IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 1.0 
 
 2,5 
 
 I.I 
 
 
 £ us 
 
 1.25 
 
 14 1 1.6 
 
 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 Corporation 
 
 23 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSIER.N.Y. 14580 
 
 (716) 872-4503 
 
 k 
 
 A 
 
 {./ 
 
 /^^ 
 
 .<<r .% 
 
 
 :/. 
 
 i/.s 
 
 fA 
 
 a. 
 
 ^^ 
 
 iV 
 
 N> 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 ». 
 
 '-<*'^ 
 
 O^ 
 
 
 >> 
 
 1 
 

 
 
 1 
 
 y 
 
 s^ 
 
 CIHM/ICMH 
 
 Microfiche 
 
 Series. 
 
 CIHM/ICMH 
 Collection de 
 microfiches. 
 
 Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 
 
Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibiiographiques 
 
 The Institute has attempted to obtain the best 
 original copy available for filming. Features of this 
 copy which may be bibliographically unique, 
 which may alter any of the images in the 
 reproduction, or which may significantly change 
 the usual method of filming, are checked below. 
 
 D 
 
 n 
 
 Coloured covers/ 
 Couverture de couleur 
 
 I I Covers damaged/ 
 
 Couverture endommagde 
 
 Covers restored and/or laminated/ 
 Couverture restau'^e et/ou pellicul^e 
 
 I I Cover title missing/ 
 
 Le titre de couverture manque 
 
 I I Coloured maps/ 
 
 Cartes g^ographiques en couleur 
 
 L'Institut a microfiimd le meilleur exemplaire 
 qu'il lui a 6t6 possible de se procurer. Les details 
 de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-dtre uniques du 
 point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier 
 une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une 
 modification dans la mdthode normals de filmage 
 sont indiquds ci-dessous. 
 
 □ Coloured pages/ 
 Pages de couleur 
 
 y 
 
 V 
 
 Pages damaged/ 
 Pages endommagdes 
 
 □ Pages restored and/or laminated/ 
 Pages restaurdes et/ou pelliculdes 
 
 Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ 
 Pages ddcoiordes, tachetdes cu piqudes 
 
 □ Papes detached/ 
 Pages ddtachdes 
 
 D 
 
 D 
 D 
 
 D 
 
 Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ 
 Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) 
 
 I I Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ 
 
 Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur 
 
 Bound with other material/ 
 Relid avec d'autres documents 
 
 Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion 
 along interior margin/ 
 
 L.areliure serr^e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la 
 distortion le long de la marge int6rieure 
 
 Blank leaves added during restoration may 
 appear within the text. Whenever possible, these 
 have been omitted from filming/ 
 II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajoutdes 
 lors d'une restauration apparaissent d^ns le texte, 
 mais, lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont 
 pas dtd filmdes. 
 
 /I Showthrough/ 
 ' Transparence 
 
 I I Quality of print vari.as/ 
 
 □ 
 
 Quality indgale de I'lmpression 
 
 Includes supplementary material/ 
 Comprend du materiel suppl^mentaire 
 
 Only edition available/ 
 Seule Edition disponible 
 
 Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata 
 slips, tissues, etc., have been ref limed to 
 ensure the best possible image/ 
 Les pages totalement ou partiellement 
 obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, 
 etc., ont 6td filmdes d nouveau de faqon d 
 obtenir la meilleure image possible. 
 
 D 
 
 Adi^itional comments:/ 
 Comh'ientaires suppl^mentaires; 
 
 This item is filmed at the reduction ratio chocked below/ 
 
 Ce document est filrn^ au taux de reduction indiqud ci-dessous. 
 
 
 10X 
 
 
 
 
 14X 
 
 
 
 
 18X 
 
 
 
 
 mM 
 
 
 
 
 26X 
 
 
 
 
 SOX 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Y 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12X 
 
 
 
 
 iex 
 
 
 
 
 20X 
 
 
 
 
 24X 
 
 
 
 
 MX 
 
 
 
 
 32X 
 
The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks 
 to the generosity of: 
 
 Library of the Public 
 Archives of Canada 
 
 L'exemplaire filmd fut reprodult grdce d la 
 gdn6rosit6 de: 
 
 La bibliothdque des Archives 
 publiques du Canada 
 
 The images appearing here are the best quality 
 possible considering the condition and legibility 
 of the original copy and in keeping with the 
 filming contract specifications. 
 
 Les images suivantss ont 6t6 reproduites avec le 
 plus grand soin, ccmpte tenu de la condition at 
 de la nettet^ de l'exemplaire filmd, et en 
 conformity avec les conditions du contrat de 
 filmage. 
 
 Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed 
 beginning with the front cover and ending on 
 the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All 
 other original copies are filmed beginning on the 
 first page with a printed or illustrated imprei- 
 sion, and ending on the last page with a printed 
 or illustrated impression. 
 
 Les exemplaires originaux Jont la couverture en 
 papier est imprimde sont fiimds en commenqant 
 par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la 
 dernidre page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'iilustration, soit par le second 
 plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires 
 originaux sont fiimds en commen^ant par la 
 premidre page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'iilustration et en terminant par 
 la dernidre page qui comporte une telle 
 empreinte. 
 
 The last recorded frame on each microfiche 
 shall contain the symbol — ^> (meaning "CON- 
 TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END "), 
 whichever applies. 
 
 Un des symboles suivants apparattra sur la 
 dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le 
 cas: le symbols — ^signifie "A SUIVRE", le 
 symbole V signifie "FIN". 
 
 Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at 
 different reduction ratios. Those too large to be 
 entirely included in one exposure are filmed 
 beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to 
 right and top to bottom, as many frames »s 
 required. The following diagrams illustrate the 
 method: 
 
 Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre 
 fiimds d des taux de reduction diffdrents. 
 Lorsque le document est trop grand pour 6*re 
 reprodult en un seul clich6, il est filmd d partir 
 de Tangle supdrleur gauche, de gauche d droite, 
 et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre 
 d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants 
 illustrent la m6thode. 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 ' '^ 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
i:x 
 
I^:X0I)US OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 VOL. J. 
 
