las guerras.' Coffolliafo, Hist. Yw., \i.
180. Las Caaas, in KiiKjsburougKs Mex. Aiifiq., vol. viii., p. 1."?!), s]K'aivs
of boundary marks Iwtween the property of diHerent owners. 'Les habi-
tations «itait pour la plupart dispersoes sans former de village.' Tenntiix-
Compnns, in Nonrellrs Annalfs drs Voij., 1843, toni. xevii., p. 45. 'Limit
qinilitd de seigneurs heveditaires ne les rendait pas, pour cela, niaftres du
sol ni proprietairea des habitants.' lirnsseur de liourhourq. Hist. Nat. Civ.,
torn, ii., pp. 50-8. 'I'roperty was mnch respected (in Nicaragua); but....
no man could put np his land for sale. If he wished to leave the district,

INHERITANCE AND TAXATION.

653

At a man's death his property, in Yucatan, was
divided between his sons equally, except that a son
who had assisted his father to gain the property
might receive more than the rest. Daughters in-
herited nothing, and only received what might be
given from motives of kindness by the brothers. In
default of sons, the inheritance went to the brothers
or nearest male relatives. Minor heirs were en-
trusted to tutors who managed the estate, and from
it received a recompense for their services. Accord-
ing to Oviedo, property in Nicaragua was inherited
by the children, but if there were no children, it went
to the relatives of both father and mother. Squier
states that in the latter case all personal property
was buried with the deceased."

Taxes and tribute paid by the people for the sup-
port of the kings and nobles consisted of the products
of all the different in'^'ustries. The merchant con-
tributed from the wares in which he dealt; the farmer
from the products of the soil, chiefly maize and cacao ;
the hunter and fisherman from the game taken in for-
est and stream. Cotton garments, copal, feathers,
skins, fjwl, salt, honey, and gold-dust composed a
large part of the tribute, and slaves are also men-
tioned in the lists. Personal labor in working the
lands of the lords, and in supplying his household
with wood and water, was also an important element
of taxation in the provinces. Ofiicials were appointed
to assess and collect taxes from all subjects. In Yu-
ca^ m the tribute of tlie king and that of the local
loi i>. were kept separate and were attended to by dif-

liis property nussed to the nearest 1)lood relation, or, '.i default, to the mu-
nicipality.' lioyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 274; Sqi(ier\i Airanitjini, (Kd. 185fi,)
vol. ii., p. 345; Herrero, Hixt. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.

2* 'Los indios no adniittian la.s liijas a heredar con los hernianos sino era
por via dc piedad o voluntad.' Lamia, Relacion, pp. 13G-8. ' Mejorauan al
que nias notahlementc aula ayudado al padre, a ^;anar el liazienda.' Ikr-
rcra, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. .\., cap. iv., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Co-
ifolltido. Hint. Vuc, p. 180; Carrillo, in Soc. Mex. Geoa., Boletin, 2da ejioca,
ti)n». iii., pp. 267-8; Jirusneur tie liourbourg. Hint. Nat. Cii\, toni. ii., p.
70; Pimentel, Mem. sobrc la Raza Indigena, p. 30; Oi'iedo, Hist. Gen., toni.
iv., p. 50; Sqxaer, in Palacio, Carta, p. 119.

654

THE MAYA NATIONS.

ferent officials ; but in Guatemala it is implied that all
taxes were collected together and then distributed to
the king and several classes of nt)bles according to
their rank. In the ancient times those who lived in
Mayapan were exempt from all taxation. In Nica-
ragua, we are told that the teite received no tribute or
taxes whatever from his subjects, but in the case of a
war or other event involving extraordinary expense,
the council decided upon the amount of revenue
needed, and chose by lot one of their number to assess
and collect it. Taxation among the Mayas does not
seem to liave been oppressive, and the attempt to ex-
tort excessive tribute contributed largely to the over-
throw of the Cocome power in the twelfth century.^'
A sale of property or other contract was legalized
in Yucatan by the parties drinking before witnesses.
A strict fulfillment of all contracts was required both
by the law and by public sentiment. Heirs and rel-
atives were liable, or at least assumed the liabilit}^
for debts ; and often paid, as did the lords of the prov-
ince, the pecuniary penalty incurred by some poor
man, especially if the crime had been committed in-
voluntarily or without malice.^

« ' Hanno aboiidanza di cottone, & ne fanno manti che sono come len-
zuoli, e cainiscttc Hciiza inaniche, e qiiesto s'^ il principal tributo die ilaiiiin
iV siioi patroni.' liemoni, Hist. Mondo Nuom, fol. 99. 'El tributo era
inantas iiequefias de alyodon, gallinaa de la tierra, algmi cacao, donde so
cogia, y viia resiua, que scruia de incienso en los Tcinplos, y todo se dizc
era nuiy poco en cantidad.' Cogolltulo, Hist. Ytic, p. 179. 'Allende de la
casa hazian todo el ]mebb> a los sefiores sus senienteras, y se las licnefieia-
van y cogian eu cantidad que le bastava a el y a su casa.' Landa, liela-

cioii, pp. 110-12, 13()-2. 'Sus mayordomos que rccibiau los tributes,

y los dauan a los sefiores.' Hrrrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.
Some authors speak of a tribute of virgins and of a coin called ciizcns.
Carhajal JCs/nnosa, Hi.it. Mex., toin. i., p. 262. 'Jamais TimpAt n'etait
reparti par tCtc, niais par ville, village ou hanieau.' Br(i,<iseiir de Hour-
hourg. Hist. Nnf. Cii\, torn, ii., pp. 57-8, .33, 553. In Guatemala, 'eii lo
tocantc A las rciitas del rev y Senores, habia este orden, que todo venia a
xin monton, y de alll le damm al rey su parte, despues daban d los Sefiores,
segun cada uuo era, y despues daban li los oficialcs, y & quienes el rey liiiria
mercedes.' Xiincnez, Hi.it. hid. Guat., pp. 201-2.' 'lis possedaient Ics
esclaves milles ou femelles (jue ces sujets leur payaient en tribut.' Ter-
naux-Cotiwaiis, Vo;/., serie i., tom. x., jm. 4Hi-\7; Id., in Nouvelles An-
nates des Vol/., 184.1, tom. xcvii., p. 45; Torqticmada, Monarq. Lid., torn.
ii., pp. 345, 386; Oviedc, Hi.it. Gen., tom. iv., p. 104; Squier's Nicaragi:(>,
(Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 341; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 195.

^ Cogolhido, HtsL ^«<c. , pp. ISO-l ; TernauX'Compaiis, in Xouvcllrs

ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE,

655

The administration of justice and the execution of
the laws were among the Mayas entrusted to the
officials that have been mentioned in what has been
said respecting government. Serious crimes or other
important matters affecting the interests of the king,
of the state, or of the higher ranks of nobility, were
referred directly to the royal council presided over by
the monarch. The king's lieutenants, or lords of
royal blood who ruled over provinces, took cognizance
of the more important cases of provincial interest;
while petty local questions were decided by subordi-
nate judges, one of whom was appointed in each
village or hamlet. But even in the case of the local
judges the advice of a council was sought on every
occasion, and persons were appointed to assist both
judges and parties to the suit in the character of ad-
vocates. Although these judges had the right to
consult with the lord of their province, and the latter,
probably, with the royal council, yet after a decision
was rendered, there was apparently no right of appeal
in any case whatever; but we are told that in Yuca-
tan at least a royal commissioner traveled through
the provinces and reported regularly on the manner
in which the judges performed their duties, and on
other matters of public import. Both judges and
advocates might receive presents from all the parties
to a suit, according to Cogolludo, and no one thought
of applying for justice without Ijringing some gift
proportioned to his means. In Guatemala, as Las
Casas states, the judge received half the property of
the convicted party ; this is probably only to be un-
derstood as applying to serious crimes, which involved
a confiscation of all property.

In Vera Paz the tax-collectors served also as con-
stables, being empowered to arrest accused parties
and witnesses, and to bring them before the judges.

.ii

Annnlr.i dcs Voy., 184.3, torn, xcvii., p. 46; Brassfur de Bourhourg, Hist.
Xat. Civ., torn, ii., pp. 70-1; CarriUo, in Sue. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da
t'lmca, toiii. iii., p. 268.

656

THE MAYA NATIONS.

Very little is known of the order of procedure in the
Maya courts, but great pains was apparently taken to
ascertain all the facts bearing on the case, and to ren-
der exact justice to all concerned. Court proceed-
ings, testimony, arguments, and decisions are said to
have been altogether verbal, there being no evidence
that written records were kept as they were by the
Nahuas, although the Maya system of hieroglypliic
writing cannot be supposed to have been in any re-
spect inferior to that of the northern nations. Noth-
ing in the nature of an oath was exacted from a
witness, but to guard against false testimony in Yu-
catan a terrible curse was launched against the per-
jurer, and a superstitious fear of consequences was
supposed to render falsehood impossible. In Guate-
mala so much was the perjurer despised that a fine
and a reprimand from the judge were deemed suffi-
cient punishment. Torture, if we may credit Las
Casas, by tying the hands, beating with clubs, and
the inhalation of smoke, was resorted to in Vera Paz
to extort confession from a person suspected of adul-
tery or other serious crimes. Great weight seems
to have been attached to material evidence; for in-
stance, it was deemed important to take the thief
while in actual possession of the stolen property; and
a woman to convict a man of rape must seize and
produce in court some portion of his wearing-apparel.
The announcement of the judge's decision Wjas, as I
have said, delivered verbally, and sometimes, when
the parties to the suit were numerous, Cogolludo in-
forms us that all were invited to a banquet, during
which the verdict was made known. As there was
no appeal to a higher tribunal, so there seems to have
been no pardoning power, and the judge's final deci-
sion was always strictly enforced. Except a mention
by Herrera that the Nicaraguan ministers of justice
bore fans and rods, I find no account of any distin-
guishing insignia in the Maya tribunals.

Punishments inflicted on Maya criminals took the

MAYA PUNISHMENTS.

667

form of death, slavery, and pecuniary fines; impris-
onment was of rare occurren<'e, and apparently never
inflicted as a punishment, but only for the retention of
prisoners until their final punishment was lejy^ally de-
termined. Cowolludo states that culprits were never
beaten, hut Villaii^utierre aflirms that, at least amonjif
the Itzas, they were both beaten and put in shackles;
and the same author speaks of imprisonment for non-
payment of taxes at Coban. Tlie death penalty was
inflicted by hanging, by beating with the garrote, or
club, and by throwing the condemned over a preci-
j)ice. Ximenez mentions burning in Guatemala;
Oviedo speaks of impalements in Yucatan ; those con-
demned to death in Nicaragua seem to have been sac-
rificed to the gods by having their hearts cut out; and
throwing the body from a wall or precipice is the only
method attributed to the Pi[)ile8.

At a town in Yucatan called Cachi, Oviedo men-
tions a sharp mast standing in the centre of a square
and used by the people for impaling criminals alive.
The method of imprisonment, as described by Cogol-
ludo, consisted in binding the hands behind the back,
placing about the neck a collar of wood and cords, and
confining the culprit thus shackled in a wooden cage.
At Campeche a place of punishment is mentioned by
Peter Martyr and Torquemada as having been seen
by the early voyagers. Three beams or posts were
fixed in the ground, to them were attached three
cross-beams, and scattered about were blood-stained
ari'ows and spears. This apparatus would indicate, if
it was really a place of punishment, a method of in-
flicting the death-penalty not elsewhere mentioned;
and a stone structure adjoining, covered with sculp-
tured emblems of punishment is suggestive ceremo-
nial rites in connection with executions. The death
sentence generally involved the confiscation of the
diminal's property and the enslaving of his family.
All but the most heinous offences could be expiated
by the payment of a fine consisting of slaves or other

Vol. 11—42

958

THE MAYA NATIONS,

property, and the whole or a large part of this fine
went to the judges, the lords, or the king.

Murder was punished in all the nations hy death,
but '11 Yucatan and Nicaragua if there wore exten-
uating circumstances, such as great provocation or ab-
sence of malice, tlie crime was atoned by the j)ayment
of a fine. In Yucatan a minor who took human life
became a slave ; the killing <>f another's slave called
for payment of the value destroyed; the killing of
one's own slave involved a slight penalty or none at
all. In Nicaragua no penalty was decided upon for
the murder of a chief, such a crime being deemed im-
possible.

Theft was atoned by a return of the stolen property
and the payment of a fine to the public treasury. In
case the criminal could not pay the full value he was
sold as a slave until such time as he might be able to
redeem his freedom. In some cases the amount seems
to have been paid with the price he brought as a
slave, and in others he served the injured party.
Fin« s, however, in most cases seem to have been j)iii(l
by the relatives and friends of the guilty party, so
that the number of persons actually enslaved was
perhaps not very large. In Guatemala stolen articles
of trifling value went with the fine to the publii-
treasury, since the owner would not receive them.
The incorriijible thief, when his friends refused to ])av
his fine, was st)metimes put to death ; and death was
also the penalty for stealing articles of value from the
temple. In Nicaragua the thief who delayed too long
the payment of his fine was sacrificed to the gods;
and in Salvador, banishment was the punishment for
trifling theft, death for stealing larger amounts.
Landa informs us that in Yucatan a noble who so far
forgot his position as to steal had his face scarified, n
great disgrace.

Adultery was punished in Yucatan and Guatemala
with death; in the latter if the parties were of tlu'
common people they were thrown from a precipiif.

CRIMINAL LODE.

Fornication was atoned by a fine, or if the afironted
relatives insiHted, by death. A woman who was un-
chaste was at first reprimanded, and finally, if she
persevered in her loose conduct, enslaved. Rape in
Guatemala was punished by death; an unsuccessful
attempt at the same, by slavery. Marria<^e with a
slave, as already stated, reduced the freeman to a
slave's condition; sexual connection with one's own
slave was not regarded as a crime. He who commit-
ted incest in Yucatan was put to death.

Treason, rebellion, inciting to rebellion, desertion,
interference with the payment of royal tribute, and
similar offences endangering the well-being of the na-
tions, were sufficient cause for death.

In Guatemala he who kidna[)})ed a free person and
sold him into slavery, lost his life. For an assault
resulting in wounds a fine was imposed. He who
killed the quetzal, a bird reserved for the kings, was
put to death; and the same fate was that of him who
took game or fish from another's premises, if the in-
jured party was an enemy and insisted on so severe a
j)enalty.

The Pipiles condemned a man to be beaten for ly-
ing; but the same offence in time of war demanded
capital punishment, as did any disrespect shown for
the sacred things of religion.

Ximenez states that in Guatemala the halam, or
sorcerer, was burned; the same offence in Vera Paz,
according to Torquemada, caused the guilty party to
be beaten to death or hanged.

A strict payment of all just debts was enforced,
and in Guatemala he who bought many things on
credit and failed to pay for them was finally enslaved
or even killed. Both here and in Nicaragua the bor-
rower was obliged to return or pay for borrowed arti-
cles, and, if the articles were products of the soil,
the lender might repay himself from the borrower's
Held. He who injured another's property, even serv-
ants in the lord's palace who broke dishes or fur-

660

THE MAYA NATIONS.

niture, must make good all damage. In Yucatan,
we are told that a man could not be taken for debt
unaccompanied by crime. Some additional laws and
regulations of the Maya nations will appear in their
appropriate places in other chapters."

IT On the Maya laws see: Landa, Relacion, pp. 132-4, 176-8; Ximetitz,
Hist. Ind. Guat, pp. 106-200, 208; Ton/netttada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., pp.
338-46, 386-02; Las Caaat, in KinynborougK's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp.
135-46; Coffolludo, Hist. Kuc.^p. 170-83; Palacio, Carta, pp. 80-2; Ovi-
edo. Hilt. Gen., torn, iii., pp. 229-30, torn, iv., pp. 60-1; Peter Martyr, dec.
iv., lib, ii. ; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 162; Herrera, Hist, Gen.,
dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. ; Juarros, Hist. Guat.,
pp. 101-2; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263-4; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., torn, ii., pp. 59-61, 672-4; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol.
ii., p. 345; /(/., Cent. Amer., p. 334; Ternaux-ComnaHS, Voy., a&ne i.,
torn. X., pp. 417-18; Id., in Nouvelks Annates ties Voy., 1843, torn,
xcvii., pp. 46-7; Helps Span. Conq., vol. iii., pp. 266-7; Fancourfs Hist.
Yuc,, pp. 116-17; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Baza Indigena, pp. 29-34.

CHAPTER XXI.

EDUCATION AND FAMILY MATTERS AMONG THE MAYAS.

Education of Youth— Public Schools of Guatemala — Branches
OF Stldy in Yucatan— Marrying Aoe — Degrees of Consan-
guinity allowed in Marriage — Preliminaries of Marriage
—Marriage Ceremonies- The Custom of the Droit du Seiqn-
EUR IN Nicaragua— Widows — Monogamy — Concubinage — Di-
vorce— Laws Concerning Adultery — Fornication- Rape-
Prostitution — Unnatural Crimes — Desire fob Children —
Child-birth Ceremonies — Rite of Circumcision — Manner of
Naming Children— Baptismal Ceremonies.

The Maya nations appear to have been quite as
strict and careful in the education of youth as the
Nahuas. Parents took great pains to instruct their
children to respect old age, to reverence the gods, and
to honor their father and mother.^ They were, be-

> 'They were taught, says Los Casas, 'que honrasen d los padres y lex
fuet<cn obedientea; que no tuviesen codicia de inuclios biones; que no adul-
terascn con muger agena; (}ue no fornicasen, ni llcgasen d muger, sine & la
que fuese suya; que no mirasen 6. las mugcres para codiciarlas, diciendo
que no traspasas^n r'nbral aseno; que si anduviesen de noche por el
]>ueblo, que Ilevasen lunibre en la nitvno; que siguiesen su camino derecho,
({ue no hajasen dc camino, ni subiescn tampoco del; que & los ciegos no les
ousicsen ofendiculo para que cayesen; d los lisiados no escarneciesen y de
los locos no se riesen, porque todo aquello era nialo; que trabajen y no
cstubiesen ociosos; y para esto desdc niftos les ensenavan como liavian de
Imeer las sementeras y como beneficiallas y cogellas.' Kiiigsboroitgh's Mex.
Antiq., vol. viii., p. 132. Brasseur de Bourbourg remarks that the re-
spectnil term of you instead of thou, is frequently used by children when
addressing their parents, in the Popol Vuh. Popol Vuh, p. 96. The old
people 'cran tan estiniados en esto que los mo^os no tratavan con viejos,
aiuo era en cosas inevitables, y los mofos por casar; con los casados sino
inuy poco.' Landa, Belacion, p. 178.

(661)

602

THE MAYA NATIONS.

sides, encouraged while mere infants to amuse them-
selves with warlike games, and to practice with the
bow and arrow. As they grew older, the children of
the poor people were taught to labor and assist their
parents. The boys were in their childhood educated
by the father, who usually taught them his own
trade or calling; the girls were under the especial
care of tlie mother, who, it is said, watched very
closely over the conduct of her daughters, scarcely
ever permitting them to be out of her sight. Chil-
dren of both sexes remained under the immediate
control of their parents until they were of an age to
be married, and any disobedience or contumacy was
severely punished, sometimes even with death. The
boys in Guatemala slept under the portico of the
house, as it was thought improper that they sliould
observe the conduct and hear the conversation of
married people." In Yucatan, also, the young people
were kept separate from their elders. In each vil-
lage was an immense white-washed shed, under the
shelter of which the youths of the place amused
themselves during the day, and slept at night.'

The various little events in a child's life whidi
among all peoples, savage or civilized, are regarded as
of so great importance by anxious mothers, sut^li as
its being weaned, its first step, or its first word, were
celebrated with feasts and rejoicing; the anniversaries
of its birthday were also occasions of much merry-
making. The first article that a child made with its
own hands was dedicated to the gods.* In Yu(%'itaii
children went naked until they were four or five yenrs
old, when the boys were given a breech-clout to wear

* * Dormian en los p<irtalcs no boIo riiando liuciun su ayuno, mas aim
casi todo el afio, ])or<iiic no Ics cru pcrniitido tratur ni saber <lc Ion iio^ocioH
dc los castido.s, ni aim sabian cuando habian dc casarsc, liosta el tieiiipo iiuf
Ics prcscntaban las niiijD^res, porquc cran niiiy siijctus y obediciitos ti siih
padre? Cuando aquestus niancclios iban & sus casas d ver li siis ])tulroM

tenian su cuentu dc que no hablasen los padres cosa que fucse menus

honesta.' Ximenez, Hist. hid. Guat., p. 181.

' Landa, Rnlacion, p. 178.

* La« Casas, Hist. Apologttica, MS., cap. clxxix.; Brasaeur dc Hour-
hourg. Hist, Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 509.

EDUCATION OF CHILDREN.

and a piece of cloth to sleep under; girls began at
the same age to wear a petticoat reaching from the
waist downward." In Guatemala children were left
naked till they were eight or ten years of age, at
which time tliey were required to do light liibor.*
As soon as a child reached the ajje of seven years, it
was taken by its father to the priest, who foretold its
future destiny and instructed it how to draw blood
from its body, and perform other religious observ-
ances.'

The Mayas entrusted the more advanced education
of youth entirely to the priesthood. Jn Guatemala
the youths assisted the priests in their duties, and re-
ceived, in turn, an education suited to their position in
life. There were schools in every principal town, at
which youths were instructed in all necessary branches
by competent teachers. The principal of there was a
seminary in which were maintained seventy masters,
and from five to six thousand children were educated
and provided for at the expense of the royal treasury.*
Girls were placed in convents, under the superintend-
ence of matrons who were most strict in their guard-
ianship. It is said that they entered when eight
years old, and were not free until about to be nuir-
ried."

In Yucatan, social distinctions seem to have been
more sharply defined than in Guatemala. Here, the
schools of learning were only open to the children of
the nobility ; a poor man was content to teach his son
his own trade or profession. The children of the priv-
ileged classes were, however, very highly educated.
The boys were initiated, we are told, into the myste-
ries and strange rites of their religion ; they studied

* Landa, Relncion, p. 180.

^ Ikrrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., Hb. x., cap. xiv. ; Juatros, Hist. Guat.,
p. 195.

' Brasstur de Bourhonrg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 569.

* Juarros, Hist. Guut., ji. 87; lirasseur de Jioitrhounj, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
torn, ii., p. 569.

* Ximrnez, Hist. fnd. GtMf., p. 191; Junrros, Hist. Guat., p. 196; liras-
mnr de liourbourg. Hist. Nat. Civ., Utm. ii., p. 569.

I I

G64

THE MAYA NATIONS.

law, morals, music, the art of war, astronomy, astrol-
ogy, divination, prophecy, medicine, poetry, history,
picture-writing, and eveiy other branch of knowledge
known to their people. The daughters of the nobles
were kept in strict seclusion, and were carefully in-
structed in all the accomplishments required of a
Maya lady.'"

In Yucatan, the young men usually married at the
age of twenty years." In Guatemala, Las Casas tells
us that the men never married until they were thirty,
notwithstanding he has previously made the extraor-
dinary assertion that the great prevalence of unnatural
lusts made parents anxious to get their children wed-
ded as early as possible." Girls among the higher
classes must have been married at a very early ago in
Guatemala, since it is related that when a young no-
ble espoused a maiden not yet arrived at the age of
puberty, her father gave him a female slave, to lie
with him until the wife reached maturity. The chil-
dren of this slave could not inherit his property, how-

ever

The Guatemalans recognized no relationship on the
mother's side only, and did not hesitate to marry
their ow^n sister, provided she was by another father."

'• Landa, Relacion, pp. 42-4; Carrillo, in Son. Mex. Gcotj., Boletin,
'2da «5i»oca, torn, iii., p. 269; Morelet, Voyage, toiii. i., p. 101; lirasseur
de Bourbowg, Hint. Nat. Viv., toin. ii., pp. 61-2.

" Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., toni. i., p. 20.3; Brasscur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., toiii. ii., p. 52; Herrern, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., caj). iv.,
miVH thtit in later times they married at twelve or fourteen.
' •* Las Casas, in Kiiigsborough's Mex. Antia., vol. viii., p. 135.

^"^ Ximenez, Hist. Iiid. Guat., p. 208. This is the 8am« ptis.<uiKC that
Brassetir de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, it., p. 572, cites as lioman,
Rep. Ind., lib. ii. , cap. x.

'♦ 'Lo8 Indies de la Vera- Paz niuchas veces, segun el Parentesco, quo
vsaban, era fiierfa que casasen Hernianos con Hermnnas, y era la riiv""
csta: Acostumbraban no casar los de vn Tribu, 6 Pueblo, con his Mu<;(M'("^
del mismo Pueblo, y las buscaban, one fucsen de otro; porque no contnlHiii
por de Bu Familia, y Parentesco los Hijos que nacian en cl Tribu 6 Liiiti>;>'
agcno, aunque la Muger huvicse prncedido do su mismo Linaue; y era la
ra^on, porque aquel Parentesco sc atribula h solo los Hnnibres. Por manora,
que si algun Senor dalm su Ilija h otro de otro Pueblo, aunque no tuvicsc
otro hcredero este Sefior, sino solos los Niotos, Hijos de su ITija, no los re-
conocia por Nietos, ni Parientes, en ra9on de hacerlos herederos, porser Hi-
jos del otro Seiior de otroa Pueblos y osi se le buscaba al tal SeAor, Mu>;tr

DEGREES OF KINDRED.

665

Thus, if a noble lady married aii inferior in rank or
even a slave, the children belonged to the order of the
father, and not of the mother." Torquemada adds
that they sometimes married their sisters-in-law and
step-mothers,'*

Among- the Pipiles, of Salvador, an ancestral tree,
with seven main branches, denoting degrees of kin-
dred, was painted upon cloth, and within these seven
branches, or degrees, none were allowed to marry,
except as a recompense for some great public or war-
like service rendered. Within four degrees of con-
sanguinity none, under any pretext, might marry."
In Yucatan there was a peculiar prejudice against a
man marrying a woman who bore the same name as
his own, and so far was this fancy carried that he
who did this was looked upon as a renegade and an
outcast. Here, also, a man could not marry the sis-
ter of his deceased wife, his step-mother, or his
mother's sister, but with all other relatives on the
maternal side, no matter how close, marriage was
perfectly legitimate. A Yucatec noble who wedded
a woman of inferior degree, descended to her social
level, and was dispossessed of a part of his property.

one fuese de otro Pueblo, y no de el proprio. Y asi succdia, que los Hijos
ue c.stiu) Mugcres, no tcnian \wr Parientes i\ los Dcudoa de su Madre, ynn
estiir en otro Pueblo, y esto se enticnde, en quanto h casarse con ellas, quo
lo tenian por licito, aunque en lo deniiiH xe reconocian. Y porquc la cucnta de
su Parentesco era entre solos los Honibres, y no por parte de las Mugcres.
Y por esto no tenian Inipedinicnto, para casarse, con los tales Parientes; y
asi sc casabau con todos los grados de Consanguinidad, porquc mas por
Hernuina tcnian qualquiera Muger de su Linage, aunque fuese reniotislnia,
y no tuviese nienioria del grado, en que le tocaba, que la Hija de su projiia
Madre, conio fuese havida de otro Marido, y por este error sc casaban, con
Ills Hcrnuinaa de Madre, yuo de Padre.' Torquemada, Monarq. Iiul., toni.
ii., p. 419.

'* Brajiseur de Botirhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 572.

"> Mnnnrq. Ltd., toni. ii., p. 419.

1^ ' En lo que tocava al parentesco, tcnian un arbol pintado, i en el sicte
ramos que signifaoava siete grados de parentesco. Kn cstos grados no se
|iiiclia casar nadie, i esto se cntendia por linea recta si no fuese quealguno
liuvjese feclio algun gran fecho en arnias, i haviu de scr del tercero ^radu
fiK'ra; i por linea traversa tenia otro arbol con qiuitro ramos que sigiiifica-

));in el quarto grado, en est«>s no se podia casar nadic Ijualquiera (|ne

tenia quenta carnal con parienta en los grados susodichos niorian |)or ello
umbos.' Pnlaeio, Carta, p. 80; Iferrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap.
X.; Squicr's Cent. Amer,, p. 334.

666

THE MAYA NATIONS.

and deprived of his rank.^* In Nicaragua no one
might marry within the first degree of relationshij),
but beyond that there was no restriction."

The question of dowry was settled in Guatemala by
the relatives of the young couple.* The Yueateo
son-in-law served his father-in-law for four or five
years, and the omission of such service was considered
s;;andalous;''* while in Nicaragua the dower was usu-
ally paid in fruit or land.*"

Each of the Maya nations seems to have had a
method of arranging marriages peculiar to itself In
Guatemala the whole affair was managed by the near-
est relatives of the betrothed pair, who were kept in
profound ignorance of the coming event, and did not
even know each other until the day of the wedding.
It seems incredible that the young men should have
quietly submitted to having their wives picked out for
them without being allowed any voice or choice in
the matter. Yet we are told that so great was their
obedience and submission to their parents, that there
never was any scandal in these things. If this be
the case, what a strange phenomenon Guatemalan
society must have been, with no love affairs, no woo-
ing })ermitted, and Cupid a banished boy. But, for
all that, many a Guatemalan youth may have looked
coldly upon his bride as he thought of another and,
to him, fairer face, and many a loyal young wife
may have been sometimes troubled with the vision of
a comely fortn that she had admired before she saw
her lord.

When 1 man of rank wished to marry his son, he
sent a number of his friends with presents to the;

'!* Ifenrrn, ITist. Geii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Landa, Rdncion, pp.
1.34-fi, 140j lirnsscurde Bouvhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., toiii. ii., p. 61.

'" Torqwmada, Monarq. Ind., ton». ii., p. 419; Hquier's Nicaragua, (Eil.
la'X),) vol. ii., p. 343.

»• Brasaetir dc Bourhouvg, Hint. Nat. Civ., toni. ii., p. 570.

" Brasseur de Bourhoiirg, Hint. Nat. Civ., toin. ii., p. 53. ' Lo« dotrs
criin de vcHtidos, y cohoh de iwca siistaiiciti, lo niiis itc gusUiua en loa coiiilii-
tes.' Herrera, Hint. Gen., doc. iv., lib. x., cnp. iv.

** Oricdo, Hist. Cfii., toiii. iv., p. 50; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 185fi,)
vol. ii., p. 343.

PRELIMINARIES OF MARRIAGE.

667

parents of the yoiin*^ girl upor» whom his choice had
tullen. If the presents were refused it was a sign
that the offer of alliance was declined, and no farther
steps were taken in the matter; but if they were ac-
cepted it showed that the match was thought a desir-
able one. In the latter case, a few days having
elapsed, another embassy, bearing more costly gifts
than before, was dispatched to the parents of the girl,
who wore again asked to give their consent to the
marriage. Finally, a third deputation was sent, and
this generally succeeded in satisfactorily arranging
the affair. The two families then commenced to treat
each other as relations, and to visit each other for the
purposes of determining the day of the wedding and
making preparations for the event. Among the lower
classes the father usually demanded the bride of her
parents in person. It was customary among the
Pi[)iles of Salvador for the father of the boy, after
having obtained the consent of the girl's parents to
the match, to take her to his house when she was
twelve years of age, and his son fourteen, and there
educate and maintain her as if she were his own child.
In return he was entitled to her services and those
of his son, until they were able to sustain themselves,
and of a suitable age to marry. The parents of the
couple then jointly made them a present of a house
and gave them the means to start in life. Thereafter,
if the young man met his father-in-law in the street,
he crossed to the other side of the way, and the girl
paid the same courtesy to her mother-in-law."*

In the greater part of Nicaragua matches were
arranged by the parents, but there wore certain inde-
pendent towns in which the girls chose their husbands
tVom among the young men, while the latter were sit-
ting at a feast.*'

" Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 204-0; Brasseuv de Bourbourg, Hiat.
.Vat. Civ., toin. ii., pp. 569-71.

" Palacio, Carta, p. 78; Squier'a Cent. Atner., p. 321.

" Gomara, Hist. lad., fol. 203; Itcrrera, Hint. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv.,
<'up. vii.; Spiier^s Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343.

668

THE i-IAYA NATIONS.

rv I'' vs!

Mip:{M^lK

I have already alluded to the fact that if in Gua-
temala or Yucatan a young man married into a rank
lower than his own he lost caste in consequence, hence
his parents were the more careful to select for him a
bride from among the maidens of his own standing in
society. Among the Mayas of Yucatan when the
day appointed for a marriage ceremony arrived, the
invited friends assembled at the house of the bride's
father, where the betrothed couple with their parents
and the officiating priest were already waiting. For
the joyful occasion a great feast was prepared, as it
was customary to incur a large expense in food and
wine for the entertainment of invited guests. When
all were present, the priest called the bride and
bridegroom with their parents before Imn and deliv-
ered to them an address concerning the duties of the
wedded state. He then offered incense and certain
prayers to the gods, concluding the ceremony by ask-
ing a blessing from heaven for the newly wedded
couple.^ No ceremonies took place when a widow or
widower was married; in such case a simple repast or
the giving of food and drink one to another yvus
deemed sufficient to solemnize the nuptials."

It was customary in Guatemala, when all prelimi-
naries of a marriage had been settled and the day
fixed for the wedding, for the bridegroom's father to
send a deputation of old women and principal men
to conduct the bride to his house. One of those sent
for this purpose carried her upon his shoulders, and
when they arrived at a certain designated point near
the bridegroom's home, she was met by other men
also chosen by her father-in-law, who offered incense
four or five times before her and sacrificed some quail
or other birds to the gods, at the same time givini;'
thanks for her safe arrival. As soon as she came to

<* * Haziase vna platica de como ac auia tratadu, y niirado aquel casanii-
cnto, y (jiic qiiadraiia: Iiecha la platica el Sacerdote sahuiiiaua la casa; y
con oraciones bendezia a los nouios, y quedauan easados.' Heirera, Hist.
Gin., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.

" lb.; Limda, Jiclacioii, p. 142.

MARRIAGE CEREMONIES.

969

the house she was seated with much ceremony upon
a couch covered with mats or rich carpets; immedi-
ately a number of singers began a song suited to the
occasion; musicians played on their instruments;
dancers came forth and danced before her.*® The
consent of the cacique had to be obtained to all mar-
riages that were celebrated in his territory ; before the
ceremony the priest desired the young man and his
bride to confess to him all the sins of their past life.
No person was allowed to marry in Yucatan until the
rite of baptism had been administered.*® In Gua-
temala, if the betrothed belonged to the higher
classes of society, the cacique joined their hands
and then tied the end of the man's mantle to a
corner of the woman's dress, at the same time advis-
ing them to be faithful and loving toward each other.
The ceremony ended, all partook of the wedding feast
and the bride and bridegroom were carried to the
house intended for them, upon the shoulders of some
of those who had assisted at the marriage ; they were
then conducted to the bridal chamber and, as Xime-
nez tells us, received instructions from two of the
most honored old women respecting certain marital
duties.*

The marriage ceremonies of the Pipiles were sim-
ple and unique; matches were made by the cacique
and carried into effect under his direction. At the
appointed time the kinsfolk of the bride proceeded to
the house of the bridegroom, whence he was borne to
the river and washed. The relatives of the bride
performed the same act of cleansing upon the person
of the bride. The two parties with their respective

^ 'Llcgoda d casa, luego la ponian y usentaban en un tdlamo bien ade-
rczado, y comcnzaban graiides bailes y cantares y otros rcgocijoR niuchoa,
con que la fiesta era niuy solemne.' Xinuinez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 206;
Brasscur de Bourboufff, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., pp. 570-1.

** 'Sin (51 ninguno se casaba.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, i., p. 183;
Cogolludo, Hist. Ync, p. 191; Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 196.

^1* ' A la noclie, dos inugcrcs honradaa y viejas nietianlos en una pieza, y
•niscniibanloa conio liabian de haberse en el niatrinionio.' Ximenez, Hist,
Ind. Guat., p. 206.

670

THE MAYA NATIONS.

charges then repaired to the house of the bride. The
couple were now tied together by the ends of the
blankets, in which they were enfolded naked and laid
away — married." After the ceremony an inter-
change of presents took place between the relatives
of the newly married couple and they all feasted to-
gether.

Among the civilized nations of Nicaragua, when a
match was arranged to the satisfaction of the parents,
some fowls were killed, cacao was prepared, and the
neighbors were invited to be present. The father,
mother, or whoever ^ve away the bride, was asked in
presence of the assembled guests whether or not she
came as a virgin ; if the answer was in the affirmative,
and the husband afterwards found that she had been
already seduced, he had the right to return her to her
parents and she was looked upon as a bad woman; but
if the parents answered that she was not a virgin,
and the man agreed to take her for a wife, the marriage
was valid.*"

When they were to be united the cacique took the
parties with his right hand by the little fingers of
their left hands and led them into the house set apart
for marriages, leaving them, after some words of ad-
vice, in a small room, where there was a fire of candle-
wood. While the fire lasted they were expected to
remain perfectly still, and not until it was burned out
did they proceed to consummate the marriage. The
following day if the husband made no objection in
respect to the girl's virginity, the relations and friends
assembled and expressed their gratification with loud
cries of joy, and passed the day in feasting and
pleasure.^

31 Palacio says they were each wrapped in a new white mantle. 'Ain-
1h)8 1o.-« enbolvian cada qual en su nianta blanca nueva.' Carta, p. 78. Sec
also Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.; Squicr's Cent. Amrr.,
p. H^3.

3* 'Si la tonio por virgen, y la lialla corronipida, desccha la, niaa n<)(le
otra nianera.' Goinara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263; Ocieilo, Hist. Gen., tuni. iv.,
p. 49.

^ *Lo8 uovios se estdn quedus, niirando c6nio aquellapoca tea sc quciiui:

DROIT DE SEIGNEUR.

671

Notwithstanding the disgrace attached to a woman
who had lost her virginity before marriage and con-
cealed the fact, we are assured by Andagoya that in
Nicaragua a custom similar to the European 'droit du
seigneur' was practiced by a priest living in the tem-
ple, who slept with the bride during the night pre-
ceding her marriage.^

A widow was looked upon as the property of the
family of her deceased husband, to whose brother she
was invariably married, even though he might have a
wife of his own at the time. If she had no brother-
in-law, then she was united to the nearest living rela-
tive on her husband's side.** In Yucatan, the widow
could not marry again until after a year from her hus-
band's death.^

Monogamy seems to have been the rule among the
Maya nations, and many authors assert positively that
polygamy did not exist. It was only in the border
state of Chiapas that the custom is mentioned by
Remesal. To compensate for this, concubinage was
largely indulged in by the wealthy. The punishment
for bigamy was severe, and consisted, in Nicaragua,

i ucabada, qucdan casados 6 ponen en efetto lo domiis.' Omedo, ITist. Gen.,
toil), iv., p. 50. *Kii iMurieiidose la luiiibrc, (|iie(lan ciixuilos.' Gomarn,
Hist. Iml., fol. 263; Squier's Nicuragun, (Ed. 1850,) vol. ii., p. 343; Boyle's
Ride, vol. i., p. 273.

34 'La iiochc diites habia dc dortnir con la novia uno que tcnian jior
papa.' Andagoija, in Navarretc, Col. de Viages, toni. iii., p. 414; Ifcrtrm,
Hint. Gen., dec. iii., lib. v., cap. xii. Uviedo jierliaps alludcM to tixia cuit-
toni when he says: 'Muclios hay que quicren mas las corronipidas que no
las vircenes.' Itist. Gen., toni. iv., p. 50; Malte-Brun, Precis de la Geog.,
toni. VI., p. 472.

3i ' Coniunmentc cstas gcntcs conipraban la nuigcr, y aquellos denes quo
llevaban, era el precio, y a.si la niugcr jamas volvia & casa de sus padrc8
aunque enviudasc; pon^ue lue;;o cl horniano del nuicrto la toniaba por niu-
ger aunque (Ifuese casailo, y si el hermano no era para ello, un paricnte
tenia dcrccho &. ella. Los hijos dc lad talcH nui<;cre» no tcnian por dcudos
il los tales abuelos, ni li los dcnias deudos dc las niadrcs, ]M>rque la cucnta
de su pai'cntcsco vcnia por linea de varoncs, y asi no tcnian iinpcdinicntos
])ara uasarse con los i>arientes dc sus niadrcs, csto sc cnticndc para contraer
niatrinionio; que en lo denias aniilltansc y querianse unos tl otros.' Xime-
nez,Hist. Ina. Gunt., p. 207; Las Casaa, in Kitigshorough's Mex, Antiq.,
vol. viii., p. 146; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 388; Brasscur de
Bourhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 671-2.

'6 'No «e casavan despucsde viudos un afio, por no conocer honibrc a
mugcr en aqucl ticnipo, y a lo^ que esto no guardavnn, tcnian jior poco
tcmplados y que les vcudriu por esso alguu luaL' Landa, Relacion, p. 156.

672

THE MAVA NATIONS.

of baniHhment and confiscation of the entire property
for the benefit of the injured wife or husband, who was
at liberty to marry again, a privilef^e which was not,
however, accorded to women who had children. Landa
tells us that the Chichen Itza kings lived in a state of
strict celibacy, and Diaz relates that a tower was
pointed out to him on the coast of Yucatan, which
was occupied by women who had dedicated themselves
to a single life."