 ^^1 
 
'.<iMiti,N piiiMi.j, Rv 
 
 IVII.I.IAM (I., 
 
 ■AMI <■|IAHI^ 
 
 i"T„s AMi 511 
 
 <; crKiM?, 
 
 '■I A»ll(l|i|i VIlUt 
 
 I 
 
 'I 
 
 
'A 
 
 '•' h 
 
 EXODUS 
 
 '4 
 
 « - * 
 
 ft ' 
 
 OF 
 
 THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 BY VISCOUNT BURY, M. P. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 VOL. I. 
 
 hi 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 lUCHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STliEET, 
 
 IQufiltSlin- in arlftiiary to ^}tv iMaj^jSty. 
 
 1865. 
 
P R E F A C E. 
 
 
 It is right to .state at the outset the grounds upon 
 wliicli the writer of these pages ventures to address 
 the pul)Hc ; and to define the object and scope of his 
 work. 
 
 During the Latter part of the administration of the 
 Earl of Elgin, as Governor-General of Canada, and 
 in the early years of that of Sir Edmund Head, the 
 writer was in Canada, where he held the combined 
 offices of Civil Secretary and Superintendent-General 
 of Indian affairs. A Governor-General is compelled 
 by his position, as the representative of a constitu- 
 tional sovereign, to surround himself chiefly by those 
 who form his Cabinet for the time ; it therefore be- 
 comes the duty of the Secretary— tlie only English- 
 man except his chief in the civil employment of the 
 Crown— to associate with public men of all parties. 
 
VI 
 
 pukfa(;e. 
 
 \: 
 
 ?. 
 
 and maintain intimate relations Avitli politicians of nil 
 shades ot" o])iiiion : the writer had thus an opportu- 
 nity of watching closely the working of our colonial 
 system in the most important of our provinces. 
 Since then, circumstances have made him acquainted 
 with most of the leading public men in our other 
 North American colonies, and with many in both tlie 
 Northern and Southern States of America. 
 
 For some years past it lias been evident, that the 
 relations between England and her dependencies 
 are on anything but a permanent basis. Au- 
 thorities difter widely as to the course which ought 
 to be pursued ; nor can any just conclusion be ar- 
 rived at without understanding the manner in which 
 our colonial system was gradually formed. The 
 object aimed at in these pages is, to give an account 
 of the successive changes which took place in the 
 spirit of our policy ; and, by comparing the system 
 thus built up, with the course pursued by other 
 nations, to appreciate at their just value maxims 
 which now guide the English Colonial Office. 
 
 The conclusions arrived at appear to be the logical 
 result of an inquiry conducted with every desire to 
 be impartial : indeed, far from supporting a precon- 
 ceived theory, they differ entirely from the opinions 
 
 ,11 
 
 <!i 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 vn 
 
 which the writer entertained when he began liis task 
 tliree years ago. One thing he desires to state 
 clearly : he cordially concurs in the doctrine laid 
 down by Sir George (.'ornewall Lewis, that no sepa- 
 ration can with justice take place between a nation 
 and her colonies, except by nintual consent and 
 agreement. 
 
 LOJJDON, 
 
 Ajiriil", 18r).5, 
 
V- 
 
 ii! 
 
 ■ i 
 
 S 
 
 i f 
 
 f-i 
 
 b| 
 
 iiii 
 
CONTENTS TO VOLUME I. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PACK 
 
 Statement of the Subject-History of Europe and America to bo 
 studied conjointly— Our Colonial System i 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE FIFTKEKTH CEKTURY. 
 
 State of America before it was known to Europe-Causes which led 
 to the Discovery of America-Rise and Development of Know- 
 ledge, Arts, and Science in Europe 29 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 BISCOVEBY OF AMERICA TO TREATY OF NUREMBUEO. 
 
 [1492—1530.] 
 The Discovery-Spanish Conquest-Views and Proceedings of En- 
 land I ranee, and Spain-Rise of Diplomacy-State 'of Europe 
 — ilie Reformation . . ' 
 
 54 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FROM THE TREATY OF NUREMDURO TO THE ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 [1530—1558.] 
 
 Spanish Frencli, and English Advonturevs-Thc Reformation in 
 ringland . 
 
 78 
 
 VOL. I. , 
 
CUN TENTS. 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 WAllS OF UlXKilON. 
 
 [1588—1570.] 
 
 '-ougious guarrels complicated with Tolitics-Champ'-ons of the 
 Wan and oi the Protcstants-Thc Dutch-French Civil 
 
 lir) 
 
 PAUG 
 
 110 
 
 CHAI'TER VI. 
 
 •I'llK HOLY LEAGUE. 
 
 [1570—1003.] 
 Formation o, the Ilojy League-Peaction in Europe a,ainst the 
 hefurmatKu-Englis:., Maritime Adventurers-Dounllu of the 
 
 Lea 
 
 •iS»f' i'rench Discovery 
 
 . 152 
 
 CHAPTER VIJ. 
 
 EUROPEAN MANNERS IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 [1G03— 1648. 
 
 state of Manners in France-In Enghmd-History of John Snnth- 
 bocial Condition of Holland 
 
 191 
 
 cHAp'j'KR vnr. 
 
 FRENCH SETTLEMENT OF ACADIA 
 
 [1004— 1(M8.J 
 'iLMirv IV. *ii.ls D(! Mo-t^ to 
 
 As* 
 
 ssocies 
 
 Acadia— Compagnie des Cent 
 
 237 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 KARLY DAYS UF VIRGINIA. 
 
 [inotl- l(i25.] 
 The I'uritaiis-Northcrn and Southern ( ■ompanies nf \',,^.i, 
 
 lUI 
 
 248 
 
PAUB 
 
 110 
 
 CONTENT^;. 
 
 XI 
 
 . ClIAPTEll X. 
 
 THE SPAKTSII MONAUCHY. 
 