With their loveless marriages it was fortunate that
divorce could be obtained on very slight grounds. I n
Yucatan, says Landa, the father would, after a final
separation, procure one wife alter another to suit the
tastes of his son. If the children were still of tender
age at the time the parents separated, they were left
with the mother; if grown up, the boys followed the
father, while the girls remained with the mother. It
was not unusual for the husband to return to the wife
after a while, if she was free, regardless of the fact
that she had belonged to another in the meantime.^
In Guatemala the wife couM leave her husband on
the same slight grounds as the man, and if she re-
fused to return to him after being requested to do so,
he was allowed to marry again , she was then consid-
ered free, and held of no little consequence. In Nic-

3T Diaz, Itiniraire, in Ternmix-Compans, Voy., serie i., torn, x., p. 13.
'Todos toman niiichas niiigeres, einpero viia es la legitinia,' says Uomara,
Hist. Ind., fol. 263, in sfieaking of Nicarajgua. 'Coniunnientc cudu umi
tiene una sola inuger, 6 pocos son los que ticnen mds, ex9epto los prin9i-
pales 6 el que puede dar de comer & mds mugeres; 6 los ca^icpies quanta»
quieren.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 37. The word 'miiger' evidently
means women who lived with the man, the wife and concubines, fur, on i>.
30, it is stated that only one legitimate wife was allowed. The punisli-
ment for bigamy helps to bear this out. Villagutierre, Hist, Coiiq. Itza, pp.
310, 499. 'Nuiica los yucattmeses tomaron mas de una.' Landa, Rdarion,
pp. 142, 341. This view is also taken by Cogolludo, Hist. Yvc, p. 193,
wno adds, however: 'Contradize Aguilar en su informc lo de vna nui^'or
sola, diziendo, que tenian muchas;' but this may refer to concubines.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 55, says: 'La pluralit<5
des femmes dtant admises par la loi,' and gives Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec.
iv., lib. X., cap. iv., as his authority; but this author merely refers to concu-
binage as being lawful.

M Landa, Relacion, pp. 1.38-40. 'Tenian grandes pendencias, y muer-
tes sobre ello,' says Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., referring
to their married life.

INTERCOURSE OF THE SEXES.

C78

arasrua the husband decided whether the children
were to remain with him or the divorced wife.*

The Mayas seem to have dealt more leniently with
adulterers than the Nahuas. In Guatemala, the
married man who committed adultery with a maiden
was, upon complaint of the girl's relations, compelled
to pay as a fine from sixty to one hundred rare feath-
ers. It generally happened, however, that the friends
of the woman were careful to keep the matter secret,
as such a scandal would cause great injury to her
future prospects. If a married man was known to
sin with a married woman or a widow, both were for
the first or even the second offence merely warned,
and condemned to pay a fine of feathers; but if they
persevered in their crime, then their hands were
bound behind their backs, and they were forced to
inhale the smoke of a certain herb called tabacoyai/,
which, although very painful, was not a fatal punish-
ment. The single man who committed adultery with
a married woman was obliged to pay to the parents
of the latter the amount which her husband had paid
for her; doubtless this fine was handed over to the
injured husband, who, in such a case, repudiated his
wife. It sometimes happened, however, that the
husband did not report tlie matter to the authorities,
but gave his unfaithful wife a bird of the kind which
was used in sacrifices, and told her to offer it to the
gods, and, with her companion in crime, to confess
and be forgiven. Such a husband was re<jfarded as a
most virtuous and humane man.*" A noble lady
taken in adultery was reprimanded the first time, and
severely punished or repudiated for the second of-
fence. In the latter case she was free to marry
It was a capital crime to commit adultery

agam

" Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iv., p. 60; Las Casas, in Kingnhorougli's
Mrx. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 146; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hint. Nat. Civ.,
toin. ii., p. 572.

*" Las Casas, Hist. Apologitica, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol.
viii., pp. 1.37-8.

*' lirasseur de Bourbovrg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 572.
Vol. II. 43

III

674

THE MAYA NATIONS.

with a lord's wife; if he who did so was a nohle,
they strangled him, but if he was a plebeian, they
fluni^ him down a precipice."

Cofifolludo says that among the Itzas the man and
woman taken m adultery were put to death. Tlio
woman was taken beyond the limits of the town to a
place where there were many loose stones. There she
was bound to a post, and the priest who had jud<(ed
her having cast the first stone, and the injured hus-
band the second, the crowd that was never missing on
such occasions joined so eagerly in the sport that the
death of their target was a speedy one. The male
adulterer, according to the same account, was also
bound to a post, and shot to death in the same man-
ner with arrows.**

In Vera Paz, incorrigible adulterers were en-
slaved." In Nicaragua, the faithless wife was re})u-
diated by her husband, and not allowed to marry
again, but she had the right of retaining her dowry
and effects. The adulterer was severely beaten with
sticks, by the relations of the woman he had led
astray. The husband appears to have taken no part
in the matter.*" In Yucatan, adultery was punished

** Torqueinada, Monnrq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 387. 'Acontecioquexiirsc vii
Indio contra vn Alcalde de sii imcioii, que sin pediinento snyo haiiui ctisti<;ji(lo
a 811 iniiger jpur ocliu adulterius, y hecliolc pagar a el lu condenacinn, de iiiii-
nera quo aliende de sn afrcnta, le lleuaua bu dinero.' Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. viii. 'Cuando queria que la inuger se huia y se iba
con otro, 6 por sencillas ne volvia en casa de sua padres, requerfala cl inurido
que volviese, y ai no qii'^ri;'*, el se podia casar luego con otra, porqiie en cste
caso las mugeres eran (looiensas y libres. Algunoe sufrian un ano a<;iinr-
ddndolas; pero lo tornun en.' casarse luego, porque no podian vivir sin niii-
geres, d causa de no tencr '^iiien les guisese de comer.' Ximenez, Hist. Ind.
Gnat, p. 200.

«3 Coffolludo, Hint. Yiic, p. 699.

** 'Quando las mugeres eran halladas en adulterio, la primera vez craii
corregidas de palahra; y si no se enmendalmn, repudiiioanlas; y si era
Sefior, hennano 6 pariente del Seiior de la tierra, luego en dejiinilola, sc
podia casarse con quien quisiere. Losvasallos Iiacian tanibien esto lunchas
veces, pero tenian un poco de mas paciencia, porque las corregian dos y
cinco veces, y llamaban A sus parientes para que las reprehendiesen. Pcni
si eran incorregibles, denunciaoan ellas delantc del Sefior, el cual lus man-
daba comparecer ante si y hacianlas esclavas, y la niisnia pena se daba :i in»
que no querian hocer vida con sus mittidos.' Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Gun!., !>?•
208-9.

** Oviedo asserts that the husband avenged his own honor. The Friar
asks: '^QuiS pena le dau al adtiltero, que se echa con la muger de otro.

ADULTEUY AND FORNICATION.

675

with death. According to Cogolludo, offenders of
both aexes were shot to death with arrows; Landa
tells us that the man was killed with a stone by the
husband of his paramour, but the woman was pun-
ished with disij^race only. It is said that in nioru an-
cient times adulterers were impaled or disemboweled.
But so great was the horror in which the Yucatecs
held this crime, that they did not always wait for
conviction, but sometimes punished a suspected per-
son by binding him, stripping him naked, shaving off
his hair, and thus leaving him for a time.*" Among
the Pipiles of Salvador he who made advances to a
married woman, and did nothing worse, was banished,
and his propoi'ty was conHscated. The adulterer, if
we may believe Palacio," was put to death; Squier
says he became the slave of the dishonored husband.**

Simple fornication was punished with a fine, to be
paid in feathers of a certain rare bird, which, by the
laws of Vera Paz at least, it was death to kill with-
out express permission, as its plumage formed a most
valuable article of trade with the neighboring prov-
inces." But if any complaint was raised, such as by
a father in behalf of his daughter, or by a brother for
his sister, the seducer was put to death, or at least
made a slave." In Yucatan, death seems to have
been the inevitable fate of the seducer."

In Guatemala and Salvador, consummated rape
was punished with death. He who merely attemj^ted

The Indian answers: 'El marido della rifie con ^1 6 le da de palos; pcro no
lomata.' Hist. Gen., torn, iv., p. 50. Squier, Nicaragua, (Ed. 185(J,) vol.
ii., p. 343, says that the woman was also severely flog^d, but this does not
seem to have been the case. Hec Oomara, Hist. ImL, lo\. 263; Herrera,
Hist. Oen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. ; Boylt^s Ride, vol. i., p. 273.

** Cogolludo, Hist. Yue., p. 182; Lattda, Rdarion, pp. 48, 17C; Ter-
naux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, toni. xcvli., p. 4^;
Hertcva, Hist. Oen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.; Fancourfs Hist, y'uc, p. 117.

" Carta, p. 80.

*^Cent. Amer.,p. 334.

*» Las Casas, Hist. Apologttica, MS., in Kingsborough's Mix. Antiq.,
vol. viii., j.n. 137, 144; Torquemada, Monarq.Ind., torn, li., p. 387. ^

*• Las Casas, in Kingsboroitgh's Mex. Anfiq., vol. viii., p. 144; Torque-
tnada, Monarq. lad., toin. ii., p. 388.

" Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 182.

'' ¥1

I'M

676

THE MAYA NATIONS.

rape was enslaved."' In Nicaragua, the penalty for
this crime was not so severe, since he who committed
it was only obliged to compensate pecuniarily the
parents of his victim; though if he could not do tliis
he became their slave. Ho who ravished the daughter
of his employer or lord was, however, always put to
death.*" Incest is said to have been an unknown
crime."

Public prostitution was tolerated, if not encourasfed,
among all the Maya nations. In every Nicaraguan
town there were establishments kept by public women,
who sold their favors for ten cocoa-nibs, and main-
tained professional bullies to protect and accomj)any
them at home and abroad. Parents could prostitute
their daughters without shame; and it is said, further,
that during a certain annual festival, women, of what-
ever condition, could abandon themselves to the em-
brace of whomever they i)leased, without incurring
any disgrace."^ It was no unusual tiling for parents
of the lower orders to send their daughters on a tour
through the land, that they might earn their marriage
poi-tion by prostitution.^

All the old writers aj)pear anxious to clear the civi-

^* Las Casas, in Kiiiqslioroiiffh^s Mcx. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 144; Torque-
mada, Mouarq. Iiid., toiii. ii., p. 388; Hcrirrn, Uist. Gen., dec. iv., lib.
viii., cap. x. ; Ptilacio, Carta, p. 82; Siiuicr's Vent. Aiiier., p. .S.34.

*5 Ootnara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263; Ovicdo, Hist. Oeii., toin. iv., p. 51;
Herrera, Hist. (?c»., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. ; Squier's Nicaraqua, (¥A.
1856,) vol. ii., p. 343.

^Ovicdo, Hist. Oen., torn, iv., p. .51; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. ISiid,)
voi. li., p. 343.

5S OiHcdo, Hist. Gen., torn, i., pp. 2.''>2, 316, torn, iv., pp. .17, 51; Gomara,
Hist. Ind., fol. 2G3-1; Ilrrrern. Hii!. Gen., ilec. iii., lil>. iv., cap. vii.;
Muller, Amerikanische Urrdiijioiir.n, p. C63; Squier's Nicaragua, (VA.
1856,) vol. ii., pp. ,34.1-4; Bo)/le\i Ride, vol. i., p. 273. 'Dailo que e viilo
que en otros partes de las Indian usavan del ncfando peccado en estoit tales
casas, en esta tierra ( Viicatan) no e cntcndido que hizicsscn tal, ni crcu Iti
hazian, porquc los lla^'ados dcHta pcstilencial niiseria dizen que no .son aini-
gos de mugcres conio cran CHtoH, ca a e.stos higarcH Uevavan la>i nuilaH iiiii-
gercs publica.s, y en cllos usavau dellas, y las pobrcs que ciitie csta gento
accrtava a toner este officio no obstante que recibian dcllos irualurdon,
eran tantos los iiio^o:- que a cllas acudian quo las traian acoHsadas y nuicr-
tas." Landa, Jiclacioii, p. 178.

^ Andagot/a, in Navarrc/c, Col. de Viujcs, toni. iii., p. 414; Herreni,
Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. v., ciU). xii. ; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol.
ii, p. 344; Boyle's Hide, vol. \.\ pp. 273-1.

UNNATURAL VICES.

677

s civi-

lized aborigines from the charge of sodomy, yet the
fact that no nation was without strict laws regarding
this unnatural vice, combined with the admissions re-
luctantly made by the reverend fathers themselves,
seems to show that pederasty certainly was not un-
known. Thus, Las Casas says that sodomy was
looked upon as a great and abominable sin in Vera
Paz, and was not known until a god," called by some
Chin, by others Cavil, and again by others Maran, in-
structed them by committing the act with another
deity. Hence it was held by many to be no sin, in-
asmuch as a god had introduced it among them. And
thus it happened that some fathers gave their sons a
boy to use as a woman; and if any other approached
this boy he was treated as an adulterer. Neverthe-
less, if a man committed a rape upon a boy, he was
punished in the same manner as if he had ravished a
woman. And, adds the same writer, there were al-
ways some who reprehended this abominable custom.**
[n Yucatan certain images were found by Bernal
Diaz which would lead us to suppose that the natives
were at least acquainted with stjdomy,"'' but here
again the good father* takes up the cudgels in be-

p. 51;

1, (Ed.

. 18.56,)

omara,
vii.;
(b:.l.
c viilo
talcs
crci> Id
)ii aini-
iiH uni-
jiiMite
liirdoii,
niuer-

'^I'Tirrii.
•>,) vol.

^7 A dcmoM, Los Casas calls him, but tliesc monks spoke of all the New
World deities as 'demons.'

^^ Las Casas, in Kingshoroufjh's Mcx. Aniiq., vol. viii., p. 138. Before
this he writes: ' Y es aqui de saber, que tenian por grave ijecado el de la
Hotloinia oomo abajo diremos, y comunmcntu los piidres lo aborrccian y pro-
liibian d los hijos. Pero por caii»>a de que fue»eu instruidos en hi religion,
nianduvanlcs dorn'iir en los tcinji'os donde los niozos nmyorescn aqiiel vicio
il los ninos corronipian. Y tlcspucs salidos do alii mal aeostunibrados, di-
licil era librarlos de aque) vicio. I'or esta causa eran los padres muy soli-
citos de casarlos quan nrcst'i poilian, por los apartar de aquclla corrupcion
vilissima aunquo casaltos niucl-achos contra su voluntad y forzados, y sola-
nientc por aiiucl rcspeto lo liacian.' Id., pp. LH-.").

M Cogolliido, Hist. I'lic, p. ISO.

** 'Otro acerrimo infamador de cstas nacioiies, <|ue Dios Nuestro Senor
haya, en cuya historia crco yo que tuvo Dios harto poca imrtc, dixo ser
indicio noto'rio de que aquelhi). giMites eran oontaminadas del vicio nefando
])or haver hallado en eierta parte de aquella tierra, licchos de barro ciertos
ulolos uuo encinia de otro. Como si entre nucstros pintores 6 ligidns no ne
liiijii" --ada dia tiguras fcas y dedi versos actos, que no hay 80|K'cha por nmlie
"' ,■!.• , condcnarlos todos por aqucllo, haciendolos reos de vicio tan indigno
dc sc liablar, no carece de mo.y culpable tcnieridad, y asi lo que ariba dije
fcngo por la verdiwl, y lo dcnias por falsos testiinonios dignos de divino cas-
tigo.' Las Casas, iu Kingsburough'n Mcx. A»Hq., vol. vi;i.,p. l47.

678

THE MAYA NATIONS.

In Nicaragua sodomites were

half of his favorites
stoned to death.®*

The desire to possess children seoms to have been
very general, and many were the prayers and oifer-
ings made by disappointed parents to propitiate the
god whose anger was supposed to have deferred their
hopes. To further promote the efficacy of th«..i-
prayers, the priest enjoined upon man and wife to
separate for a month or two, to adhere to a simple
diet, and abstain from salt.*^ Several superstitious
observances were also regarded; thus, among the
Pipiles, a husband should avoid meeting his father-
in-law, or a wife her mother-in-law, lest issue fail
them.^ These observances tend the more to ilhis
trate their longing to become parents, since the
women are said to have been very prolific. Tlio
women were delivered with little difficulty or pain,®*
yet a midwife was called in, who attended to the
motlier s wants, and facilitated parturition by placing
a heated stone upon the abdomen. In Yucatan an
image of Ixchel, the goddess of childbirth, was ])laced
beneath the bed. Among the Pipiles and in Guate-
mala, the woman was confessed when any difficulty
arose, and it not unfrequently happened that an
officer of justice took advantage of such opportu-
nities to obtain criminating evidence. If the wife's
confession alone did not have the desired etfect,
the husband was called upon to avow his sins; his
maxtli was besides laid over the wife, and some-
times blood was drawn from his tongue and ojiis, to
be scattered towards the four quarters with various
invocations.®' After delivery a turkey hen was ini-

6' Oi'icdo, Hist. Gen., torn, iv., p. 51j Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,)
vol. ii., p. 34.3.

«* 'Que comicRcn cl pan seco 6 solo maiz, o que estuviesen tantos tliii^
en el oiiiiipo nictidus en tilguna cueva.' Ximenez, Hisl. Ind. Guut., ]>. Vi'A-

«• Pidacio, Carta, |t. 78,

*♦ In V^era Paz 'las nuigcres naren conw cabras, niuchas vezes a solus,
tendidiis en el sucio: otra.s por los caniinott, y luego se van a lauar ul lio.'
Uerrcrn, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cuj). xiv. ; Lniida, Rclnrioit, )). I!'-.

^ 'Lc liazian dezir huh pecados i si no paria, liazia que hc confcsase ol

CHILDBIRTH AND CIRCUMCISION.

679

molated, and thanks rendered to the deity for the
happy issue. The midwife thereupon washed the
child, placed a bow and arrow in its hands, if a boy, a
spindle, if a girl, and drew a mark upon its right foot,
so that it might become a good mountaineer.

The birth of a son was celebrated with especial
rejoicings, and extensive invitations issued for the
feasts that took place on or about the day when the
umbilical cord was to be cut,"® a ceremony which
seems to have borne the same festive character as
baptism among the Nahuas and other nations. The
ahgih, astrologer, wsis asked to name a favorable day
for the rite. The cord was tlien laid upon an ear of
jjl maize to be cut otf with a new knife and burned.

The grains were removed from the cob and sown at
the proper season; one half of the yield to bo made
into gruel and form the first food of the child aside
from the mother's milk, the other half to be sent to
the ahgih, after reserving a few grains for the child
to sow with his own hands when he grew up, and
make an offering- thereof to his jfod. At the same
time a kind of circumcision may have been performod,
a rite which could not, however, have been very gen-
eral, if indeed it ever existed, for Cogolludo positively
asserts that it never was practiced in Yucatan, and
L i!>.da thinks that the custom of slitting the foreskin,
whiol} the devout performed before the idol, may have
gjvo(^ rise to the report. Palacio asserts that cer-
tuiij Indians in Salvador are known to have scarified
tiunitjclves as well as some boys in the same manner."''

iiiar.'. 1 '. ' .,i no pndin con er'.to, si havia dicho i coiifesado que conofia alf^uiio,
iviir, il -.-u.sa dc iv\}wl i traiaii de hii casa la inaiita c pafietcs i ctdTiola li la
])reMada piiratiiie pariesc' I'xiado, Vurltt, p. 70; Las Cuxns, in Kingsfio-
roiiijICs Mcx. Aiiliq., vol. viii., p. l.'V.).

•* It would seem that the I'liild reiiuiiiied with the uavel-string attached
to it until a favorahle day was selected for j)erforiiiini; the ceremony of cut-
tiny it. 'Euhahau suertes para ver (lue dia Hcria Itneiio i)ara cortar el oni-
1)li;j;o.' And further on: 'Muchos trious de in4lios de Centro- America con-
scrvau hasta hoy al naciniicnto dc un nino el uso dc iiucmarle el oinblij^o;
costiiiihrc ImrUara dc que mueron muchos ninos.' This would indicate
that t'.io cord was hurned while attached to the infant. Xiirfiifs, Hist. Ind.
Gnat., pp. 103-4; Torqwiwt lit, Mimnrq. Inil., to:u. ii., p. 44S.

^' in Cczuri 'ciertoa ludioa idulutrarou eu un niuntc cu sus termiuos, i

hi;

680

THE MAYA NATIONS.

The naming of the child was the next import-
ant affair. Among the Pipiles it was taken to the
temple on the twelfth day, over a road strewn with
green branches,®^ and here the priest gave it the name
of its grandfather or grandmother, after which offer-
ings of cacao and fowl were presented to the idol, and
some gifts to the xiiinister. In Guatemala the child
was named after the god to whom the day of its birth
was dedicated, for it was not thought desirable to call
it after the parents; other names were, however,
applied afterwards, according to circumstances.®" Las
Casav 'i-\-h that the parents lost their name on the
birth «.r first sen and daua-hter, the father beinyf

called '{^11. c of Ek,' or whatever might be the name
of the son, and the m )ther receiving the cognomen of
'mother of Can,' etc.™ The Itzas gave their children
a name formed of the combined names of the father
and mother, that of the latter standing first; tlius, in
Canek, can is taken from the mother's name, ek from
the father's. In Yucatan, the former home of this
people, the custom was almost the same, exeej»t that
na was prefixed to the names of the parents; thus,
Na-Chan-Chel denoted son of Chel and Chan, but as
the name of the father, according to Landa, was jxn-
petuated in the son only, not in the daughter, it fol-

entre ellos que uno se harp6 i hcndid su nrcnbro, i que circuncidiiron
quutro niuchuclios ile ilozc ufius iiiini urrilia ill uso judaico, i la Haiii;rc i|Hu
salio (Icllns la sacrilicaroii d iin iilolo.' Palacio, Cartn, i). 84. 'Se liarpavaii
el Huperlhio del iiiicnibro ver^on<;oso, dcxaiidolo coino las orcjas, dc lo qiial
se eimafiocl liistoriador {general dc laa Iiulias, dizieiidoquc 8e circuincidian.'
Landa, Rclarioii, pp. 162-3. 'Ni aqucUos Keli;;iosos DoniinicoH, iii el
Obispo de Cliinpa, liazicndo tan particular iiiquisicion, liazcn inenioriu dc
aucr hallado tal uosa. . . .los Indios, ni cstos tioncn tradicion de que v.-sumscu
tal costumbre sus ascend ientcs.' Corfollwlo, Hint. Yiin., p. 191. 'Tlicy 'are
Circumcised, but not all.' Peter Mnrtj/r, dec. iv., lib. i. Circumcision was
'un usai^ general dans 1' Yucatan, observe de temps immemorial: elle etait
pratiquce sur les petits cnfants dcs Ics premiers jours de leur uaissance.'
lirnsseur de liourbounf, J/int. Nat. Civ., toni. ii., p. 51. This jmsitive and
isolated assertion of the Abbd must be founded upon some of his MSS., as
usual.

M 'Cortarban ramos verdcs en quo pisase.' Palacio, Carta, p. 7fl.

69 Brassour de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 568, refers only
to the first-born. 'Dabanlc el nonibre del Dia, en que liavia nacido, o
Begun lo quo precedib en su Naciniiento.' Torquciiuida, Monarq. JiuL, torn.
ii., p. 448. Xiiticnez, Hint. lad. Guat., p. 193.

1^ Hut. Apologitica, MS., cap. clxxix.

NAMING THE CHILDREN.

681

lows that the girl could not have been named in the
same order; it is possible that the mother's name was
placed last, and served as surname in their case. In
later years this name was not usually imposed until
the time of baptism ; but in earlier times a distinctive
name was given by the priest at the time of taking
the horoscope, shortly after birth. The name of the
father was borne till the marriage day, the names of
both parents being assumed after that event.''^ On
the conclusion of the above ceremonies, the Guate-
malan or Pipile infant and mother were taken to a
fountain or river, near a fall if possible, to be bathed,
and during the bath incense, birds, or cacao were
offered to the water, api)arently with a view of gain-
ing the good will of the god of that element. The
utensils which had served at the birth, such as warm-
ing stone, cups, and knife, were thrown into the water
at the same time."

The mothers were good and patient nurses, suck-
ling their infants for over three years, for the habit of
taking warm morning drinks, the exercise of grinding
maize, and the uncovered bosom, all tended to pro-
duce large breasts and an abundant supply of milk.
(Otherwise the children received a hardy training,
clothing being dispensed with, and the bare ground
serving for a couch. When working, the mother car-
ried them on her back; in Yucatan, however, they
were usually borne across the hip, and for this reason

larufe number became bow-le<2f<red. Landa also

•'of-i"

mentions anotlier deformity, that produced by lioad-

''i 'A sns hijos y hijas sicnipre llaniavan del nombre del padre y do la
madre, el del padre coiiio propin y de la inadre apellativo.' Tlio i)re-hap-
tisinal name \vas abandoned wlion the father's name aHSunicd. I.iuiila,
Rdacion, pp. 13(5, 1!)4. Only the few who were destined to reeeive the
baptism obtained the distinctive name. Meilrl, in Nourr.lks Annal<:i tks
Vol/., 1813, toni. xcvii., pp. 44-5; ViUagulicrrc, Hist. Coiiq. Ilzit, p. 489.

" Torqurmada, Mnnarq. Ind., toni. ii., p. 448. I'alacio, Carta, p. 76,
states that tliis ceremony was ]>erformcd after the twelfth day, and that the
mother only was taken to be bathed. Jfi'rrcra, Hist. Gen. , dec. iv., lib. viii.,
<':ip. X., aiid Sqidur^s Cent. Amer., p. 33.'1; Jirasseur tie liourbourg, Hist.
Xat. Civ., torn. iL, p. 568.

682

THE MAYA NATIONS.

flattening, whicli is to be noticed on the sculptures
of the Maya ruins."

It is related by all the old Spanish historians, that
when the Spaniards first visited the kingdom of Yu-
catan they found there traces of a bajjtisnial rite ; and,
strangely enough, the name given to this rite in the
language of the inhabitants, was zihil, signifying 'to
be born again.' It was the duty of all to have their
children baptized, for, by this ablution they believed
that they received a purer nature, were protected
against evil spirits and future misfortunes. I have
already mentioned that no one could marry unless he
had been baptised according to their customs; they
held, moreover, that an unbaptised person, whether
man or woman, could not lead a good life, nor do any-
thing well. The rite was administered to children of
b 'th sexes at any time between the ages of three and
twelve 3'^ears. When parents desired to have a child
baptised they notified the priest of their intentions.
The latter then published a notice throughout the
town of the day upon which the ceremony would take
place, being first careful to fix upon a day of good
omen. This done, the fathers of the children wlio
were to be baptised, selected five of the most honored
men of the town to assist the ])riest during the cere-
mony. These were called chacs.''* During the three
days preceding the ceremony the fathers and assist-
ants fasted and abstained from women. When the
appointed day arrived, all assembled with the children
who were to be baptised, in the house of the giver of
the feast, who was usually one of the wealthiest of
the parents. In the courtyard fresh leaves were
strewn, and there the boys were ranged in a row in
charge of their godfathers, while in another row weie

w 'Allniuirles las f rentes y cabepon.' 'Comunmentc todos estevndos,

porque villi aliorcnjudos en los qiiadriles.' Lamia, Belacion, pp. l!)"J-4,

112; Jniirron, Hist. Uuaf., p. 195.

"* C/iiic or Chann, was the title ^ivcii to certain laymen who were cIihIciI
to nHsist the priest in some of his reiijrious duties. Also the iiiinic of a
divinity, protector of the water and harvests. See Lamia, Il-lnrU>ii, p. 4S.").

BAITISMAL CEUEMONIES.

the girls with their godmothers. The priest now pro-
ceeded to purify the house with the object of casting
out the devil. For this purpose four benches were
placed one in each of the four corners of the court-
yard, upon Avhicii were seated four of the assistants
holding a long cord that passed from one to the other,
thus enclosing part of the yard ; within this enclosure
were the children and those fathers and officials who
had fasted. A bench was placed in the centre, upon
which the priest was seated with a brazier, some
ground corn, and incense. The children were directed
to approach one by one, and the priest gave to each a
little of the ground corn and incense, which, as tfiey
received it, thev cast into the brazier. When this
had been done by all, they took the cord and brazier,
with a vessel of wine, and gave them to a man to
carry outside the town, with injunctions not to drink
any of the wine, and not to look behind him; with
such ceremony the devil was expelled.'" The yard
was'then swept clean, and some ler.ves of a tree called
cihom, and of another called cojjo, were sclittered over
it. The priest now clothed himself in long gaudy-
looking robes, consisting, according to Landa, of a
jacket of red feathers with flowers of various colors
embroidered thereon; hanging from the ends wore
other long feathers, and on his head a coronet of
j)lumes. From beneath the jacket long bands of
cotton hung down to the ground. In his hand he
held some hyssop fastened to a short stick. The
chacs then put white cloths upon the children's
heads and asked the elder if they had committed
any sins; such as confessed that they had, were then

" Who was selected to take the wine, brazier, and cord outside tlie town,
or what he did witii it afterwards, we are not told. (Joi^oUiido says: 'I)a-
han i\ vn Indio vn vaso del vino mie aeostunihrahan l)eber, y enihiaoaiilc
fiiera del Piichlo con el, niandandmc, (|ue ni lo bebiesse, ni niirasse atriis,
con <iue crcian quedalta totalinente cxpulso el dcnionio.' Ili.sf. Vw., p. 1{)I.
'En un viiso eiiviaban vino fucra del pueblo, con orden al indio que no lo
lieiiiese ni niirase atras, y con csto pensaban que luibian ecliado al denio-
nio.' Vrytin, Jlist. Aiit. 31 J., tout, i., p. 18.3; Jlcrreru, Hint. Gen., dcc.iv.,
lib. .\., cap. iv.

I' III

684

THE MAYA NATIONS.

placed apart. The priest then ordered the people to
sit down and be silent; he next blessed the boys, and
offeriiii^ up some prayers, purified them with the hys-
sop with much solemnity. The principal officer who
had been elected by the fathers, now took a bone,
and having dipped it in a certain water, moistened
their foreheads, their features, and their finij^ers and
toes.'" After they had been thus sprinkled with
water the priest arose and removed the cloths from
the heads of the children, and then cut off with a
stone knife a certain bead that was attached to the
head from childhood; they were then given by one of
the assistants some flowers to smell, and a pipe
through which they drew some smoke, after which
they were each presented with a little fot>d, and a
vessel full of wine was brouLjht as an oflferinjr to the
gods, who were entreated to receive it as a thanks-
giving from the boys; it was then handed to one of
the officials, who had to drink it at one draught. A
similar ceremony took place with the female childten,
at the conclusion of which their mothers divested
them of a cord, which was worn during their child-
hood, fastened round the loins, having a small shell
that hunef in front. The removal of this sijjnified
that they could marry as soon as their parents per-
mitted." The children were then dismissed, and
their fathers distributed presents among those who
had assisted at the ceremony. A grand banquet
called emku, or 'the descent of god,' was then held,
and during the nine succeeding days the fathers of
the children fasted, and were not to approach their

wives,

76 'Esta agiia hazian de ciertas flores y de cacao inniado y desleido con
agiia virgcn que cllos dczian traida de los concavuss dc los arbolcs o dc los
iiiontcs.' Laiida, Relacioii, p. 150.

77 'Los varoncillos usavanlcs sicmpre poner pegada a la ca1)e9a en los
cabcllos de la eoronilla una contezuela ulanca, y a las muchachas traiaii
ccriidiiB iior las renes niuy abaxo con un cordel delgado y en el una con-
chuela asida que les veuiu a dar cncima de la parte honesta, y deltas dos
cosa« era entre ellos pcccado y cosa muy fea quitarla de las mochachas
antes del baptismo.' Landa, Relar.ion, pp. 144, 146.

78 Brasseur de Bourbourg says they leastcd nine days: 'Tous ensemble,

DOMESTIC DISCIPLINE.

685

The Nicaraguan husbands are said to have been so
much under the control of their wives that they were
obliged to do the housework while the women attended
to the trading. The latter were, moreover, great
shrews, and would on the slightest provocation drive
their offending husbands out of the house; we are
told that it was no unusual occurrence for the neigh-
bors to be suddenly called in to appease some unfor-
tunate man's Xantippe.'* The women of Yucatan
were renowned for their modesty and conjugal faith-
fulness. Landa, one of the first bishops of Yucatan,
relates an anecdote illustrating this trait. Alonso
Lopez de Avila, during the war against Bacalar, took
prisoner a very beautiful Indian girl. Struck by her
beauty the captor endeavored by all means to induce
her to gratify his desires, but in vain. She had prom-
ised her warrior-husband, who during those perilous

prfitres et parents, festoyaicnt apr^s cela, pendant nenf jours, les pfercs
etmit obli<^(;s, diirnnt cet intervalle, dc s'abstciiir de leurs feiiinics.' Hist.
Xnl. Oil'., toin. ii., p. 52. He appears to liavc misunderstood CojjoUudo, to
wlioin he refers, since that author's words are, 'acabando la fiesta en ban-
({uetcs, y en los nuevc dins si4;uieiitcs no auiaii de Uegar a sus niugeres los
padres de los ninos.' Hist. Vw., p. 191. 'Allende de los tres dias que se
avia, coino por ayno, absteaido, se avia dc abstener nueve mas y lo liazian
iiiviolableinente. Landa, Jivlarion, p. 154. See further: Veylia, Hist. Ant.
Mrj., torn, i., pp. 182-3; Ddn'lu, Teatro Edes., toni. i., p. 205; Laet, Novua
Of^is, p. 272; Ternaiix-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales ties Voij., 1843,
torn, xevii., pp. 44-5.

"i^ Aiidugoi/a, in Navarrctc, Col. de Viaj'cs, torn, iii., p. 414; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. xii. ; Oviedo, Hist. Gen.,
toni. iv., pp. 39, 61, 103; Malte-Briin, Pricis de la Oiog., torn, vi., p. 472;
Goinara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263, . In Guatemala 'il est i\ rcmarnuer ici que
quand il s'agit simultanement d'hommes ct de fcmmes dans le discours, les
fcinines out presque toujours la prusdance sur les honimes.' 'C'cst peut-6tre
en nicmoire de la m^rc de Hun-Alipu que les femnies-chefs en bicn des con-
trees devaient leurs prerogatives.' Brassciir dc Bourboiirg, J'opol Vuh, pp.
93-4. In Yucatan tne women 'son zclosas y algunas tanto que ponian las
inanos a las de (juien tcnian zelos, y tan colcricas, cnojadas, aunque harto
niansas, que solian dar buclta de pelo algunas a los maridos con hazerlo
cllos nocas vezes.' Laiidn, Rr/nrioii, ])p. 188, 190. The women of Yucatan
hail. However, their duties to perform. 'Son grandes travajadoras y vivi-
doras, porque deltas cuclgan los mayorcs y mas trabajos de la sustentacion
dc sus ca.sas y educacion dc sus liijos, y pnga dc sus tributos y con todocsso
si cs mencster llevan algunas vezes mayor carga, labrando y sembrando sus
niautcnimientos. Son a maravilla grangeras, velando de n( m cl rate quo
de servir sus casas les qucda, ycndo a los mercados a comprar y vender sua
cosillas.' The women joined and aided one another in the work, as weav-
ing, etc. 'Elles avaient leurs saillics et leurs Imns mots pour railler ct
conter des avcntures ct par moment aussi pour murmurer de leurs maris.*
Id., p. 190.

!i ; t;

itiii

686

THE MAYA NATIONS.

times was constantly face to face with death, that
none but he should ever call her wife; how then,
while perhaps he yet lived, could she become anoth-
er's mistress. But such arguments did not quench
the Spaniard's lust, and as she remained steadfast, he
ordered her to be cast among the bloodhounds, who
devoured her — a martvr at the hands of the men who
pretended to preach Jesus Christ, and him crucified.*

M Landa, Bdacion, p. 186.

CHAPTER XXII.

FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS OF THE MAYAS.

Special Observances — Fixed Feasts — Sacrifice of Slaves-
Monthly Feasts of the Yucatecs — Renewal of the Idols
—Feast of the Chacs — Hunting Festival — The Tuppkak—
Feast of the Cacao-Planters— War Feast— The Maya New
Year's Day— Feasts of the Hunters, Fishers, and Apiarists
—Ceremonies in honor of Cukulcan — Feast of the Month
OF MoL — Feast of the Years Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac—
YucATEC Sacrifices— The Pit of Chichen — Sacrifices of the
PiPiLEs — Feast of Victory— Feasts and Sacrifices in Nicar-
agua-Banquets— Dances— Musical Instruments— Games.

Though the information concerning the feasts, reH-
gious and otherwise, of the Maya nations, is not so
full as that touching the Nahuas, yet there is no
doubt that the former people were quite as fond of
such matters as the latter.

The Quiches had many festivals and special observ-
ances, in some of which the whole people took part,
while others were performed by private persons
through excess of piety. They always made a sacri-
fice before commencing any work of importr - f
There were four special things for which they be-
sought the gods; namely, long life, health, progeny,
and the necessaries of life. They had particular ora-
tories where they went upon occasions of great dis-
tress, and drew blood from several parts of their body.
When they desired to have sons they sacrificed at

(687)

►

088

THE MAYA NATIONS.

fountains. They had oratories in thick groves, and if
they found a spot where a larji^o tree grew over a
spring, they held the phice to l)p divine, because two
divinities met in the tree and in the i)ool.*

The religious feasts in which all the people took
part were held on certain fixed days of the calendar.
One of their most notable and solemn festivals was
more a time of penance and vigil than of feasting.
When the season of its celebration ajjproached, the loid
of a province with the principal men held a council and
sent for a diviner, and advised with him concerning the
day upon which the sacrifice should take ])lace. The
wise man at once began his sorceries, and cast lots in
order to ascertain what day would be the most propi-
tious. When the day was fixed, all men had from that
time to sleep in hou.ses apart from their wives during
a period of sixty or eighty days, or even longer, ac-
cording to the severity demanded. Upon each of these
days every one had to offer sacrifice by drawing 1 ' od
from his arms, thighs, tongue, and other parts "s
body. This they did at certain hours of the di.^. ^
night, and also burned incense. They could not bathe
while the observances lasted. From the day when
this lent began, the slaves who were to be sacrificed
were allowed a certain freedom, and permitted to go
about the town wheresoever they pleased. On the
neck of each, however, was fastened a ring of gold,
silver, or copper, through which a stick was passed,
and as a further precaution against escape each was
accompanied by a guard of three or four men. They
were at liberty to enter any house, whether it was
that of the supreme lord or of the poorest man, and
wherever they applied for food or drink it was given
them. The same liberty was accorded to the guard.
When the day of sacrifice arrived, the high-priest
attired hjmself in his finest vestments. These con-

• 'Los universalcs sacrificios se ofrecian ordinariamcntc ciiando vcnian
las fiestas, las ciialcs habia en iinas provincias cinco, y ca otras scis, 6 su
ofrecian por neccsidad particular, por uno de estos dos respectos.' Ximcnez,
Hist Jna. Ouat., p. 177; Las Casas, Sist. Apologitica, MS., cap. clxxix.

SACRIFICIAL TESTIVALS.

689

sinted of certain cloaks, with crowns of ^old, silver,
<»r other metal, adorned with precious .stones. The
idols were placed upon a frame ornamented with gold,
silver, and jljoius, and decked with roses and other
Howors. The slaves were then brought in procession
to the temple yard amid songs, music, and dancing;
and the idols were set upon altars, before which were
the sacrificial stones. As the holir of sacrifice drew
near, the supreme lord, and principal men with him,
repaired to the room where the slaves were waiting;
each then seized his slave by the hair and carried him
before the god, crying with a loud voice: O God our
Lord, remember thy servants, grant them health, off-
spring, and prosperity, so that they may increase and
serve thee. Give us rain, O Lord, and seasonable
weather to support us, that we may live, hearken to
our prayers, aid us against our enemitv , give us com-
fort and rest. On reaching the altar tiie sacrificing
priest stood ready, and the lord placed the victim in
his hands. He then, with his ministers, opened the
hreast with the sacrificial knife, tore out the heart
and offered it to the idol, at the same time anointing
it with the blood. Each idol had its holy table; the
Sun, the Moon, the East, the West, the North, and
the South had each one. The heads of the sacrificed
were put on stakes. The flesh was seasoned, cooked,
and partaken of as a holy thing. The high-priest
and supreme lord were given the hands and feet, as
the most delicate morsels, and the body was distrib-
uted among the other priests. All through the days
of the sacrificing great liberty was permitted to the
people, grand banquets were held, and drunken revels
ensued.'

II I

II 11

' ' Aquel dia era lihcrtado pam hacer grandes banqiietes y borracheras,
y aai 86 mataban iiifinitas aves, iiuicha caza y vinos inuy difcrciites, liacian
■nuchas danzas y bailes en prescncia dc loa idolos. Duraluiu aqiiestas
fietitas, tre8, cinco y Bicte diaa, segun lo que ordenaban los ininistros, y lo
deciiin cunudo habian de comenzar. En cstoa dias, en cada turde andaban
en nrocesion con grandes cantos y nn^sicas, llcvando al idolo jMir las callcs
y plazas, y donde habia lugar preeminente, hacian altares v ponian mesas,
y ulli paraban, y como nosotros representanios farsas, asi elfos jugabau d la
Vol. II. 44

THE MAYA NATIONS,

Concerning the religious feasts u,nd observances of
the Yucatecs, Landa is the best and most complete
authority, and I will therefore take from his work
such scattered notices as he gives.

In the month of Chen they worked in fear and
trembling, making new idols. And when these were
finished, those for whom they were made gave pres-
ents of the best they had to those who had modeled
and carved them. The idols were then carried from
the building in which they had been made to a cabin
made of I'^aves, where the priest blessed them with
much solemnity and many fervent prayers, the artists
having previously cleansed themselves from the grease
wi+h which they had been besmeared, as a sign of
fasting, during the entire time that they remained at
work. Having then driven out the evil spirit, and
burned the sacred intense, the newly made images
were placed in a basket, enveloped in a linen cloth,
and delivered to their owners, who received them
with every mark of respect and devotion. The priest
then addressed the idol-makers for a few moments
on the excellence and importance of their profession,
and on the danger they would incur by neglecting the
rules of abstinence while doing such sacred work.
Finally, all partook of an abundant repast, and made
amends for their long fast by indulging freely in wine.

In one of the two months called Chen and Yax, on
a day determined by the priest, they celebrated a feast
called ocna, which means the renovation of the tem-
ple in honor of the Chacs, whom they regarded as
the gods of the fields. During this festival, they con-
sulted the oracle of the Bacabs.^ This feast was cel-
ebrated every year. Besides this, the idols of baked
clay and the braziers were renewed at this season,
because it was customary for each idol to have its own
little brazier, in which incense was burned before it;

pelota delante de sua dioses.' Ximencz, Hist. Ind. Giiat., p. 187; Las Casm,
Hisf. Apolugetica, MS., cap. clxxvii.

3 The manner in which this was done will be described elsewhere in
this chapter.

FESTIVALS OF ZAC AND MAC.

691

work,
made
wiue.
ax, on
feast
e teiu-
led as
y con-
■is oel-
baked
season,

re it;

%s Cnsns,
kvhcrc in

and, if it was necessary, they built the god a new
dweUing', or renovated the old one, taking care to
])lace on the walls an inscription commemorating these
things, in the characters peculiar to them.

In the month of Zac, on a day appointed by the
priest, the hunters held a feast similar to that which, as
we shall presently see, took place in the month of Zip.
This was for the purpose of averting the anger of the
gods from them and the seed they had sown, because
of the blood which had been shed in the chase; for
they regarded as abominable all spilling of blood, ex-
cept in sacrifice.* They never went olit to hunt with-
out first invoking their gods and burning incense be-
fore them ; and on tlieir return from a successful hunt
they always anointed the grim visages of the idols
with the blood of the game. On another day of this
month a great feast was held, which lasted for ti.ree
days, attended with incense-burning, sacrifices, and
general orgies. But as this was a movaI)le feast, the
priests took care to give notice of it in advance, in
order that all might observe a becoming fast.

During the month of Mac, the old people celebrated
a feast in honor of the Chacs, goda of the cornfields,
and of another deity named Yzamna. Some days
before this the following ceremony, called in their lan-
guage tuppkak,^ was observed. Having brought
together all the reptiles and beasts of the field that
could be procured in the country, they assembled with
them in the court of the tem})le, in the corners of
which were the chacs and the })riests, to drive away
the evil spirit, each having by his side a jug filled
with water. Stjiiiding on end, in tlie centre, was an
enormous bundle of dry and fine wood, whidi was set
on fire after some incense had been burned. As the

♦ Te qui, d'accord avcc diver? nntre^ indiros, niintiiircniit hien (jue I'cf-
fii><i()n dii 8UII};, ct Hiirtoiit dii snug liiiiuiiiii, duim Ich HaorilicoH, etait d'ori-
ftint't^rangerc, nahiiiitl probaltlenient,' lirassrur de Bourbourg, in Lantln,
liilacion, p. 247.

' Meaning 'aueni^hinK of fire.' lirasunir dc fiourboitrg, in Landa, Re-
InrioH, p. 254. Vzanina is otlierwiM; called Zannid.

THE MAYA NATIONS.

wood burned, the assembled crowd vied with each
other in tearing out the hearts of the victims they
had brought with them and casting them into the
flames. If it had been impossible to procure such
large game as jaguars, pumas, or alligators, they
typified the hearts of these animals by incense, which
they threw into the fire; but if they had them, they
were immolated like the rest. As soon as all the
hearts were consumed, the chacs* put out the fire
with the water contained in theii pitcher^. The ob-
ject of this feast and of that which folio ,»ed was to
obtain an abundance of water for their cornfields dur-
ing the year. This feast was celebrated in a different
manner from others, because no one fasted before it,
with the exception of the beadle (munidor) of the oc-
casion. On the day of the feast called tuppkak, the
people and the priests met once more in the court-
yard of the temple, where was erected a platform of
stone, with steps leading up to it, the whole tastefully
decorated with folia;jce. The priest gave some incense
to the beadle, who burned in a brazier enough to
exorcise the evil spirit. This done, the first step of
the platform was with great solemnity smeared with
mud taken from a well or cistern; the other 8tej)s
were stained a blue color. As usual, they ended
these ceremonies by eating and drinking and makini^
merry, full of confidence in the efficacy of their rites
and ceremonies for this year.

In the month of Muan the cacao -planters held a
festival in honor of the gods Ekchuah, Chac, and
Hobnil, who were their patron deities.' To solemnize
it, they all went to the plantation of one of their
number, where they sacrificed a dog having a spot on
its skin of the color of cacao. They burned incense

• This word rhacs, which befot"! was interpreted as the 'cods of tlip
cornfields,' probably here means tlie priests of tiiose deities. In u former
chapter we nave seen the word applied to those who assisted at the riti- of
baptism.

T ' Ekchunh, evrit ailleurs Echnah, <itait le patron dcs marchaniU et iia-
turcllenicnf. dvsuai'uos, niarchandise et iionnaie & iafois.' Brasseurde Hour-
bourg, in Landu, RelacioH, p. 261.

rites

d a
aiul
inize
thoir
ot oil
ense

of the
foriiior
ritf of

et 111*-
liiiiir-

WAK-FEAST IN THE MONTH OF PAX.

098

to their idols, and made offerings of blue iguanas,
feathers of a particular kind of bird, and game.
After this they gave to each of the officials* a branch
of the cacao-plant. The sacrifice being ended, they
all sat '^.own to a repast, at which, it is said, no one
was allowed to drink more than three glasses of wine.
All then went into the house of him who had given
the feast, and passed the time pleasantly together.

In the month of Pax, a feast was held, called
Pacumchac, which was celebrated by the nobles and
priests of the villages, together with those of the
great towns. Having assembled, they passed five
nights in the temple of Cit Chac Coh," praying and
offering incense. At the beginnins; of these five
days, they went all together to the house of the gen-
oral of their armies, whose title was Nacon, and
carried him in state to the temple, where, having
l)laced him on a seat, they burned incense before him
as though he had been a god. But though they
prayed during these five nights, they did not by any
means fast in the day-time, but ate and drank plenti-
fully, and executed a kind of grand war-dance, which
they called holkan okot, which is to say, 'dance of
the warriors.' The five days being passed, the real
business of the feast began, which, as it concerned
matters of war and victory, was a very solemn affair.
It was commenced witli ceremonies and sacrifices
similar to those already described as taking place in
the month of Mac. Then tlie evil spirit was expelled
in the usual manner, after which were more prayers,
offerings, and incensing. While all this was going
on, the nobles once more took the Nacon upon their
shoulders, and carried him in procession round the
temple. On their return a dog was sacrificed, its

' 'OflfSciales;' this may mean officiating pricBts, or oversenrs on the
|>!antations, or almost anytliinu else.

* 'Cit parait 6tre une sorte ue cochon sauva^rc; chac est le nom gcnt'riqHO
•Ics dieux de la pluie, des campagnes, des fruits de la tcrre, etc. Coh est
li' |>uma oil ".ion aindricain; suivant d'autres, chac-coh est le leopard.' lirnn-
siiir de Bourboiirg, in Lanilu, Itclncion, p. '265,

lii

. ^i'.

'lift? ii>'

,ii . I

694

THE MAYA NATIONS.

heart being torn out and presented to the idol be-
tween two dishes. Every one present then shattered
a large jug filled with some beverage, which com-
pleted this part of the festival. The usual banquet fol-
lowed, after which the Nacon was again placed upon
the shoulders of the nobles and carried to his house.
There, the nobles and priests partook of a grand
banquet, at which all got drunk, except the Nacon;
the people, meanwhile, returning to their homes. On
the morrow, having slept off the effects of the wine,
the guests of the Nacon received from him large pres-
ents of incense which had been previously blessed.
He also took advantage of this opportunity to deliver
a long discourse, in which he recommended his hear-
ers to observe scrupulously in both town and country
the feasts of the gods, in order to obtain a prosperous
and abundant year. As soon as the Nacon had fin-
ished speaking, there was a general and noisy leave-
taking, and the guests separated, and set out for their
respective homes. There they occupied themselves in
celebrating the festivals proper to the season, keeping
them up sometimes until the month of Pop. These
feasts were called Zabacilthan, and were observed as
follows. The people of each place or district sought
amongr the richest of their number for some who were
willing to defray the expenses of the celebration, and
recommended them to take the matter into considera-
tion, because it was customary to make merry during
the three last months of the year. This having been
settled, all met in the house of one of these prominent
men, after having driven away the evil spirit as usual.
Copal was burned, offerings were made, and the wine-
cup, which seems to have been the chief attraction on
these occasions, was not neglected. And all through
these three months, the excesses in which the people
indulged were pitiful to see; cuts, bruises, and eyes
inflamed with drink were plentiful amongst them; to
gratify their passion for drink they cast themselves
away.

THE MAYA NEW YEAR'S DAY.

695

During the last five days of the month of Cumhu,
which were the last days of the year, the people sel-
dom went out of their houses, except to place offer-
ings in the temples, with which the priests bought
incense to be burned in honor of the gods. They
neither combed their hair nor washed themselves dur-
ing these five days; neither men nor women cleansed
themselves; they did no work of any kind lest some
misfortune should befall them.

The first day of the month of Pop, the Maya New
Year's Day, was a season of rejoicing, in which all the
nation took part. To give more importance to the
event, they renewed at this time all the articles which
they used, such as plates, cups, baskets, clothes, and
the dresses of the idols ; they swept their houses and
cast everything into the place where they put their
rubbish; and no one dared to touch what was cast
away, even though greatly in need of it. To prepare
for this feast, princes, priests, and nobles, and all who
wished to show their devotion, fasted and abstained
from their wives for la longer or shorter periixl, some
for three months preceding it, some for two, accord-
ing to their ideas of propriety, but none for less
than thirteen days. During this season of abstinence,
they ate their meat unseasoned, which was considered
severe discipline. At this time, also, they elected the
officers who were to assist the priest at the ceremony.
The priest prepared a number of little balls of fresh
incense on small boards made for the purpose, for
those who fasted to burn before the idols. Great care
was taken not to break thy fast after it had been once
commenced ; for if this were done it was thought that
misfortune must inevitablv ensue.

New Year's Dav haviniif arrived, all the men assem-
bled in the courtyard of the temple. Women could
assist at no feast which was celebrated witliin the
temple, except those who went to take i)art in par-
ticular dances; on other occasions, however, the
women were allowed to be present. On the day in

' c !^

THE MAYA NATIONS.

question the men came alone, adorned with paint, and
cleansed from the grease with which they had been
bedaubed during the days of penance. When all
were assembled, with offerings of food and newly
fermented wine, the priest purified the temple and
seated himself in the centre of the court, clothed in
his robes of office, tad having by his side a brazier
and the balls of incense before mentioned. After thu
evil spirit had been expelled, all present offered up
prayers, while the assistants kindled the new fire for
the year. The priest now cast one of the balls of
incense into the brazier, and then distributed the
remainder among the assembled worshipers. The
nobles came first in the order of their rank, and as
each received a ball from the priest, who gave it with
great solemnity, he dropped it gently into the brazier
and stood still until it was consumed. The inevitable
banquet and orgies terminated the ceremonies. This
was the manner in which they celebrated the birth of
the new year. During the month, some of the most
devout anions^ them repeated the feast in their own
homes, and this was particularly done by the nobles
and priests, who were ever foremost in religious ob-
servances.

During the month of Uo the priests and sorcerers
began to prepare for a festival called pocam, which
was solemnized by the hunters and fishers on the sev-
enth day of the next month, which was Zip. Havin«^
assembled, clothed in their ornaments, at the house of
the prince, they expelled the evil spirit, and then
uncovered their books and exposed them upon a
carpet of green leaves and branches, which had l)een
prepared for this purpose. They next invoked with
reverence a deity named Cinchau Yzamnu, who had
been, they said, the first priest.*" To him they offered

'* ' Cinchau- Yzamnd est wne orthographe erron^, si I'oii eii juge apros
lea lemons pr«5c^deiite8; c'est prol)al)lciiieiit line iiiauvaisc abreviatioii ilc
Kinich-AliHU-Ytzamnd, doniie, d'aillciirs, coinine I'invciiteiir des Icttres ct
de rdcritnrc, raiitenr de tons Ics nonis iniposds an Yucatan.' Jirasseiir (If
Bourbourg, in Lunda, Jiclacion, pp. 'J8I-.5.

FESTIVITIES IN YUCATAN.

697

various gifts, and burned balls of incense in his honor.
In the meantime others took a vessel and a little
verdigris with some pure water, which had to be pro-
cured from a wood into whose recesses no woman had
ever penetrated. They now cleaned the leaves of
their books by moistening them ; this done, the wisest
among them opened a volume and examined the pros-
pects of the coming year, which he declared aloud to
all present. He concluded with a brief discourse, in
which he advised them how to avoid coming evils.
Jollity now reigned and the wine flowed freely — a
consummation which many of the old priest's hearers
had doubtless been long looking forward to impa-
tiently. The solemnities on this occasion were varied
at times by performing a dance called okot nil.

On the following day the doctors and sorcerers with
their wives came together in the house of one of their
number. The priests, having driven away the evil
spirit, brought to view their medicine-bags, in which
they kept a immber of charms, some little images of
Ixchel, goddess of medicine, from whom the feast
was named ihcil ixchel, and some small stones called
<tm, which they used in their sorceries. Then with
great devotion the doctors and sorcerers invoked the
gods of medicine, Yzanina, Citbolontum, and Ahau
Chamahez, while the priests burned incense, and the
assistants painted themselves blue, the color of the
books used by the priests. Bearing their medicine
bags in their hands, they then joined in a dance
called chantunyab, after which the men seated them-
selves in a row on one side, and the women on the
other; a day was appointed for holding tut. Feast dur-
ing the ensuing year, and then the usual drunken
orgies commenced. It is said that the priests ab-
stained from wine on this occasion, perhaps because
the women were present; but they took tlieir share,
nevertheless, and reserved it for a more private op-
portunity.

On another occasion the hunters, with their wives.

698

THE MAYA NATIONS.

assembled in the house of one of their number, and
performed there certain ceremonies. The first pro-
ceeding was, of course, to expel the evil influence;
then the priests, who were never absent from these
meetings, placed in the middle of the room some in-
cense, a brazier, and some blue coloring material.
Next, the huntsmen prayed with great devotion to
the gods of the chase, Acanum, Zuhuy Zipi, Tabai,
and others, and cast incense into the brazier. While
this was burning, each took an arrow and a deer's
head, which the priest's assistants had painted blue;
thus equipped, some danced, holding hands; others
pierced their ears or their tongue, and passed througli
the holes which they made seven leaves* of an herb
called etc. Then priests and their assistants made
offerings to the gods and joined in the dance. Fi-
nally, the festivities closed by all present becoming,
to quote the words of Bishop Landa, 'as drunk as
baskets.'

The next day it was the turn of the fishermen to
celebrate a feast, which they did in the same manner
as the hunters, except that instead of a deer's head,
they smeared their fishing implements with color;
neither did they pierce their ears, but cut round about
them, and after doing this they executed a dance
called cJwhom. Then they consecrated a large tree,
which they left standing. After the fetist had been
duly celebrated in the towns, it was customary for
the nobles and many of the people to go down to the
coast on a grand fishing expedition. The patron di-
vinities of the fishermen were Ahkak Nexoi, Ahpua,
Ahcitz, and Amalcum."

" 'C'etaient \h sans donte les dieux de la pficlic, h propos desqiicls Co-
c^lludo dit les imrolcs siiivuntes: "On dit aiissiiqiie bien apres la conciuete,
les Indicns de la ))rovinec <le Titzimin, quund ils allaicnt {iCclicr Ic loiijj; <lc
la c6tc de Ciiotlci),, avant dc sc nicttrc a la p6clic, conunen^-iiiciit par des
sacrifices et des oblations a Iciirs faux dieiix, leur otl'rant des chandcllcs, des
rdaux d'argent et des cuzvnn, qui sont leurs i^nieraudes, et d'autres pierres
prdcieuses, en certain endriiits, an ku et oratoires qui se voient encore dans
les bras <le mer (estuaires) et les la<rHnes saldes qu il y a sur cette c6te vor.--
le Rio de Lagartos."^ {Hist. Yur., lib. iv., cap. iv.); Brusseiir de Bum-
hourg, in Landa, Relacion, pp. 292-3.

FEAST OF THE APIARISTS.

699

In the month of Tzoz, the apiarists prepared for
a feast which was to take place in the next month,
called Tzec, by a fast, which was, however, optional
with all except the priests who were to officiate, and
their assistants. The day of celebration having ar-
rived, the participants came together in the house of
him who gave the feast, and performed nearly the
same ceremonies as the hunters and fishermen, except
that they drew no blood from their bodies. The ap-
iarists had for their patron deities the Bacabs, and
particularly Hobnil. They made many propitiatory
offerings at this time, especially to the four gods
of abundance, to whom they presented four dishes
adorned with figures of honey. The usual drunken
bout was not omitted.

After the mysterious departure of Cukulcan," the
Maya Quetzalcoatl, from Yucatan, the })eople, con-
vinced that he had gone to the abode of the gods,
deified him, and built temples and instituted feasts
in his honor. These latter were scrupulously (ob-
served throughout the entire country up to the time
of the destruction of Mayapan; but after that event
they were neglected by all the provinces but that
of Mani." In remembrance, liowever, of the respect
shown of old to Cukulcan, these provinces sent annu-
ally, by turn, to Mani four or five magnificent feather
banners, which were used in the ceremonies there.
On the sixteenth day of the month of Xul, all the
nobles and priests of Mani, being jorepared by fast

•* ' Ciiculean, ^crit qiielquefoiH Kukiilcan, vient ile kiik, oiacaii qui parait
6tre Ic ni6iiie que Ic quetzal; hou dutcriniuatif cnt kukul ({ui uiii ii run, ser-
pent, fait exacteinent le nieinc nu)t que Quetzal Cohiiatl, Herj)eiit aux
plumes vertes, ou tie (.Quetzal.' Urasscur de Bourbourg, in Landa, lldacion,
p. 35.

1* 'La province tie Mani avait ete colonisee par Ics Tutul-XiuB, dont
I'originc (5tait toltfeijue ou naliuatl ; les fOtes de Kukulcan se bornaut h
cettc province aprbs la destruction tic Mayapan, nc laisscnt ]ioint tie <loutc
Hur I'origine dc ce persunnagc, et donnent lieu de pcnser que le rcste du
Yucatan, tout en venerant jusqu'ii un certain point ce niytlie ou ce pro-
plifete, avait gard^ au fond la religion qui avuit pnjcc<le celle dc« Toltfeques.
Ce serait iiu ])oint d'liistoirc tl'une grandc inipt)rtance au point de vue plii-
losopliiquc. Nous troi'iverons uIuh loin d'autrcH indices du culte priniitif
des Mayas.' Jirasneur de Bouroourg, in Laiidu, Eelacion, pp. 300-1.

■ I
H

:• m

''I

■■I

700

THE MAYA NATIONS.

and penance for the occasion, came together, and with
them came a considerable multitude of people. In
the evening all set out in procession from the house
of the lord, and, accompanied by a large number of
professional actors, proceeded slowly towards the
temple of Cukulcan, which had already been deco-
rated in a suitable manner. Upon arriving they
placed the banners on high in the temple, offered
prayers, and going into the courtyard spread out
their idols upon green leaves and branches; then they
burned incense in many places, and made offerings of
meat cooked without pepper or salt, bean-soup, and
calabashes. After this, those who had observed the
fast did not go home, but passed five days and five
nights in the temple, praying, burning copal, and exe-
cuting sacred dances. During this time the actors
went from one house to another, representing their
plays and receiving gifts from those whom they en-
tertained. At the end of the five days they carried
all their earnings to the temple and distributed them
among the watchers there. Afterwards all returned
to the prince's palace, taking with them the banners
and the idols. Thence each betook himself to his
home. They said, and confidently believed, that Cu-
kulcan descended from heaven on the last day of the
feast and received personally the gifts which were pre-
sented to him. This festival was called chic kaban.
During the month of Yaxkin it was the custom to
prepare for a general festival, called olohzabkamyax,
held in the month of Mol, in honor of all the gods.
At this feast, after the usual preliminary rites, they
smeared with blue coloring matter the instruments
used in every profession, from the sacred implements
of the priests to the distaffs of the women, and even
the doors of their houses. Children of both sexes
were daubed in the same manner, but instead of col-
oring their hands they gave them each nine gentle
raps on the knuckles. The little girls were brought
to the feast by an old woman, who for that reason

FESTIVAL TO INSl UK A CHOP.

701

was called ixmol, conductress. The blows were given
to the children in order that they niij^ht become
skilled workmen in the profession ot* their fathers or
mothers. The usual conclusion ensued.

During the month of Mol the apiarists had another
festival similar to that of the month of Tzoo, in order
to induce their patron gods to cause the flowers to
grow, from which the bees gathered honey.

The Mayas depended sa much upon the produce of
the soil for their sustenance that a failure of the crops
was one of the heaviest misfortunes that could fall
upon them. To avoid this they made four idols,
named Chiehac Chob, Ek Balam Chac, Ahcan Uolcab,
and Ahbuluc Balam." Having placed them in the
temple, and, according to custom, burned incense be-
fore them, they presented them with two pellets of a
kind of resin called kik, some iguanas, some bread, a
mitre, a bouquet of flowers, and a stone upon which
they set great value. Besides this, tliey erected a
great wooden arch in the court, which they filled with
wood, taking care to leave openings through which to
pass backwards and forwards. The greater part of
the men then took each a long stick of dry wood, and
while a musician mounted on the top of the pile sang
and beat a drum, all danced reverently and in good
order, as they did so passing in and out the wood-pile.
This they kept up until evening, when, leaving their
sticks behind them, they went home to eat and rest.
During the night they returned, and each taking his
faggot, lit it and applied it to the pile, which burned
fiercely and rapidly." As soon as the heap was re-
duced to red-hot ashes, those who had danced gathered

•* ' Ek-balam-ehac signifie tigre noir dieu des champs: ce sont du reste
des noins doiiiK's au tigre encore aujourd'hiii. Ahcan est le serpent niAIe
en general. Ahhuluc- Balam signine Celui des onze tigres.' Jiraxseur de
Bourbourg, in Latula, Relaciou, pp. 230-1.

li 'Ne croirait-on pas lire la description de cette ffite des Scythes, rnpptor-
tee par Hdrodote, et one M. VioUet-Leduc a inser^e dans sea Anfiquift's
mexicaines, forniant rintroduction de I'Duvrage de M. Desire Charnay:
('ids el Raines am^ricaines, page WV Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Landa,
Relaeion, pp. 232-3.

709

THE MAYA NATIONS.

about it, and (jassed barefooted ovor the coals, some
without injury, and some with; this they believed
would avert misfortune and a[H)easo the anger of the
gods.»«

It was customary in all the towns of Yucatan to
erect at the limits of each of the four quarters, east,
west, north, and south, two heaps of stones, facing
each other, and intended to be used during the cele-
bration of two solenui festivals, which were as fol-
lows. In the year of which the dominical letter was
kan, the sign was hobnil, and, according to the Yuca-
tecs, these both ruled in the south. They made this
year, of baked earth, an idol which they called Kiuiu
Uayeyab, and having made it they carried it out to
the hea})s of stones which lay towards the south.
They then selected a principal man of the j)lace, aiul
in his house they celebrated the feast. For this ]tur-
pose they made another image, of the god Bolon
Zacab," and placed it in the chosen house, in a prom-
inent place, so that all who arrived might see it.
This done, the nobles, pri sts, and people came to-
gether, and set out by a ro.id swept clean, ornamented
with arches, and strewed with foliage, to the southern
heaps of stones, where they gathered about the idol
Kanu LTayeyab. The priest then incensed the god
with forty-nine grains of maize, ground up and mixed
with copal; the Uvobles next placed incense in the
brazier, and burned it before the idol. The incense
burned by the priest was called zacah, that used by
the nobles, chahalte. When these rites were com-
pleted the head of a fowl was cut off and offered to
the idol, which was now placed on a litter ciilled
kajit^,^^ and upon its shoulders were placed o ler i >
images, as signs of abundance of wn+< hi a good

>* Landa, Relation, pp. 2.10-2.

" 'Baton est I'atljectif iiunidral neuf, zacab, u la racini' est lii<\
blaiic, est le nom d'une sorte ile inais nioiilii, doiit oi, * niic ■ loce d'or-
gcut. Cette statue (.'tait-elle line image allcj^orique de I ' I (ir<r i otfcrt on
cctte occasion ? ' liritxsrur de Bourbourg, in Landa, Rrlnrioii. \>\i. 212-13.

•8 'KanU, bois j.uine; c'est probablement le cfedre.' Brasstui dc Bour-
bourg, in Landa, Relac%o:>, p. 213.

MAYA FESTIVALS.

Toe

year, and tliese ima«^e8 were frightful to Iwhold.
Amid dances and jfeneral rejoicing the idol was car-
ried towards the house where the statue of Bolon
Zaca'> had heen placed, and while the [irocession
was on the road, the nolilrs and priests parttxik of a
beverage made from four iiundred and fifteen grains
of roasted maize, whidi they called piru/a kakla.
Arrived at their destiiuition, they placed the image
that they carried opposite the idol which they found
there, and made uumy offerings of food and drink,
which were afterwards divided among the strangers
who were present, the officiating })riest receiving t»idy
the leg of a deer. Some of the devotees drew l)h)od
from th.'r bodies, scarified their ears, and anointed
with the blood a stone idol named Kanal Acantun.
They modeled a heart of dough of maize and of
calabash-seeds, and offered it to the idol Kanu Ua-
yeyab. And in this manner they honored both the
idols during the entire time of the feast, burning
before them incense of copal and ground maize, for
they held it certain that misfortune would overwhelm
them if tliey neglected these rites. Finally, the
statue of Bolon Zacal) was carried to the temple,
and the other image to the western entrance of the
town, where it remained until the next celebration of
the feast.

The ceremonies of the new year, under the sign of
inuhic were very similar to those just described,
though held in honor of other deities. A dance j)er-
formed upon a high scaffolding, attended with sac-
rifices of turkeys; another executed by the old people,
holding little baked -clay images of dogs in tlieir
hands; and the sacrifice of a peculiarly marked dog,
were, however, additional features. The same may
be said of the new year under the sign of yx, and of
the new year under the Fign of ca?mc, when the rites
which were performed were sufficiently like those
which have gone before co need no further description.*'

19 Laudu, RclacioH, pp. 210-32.

r 1^
' . it

.4,

■It

:!t

704

THE MAVA NATIONS,

The gods of the Yucatecs required far fewer hu-
man lives at the hands of their worshipers than those
of the Nahusis. The pages of Yucatec history are
not marr jd by the constant blood-blots that obscure
the Nah'ta record. An event which in Mexico would
be the aeath-signal to a hecatomb of human victims,
would in Yucatan be celebrated by the death of a
spotted dog. The office of sacrificer which in Mexico
was one of the highest honors to which a priest could
attain, was in Yucatan regarded as uncleai.' and de-
grading.^ Nevertheless, the Yucatec religion was nt)t
free from human sacrifice, and although captives taken
in war v/ere used for this purpose, yet it is said that
such was their devotion, that should a victim be want-
ing they would dedicate their children to the altar
rather than let the gods be deprived of their due.^'
But it seldom happened that more tlian one victim
was sacrificed at a time, at least in earlier days, and
even then he was not butchered as by the Nahuas,
but was shot through the heart with arrows before
being laid upon the sacrificial stone.**

At Chichen Itza human sacrifices were made in a
peculiar manner. In the centre of the city was an
immense pit, containing water, and surrounded on all
sides by a dense grove, which served to render the
spot silent and solitary, in spite of its j)osition. A
circular staircase, rudely cut in the rock, descended to
the edge of the water from the foot of an altar whicii
stoml upon the very brink of the pit.*^ At first, only

" 'Lii rlmrge de Xnron etiiit double: I'mi dtiiit |K!rj>«^tiic'l et jwu honora-
ble, imrfotiiic c'etait liii (iiiioiivi'iiit In poitriiie aiix virtiiiit's luiuiuiiie!* qn'oii
sacriliuit.' Lniiila, lirlacion, p. I(il. ' Kl olicio de iibrir td |iL'rlio u liw sii-
crilicailoB, que en Mexico era estiiiiado, aqiii era ]m)>;o liuiirom>.' IJerrcni,
Hist, (rfii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.

«i lb.

*' Lniidn, Rrlacion,\y UtCr. Ilfrrera, iibi sup.

*^ Tiie present api>caraiiec oi tht* pit is thus described by Stephens : 'Set-
ting out from the Castillo, at fanic distance we ascended a wood- d elevation,
which seemed an artificial ca iseway !t;ui!<ng to the scnote. The senote whs
the largest and w.ldest we lia<* seen; in tho midst of a thi.-k forest, an iin
niensc circular hole, with crajtKed, i)erpcnd'cular sides, irees j{rowin>; out
of them and overhanging tho brink, and i-till as if Uie genius of silemc
reigned within, A liuwk was suilinir nrjund it, )joking down into the

anmii

SACRIFICES AT CHICKEN ITZA.

706

animals and incense were offered here, as the teach-
in*^ of Cukulcan forbade the sacrifice of human vic-
tims, but after the departure of the great Maya
apostle the Yucatecs returned to the evil of their
ways,'** and the pit of Chichen was once more polluted
with human bodies. At first one victim sufficed, but
the number gradually increased, until, during the later
years of Maya independence, hundreds were immo-
lated at a time. If some calamity threatened the
country, if the crops failed or the requisite supply of
rain was wanting, the people hastened to the pit of
horror, to offer prayers and to appease the wrath of
the gods with gifts of human life. ( )n the day of
sacrifice, the victims, who wore generally young vir-
gins, were taken to the temple, clothed in the gar-
ments appropriate to the occasion, and conducted
thence to the sacred |)it, accompanied by a nmltitude
of priests and priestesses of all ranks. There, while
the incense burned on the altar and in the braziers, the
officiating priest explained to them the things for which
they were to implore the gods into whose presence
they were about to be introduced. A long cord was
then fastened round the body of each victim, and the
moment the smoke ceased to rise from the altar, all
were hurled into the gulf The crowd, which had
gathered from every part of the. country to see the
sacrifice, immediatelv drew back from the brink of
the pit and continued to pray without cessation for
some time. The IxKlies wrre then drawn up and
buried in the nei«>hborini>' y^rove.^

water, Imt without oncp flapping; itM wiiijpi. The water was of a jjreeniwli
liut>. A iiiyi«teri(Mis iiitliieiice Heeiiietl tii jivrvadi; it, in tiiii/ii:! *.vitli tliv iiirt-
tiirical afC4iuiit that tlio well of t'hicliLMi was a plan' of pil};r\iiia);e, ami
tliat hiitnan victiiL.i wore thrown into it in MU'ritice. In oim> place, on the
very hriiik, were the remains of a stone strncture, protiahly eonniTteil with
ancient Hii|H>rHtitiouM rites; (H'rhaiH the i)lacc from which tlie victims were
thrown into the dark well heneatli.' VHi'iitmi, vol. ii., p. 'V24.

'i* We have Hceii that even the memory of Cukulean was neglected in
ail the pmvincra of Yucatan hut one.

^ lirrrrrn, Hint. Gen,, t\w. iv., lih. x., cap. i.; MeiM, in Xouir/tr.i An-
iiiilf.i fiejt Vol/., 184.1, toin. xcvii., l>. 43; lintsmiir ile Bourbourtf, Hint. .V«^
' '>., toni. i'., pp. 44-5.
Vol. II. 48

- - \-

1 ' ',

¥b

■J

706

THE MAYA NATIONS.

The Pipiles had two idols, one in the figure of a
man, called Quetzalcoatl, the other in the shape of a
woman, called Itzqueye. Certain days of their cal-
endar were specially set apart for each of the deities,
and on these the sacriHces were made. Two very sol-
emn sacrifices were held in each year, one at the com-
mencement of summer, the other at the beginning (A'
winter. At these, Herrera says, only the lords were
present.** The sacrifice was made in the interior of
the temple, and the victims were boys between the
ages of six and twelve years, bastards, born among
themselves. For a day and a night previous to tlie
sacrifice, drums and trumpets were sounded and on
the day following the people assembled. Four j)riests
then came out from the temple, each bearing a small
brazier with burning incense; together they turned in
the direction of the sun, and kneeling down offered up
incense and ]>rayers; they then did the same toward
the four cardinal points.*^ Their prayers finished, they
retired within four small chapels built at the four cor-
ners of the temple, and there rested. They next
went to the house of the high-priest, and took thence
the boy who was to be sacrificed and conducted liini
four times round the court of the temple, dancing
and singing. When this ceremony was finished, tlie
high-priest came out of his house, with the diviner
and guardian of the sanctuary, and ascended the stej)s
of the temple, with the caciijue and principal men,
who, however, remained at the door of the sanctuary.
The four priests now seized the boy by the arms and
legs, and the guardian of the temj)le coming out with
little bells on his wrists and ankles, opened the left
breast of the victim, tore out the heart, and handed it
to the high-priest, who placed it in a small embroid-
ered purse which he carried. The four priests received

*i Ilerrcra, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.

" 'Ivtinsc (lorcchos toilos qiiatro jiiutus li do sale cl .si)I, i so hiiicavan de
rodillaa ante el, i le zamnavan diciciido palalmix d iiivocacioiics, i csto fcclm
3c divid'.ait liacia quatro j)arte8, lest, oest, nortc, siir, i predii.'avaii hub ricto."
i ccrcaiuiiiaa,' Patacio, Carta, p. 68.

VIPILE FEAST OF VICTORY.

707

the blood of the victim in four jicaras, or bowls, made
from the shell of a certain fruit, and descending one
after the other to the courtyard, sprinkled the blo(xi
with their right hands in the direction of the cardi-
nal points. If any blood remained over they returned
it to the high-priest, who placed it with the purse
containing the heart in the body of the victim through
the wound that had been made, and the body was
interred in the temple. This was the ceremony of
sacrifice at the beginning of each of the two sea-
sons.

When information was received from their war
chief that he had gained a victory, the diviner ascer-
tained to which of the <;ods sacrifice was to be made.
If to Quetzalcoatl, the ceremony lasted fifteen days;
if to Itzqueye, five days ; and upon each day they sac-
rificed a prisoner. These sacrifices were made as fol-
lows: All those who had been in the battle returned
home in procession, singing and dancing, bringing
with them the captives who were to he sacrificed,
their wrists and anicles decorated with feathers and
chalchiuites, and their necks with strings of cacao-
nibs. The high- priests and other ministers went t»ut
at the head of the populace to meet them with nmsic
and dancing, and the caci<jues and captains delivered
over those who were to be sacrificed to the high-priest.
Then they all went together to the courtyard of their
feufia, or temple, where they continued dancing day
and night during the time the sacrifices lasted. In
the middle of the court was a stone bench on which
the victim was stretched, four priests holding him by
the feet and hands. The sacrificing priest then came
forward, adorned with many feathers and loaded with
little bells, holding in his hand a flint knife, with
which he opened the breast of the victim, tore out
the heart, brandished it toward the cardiiial points,
and finally threw it into the air with suflicient force
to cause it to fall directly in the middle of the court,
saying: " Receive, Oh God, this thank-offering for the

I . ii,.j

\ ■ 'ill

I 1

706

THE MAYA NATIONS.

victory."** This sacrifice was public and beheld by
all the people. The men drew blood from their pri-
vate parts, and the women from their ears, tongue,
and other parts of the body ; as the blood flowed it
was taken up with cotton and offered by the men to
Quetzalcoatl, by the women to Itzqueye.

When the Pipiles were about to undertake any
hunting or fishing expedition, they first made an offer-
ing to their gods. For this purpose they took a liv-
ing deer,'*' and leading it to the temple yard, they
there strangled and afterwards flaved it, saving the
blood in a vessel. The liver, lungs, and stomach
were chopped in small pieces, which were afterwards
laid aside with the heart, head, and feet. The re-
mainder of the deer was cooked by itself, and the blood
likewise, and while this was being done the people
danced. The high-priest with his assistant next t(X)k
the head by the ears, and each of the four priests one
of the feet, while the guardian of the sanctuary put
the heart into a brazier and burnt it with copal and
ulli to the god who was the protector of hunting.
After the dance, the head and feet were scorched in
the fire before the idol and given to the high-priest
to be eaten. The flesh and blood were eaten by the
other ministers of the temple before the idol, and the
same was done with other animals sacrificed. The
entrails of fish were burned before the idol.*'

Among the civilized nations of Nicaragua, it wyuid
ap[)ear there were eighteen distinct festivals, corre-
sponding with i,he eighteen months in their calendar.^*

^ * Yiin cl wicristnn v wicuiialc con In nauaiii ol coruyon, y nrrojaiinlo si I
<lio8, o a lu tliosa, y (tezia, Tonia el fruto dcsta vitoria.' Ilrrrera, Hist.
Gen., (lee. iv., iili. viii., cap. x.

«» nra.H«i! 11- di' Bourbourg says: 'cerf blanc' Hist. Nat. Civ., toin. ii.,
p. .5.'»7.

30 '[>o saorificc dii cerf blanc, d'alxml iiii des plus aujjustes, devint., plus
tard, rotlVaiide roniiiiuiic et exclusive des chasseurs qui desiraicnt se rciiilir
favoralilcs les dieux protecteurs do la chasse ct des fordts. ' /'/., p. .'m"; /''*-
lario. Carta, pp. 74-<5.

" ' Kchauan las fiestas (luc oran diez y ocho, couio los mcsea subidos cii cl
gradario, usacritieaderoque tenian los patios de los toiuplos.' Hrrrrrn, //iv'-
Grn., dec. iii., lib. iv., cup. vii. In tlio evi<lcuce takeu by Fray l''riinvis<<>
de nobodillathe number uf festivals is given a» twenty -one and eleven; I

SACRIFICES IN NICAUAGUA.

709

These were proclaimed by the priest, holding the in-
strument of sacrifice in his hand, from the steps lead-
ing to the sacrificial altar in the court of the temple.
Ho made known who and how many were to be sac-
rificed, and whether they were to be prisoners taken
in battle or individuals reared among themselves for
the purpose.** When the victim was stretched upon
the stone, the officiating priest walked three times
round him, singing in a doleful tone ; he then opened
the victim's breast. j)lucked out his heart, and daubed
his face with the blood. He next dismembered the
body and gave the heart to the high-priest, the feet
and hands to the king, the thighs to him who had
captured him, the entrails to the trumpeters, and
the remainder to the ])eople, that all might eat.**
The heads of those sacrificed were set as trophies on
trees ai)pt)inted for the purpose.^ If the person sac-
rificed had been bought, they buried the entrails,
hands, and feet, in a gourd, and burned the heart
and all the rest.^^ As it wtis lawful for a father to
sell his own children, and each j)er.son himself, they
therefore did not eat the flesh of such sacrifices lie-
cause they were their own countrymen and relations.

must therefore leave the reader to decide for himself which is correct. 'Y.
— Ell nil lino tcncinos vcyiite e iiii diiis de ficiitas (e no juntos estos dins). .
....F. — Kn el tieinpo de nquclias on\ie fiestas, que deyis que teneys cada
afio.' Oi'ifflo, Hist. Gcn.,UtM- iv., |>i». 47, M.

M ' For there are two Ivindcs of hiiinane sacrifices with them: the one, of
enemies taken in tlie warrcs, the otiicr of sucli as are brought vp and iiiuin-
tained at home.' Peter .^ftirti/i; dec. vi., lili. vi.

^^ 'And whosocucr NJiouid liaue no parte nor portion of the sacrificed
eiicmie, would thinke he HJioulde bee ill ac<'epfed tliat yeere.' Ih.

'^* ' Euerv King iiouriHhctli his appointed trees in a tielde iieerc vnto him,
ohseruiiig tlk> names of euery hostile country, where they hange the heads
of their sacrificed enemies taken in the warres.' lb.

^* Herrera gives a similar account of the disposal of the liody, but adds:
'Saluoque ]>oniaii la cabova en los nrlwles.' Jfi.st. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv.,
cap. vii. I think it improbable that the heads were treated in the same
manner as those of their enemies. Peter Martyr savs nothing distinctly of
the disiHisal of the head, but, speaking of the sacrifice, stiys 'they reiier-
dice all iHtrts thereof, and partly bury thcin Itceforc the dui-cs of their tem-
ples, as the fectc, handes, and Isiwels, which they cast together into a
gourde, the rest (together with the hartes, making a great fire within the
vi(>w of those hostile trees, with shril hynis, and applauses of the Priestes)
they bnrne among the ashes of the former siuTificcs, iieiicr thence remooued,
lying in that ficlde.' Uec. vi., lib. vi.