 [1G20— 1625.J 
 
 Historical Sketch of the rise of Spanish Power—Its Decliuc— Pro- 
 posed Marriage between the Prince of Wales and the Infanta of 
 Spahi— Hit;: Marriage with Henrietta of France .... 266 
 
 152 
 
 iOl 
 
 CilAPTEK XI. 
 
 THE PL..UTANS. 
 
 [1020—10-18.] 
 
 Puritan Agreement with the Southern Company of Virginia— Their 
 Settlement of New Plymouth ....... 
 
 28G 
 
 CHAPTER Xli. 
 
 DUTCH SETTLEMENTS AT MANHATTAN AND IN liBAZlL. — NEW SWEDEN. 
 
 [1014— 1G48.] 
 
 Hudson's Voyage— Assemby of XIX.— Swedish Emigration— Cession 
 
 of the Dutch Settlement 
 
 293 
 
 237 
 
 CHAPTEll XIII. 
 
 MANNEUS AND MODE OF LIIE IN THE COLONIES AT THE TIJIE OF 
 
 CEOMWELL. 
 
 [1G25— 1600.] 
 
 Quarrels between Chavles I. and the Parliament— Virginian Legis- 
 lature recognized-Charles quarrels with the Scotch— Cromwell— 
 Execution of Charles— The Commonwealth— Social Condition 
 of Virginia— Of New Plymouth— Of the French Colonies . . 323 
 
 ^1 
 
 24 H 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 11EFU0EE8. 
 
 [1G90— 1098.] 
 
 Maryland— Tlie English Church— J^hiropeiui Rulers— Emigration of 
 Covenanters, of Ciivahds, of IJebels, of Huguenots— Tlu,' French 
 on liie Mississippi ... 
 
 • ' 1 
 
xii 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 
 [1685-1702.J 
 Views of James IT w.. „^ c 
 
 M-yiand, or roLj:^]'Z'-^^''t'' ^^'^^■!-^^-^' «^ 
 
 regard to tJie Erencl) and Indians ^°>k-ll,e,r position with 
 
 . 387 
 
 CHAPTEIi XVI. 
 
 PARTITION TRE-iTY 
 
 [1689— 1702.J 
 Tile Partition Treatv P.in-,r.i i <. 
 
 G^d Al,ia„co%e.«3'w!Sf„f ""'"' "' *-" A"»- 
 
 . 414 
 
 CHAPTEP XVII. 
 
 SPAXISII COLONIES. 
 
 ri7l3.j 
 
 Couneil of the Indies-Character of Sinnish Soffi 
 
 I'fc among the Creole nobles - Tl oTr'""™^-^^"'^^" ^f 
 
 Chu.h-A Spanish Mission-;n,J:;Ln!!p:e;;;r'^ ^'"^ 
 
 -130 
 
 Appendix 
 
 'i83 
 
rAGE 
 
 387 
 
 EXODUS 
 
 OF 
 
 THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 414 
 
 4Sd 
 
 483 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 statement of the Subject— History of Europe and America to be studied 
 conjointly— Our Colonial System, 
 
 The Spaniards conquered tlio countries round tlio cuArTER 
 Mexican Gulf, and founded there a military colony. JL 
 Within a few years the warlike Caribs of the islands ^^^^ 
 and the soft natives of the mainland had submitted to 
 their sway. One adventurer conquered Mexico ; a 1532 
 second seized Florida ; a third overran Peru. Before 
 the middle of the seventeenth century, Sparlsh nobles 
 ruled with more than viceregal pomp in Central 
 America, in Caraccas, in New Granada, in Chili. 
 Spanish missionaries laboured in Pai'aguay. Spanish 
 colonists dwelt on every spur of the Sierra Nevada, 
 and tlie Andes. Spanish cities on the South Sea and 
 the Atlantic were .".domed with stately cathedrals and 
 monasteries. Giear, warehouses in every seaport 
 
 VOL. I. jj 
 
 M 
 
. 4 
 
 ■ii. 
 
 2 EXODUS OF THE WESTEEN NATIONS. 
 
 Chapter towii woro cramiped with specie and precious stones 
 __!_ from Spanish mines. From tlie sources of the 
 Colorado and the Rio Bravo del Norte, to the Straits 
 of Magellan, the Spanish tongue was spoken. From 
 a thousand fortresses on either ocean waved the gold 
 and crimson standard of Spain. 
 
 This vast territory was governed with a rigour 
 which no other nation attempted to exercise. The 
 Spaniards admitted no foreigner into their colonies on 
 pain of death. Their commercial policy has been 
 I aptly described as a monument of systematic tyranny. 
 The Creoles fared as badly as the native races. All 
 power was in the hands of an oligarchy composed 
 exclu.- ively of Castilians, who wielded it with such 
 cruelty that the whole race of American Spaniards in 
 a few generations had arrived at the last stage of 
 degeneracy. The haughty courage of their race died 
 • out. The descendants of the ' Conquistadores' forgot 
 the use of arms. 
 1004 The French established on the St. Lawrence a state 
 on the model of their own. Seigneurs, armed with all 
 the authoritv of feudal law, levied " droits d'aubaine " 
 and " droits de raoulinage " upon the inhabitants of 
 Canadian hamlets with the same unsparing rigour as at 
 , home. The settler emigrated at the desire of his feudal 
 lord ; the locality of his home w^as determined, not by 
 his own choice, but by the exigenciesof militaryservice. 
 The nucleus of every village was a stockade. Every 
 seigneury was conceded with a view to its strategic 
 |)()sition. The settlers minutest action was supcrin- 
 
 
I 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 •got 
 
 li all 
 
 of 
 as at 
 udal 
 tby 
 ■vice, 
 rery 
 ogic 
 rin- 
 
 i 
 
 X 
 
 tended by his superiors : lie was drawn for military cuArrER 
 
 service by an unsparing conscription. His temper, !_ 
 
 gay and volatile, submitted easily to this galling 
 yoke. The peasant was content to remain a serf: 
 his seigneur was born a member of a governing caste 
 into which he liad no chance of admission. 
 