710

THE MAYA NATIONS.

When they ate the flesh of foreigners sacrificed, they
held exciting dances, and passed the days in drunken
revels and smoking, but had no sexual intercourse
with their wives while the festival lasted.^ At cer-
tain feasts they offered blood drawn from their own
bodies, with which they rubbed the beard and lips of
the idol.

The priests wore white cotton cloaks, some short
and small, others hung from the shoulders to the heels,
with bands having bags attached, in which they car-
ried sharp stone knives, papers, ground charcoal, and
certain herbs. The lay brothers bore in their hands
little flags with the idol they held most in veneration
painted thereon, and small purses containing powder
and awls; the youths had bows and arrows, darts and
shields. The idol, in form and ap[>earance very friglit-
ful, was set upon a spear and carried by the eldest
priest. The ascetics marched in file, singing, to the
place of worship. They spread mantles and strewed
roses and flowers, that the standards might not touch
the ground. The procession halted ; the singing ceased ;
they fell to prayer. The prelate clapped his hand;
some drew blood from the tongue, others from the
ears, from the privy member, or from whatever part
their devotion led them. They took the blotxl on
paper or on their fingers and smeared the idol's face.
In the meantime the youths danced, leaped about, and
shook their weapons. Those who had gashed them-
selves, cured their wounds by an application of pow-
dered charcoal and herbs that they carried for the
purpose. In these observances they sprinkled niaizf
with the blood from their privy parts, and it was dis-
tributed and eaten as blessed bread.*'

^ 'En aqiiellas (icstas no trabaxamos ni entendemoa en nidR de cnil><>r-
rachuriiMs; ]M>ro no dorininios con nuestras ningercs, 6 nciucllos diiiH, j)i>r
quitnr la ocoNion, ducrnicn ellas dcntro en cowi e noHotnm fuera tlcllii: o iil
que en talcs dia8 se eclia con su niiiger, nucstros tliosei* Ics dan doiciiriii
luego, de que niuercn; 6 por esso nin^pino ioona ha^er, |M>r<iue aiiuellos <lias
8on dcdicados li uuctitroM dioaes.' Omeilo, Ifi»t. Gen., toni. iv., p. 5*2.

" Herrera, Hist, (icn., dee. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Peter Martyr, dec. vi.,
lib. vi., vii., Sqiiier, in Pulacio, Carta, p. 116.

BANQUETS OF THE PEOPLE.

711

Like the Mexicans the Mayas had a great prodi-
lection for entertaining each other at banquets, and it
is related of them that they often spent on one such
occasion a sum that it had taken them many months
to earn. Seasons of betrothal and marriage were al-
ways enlivened by sumptuous feasts. Whenever any
contract had to })e arranged, a feast was given and the
act of eating and drinking together in public and be-
fore witnesses sufficed to make such contract valid.**
The lords and principal men gave feasts to each other,
and as it was incumbent upon all the guests to return
the compliment, there must have been a continual
round of feasting. Cogolludo states that meat was
eaten at banquets only, and this may in some measure
account for the frequency with which they occurred,
and the etiquette that required the invitation to be
returned.

They observed a certain formality at their enter-
tainments, seating themselves either in twos or fours.
Each of the guests received a roasted fowl, some
bread, and an abundance of cacao. When the meal
was finished, presents were distributed to the guests,
each being presented with a mantle, a small stool,
and a handsome cup. Beautiful women acted as cup-
bearers, and when one of these presented a cup of
wine to a guest, she turned her back to him while
he drank. The feast lasted until all were intoxi-
cated, and then the wives led their drunken husbands
home. When a marriage banquet, or one in com-
memoration of the deeds of their ancestors, was given,
no return invitation was expected.** Their entertain-
ments were usually enlivened by a company of dancers
and musicians, who performed dramatic representa-
tions under the leadership of one who was called
kolpop, or master of the ceremonies; he gave instruc-

M 'En las vciitns, y contratos, no auiaescritos que obligasncn, ni cartuH
lie pai>ago, que BatisfacieHHen; pero qucilaba el contratu valiilo con que
liehicsHcn publicainentc dclante dc tcHtigos.' Coijoilmfo, I fist. Yuc, pp.
ISO-!.

™ Landtt, Relavioii, pp. 122-4.

k:l.

718

THE MAYA NATIONS.

tions to the actors, directed the singers and musicians,
and from him all had to take their cue. The actors
were called balzam, a name corresponding to jester or
mimic. As women were not permitted to take part
in the mummeries, their places were supplied by men.
Their movements during the play were grave and
monotonous, yet they were clever in mimicry and
caricature, which they frequently made use of as a
means of reproving their chief men.*" The plays
were generally of a historical character, having for
their subject the great deeds of their ancestors ; their
songs consisted of ballads founded upon local tradi-
tions and legendary tales. *^

A favorite dance of the Mayas was one called co-
lomche; a large number of men took part in it, some-
times as many as eight hundred. These formed a
ring, and were accompanied during their movements
by a number of musicians. WJien the dancing began,
two of the actors, still keeping step Avith the rest,
came out from the ring, one holding in his hand a
bunch of wands and dancing upright, while the otlier
cowered down, still dancing. Then he who had the
wands threw them with all his force at his companion,
who with great dexterity parried them with a short
stick. When the two had finished, they returned to
their former position in the circle, and two others
took their place and went through the same perform-
ance, the rest following in their turn. They had
also war dances, in which large numbers joined, the
performers holding small flags in their hands.*'*

They had a variety of musical instruments, prom-
inent among which was the tunkul, which was almost

*o 'Son graciosos en lo» motes, y chistes, que dizcn h, siis niayores, y
luezes: si son rijjurosos, ainbiciosus, nuarientos, rcpresentando los sucessus
line con cllos les passan, y auu lo que v^n i\ su Minmtro Doctrincro, lo
(tizen delante dfel, y^ vezes con vna sola palabra.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yiir.,
p. 187.

*' See Carrillo, in Soc. Mcx. Geog., Boletin, 2da ^jjoca, toni. iii., j)]). -•'>''.
261; Brasscur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., toni. ii., pp. 65-7; Hrrreni,
Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cajj. iv. ; Ternaux-Conipans, in Nouvelles .\n-
nales des Vo>/., 184.S, toni. xcvii., p. 47.

« Landa, Eelacion, pp. 126, 128.

the St
They
cover(
they
rine s
at tht

MUSIC AND DANCES.

718

the same thing as the teponaztli of the Mexicans.*'
They had other drums made of a hollow trunk and
covered at one end with deer-skin, tortoise shells that
they struck with deer's horns, trumpets, — some of ma-
rine shells and others of hollow canes with a calabash
at the end, — whistles and flutes made from bone and
cane, besides various kinds of rattles." Landa says
that in every village there was a large house or rather
shed, for it was open on all sides, in which the young
men met for amusement.** Oviedo, who witnessed
some dances and games among the Nicaraguans, thus
describes one he saw at Tecoatega after the harvest-
ing of the cacao. As many as sixty persons, all men,
though a number of them represented women, took
part in a dance. They were painted of various colors
and patterns, and wore upon their heads beautiful
tufts of feathers, and about their persons divers orna-
ments, while some wore masks like birds' heads.
They performed the dance going in couples and keep-
ing at a distance of three or four steps between pair
and pair. In the centre of a square was a high pole
of more than sixty feet in height driven firmly into
the ground; on the top was seated a gaudily painted
idol which they called the god of the caaujnat, or ca-
cao ; round the top were fixed four other poles in the
form of a square, and rolled upon it was a thick grass
rope at the ends of which were bound two boys of
seven or eight years of age. One of them had in one
hand a bow and in the other a bunch of arrows ; the
other boy carried a beautiful feather fan and a mirror.

*' ' El timbal yucateco (tankul 6 fiiiikiil, )ch cl inRtrntncnto mas notable
<le la miisica yucateca, y en j^eiieral de la iniisiea aincricana, que ai'Diiipa-
ilalmn \a» daiizaH 6 bailee .sairratloM, y cl nmiilire iiiaya dc e.sc notable in-
striiniento, nos rcvela hasta hoy el carilcter Ha<;rado de a<inollas (iestaM, put'H
el nonihrc dc tunkiil 6 (ankul, Hi<;uitica lij^eramentc la bora de laaduraeion.'
I'nrrillo, in Sor. Mcx. Ifcoij., Bolctin, 2«la epoea, toni. iii., p. 2.59. I bave
one of these inHtrunients in my ]H)s»ics8ion.

*♦ Landa, Rclarioit, pp. 124, 126; Hrnvra, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x.,
cap. iv. ; CogoUudo, Hist. Yuc, pp. 77, 18(J; Carrillo, in Son. Mix, tSrotf.,
Boletin, 2da epoca, toni. iii., p. 260; Brtuseur de lioiirbounj. Hist. iV«/.
Civ., torn, ii., lip. 64-5.

*^ Landa, lielacion, p. 178.

rf:

THE MAYA NATIONS.

At a certain step of the danco the boys came out from
the square and the rope bejjan to unroll ; they went
round and round in the air, always going further out
and counterbalancing one another, the rope still un
rolling. While they were descending, the sixty men
proceeded with their dance to the sound of singers
beating drums and tabors. The boys passed through
the air with much velocity, moving their arms and
legs to present the appearance of flying. When they
reached the ground the dancers and singers gave some
loud cheers and the festival was concluded.** Another
favorite amusement was a performance on a swinging
bar. For this two tall forked posts were firmly
planted in the ground; across them and resting in the
forks a pole was strongly bound. This pole passed at
right angles through a hole In the centre of a thick
bar, made to revolve upon it and of very light wood;
near the end of the bar were cross sticks for the per-
formers to take hold of A man placed himself at
each end, and when the bar was set in motion they
went tumbling round and round, to the delight of the
spectators.*^

*» This is very similar t<) the Nahiia game, dcscrilicd on pu<rc 2!)5, et fH>q.,
of UiiH volume.

♦' Oviciio, Hist. Gen., torn, iv., pp. 93-4, 111-1'2, pi. v., lig. i., ii.

CHAPTER XXIII.

FOOD, DRESS, COMMERCE, AND WAR CUSTOMS OF THE MAYAS.

iNTnoDUt'TioN OF AGRICULTURE— QiricHi:; Tradition of thk Discov-
ery OF Maize— Maize Culture— Superstitions of Farmers
Hunting and Fishing— Domestic Animals, Fowl, and Hees—

PRESEBVATIt)N AND COOKINO OF FoOD — MEALS DlUNKS AND

Drinking-Habits—Cannidalism— Dress of the Mayas— Max-
TLis, Mantles, and Sandals— Dress of Kings and Priests-
Women's Dress— Hair and Beard — Personal Decoration —
Head-Flattening, Perforation, Tattooing, ani> Painting-
Personal Habits— Commerck—Currency—Markets— Sui'ERsTi-
tionsofTravelers— Canoes and Balsas— War— Military Lead-
ers— Insignia— Armor— Weapons— Fortifications— Battles-
Treatment of Captives. .

The tierm caliente and the low forest-clad foothills
of the Usumacinta region on the confines of Yucatan,
Guatemala, ChiapaH, and Tahasco, present claims as
stroiiif at least as those of any other locality to be
considered the birth-place of American civilization.
Here apparently Votan and Gucumatz, denii-o^ods or
civilizers, won their first triumphs over the powers of
barbarism. In the most remote times to wliich we
are carried by vague tradition and mythic fable, gods
with strangely human attributes, or men of wonder-
ful supernatural powers, newly arrived in this land,
took counsel one with another how they might sub-
ject to their power and reclaim from barbarism the
native bands of savages, or 'animals,' who roamed

(715)

716

THE MAYA NATIONS.

naked through the forests, and subsisted on roots and
wild fruits. The discussion of the tradition with ref-
erence to its historic signification, is foreign to my
present purpose, but as the story inchides the tradi-
tional origin of agriculture and the discovery of inaizu
luider the form of a new creation, it is an appropriate
introduction to the present chapter on the food, dreHs,
and commerce of the Maya nations. The story runs
as follows in the aboriginal Quiche annals:'

Behold how they began to think of man, and to
seek what must enter into the flesh of man. Then
spake he who begets, and he who gives being, Tej)euh,
Gucumatz, the creator and the former, and said: "Al-
ready the dawn is nigh; the work is finished; behold
the support, the foster-father, is ennobled; the son of
civilization, man, is honored, and humanity on the
face of the earth." They came, and in great num-
bers they assembled; in the shadows of the night
they joined their wise counsel. Then sought they
and consulted in sadness, meditating; and thus the
wisdom of these men was manifest ; they found and
were made to see what must enter into the flesh of
man; and the dawn was near.

In Paxil, or Cayala ('land of divided and stag-
nant waters') as it is called, were the ears of yellow-
maize and of white. These are the names of the bar-
barians who went to seek food; the Fox, the Jackal,
the Paroquet, and the Crow, — four barbarians who
made known to them the ears of the white maize and
of the yellow, who came to Paxil and guided them
thither. There it was they obtained at last the food
that was to enter into the flesh of man, of man cre-
ated and formed ; this it was that was his blood, that

' This history, written with Roman characters, hut in the QniclK' lan-
guage, in tlie early yean* of the Con<^ueMt, was quoted hv Hrasseur tic
Bourbourg as tiie MS. QiiiclU itc Chic/itcanleiiaiiqo, in his liisl. Xut. Cir.,
toni. i., pp. .59-60; a transUitioa into Spanish bjr Xinieucz apneareil in 1S.'>7,
Hist. Intl. Guat., pp. 79-80; and a transhition into French ny Brassenr dc
Bourbourg in 1861, Popol Vvfi, pp. 195-9. Ilrasseur's rendering is followed
for the most part in my text, but ao far as tliis extract is concerned tlicro
are only slight verbal diiferences between the two translations.

DISCOVERY OF MAIZE.

717

l)ecaine the blood of man — this maize that entered
into him hy the provision of him who creates, of him
who ^ives heing.

And they rejoiced that they had at last arrived
in this most excellent land, so full of ^(mkI things,
where the white and yellow maize did abound, also
the cacao, where wore sapotes and many fruits, and
honey; all was ovei-flowing witli the best of food
in this country of Paxil, or Cayala. There was food
of every kind; there were large and small plants, to
which the barbarians had guided them. Then they
began to grind the yellow and white maize, and of
them did Xmucan<5 make nine drinks, which nour-
ishment was the beginning of strength, giving unto
man flesh and stature. Such were the deeds of the
begetter and giver of being, Tepeuh, Gucumatz.
Thereupc *H«y began to speak of creating our first
mother and our first father. Only yellow maize and
white maize entered into their flesh, and these alone
formed the legs and arms of man; and these were our
first fathers, the four men who were formed, into
whose flesh this food entered.

And from this time of its traditional discovery by
Gucumatz, or Quetzalcoatl, down to tht coiujuost by
the Spaniards and even down to the present tin)e, the
yellow and white maize, in their several varieties,
have been the chief reliance of the Maya as of the
Nahua nations for daily food. Every year during the
latter months of the dry season, from March to May,
the farmer busied himself in preparing his mi/jxi, or
cornfield, which he did by simply cutting or u})rooting
the dense growth and burning it. The aslies thus
produced were the only fertilizer ever employed, and
even this was probably never needed in this land of
tropical fertility. Just before the first rain fell,
equipped with a sack of seed-maize on his shoulder
and a sharpened stick in his hand, he made holes at
regular intervals among the ashes, and in each depos-
ited five or six grains, covering it with the same in-

718

THE MAYA NATIONS.

strument, aided perhaps by the foot. In Yucatan
the planters united in bands of twenty for mutual
assistance, workinjif toj^etlier until the land of all tlu'
ohib was properly seeded. It was not customary to
plant very lar«^e fields, but rather many in different
localities, to jifuard ajjfainst a possible partial failure of
the crops from local causes, Hedjj^ea, ditches, and
fences were constructed to enclose the milpas, so
effective in the liacandone country that the 8paniai<ls'
horses were una1»le to leap them. The corn was care
fully k(!pt free from weeds while "jfrowin*^, and watched
by boys after it had bei»'un to ripen. In Nicara,t»ua,
where, ( )viedo tells us, more attention was paid t<»
aiifriculture than in any other reifion visited by him,
the bt>ys took their station in trees scattered over the
field, or sosnetirnes on raised covered scaffolds of wo(»d
and reeds, called harhacoas, where they kept up a con
tinual shoutinuf to drive away the birds. Irri<,''ati(»n
was j>racticed when the rains were backward, and il"
we may credit Oviedo, l)y thus artificially forcini,^ tlu-
crop in Nicarajj^ua, well-filled corn was plucked oidy
forty days after plantin<>' the seed. Villajj^utierre
states that the Itzas Hpent most of their time in W(H
ship, dancin<f, and jfettiniif drunk, trustin<^ to unculti
vat<'d fruits and the fertility of their soil for a snb-
siMt,(!nce, and <'ontenting theuiselves with very small
milpas.

After maize, cacao was perhaps the crop to wliidi
most attention was ]»aid. It ^rew in hot and sIi.kIv
localities, and where there was lio natural shade, tret ^
were s(;t out for the purpose. It was cnWad on (i;/>i<if in
Nicarajjfua, and was <,fathered from February to A|>ril.
Several varieties, of a somewhat inferior »iuality.
iLjrew wild, and were nuich used by the natives Tin
cultivati(tn of beans, ))epper, cotton, and of nunieioiis
native fruits, was carried on extensively, but we lia\r
no details res[)ectint^ the methods em|»loye(l.'^ In

* I.nnda, Rrlarion, [i. l.'iO; lirnssntr dc lloiirhoiir.f, in /'/., I>. .'Vil. On
till' cdiiHt uf Yucutan, 'dos rauiiica duiit ilH font li> |>aiii, I't i|ii'ils ihiiijih ;ii

CULTIVATION OF THE SOIL.

719

connection with the planting and growth of tho vari-
ous cultivated plants, the Mayas entertained some
peculiar superstitions. Far from understandini^ the
simplest laws of nature, they recognized only super-
natural a-ji^encies in the growth or blighting of their
frojjs. In Yucatan, CogoUudo states that no meat
was eaten while <M)tton was growing, I'roiu fear that
it would fail to mature. The Nicaraguaiis, accord-
ing to Ditvila, ate no salt or pepper, nor did thev
drink any intoxicating beverage or sleep with their
wtunen during the time of phiijinig. Oviedo als »
observed certain bundles of sticks placed at th •
corrjcrs of each field, as well as leaves, ston«)s, and
cotton rags, scattered over the surface by ugly anil
deformed old hags, for some unknown but doubtless
superstitious |)urpose. Palacio tells us that the Pipi-
les before begiiming to pl-.nt gathered in small bowls
specimens of all the sc ds, which, after })erforming
certain rites with them before the idol, they buried
in the grciund, and burned copal and uUi over them.
Blood was drawn freely fr<jn) diti'erent j)urts of the
body, with which to anoint the idol; and, as Ximeiie/
stati's, the blood of slain fowls was sprinkled over the
land to be sown. In the case of cacao the finest
grains of seed were exposed to the moonlight during
four nights; and whatever the see<l to be planted, the
tillers of the soil must sleep ap.irt from th(;ir wives
and concubines I- r several days, in order that on tlu;

mniH.' Dliiz. ffim^ruiri , in T'riiiiiir->'i:iii/i'iiis, Vnif., Hi-ric i., toni. x., p. S.
TIk' Liiciiiidi' it s applit'il tlicm-iclvi'M 'iil traliujoilu suh Mil|iiis, y Si'iiK'Ulcrus
ili> Mai/, ('hill', > I'nxoU's, ciitrc (|uc H<>iiiliriiviin riniis, I'liitikiios, ItiilatiiH
.\icaiiius, ,\a(-i>tcs, /apittoH. ,v otrus Friilas;' tli(>ir iiiil|tas were lar;;c. ami
were clcjareil witli stoiu" liutclietH. \'iltiirfu(irrrr, Hist. ('om/. f/zn, pp.
MIO-II. The ll/aH hail 'iiiiicha (iraiia, Cera, Ai;;<tili)ii, At-liiote, na.viiilla>«,
V (itnis lAjjiitnltreM.' /«/.. pp. .'i.'ill, VMl Many varieticM of lieaiH riiined in
N'icarr.^iia. (h'irdo, Ilis/. (Irn., tciii'. i. , p. -S."). 'Vi iniit'hos destus pera-
l<^s en la prtiviii(,'ia de Nieara^tna, pucMtos il inano t'n Ian herciiailes »• p|jirii.s
6 assieiitos <le loH indic.'s, (■ por eJloseiiltivailoH. K sou tan ^■'''■■■li''* lirliolex
conid U(i,,'aleH ul;;uniiH tlellos.' Id., p. 3,'>S. I'lantinu of niai/e. /(/., pp.
2(m-(); tiiin. iv , pp. 101-.'>. See also on aj^rieiilture: linizoiii, Jlis/. Mmulit
SiKiii,, pp. MYl 'A; .liiilfif/oi/n, in Xnvanrtr, Vol.de l'i(iji;i, toni. iii., lip.
41IJ-14; Cor/^K, t'ltrhi-i, p. 40."i; Sqiticr'.s ('rut. Aiinr., pp. TmI, f>'tt\; VinUrf-
If-hnr, in f'/innioji, Ituinrs Aiuvr., p. 71; Uiiiahuldt, k.uai I'oL, toni. i.,
p. lf(il>; Gidldttn, in Aiiur. Kfhnu. Soc, Transact., vol. i., p. 8.

'ff i

' !

%%\

790

THE MAYA NATIONS.

niiifht before plantinor t^ey mi^ht indulge their pas
sioriis to the fullest extent; certain persons are evei:
s ml to have been apj)ointed to perforin the sexual act
at the very moment when the first seeds were de-
posited in the ground. Before begiiming the opera-
tion of weeding, they burned incense at the four
corners of the field, and uttered fervent j^rayers t((
the idols. When the com was ripe they i>!ucked the
finest ears and offered them to the gods, tt) the priests,
and sometimes also to the j)oor. At harvest time the
corn was heai)ed up in tlie field, and was not moved
until the grain itself gave the signal that it was
ready; the signal was, as Brasseur states it, tin-
s])ringing up of a fiv.'sh blade, or, aecoiding to Xi-
meiiez, the falling of an ear from the heaj)."

The home of the Mayas in ni>arly every part
abounded in many varieties of game, and the authois
report the natives to liave been expert liunters and
fishermen, but resj)o('ting the })arti<'nlar methods • in-
j)loyed in capturiiig 6>od i'r<nn forest, (x-ean, and riv«r,
little information has 1kx.'ii j»reserved. Tli«- jw^ph' of
Yucatan used the bow an/) arrow; were es}/e!«ii<:lly <ki\\
ful at throwing a kind of strnrw or dart b-s iii> h /a
piece of wood three fingers thick, pierc<;d with a hole
at one third its length; and, a<'cording to < ogolhido.
they l)rcd hunting flogs which were trained to follow
anci wize d(^er, tigers, an<l Ixmrs, as well as badgers, rah
bitn. armadillos, and iifuanas. The latter animal was,
as it still is, a favorite food. Tradition niates that
the Tutul XiuM when they first came to Yu<ataii u.s(<l
ao weapons, Ixit were famous for their skill in taking
game by means of snares, traps, and similar devices.
In Cfuatennila, a blow-pipe and eartlun bullets wen
stimetimes used to shoot birds. A j>ortion of all gaiin
taken had to be given to the rulers of town and pro\
ince, and also a large j)ortion half, I^as ( 'asas tells

^Ximrnez, Hl.it. I ,>t. Gimt., pp. 1»0-I; Coijolhulo, Hi.', i'lo:, y. |s.<,
Fnlnrio, Ciuln. jip. T-'-»; Orin/o, Hint. Urn., to'iii. i , i). 'iS.'!; /Mn/ii. Jfni''
Ki'Ifii., toin. i., p. i'St'A; Jiranseur Ue Jioiirbourtj, Hint. Nat. t'iu., toni. ii., J'l'
5fl.-> «.

US, m

hies,
in SOI
scri I )e(
from
also i
the ti<
the In
water
Itzas
alligat(
V^era 1
l)r()])er
favorite
seem to
at hand
As ai
little us«
WM nev
t\\*'. x"am(
for f''»of|.
Mot bark
Th**y we
V'lK-atan,
alr»adv i
and othei

rSE OF MEAT AS FOOD.

791

US, in (iriiateinala — must l)e ottered to the <y(xl of hunt-
ini(, or, ill other words, furnished for the priests' ta-
hles. Fish and turtles weri' the ehief arti('k;s of food
iu souie coast re«(ions, and the Nicaraiifuans are de-
scrihed hy Oviedo as expert Hshernien, who took tish
from ocean and river hy means of rods, hues, and flies,
also in cotton nets, and hy ]>ens and cnihankments in
the tide waters. They are .said to liave had a plant,
the hi(i/i/un, a decoction of which l)einy put in the
water hrouiiciit the fish senseless to the surface. The
Itzas and ])rol»ahly others used the harjxton. Young
alli<,'ators just hatched were esteemed as delicacies in
V^era Paz, ami larye tleets of canoes were sent at the
proper season to take them. The tapir was also a
favorite article of food. Toads and other leptiles
stHMii to have heen eaten when other supplies were not
at hand.*

As an article of daily food, meat was comparatively
little used; (Jot^olludo even goes so far as to say it
waM never eatttn in Yucatan except at feasts. Besides
th« xanit'-supjdy. <logs of a certain species were raised
for f<i<Kl. riiey were of small size, without hair, loidd
not hark, and when castrated hecame innnensely fat.
TIh'V were called .ndos in Nicara*fini, and ttonu's in
V'in-;»tan, l»ut were prohahly the same as the tcc/ilchis
ah»ady nuMitioned in ^[exico. Turkeys, ducks, geese,
and other fowl were domesticated; and pigs, rahhits,

!i if

* In til* ))rnvin<T <if ('aiiijMV'lic the .S|»aiiinnls wore fciistod on 'T'or-
"•iM'kcH aiicl crHiiiiiKMl t'oiilr liotli "f ilii' Miiiintuym's. WihkI-^, ami Water, art
''ttry<'lii'H, f/iiayU'M, 'riirtlt'»«. Ihuki-s, (ici'sc, ami fdurcfootcil wilde licastcs,
< MiiKi-t'M, FlartfM. aixl Hares: Ih'sjiIc-^ Wnlt'cs, Lyons, 'rv>;iTs. ami Koxcm.'
h'rf Marl i/r, <\i'i- i\., Iil>. ii. '.liMit.iiisc taiiibicii pnra la raca ilt' I. en I.,
•NM* <i iiKMios, y la curiH' di'l vciiiulo a-^aii en jiarillas, |iori|U(' no so li'«
Xanl*-, y VfuiiloK al iiui-ldo, lia/m ~ii> |iri'sciit('s ai si-niir, y ilislril>iiy<Mi roirio
aiiiiifoM yd iiifHino lia/t'ii t-ii la iii'-ca.' Lifmln, Jii/nrim, . |i|i. l;iO-2, 4('>.
Ill Vpra I'ii/ ■ tcjoiu's, i|U«' iIimicii luu-na canii', el liilalx's incjor <|iit' far-
iicro: vtMiiMlilloN vcrini'jo.s, y otrox lMtyo>. nmclioH otros cnii' los liidioH
lli'i'lian. y conieii nlj;iino<< dcsollailim. otros ahiiniadoN. y asKados. on liarlMi-
<iia, y on <'lmrini»', v t<Ml<i inal;.'iiisado.' //. re /v/, Hisf. <!ni., doo. iv., lih.
X, ran. xiii., .\iv., li. At<'ozMiuol 'ol iM-soadn os .su oaMJ ])riiii'i|ial niiiii-
jar ■ (loiiitirii, Ciinq. ytr*-. t'ol. '11. Sc aNo ''•inlit, Hint. Gin., toin. i.,
|>|i. ;{.5.'), VIA, 497, toin. iv.. \>. XV, i'ii;i'i/f>ii(i,, H.sl. l'«f., p. IST; l.nsl'ii-
■•"I", Hi.sl. AfwliHirlird, MS.. i'«;i 177; liiffisrur ilf BoKrhiiiinj, I'l^pol Villi,
|i. f>3.

Vol. II. if.

722

THK MAYA NATIONS.

and hares are mentioned as havinj^ been bred. Mul-
titudes of bees were kept for their honey and wax,
and hives are spoken of by Las Casas witliout descrip-
tion, (ioniara says the bees were small and the honey
somewhat bitter. The only methods of nuikinj^ salt
that I find particularly mentioned were to bake tide-
washed earth, l)oilinif down the brine made of tiie
product, and also to l»oil the lye produced by leechiii<;-
the ashes of a palm called xacxam. The former
method was practiced in (Guatemala, at ^reat cost (*f
laljor and wealth, as Herrera says; the second is in-
ferred to Yucatan. Many roots were of course util
ized for food, and a peculiar herb, called //««/, Wiis
mixed with lime and carried constantly in the mouth
by the Nicaraij^uans on the march or journey, as a
preventive of fatij^ue and thirst.'

Kespectin<»' the preservation and cookiniif of fond.
as well as the habits of the people in takinji;' their
daily meals, there are no differences to be recorded
from what has been said of the Nahuas. The inevi-
table tortillas and tamales were the standard disli,
made in the same way as at the north; meat was
dried, salted, roasted, and stewed, with pepper for tin-
favorite seasoning. Fruits were perhaps a more prom-
inent article of food, and were eaten for tlie most part
raw." CWolludo informs us that the Yucatei's eat
reijfularly once a day, just before sunset; and we are
also told that they took jj^reat pains to keep their
brii,dit-i'(dored table-cloths and napkins in a state nt'
perfect cleanliness. In Nicaragua, they were aeeiis-

* Lnntlfi, R'-liirinii, p. 118; Las C'axnn, in KitiffuboivHiih'x Mi\i: An'iq ,
vol. viii., J). MS; I'tiiftiHiulo, Hist. Ynr., y\\. 184, 187-8, 7(H); ['illw/iiHnri:
llist. CoiK/. Itzu, pp. 41, 'AW; Vi'irilo, Ilist. Gen., toin. i,, pp. 'Joii 7, 411,
4»7, r>07, toiii. iii., p. 'J27; /V/rr Martyr, dec. iv., lib. vi, ii., Acv. vi., lilt,
iii. ; llrnrra, Ilixt. 6V/i., dec. i., lilt, v., cap. v., dec. iv., lilt, viii., tap.
viii,; h'limara, Coiiq. Mvx., fcil. 'iS; Id., Jlist. Intl., fol. Cl-'J; I'ortis, in,-
fas. p. 44'.>; Faiifourf's Ilisf. Viti-., p. 32.

« (Virtt'H, Cartas,-]}. 2.S, t«ll« us thiit no Itrciid was made in Yiicutan, I'lit
that maize was eaten roasted. The In-st tortiiiaH in Nicaragua were ralliMl
tiiiritlfiorhoii. Oiu'rdn, Tlisl. dm., torn, i., pp. '2(>7, 3.M, 3.'>'i, 411, ri I.!, •''-,'(,
toiii. iii., p. 227. See ulsit l.aiida, Jiclarion, pji. 110-20, 135; Ifureiii, Ilist.
(If I., dec. iv., lib. x.,cap. xiii.

DRINKS PREPAHED FROM MAIZE.

723

tomed to wash the hands and mouth after eatinor; and
the chiefs, who sat in a circle on wtKiden henches and
were served hy the women, also washed at the com-
mencement of the meal. The men and women eat
always separately, the latter takin)i^ their ftRxl from
the jLifround, or sometimes from a palm-leaf hasket-
work platter. Very little food sufficed for the Mayas
and they could bear hunjjer for a lonj( time, hut like
all the abori»(inal inhabitants of America they eat
plentifully when well supplied, takinjf no heed for a
time in the future when food mijjfht be lackint»-.^

We have seen that in the bejj^imun;jf, according to
the tradition, Xmucane invented nine drinks, which
were prepared fnmi majze. The exact comp«)sitiun of
these famous beveraufes of antiquity is not jj^iven; but
Landa .speaks of at least six, in the j)reparation of
which maize was used, at least is an ingredient. To
make the fir.st, the vovu was half-hoiled in lime-water,
coar.sely j^round, and jueserved in small balls, wliich
were simply mixed with water for use; this l)ever!j^'e
was much used on journeys, and was often the only
provision, .serving- lor food as well. Tlie secoii»! was
made of the same hulled corn <,n'ouiid fine and mixed
in water .so as to form a «»tui'1, whicii was heated and
thickened over the t\vv, and was a favorite drink
taken hot in the mornlnt^. The third was panhed
corn ground, niixitl in water, and seasoned with pep-
per or cacao. The fourth was comijosed ol" y'round
maize and cacao, and was <lesiijned esju'cially for
jaiblic festivals. For tlie tittli a gn,use, much like
laitter, was extracted from cacao and mixed with
Uiaize. The sixth was ]trepared from raw maize
i^'round. The fenuenttd liinior, made of mai/e and
cacao, wliich was «lniiik l»y the Itzas, was called -.(un.
\ative witjcs were made of honey !in<l water, of tiys,
and of a jjreat variety of fruits; tli;>t made of the

lil;'

' Hrrnntntr lil' Bfntrhnnni, TH.st. \tit. Cii:, toili. ii.. l))i. (59; l.ntida, Ri ■
hirioii. Ik lat; i'ttgtJhuli,, ll,'s/ Vitr . |i. ISO; Oriii/,,, llifl fi'ii., toiii iv..

Ill

724

THK MAYA NATION'S.

native fruit called jacofe, and one of red cherries,
were very popular in Nicaruj^ui. Chirha was a fer-
mented drink made of i)ine-app]e juice, honey or
8u«jfar, and water. PuUpie made from the maj^uey is
mentioned, but this plant does not seem to have
played so im])ortant a role in the south as in tlu;
north; at least there is very little said <»f it. A very
stronj*" and stinking wine is also menti '"jd as heiny
prepared from a certain r(M)t. Herrera tells us that
the maize-wines resembled beer, and Andaj^foya that
their intoxicatin«( properties were not very lastint^.
Benzoni complains that the native wines failed to
comfort tiie spirit, warm the stomiu'h, and sooth to
sleej) like those of Castile. Chocolate and otlicr
drinks prepared from cacao were universal favorites,
and were prepared both from wild and cultivated
varieties. Ovied() states that in Nicaraifua none but
the rich and noble could afford to drink it, as it was
literally drinkinj^ money. He describes the manner
of preparing the cacao, covo, or cac<t</uat. It was
[)icked from the trees from February to April, diitil
in the sun, roasted, ground in water, mixed with a
fjuantity of hijra until it was of a bright i)l(MHl-co|(ir,
and the dried paste was |)reserved in cakes. With
tills ;>!iste the natives deliy^hted to bedaub tiieir fjict-s.
To prepare the drink, they do not seem to have ciu-
ployed heat, at least in this part of the country, l»iit
simply dissolved tiie paste in water, and poured it
from one dish into another to raise a froth.

The Mayas seem to have been a })eople greatly ad
dicttMl to the vice of drunkemiess, which was much
less disgraceful and less severely punislied by the
laws than among the Nahuas. It was <juite essential
to the tiion)ugh enjoyment of a feast (M- wedding ti>
lx5come intoxicated; the wife even handed tlie ttinpt
ing l>everages to her husband, modestly averttd
her head while he drank, kindly guided Iiim lutme
when the festivities were over, and even U'caiue
intoxicated herself occasionallv, if Lauda mav he

EATING HUMAN FLESH.

725

believed. The same aiithority represents the natives
of Yucatan as very brutal and indecent when drunk,
and Oviedo says that he who dropped dt>wn senseless
from <lrink in a banquet was allowed to remain where
he fell, and was rej^arded l)y his companions with feel-
injfs of envy.'

The custom of eating the flesh of human victims
who were sacrificed to the gods, was probably j)rac-
ticed more or less in all the Maya regions; but
neither this cannil>alism nor the sacrifices that gave
rise to it were so extensively indulged in as by the
Mexicans. Some authors, as Gomara, deny that
human flesh was ever eaten in Yucatan, but others,
as Herrera, Villagutierre, and Peter Martyr, con-
tradict this, although admitting that cases of can-
nibalism were rare, and the victims confined to
sacrificed enemies. Las Casas states that in Guate-
mala the hands and feet were given to the king and
high-priest, the rest to other {)riests, and tluit none
was left for the people. In Nicaragua the high-
priest received the heart, the king tlie feet and
hands, he who captured the vii'tim took the thighs,
til'' tripe was given to the trumpeters, an<l the rest
»!i,s divided among the people. The head was not
eaitieiL The edilde portions were cut in small pieces,
liM'»iled in large pots, si^asoned with salt and pe|)per,
and eaten together with cakes <if iiiM'ze. At certain
feasts also maize was sprinkled with blood from the
genitals, Acc<»r(ling to HerrtM'a some Spaniards
were eaten in Yucatan. Imt All>ornoz trlls us that
the natives of H<>n«lnras found the foreigners too
tou<^h and hitter t«» be eaten."

« Vinnifwtirrri . ///>' ''.»»iy. Ilza, np. W, 0"), .112: Lninln, Rflneion,
itp. llt>-2(». I'.t'J; llirni-i. Ili-i/. '/• n.. Ueiv i. lil>. v . cup. v.. di'e. iii., lili.
IV., nip. vii., dec, iv.. lili viii., cim ix., lili. x.,cap. iv ; Orni/o, Ifisi. '/<•((.,
Iiilll. i., pp. 2()7, HI7-I>*, t'tiil. iv., p. Ur»; liiiizinii. Hist. Mitinlu Miioro, fol.
H»-i-.M, liW; La.i ''imti.i, HiM A/x^'ogHim, MS., .up. cLxxvii.; Wuhlnk,
I'll/. I'itt., p. 4<»; ! 'iirfi'.s' Ih:s/nifr)i'-.i, ji. 4; Jtriixni'iir lir ISoiirhiiiirif, Hi.il.
A'.ir '/(•., toin. II .pp. .M'JI. •«•«.

9 In Viicatnii: TIh'sc niirWiiriaiiK ('at^* iiiwly tlitMrpiiPinit'H, orHiirli stntii-
ll^m uH ciiiiu' vuv« tlu'iii, (itluTwiw tlu'v almtaiiif fnim inaiis fl».«li.' I'l/, r
Jturfi/r, dec. iv., iili. vi. lu •riiutt-iuula the lu-ad-' and iripe wi-ri- si'a><»nt'd

79S

THE MAYA NATIONS.

By reason of the warmer climate in the southern
lands, or of a difference in the popular taste, some-
what less attention seems to have been paid to dress
and personal adornment by the Mayas than by the
Nahutus, or rather the Maya dress was much more
sinii>le and more uniform amontf the different classes
t)f society; and, so far as can be determined from the
very scanty information extant, there was only a very
slii^ht variation in th^ dress of the diflerent nations —
much less, indeed, than would naturally be expected
between the tribes of the low Yucatan plains and of
the Guatemalan highlands. Very little of the infor-
mition that has been preserved, however, relates to
the people of Guatemala. Men wore almost univers-
ally the garment known in Mexico as the maxtli, a
long strip ot cotton cloth, wound several times round
the loins and passing between the legs. This strip
was often twisted so Jis to resemble a cord, and the
higher the cliuss or the greater the wealth of the
wearer, the greater the length of the cord and the
numl)er of turns about the body. Among the Itzas
and other tribes of Yucatan, instead of passing this
garment between the legs, its ends were often allowid
to hang, one in front and the other behind, i)eing in
such cjises more or less embroidered t)V otherwise!
decorated.'" In more modern times the maxtli seems

with wine. /,a? Ctisus, lli.it. ApolorfHicn, MS., cap. elxxvii. ; Id., in Kiinfu-
ti()riiiii/h\i Stix. Anil I., vol. viii., p. H7; Villixjutirrri', Hint. Com). Il~<i, pp.
<)!!(, (i.")l; (rDiniirn, Ifiaf. IiiiL, fol. 02; Ifrrnra, Hi.if. (}ni.,dcr. ii., lil). iv.,
uitp. vii., (lee. iii., lilt, iv., cap. vi., vii., Iil>. vii., ciip. iii. ,<lcc. jv., lilt, x.,
cap. IV.; Orieito, lli.'it. (ini., Utm. iv., pp. H7, 5 1-2, .50, 108; Aiiifaifoi/d, in
Nnviinrtr, Col. dr Viakn, toni. iii., p. 4'2(); llf.iiznni, Hist. Moiidu y'lmrn,
fi)i. 'Vi, 104; Alhonioz, in Icnzhalir.td, Col. di: Dor., toin. i., |). 480; Ifil/i.i'
S/imi. Coiiq., vol. iii., p. 88; Pimcntd, Mem. sobtx la Rnza Iiidi'jeiin, [». '.'.■(;
Mo relet, Voijitqe, t<»ni. i., p. 191.

'" The ltau<, men iind women, wore 'faxas' 4 varas h»ng and ^ varji
wide. Villoifiilirrir, Hi.st. Coikj. Itza, |)p. .312, 402, 4S)8. At Caini»fclic. a
Htrip of cotton one hand wide, twi)4tc<l and wound 20 or 30 times ulxiiii
the hody. Orirdo, Hint. tien.. torn, i., pp. 512-l.S. This garment cjillicl
mn.ifiite. lieriial Diaz, Ili.il. Coin/., fol. 2. Ends embroidered and tlcin-
rated with feathers. Laiidti, li'larion, p. 110. Alnutt/zares, culled in New
Spain mantil; otherwise naked. Ilerrern, Hint. Gen., dec. i., lil». v., rap.
v., dec. ii., lili. iv., cap. vii.; Vort(s' Despatches, p. 4. Tiie CijiapanciH
naked except this cloth about the loins. Jiemesal, Hist. Ghyapa, pp. 'J'.*'.',

I)KE.S.S OF THE MAYAS.

727

to have been, in some cases at least, replaced by «'<)t-
ton drawers, fastened with a strin«( round the waist,
atid havinj^ the lejjfs rolled up to the middle of the
thijifh." A large proportion of tiie Mayas, especially
of the poorer classes, wore commonly no other gar-
ment than the one mentioned; but very few were
without a piece of cotton cloth about four or five feet
square, which was used as a covering at night and was
often worn in the daytime, by tying two comers on
the same side over the shoulders and allowing the
cloth to hang down the back. The Spaniards uni-
formly apply the somewhat indelinite term 'mantle'
to this garment. Those mantles are still worn." The
only other garment mentioned, and one not definitely
stated to have been worn except in Yucatan, was a
kind of loose sleeveless shirt reaching to the knees.
These shirts as well as the mantles were worn both
white and dyed in brilliant and variegated colors." I
find no mention of other material than cotton used for
clothing, except in the case of the Cakchi<juel8, who,
according to Brasseur, wore both bark and maguey-
fibre."

There is nothing to indicate that the dress of
nobles, priests, or kings, differed essentially from that
of the common people, except in fineness of material
or richness and profusion of ornaments. It is proba-
ble, however, that the higher classes were always
clad in the garments which have been described,
while a majority of the plebeians wore only the

" Plate showing the costume of an Indian of the interior. JValdeek,
Vot/. Pitt., pi. V. Trowscrs of cotton in Salvador. Squirr's Cent. Ainer.,
1>. ij21.

'2 Called tilmas or ha;/nt<:\; a van! and a half Houare. Coifo/iuilo, Hist.
Viir., p. 187. Mantle.s called ziiijfii. /(/.. p. '2. 'Mantas pintadus.' Las
Casas, in Kiiiffuboro'Kfh'.s Mrx. Aiiti/., vol. viii., p. 147.

'3 t-otton robes oi i>riglit olors. Sriuirr'.<< Crnf. An'r., j>. .'mI. 'Tu-
niques.' Tfrnaux-CoiH/Kiiin, in Niiii>rilM- Aniialrn dru Voij., IS4H, toin.
xcvii., p. .52. 'Srtck.s.' Faiicniirt'.i Hisf. Vm;., pp. "284-5. 'Cauiisutas de
colores. Orirdo, Hist. Cffii., toni. i., p. 4i)7. 'Aainietasde algodon.' lier-
nal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 2. '('aniisette senza ntuniche.' Ik.iiznni, Hist.
Mondo N:>ovo, pp. 98, 104.

'< Hist. Nut. Civ., toin. ii., p. 172. Mayas dress like the Mcxipan.s.
Hcrrcra, Hist, Gen., dec, iii., lib. iv., c;ip. vii.

< t-

728

THE MAYA NATIONS.

inaxtli, which was Mometimes only a single strip of
cloth pnsHintr once rouiul the waist and between the
len^. As rulers and priests are often spoken of as
dressed in 'large white mantles' or 'flowing robes,' it
is probable that the mantle worn by them was much
larger, as well as of finer stuff, than that described.
Landa speaks of a priest in Yucatan who wore an
upper garment of colored feathers, with strips of cot-
ton hanging from its border to the ground. Palacio
tells us of priestly robes in Salvador of different col-
ors, black, blue, green, red, and yellow. According
to Remesal the priests of Guatemala were filthy,
alx>minable, and ugly, in fact very hogs in dress. In
Nicaragua, Herrera describes white cotton surplices,
and other priestly vestments, some small, others
hanging from the shoulders to the heels, with hang-
ing pockets, in which were carried stone lancets, with
various herbs and powders, indispensable in the
practice of sacerdotal arts. Ximenez represents the
Guatemalan king's dress as like that of the people,
except that he had his ears and nose pierced, of which

more anon

The women universally wore a skirt formed by
winding a wide piece of cotton cloth round the IkmIv
and fastening it at the waist. This garment reached
from the waist to the knee, as worn by the pleboiaii
women, but those of a higher class covered with it
their legs as low as the ankles. In some parts of
Nicaragua, especially on the islands, Herrera says
that except this skirt, which was so scanty as hanlly
to merit a better name than breech-clout, the women
were naked; but elsewhere they were always par-
ticular to cover their breasts from sight. This thoy
accomplished in some cases by a piece of cloth round
the neck, and fastened under the arms; but they aUo

'* Landa, Rclae.ion, pp. I48-.50; Palacio, Carta, pp. Ct'2-4; BKinc-nl,
Hist. Chya^m, p. 137; Herrera, Hint. Gen., dec. iii., li)>. iv., «!ap. vii., tiff.
iv., lib. viii., cap. .\., dec. ii., lib. ii., cup. xvii.; Ximenez, Hist. Jnil.
Guat., p. 197; liranneKr tie Dourdourg, Hist. .Vat. ','<('., toiii. ii., p. 54.

DRESH OF WOMEN AND CHILDKEN.

720

often wore a kind of chemise, or loose sack, with holes
for the liead and arms, and sonietinius with short
sleeves. The latter garment was always worn on
feast-days by those who had it to wear. Aiida«;foya
mentions a sort of caj)e worn in Nicara«(ua, which had
a hole for the head, and covered the breasts and half
of the arms. Herrera speaks of a sack open at iMjth
ends, and tij^htened at the waist, worn in Nicaraifua;
and Landa mentions the same pirinent in Yiuratan.
The women, like the men, used a scpiare mantle to
sleep under, and carried it with them on journeys.
Children were allowed to remain naked in Yucatan
till they were four or five years old, and in (Jmite-
mala to the aj^e of eii^ht or nine years; but in Yuca-
tan, Landa tells us, that a boy at the iijre of three
years, had a white ornament tied in his hair, and a
fjfirl at the same ai^e had a shell fastened by a string
in such a manner as to cover certain parts of her
person."

It is very difficult to form any definite idea of the
Maya methods of dressin«( the hair, save that all al-
lowed it to grow long, and most })ersons separated it
into tresses, winding some of them about the head and
allowing others to hang down the back. Landa in-
forms us that the Yucatecs burned the hair on the
crown, allowing it to remain short there, but permitted
the rest to grow as long as it would, binding it round
the head exce[)t a (jueue behind. In Nicaragua, the
forehead was shaved, and sometimes the whole head
except a tuft at the crown. Tlie women everywhere
and men generally took great pains with the hair; the
former often mixed feathers with their raven locks,

'* 'lA'toffe rny»5c iriino on dp iilusiciirs coiilcurH qiip les feiiiiiiCH se nml-
cnt eiiooru uiitoiir tin c<ir|)ti cii la si-rriiiit a la eeiiitiirc coiiiini- iiii jiipoii,
tlcHCCiulaiit pliiH oil iiioiim Imis iiii-dcMHmiH dii }(eiiou, hi> troiive utrc oxacti-iiiciit
ill 1116111C (|iie Ton voit aiix inia^cH d'lHiM et mix feiiiiiieH t>^yi>ticiiiie!i iIch
('piiqiiCH phiiraitiiiqiieH.' lirasucunle liourhotirg. Hist. Sat. (n:, tiiiii. ii.,
|t. 07. Skirt from the waist to feet, called pit: Cogollialo, Hint. Viic, mt.
IS7-8, 699. 'UoiMMt de alpuloii, (lue llaiiiaii iiaj^iias.' liirnnl Diaz, Iiint.
I'onq., fol. 2; Aiidagoi/n, in Nararvetr, Col. de Vitijes, toin. iii., p. 414;
llinrrn. Hint. Grii., dec. iv., lib. x., cup. iv. ; Lunila, Jiilurion, pp.
184-«, 16, 144-6, 180.

IMAGE EVALUATION
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23 WIST Mi4lN STKICT

WiBSTER.M.y 14SS0

(716) 872-4S03

L17

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<i6

730

THE MAYA NATIONS.

which were dressed differently according as the own-
ers were married or single, and particular oare was
devoted to the coiffure of a bride. All the authori-
ties agree that the priests in Yucatan wore the hair
long, uncombed, and often saturated with sacrificial
blood. Plumes of feathers seem to have been their
usual head-dress. Palacio and Herrera mention a
colored head-dress, mitre, or diadem with hanging
plumes worn by a priest in Salvador. Over the
hair a piece of cloth was usually worn by females, in
which the Ahh6 Brasseur finds a resemblance to the
Egyptian calantica. A tuft of hair hanging over the
face of children often made them cross-eyed; indeed,
mothers are said to have arranged it with a view to
this very effect, deemed by them a desirable thing, or
to have attached to the forehead a small hanging plas-
ter for the same purpose. The number of 'bizcos'
treated by Dr Cabot, who accompanied Mr Stephens
in his excursion through Yucatan, shows that though
squinting eyes are still common in the country, the
defect has at least lost its charm to the Maya moth-

ers,

No beard was worn, and the few hairs that made
their appearance on the face were immediately ex-
tracted. According to Landa, mothers are said to
have burned the faces of young children with hot
cloths to prevent the growth of a beard in later years.
After the Conquest many of the natives grew beards,
which, though sometimes long, were always thin and

" 'Es lo mas diiicultoso en los Indios el reduzirlos h cortarles el pelo.'
Villagutieire, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 498, 312. In Guatemala soniewhut less
attention seems to have been paid to the hair. ' Trayanlo encrespado, 6 ro-
bujado en la cabe9a como estopas, h. causa de que no se lo peynauan. ' Er-
mesal. Hist. Chyapa, p. 302; Cogolludo, Hist, rvc, p. 187, speaks of straw
and palm-leaf hats, but he probably refers to his own time. Hair of priests
filled with blood. Id., p, 5; Bernat Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 3; Sqiiier's Cent.
Amer., pp. 321, 551. In Nicaragua 'traen rapadas las cabc9as dc la niitad
adelante 6 los aladares por debaxo, 6 d^xanse una coleta de oreja & oreja
por detrds desde la coronilla.' Oriedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iv., pp. 38, 108;
Landa, Relacion, pp. 112-14, 184; firasseitr de Bonrhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
torn, ii., p. 68; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii., lib. viii., caji.
X. Aguiiar wore a 'corona v tren9a de cabellos, como los naturales.' Go-
mara, Mist, Ind., fol. 62; Ja., Conq, ilfe«., fol. 23; Puiacio, Carta, p. 62.

DISFIGUREMENT OF THE PHYSIQUE.

731

coarse. Something like a beard is also to be seen on
some of the sculptured faces among the Maya ruins.
Oviedo met in Nicaragua a man about seventy years
of age, who had a long flowing white beard."

The Mayas, when they covered the feet at all, wore
a kind of sandal of coarse cloth, or more frequently of
dry deer-skin. These sandals were simply pieces of
skin, often double, covering and fitting somewhat the
sole, and fastened by cotton strings from the ankle to
the toes and perhaps also to the heel. I find no ac-
count of hand-coverings except in the Popol Vuh,
where gloves are spoken of as being used in the game
of ball.^"

Having provided for their comfort by the use of
the articles of dress already described, the Mayas,
like most other American aborigines, deemed it essen-
tial to modify and improve their physique by artificial
means. This they accomplished by head-flattening,
teeth-filing, perforation of the ears, nose, and lips, tat-
tooing, and painting; yet it is not probable that all
these methods of disfigurement were practiced by all
the natives. In Nicaragua!, the heads of infants were
flattened; the people believed that the custom had
been originally introduced by the gods ; that the com-
pressed forehead was the sign of noble blood and the
highest type of beauty; and besides that the head
was thus better adapted to the carrying of burdens.
Tn Yucatan, according to Landa, the same custom ob-
tained. Four or five days after birth the child was
laid with the face down on a bed and the head was
compressed between two pieces of wood, one on the
forehead and the other on the back of the head, the
boards being kept in place for several days until the

*^ Benzoni, Hist. Mimdo Niiovo, p. 35; Chnnini/, Ruincs Am(r., p. .341;
Landa, Bclneion, p. 114; llerrcra, hint. (Jen., dec. iv., lib. x., cup. iii. ;
Oviedo, Hist. Geii., toiii. iv., p. 111.

19 'Traiaii suiiduliuH do cafianio o cuero do vonado per cnrtirsecc' Lan-
da, Relacion, i>. IIG. They generally went barefoot. Cofjolludo, Hist. Yuc,
p. 187. Sandals in Nicara;.?ua called gutaras. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iv.,
j>p. .38-9; Squier's Nicaruqiia, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 347; Brasucur de
Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 77.

783

THE MAYA NATIONS.

desired cranial conformation wa« effected. So great
was the pressure that the child's skull was sometimes
broken. I find no account of forehead-flattening in
Guatemala and Chiapas, though Mr Squier, follow-
ing Fuentes' unpublished history, says that among the
Quiches, Cakchiquels,and Zutugils the back of the head
was flattened by the practice of carrying infants tied
closely to a straight board. Yet from the frequent
occurrence of this cranial type in the sculptured pro-
files in Chiapas, Honduras, and Yucatan, there can
be no doubt that in the most ancient times a flattened
forehead was the ideal of manly beauty, and I think
we have sufficient reason to believe that the artificial
shaping of the skull was even more universally prac-
ticed in ancient than in modern times. The origin of
the custom is a most interesting topic for study and
speculation.**

The practice of filing the teeth prevailed to a cer-
tain extent among the women of Yucatan, whose ideal
of dental charms rendered a saw-teeth arrangement de-
sirable. The operation was performed by certain old
women, professors of the art, by means of sharp
gritty stones and water.'** The piercing of ears, nose,
and lips was practiced among all the nations by both
men and women apparently, except in Guatemala,
where, Ximenez tells us, it was confined to the kings,
who perforated the nose and ears as a mark of rank
and power. We have no authority for supposing that
persons of any class in Yucatan and Nicaragua were
restrained from this mutilation of their faces, or from
wearing in the perforated features any ornaments they
could afford to purchase. Such ornaments were small
sti viks, bones, shells, and rings of amber or gold. Other
ornaments besides those inserted in the ears, nose,
and lips, were bracelets, rings, gold beads, and medals,

^ Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn. iv. , p. 54; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii.,
lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. x. , cap. iii.; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed.
1856,) vol. li., p. 345; Id., in Palacio, Carta, p. 106; Landa, Eelacion,
pp. 114, 180, 104.

*^ Landa, Relation, p. 182.

TATTOOING AND PAINTING.

733

shell necklaces, metallic and wooden wands, gilded
masks, feathers and plumes, and pearls. Besides
this piercing for ornamental purposes, it should be
noted that perforation of cheeks and tongues, and
scarifyings of other parts of body antl limbs, were
common in connection with religious rites and duties.'"
Tattooing was effected in Yucatan and Nicaragua
by lacerating the body with stone lancets, and rubbing
the wounds with powdered coal or black earths, which
left indelible marks. Stripes, serpents, and birds
seem to have been favorite devices for this kind of
decoration. The process was a slow and painful one,
and to submit to it was deemed a sign of bravery.
The tattooing was done by professors who made this
art a specialty. Cogolludo says the Itzas had the
whole body tattooed, but Landa and Herrera tell us
that neither in Yucatan nor in Nicaragua were the
breasts of the women subjected to this decorative
mutilation.*^ Painting the face and body was uni-

** A war party: 'Agujeradas narizea, y orejas con sus narigeras, y ore-
jeras de Cuzcas, y otras piedras de diuersos colores.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc,
p. 73. The Itzas wore in the nose 'una baynilla olorosa,' and in the ears,
*vn palo labrado.' Id., p. 699. 'Sartales de Caracoles colorados,' much
prized by the Itzas. Villagutierrc, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 48. Small sticks in
the cars, and little reeds or amber rings, or grains of vanilla, in the nose.
Id., pp. 312, 402. A few silver and gold ear-ornaments, id., pp. 497-9.
On the peninsula of Yucatan, 'trayan las orejas horadadas para farcillos.
Landa, Relacion, p. 114. The priest carried 'un isopo en la mano de un
palo corto muy labrado, y por barbas o pelos del isopo ciertas colas de nnas
culcbras que son como caxcaveles.' Id., pp. 149-.50. W^omen pierced nose
and ears. Id., p. 182. In Nicaragua 'traeu sajadas las lenguas por debaxo,
e las orejas, 6 algunos los miembros viriles, 6 no las mugeres nniguna cosa
destas, y ellos y ellas horadadas las orejas de grandes agujeros. Oviedo,
Hist. Oen., torn, iv., pp. 38-9, torn, i., p. 497. King in Yucatan wore 'des
bracelets et des mancnettcs d'une elegance ^gale Ji la bcaute de la matifere.
Brasseur de Bourbon rg. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. .'54. 'Tecaiih, qui est
le bijou que les chefs indiens portaient frc^quemment it la liivre inf^rieurc on
an cartilage du nez.' Id., p. 92. See also Cortes, Cartas, p. 3; Camargo,
Hist. Tlax., in Nouvellcs Annates des Voj/., 1843, toin. xcix., p. 144; Her-
rera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib.
vii., cap. ix., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii., lib. x., cap. iii., iv. ; Ooinara, Hist,
Ind., fol. 60, 62; Squicr's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., i>. 347; Id., Cent.
Amer., p. 551; Ximene^^, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 197; Diaz, Itiniraire, in Ter-
naux-Compans, Voy., s^rie i., torn, x., pp. 16, 26, 39; Las Casas, in Kings-
borough's mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 147.

» 'Los oiiciales dello labravan la parte ^ue querian con tinta, y despues
sejavanle delicadamcntc las pinturas, y assi con la sangre y tinta quedavan
en el cuerpo las sefiales, y que se labran pnco a poco por el tormento grande,
y tanibien se pouen despues malos, porquc se les euconavan los labores, y

WA'A t

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, m' ''

•i

Ij;.

i i'

[';

1 Ii

■

"r; '

784

THE MAYA NATIONS.

versal, but little can be Raid respecting the details of
the custom, save that red and black were apparently
the favorite colors, and colored earths the most com-
mon material of the paints. Bixa was, however,
much used for red, and cacao tinted with bixa to a
blood-red hue was daubed in great profusion on the
faces of the Nicaraguans. In Yucatan young men
generally restricted themselves to black until they
were married, indulging afterwards in varied and
bright-colored figures. Black was also a favorite
color for war-paint. Odoriferous gums were often
mixed with the paints, especially by the women,
which rendered the decoration durable, sticky, and
most disagreeable to foreign olfactories. It appears
that in Guatemala, and probably elsewhere, a coat
of paint was employed, not only for ornamental pur-
poses, but as a protection against heat and cold. At
certain Nicaraguan feasts and dances the naked bodies
were painted in imitation of the ordinary garments,
cotton-fibre being mixed with the paint.^*

All were fond of perfumes, and besides the odor-
iferous substances mixed by the ladies in their paint,
copal and other gums were burned on many occasions,
not only in honor of the gods, but for the agreeable
odor of the smoke; sweet-smelling barks, herbs, and
flowers were also habitually carried on the person.^*
All the Mayas, especially females, were rather neat

liaziasc materia, y que con todo esso se mofavan de los que no se labrnvan.'
Landa, Relncion, pp. 120, 182; Vogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 186,(599; Jirnic-
sal, Hist. Chyapn, p. 293; Villagaticrre, Hist. Vonq. Itza, mi. 402,498; Ilcr-
rera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. ; Oviedo, Hist. Ocn., toni. iy., ]).
33; Ternaux-Gompaiui, in Nouvelles Annates desVoy., 184.3, torn, xcvii., p.
47; FancourCs Hist. Yuc, pp. 121, 28.5; Bussicrre, L'Empire Mex., p. 20.5.

^* Reinesal, Hist. Chi/apa, p. 302; Landa, Relacion, pp. 114-16, 178-80,
182, 184; Cogolludo, Hist. Yvr , pp. 6, 77; Villaqutiere, Hist. Gonq. Itzu,
pp. 107, 402, 490, 499; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, i., pp. 297, 318, 498, torn.
IV., p. Ill; Cortds, Cartas, p. 422; Oomara, Hist. Ink., fol. 62; Brasseur dr
Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. 71-2, 189.

*■» ' Eran amigos de b-ieuos olorea y que por esto usan de ramilletes do
florea y yervas olorosas, inuy curioaos y labradoa.' Landa, Relncion, p. 114.
'Dea roseaux longs de deux palmea, et qui r^ptindaient une excellciitc
odeurquand onlea brdtait.' Diaz, Itiniraire, in Ternanx-Compans, Voy.,
Bdrie i., torn, x., p. 7; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii. ; Bras-
sear de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 68; Valois, Mexique, p.
206.

PERSONAL HABITS.

735

than otherwise in their personal habits, taking great

Eains with their dress and so-called decorations. Tliey
athed frequently in cold water and sometimes in-
dulged in hot baths, perhaps in steam-baths; but of
the latter very little is said, although Brasseur says
it was used in Guatemala under the name of tuh.
The women were very modest and usually took much
pains to prevent the exposure of their persons, but in
bathing and on certain other occasions both sexes ap-
pear to have been somewhat careless in this respect.
In both Yucatan and Nicarajrua mirrors were em-
ployed by the men, but the women required or at least
employed no such aids.^ Although such disfigure-
ments as h ive been described, painting, tattooing, and
perforation, are reported by all the authors, and were
all doubtless practiced, yet one can hardly avoid form-
ing the idea in reading the narratives cf the conquer-
ors, that such hideous mutilations were confined to
certain classes and certain occasions, and that the
mass of the people in every-day life presented a much
less repulsive aspect.

I have already spoken of the tenure of landed prop-
erty and the laws of inheritance among the Mayas.
To the accumulation of wealth in the form of personal
property they do not seem to have attached much im-
portance. They were content for the most part with
a supply of simple food for their tables, the necessary
household utensils, and such articles of dress and or-
nament as were required by their social rank; with

** 'Se vauavan miicho, no curaudo de cuhrirse de las mugeres, sino
qiiando podia cubrir la niano.' Landa, Relacion, p. 114. 'Selavaii las
iiianos y la boca dcspues de comer.' Id., p. 120. The women stripped na-
ked in the wells where they bathed; they took hot baths rather for health
than cleanliness. Id., p. 184. The women 'tiencn poco secreto, y no son
tan limpias en sus persoiias ni en sus cosas con qnanto se lavan como los er-
miiios.' Id., p. 192. 'Los hombres ha^en aguas puestos en cluquillas, «5 las
mu^^eres estanilo derechas de pies a d6 niiiera que ies viene la gana.' Ooiedo,
Hist. Gen., torn, iv., p. 38; Ilcrrcra, Hist. Ocii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.,
iv. ; Ddvila, Teatro Eclcs., torn, i., p. 203; Goinara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263;
Garhajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., torn, i., p. 263; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 68.

" .1 .

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i ■( ,

' ■■_}

i;
... ;.■

786

THE MAYA NATIONS.

these and a sufficient surplus to entertain their friends
in a fitting style, they took little care for the future.
Yet traders were a class much honored, and their pro-
fession was a lucrative one. An active trade was
carried on in each town, as also between different
towns, provinces, and nations, in order that the peo-
ple of each locality might be supplied with the neces-
sary commodities both of home and foreign production.
Few details have been preserved respecting the manner
of conducting trade, but what is known on the sub-
ject indicates that the commercial system was identi-
cal with that of the Nahuas, to which a preceding
chapter has been devoted. Commodities of every
class, food, dress, ornaments, weapons, and implements,
were offered for sale in the market-place, or plaza, of
every village, where all transactions between buyers
and sellers were regulated by an official who had full
authority to correct abuses and punish offences against
the laws of trade. Fairs were held periodically in
all the larger towns, which were crowded by buyers
and sellers from abroad. Traveling merchants trav-
ersed the country in every direction busied in tlie
exchange and transport of varied local products. Yu-
catan did a. large foreign trade with Tabasco and Hon-
duras, from both of which regions large quantities of
cacao were imported. O ther international routes of com-
merce doubtless existed in different directions ; we have
seen that the Nahua merchants crossed the isthmus of
Tehuan tepee to traffic in Maya lands, and the south-
ern merchants were doubtless not unrepresented in
the northern fairs. Transportation was effected for
the most part by carriers overland, and in many parts
of the country, as in Yucatan, magnificent paved roads
offered every facility to the traveler; quite an exten-
sive coasting-trade was also carried on by water.

The ordinary mercantile transactions were effected
by exchange, or barter, of one commodity for another ;
but where this was inconvenient cacao passed current
as money among all the nations. Thus a rabbit in

MARKET HEGULATI0N8.

737

Nicaragua sold for ten cacao-nibs, and one hundred of
these seeds would buy a tolerably good slave. Not-
withstanding the comparatively small value of this
cacao-money, Oviedo tells us that counterfeiting was
sometimes attempted. According to Cogolludo, cop-
per bells and rattles of different sizes, red shells in
strings, precious stones, and copper hatchets often
served as money, especially in foreign trade. Doubt-
less many other articles, valuable and of compact
form were used in the same way. Landa speaks of
net-work purses in which the money of the natives
was carried.

We are informed that in Yucatan articles of ordi-
nary consumption, like food, were sold always at a
fixed price, except maize, which varied slightly in
price according to the yield. Maize was sold by the
carga, or load, which was about one half of the Cas-
tilian fanega. In Nicaragua the matter of price was
left altogether to the contracting parties. The Mayas
of all nations were very strict in requiring the ex-
sSct fulfilment of contracts, which, in Yucatan, as has
been said, and in Guatemala also, according to Bras-
seur de Bourbourg, were legalized by the parties
drinking together, the beverage being generally col-
ored with certain leaves called max. In the Nicar-
aguan markets some extraordin&iy regulations were
enforced. Men could not visit the market-place of
their own towns, either to buy, sell, or for any other
purpose; they even incurred the risk of receiving a
sound beating, if they so much as peeped in to see
what was going on. All the business was transacted
by the women ; but boys, into whose minds, by reason
of their tender years, carnal thoughts were supposed
not to have entered, might be present to assist the
women, and even men from other towns or provinces,
were welcome, provided they did not belong to a
people of different language.

No peculiar ceremonies are mentioned as accompa-
nying the setting-out or return of trading caravans,

Vol. II. «

Mi-,

uk]

788

THE MAYA NATIONS.

but some customs observed by travelers, a large pro-
portion of whom were probably merchants, are re-
corded. In Yucatan all members of a household
prayed often and earnestly for the safe return of the
absent member; and the traveler himself, when he
chanced to come in contact with a \&rge stone which
had been moved in opening- the road, reverently laid
upon it a green branch, brushing his knees with an-
other at the same time as a preventive of fatigue.
He also carried incense on his journey, and at eacli
nightfall, wherever he might be, he stood on end
three small stones, and on three other fiat stones
placed before the first he burned incense and uttered
a prayer to Ekchua, god of travelers, whose name
signifies 'merchant.' When the traveler was belated,
and thought himself likely to arrive after dark at his
proposed stopping-place, he deposited a stone in a
hollow tree, and pulled out some hairs from his eye-
brows, which he proceeded to blow towards the set-
ting sun, hoping thereby to induce that orb to
retard somewhat its movements. In GuatemalS,,
small chapels were placed at short intervals on all
the lines of travel, where each passer halted for a
few moments at least, gathered a handful of herbs,
rubbed with them his legs, spat reverently upon
them, and placed them prayerfully upon the altar with
a small stone and some trifling offering of pepper,
salt, or cacao. The offering remained untouched, no
one being bold enough to disturb the sacred token."

" The following are my authorities on the Maya commerce, many refer-
ences to Biniplc mentions of articles boii<;ht and sold and to the use of cacao
aa money being omitted. Xim-enez, Ilist. Ind. Ouat., p. 203; Las Casas, in
KingsborouglCs Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 137, 147; Hcrrera, Hist. Gcii.,
dec. i., lib. v., cap. v., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. xii., lib. vii.,
cap. ix., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., ix.; Landa, Relacion, pp. 32, 128-30,
156-8; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 181, 183; Villagutierre, Hist. Coikj[. Itza,
p. 311; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, i., p. 316, torn. iii.. p. 253, toni. iv., i)p.
.S6-7, 49, 54, 104; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. i. ; Cortes, Cartas, p. 422;
Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 102, 109; Brassenr de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 50-1, 71, 564; Id., Popol Vuh, p. 97; Sqnivr's Nic-
aragua (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 346; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 320; Oallaitin/m
.iimr. Ethno. Soe., Transact., vol. i., p. 8; Andagoi/a, in Navarrete, Col.
dc Viajes, torn, iii., p. 414.

MAYA BOATS AND NAVIGATION.

788

Oviedo states that in Nicaragua, or at least in cer-
tain parts of that country, the people had no canoes,
but resorted to balsas when it became necessary to
cross the water. The balsa in this region was simply
a raft of five or six logs tied together at the ends with
grass, and covered with cross-sticks. The author re-
ferred to saw a fleet of these aboriginal vessels which
bore fifteen hundred warriors. On the coast of Yu-
catan and in the lakes of Peten, the natives had riany
canoes for use in war and commerce, and were very
skillful in their management. These canoes were
'dug-outs' made from single trunks, capable of carry-
ing from two to fifty persons, and propelled by pad-
dles. Cogolludo tells us that canoes with sails were
seen by Cordova during his voyage up the coast, and
some modern writers speak of the famous canoe met
by Columbus off" the Honduras coast as having been
fitted with sails; but in the latter case there seems to
be no authority for the statement, and that sails were
ever employed may well be considered doubtful. The
boat seen by Columbus was eight feet wide, "as long
as a galley, ' bore twenty-five men, and an awning of
mats in the centre protected the women and children.
All the information we have respecting boats in Gua-
temala is the statement of Peter Martyr that the
'dug-outs' were also in use there, and of Juarros that
the Lacandones had a large fleet of boats; Guatemala
was a country, however, whose physical conformation
would rarely call for navigation on an extensive scale.
Villagutierre says that the Chiapanecs used gourd bal-
sas, or 'calabazas.'^^

Wars among the Maya nations were frequent, —
more so probably during the century preceding the

** Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 4; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Couq., fol. 2; Diaz,
Itititraire, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., s^rie i., torn, x., p. 21; Id., in Icaz-
balceta. Col. de Doc., torn, i., p. 292; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp.
353, 369, 489, 76; Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. v.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., toni.
iii., p. 100; Juarros' Hist. Otiat., p. 271; Herrera, llist.Oen., dec. i., lib.
v., cap. v.; Folsom, in Corns' Despatches, pp. 3-4; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races,
pp. 226-7; See vol. i., p. 699, of this work.

740

THE MAYA NATIONS.

Spanish conquest, when their history is partially
known, than in the more glorious days of the distant
past, — but they were also, as a rule, of short duration,
partaking more of the character of raids than of reg-
ular wars. One campaign generally decided the tribal
or national dispute, and the victors were content with
the victory and the captives taken. Landa and Her-
rera report that the nations ot Yucatan learned the
art of war from the Mexicans, having been an alto-
gether peaceful people before the Nahua influence was
brought to bear on them. The latter also suspects
that the Yucatec war-customs, as observed by the
Spaniards, may have been modified by the teaching of
Guerrero and Aguilar, white men held for several
years as prisoners before the invaders came; but nei-
ther theory seems to have much weight.

The profession of arms was everywhere an honor-
able one, but military preferment and promotion seem
to have been somewhat more exclusively confined to
the nobility than among the Nahuas. According to
Landa, a certain number of picked men were ap-
pointed in each town, who were called holcanes,
must be ready to take up arms whenever called for,
and received a small amount of money for their ser-
vices while in actual war. This is the only instance
of a paid soldiery noted in the limits of our territory.'"'

In Nicaragua Tapaligui was the most honorable
title a man could win by bravery, and from the num-
ber of those who bore th*^ title the war-captain was
in most provinces appoi .^ed either by the monexieo,
or council, or by the cacique. This captain was for
the most part independent of the civil ruler in time
of war, but Boyle speaks of certain cities where the
cacique himself commanded the army. The civil
chief, however, if he possessed the requisite bravery,
often accompanied the troops to the field to take com-

» Landa, Relacion, pp. 174, 48; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x.,
cap. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii. Tho Chiapauecs were among the boldest warri-
ors. BernalDiaz, Hist. Oonq., fol. 178.

INSIGNIA OF WARRIORS.

741

mand at the captain's death, or appoint his successor,
In Yucatan they had two war-captains, one of whom
hold his position by inheritance, while the other was
chosen for a term of three years. The title of the
latter was Nacon, and his office seems to have been
attended with some inconveniences, since during the
three years he could know no woman, eat no meat,
indulge in no intoxication, and have but little to do
with the public. Fish and iguana-flesh were allowed
him, but it must be served on dishes used by no one
but himself, and must not be served by women. In
Vera Paz the captains were chosen from .t.iiong the
most distinguished braves, and seem to have held
their position for life."

In Yucatan skins and feathers, worn a cording to
fixed rules, not recorded, were among the most |)roiui-
nent insJ:^nia of warriors. The face was painted in
various colors; and tattooing the hands was n privi-
^3ge accorded to the brave. Tho Itzas fought naked,
but painted face, body, and limbs black, the brave
tattooing the face in stripes. Feather plumes are the
only insignia mentioned in connection with Guatema-
lan warriors; but the grade of a Pipile's prowess was
indicated by the number of holes he had in ears, nose,
and other features. All officers in the Nicaraguan
armies had distinguishing marks, which they wore
both in time of war and of peace; the Tapalij^ui was
allowed to shave his head except on the crown, where
the hair was left a finger long, with a longer tuft pro-
jecting from the centre. The arrangement of the
feathers on the shield also indicated to the soldiers
an officer's rank.*"

so Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iv., pp. 38, 53; Gotnara, Hist. Ind., fol. 264;
Sqiiier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 342; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 272.

31 Landa, Relacion, p. 172; Ximeiiez, Hist. Ind. Otiat., p. 202.

M Oeiedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iv., ji. 38; Landa, Relacion, t^. 172; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. viii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v.,
cap. X., lib. vii., cap. iii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x. ; Palacio, Carta, pp.
70-2; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 391, 498-9; Squier's Nicaragua,
(Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. .342; Brasseur de Bourv nrg. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn.
iL, pp. 558-9; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 270.

742

THE MAYA NATIONS.

The universal Maya armor was a thick quilted sack
of cotton, which fitted closely over the body and arms,
and reached generally to the middle of the thighs,
although Alvarado found the Guatemalans clad in
similar sacks reaching to the feet. In Yucatan, ac-
cording to Landa, a layer of salt was placed between
the thicknesses of cotton, making the garment very
hard and impenetrable. As the Guatemalan armor
is described as being three fingers thick and so heavy
that the .soldiers could with difficulty run or rise after
falling, we may suppose that salt or some similar ma-
terial was also used by the Quiehes. Squier men-
tions, apparently without sufficient authority, short
breeches worn to protect the legs. The Spaniards
were not long in recognizing the advantages of the
native cotton armor, and it was commonly adopted or
added to their own armor of steel. The head-armor,
when any was worn, seems to have been ordinarily a
kind of cap, also of quilted cotton. Landa says that
in Yucatan a few leaders wore wooden helmets; they
are also mentioned by Gomara and Las Casas. Peter
Martyr speaks of golden helmets and breast-plates as
worn in Nicaragua. Shields were made of split reeds,
were round in form, and were covered generally with
skins and decorated with feathers, though a cotton
coverinof was also used in Nicaragua. **

Bows and arrows, lances, and darts were used as
weapons of war by all the Maya tribes, the projectiles
being usually pointed with flint, but often also with
fish-bone or copper. Arrows were carried in quivers
and were never poisoned. The Yucatec bow, as
Landa informs us, was a little shorter than the man

*> Cotton armor called in some places escaupiles. Herrera, Hist. Ocii.,
dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii. Both white and colored. Id., dec. iii., lib. v., cup.
X., lib. iv., cap. vi., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., lib. iii., cap. i. Called by
the Quiches achcayupiles. Brasseur de Bourhourq, Hist. Nat. Civ., toiii.
ii., p. 91; Landa, Relacion, p. 172; CogoUudo, Hist. Yuc, p. 6, Bcriial
Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 2; Gomara, Hist. Ind.,to\. 62; Las Cat,as,\r\ Kings-
borough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 148; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iii , p.
484, torn, iv., p. 53; Alvarado, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., wSrie i., torn.
X., p. 140; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1850,) vol. ii., p. 347.

ABORIGINAL WEAPONS.

743

who carried it, and was made of a very strong native
wood; the string was made of the fibres of certain
plants. The arrows were light reeds with a piece of
hard wood at the end. Oviedo tells us of lances, or
pikes, in Nicaragua, which were thirty spans long,
and others in Yucatan fifteen spans long; Herrera
says they were over twenty feet long in Guatemala,
and that their heads were poisoned; though Oviedo
denies that poison was used. In Nicaragua and Yu-
catan heavy wooden swords, called by the Mexicans
macuahuitl, were used, but I find no special mention of
these weapons in Guatemala. A line of sharp flints
were firmly set along the two edges, and, wielded
with both hands they were a most formidable weapon.
Waldeck found in modern times the horn of a saw-
fish covered with skin and used as a weapon. He
thinks the aboriginal weapon may have been fashioned
after this natural model. Slings were extensively
used in Yucatan, and also copper axes to some extent,
but these are supposed to have been imported from
Mexico, as no metals are found in the peninsula.^

The Quich(^s, Cakchiquels, and other tribes inhabit-
ing the high lands of Guatemala, chose the location
of their towns in places naturally well nigh inaccessi-
ble, strengthening them besides with artificial fortifi-
cations in the shape of massive stone walls and deep
ditches. Ruins of these fortified towns are very num-
erous and will be described elsewhere; a few words

s* Macanas used as weapons in Nicaragua. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iv.,
pp. 53, ."JS, torn, i., pp. 511-12, torn, iii., pp. 231, 484. Crystal-poiiiiid arrows
used by the Itzas, and chiefs hud short flint knives, with feutlicrs on the
handles. Villaautieirc, Hint. Conq. Itzn, pp. 495, 41, 92. Hardened rods,
or pikes. Coffollwlo, Hist. Yuc, i>p. 77,2. Darts thrown from a 'tiradero.'
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vi.,
lib. v., cap. X., lib. vii., cap. iii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. A hot was the
sign of a Cakchiquol armory, lirassrur de liourbourg, Popol Vith, p. 225.
See also Maya weiiiions. Squicr's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 34i,
347; Peter Martyr, dec. vi., lib. v.; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., ]). 258; Sr/icrzer,
Wanderungen, p. &'^•, Landa, Relacion, pp. 48, 170; Lai Casus, in Kin^.s-
borough's itcx. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 148; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 04, with
cut; Morelet, Voya;ir,, torn, i., pp. 186, 194; Diaz, Jtiiivraire, in Ternaux-
Compans, Voy., sdrio i., toni. x., p. 25; Id., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc.,
torn, i., p. 295; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 2; Ximene.z, Hist. lad. Ouat.,
p. 127.

! i

1 ;

. .p.* .-V

I' .

744

THE MAYA NATIONS.

respecting Utatlan, the Quichd capital, and one of the
most securely located and guarded cities, will suffice
here. Standing on a level plateau, the city was
bounded on every side by a deep ravine, believed to
have been at some points artificial, and which could
only be crossed at one place. Guarding this single
approach a line of massive stone structures connected
by ditches extends a long distance, and within this
line of fortifications, at the entrance of the pass, is El
Resguardo, a square-based pyramidical structure, one
hundred and twenty feet high, rising in three terraces,
and having its summit platform inclosed by a stone
wall, covered with hard cement. A tawor also rises
from the summit. The Spaniards under Alvarado
found 'their approach obstructed at various points in
Guatemala by holes in w^hich were pointed stakes
fixed in the ground, and carefully concealed by a slight
covering of turf; palisades, ditches, and walls of stone,
logs, plants, or earth, were thrown across the road at
every difficult pass; and large stones were kept ready
to hurl or roll down upon the invaders. Numerous
short pointed sticks were found on at least one occa-
sion fixed upright in the ground, apparently a slight
defense, but really a most formidable one, since the
points were poisoned. Doubtless all these methods of
defence had been practiced often before in their inter-
national wars against American foes. Strong defen-
sive works are also mentioned in Chiapas, and Anda-
goya tells us of a town in Nicaragua fortified by a
high and impenetrable hedge of cacti. In Yueataii
the Spaniard's progress was frequently opposed, at
points favorable for such a purpose, by temporary
trenches, barricades of stone, logs, and earth, and pro-
tected stations for bowmen and slingers;but in the se-
lection of sites for their towns, notwithstanding the
generally level surface of their country, facilities for
defence seem to have been little or not at all consid-
ered. One, only, of the many ruined cities which
have been explored, Tuloom, on the Eastern coast,

DECLARATION OF WAR.