 A few poor emigrants left England for the tem- 1606 
 pcrate latitudes of America. They suffered much 
 from neglect and hunger ; many died ; some took to 
 piracy ; but the remnant established a foothold in 
 the wilderness. Vacancies in their ranks were filled 
 by fugitives from religious persecution, from political 
 persecution, from justice. Gradually they drove back 
 the Indians : they made farms and homesteads. As y^ 
 
 their numbers increased, they convoked assemblies 
 and made laws for their own guidance. Occasionally, 
 some great Englisli gentleman or court favourite 
 would obtain from his royal master the grant of an 
 immense district, to which he transported a few 
 families who became the foimders of a new colony. 
 Any one was thought good enough for the planta- 
 tions: wlien lionest liusbandmen were not to be 
 had, persons of loose life, discarded serving-men, and 
 the sweepings of the hulks were accepted. But 
 the patentee usually got tired of his bargain, and 
 sold his interest, or withdrew, leaving his people to 
 grow up unassisted. Tlio settlers sprang from a 
 race which had struggled too fiercely for liberty 
 / at home to relax their hold of it in America: tliey 
 more self-rerumt, more independent, every 
 
 n 2 
 
 gi'ew 
 
 ■v..t 
 
'■ 
 
 \ 
 
 x/' 
 
 4 EXODUS OP THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 Chai'tku year. Their fierce temper brongljt tliem often into 
 _ eollisioii with the motlier-coinitrv. When a sect 
 was persecuted, its nieniLers took refuge in the 
 plantations: thus there was a constant relay of 
 combative men fresh from successive scenes of strife. 
 When Protestants had the ascendant, Catliolics were 
 persecuted and fled : when Catholics were in power, 
 Protestant victims crowded to the sanctuary. As 
 time went on, their raidvs were recruited from 
 many nations and many creeds. They absorbed 
 Dutch, Swedes, and Germans ; Roman Catholic fugi- 
 tives, Puritan fugitives, Calvinist fugitives ; loyal 
 men, traitors ; men flying for conscience' sake ; the 
 scum of the gaols and bagnios ; men emigrating to 
 a\'oid the pressure of want ; men kidnapped in the 
 streets of Bristol and Glasgow, and sold for slaves. 
 But the two main branches of the emigrants still pre- 
 served their distinguishing characteristics. The men 
 i'of Maine retained the republican temper of the Puri- 
 [tans, the colonies of Virginia and Carolina preserved 
 to the last their loyalty to the crown. Though they 
 by no means forgot their mutual animosity, these 
 fierce exiles were ready, at any attempt at interfer- 
 ence, to niake common cause ; they became the freest 
 people on eartli : they were brave, self-reliant, turbu- 
 lent, impatient of authority. 
 
 The policy of England towards them was to let 
 their internal affairs alone, and to make as much 
 money as possible out of their trade. They were 
 absolutely unused to control : trifles at which the 
 
 i 1 
 
 / 
 
^ff 
 
 i)u- 
 
 y 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. G 
 
 Freiicli or Spaiiisli emigrant would have smiled, Chaiteb 
 o-rievances which would have seemed to the colonists — 
 of another nation no grievances at all, roused the 
 Anglo-Saxon to madness, and were eagerly seized on 
 as a pretext for revolt. 
 
 Neither England, France, nor Spain now retain 
 one foot of their original possessions; yet few 
 things are more striking than the certainty with 
 which each of these nations has branded its own im- 
 press on the people it has ceased to govern. There 
 is a radical difference between one sign-manual and 
 another, but in each case the mark is indelible. In 
 old nations the formation of national character must 
 be sought for in far-off causes. The geographical 
 position, the mildness or severity of climate, the de- '" 
 gree of fertility of the soil, the growth of manners, 
 the development of laws, the accidents of conquest 
 or of defeat, the occurrence of plagues or famine, 
 physical causes repeated through many generations, 
 have moulded history, and gradually but surely 
 governed the result. But these influences require 
 ages to work. The nationalities of America are 
 vigorous, but they are young : three centuries and a. 
 half is the life of the oldest of them. Race has more 
 to do with their peculiarities than any other cause. 
 The Mexican or Peruvian is emphatically Spanish. 
 The English Canadian, or the United States man, 
 Anglo-Saxon ; and certainly no one ever watched a 
 Canadian habitan take oft' his hat to a friend without 
 seeing* that he was a Frenchman. 
 
6 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 Chaptkr 
 T. 
 
 \ t- 
 
 ; ( 
 
 The formation of national character cannot, there- 
 fore, be traced in the history of America. To nnder- 
 stand the emigrant we must study the mother-land ; 
 watch it as it emerges *from barbarism, note its con- 
 duct amidst the rude shocks of tlie fifteenth and six- 
 teenth centuries. We must observe the growth of the 
 haughty and intolerant spirit of Spain ; the perse- 
 vering independence of the fishermen and burghers 
 of Holland; the island pride and pluck of the 
 English ; the religious wars of the French ; their ob- 
 stinate adherence to feudalism, and the national 
 light heart that breaks out undepressed through all. 
 
 Spain lost her colonies : but the marks of her old 
 tyranny still remain. The people were kept in tute- 
 lage so severe and so minute, that they have been, 
 to all appearance, unfitted for freedom. Since 
 the downfall of her power, the Mexicans, the Peru- 
 vians, the Venezuelans, and others that once were 
 under her command, have been a prey to one 
 objectless revolution after another. Mexico, having 
 tried all forms of government in turn, has now 
 become an emj^ire. France has lost her colonies. 
 But her laws still linger in the tribimals which she 
 founded ; her language and her religion still dwell 
 on the lips and in the hearts of her descendants. 
 England lost the territories she originally possessed ; 
 the great Republic is a house divided against itself; 
 the sons of the Plymouth Puritans and of the Quaker 
 founders of Pennsylvania ore fighting as fiercely, as 
 their fathers fought of old, with the descendants 
 
KXODUS OF THE WJ^STEIiN NATIONS. 
 
 she 
 
 well 
 
 mts. 
 
 ed; 
 
 elf; 
 
 ker 
 
 , as 
 
 Lints 
 
 'w: 
 
 I 
 
 of tlie ruflliiig blades and roisterers of Smith, Balti- 
 more, and Berkeley. After the lapse of two hundred 
 years, the Roundheads of New England are again 
 foot to foot and hand to hand with the Cavaliers of 
 the old dominion. 
 
 More fortunate than either France or Spain, Great 
 Britain has had an opportunity of trying a new 
 system on a new field. The Atlantic, the Pa- 
 cific, the prairies of the Saskatchewan, the great 
 lakes md the Polar sea, are the boundaries of the 
 territory which she now rules : a territory ten times 
 larger than the old thirteen states hemmed in between 
 the Mississippi and the Atlantic. 
 
 It is proposed in the following pages to describe 
 the principal features of this exodus. In executing 
 the task, two principal objects have been aimed at — 
 first, to present at one view, however imperfectly, a 
 record of events which has hitherto been divided arbi- 
 trarily into fragments : secondly, to test the present 
 colonial policy of England by the light of past ex 
 perience. 
 
 A great change has of late years come over both 
 writers and readers of history. As in other sciences 
 isolated facts must be patiently accumulated before 
 generalization is attempted, so in the science of 
 history there was necessarily a period during which 
 facts were stored up without comment. The first 
 histories were ballads and chronicles ; to them suc- 
 ceeded the dignified school — men who detailed the 
 movements of camps, who delighted in battles, sieges, 
 
 Cn 
 
 Al-JKU 
 I. 
 
 n-. 
 
8 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 Chapter and court millinery, but left untold tlie real life of 
 — — the nations of wliich they treated. It is only in 
 comparatively modern times that the real objects of 
 history have been understood. Yoltaire led the way 
 in France : in a single sentence he has summed 
 up the great change which he was the first to effect. 
 lie said that his aim was rather to discover what 
 society was like, how men lived in the privacy of 
 their families, what arts were cultivated, than to 
 recite in the ordinary fashion of history a mere record 
 of disasters, combats, and human wickedness.* He 
 was followed in his own time by Turgot and Montes- 
 quieu, and later by Michelet, Sismondi, Thiers, and 
 Guizot. In England his ablest follower has been 
 Lord Macaulay : whoever would appreciate the in- 
 fluence of that great waiter on the method of history 
 of our time, has only to compare the historical works 
 which have appeared since he began his labours — 
 Mr. Carlyle's works, Mr. Buckle's Introduction to the 
 History of English Civilization, Mr. Motley's account 
 of the United Netherlands, Lord Macaulay's own 
 Essays, and his noble fragment on the English He vo- 
 lution — with the standard histories of the eighteenth 
 century. 
 
 But the works of these authors relate almost en- 
 tirely to Europe : other great Avriters have treated 
 as exclusively of American affairs ; but we look in 
 vain for a work showing the connection between 
 events in the old world and the new. The truth 
 
 * Essiii sur lea Mocurs, Chap. xxxi. 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 
 
 •lltll 
 
 u.al 
 
 Bcems to be that tlio liistory of the American con- 
 tinent lias hardly yet passed out of the stage of chro- 
 nicle writing. Many works of great interest have 
 been written describing the Mexican and Peruvian 
 conquests, the rise of the American republics, and of 
 our own settlement in Canada. But these are epi- 
 sodes in the story, not the story itself. No writer 
 has as yet disregarded the fictitious boundary line of 
 the Atlantic, and given us the old and new world in 
 the same picture, the action of Providence working 
 through physical laws and human nature on America 
 and Europe contemporaneously. Ample materials 
 are to be found in political and military chronicles, 
 in works on political economy, in books of travel, in 
 books on geology and f)hysical research, in plays, in 
 romances, in pictures ; but to write such a story ac- 
 cording to the requirements of modern historical 
 science, would be the labour of a lifetime, and demand 
 qualities to which the writer of these pages lays no 
 claim whatever. 
 
 If a complete liistory of this subject should ever 
 be composed, the historian's most difficult task Avould 
 be to w^eave the disjointed fragments of the great 
 epic into a connected wdiole, and to show the rela- 
 tions of its various parts to each ctlier. He would 
 trace each great event in the new world to its far- 
 off cause in the old, and follow each revolution in 
 the old world to its results in the new. He would 
 mark the inter-relation of politics and social history 
 among the Spaniards, French, and English, in Europe 
 
 CiiAriEU 
 I. 
 
 ■ -iil 
 
10 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 «^i! 
 
 
 ^ I 
 
 !r 
 
 : ! 
 
 f f 
 
 Chatteu and in tlieir Aniericfin plantations. He wonld sketch 
 
 I. 7 
 
 — the development of national character in each people 
 of European descent that now inhabits America ; and 
 show how in each case that character was moulded 
 by the course of events, the tone of thought, and the 
 literature of the metropolis. He would describe 
 not only events themselves, but the national life, 
 temper, and peculiarities which produced them. 
 He would narrate the causes which in the fifteenth 
 century brought about the discovery of America, and 
 the European revolutions which, in the sixteenth 
 and seventeenth centuries, gave an impulse to dis- 
 covery and colonization. Pie would paint the 
 early establishments of the Dutch, the French, and 
 the English. He would describe the planters, the 
 temper in which they worked, the scenes which met 
 them in the wilderness, their habits of thought and 
 speech, the school in which they were formed, their 
 idea of honour, of the duties and obligations of life. 
 He would show how the character of each emi- 
 grant was moulded by the men, the time, the circum- 
 stances among which he lived. He would show that 
 every man who landed in the new world, was, ac- 
 cording to his own calibre, a specimen of the present 
 stock. Every man who quitted the shores of Europe, 
 were he Spaniard or Frenchman, Hollander, Eng- 
 lishman, or Dane, carried with him the characteristics 
 of his native land, and, so far as his influence went, 
 stamped his imported character on the colony of 
 which he formed a part. The Spaniards might be a 
 
EXODUS OF 'J'lIE WESTEim NATIONS. 
 