746

stands on an eminence overlooking the ocean, in a very
strong natural position; but strangely enough it is just
here, where artificial defenses were least needed, that
we find a massive wall surrounding the chief struct-
ures,— the only city wall standing in modern times,
though Mayapan was traditionally a walled town, and
a few slight traces of walls have been found about
other cities.**

Tijo ambition of the native rulers to increase their
dominions by encroachments upon their neighbors'
territory was probably the cause of most wars among
the Maya nations; but raids were also undertaken oc-
casionally, with no other object than that of obtaining
victims for sacrifice. In the consultations preceding
the declaration of war the priesthood had much to
say, and played a prominent part in the accompanying
ceremonies. In Salvador the high-priest with four
subordinates decided on the war by drawing of lots
and by various other sorceries, and even gave directions
how the campaign was to be carried on. The high-
priest was generally on the ground, in charge of cer-
tain idols, when an important battle was to be fought.
Supplies were carried, in Yucatan at least, on the
backs of women, and the want of adequate means of
transportation is given as one reason why the Maya
wars were usually of short duration. The Nicaraguan
soldier, as Oviedo states, regarded a calabash of water
and a supply of the herb yaat already mentioned, as
the most indispensable of his supplies. Respecting
their ceremonies before giving battle we only know
that on one occasion in Yucatan they brought a braz-
ier of burning perfume which they placed before the
Spanish forces, with the intimation that an attack

ss Sec vol. iv., chap, iv., v., for a full description of Miiyii riiiim, with
plates. See Lnndn, liclarion, p. 174; Alvarado, in Tenia iix-(.'om/)ans,
Voy., 8(Sric i., toni. x., pp. 112, 117; Ootfoi, in Id., p. 158; Cort6s, Cartas,
pp. 425-6; Jiiarros, Hist, (iiiat., p. 87; Onedo, Hist. Oen., torn, i., p., 534,
torn, iii., pp. 477-8; Fwiifi's, in Kingshorougli's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p.
243; Herrcrn, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. iii., cup. iii., lib. x., cap. iii.; Vtl-
lagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 41; Andagoya, ux Navurrete, Col. de Viajea,
totn. iii., p. 407.

; if

746

THE MAYA NATIONS.

would be made as soon as the fire went out; and also
that Alvarado noticed in Guatemala the sacrifice of a
woman and a bitch as a preliminary of battle.

All fought bravely, with no apparent fear of death,
endeavoring to capture the enemy alive, rather than
to kill them, and at the same time to avoid being cap-
tured themselves by the sacrifice of life if necessary.
In most nations it was deemed important to terrify
the enemy by shouting, clanging of drums, sticks, and
shells, and blowing of whistles. The armies of Yu-
catan are said to have exhibited somewhat better order
in their military movements than those of other na-
tions. They formed their forces into two wings, plac-
ing in the centre a squadron to guard the captain and
high-priest. The Nicaragui ns fought desperately
until their leader fell, but then they always ran away.
He who from cowardice failed to do his duty on the
battle-field was by the Nicaraguan code disgraced,
abused, insulted, stripped of his weapons, and dis-
charged from the service, but was not often put to
death. As has been stated in a preceding chapter
treason and desertion were everywhere punished with
death. All booty except captives belonged to the
taker, and to return from a campaign without spoil
was deemed a dishonor.

Captives, if of noble blood or high rank, were sac-
rificed to the gods, and were rarely ransomed. The
captor of a noble prisoner received high honors, but
was punished if he accepted a ransom, the penalty
being death in Nicaragua. The heads of the sacri-
ficed captives were in Yucatan suspended in the
branches of the trees, as memorials of victory, a sep-
arate tree being set apart for each hostile province.
The bones, as Landa tells us, were kept by the cap-
tors, the jaw-bone being worn on the arm, as an or-
nament. We read of no actual torture of prisoners,
but the Cakchiquels danced about the victim to be
sacrificed, and loaded him with insults. Among the
Pipiles it was left to the priests to decide whether the

riPILE WAR FESTIVAL.

747

sacrifice should be in honor of a god or goddess; if the
former, the festival lasted, according to Palacio, fifteen
days; the captives were obliged to march in procession
through the town, and one was sacrificed each day; if
the feast was dedicated to a deity of the gentler sex,
five days of festivities and blood sufficed. Prisoners
of plebeian blood were enslaved, or only sacrificed
when victims of higher rank were lacking. They
were probably the property of the captors. At the
close of a campaign in which no captives were taken,
the Nicaraguan captains went together to the altar,
and there wept ceremonial tears of sorrow for their
want of success. The authorities record no details
of the methods by which peace was ratified; the
Yucatecs, however, according to Cogolludo, expressed
to the Spaniards a desire for a suspension of hostili-
ties, by throwing away their weapons, and by kiss-
ing their fingers, after touching them to the ground."

^ Torqtiemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, ii., p. 386; Cogolludo, Vist Ytic,
pp. 5, 77, 130, 181; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv.,
lib. iii., cap. iii., lib. viii., cap. x., lib. x., cap. iv.; Villagutierre, Hist.
Conq. Itza, pp. 72-3, 76, 142, 281; Landa, Eelacton, pp. 168, 174, 176; Las
Casus, in Kingsborough's Mex. Atitiq., vol. viii., pp. 144, 148; Palacio,
Carta, pp. 70-2; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, i., pp. 276, 511-12, 523, torn, iii.,
pp. 230, 477, toin. iv., pp. 53-4; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 61, 264; Juarro.i'
Hist. Gttat., p. 185, etc.; Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. v.; Ximenez, Hist.
Ind. Gnat., pp. 170, 198, 202-3; Alvarado, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sd-
rie i., torn, x., pp. 112, 138; Diaz, Itiniraire, in Id., pp. 17-18; Squier's
Cent. Amer., pp. 325, 333; Id., Nicaragua, (¥,A. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 342; Bras-
senr de Boiirootirg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., pp.544, 558-9; Ternaux-Com-
pans, in Nouvelli's Annales des Voy., 1843, torn, xcvii., p. 46; Morelet, Voy-
a(fi^, torn, i., p. 186; Boyle's Bide, vol. 1., p. 259; FancourVa Hist. Yuc, pp.
92, 116.

'■'1

CHAPTER XXIV.

MAYA ARTS, CALENDAR, AND HIEROGLYPHICS.

Scarcity of Information— Use of Metals — Gold and Precious
Stones— Implements of Stone— Scilpture— Pottery— Manu-
facture OF Cloth— Dyeing— System of Numeration— Maya
Calendar in Yucatan— Days, Weeks, Months, and Years— In-
DiCTioNS and Katunes— Perez' System of Ahau Katunes-
Statements of Landa and Cogolludo— Intercalary Days and
Years— Days and Months in Guatemala, Chiapas, and Soco-
Nusco— Maya Hieroglyphic System— Testimony of Early Writ-
ers on the Use of Picture-Writing— Destruction of Docu-
ments—Specimens WHICH have Survived — The Dresden Codex
—Manuscript Troano— Tablets of Palenque, Copan, and Yuca-
tan—Bishop Landa's Key— Brasseur de Boukbourg's Interpre-
tation.

Our knowledge of Maya arts and manufactures, so
far as it depends on the statements of the early Span-
ish writers is very slight, and may be expressed in few
words; especially as most of these arts seem to have
been very nearly identical with those of the Nahuas,
although many of them, at the time of the Conquest
at least, were not carried to so high a grade of perfec-
tion as in the north. Some branches of mechanical
art have indeed left material relics, which, examined
in modern times, have extended our knowledge on the
subject very far beyond what may be gleaned from
sixteenth-century observations. But a volume of this
work is set apart for the consideration of material rel-

(1*8)

KNOWLEDGE OF METALS.

749

ics with numerous illustrative plates, and although the
temptation to use both information and plates from
modern sources is particularly strong in some of the
topics of this chapter and the 'bllowing, a regard for
the symmetry of the work, and the necessity of avoid-
ing all repetition, cause me to confine myself here
a).Qost exclusively to the old authors, as I have done
in describing the Nahua arts.

Iron was not known to the Mayas, and it is not
quite certain that copper was mined or worked by
them. The boat so often mentioned as having been
met by Columbus off the coast, and supposed to have
come from Yucatan, had on board crucibles for melt-
ing copper, and a large number of copper hatchets.
Similar hatchets together with bells, ornaments, and
spear and arrow points of the same metal were seen at
various points, and were doubtless used to a consider-
able extent throughout Yucatan, Chiapas, and Guate-
mala. But there are no metallic deposits on the pen-
insula, and the copper instruments used there, or at
least the material, must have been brought from the
north, as it is indeed stated by several authors that
they were. No metallic relics whatever have been
found among the ruins of Yucatan, and only very few
in other Maya regions. Copper implements are not
mentioned by the early visitors to Nicaragua, and al-
though that country abounds in ore of a variety easily
worked, yet there is no evidence that it was used, and
Squier's statement that the Nicaraguans were skillful
workers in this metal, probably rests on no stronger
basis than the reported discovery of a copper mask at
Ometepec. Godoi speaks of copper in Chiapas, and
also of a metallic composition called cacao!

Small articles of goM, intended chiefly for ornamen-
tal purposes, were found everywhere in greater or less
abundance by the Spaniards, the gold being generally
described as of a low grade. Cortes speaks of the
gold in Yucatan as alloyed with copper, and the same
Jilloy is mentioned in Guatemala by Herrera, and in

780

THE MAYA NATIONS.

Nicaragua by Benzoni. The latter author says that
gold was abundant in Nicaragua but was all brought
from other provinces. He also states that there were
no mines of any kind, but Oviedo, on the contrary,
speaks of 'good mines of gold.' Articles of gold took
the form of animals, fishes, birds, bells, small kettles
and vases, beads, rings, bracelets, hatchets, small idols,
bars, plates for covering armor, gilding or plating of
wooden masks and clay beads, and settings for precious
stones. Peter Martyr speaks of gold as formed in
bars and stamped in Nicaragua, and Villagutierre of
silver 'rosillas' in use among the Itzas. We have
but slight information respecting the use of precious
stones. Oviedo saw in Nicaragua a sun-dial of pearl
set on jasper, and also speaks of wooden masks cov-
ered with sLone mosaic and gold plates in Tabasco.
Martyr tells us that the natives of Yucatan attached
no value to Spanish counterfeited jewels, because they
could take from their mines better ones of genuine
worth.*

I'he few implements in common use among the
Mayas, such as knives, chisels, hatchets, and metates,
together with the spear and arrow heads already men-
tioned, were of flint, porphyry, or other hard stone.
There is but little doubt that most of their elaborate
sculpture on temples and idols was executed with stone
implements, since the material employed was for the

I Two spindles with golden tissue. Cords, Cartas, pp. 3, 422. Six
golden idols, each one span long, in Nicaragua. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec.
lii., lib. iv., cap. v. 20 golden hatchets, 14 carats fine, weighing over 20
lbs. Id., lib. iv., cap. vi. Houses of goldsmiths that molded marvellously.
Id., cap. vii. See also Id., dec. i., lib. v., cap. v. Little fishes and geese
of low gold at Gatoche. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 4. Golden armor and
ornaments at Tabasco River. Id., pp. 12-13. Idols of unknown metals
amang the Itzas. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 495, 497. Gilded
wooden nuisk, gold plates, little golden kettles. Diaz, Itiniraire, in I'cr-
naux-Uompans, Voy., s^rie i., torn, x., pp. 16, 26. Vases of chiseled gold
in Yucatan. Brasseur de Bourbour^, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 69; Id.,
in Landa, Relacion, p. 32; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 102; Onedo,
Hist. Gen., torn, iv., pp. 39, 95, torn, i., p. 520; Peter Martyr, dec. iv.,
lib. i., dec. vi., lib. ii., vi.; Torquemada, Mouarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 364;
Godot, in Teniaux-Compans, Voy., s^rie i., tom. x., p. 178; Squier's Nica-
ragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. li., p. 346. Respecting a con[^r mask from Nicara-
gua and two copper medals from Guatemala, see vol. iv. of this work.

STONE CARVING.

751

most part soft and easily worked. The carvings in the
hard sapote-wood in Yucatan must have presented
great difficulties to workmen without iron tools ; but
the fact remains that stone implements, with a few
probably of hardened copper, sufficed with native skill
and patience for all purposes. Villagutierre informs
us that the Lacandones cut wood with stone hatchets.
Cogolludo speaks of the remarkable facility which the
natives displayed in learning the mechanical arts in-
troduced by Spaniards, in using new and strange tools
or adapting the native implements to new uses. All
implements whether of the temple or the house-
hold, seem to have been ceremonially consecrated to
their respective uses. Oviedo speaks of deer-bone
combs used in Guatemala, and of another kind of combs
the teeth of which were made of black wood and set
in a composition like baked clay but which became soft
on exposure to heat.

The early writers speak in general terms of idols
of various human and animal forms, cut from all
kinds of stone, and also from wood; Martyr also
mentions an immense serpent in what he supposed to
be a place of punishment in Yucatan, which was
'compacted of bitumen and small stones.' The Itzas
constructed of stone and mortar the image of a horse,
modeled on an animal left among them by Cortes.
The Spanish authors say little or nothing of the
sculpture of either idols or architectural decora-
tions, except that it was elaborate, and often demon-
like; but their observations on the subject would
have had but little value, even had they been more
extended, and fortunately architectural remains are
sufficiently numerous and complete, at least in Yuca-
tan, Honduras, and Chiapas, to supply information
that, if not entirely satisfactory, is far more so than
what we possess respecting other branches of Maya
art. Brasseur de Bourbourg speaks of vases exquis-
itely worked from alabaster and agate in Yucatan;
there is some authority for this in modern discoveries,

762

THE MAYA NATIONS.

but little or npne, so far as I know, in the writings of
the conquerors. Earthenware, shells, and the rind
of the gourd were the material of Maya dishes. All
speak of the native pottery as most excellent in work-
manship, material, and painting, but give no details
of its manufacture. Herrera, however, mentions a
a province of Guatemala, where very fine pottery was
made by the women, and Palacio tells us that this
Ijranch of manufactures was one of the chief indus-
tries of Aguachapa, a town of the Pipiles.

All that is known of cloths and textile fabrics has
been given in enumerating the various articles of
dress; of any differences that may have existed be-
tween the Nahua and Maya methods of spinning and
weaving cotton we know nothing. It is probable
that the native methods have not been modified es-
sentially in modern times among the same peoples.
We are told that in Yucatan the wife of a god in-
vented weaving, and was worshiped under the name
of Ixazalvoh; while another who improved the in-
vention by the use of colored threads was Yxchebe-
lyax, also a goddess. Spinning and weaving was for
the most part women's work, and they are spoken of
as industrious and skillful in the avocation. Bark
and maguey-fibre were made into cloth by the Cak-
chiquels, and Oviedo mentions several plants whose
fibre was worked into nets and ropes by the Nica-
raguans. The numerous dye-woods which are still
among the richest productions of the country in many
parts, furnished the means of imparting to woven
fabrics the bright hues of which the natives were so
fond. Bright -colored feathers were highly prized
and extensively used for decorative purposes. Gar-
ments of feathers are spoken of, which were probably
made as they were in Mexico by pasting the plumage
in various ornamental figures on cotton fabric.''

* For slight notices of the various mechanical arts of the Mayas see the
following authorities: Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, i., pp. 276, 350, 521, toni.
iv., pp. 33, 36, 105-9; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 354, torn, ii.,
p. 346; Ltiet, Nomts Ortna, p. 329; Cogolludo, Hist. Yvc., pp. 4, 13, 187,

SYSTEM OF NUMERATION.

706

The following table will give the reader a clear
idea of the Maya system of numeration as it existed
in Yucatan ; the definitions of some of the names are
taken from the Maya dictionary, and may or may
not have any application to the subject:

hun, ' paper'
ca, 'calulHiHh'

60
61

ox, 'tilielled corn'

eun, 'seriKjnt' or 'count'

ho, 'entry'

uoc

uuc

uaxae, 'something

Btandint^ erect'

100

bolon, bol, 'to roll or

101

turn '

102

lahun, lah, 'a stone'

110

hulue, 'drowned'

115

luhcd, (lahun-cn), 10-|-2

120

oxiuhun, 3+10

130

canliihun, 4+10

131

holhun, (ho-lahun),

140

5+10

141

uaclahun, 6+10, etc.

160

huukal, kal, 'neck,' or a

200

measure, 1x20

300

huntukal, 1+20

400

catukal, 2+20, etc.

600

uaxactukal, or hunkal

600

catf uaxac, 8

800

+20, or 20+8

900

catae, 'and'

1,000

lahucakttl, 2x20—10 (?)

buhictukal, 11+20

1,200

lahcatukal, 12+20

1,250

oxhthutukal, 13+20,

etc.

2,000

cakal, 2x20

8,000

huntuyoxkal

16,000

4'2

catuyoxkal

160,000

lahuyoxkal

1,000,000

r>i

buluctuyoxkal

64,000,000

oxkal, 3X20
huntucankal
laliucankal
buluctueankal
cankal, 40x20
hutuyokal
catuyokal
lahuyokal
ho-kal, 5x20
huntu uackal
catu uackal
lahu uackal
holhu uackal
uackal 6x20
lahu uuckal
buluc tu uuckal
uuckal, 7X20
huntu uaxackal
uaxackal, 8x20, etc.
laliuncal, 10x20
holhukal, 15x20
hunbak, 1X400
hotubak
lahutubak
cabak, 2x400
hotu yoxbak
lahuyoxbak
or hunpic (modem)
oxbak, 3X400
oxback catac lahuyox-
kal, 3x400+50
capic (niodein)
hunpic (ancient)
ca pic (ancient)
calab

kinchil or huntzotzceh
hunalau

196; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap.
ix., lib. X., cap. ii., xiv. ; Landa, Relacion, pp. 116, 120, 128-9; Villagu-
ticrre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 100, 311-12, 495, 499-601; Remesal, tfist.
Chijapa., p. 293; Feter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. ii., dec. vi., lib. iii. ; Bemoni,
Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 98, 102-3; Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Gnat., n. 203;
Gotnarn, Hist. Ind., iol.idS; Cortis, Cartas, p. 489; Atidagoya, in Nnvar-
refe. Col. de Viajes, torn, iii., p. 416; Las Casus, Hist. Apologitica, MS.,
cap. cxxiv. ; Id., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 147-8;
Palacio, Carta, p. 44; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., pp. 339,
346; Foster's Pre-IIist. Races, p. 212; Brasseur de Bourbovrg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., torn, ii., pp. 69, 172, 563.
Vol. II.-48

THE MAVA NATIONS.

Thus the Mayas seem to have had uncompoundcd
names fur the numerals from 1 to 11, 20, 40U, uikI
8,000, and to have formed all numbers by the addi
tion or multiplication of these. The manner in whitli
the combinations were made seems clear up to tlio
number 40. Thus we have 10 and 2, 10 and 3, etc.,
up to 19; 20 is hun-kal, 21 is hun-tu-kal, etc., indi-
cating that tu, which I do not find in any dictionary,
is simply 'and' or a sign of addition. Ihe composi-
tion of lahu-ca-kal is clear only in the sense of ten
from twice twenty: 40 is two twenties, 60 is three
twenties, and so on regularly by twenties up to 400,
for which a new word bak is introduced; after which
the numbers proceed, twice 400, thrice 400, etc., to
8,000, jnc, corresponding to the Nahua xiquipilli
But wliile the composition is intelligible so far as the
multiples of 20 and 400 are concerned, it is far from
clear in the case of the intermediate numbers. For
instance, 40 is ca-kal, and forming 41, 42, etc., as 21
was formed from 20, we should have hun-tti-ca-kal,
ca-tu-ca-kal, etc., instead of the names given, hitn-tu-
yox-kal, etc., or, interpreting this last name as the
former were interpreted we should have 61 instead of
41. The same observation may be made respecting
every number, not a multiple of 20, up to 400 ; that
is, each number is less by 20 than the composition of
its name would seem to indicate. If we gave to tu
the meaning 'towards,' then hun-tu-yox-kal might be
interpreted *1 (from 40) towards 60,' or 41; but in
such a case the word for 21, hun-tu-kal, must be sup-
posed to be a contraction of hun-tu-ca-kal, '1 (from
20) towards 40.' Other irregularities will be noticed
by the rej ier in the numbers above 400. I have
thought it best to call attention to what appears a
strange inv isistency in this system of numeration,
but which li \y present less difficulties to one better
acquainted ti n I with the Maya language.'

* Beltran de S ita Rom Maria, Arte, pp. 195-208; Id., in Brasseur <fe
Bourhourg, MS. H .ontio, totii. ii., pp. 93-9. 'Kl niodo de contnr de los In-

THE MAYA CALENDAR.

766

Authorities on the Maya calendar of Yucatan, the
only one of which any details are known, are Bishop
Landn and Don Juan Pio Perez. The lat er was a
modern writer who devoted much study to the suh-
ject, was perfectly familiar with the Maya languajife,
and had in his possession or consulted elsewhere many
ancient manuscripts. There are also a few scattered
remarks on the subject in the works of other writers.*

The Maya day was called kin, or 'sun'; malik ocok
kin was the time just precec 'ng sunrise; hatzcah was
the time from sunrise to noon, which was called chun-
kin or 'middle of the day'; tzelep kin was the declin-
ing sun, or about three oclock p. m. ; oc na kin was sun-
set. The night was akab, and midnight was chumuc
akah. Other hours were indicated by the position of
the sun in the daytime, and by that of some star—
the morning star, the Pleiades, and the Gemini as
Landa says — during the night.

The following table shows the names of the twenty
days with the orthography of different writers, and
the meaning of the names so far as known:

Kan 'henequen string,' 'yellow,' 'serpent.'

Chicchdn ehichan would be 'small,' a thing that grows or increases

slowly.
Cimi (Quinii, Cimii) preterite of cimil, 'to die.'
possibly ' passing wind.'

Manik

Lamat

Muluc

Chuen

possibly 'abyss of water,' found as lambat in Oajaca calendar,
possibly 'reunion,' also in Ciiiapas calendar,
'what may be held in the palm of the hand,' 'foot,' 'leg.'
'board,' or name of a tree, (Msrhaps chouen of Quiche calendar,
'stairway' or 'ladder.'
Hen (Been) perhaps Been, an ancient nrinee, or 'to spend with economy.*
Ix (Hix, Gix) possibly 'roughness.' Ihe ijuich^ itz is 'sorcerer.'
Men 'builder.'

Cib (Quib) 'wax' or 'copal.'

dios es de cinco en cinco, y de quatro cincos hazen veinte.' Landa, Rela-
cion, p. 206; Herrcra, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.

♦ Landa, Relurio';, pp. 202-31(>; Perez, Croiiologia Antigua de Y'lc,
with French translation, in Id., pp. .')Gl>-429; Enjjiish translation of tho
same in Stephens' Yucatan, vol. i., pp. 434-59; original Spanish also in the
Registro Yitcateco; Orozco y Berra, Geografia, pp. 103-8, 16.3-4; Veytia,
Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, i., p. 137; Glavigero, Stona Ant. del Messico, torn,
ii., pp. 65-C; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc, Transact., vol. i., pp. 104-
14; Srasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 462-7; Id.,
MS. Troano, tom. i., pp. 7.3-97.

756

THE MAYA NATIONS.

Caban

Ezanab (Eanab, Edxnab)

Cauac

Ahau (Ajau) ' king,' beginning of the period of 24 (or 20) y«>arft.

Yniix Imox, in Quiche calendar is the Mexican Cipactli.

Ik (Yk) 'wind' or 'breath.'

Akbal In Quiche, 'vase.'

The hieroglyphics by which the names of the days
were expressed are shown in the accompanying cut in
their proper order of succession, — Kan, Chicchan, etc.,
to Akbal ; but it is to be noted that although this order
was invariable, yet the month might begin with any
one of the four days Kan, Muluc, Ik, and Cauac.

KAN. CHICCHAN. CI Ml. MANIK. LAMAT.

CAUAC.

BEN.

MEN. CIB. CABAN. EZANAB.

AHAU. VMIX. IK. AKBAL.

o ® ©

Days of the Maya Calendar.

The month, made up as I have said of twenty
days, was called w, or 'moon,' indicating perhaps that
time was originally computed by lunar calcuiii^ions.
It was also called uincd, a word whose signification is
not satisfactorily given. The year contained eighteen
months, whose names with the hieroglyphics by which
they were written, are shown in the cut on the opposite
page, in their order, Pop, Uo, Zip, etc., to Cumhu.

MONTHS OF THE MAYA CALENDAR.

767

POP. UO. Zll». TZOZ. Tzec.

XUL. YAXKIN. MOL. CHEN. VAX.

ZAC. CCH. MAC. KANKIN. MUAN.

Months of the Maya Calendar.

Not only did the months succeed each other al-
ways in the same order, but Pop was always the first
month of the year, which began on a date corres-
ponding to July 16 of our calendar, a date which
varies only forty-eight hours from the time when the
sun passes the zenith — an approximation as accurate
as could be expected from observations made without
instruments.

The following table shows the names of the months,
their meaning, and the day on which each began, ac-
cording to our calendar:

Pop (Poop, Popp) 'mat' July 16

Uo (Woo, Voo) ' Frog' Aug. 5

Zip (Cijp) name of a tree, 'defect,' 'swollen' Aug.26>

Tiox (Zoc, Zotz) 'bat' Sept. 14

Tzec (Zeec) possibly ' discourse,' ' skull ' Oct. 4

Xul 'end' Oct. 24

Yaxkin (Dse-Yuxkiu, Tze Vaxkin) 'beginning of summer' Nov. 13

768

THE MAYA NATIONS.

Mol (Mool) 'to reunite' Dec. 3

Chen (Cheen) 'well' Dec. 23

Yax (Yaax) 'green' or 'blue' or 'first' Jan. 12

Zac(Zak) 'clear,' 'white' Feb, 1

Ceh (Qeh, Quej, Queh) 'deer' Feb. 21

Mac, ' to close,' ' lid,' a measure Mar. 13

Kankin, ' yellow sun ' Apr. 2

Muan (Moan) 'showery day,' the bird called 'ara' Apr. 22

Pax (Paax) a musical instrument May 12

Kayab, ' singinu ' June 1

Cumhu (Cumko) noise of an explosion, as of thunder June 21

* Cogolludo omita the month Tzoz, and inserts a month Vaycab, Ytuz
Kin, or Vlubol Kin, between Cumhu and Pop. He also in one place puts
cuchhaab in the place of Kan. Hist. Yuc, p. 185-6. See also Brassettr de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Cio., torn, ii., pp. 466-7; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p.
22. The Abb«i Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his attempted interpretation of
the Manuscript Troano, gives the following curious etymologies of the names
of these months. 'Le vocable ji>oo, que Beltran dcrit long, poop, signiiic la
nattc, "esterabpetate," dit Pio Perez, qui donne encore a pop le sens d'un
arbrisseau ou d'une plante qu'il ne d^crit point, mais qui, fort probable-
inent, doit C>tre de la nature des joiics dont on fait les dinerentes espisces de
nattes connucs au Yucatan. £u prcnant ce vocable avec rortliographe de
Beltran, noop se comiK>serait dc jm, priinitif inusit^, exprimaiit rciiHurc, la
vapciir, 1 expansion |Hir la chaleur d'une matibre dans une enveloppe, ct de

op, briser, roniprc i>our sortir, crcvasscr \^a.r la force du feu Beltran ajoute

que no ddsigne en outre le t^tard, une sorte de petit craiwud et un fruit
indigene, appelti pitahaya aux Antilles. . . .uo, au rapport du mfiiiic autcur

tSnoiice I'id^e des caractbres de I'ecriture, en particulicr desvoycllcs

Cet hi^roglyphe paraft ussez difficile ii expliquer. Sa section inf^>rieure ren-
ferme un caract^re ciui semble, en raccourci, celui dc la lettre h, et la sec-
tion sup^rieure est identique avec le sigiie que je crois une variaiite du ti,
localite, lieu. Ce qu'on pourroit interpreter par "le possesscur enfcrine
du lieu," indice du t6tard, de I'dnbryon dans son envelopi)c. (?) L'enscmblc
de rid^e gt^ologique, qui a prdsid^ h la com]H>flition du calendrier niaya, sc
poursuit dans les noma des mois, ainsi que dans ceux des jours. Aprils Ic
mariScage, dtijii crevassii nar le chaleur, appanitt le tetard, I'einbryoii dc la
grenouflle, laiss^ au fond de la bourbe, ayinbole de rembryon du feu vol-
canique couvant sous la terre glacde et qui ne tardera ihis & rompre son en-

veloppe, ainsi qu'on le vcrra dans les noma dca mois auivants Zip, ana-

lya^, donne Zi ip, boia h brftler i^ui ae gonfle outre meaure, sens interessaiit
qui rappelle le grand arbre du inonde, gontld outre meaure par lea gaz ct lea

icux voIcaniqucs,avantd'($cIater J'inclinerais&pensermicLandaa voulii

expriiner par tzox, non la chauve-aouria zob, maia tzotz, la clievclure, vocable
<^ui dana toutea les langucs du groupe mcxico-guatumalicn indique aymliu-
liquement la chevelurc do I'cau, la aurface ondoyante, rcmuante de la mcr,
d'un lac ou d'une riviere: c'eat ^ qtioi seniblcnt correapondre lea signes dc
la glace qui ae prcaeiitent dana riinage du moia Tzoz. \\ a'agirait done ici
de la chevelurc, de la aurface dea eaux gelees an-deaaua de la terre et que
la force du feu volcanique commence k rider, ik faire grimacer, ainai que

I'^nonce le nom du moia auivi^nt Tzec Ce que I'autcur du calendrier a

voulu expriiner, c'est bicn probablenient une t6te dc inort de singe, aux dents
grima^antea, image aasez commune dans les fantiiisies mythologiquca dc
rAm^rique centnue et qu'on rtitrouve sculptiie frequemincnt dans lea Ixilica
ruinea de Copan. . . .Une intention plua profonde encore sc rdv^le dans ccs
tfites de singea. Car si lea danaea ct lea mouvenienta de ces animaux aym-
bolisent, dana le sens myatdrieux du Popol Vuh, le aoul^vement momen-
tan^ dea montagnea h la aurface de la mer dea Carailtea, leura tAtcr, avec
I'expression de la mort, ne aauraient faire alluaion, probablement, qu'u In

INTERCALARY DAYS.

760

The year was called haah, and consisted of the
ei;^hteen months already named, — which would make
360 days, — and of five supplementary, or intercalary
days, to complete the full number of 365. These in-
tercalary days were called xma kaha kin, or 'nameless
days,' and also uayah or nayeh haab, u na haab, nayab
chab, u yail kin, u yailhaab, u tuz kin, or u lobol kin,
which may mean 'bed' or 'chamber' of the year,
'mother of the year,' 'bed of creation,' 'travail of the
year,' 'lying days,' or 'bad days,' et<!. They were
added at the end of each year, after the last day of
Cumhu, and although they are called nameless, and
were perhaps never spoken of by name, yet they were
actually reckoned like the resc; — that is, if the last day
of Cumhu was Akbal, the five intercalary days would
be reckoned as Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, Manik, and
Lamat, so that the new year, or the month of Pop,
would begin with the day Muluc.

Besides this division of time into years, months, and
days, there was another division carried along simul-
taneously with the first, into twenty-eight periods of
thirteen days each," which may for convenience be
termed weeks, although the natives did not apply any
name to the period of thirteen days, and perhaps did
not regard it as a definite period at all, but used the
number thirteen as a sacred number from some super-
stitious motives;'' yet its use produces some curious
complications in the calendar, of which it is a most
peculiar feature. Tlie name of each day was preceded
by a numeral showing its position in the week, and

disparition de ces montagnes sous Ich caiix, ou dies continiifercnt h grinia-
cer, dans lea i^cifs et lc8 Ronfleurs, coiunic dies avaiciit fuit griniucer la

5 lace, en se aoulevaiit.' As it would occupy too much space to give the
kbb^'s explanations of all the months, the above will suttice for specimens.
See MS. Troano, torn, i., pp. 98-108.

* Landa says, however, 'vingt-sept trezaincs et ncuf jours, sans compter
les sunnldmentaires.' Relaeion, p. 235.

1 The number 13 may come from the original reckoning by lunations,
2G days Iwing about the time the moon is seen almve the horizon in each
revolution, 13 days of increase, and 13 of decrease. Perez, in Landa, Re-
laeion, pp. 366-8. Or it may have been a sacred numlier before the inven-
tion of the calendar, being ttio number of gods of high rank. BratKur de
Bourhourg, lb.

760

THE MAYA NATIONS.

these numerals proceeded regularly from one to thir-
teen and then began again at one. Thus 1 Kan meant
'Kan, the first day of the week'; 12 Cauac, 'Cauao,
the twelfth day of the week,' etc. It is probable also
that the days of the month were numbered regularly
%m 1 to 20, as events are spoken of as occurring on
the 18th of Zip, etc., but the numeral relating to the
week was the most prominent. The table shows
the succession of days and weeks for several months :

ja(

Pop.

Uo.

Zip.

TZOZ.

fr>i

!»

c«

Q
1

ft
9

Kan

Kan ..... .

Kan

Chicch4n .

Chicchdn. .

Chicchdn .

Cimi

Manik

Manik . . .

Laiiiat ....

Lamat

Muluc

Muluc ....

Muluc

Chueu

Chuen.. ..

Chuen

Ben

Men

Cib

Caban

f'zanab . . .

Ezanab . . .

Cauac. ....

Cauac

Cauac —

Ahau

Aliau

Ahau

Ymix

Akbal .....

Akbal ....

Akbal.. ..

Of the twenty days only four, — Kan, Muluc, Ix,
and Cauac — could begin either a month or a year.
Whatever the name of the first day of the first month,
every month in the year began with the same
day, accompanied, however, by a different numeral.
The numeral of the first day for the first month be-
ing 1, that of the second would be 8, and so on for the
other months in the following order : 2, 9, 3, 10, 4, 11,
5, 12, 6, 13, 7, 1, 8, 2, 9, 3. To ascertain the numer-
al for any month 7 must be added to that of the pre-

SUCCESSION OF THE YEARS.

761

ceding month, and 13 subtracted from the sum if it be
more than 13.

By extending the table of days and months over a
period of years, — an extension which my space does
not permit me to make in these pages, — the reader will
observe that by reason of the intercalary days, and of
the fact that 28 weeks of 13 days each make only 364
instead of 365 days, if the first year began with
the day 1 Kan, the second would begin with 2 M uluc,
the third with 3 Ix, the fourth with 4 Cauac, the
fifth with 5 Kan, and so on in regular order; therefore
the years were named by the day on which they began,
1 Kan, 2 Muluc, 3 Ix, etc., since the year would be-
gin with any one of these combinations only once in
52 years. Thus the four names of the days Kan,
Muluc, Ix, and Cauac served as sign? for the years,
precisely as the signs tochtli, colli, tecpatl, and acatl
with their numerals served among the Aztecs. In
the circle in which the Mayas are said to have in-
scribed their calendar, these four signs are located in
the east, north, west, and south respectively, and are
considered the 'carriers of the years.'

It will be seen that, starting from 1 Kan, although
every fifth year began with the day, or sign, Kan, yet
the numeral 1 did not occur again in connection with
any first day until thirteen years had passed away; so
that 1 Kan or Kan alone not only named the year which
it began, but also a period of thirteen years, which is
spoken of as a 'week of years' or an 'indiction.' The
first indiction of thirteen years beginning with 1 Kan,
the second began with 1 Muluc, the third with 1 Ix,
and the fourth with 1 Cauac.

After the indiction whose sign was 1 Cauac, the
next would begin again with 1 Kan ; that is 52 years
would have elapsed, and this period of 52 years was
called a Katun, corresponding with the Aztec cycle,
as explained in a preceding chapter. .

Thus we see that the four signs Kan, Muluc,
Ix, and Cauac served to name certain days of

If!

762'

THE MAYA NATIONS.

the month; they also named the years of the indic-
tion, since in connection with certain numerals
they were the first days of these years; they further
named the indictions of the Katun, of which with
the numeral 1 they were also the first days; and fi-
nally they named, or may have named, the Katun it-
self which they b^un, also in connection with the
numeral 1. How the Katuns were actually named
we are not informed. The completion of each Katun
was regarded by the Mayas as a most critical and im-
portant epoch, and was celebrated with most imposing
religious ceremonies. Also a monument is said to
have been raised, on which a large stone was placed
crosswise, also called katun as a memorial of the cycle
that had passed. It is unfortunate that some of these
monuments cannot be discovered and identified among
the ruins. Thus far the Maya calendar is, after a
certain amount of study, sufficiently intelligible; and
is, except in its system of nomenclature, essentially
identical with that of the Nahuas. The calendars of
the Quiches, Cakchiquels, Chiapanecs, and the natives
of Soconusco, are also the same so far as their details
are known. The names of months and days in some
of these calendars will be given in this chapter.

Another division of time not found in the Nahua
calendar, was that into the Ahau Katunes. The sys-
tem according to which this division was made is clear
enough if we may accept the statements of Sr Perez;
several of which rest on authorities that are un-
known to all but himself According to this writer,
the Ahau Katun was a period of 24 years, divided
into two parts; the first part of 20 years was enclosed
in the native writings by a square and called amaytun,
lamayte, or lamaytun ; and the second, of the other
four years, was placed as a 'pedestal' to the others,
and therefore called chek oc katun, or lath oc katun.
These four years were considered as intercalary and
unfortunate, like the five supplementary days of the
year, and were sometimes called a yail lutab, 'years of

THE AHAU KATUNES.

76a

pain.' This Katun of 24 years was called Ahau from
its first day, and the natives began to reckon from 13
Ahau Katun, because it began on the day 13 Ahau,
on which day some great event probably took place in
their history. The day Ahau at which these periods
began was the second day of such years as began with
Cauac; and 13 Ahau, the first day of the first period,
was the second of the year 12 Cauac; 2 Ahau was the
second day of the year 1 Cauac, etc. If we construct
a table of the years from 12 Cauac in regular order,
we shall find that if the first period was 13 Ahau Katun
because it began with 13 Ahau, the second, 24 years
later, was 1 1 Ahau Katun, beginning with 1 1 Ahau ;
the third was 9 Ahau Ka.tun, etc. That is, the Ahau
Katunes, instead of being numbered 1, 2, 3, etc., in
regular order was preceded by the numerals 13, 11,
9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, and 2. 13 of these Ahau
Katunes, making 312 years, constituted a great cycle,
and we are told that it was by means of the Ahau
Katunes and great cycles of 312 years that historical
events were generally recorded.

Sr Perez states that the year 1392 of our era was
the Maya year 7 Cauac, 'according to all sources
of information, confirmed by the testimony of Don
Cosme de Burgos, one of the conquerors, and a writer
(but whose observations have been lost).' Therefore
the 8 Ahau Katun began on the second day of that
year; the 6 Ahau Katun, 24 years later, in 1416; the
4 Ahau in 1440; the 2, in 1464; the 13, in 1488; the
11, in 1512; the 9, in 1536; the 7, in 1560; the 5, in
1584; the 3, in 1608, etc. As a test of the accuracy
of his system of Ahau Katunes, the author says that
he found in a certain manuscript the death of a distin-
guished individual, Ahpuld, mentioned as having
taken place in the 6th year of Ahau Katun, when
the first day of the year was 4 Kan, on the day of 9
Ix, the 18th day of the month Zip. Now the 13
Ahau began in the year 12 Cauac, or 1488; the 6th
year from 1488 wa3 1493, or 4 Kan; if the month of

764

THE MAYA NATIONS.

Pop began with 4 Kan, then the 3d month, Zip, be-

fan with 5 Kan, and the 18th of that month fell on 9
X, or Sept. 11. All this may be readily verified by
filling out the table in regular order.

On the other hand we have Landa's statement that
the Ahau Katun was a period of 20 years; he gives
however the same order of the numerals as Perez, —
that is 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2. He
also states that the year 1541 was the beginning of 11
Ahau; but if 11 Ahau was the second day of 1541,
that year must have been 10 Cauac, and 1561, 20
years later, would have been 4 Cauac, the second day
of which would have been 5 Ahau; which does not
aofree at all with the order of numerals. In fact no
other number of yea:s than 24 for each Ahau Katun
will produce this order of numerals, which fact is
perhaps the strongest argument in favor of Sr Perez'
system. Cogolludo also says that the Mayas counted
their time by periods of 20 years called Katunes, each
divided into 5 sub-periods of four years each. Sr
Perez admits that other writers reckon the Ahau Ka-
tun as 20 years, but claims that they have fallen into
error through disregarding the chek oc katun, or 4 un-
lucky years of the period. A Maya manuscript fur-
nished and translated by Perez is published by Ste-
phens and in Landa's work, and repeatedly speaks of
the Ahau Katun as a period of 20 years. Again,
this is the very manuscript in which the death of Ah-
puld was announced, and the date of that event is
given as 6 years before the completion of 13 Ahau, in-
stead of the sixth year of that period as stated in the
calculations of Sr Perez; and besides, the date is dis-
tinctly given as 1536, instead of 1403, which dates
will m nowise agree with the system explained, or
with the date of 1392 given as the beginning of 8
Ahau. Moreover, as I have already said, several of
the statements on which Perez bases his computations
are unsupported by any authority save manuscripts
unknown to all but himself Such are the statements

BISSEXTILE ADDITIONS.