 11 
 
 
 little less ron^rli than the French, the French a little chaitku 
 
 .1. 
 less rouo-h than the Hollander, the Hollander a little — 
 
 more polished than the English. But each nation 
 was originally hewn out of tlic same quarry of har- 
 barisni, and the roughest was also the hardest, the 
 most durable of all. The English character was 
 made of sterner stuff than the others, showed more 
 distinct individuality, far greater aptitude for the 
 work of foundino' nations. 
 
 The national peculiarities adverted to were still 
 further encouraged by the widely different course of 
 events in England and in France. In the first, a 
 series of fortunate circumstances weakened the power 
 both of the crown and the nobles ; the form and tlie 
 advantages of monarchy were preserved, while all 
 that was real of power, or valuable in freedom, was 
 given into the hands of the people : in the second, 
 the aristocracy became completely independent of 
 the crown ; great lords, each in his own domain, 
 kept state like sovereign princes, made war upon 
 each other at their own discretion, and held the 
 power of life and death within their own dominions. 
 In England, the Norman invasion placed the disposal 
 of all lands and dignities in the hands of the con- 
 queror : the aristocracy thus early became completely 
 amenable to the law, or, at any rate, subordinate to 
 the king: too weak to cope with the monarcli by 
 their own authority, they were forced to make 
 alliance with the people. The Great Charter, which 
 limited the power of the crown, was an advantage to 
 
 f 
 
 
 f't' '1 
 
'i . ' 
 
 1 ■ 
 
 
 lit 
 
 J- ■ ■[ 
 
 !|1 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 Chaiteb freemen of all ranks ; the barons, without tlie assist- 
 -_1_ ance of the commons, would liavo failed to obtain it 
 from King- John: the result was that the people, 
 feeling their own importance, acquired that tone of 
 independence which is impressed on all our civil and 
 l)olitical institutions. To these circn.mstances we 
 owe the steady and enterprising spirit for which our 
 countrymen have long been remarkable : they have 
 enal:>led us to maintain for centuries liberties which 
 no other nation has been able to acquire. In France 
 the great seigneurs monopolized power : the feudal 
 system invested them w^ith such authority that the 
 people were never able successfully to resist or even 
 to curb it ; the rights of self-government were never 
 conceded to the bourgeoisie : tlie habits of the French 
 lower classes became more obedient, a« the English 
 became ?noro haughty and self-reliant. AYliil^^ in 
 England an independent yeomanry sprung up, and 
 municipal institutions carried self-government even 
 into the most minute proceedings of society, the 
 French, divided into two great classes, the noblesse 
 and the bourgeoisie, had nothing really corresponding 
 either to an independent class of yeomen or to muni- 
 cipal riglits. Tlie English Parliament gradually 
 became possessed of supreme power; the Frencli 
 States-General fell entirely into disrepute. 
 
 Nor is it less necessary to examine with attention 
 the stormy history of Spain. During many centuries 
 that country was tlie seat of religious war : an in- 
 timate connection existed between the church and 
 
EXCDUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 13 
 
 I. 
 
 1011 
 
 'ies 
 lu- 
 ll nl 
 
 the crown ; Lotweon tliem tlicy monopolized power, chapter 
 During* the long period of conflict with the Moors, 
 it WHS absolutely necessary that there should be 
 in each district one I'^ader, and that he should be 
 implicitly obeyed. Any division in a Christian camp 
 would have been followed by the victory of the 
 infidels and the extermination of the conquered. The 
 general of each army of the Christians, along their 
 gradually widening frontier, erected, in the territory 
 he had wrested from tlie Moors, an independent 
 monai'chy, which lie ruled with despotic power. 
 The clergy of the religion which he was fighting to 
 uphold, gave, in their turn, all the countenance that 
 could be afforded by religion to his authority. The 
 roverence thus inculcated, springing originally from 
 necessity, became a part of the national character ; it 
 was encouraged by the priesthood till it became an 
 article of faith. To such an extent was the spirit of 
 loyalty carried, that the nobles, far from arrogating 
 undue power to themselves, vied with the people in 
 paying homage to the priesthood and the king. 
 Popular institutions theoretically existed among the 
 Spaniards in great perfection, but attaclmient to poli- 
 tical rights among the body of the people was over- 
 mastered by the two stronger passions of loyalty 
 and devotion. 
 
 In the fifteenth century, all the independent king- 
 doms into which the Iberian peninsula was divided 
 were imited in the j^ersons of Ferdinand and Isabella : 
 to them the whole loyalty of the people was trans- 
 
 V 
 
 #^ 
 
14 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 .J i 
 
 I 
 
 r^» 
 
 \. 
 
 \\ 
 
 ■\ 
 
 Chapter ferrcd : a nation animated hy such a spirit could not 
 — L- fail to become formidable as conquerors : as long as 
 the rulers were able, the state, directed by a single 
 mind, was strong, vigorous, and prosperous; but a 
 policy which relied on the personal qualities of rulers 
 ceased to be successful when its execution was in- 
 trusted to incompetent hands, and the guidance on 
 which the people leant was withdrawn. The Refor- 
 mation, which agitated the public mind in Europe, 
 had little eftect in Spain ; indeed, it increased instead 
 of diminishing the power of the church and of the 
 crown. The succession of weak and imbecile mo- 
 narchs which followed Philip II. ruined Spain, be- 
 cause the people had no habit of self-government to 
 supply their defects. 
 