745

that the Ahau Katun began on the 2d day of a
year Oauac; that 13 Ahau was reckoned as the first;
and that 8 Ahau began in 1392. These facts, together
with various other inaccuracies in the writings of Sr
Perez are sufficient to weaken our faith in his system
of the Ahau Katunes ; and since the other writers give
no explanations, this part of the Maya calendar must
remain shrouded in doubt until new sources of infor-
mation shall be found.^ The following quotation made
by Sr Perez from a manuscript, contains all that is
known respecting what was possibly another method
of reckoning time. "There was another number which
they called Ua Katun, and which served them as a
key to find the Katunes, according to the order of its
march, it falls on the days of the uayeh haab, and re-
volves to the end of certain years: Katunes 13, 9, 5,
1,10,6,2,11,7,3,12,8,4.''^

We have seen that the Maya year by means of in-
tercalary days added at the end of the month Cumhu
was made to include 365 days. How the additional
six hours necessary to make the length of the year
agree with the solar movements were intercalated with-
out disturbing the complicated order already described,
is altogether a matter of conjecture. The most plaus-
ible theory is perhaps that a day was added at the
end of every four years, tliis day being called by the
same name and numeral as the one preceding it, or, in
other words, no account being made of this day in the

8 'Contaban 8us eras, y edades, que ponian en bus libroa de veinte en

veinte afios, y por lustros de quatro en quatro Llegando estos lustrog a

cinco, que ajustan veinte anos, \\anm\mi\ Katiin, y ponian vnapiedralabrada
sobre otra labrada, Axada con cal, y arena en las naredes de sua Teninlos,
y casas de los Sacerdotes, conio se \h oy en los ediiicifM.' Cogolludo, Hist.
Yuc, p. 186. 'Llanian a esta cuenta en su lengua Uazlazon Katun que
quicre dezir la gen-a de los Katunes.' Zetnt/a, Bclacion, p. 313. 'Para
cuenta de veintenas de anos en calendarios de los indios yucatecos, lo misino
que las indicciones nuestnis; pcro de mas aftos aue estas, eran trece ahaues
que contenian 260 afios, que era para ellosun sigio.' Beltran de Snnta Rosa
Maria, Arte, p. 204. Brasseur de Bourbourg is disposed to reject the sys-
tem of Sr Perez, but he in his turn makes several errors in his notes on the
subject. In Lamia, Relaeion, pp. 402-13, 428. The Maya MS. referred to
in the text is found with its translation in Id., pp. 420-9, and Stephens^
Yucatan, vol. ii., pp. 465-9.

766

THE MAYA NATIONS.

almanac, although it was perhaps indicated by some
sign in the hieroglyphics of these days. The Nicara-
guan calendar was practically identical with that of
the Aztecs, even in nomenclature although there were
naturally some slight variations in orthography. The
following table shows the names of the months in sev-
eral other Maya calendars, whose system so far uh
known is the same as that in Yucatan.

QuicM.*

Cakchiquel.*

ChiapaB
and
Soconusuo. "

1 Nabe Tzih Mat word'

2 U CabTzih '2d word'

3 Kox Tzih '3d word'

4 Cho 'tree'

5 Tccoxenual

6 Tzibe Pop

'painted mat'

7 Zak 'white*

8 Chab 'liow'

Huno Bix Gili

' Ist song of sun

10 Nabe Mam

'Ist old man

11 U Cab Mam

'2d old man

12 Nabe Li^in Ga

'Ist 8o{t hand

13 U Cab Li^'iii Ga

'2d soft hand

14 Nabe Pach

' Ist generation
16 U Cab Pach

'2d generation

16 Tziquin Gih

'time of birds

17 Tzizi Lagan

' to sew the standard

18 Cakam 'time of

red flowers

I Bota 'rolls of mats'
Qatic 'common seed'
Izcal 'spronts'
Pariche 'firewood'
Tocaxepual 'seeding time'
Nabey Tumuzuz

'Ist flying ants'
Rucab Tumuzuz

'2d flying ants'
Cibixic 'time of smoke'

Uchum 'resowing time*
Nabey Mam '1st old man*
Ku Cab Mam '2d old man'
Ligin Ka 'soft hand'
Nabey Togic 'Ist harvest'

Ru Cab Togic '2d harvest'

Nabey Pach

'1st generation'
Ru Cab Pach

'2d generation'
Tziquin Gih

'time of birds'
Cakam

' time of red flowers '

Tzun
Batzul

Sisac

Muetasac

Muc

Olalti

Ulol

Oquinajual

Veh

Elech

Nichqum

Sbanvinquil

Xchibalvinquil

Yoxibalvinquil

Xchanibal-

vinquil

Poin
Mux
Yaxquin

» The Quich* year, according to Basseta, began on December 24, of our
calendar. Following an anonymous MS. history of Guatemala, the Cak-
chiqiiel year began on January 31; and the Ist of Parichfe in 1707 was on
January 21. Brasseur de Bourbotirg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 466^7.

"> 'Algunos de estos nombres estan en lengua zotzil, y los demas se ig-
nore en qu^ idioma se hallan.' Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Oeog., Boletin, torn,
iii., p. 408; Oi-ozco y Berra, Geografia, pp. 205-6.

DAYS IN GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

7«7

I shall treat of the Maya hieroglyphics by giving first
the testimony of the early writers respecting the
existence of a system of writing in the sixteenth cen-
tury; then an account of the very few manuscripts
that have been preserved, together with illustrative

f)lates from both manuscripts and sculptured stone tab-
ets; to be followed by Bishop Landa's alphabet, a
mention of Brasseur de Bourbourg's attempted inter-
pretation of the native writings, and a few speculations
of other modern writers on the subject. The state-
ments of the early writers, although conclusive, are
not numerous, and I wnll consequently translate them
literally.

Landa says that "the sciences which they taught
were — ^to read and write with their books and charac-
ters with which they wrote, and with the figures which
signified (explained, or took the place of?) writings.

!■ Brasseur de Bo urbourg. Hist. Nat. Civ,, torn, iii., pp. 462-3.

^* Brasseur de Bourbourg, ubisup.; Boturini, Idea, p. 118; Humboldt,
Vues, torn, ii , pp. 356-7; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol.
L, p. 104; Orozcoy Berra, Geogra/ia, p. 106; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mei., torn,
i., p. 137, makes Votan the first month; Clavigero, StoriaAnt. del Messico,
torn, ii., p. 66; Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, torn, iii., p. 344.

The names of the days in t

fir>11r>AVR *

ae same calendars are as |

Quich^ and Cakchiquel."

Chiapas (Tiendal?) Soconusco.i*

1 Imox 'sword-fish*

Imox or Mox

2 Ig spirit or 'breath'

3 ATclwl 'chaos'

Igh or Ygh
Votan

4 Oat 'lizard'
6 Can ' snake '

Chanan or (Jihanan

Abah or Abash

6 Caniey 'death'

Tox

7 Qtiieh 'deer'

Moxic

i •:

8 Ganel 'rabbit'

Lambat

'i'i

9 Toh 'shower'

Molo or Mulu

1 1

10 Tzy'doR'

Elab or Elah

1 1 Ilatz ' monkey '

Batz

12 Ci or Balam, 'broom,' ' tiger'

Evob or Enob

1 IK

13 Ah 'cane'

Been

ti !i'

14 Yiz or Itz ' sorcerer'

Hix

Hll

16 Tziqiiin 'bird'

Tziauin

Chabin or Chahin

■ 1

10 Ahmak ' fisher,' 'owl'

17 Noh 'temperature'

Chic or Chiue

ffifl

18 Tihax 'obsidian'

Chinax

ttU

19 Cook 'rain'

Cahogh or Cabogh

1 11

20 Hunahpu 'shooter of blowpipe'

Aghual

766

THE MAYA NATIONS.

They wrote their books on a larffe leaf, doubled in
folds, and inclosed between two boards which thev
made very fine (decorated) ; and they wrote on both
sides in columns, according to the folds; the paper they
made of the roots of a tree, and gave it a white var-
nish on which one could write well; these sciences
were known by certain men of high rank (only), who
were therefore more esteemed although they did not
use the art in public." "These people also used cer-
tain characters or letters with which they wrote in
their books their antiquities and their sciences ; and by
means of these and of figures and of certain signs in
their figures they understood their things, and made
them understood, and taught them. We found among
them a great number of books of these letters of theirs,
and because they had nothing in which there were not
superstitions and falsities of the devil, we burned them
all, at which they were exceedingly sorrowful and
troubled."" According to Cogolludo, "in the tine
of their infidelity the Indians of Yucatan had books,
made of the bark of trees, with a white and durable
varnish, ten or twelve yards long, which by folding
were reduced to a span. In these they painted with
colors the account of their years, wars, floods, hurri-
canes, famines, and other events." "The son of the
only god, of whose existence, as I have said, they
were aware, and whom they called Ytzamnst, was the
man, as I believe, who first invented the characters
which served the Indians as letters, because they
called the latter also Ytzamnd."" The Itzas, as Vil-
lagutierre tells us, h&d "characters and figures painted
on the bark of trees, cuch leaf, or tablet, being about
a span long, as thick as a real de k ocho (a coin), folded
both ways like a aeraen, which they called analtees."^'^
Mendieta states that the Mexicans had no letters, " al-

1' Landa, Relacion, pp. 44, 316.
" Cogolludo, Hist. Yue.,m. 185
salida to the effect that the Itza priests still kept in his time' a record of

ftp. 185, 196. The same author quotes Fuen-

past events in a book 'like a history which they call Analte.' Id., p. 507.

" Villagutierre, Hist. Cong. Itza, pp. '393-4. 'Analtehes, 6 Historias,
ea vna misma cosa.' Id., p. 352.

MAYA HIEROGLYPHIC SYSTEM.

769

though in the land of Champoton it is said tl)at such
were found, and that they understood each other by
means of them, as we do by means of ours."" Aeosta
says that in Yucatan "there were books of leaves,
bound or folded after their manner, in which the
learned Indians had their division of their time, knowl-
edge of plants and animals and other natural objects,
and their antiquities ; a thing of great curiosity and
diligence."" The Maya priestb "were occupied in
teaching their sciences and in writing books upon
them."" In Guatemala, according to Benzoni, "the
thing of all others at which the Indians have been

most surprised has been our reading and writing.

Nor could they imagine among themselves in what
way white paper painted with black, could speak.""
Peter Martyr gives quite a long description of
the nativ'j wood-bound books, which he does not
refer particularly to Yucatan, although Brasseur,
apparently with much reason, believes they were
the Maya ancdth rather than the regular Aztec
picture writings. The description is as follows in
the quaint English of the translator. "They make
not their books square leafe by leafe, but extend the
matter and substance thereof mto manv cubites. They
reduce them into square peeces, not loose, but with
binding, and flexible Bitumen so conioyned, that be-
ing compact of wooden table bookes, they may seeme
to haue passed the hands of some curious workman that
ioyned them together. Which way soeuer the book
bee opened, two written sides ofifer themselues to the
view, two pages appeare and as many lye vnder, vnlesse
you stretch them in length : for there are many leaues
ioyned together vnder one leafe. The Characters are
very vnlike ours, written after our manner, lyne after
lyne, with characters like small dice, fishookes, snares,

M Mendieta, Hist. Eelet., p. 143.

" Acoata, Hist, de lot Ynd., p. 407; Ctavigero, Storia Ant. del Mestieo,
torn, n., p. 187.

" Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec iv., lib. x., cap. ii.
I* Benzoni, Hist. Hondo Nuovo, fol. 109-ia
Vol. U. 4»

770

THE MAYA NATIONS,

files, starres, & other such like formes and shapes.
Whereiii they immitate almost the Egyptian manner of
writing, and betweeue the lines they paint the shapes
of men, & beasts, especially of their kings & nobles.
.... They make the former wooden table bookes also
with art to content and delight the beholder. Being
shut, they seeme to differ nothing from our bookes, in
these they set downe in writing the rites, and the cus-
tomes of their laws, sacrifices, ceremonies, their com-
putations, etc."*

Respecting hieroglyphic records in Chiapas and
Guatemala, we have the statement of Ordonez that
" Votan wrote a work upon the origin of the Indians,"
and that he, Ordonez, had a copy of the book in his
possession ; a complaint in the Quichd annals known as
the Popol Vuh, that the 'national book' containing the
ancient records of their people had been lost; and finally
the reported discovery and destruction in Soconusco of
archives on stone by Nunez de la Vega in 1691.
All this amounts to little save as indicating the
ancient use of hieroglyphics by the followers of V^o-
tan, a fact sufficiently proven, as we shall see, by
the engraved tablets of Palenque and Copan.'* The
Nicaraguans at the time of the conquest had records

*" Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. viii., or Latin edition of Cologne, 1574, p.
.354; also quoted in Brasseur de Bourboura, MS. Troano, toni. i., pp. 2-.3;
Montanus, Nieuwe Weereid, p. 77. Carli tells us that the inhabitants of Aina-
titlan in Guatemala were especially expert in making palm-leaf paper for
writing. Cartas, pt ii., p. 104; Malte-Brim, Pricis de la Giog., tom. vi., p.
470. References to modern authors who, except possibly Medel, have iio
.:tiier sources of information than those I have quoted, are as follows: ' Dans
le Yucathan, on m'a montre dcs csp^ces de lettres ct de caractiires dont se

servent les habitants lis employaieut au lieu do papier I'^corce de cer-

taines arbres, dont ils enlevaient dcs morceaux qui avaient deux aunes de
long et un quart d'aune de large. Cette dcorce ctait de I'dpaisseur d'une
peau de veau et se pliait comme un linge. L'usage de cette ecriturc n'otait
pas gdndralement rupantlu, et elle n'dtait connue que dcs prfitres et de quel-
ques caciques.' Mcdel, in Nouvelles Annates des Voy., 184.", toni. xcvii.,
pp. 49-50; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 40; Sqiiier's Cent. Amer., p. 552; More-
let, Voyage, torn, i., p. 191; FancourCs Hist. Yuc., p. 119; Carrillo, in Soc.

269-70; Brasseur de Bour-

Voyage, torn. \., p. 191; Fancourfs Hist. Yuc.,
Mex. Geoff., Boletin, 2da dpoca, tom. iii., pp. """
bourg. Hist. Nat. Ci%>„ tom. i., p. 79.

*' Ordofiez, Hist. Cielo, etc., MS., and NutUz de la Vega, Constit. Di-
eeces., quoted by Bra.sseur de Bourbourq, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 71, 74;
fd., Popol Vuk, p. 6; Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 208; Pineda, in Soc. Mex.
Geog., Boletin, ioxa. iii., pp. .345-6.

MAYA MANUSCRIPTS.

7T1

painted in colors upon skin and paper, undoubtedly
identical in their figures with those of the Nahuas, to
whom the civilized people of Nicaragua were nearly
related in blood and language. No specimens of these
southern hieroglyphics have, however, been preserved.
Oviedo and Herrera slightly describe the paintings
and later writers have followed them.*"

Of the aboriginal Maya manuscripts three speci-
mens only, so far as I know, have been preserved.
These are the Meaican Manuscript, No. 2, of the Im-
perial Library at Paris ; The Dresden Codex; and the
Manuscript Troano. Concerning the first we only
know of its existence and the similarity of its charac-
ters to those of the other two and of the sculptured
tablets. The document was photographed in 1864 by
order of the French government, but 1 am not aware
that the photographs have ever been given to the pub-
lic. The Dresden Codex is preserved in the Royal
Library of Dresden. A complete copy was published
in Lord Kingsborongh's collection of Mexican antiqui-
ties, and fragments were also reproduced by Hum-
boldt. It was purchased in Vienna by the librarian
Gotz in 1739, but beyond this nothing whatever is
known of its history and origin. It was published by
Kings borough as an Aztec picture-writing, although
its characters present little if any resemblance to those
of its companion documents in the collection. Its
form was also different from all the rest, since it is
written on both sides of fi, e leaves of maguey-paper.
At the time ot" its publication, however, the existence
of any but Azto<" hieroglyphics in America was un-
known. Mr Stephens in his antiquarian exploration
of Central America, at once noticed the similarity of
its figures to those of the sculptured hieroglyphics
found there, but he used this similarity to prove the
identity of the northern and southern nations, since it

' Oviedo, Hist. Oen., torn, iv., p. 36; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib.
iv., cap. vii. ; Oallatin, in Aincr. Ethno. Soe., Transact., vol. i., p. 8;
Malte-Brun, Pr&.isdi'ln Gfog.. torn, vi., p. 472; Squier'n Sit:i;r(igua, (Ed.
1856.) vol. ii., pp. 3 '.7-8.

772

THE MAYA NATIONS.

did not occur to him that the Aztec origin of the Dres-
den document was a mere supposition. Mr Brantz
Mayer, fully aware of the differences between this and
other reputed Mexican picture-writings, went so far
as to pronounce it the only genuine Aztec document
that he had seen. There can be no reasonable doubt,
however, at this day, that the Maya and Nahua <^or
Maya and Aztec, since some authors will not agree
with my use of the term Nahua) hieroglyphic systems
were i)ractically distinct, although it would be hardly
wise to decide that they are absolutely without affini-
ties in some of their details. The accompanying cut
from Stephens' work shows a small fragment of the
Dresden Codex.**

miL

Fragment of the Dresden Codex.

The Manuscript Troano was found about the year
1865 in Madrid by the Abbi5 Brasseur de Bourbourg,

•> Kingsbarouffh's ^fGX. Antiq., vol. iii., No. 2; Hinnboldt, Vims, toin.
u., pp. 268-71, pi. xvi. Mr Prescoit, Mex., vol. i., pp. 104-.5, wiys tliut
thiH aociinicnt bears but little rcsoniblance to other Aztec MS8., und that
it indicates a miicli hi^rlicr stage of civilization ; but he also fails to detect
any strt nger likeness to the bas-reliefs of Falenque, of which latter, how-
ever, he probably had a very iui|)erfect idea. It cannot be interpreted, for
'even if a Kosetta stone were discovered in Mexico, there is no Indian
tongue to supply the key or interpreter.' M^^yrr, Mex. as it Was, pp. 258-^9.
'Le Codex de liresde, et «n autre <le la Bihli(»thfeque Nationale a Paris,
bien qu'ttffrant quelque rapport avec les Rituels, «ichai>pent Jl toute internn5-
tation. lis appartiennent, ainsi que les inscriptions tie Chiapjm et du Yu-
catan h, une dcriture plus <ilabon5e, conitne incrnst^eet calculifonnc, dont on
croit trouver des tro'>es dans toutes les parties trfes-ancienncinent |H>lic('cs
des doux Amdriques.' Aubin, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
torn, i., p. Ixxi. See Stephens' Cent. Amer., vol. ii., pp. 342, 453-6; Id.,
Yucatan, vol. ii., pp. 292, 453.

THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO.

778

Ihiit
JLluit
Iteot

and was reproduced in fac-simile by a chromo-litho-
graphic process by the Commission Scientifique du
Mexique, under the auspices of the French Govern-
ment. Its name comes from that of its possessor in
Madrid, Sr Tro y Ortolano, and nothing whatever is
known of its origin ; two or three other old American
manuscripts are reported to have been brought to light
in Spain since the publication of this. The original
is written on a strip of maguey-paper about fourteen
feet long and nine inches wide, the surface of which is
covered with a whitish varnish, on which the figures
are painted in black, red, blue, and brown. It is folded
fan -like into thirty-five folds, presenting when shut
much the appearance of a modern large octavo volume.
The hieroglyphics cover both sides of the paj)er, and the
writing is consequently divided into seventy pages, each
about five by nine inches, having been apparently exe-
cuted after the paper was folded, so that the folding
does not interfere with the written matter. One of the
pages as a specimen is shown in the following plate,
an exact copy, save in size and color, of the original.

The regular lines of written characters are uniformly
in black, while the pictorial portions, or what may per-
haps be considered representative signs, are in red
and brown, chiefly the former, and the blue appears
for the most part as a background in some of the
p:'qres. A few of the pages are slightly damaged, and
<'ll the imperfections are, as it is claimed, faithfully re-
|)r(*duced in the published copy, which with the edi-
t:;r's comments fills two quarto volumes in the series
nubli'^hed by the Commission mentioned.'"

The plates on tl\e following pages from the works
of Stephens and Waldeck I present as specimens of
the Maya writing, as it is found carved in stone in
Yucatan, Honduras, and Chiapas. For particulars
respecting the ruins in connection with which they
were discovered, I refer the reader to volume IV. of

n Brnssfur de Bourbourtf, MS. Troano; dtudea mtr Ic Hi/stimr. (irnphique
ft la langnc des Mayas, I'liris, ISOO-TO, 4°, 2 vi>!h, 70 colored plutcs.

/•[ !:

THE MAYA NATIONS.

Page of Manuscript Troano.

MAYA INSCRIPTIONS IN STONE.

775

Fig. I. — Altar Inscription from Copan.

III
III,

FJ!'. 2.— Tablet from Cliichen.

Fig. 3.— Chttlchiiiitc from Ococingo.

776

THE MAYA NATIONS.

O
t

s
o

Fig, 4— Tablet from Palenque.

BISHOP LANDA'S ALPHABET.

777

this work. Fig. 1 represents the hieroglyphics sculp-
tured on the top of an altar at Copan, in Honduras,
the thirty-six groups cover a space nearly six feet
square. Fig. 2 is a tablet set in the interior wall of a
building in Chichen, Yucatan. The tablet is placed
over the doorways and extends the whole length of
the room, forty-three feet; only a part, however, is
shown in the cut. Fig. 3 is a full-size representation
of the carving on a green stone, or chalchiuite, found
at Ococingo, Chiapas. I take it from the English
translation of Morelet's Travels. Many of the mon-
oliths of Copan, have a line of hieroglyphics on their
side. Plates representing specimens of these mon-
uments will be given in Volume IV. Fig. 4 shows a
portion of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the famous
'tablet of the cross' at Palenque.*"

T have given on a preceding page in this chapter,
the signs by which the natives of Yucatan expressed
the names of their days and months, taken from the
work of Bishop Landa. The same author has also
preserved a Maya alphabet. On account of Landa's
failure to appreciate the importance of the native hie-
roglyphics, or to comprehend the system, and also very
likely on account of his copyist's carelessness — for the
original manuscript of Landa's work has not been
found — the passage relating to the alphabet is very
vague, unsatisfactory, and perhaps fragmentary ; but it
is of the very highest importance, since the alphabet
Vere given in connection with the calendar signs al-
ready spoken of, furnish apparently the only ground
for a hope that the veil of mystery which hangs over
the Maya inscriptions may one day be lifted. I there-
fore give Landa's description as nearly as possible in
his own words, copying also the original Spanish in a
note.

« Waldeck, Palenqiti, pi. 21; Stephen's Cent. Amer., vol. i., pp. 1!
140-2; Id., Yucatan, vol. li., pp. 300-1; Morelet's Trav., p. 98; Vol.
pp. 91-2, 97-9, 234, aiid clmp. vi., of thin work.

136-7.
iv..

778

THE MAYA NATIONS.

" Of their letters I give here (see alphabet on the
next page) an A, B, C, since their heaviness (number
and intricacy?) permits no more ; because they use one
character for all the aspirations of the letters, and an-
other in the pointing of the parts (punctuation), and
thus it goes on to infinity, as may be seen in the fol-
lowing example: IS means *a snare' or to hunt with
it; to write it with their characters, we having given
them to understand (although we gave, etc.) that they
are two letters, they wrote it with three, placing after
the aspiration I the vowel e, which it has before it,
and in this they do not err, although they make use,
if they wish, of their curious method. Example:
e I e u Then at the end they attach the ad-
^^^|g)@^^) joined part. Ha which means * water,'
because the hach4 (sound of the letter
h) has rt, h, before it, they put it ,at the beginning
with a, at the end in this manner : '
write it in parts but in both ways,
not put (all this) here, nor treat of
in order to give a complete account
things of this people. Ma in kati means
they write it in parts after this

manner,

»a«

They also
I would
it, except
of the

I will not';

* n ka ti

K The Spanish text is as follows: 'De sns letras porne aqui nn a, b, c,
que no permite su pesadunibre mas porqiie usan para todas las aspiraciones
de las letras de un caracter, y despues, al puntar de las partes otro, y assi
viene a hazcr in infinitum, como se podra vcr en el siguiente exemplo. Li,

Siiiere dezir laco y ca9ar con el; pai-a escrivirle con sus caruteres, liavien-
olcs nosotros necho cntender que son dos letras, lo escrivian ellos con item,
pitniendo a la aspiracion de la I la vocal i, que antes de si trae, y en
esto no hierran, aunque usense, si quisieren ellos de su curiosidad. Exem-
plo: eleU. Despues al cabo le pegan la parte junto. Ha que quierc de-
zir agua, porque la hach6 tiene a, h, antes de si la ponen ellos al principio
con a, y al caoo desta manera: hn. Tambien lo escriven a partes pero de
la una y otra manera, yo no pusiera aqtii ni tratara dello sino por dar cuenta
entera de las cosas desta gente. Ma tn kati quiere dezir no quiero, cIIok
lo escriven a partes desta manera: mn i n ka ti.^ Landa, Rclacion, pp. 316-
22; also in Brasseur de Bourhoiirg, MS. Troano, toni. i., pp. 37-S.

BISHOP LANDA'S ALPHABET.

779

I. S dP

C(qT)

T t

CA(?)

X X

(dj or dz?)

oJLo

(me, mo?)

Sign of
Aspiration.

Respecting this alphabet Landa adds: "this lan-
guage lacks the letters that are missing here; and has
others added from ours for other necessary things; and
they already make no use of these characters, espe-
cially the young who have learned ours." It will be
noticed that there are several varying characters for
the same letter, and several syllabic signs.

The characters of Landa's alphabet, and the calendar
signs can be identified more or less accurately and
readily with some of those of the hieroglyphic inscrip-
tions in stone, the Manuscript Troano, and the
Dresden Codex. The resemblance in many cases is
clear, in others very vague and perhaps maginary,
while very many others cannot apparently be identified.
Although Landa's key must be regarded as fragment-

780

THE MAYA NATIONS.

ary, I believe there is no reason to doubt its authen-
ticity. But one attempt has been made to practicaily
apply this key to the work of deciphering the Maya
documents, that of the Abbd Brasseur de Bourbourg.
This writer, after a profound study of the subject,
devotes one hundred and thirty-six quarto pages to a
consideration of the Maya characters and their varia-
tions, and fifty-seven pages to the translation of a part
of the Manuscript Troano. The translation must be
pronounced a failure, especially after the confession of
the author in a subsequent work that he had begun
his reading at the wrong end of the document,'" — a
trifling error perhaps in the opinion of the enthusiastic
Abbe, but a somewhat serious one as it appears to
scientific men. His preliminary examinations doubt-
less contain much valuable information which will
lighten the labors and facilitate the investigations of
future students; but unfortunately, such is their
nature that condensation is impracticable. A long
chapter, if not a volume, would be required to do them
anything like justice, and they must be omitted here.
Brasseur de Bourbourg devoted his life to the study
of American primitive history. In actual knowledge
of matters pertaining to his chosen subject, no man
ever equaled or approached him. Besides being an
indefatigfable student he was an elegfant writer. In
the last decade of his life he conceived a new and
complicated theory respecting the origin of the
American people, or rather the origin of Europeans
and Asiatics from America, made known to the world
in his Quatre Lettres. His attempted translation of
the Manuscript Troano was made in support of this
theory. By reason of the extraordinary nature of the
views expressed, and the author's well-known tendency
to build magnificent structures on a slight foundation,
his later writings were received for the most part by
critics, utterly incompetent to understand them, with
a sneer or, what seems to have grieved the writer

*f Bibliothique Mexko-GuaUmalienne, Paris, 1871, p. xxvii.

INTERPllETATION OF MAYA RECORDS.

781

more, in silence. Now that the great Am^ricaninte
is dead, while it is not likely that his theories will
ever be received, his zeal in the cause of antiquarian
science and the many valuable works from his pen
will be better appreciated. It will be lonjjere another
shall undertake with equal devotion and ability the
well nigh hopeless task.

I close the chapter with a few quotations from
modern writers respecting the Maya hieroglyphics
and their interpretation. Tyler says "there is even
evidence that the Maya nation of Yucatan, the ruins
of whose temples and palaces are so well known from
the travels of Catherwood and Stephens, not only had
a system of phonetic writing, but used it for writing
ordinary words and sentences."* Wuttke suggests
that Landa's alphabet originated after the Conquest,
a suggestion, as Schepping observes, excluded by
Mendieta's statement, but "otherwise very probable
in consideration of the phoneticism developed in
Mexico shortly after the Conquest."** And finally
Wilson says, "while the recurrence of the same signs,
and the reconstruction of groups out of the detached
members of others, clearly indicate a written language,
and not a mere pictorial suggestion of associated
ideas, like the Mexican picture-writing." "In the
most complicated tablets of African hieroglyphics,
each object is distinct, and its representative signifi-
cance is rarely difficult to trace. But the majority of
the hieroglyphics of Palenque or Copan appear as if
constructed on the same polysynthetic principle which
gives the peculiar and distinctive character to the lan-
guages of the New World. This is still more apparent
when we turn to the highly elaborate inscriptions on
the colossal figures of Copan. In these all idei'^^ o:
simple phonetic signs utterly disappear. Like the
bunch-words, as they have been called, of the Ameri-

*• Tylor's Researches, pp. li)0-l.

29 Wuttke and Schcpptng, in Spencer's Descriptive Sociology, no. 2., div.
ii., pt l-B, p. 61. See note 16 of this chapter.

782

THE MAYA NATIONS.

can languages, they seem each to be compounded c
number of j)art8 of the primary symbols used in

f)icture-writing, while the pictorial origin of the whole
)ecomes clearly apparent. In comparing these mi-
nutely elaborated character with those on the tables,
it is obvious that a system of abbreviation is employed
in the latter. An analogous process seems dimly
discernible in the abbreviated compound characters of
the Palenque inscription. But if the inference be
correct, this of itself would serve to indicate that the
Central American hieroglyphics are not used as pho-
netic, or pure alphabetic signs; and this idea receives
confirmation from the rare recurrence of the same
group .... The Palenque inscriptions have all the
characteristics of a written language in a state of
development analogous to the Chinese, with its word-
writing ; and like it they appear to have been read
in columns from top to bottom. The groups of sym-
bols begin with a large hieroglyphic on the left-hand
corner ; and the first column occupies a double s'^ace.
It is also noticeable that in the frequent occum of
human and animal heads among the sculpture*
acters they invariably look toward the left; an indica-
tion, as it appears to me, that they are the graven in-
scriptions of a lettered people, who were accustomed
to write the same characters from left to right on paper
or skins. Indeed, the pictorial groups on the Copan
statues seem to be the true hieroglyphic characters;
while the Palenque inscriptions show the abbreviated
hieratic writing. To the sculptor the direction of the
characters was a matter of no moment; but if the
scribe held his pen, or style, in his right hand, like the
modern clerk, he would as naturally draw the left pro-
file as we slope our current hand to tlie right. Arbi-
trary signs are also introduced, like those of the pho-
netic alphabets of Europe. Among these the T repeat-
edly occurs : a character which, it will be remembered,
was also stamped on the Mexican metallic currency."

>• Wilson's Pre-Historic Man, p. 378, et seq.

CHAPTER XXV.

HUILDINOS, MEDICINE, BURIAL, PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES, AND
CHARACTER OF THE MAYAS.

Scanty Information oiven by the Early Voyagers— Private
Houses of the Mayas— Interior Arranoement, Decoration,
and Furniture— Maya Cities -Description of Utatlan— Pa-
tin amit, the Cakchiquel Capital— Cities CI Nicaragua— Maya
Roads— Temples at Chichen Itza and Cozimel— Temples of Nic-
aragua AND Guatemala— Diseases of the Mayas— Medicines
used— Treatment of the Sick— Propitiatory Offerings and
Vows— Superstitions—Dreams—Omens— Witchcraft— Snake-
Charmers—Funeral Rites and Ceremonies— Physical pecul-
iarities—Character.

A full r^sumd of the principles of Maya architecture,
gathered from observations of ruins made by modern
travelers, will be given in another part of this work.'
I shall, therefore, without regard to the inevitable
scantiness and unsatisfactory nature of such informa-
tion, confine myself in this chapter to the descriptions
furnished by the old writers, who saw tlie houses and
towns while they were occupied by those who built
them and the temples before they became ruins, or
at least were contemporaries of such observers.

The accounts given of the dwellings of the Mayas
are very meagre. The early voyagers on the coast of
Yucatan, such as Grijalva and C6rdova, saw well-

' See vol. iv., pp. 267, et. seq.
(788)

784

THE MAYA NATIONS.

built houses of stone and lime, with sloping roofs
thatched with straw or reeds; or, in some instances,
with slates of stone f but this is all they tell us, and,
indeed, they had little opportunity for close examina-
tion; the natives of those parts were fierce and war-
like, and little disposed to submit to invasion, so that
the handful of adventurers had barely time to look
hastily about them after effecting a landing before
they were driven back wounded to their boats. Hero,
as olsewhere, too, the temples and larger buildings
naturally attracted their sole attention, both because
of their strangeness and of the treasures which they
were supposed to or did contain. These men were
soldiers, gold-hunters; they did not travel leisurely;
they had no time to examine the architecture of
private dwellings ; they risked and lost their lives for
other purposes. Bishop Landa, however, has some-
thing to say on the subject of Maya dwellings. The
roof, he says, was covered with straw, which they had
in great abundance, or with palm-leaves, which an-
swered the purpose admirably. A considerable pitch
was given to the roof, that the rain might run off
easily. Tho house was divided in its length, that is,
from side to side, by a wall, in which several doorways
were left as a means of communication with the back
room where they slept. The front room where guests
were received was carefully whitewashed, or in the
houses of nobles, painted in various colors or designs ;
it had no door but was open all the length of the front

*'A todo lo lan^ tcnian los vccinon de aqiicl lugar mnchas cosas, hecho
el ciniiento dc piccira y Itxiu liastii la iiiitad dc las narcdes, y luego cubier-
tas dc paja. Esta gciite del diclio lu);ar, uii lo8 edincios y cii latt casas, pa-
rccc iter gcntc dc graiidc ingcnio: y si no fuera {rarquc ]iarecia hahcr alli
algiinoa edificios nucvoa, se pudicra presumir ciiie craii cditicios liechos por
Espauolcs.* Diaz, Kincrario, \n Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc, torn, i., p. 286;
(icc altio Id., pp. 281, 287. ' Las casaa son de picdra, y Imlriilo con la cn-
bicrta dc paia, o rama. Y aun alguna de lanchas de picdra.' Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 23. 'The houses were of stone or brick, and lynie, vcr^-
arttilcially composed. To the square Courts or first habitations of their
liouHCB they ascended by ten or twcluc steps. The roofe was of Reeds, or
stalkcs of Herbs.' Purchas his Pilgrimage, vol. v., p. 885; Bernal Diaz,
Jlist. Conq., fol. 2-3; Bienvenida, in Ternaux-Coinpatts, Voy., s^rie i., toni.
ii., p. 311; Oviedo, Hi t. Gen., torn, i., p. 607, torn, iii., p. 230; Montanm,
Nieutoe IVeereld, p. 7-; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. i.

Cotnj,

NICARAGUAX DWELLINUa

785

of the house, and was sheltered from sun and rain by
the eaves which usually descended very low.' There
was always a doorway in the rear for the use of all
the inmates. The fact of there being no doors made
it a point of honor among them not to rob or injure
each other's houses. The poor people built the
houses of the rich.* A new dwelling could not be
occupied until it had been formally blessed and purged
of the evil spirit."

In Nicaragua, the dwellings were mostly made of
canes, and thatched with straw. In the large cities
the houses of the nobles were built upon platforms
several feet in height, but in the smaller *.owns the
residences of all classes were of the same construction,
except that those of the chiefs were larger and more
commodious. Some, however, appear to have been
built of stone.' Of the dwellings in Guatemala, still
less" is said. Villagutierre mentions a Lacandone
village in which were one hundred and three houses
with sloping thatched roofs, supported upon stout
posts. The front of each house was open, but the
bfick and sides were closed with a strong stockade.
The interior was divided into several apartments.
Cogolludo says that their houses were covered with
plaster, like those of Yucatan.'

The house, or rather shed, near the Gulf of Dulce,
in which CorttJs stayed, had no walls, the roof resting

Br am
i8 por

286;
la cu-

tara,
, vcrj-

their
ids, or

Diaz,
toin.

annn,

' 'Cost encore aujounl'liiii de cctte maniiirc <|iie hc constriiiHcnt h la
eampa^nc Icr niaixuiis iion Hculcnicnt dcs iiidi}ri!iie8, iimiH encore <le la plu-
part lies aiitrcs Iiuliitant8 du payM, an Vucutun ct ailleura.' Brasseur de
BoHrbinirt), in Landa, Jiclarion, pp. J 10-11.

* Landa, Rtlncion, p. 110.

i Cofiolludo, Hint. Vuc, p. 184.

• ' Their houses of brickc or stone, are coucrcd with reedes, wliere there
is a Bcnrcitie of st^ines, hut where Qiian'ies arc, thoy arc couercd with shin-
die or slate. Many houses haue niarhlc pillars, as they haue with vs.' Peter
Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iii., dec. vi., lih. v.; Herrern, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib.
iv., cup. vii. ; Jtcnzoiii, Hint Moiido Nuovo, p. 102.

T Hi»t. Yiir., p. 700. 'Lasii'.suH er-in ciento y tres, degrucssoH, yfuer-
tes Madcros, en <|ue bc nuintenian Ion Teclios, que cran do niucha I'aja, re-
zianiente anuirnula, y con su corriente, y doscuhiertos tiMlos los Frontispi-
cios, y tu|mdos los costados, y eB|>aldas, de Es^uicada, con bus Aposeiitos,
donde los.lndias cozinavan, y tcnian bub uienosteres.' Villagutierre, Hist.
Conn. Itza, pp. 311-12.
Vol.. II. SO

786

THE MAYA NATIONS.

upon posts.' In other parts of Guatemala he saw
'large houses with thatched roofs.'" Gage does not
give a glowing accoun of their dwellings. "Their
houses," he writes, "are .but poor thatched Cottages,
without any upper rooms, but commonly one or two
only rooms below, in the one they dress their meat in
the middle of it, making a compass for fire, with two or
three stones, without any other chimney to convey the
smoak away, which spreading it self aboub the room,
filleth the thatch and the rafters so with sut, that A\
the room seemeth to be a chimney. The next unto it,
is not free from smoak and blackness, where some-
times are four or five beds according to the family.
The poorer sort have but one room, where they eat,
dress their meat and sleep. "^'' Las Casas tells us that
when the Guatemalans built a new house they were
careful to dedicate an apartment to the worship of
the household gods; there they burned incense and
offered domestic sacrifices upon an altar erected for
the purpose."

Little is said about the interior appointment and
decoration of dwellings. Landa mentions that in Yu-
catan they used bedsteads made of cane," and the same
is said of Nicaragua by Oviedo, who adds that they
used a small fo»ir-legged bench of fine wood for a pil-
low." In Guatemala, there was in each room a sort
of bedstead large enough to accommodate four grown
persons, and other small ones for the children." Bras-

^Cortis, Cartas, p. 447.
»/</., p|). 268, 426.

io New Survetf, p. 318.

n Hist. ApologMica, MS., cap. cxxiv.

niMacion, p. 110.

IS ' A la parte oriental, & siete ii ocho possoB debaxo deste portal, estd uii
echo dc trea palnios aitu de tierra, fecho de las cafias gnicasaH aiie dixe, v
en^inia llano u de dicz 6 do^e pies de luengi 4 de f inco 6 bcj'h uc ancho, u
una estera dc i)alnia (rruessa enfima, 4 Robre t<quclla otras trcs esteras del-
gados 6 inuy bien labrados, y cn^ima tendido ol cafique desnudo d con una
mantilla de algodon bianco 6 delgada revuella sobre ai: 4^ jwr ainioliada
tenia un ban(|uito pcquefto de quatro pi^s, al,^ c6ncavo, quellos llanian
duho, c de niuy lintfa e lisa madera muy bien Ir.brodo, por cabe^era.' Hist,
den., torn, iv., p. 109.

1* ' Y eu cada ApoHento vn Tapeaco, sobre ni ideros f ucrtes, que en cada
\no cabian quatro Fersonas; y otros Tapesquillcs aparte, eu que pouian Ibh

HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE.

787

seur de Bourbourg gives a description of gorgeous
furniture used in the houses of the wealthy in Yuca-
tan, but unfortunately the learned Abbti has for his
only authority on this point the somewhat apochry-
phal Ordofiez' MS. The stools, he writes, on which
they seated themselves cross-legged after the Oriental
fashion, were of wood and precious metals, and were
often made in the shape of some animal or bird; they
were covered with deer-skins, tanned with great care,
and embroidered with gold and precious stones. The
interior walls were sometimes hung with similar skins,
though they were more frequently decorated with
paintings on a red or blue ground. Curtains of fin-
est texture and most brilliant colors fell over the door-
ways, and the stucco floors were covered with mats
made of exquisite workmanship. Rich hued cloths
covered the tables. The plate would have done honor
to a Persian satrap. Graceful vases of chased gold,
alabaster or agate, worked with exquisite art, delicate
painted pottery, excelling that of Etruria, candelabra
for the great odorous pine torches, metal braziers dif-
fusing sweet perfumes, a multitude o{ petits riens, such
as little bells and grotesquely shaped whistles for sum-
moning attendants, in fact all the luxuries which are
the result of an advanced civilization, were, according
to Brasseur de Bourbourg, to be found in the houses
of the Maya nobility."