 The widely divergent characters of England, 
 France, and Spain gave to tlie settlements which 
 they founded characters equally divergent. Each of 
 tliem adopted a commercial system, very similar in 
 its main features ; l)ut th.at system was received by 
 the colonies of each in a dififcrent spirit. In the 
 Spanish and French possessions, perpetual interfer- 
 ence blighted all feeling of national independence -, 
 they submitted with apathy, as though they con- 
 sidered their case to be witliout remedy. The 
 Canadian settlers, recruited from the labouring por- 
 tion of the French agricultural population, could 
 hardly 1)e expected to bring with them any exalted 
 notion of liberty : each succeeding arrival tended to 
 debase rather tlian lo raise the feeling of indepen- 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 15 
 
 con- 
 The 
 por- 
 .iild 
 iltod 
 il to 
 pcn- 
 
 dencc nmongst them. French nationality was kept chapter 
 ahve, but emigrants offered rather a caricature —L 
 than a copy of the mother-country. It was far 
 different in the English colonies : there the right to 
 personal liberty was undenied, or at any rate was 
 always claimed. The population was constantly 
 recruited from a country where the question between 
 liberty and prerogative was being tried on a large 
 scale. Those who emigrated considered themselves 
 martyrs to liberty ; they were not dis2")osed to allow 
 the standard by whicli it was measured to be lowered 
 in America. The French and Spanish settlers sank 
 below the level of their respective metropolis. The 
 English settlers afforded a model which the patriots 
 at home were never tired of praising. The result 
 was that in tlie free spates of Virginia and New Eng- 
 land the people rebelled, the down-trodden emigrants 
 of France and Spain submitted : such a population 
 was not to be relied on even for self-defence. The 
 Hite of a sino:le battle hnuded them over as contented 
 siibjects of an alien power. The Spanish colonies, 
 tliough treated witli far greater harshness than those 
 of either of the other nations, remained in helpless 
 bondage till long after their tyrants had lost their 
 power to control them : the British provinces, at the 
 first symptom of a desire to coerce them, shook off' at 
 once aud for ever the yoke of the mother-country. 
 
 Since the American War of Independence, the 
 colonial possessions of Great r)rilaln liave been xavy 
 largely increased in Australiji and New Zealand, as 
 
 >i.. 
 
 I 
 
16 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 I 
 
 
 I,' 
 
 1 
 
 CiiArTEu well as in America. Colonies which had then no 
 —. existence exercise, throngh independent legislatures, 
 all the rights of self-government. The relations 
 which onght to exist between their communities and 
 our own have long been a suljject of debate among 
 our statesmen : recent events have attracted public 
 attention to the subject, and rendered it somewhat 
 less difficult of solution. Matters of the greatest im- 
 port, involving the very l)asis of the political relations 
 between Great Britain and her colonies will, at no 
 distant time, present themselves for settlement. 
 Upon these, every Englishman interested in public 
 affairs must make up his mind. 
 
 First in importance among these subjects of con- 
 troversy, is one which strikes at the very root of our 
 system. The broad issue has been boldly raised 
 whether colonies have any assignable value at all. 
 If that were once fairly answered in the affirmative, 
 if it were decided that it was expedient at all hazards 
 to prevent the dismemberment of our empire, tliero 
 would probably ])e little difference of opinion as to 
 the proper course to pursue. But sTich is not the 
 case. Sir George Cornewall Lewis has laid down 
 the doctrine* that when free trade is once firmly 
 established, one of the 2">'ii"icipal. indeed, as some 
 think, the oidy reason for retaining dependencies, 
 will bo removed. Some who accept the views of 
 which Mr. Goldwin Smith is an exponoit, argue that 
 the possession of extended empire is a direct source 
 
 * (idvcnniu'iil, of Doppiiik'ncica, ji. 2r{0. 
 
 I 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 17 
 
 of weakness, and would resign without a scruple the Chapteu 
 whole of our colonial possessions : others, without — 1- 
 going so far as to disapprove of the possession of 
 colonies, are, nevertheless, convinced that our pre- 
 sent position will not always be tenable — that sooner 
 or later our colonies will demand their independence, 
 and tliat our duty will then be to bid them " God- 
 speed," and let them go. So wide-spread is this 
 belief, that our whole colonial policy is based upon 
 the assumption that our colonies will at some future 
 time desire to become independent nations ; and that 
 we have learned the lesson taught by the war of 
 American independence too well to prevent them 
 even if we could. But we stop half way. If we r^ro 
 convinced that our colonies will some day leave us, 
 we must not be content to acquiesce passively in the 
 fact, we must act upon it energetically : the manner 
 in which we assume a basis of action without acting 
 on our belief, paralyses and vitiates our whole colo- 
 nial system. If ultimate separation be inevitable, our 
 first care sliould surely be to secure an amicable, not 
 an unfriendly, separation. There is little chance that 
 the main errors of former days will be renewed. No 
 modern statesman will attempt either to monopolize 
 the trade of our colonies, to interfere with tlieir in- 
 ternal affairs, to tax them without their consent, or 
 to retain them by force if they should desire to leave 
 us. But it may nevertheless reasonahly be doubted 
 whetlier under our present systom the separation, 
 when it comes, will be amicable. Old difficulties will 
 
 VOL. I. Q 
 
 
 ■'» ',, 
 
18 
 
 KXOUUS OF THE WESTKIIN NATIONS. 
 
 I..! 
 
 I." 
 
 ! 1' 
 
 I i 
 
 ij 
 
 Chaiter recur, old enemies present themselves with new faces. 
 — In avoiding acknowledged faults, it is not unusual to 
 fall into errors equally dangerous. We are not likely 
 to err on the side of harshness : in these days, we 
 talk much more of the duty which England owes to 
 her colonies, than of the advantages which she may 
 derive from them. One by one, the last rags of the 
 commercial system have been torn away. We 
 receive no tribule ; we expect no commercial advan- 
 tage in the ports of our own colonies that we do not 
 hold by merit and not by favour ; yet we undertake 
 the burden of defending them against attack. It is 
 on this ground that certain politicians exclaim against 
 colonies; that they denounce them as a useless ex- 
 pense, and would do away with them altogether. 
 