Of the interior arrangement of the Yucatec towns
we are told nothing except that the temples, palaces,
and houses of the nobility were in the centre, with the
dwellings of the common people grouped about them,
and that the streets were well kept." Some of them

Criaturos.' Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza,^. 312. Onge writes: They have

'four or five beds according to the family Few tliere are that set any

locks iijwn their doors, for they fear no robbing nor Htcaling, neither have
they in their houses much to lose, earthen ])ots, and puns, and dishes, and
cups to drink their Chocolattc, lieing the chief commodities in their house.
There is scarce any house which hath not also in the yard a stew, wherein
they bath themselves with hot water.' New Survey, p, 318.

» Ifisf. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., pp. 68-9.

>« Herreru, Hist. Gen., dec.iv., lib. x., cap. ii., iii.

788

THE MAYA NATIONS.

must, however, have been very large and have con-
tained fine buildings. During Cordova's voyage on
the coast of Yucatan a city was seen which, says
Peter Martyr, "for the hugenesse thereof they call
Cayrus, of Cayrus the Metropolis of vEgipt: where
they find turreted houses, stately teples, wel paued
wayes & streets where marts and faires for trade of
merchandise were kept."" During Grijalva's voyage a
city, the same one perhaps, was seen, which Diaz, the
chaplain of the expedition, says was as 'large as the
city of Seville.'" None of the Yucatec cities appear
to have been located with any view to defense, or to
to have been provided with fortifications of any descrip-
tion." The towns of Guatemala, on the other hand,
were very strongly fortified, both artificially and by
the site selected. Juarros thus describes the city of
Utatlan in Guatemala: "it was surrounded by a deep
ravine that formed a natural fosse, leaving only tWo
very narrow roads as entrances to the city, both of
which were so well defended by the castle of Res-
guardo, as to render it impregnable. The centre of
the city was occupied by the royal palace, which was
surrounded by the houses of the nobility ; the extrem-
ities were inhabited by the plebeians. The streets
were very narrow, but the place was so populous, as to
enable the king to draw from it alone, no less than
72,000 combatants, to oppose the progress of the Span-
iards. It contained many very sumptuous edifices,
the most superb of them was a seminary, where be-
tween 5 and 6000 children were educated; they
were all maintained and provided for at the charge of
the royal treasury ; their instruction was superintended
by 70 masters and professors. The castle of the
Atalaya was a remarkable structure, which being
raised four stories high, was capable of furnishing
quarters for a very strong garrison. The castle of

" Dec iv., lib. i.

I* Diaz, Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doe., torn, i., p. 287.

«» See vol. iv. of this work, pp. 267-8.

MAYA FORTIFICATIONS.

Besguardo was not inferior to the other; it extended
188 paces in front, 230 in depth, and was 5 stories
high. The grand alcazar, or palace of the kings of
Quiche, surpassed every other edifice, and in the opin-
ion of Torquemada, it could compete in opulence with
that of Montezuma in Mexico, or that of the incas in
Cuzco. The front of this building extended from east
to west 376 geometrical paces, and in depth 728 ; it
was constructed of hewn stone of different colors; its
form was elegant, and altogether most magnificent;
there were 6 principal divisions, the first contained
lodgings for a numerous troop of lancers, archers,-
and other well disciplined troops, constituting the royal
body guard; the second was destined to the accommo-
dation of the princes, and relations of the king, who
dwelt in it, and were served with regal splendour, as
long as they remained unmarried ; the third was appro-
priated to the use of the king, and contained distinct
suits of apartments, for the mornings, evenings, and
nights. In one of the saloons stood the throne, under
four canopies of plumage, the ascent to it was by sev-
eral steps; in this part of the palace were, the treas-
ury, the tribunals of the judges, the armory, the gar-
dens, aviaries, and menageries, with all the requisite
offices appending to each department. The 4 th and
5th divisions were occupied by the queens and royal
concubines ; they were necessarily of great extent,
from the immense number of apartments requisite
for the accommodation of so many females, who were all
maintained in a style of sumptuous magnificence, gar-
dens for their recreation, baths, and proper places for
breeding geese, that were kept for the sole purpose of
furnishing feathers, with which hangings, coverings,
and other similar ornamental articles, were made.
Contiguous to this division was the sixth and last ; this
was the residence of the king's daughters and other
females of the blood royal, where they were educated
and attended in a manner suitable to their rank."**

*< Juarroi, Hist. Ouat., pp. 87-8; Lom Caaai, Hist. Apologitiea, MS.,

790

THE MAYA NATIONS.

Patinamit, the Cakchiquel capital, was nearly three
leagues in circumference. It was situated upon a
plateau surrounded by deep ravines which could be
crossed at only one point by a narrow causeway which
terminated in two gates of stone, one on the outside
and the other on the inside >f the thick wall of the
city. The streets were broad and straight, and crossed
each other at right angles. The town was divided
from north to south into two parts by a ditch nine
feet deep, with a wall of masonry about three feet
high on each side. This ditch served to divide the
'nobles from the commoners, the former class living in
the eastern section, and the latter in the western."

Peter Martyr says of the cities of Nicaragua:
"Large and great streetts guarde the frontes of the
Kinges courts, according to the disposition and great-
nes of their village or towne. If the town consist of
many houses, they haue also little ones, in which, the
trading neighbours distant from the Court may meete
together. The chiefe noble mens houses compasse and
inclose the kinges streete on euery side : in the middle
site whereof one is erected which the Goldesmithes
inhabite."*'

The Mayas constructed excellent and desirable roads
all over the face of the country. The most remarkable
of these were the great highways used by the pilgrims
visiting the sacred island of Cozumel; these roads,
four in number, traversed the peninsula in different
directions, and finally met at a point upon the coast
opposite the island."* Diego de Godoi, in a letter
to Cortds, states that he and his party came to a place
in the mountains of Chiapas, where the smooth and
slippery rock sloped down to the edge of a precipice,

cap. lii.; Braaaeurde Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn. iL, p. 49.3; Palacio,
Carta, yp. 123-4.

*' Juarros, Hist. Ouat, pp. 383-4; Braaseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., torn, ii., p. 520.

« Dec. vi., lib. vi; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263; Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.

*^ Lizana, in Landn, Relacion, p. 358; Copolludo, Hist. Yuc, p. 193;
Brasaeur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., toiu. li., pp. 26, 46-7.

MAYA TEMPLES.

791

and which would have been quite impassable had not
the Indians made a road with branches and trunks of
trees. On the side of the precipice they erected a
strong vfooden railing, and then made all level with
earth."

Of the Maya temples very little is said. There was
one at Chichen Itza which had four great staircases,
each being thirty-three feet wide and having ninety-
one steps, very difficult of ascent. The steps were of
the same height and width as oijrs. On both sides of
each stairway was a low balustrade, two feet wide,
made of good stone, like the rest of the building. The
edifice was not sharp-cornered, because from the ground
upward between the balustrades the cubic blocks were
rounded, ascending by degrees and elegantly narrow-
ing the building. There was at the foot of each bal-
ustiade a fierce serpent's head very strangely worked.
On the top of the edifice there was a platform, on
which stood a building forty-three feet by forty-nine
feet, and about twenty feet high, having only a single
doorway in the centre of each front. The doorways
on the east, west and south, opened into a corridor
six feet wide, which extended without partition walls
round the three corresponding sides of the edifice; the
northern doorway gave access to a corridor forty feet
long and six and a third feet wide. Through the cen-
tre of the rear wall of this corridor a doorway opened
into a room twelve feet nine inches by nineteen feet
eight inches, and seventeen feet high; its ceiling was
formed by two transverse arches supported by im-
mense carved beams of zapote-wood, stretcheH ^cross

* ** Godot, in Ternaux-Compans, Vou., sdrie i., torn, x., pp. \l\-2. At
the Lake of Masaya in Nicarn<;ua, Boyle noticed a 'cutting in the solid rock,
a mile long, and gradually descending to depth of at least three hundred
feet ! This is claimed as the work ot a peofile which was not acquainted
with blasting or with iron tools. Nature had evidently little hand in the
matter, though a cleft in the rock may perhaps have helped the excavators.
The mouth of this tunnel is about half a mile from the town.' Ride, vol.
ii., p. 11. Herrera, Hint. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii. , cap. vii., mentions the
Bame thing in a very different manner: ' La subida y baxada, tan derecha
como vna pared, que como es de pefia viua, tiene en ella hechos agujcros,
adonde ponen los dedos de las manos, y de los pica.'

708

JhE MAYA NATIONS.

the room and resting, each at its centre, on two square
pillars. "" The island of Cozumel was especially
devoted to religious observances, and was annually
visited by great numbers of pilgrims; there were there-
fore more religious edifices here than elsewhere.
Among them is mentioned a square tower, with four
windows, and hollow at the top; at the back was a
room in which the sacred implements were kept; it

** For description o^ ruins of this building as they now exist, and cuts
of staircase, erouiid pluii, and ornanientatiun, see vol. iv., pp. 22&-9. Bishop
Landu thus describes it: ' Este editicio tiene quatro escaleras que miran a
las quatro partes del inundo: tienen de ancho a xxxiii pies y a uoventa y
un escalones cada una que es muerte subirlas. Tienen en los escalones
la mesma altura y anchura que nosotros danios a los nuestros. Tiene cada
escalera dos passanianos baxos a ygual de los escalones, de dos piez de an-
cho de buena canteria conio lo es todo el etlificio. No es este cdificio esqui-
nado, porque desde la salida del suelo se coinien^an labrar desde los passe-
manos al contrario, conio estan pintado unos cubos redondos que van subi-
endo a trechos v estrechando el edificiopor inuy galana orden. Avia quaudo
yo lo vi al pie de cada passaniano una faera boca de sierpe de una pie^a bien
curiosamente labrada. Acabadas de esta manera las escaleras, queda en lo
alto una pla^eta llaua en la aual estaun editicio edificadode quatro quartos.
Los tres se andan a la redonaa sin inij>cdimento y tiene cada uno puerta en
medio y estan cerrados de boveda. LI <[uurto del norte se anda por si con
un corredor de pilares gruessos. Lo dc en medio que avia de ser como el
patinico que haze el orden de los pafios del ediiicio tiene una puerta que sale
al corredor del norte y esta por arriba cerrado de madera y servia de que-
mar los saunierios. Ay en la entrada desta puerta o del corredor un modo
de armoa esculpidas en una piedra que no pude bien entender. Tenia este
editicio otros muchos, y tiene oy en dia a la redonda de si bien hechos y

frandes, y todo en suelo del a ellos encalado que aun ay a partes nicnioria
e los encalados tan fuerte es el argamasa de que alia los hazen. Tenia de-
lante la escalera del norte algo aparte dos teatros de canteria pequeiios de a
quatro escaleras, y enlosados jwr arriba en que dizeu representavan las
nirsos y coniedias para solaz del pueblo. Va desde et patio en frente des-
tos t«atros una nermosa y ancna cal^ada hasta un pofo como dos ti-
ros de piedra. £n este po^o an tenido, y tenian entonces costumbre
de cchar hombres vivos en sacriticio a los dioses en tieni|K) de seca,
y tenian no morian aunque no los veyan mas. Hccliirnn tambien
otros muchas cosas, de piedras de valor y cosas que tciiiun deiKsiadas

Es P090 que tiene largos vii estados de hondo hasta el agua,

hancho nius de cien pies y redondo y de una pefia tajada hasta el agiu que
es maravilla. Parcce que tiene ai agua niuy verde, y creo lo causan las ar-
boledas de qiie esta cercmlo y es muy hondo. Tiene en cima del junto a la
boca un edihcio pequeno donde Imlle yo idolos hechos a honra de todos los
editicios principales de la tierra, casi como el Pantheon de Roma. No se
si era esta inveucion antigua o de los niodemos para toparse con sus idolos
quando fucssen con ofrenda«> a aquel pof o. Halle yo leones labrados de
bulto y jarros y otros cosas q iie no se como nadie dira no tuvieron herrami-
ento esta gente. Tambien huUe dos hombres de grondes estaturus labrados
de piedra, cado uno de una pie^a en cames cubierta su honestidod como se
cubrian los indios. Tenian las cabe^as por si, y con zarcillos en las orejas
como lo usavan los indios, y hecha una espiga par detras en el pcscuepo que
encaxava en an agujero hondo para ello hecno en el mesmo pe8Cue9o y en-
caxado queda va el bulto cumplido.' Relacion, pp. 342-6.

MICARA6UAN TEMPLES.

was surrounded by an enclosure, in the middle of
which stood a cross nine feet high, representing the
Grod of rain.** Other temples so closely resembled
those of Mexico as to need no further description
here."

The temples of Nicaragua were built of wood and
thatched; they contained many low, dark rooms,
where the idols were kept and the religious rites per-

•• ' Vieron algunos adoratorios, v templos, y vno en particular, cuya for-
ma era de vna torre quadrada, ancna del pie, y hueca en lo alto con uiiatro
grandea ventanas, on sua corredores, y en lo hueco, qne era la Capilla, es-
tauan Idolos, y a las espaldas estaua vna sacriatia, adonde ae guturdauan
las coaaa del seruicio del templo: y al pie deateeataua vn cercado de piedra,
y cal, alnienado y enluzido, y en medio vna Crnz de cal, de trea varaa en
alto, a la qual tenian por el Dioa de la lluuia.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii.,
lib. iii., cap. i. 'Junto k vn templo, conio torre quadrada, donde tenian vn
Idolo muy celebrado, al pie de ella aula vn cercado de piedra, v cal muy
bien luzido, y alnienado, en medio del qual auia vna Cruz de cal tan alti^
como diez palmoH,' to which they prayed for rain. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc,
p. 200. It ia doubtleaa the aame structure of which Gomara writes: 'El
templo es como torre quadrada, ancha del pie, y con gradas al derredor,
derecha de medio arriba, y en lo alto hueca, y cubierta de paja, con quatro
puertas o ventanaa con aus antepechos, o corredorea. En aquello hueco,
que parece capilla, aaaientan o pmtau aus dioses.' Gomara, Conq. Mex.,
tol. 23.

" The pyramids are of different aize: 'aunque todos de vna forma. Son
al mo4lo de los ^ue de la Nueua Espafia refiere el Padre Torquemada en su
Monarquia Indiana: leuantado del auelo vn terrapleno fundauiento del edi-
ficio, y aobre ^1 \hn ascendiendo ^das en figuraa piramidal, aunque no
remata en ella, porque en lo superior haze vna placeta, en cuyo auelo cstiin
separada (aunque diatantea poco) doa Capillaa pequefias en que eataban los
Idoloa (eato ea en lo de Vxumual) y alii se hazian loa sacnficioa, aasi de
hombres, mugerea, y niiioa, como de las demks coaas. Tienen algunos de
elloa altura de mas de cien gradas de poco mas de medio pie de ancho cada
vno.' Cogolltu/o, Hist. Yuc., p. 193. Landa describes a pyramidal structure
which differs from others: 'Ay aqui en Yzamal un editicio entre los otros
de tanta altura que eaimnta, el qual se vera en esta figura y en esta razon
della. Tiene XX gradas de a mas de dos bucnos pannos de alto y ancho
cada un y tema, mas de cien pica de largo. Son catas gradaa de muy gran-
des piedras labnidas aunque con el mucno tiempo, y estar ul ngua, cHtuii ya
feaa y maltratadaa. Tiene deapues labrado en tomo como aefiala esta ruya,
redonda labrado de canteria una muy f uerte pared a la qual como cstado y
medio en alto aale una ceja de hermosas piedraa todo a la redonda y dcsde
ellas se toma deapues a scguir la obru haata ygualar con el altura de la
pla9a que ae haze despuca de la primera escalera. Deapues de la qua! pla^a
ae haze otra buena placeta, y en ella a\^o pegado a la pared esta licclio un
cerro bien alto con au eacalera al medio dia, donde caen las cscaleras grandes
y encima esta una hermosa capilla de canteria bien labrada. Yo subi en
lo alto desta capilla y como Yucatan es tierra liana se vee desdc ella tierra
quanto puede fa vista alcancar a maravilla y ae vee la mar. Estos ediii-
cios de Yzamal eran por todoa XI o Xll, aunque cs eate el mayor y eatan
muy cerca unoa de otroa. No oy memoria de loa f uudadorea, y pareccn aver
aido los primeroa. Eatan viil leguas de la mar en muy hermoao aitio, y
buena tierra y comarcu de geute.' Belacion, pp. 328-30.

794

THE MAYA NATIONS.

formed. Before each temple was a pyramidal mound,
on the flat top of which the sacrifices were made in
the presence of the whole people."*

In Guatemala Cortes saw temples like those of
Mexico." The temple of Tohil, at Utatlan, was,
according to Brasseur de Bourbourg, a conical edifice,
having in front a very steep stairway ; at the summit
was a platform of considerable size upon which stood
a very high chapel, built of hewn stone, and roofed
with precious wood. The walls were covered within
and without with a very fine and durable stucco.
Upon a throne of gold, enriched with precious stones,
was seated the image of the god.**

The particular diseases to which the Mayas were
most subject are not enumerated, but there is no rea-
son to doubt that they suffered from the same mala-
dies as their neighbors the Nahuas. They seem to
have been greatly afflicted with various forms of svph-
ilis,'* and in winter, with catarrh and fever.*" 'fhey
were much troubled, also, with epidemics, which not
unfrequently swept the country with great destruc-
tion.*

Medicinal practitioners were numerous. Their med-
icines, which were mostly furnished by the vegetable
kingdom, were administered in the usual forms,** and

«* Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iv., p. 37; Peter Martyr, dec. vi., lib. v.

» Cortis, Cartas, p. 448.

'0 Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 552. See also Villagutierre, Hist. Conq.
Itza, p. 402.

3^ ' Y en estas partes 6 Indias pocos chripstianos, i miiy pocos digo, son
los ([ne ban escaiuido deste trabajoHo inal (buboes) que hayan tcnido partifi-

rkfion carnal con las mugeres naturales desta gencra9ion de indias; porque
la verdad es propria plaga desta tierra, i tan usada & los indios v indias
conio en otras partes otras comunes enfermedades.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn,
i., p. 365.

3* 'Comienfa el inuiemo de aquella tierra desde san Francisco, quando
entran los Nortes, ayre frio, y que destiempla mucho a los naturales: y por
estar hechos al calor, y traer pocaropa, les dan rezioscatarros, ycalenturas.'
Hcrrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv.. lib. iii., cap. iv.
33 Landa, Relaeion, pp. 60-2.

^ 'Ay infinitos generos de cortezas, rayzes, y hojas de arboles, y gomas,
para muchas enfermedades, con que los Indios curauan en su gentilidad, con
Boplos, y otras inuenciones del denionio.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib.
X., cap. xiv. ; Las Casus, Hist. Apologitica, in KingshorougKs Mex. Antiq.,
vol. viii., p. 234.

TKEATMENT OF THE SICK.

795

their treatment of patients involved the customary
mummeries. Clysters were much used." For syph-
ilis they used a decoction of a wood called guayacan,
which grew most plentifully in the province of Na-
grando in Nicaragua.* For rheumatism, coughs,
colds, and other complaints of a kindred nature,
they used various herbs, among them tobacco,"
and a kind of dough made of 'stinking poisonous
worms.''* Sores arising from natural causes they
washed in a decoction of an herb called coygaraca, or
poulticed it with the mashed leaves of another named
mozot.^ Wounds taken in battle they always treated
with external applications.*" Cacao, after the oil had
been extracted was considered to be a sure preventive
against poison."

When a rich man or a noble fell sick a messenger
was dispatched with gifts to the doctor, who came at
once and staid by his patient until he either got well
or died. If the sickness was not serious the physician
merely applied the usual remedies, but it was thought
that a severe illness could only be brought on by some
crime committed and unconfessed. In such cases,
therefore, the doctor insisted upon the sick man mak-
ing a clean breast of it, and confessing such sin even
though it had been committed twenty years before.
This done, the physician cast lots to see what

'3 'Curat! viejas los enfermos y echan melezinas con vn cafiuto, to-

mando la decojcion en la boca, y soplando. Los niiestros lc8 liazian mil
burln>^, uesuenteando al tieinpo, que guerian ellas sonlar, o riendo del arti-
ficio.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 2G4; Lerrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iil., lib. iv.,
cap. vii.

M Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn. i. , p. 365.

^ 'Ay en esta terra mucha diuersidad de yeruas niedicinales, con que se
curan los naturales: y matan los ^^usanos, y con que restrifien la san^e,
conio es el Piciete, por otro nonibrc Tabaco, que quita dolores causados de
frio, y tornado en humo cs prouechoso para Ins reunias, asnia, y tos; y lo
traen en |m>1uo en la boca los Indios, y los negros, para adormecer, y no sen-
tir el trabajo.' Herrera, Hist. Oen., dec. iii.. lib. vii., cap. iii.

^ ' Hazen en el ( Atiquizaya) vna massa de gusanos hediondosy pon^ofio-
808, que es niarauillosa medicina para todo genero de frialdades, y otras in-
disposiciones.' Id., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.

» Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, i., pp. 383-^.

<> ' Curauan los heridos con polnos de yemas, o carbon que lleuauan
paraesto.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.

" Oviedo, Hist. Gen., Um. l, p. 3'21.

796

THE MAYA NATIONa

sacrifices ought to be made, and whatever he deter-
mined upon was always given even though it amounted
to the whole of the patient's fortune.*' In Yucatan
the practitioner sometimes drew blood from those parts
of the patient's body in which the malady lay.** Li-
zana n^entions a temple at Izamal to which the sick
were carried that they might be healed miraculously.**
In Guatemala, as elsewhere, propitiatory offerings of
birds and animals were made in ordinary cases of sick-
ness, but if the patient was wealthy and dangerously
ill he would sometmies strive to appease the anger of the
gods and atone for tlie sins which he was supposed to
have committed by sacrificing male or female slaves,
or, in extraordinary cases, when the sick man was a
prince or a great noble, he would even vow to sacrifice
a son or a daughter in the event of his recovery; and
although the scapegoat was generally chosen from
among his children by female slaves, yet so fearful of
death, so fond of life were they, that there were
not wanting instances when legitimate children, and
even only sons were sacrificed. A; d it id said, more-
over, that they were inexorable as Jephthah in the per-
formance of such vows, for it was held to be a great
sin to be false to a bargain made with the gods.*"

The Mayas, like the Nahuas, were grossly su-
perstitious. They believed implicitly ir the fulfill-
ment of dreams, the influence of omens, and the
power of witches and wizards. No important mat-
ter was undertaken until its success had been fore-
told end a lucky day determined by the flight of

bird or some similar omen. Whether the

non-

*' Las Casfu, in KingaborougKi Mex. Antio., torn, viii., p. 234; Xi-
inenez, Hist. Ind. Quat., pp. 191-2; CogoUudo, Hist, Yue., }t. 184.

*> Landa, Relacion, p. 160i

** 'Otro altar y teiiiplo sobre otro cuyo levantaron estos ' ' mi
centilidad & aquel su rey 6 f^lso Diua Ytzuuit-ul, doiide pu8i> .\nm\

de la mano, que lea servia de ineinnria, y dizeii que alU le > au lott

niuertos y enfermos, y que alii reoucituvan y Hnimvaii, tocando > iiiuiio:
y cBte era el que esta en la jiarte del puniente; y iwsi se llama \ oinlx
Kab-ul que quiere dezir mano ubradora.' Lizana, in Landa, Beluvion,

35S.

« Ximenez, Hist. hid. Onat., pp. 181-2, 209-10.

PKACTICE OF BORCEKY.

797

ful^lment of the prediction was provided against by
a double entendre, after the manner of the sibyls,
we are not told. The cries or appearance of certain
birds and animals were thou^'ht to presage harm to
those who heard or saw them.** They as firmly be-
lieved and were as well versed in the black art as thoir
European brethren of a hundred years later, and they
appear to have had the same enlightened horror
of the arts of gramarye, for in Guatemala, at least,
they burned witches and wizards without mercy.
They had among them, they said, sorcerers who could
metamorphose themselves into dogs, pigs, and other
animals, and whose glance was death to their victims.
Others there w ore who could by magic cause a rose to
bloom at will, and could bring whomsoever they wished
under their control by simply giving him the flower to
smell. Unfaithful wives, too, would often bewitch
their husbands that their acts of infidelity might not be
discovered.*'' All these things are gravely recount-
ed by the old chroniclers, not as matters unworthy
of credence, but as deeds done at the instigation
of the devil to the utter damnation of the benighted
heathen. Cogolludo, for instance, speaking of the
performances of a snake-charmer, says that the ma-
gician took up the reptile in his bare hands, as he did
so using certain mystic words, which he, Cogolludo,
wrote down at the time, but finding afterwards that
they invoked the devil, he did not see fit to reproduce
them in his work. The same writer further relates
that upon another occasion a diviner cast lots, accord-
ing to custom, with a number of grains of corn, to
find out which direction a strayed 'ihild had taken.
The child was eventually found upon the road indi-
cated, and the narrator subsequently endeavored to
discover whether the devil ha/i been invoked or not,
but the magician was a poor simple fool, and could

<• Coyolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 183-4.

*'' Las Caaas, in Kingshorough's Mc:j. Antia., torn, viii., p. 144; Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., torn, iv., p. 65; Goma-.a, Hist. Ind., fol. 264; Cogolludo, Hist.
MC, p. 181.

THE MAYA NATIONS.

not tell him.*" Nor does there seem to have been any
great difference between the credulity and superstition
of conquerors and conquered in other respects. The
Spanish F.ithers, if we may judge from their writings,
believed in the Aztec deities as firmly as the natives ;
the only difference seems to have been that the former
looked upon them as devils and the latter as gods.
When the Spaniards took notes in writing of what they
saw, the Costa Ricans thought they were working out
some magic spell ; when the Costa Ricans cast incense
towards the invaders telling them to leave the coun-
try or die,** the Spaniards swore that the devil was
in it, and crossed themselves as a counter-spell.

The Yucatecs observed a curious custom during an
eclipse of the moon. At such times they imagined
that the moon was asleep, or that she was stung and
wounded by ants. They therefore beat their dogs to
make them howl, and made a great racket by striking
with sticks upon doors and benches ; what they hoped
to accomplish by this, we are not told.*

The Mayas disposed of the bodies of their dead by
both burial and cremation. The former, however,
appears to have been the most usual way. In Vera
Paz, and probably in the whole of Guatemala, the
body was placed in the grave in a sitting posture,
with the knees drawn up to the face. The greater
part of the dead man's property was buried with him,
and various kinds of food and drink were placed in
the grave that the spirit might want for nothing on
its way to shadow-land." Just before death took

M/6.

** III Campeche the priests 'illeuauan braserillos de barroen queer!iauan
aninie, que entre nlloa aizcn Copal, y Bahiiniaiiaii a los CastellaDoa, dizieii-
dolesque se fiiesscii de su tiernt, porque iob inatariau.' Herrerc, Hist. Geii.,
dec. ii., lib. ii., cup. xvii.

M Cogolhtdo, Hist. Yuc, p. 183.

^> Cki^olludo says that a calalmsh filled witli atole, so'.ne large cakes, and
some maize bran, were deposited in th? ^<ive. The tirxt, fur the son! to
drink on its journey; the second, for the dogs which tlie deceased had eaten
during his life, that they might not bite him in th>; other world; and the
last to conciliate the other animals that he had eaten. Hist. Ytic, p. 700.

FUNERAL RITES.

799

place, the nearest relation, or the most intimate friend
of the dying man, placed between his lips a valuable
stone, which was supposed to receive the soul as soon
as it passed from the body. As soon as he was dead,
the same person removed the stone and gently rubbed
the face of the deceased with it. This office was
held to be a very important one, and the person who
performed it preserved the stone with great rever-
ence. When the lord of a province died, messengers
were sent to the neighboring provinces to invite the
other princes to be present at the funeral. While
awaiting their arrival the body was placed in a sitting
posture, in the manner in which it was afterwards to
be interred,** and clothed in a great quantity of rich
clothing.'' On the day of the ftineral the great lords
who had come to attend the ceremony, brought pre-
cious gifts and ornaments, and placed them by the
side of or on the person of the corpse. Each pro-
vided also a male or female slave, or both, to be
sacrificed over the grave of the deceased. The body
was then placed in a large stone chest," and lx)rne
with great solemnity to its last resting-place, which
was generally situated on the top of a hill. The
coffin having been lowered into the grave with its
ornaments, the doomed slaves were immolated, and
also east in along with the implements which they
had used in life, that they might follow their accus-
tomed pursuits in the service of their new master in
the other world. Finally, the grave was filled up, a
mound raised over it, and a stone altar erected above
all, upon which incense was burned and sacrifices
were made in memory of tl>e deceased. The conmion
people did not use coffins, but placed tiie body in a

*» BrnsHciir dc Bo;ir1»onrff, Hist. Naf. Civ., torn, ii., p. .'>74, wiys tlint tlie
liixly wiM eiiiltalnied; hut Xinienez, from whom his account m eviilciitly
tuken, is silent on thJH )H>int.

M Ximencz, Hint. Intl. Gunt., p. 210, ct acq., affirms thut wealthy (lennle,
when they began growing; oUI, sci aliout collecting a vast number of clotlies
and ontaincnts in which to be buried.

4* Hni8Hcur de BourlMnirg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 575, soys thav the
body was dcjtuBitcd in the grave seated u]M>n i> throne.

800

THE MAYA NATIONS.

sitting posture and wrapped up in many cloths, in an
excavation made in the side of the grave, burying
with it many jars, pans, and implements. They
raised a mound over the grave of a height in propor-
tion to the rank of the defunct."

Only the poorer classes of the Yucatecs buried their
dead. These placed corn in the mouth of the corpse,
together with some money as ferriage for the Maya
Charon. The body was interred either in the house
or close to it. Some idols were thrown into the grave
before it was filled up. The house was then forsaken
by its inmates, for they greatly feared the dead." The
books of a priest were buried with him, as were like-
wise the charms of "a sorcerer.'" The Itzas buried
their dead in the fields, in their every-day clothes.
On the graves of the males they left such implements
as men used, on those of the females they placed
grinding-stones, pans, and other utensils used by the
women." In Nicaragua, property was buried with
the possessor if he or she had no children; if the
contrary was the case, it was divided among the heirs.
Nicaraguan parents shrouded their children in cloths,
and buried them before the doors of their dwellings."
Among the Pipiles the dead were interred in the house
they had lived in, along with all their property. A
deceased high-priest was buried, clad in the robes and
ornaments appertaining to his office, in a sepulchre or
vault in his own palace, and the people mourned and
lusted fifteen days."

Cremation or partial cremation seems to have been
reserved for the higher classes. In Yucatan, an image
of the dead person was made, of wood for a king, of clay

^ Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 210-14; Palacio, Carta, p. 119; Co-
golhuio. Hist. Yuc, pp. 699-700.

M Unless a great nunil>er of people were living in it, when they seem to
have gathered courage from each otner's company, and to have remained.

w Lattda, Relacion, p. 196; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.

4* Villaffutirrre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 313.

* Palncio, Carta, p. 119; Oi'iedo, Hist. Oen., tom. iv., p. 48.

• Palacio, Carta, p. 78; Brasseur de Bourbmirg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom.
ii., p. 556.

MOURNING FOB THE DEAD.

801

for a noble. The back part of the head of this image
was hollowed out, and a portion of the body having
been burned, the ashes were placed in this hollow, which
was covered with the skin of the occiput of the corpse.
The image was then placed in the temple, among the
idols, and was much reverenced, incense being burned
before it, almost Jis though it had been a god. The
.'emainder of the body was buried with great solem-
nity. When an ancient Cocome king died, his head
was cut off and boiled. The flesh was then stripped
off, and the skull cut in two crosswise. On the front
part of the skull, which included the lower jaw and
teeth, an exact likeness of the dead man was molded
in some plastic substance. This was placed among the
statues of the gods, and each day edibles of various
kinds were placed before it, that the spirit might want
for nothing in the other life, ivhich, by the way, must
have been a poor one to need such terrestrial aliment."'
When a great lord died in Nicaragua, the liody was
burned along with a great number of feathers and or-
naments of difterent kinds, and the ashes were placed
in an urn, which was buried in front of the palace of
the deceased. As usual, the spirit must be supplied
with food, which was tied to the body before crema-
tion.«»

According to the information we have on the sub-
ject, the mourning customs of the Mayas appear to
have been pretty much the same everywhere. For the
death of a chief or any of his family the Pipiles la-
mented for four days, silently by day, and with loud
cries by night. At dawn on the fifth day the high-
priest })ul)litly forbade the people to make any further
demonstration of sorrow, saying that the soul of the

*• Lnndn, Rclnrion, pp. 196-8; Herrcra, Hist. Orn., doc iv., lih. x.,
cap. iv.

*' Ociolo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 48-9. In the islnnd of Oiiietci>cc
the ancient graven arc not Hiirronndcd by isolated stones like the ralinitti of
the nKxlerii Indians, but are found siatt«red irregularly over tho plain at a
depth of three feet. Urns of in rut clay are found iu thuHC ({raves, filloil
with earth and displaced iMUieH; and viutes of the Name material, covered
with red paintings and hicroulyphicH, stone |H)ints of arrows, small idoJH,
and trold ornaments. Sircrs, Stitttlnimriku, pp. l'J8-9.
Vol. H. M

802

THE MAYA NATIONS.

departed was now with the gods. The Guatemalan
widower dyed his body yellow, for which reason he
was called malcam. Mothers who lost a sucking child,
withheld their milk from all other infants for four
days, lest the spirit of the dead babe should be of-
fended.**

The Mayas, like the Nahuas, were mostly well-
made, tall, strong, and hardy. Their complexion was
tawny. The women were passably good-looking,
some of tliem, it is said, quite pretty, and seem to
have been somewhat fairer-skinned than the men.
What the features of the Mayas were like, can only
be conjectured. Their sculpture would indicate that
a large hooked nose and a retreating forehead, if
hot usual, were at least regarded with favor, and
we know that head-flattening was almost universal
among them. Beards were not worn, and the Yuca-
tec mothers bui aed the faces of their cliildren with
hot cloths to prevent the growth of linir. In Landa's
time some of the nutives allowed their beard to grow,
but, says the worthy bi«hop, it came out as rough as
hog's bristles. In Nicaragua it would seem that
they did not even understand what a beard was;
witness the following 'pretio policy' of ^jgidius Gon-
salus: "All the Barbarians of those Nations are
beardlesse, and are terribly afraide, and fearefull of
bearded men: and tlierefore of 25. beardlesse youthes
by reason of their tender yeres, -^gidius made beard-
ed men with the powlinges of their heades, the haire
being orderly composed, to the end, tliat the number
of bearded men might appeare the more, to terrifie
the if they should be assailed by warre, as afterwarde
it fell out.""* Squinting eyes were, as 1 have said
l)efore, thought beautiful in Yucatan."*

« Landa, Relacion, p. 196; Jlerrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cnp.
iv. ; /(I. ,Iib. viii., cap. x. ; Ximetiez, Hist. Ind. Gunt., p. 214; Villiiiin-
tienr, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 31.3; I'alacio, Carta, pp. 76-8.

•* t'eler Martyr, dec. vi., lili. v.

^ Ainlagoya, in Navarrrtc, Col. de Viages, toiii. iii., p. 414; Herrera,

CHARACTER OF THE MAYAS.

SOB

Of all the Maya nations, the Yucatecs bear the
best character. The men were t^enerous, poHte, hon-
est, truthful, peaceable, brave, in<»'enious, and partic-
ularly hospitable, though, on the other hand, they
were great drunkards, and very loose in their morals.
The women were UKxlest, very industrious, excellent
housewives, and careful mothers, but, tliough gener-
ally of a gentle disposition, they were excessively
jealous of their marital rights; indeed. Bishop Landa
tells us that upon the barest suspicion of infidelity on
the part of their husbands they became perfect furies,
and would even beat their unfaithful one."* The Gua-
temalans are sjioken of as having been exceedingly
warlike and valorous, but withal very simple in their
tastes and manner of life."^ Arricivita calls the La-
candones thieves, assassins, cannibals, bloody-minded
men, who received the missionaries with great vio-
lence.^ The fact that the Lacandones strove to re[>ol
invasion, without intuitively knowing that the invad-
ers were missionaries, may huxe helped the worthy
padre to come to this decision, however. The Nica-
raguans were warlike and brave, but at the same time
false, cunning, and deceitful. Their resolute hatred
of the whites was so great that it is said that for two
years they abstained from their wives rather than be-
get slaves for their conquerors.

Next after the collecting of facts in any one direc-

Hist. Gen., dec. iii. , lil). iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lil). x., cui). iii.; Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., inn\. iv., p. Ill; Gi>mnrtt, (^tHq. Mi:x.,M. 'i.'J; iMriln, Tcntro
£clcs.,Unn. i., p. 170; ('iiijiiHiihi, Hist. Yiir., p. 70<l; Litmlu, Itiliirinii, j)p.
112-14; Vill'Kjiitivnr, Hist. Vo.k/. Jtzii, p. 402; J)f J.aet, Xonii Orhin, \).
329.

lie Landti, liclncioii, pp. 1(H), 122, 188-90; I'illmiiifiern; Hi.if. Conq.
Itzu, i»p. .S12, 516; iMrilii, Teutro Kclcs., toin. i., p. 20;i; Hn-nrn, Hint.
Gen., tlf'c. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. ; Coijollwlo, llist. Yii<\, pp. ISO, IS7 S; Go-
mara, Hist. Ytul., fol. 02; Las Casus, in KiinjshorotKjh's Mtj\ Aiitiq.,
vol. viii., pp. 147-8.

« Oomara, Hist. Ynd., fol. 268; Durila, Tmtro Eelcs., toiu. i., p. 148;
Ovicdo, Hist. Ocn., toiii. iv., p. 33; Las Casas, Hist. Apologttira, MS.,
cap. xlvi.

68 Crdniea Smifirii, pp. 25-6.

69 Hcrrera. Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib, iii., cap.
ii. ; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., torn, iv., p. 39.

804

THE MAYA NATIONS.

tion comes their comparison with other ascertained
facts of the same category, by which means fragments
of knowledge coalesce and unfold into science. This
fascinating study, however, is no part of my plan. If
in the foregoing pages I have succeeded in collecting
and clas^fying materials in such a manner that others
may, with comparative ease and certainty, place the
multitudinous nations of these Pacific States in all
their shades of savagery and progress side by side with
the savagisms and civilizations of other ages and na-
tions, my work thus far is accomplished. But what
a flood of thouglit, of speculation and imagery rushes
in upon the mind at the bare mention of such a study !
Isolated, without the stimulus of a Mediterranean
commerce, hidden in umbrageous darkness, walled in
by malarious borders, and surrounded by wild barbaric
hordes, whatever its origin, indigenous or foreign, there
was found on Mexican and Central American table-
lands an unfolding humanity, unique and individual,
yet strikingly similar to human unfoldings under like
conditions elsewhere. Europeans, regarding the cul-
ture of the conquered race first as diabolical and then
contemptible, have not to this day derived that benefit
from it that they might have done. It is not neces-
sary that American civilization should be as far ad-
vanced as European, to make a perfect knowledge
of the former as essential in the study of mankind as
a knowledge of the latter; nor have I any disposi-
tion to advance a claim for tfee equality of American
aboriginal culture with European, or to make of it
other than what it is. As in a work of art, it is not
a succession of sharply defined and decided colors, but
a happy blending of light and shade, that makes the
picture pleasing, so in the grand and gorgeous per-
spective of human progress the intermediate stages
are as necessary to completeness as the dark spectrum
of savagism or the brilliant glow of the most ad-
vanced culture.

This, however, I may safely claim ; if the preceding

CONCLUSION.

806

jsi-

?an

pages inform ua aright, then were the Nahuas, the
Mayas, and the suhordinate and lesser civilizatl(»nH
surrounding these, but little lower than the eonteni-
poraueouH civilizations of Europe and Asia, and not
nearly so low as we have hitherto been led to supjuKse.
Whatever their exact status in the world of nations —
and that this volume gives in esse and not in jmsse —
they are surely entitled to their place, and a clear and
comprehensive delineation of their character and condi-
tion tills a gap in the history of humanity. As in every
individual, so in every people, there is something dif-
ferent from what may be found in any other people;
something better and something worse. (Jne civiliza-
tion teaches another; if the superior teaches most, the
inferior nevertheless teaches. It is by the mutual ac-
tion and reaction of mind upon mind and nation uj)on
nation that the world of intellect is forced to develop.
Taking in at one view the vast range of humanity
portrayed in this volume and the preceding, with all
its infinite variety traced on a background of infinite
unity, individu.ality not more clearly evidenced than
a heart and mind and soul relationship to humanity
everywhere, the wide differences in intelligence and
culture shaded and toned down into a homogeneous
whole, we can but arrive at our former conclusion,
that civilization is an unexplained j)henomenon whose
study allures the thoughtful and yields results preg-
nant with the welfare of mankind.

)Ut

bhe

|)er-

res

lad-

END OF THK SECOND VOLUME.

Inu