 Historical facts reproduce themselves whenever 
 similar conditions recur. We therefore naturally 
 turn to history to see if past events will afford us a 
 standard by which we may measure the danger. At 
 first sight it would appear that there was little in 
 common between the condition of colonial affairs now 
 and before the commencement of tlie American war. 
 We draw our knowledge of American history princi- 
 pally from the writings of Amej'icans, or from those 
 of Englishmen who belonged to the party favourable 
 to American independence. We are so convinced 
 that the attempt to coerce the thirteen colonies was 
 unwise and unjust that we do not sufficiently study a 
 history that presents many lessons to the student 
 besides ihe trite one that it is impossible to govern 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 19 
 
 f 4? 
 
 if 
 
 unwilling* colonies by the sword. No writer can for CHArTEB 
 a moment defend the war, hut systematic attention — 
 to the argmnents on one side of the question, and 
 systematic ignoring of all that can be said on the 
 other, have deprived us of the historical lesson which 
 an inipartial examination of facts on both sides would 
 convey. No doubt, if the popular estimate of the poli- 
 tical state of the old thirteen colonies were correct, 
 there would be little analogy between their position 
 before the war of independence and that of British 
 America at the present time. On the one hand, 
 according to the prevalent belief, was a country 
 ground down by commercial restrictions, governed 
 by men alien in birth and feeling from the men over 
 whom they ruled, deprived of its liberty, and goaded 
 into rebellion by taxes imposed without its own con- 
 sent. On the other, a people governed by their own 
 laws, living under institutions framed and worked by 
 their own inhabitants ; imposing, by admitted con- 
 stitutional right, their own taxes, and acknowledging 
 a mere nominal supremacy of the parent State. 
 
 But it can be shown that the position of the thir- 
 teen colonies was far nearer to that of British Ame- 
 rica at the present day than is generally supposed. 
 Long before the time of the American war the thir- 
 teen colonies were in all but the name independent. 
 These pages will advance proof that ever since the 
 English revolution they had steadily resolved on 
 actual independence. Circumstances at last arose 
 wliich made England appreciate the fact that her 
 
 V 2 
 
 
 r 
 
n 
 
 20 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 n : 
 
 •Hi' 
 
 Li. 
 
 I' : 
 
 \ 'l' 
 
 III 
 
 t t 
 
 CiiArTER American dominions had escaped from her grasp. 
 — No experience had then taught her the impossibiHty 
 of reclaiming them. FooHsh advisers, national self- 
 conceit, and an obstinate king, stirred up the English 
 people to attempt oppression and revenge. The 
 result was defeat, and hatred, which yet exists, from 
 the people whom they had failed to subdue. The 
 issue of the quarrel has obliterated its commence- 
 ment. Few have realized how wise and beneficent the 
 legislation of England had been — regard being neces- 
 sarily had to the state of political science at the time. 
 It must be acknowledged that the policy we now 
 pursue is different from any that the world has seen 
 before. It has grown up by slow degrees, and after 
 repeated experiments. After the fall of British 
 power in the thirteen colonies, it became necessary to 
 devise some scheme of legislation for the territory 
 recently conquered from the French. English states- 
 men deduced an erroneous lesson from the Ame- 
 rican Revolution. They attributed the rebellion of 
 the thirteen colonies to the insolence of liberty un- 
 wisely conceded and fostered into license by the 
 freedom of British institutions. They hastily con- 
 cluded that it was dangerous to permit colonies in 
 any case to govern themselves. The ostensible cause 
 of the American Revolution had been the interference 
 of England with the powers of provincial assemblies. 
 In reality the Americans did not resent interference 
 with the power of their assemblies, but interference 
 with labour: but this was not understood. It was 
 
 k 
 
 I 
 
 V* 
 
 
KXODUS OF Tin-: \V1':STE11N NATIONS. 
 
 21 
 
 
 i^eiierally believed tliat if tlie colonies had been ruled chajteb 
 with a firmer hand they would never have rebelled : — '- 
 in order to make sure that the Canadians should 
 never have an opportunity of resenting interference 
 with their legislature, it was determined not to permit 
 them to have any legislature at all. A governor 
 armed with absolute power represented English au- 
 thority. This i^lan succeeded very well so long as 
 the large majority of the inhabitants were French- 
 men : but men of British descent began to pour into 
 the country. It had been the intention of the govern- 
 ment to keep Canada as French as possible. The 
 framers of the Quebec Act thought that they could 
 arrest, in the case of Canada, that desire for indepen- 
 dence which the United States had successfully as- 
 serted. For this end the old French law was retained 
 with all its comphcated obscurity, and lands were 
 held by seigniorial tenure. At the time of the ces- 
 sion, the territory now called Upper Canada was a 
 wilderness. It was gradually settled by loyalists who 
 fled from the rebellious colonies, and by English emi- 
 grants from home. A legislature was established to- 
 wards the close of the last century, in which the 
 French had a large majority. The province, against 
 the advice of Mr. Fox, was divided into two — Lower 1791 
 Canada being almost entirely French, and Upper 
 Canada as yet sparsely settled with men of English 
 blood. After the peace of 1815, there was a large 
 influx of English, chiefly old soldiers who settled on 
 their military grants. The new comers quarrelled 
 
 Iv 
 
:t 
 
 .»!■ 
 
 
 
 -! 
 
 i ': 
 
 Ot> 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 Chapter witli tliG Frciich. The latter, alarmed for their na- 
 I. . . 
 -1- tionality, formed an active and imited opposition. 
 
 The result was the Canadian rebellion. 
 1838 The Earl of Durham was sent out to investigate the 
 causes of discontent : his report is the great charter 
 of colonial liberty. The legislatures of the British 
 provinces were all one after the other assimilated, as 
 far as circumstances would permit, to that of the 
 mother country. It w^as decided that the governor, 
 representing the constitutional power of the crown, 
 should act by the advice of a cabinet composed of 
 members of the legislature, and directly resjDonsible 
 to the people. 
 
 Earl Russell was in 1839 at the head of the Colo- 
 nial Office. There was at that time considerable 
 excitament on the subject of what was called respon- 
 sible government; but the term was by no means 
 thoroughly undei stood by those who were most 
 anxious for its establishment. Earl Russell made the 
 first attempt to give some shape to their vague ideas, 
 and to carry out the reform desired by the colonists. 
 It could not be expected that a veteran statesman 
 would proceed otherwise than cautiously, in a course 
 involving the almost entire abandonment of the 
 traditions of his office. His policy, regarded by 
 the light of after experience, may appear over- 
 cautious ; it ought rather to excite admiration of 
 his courage. It was a grave experiment to leave to 
 their own devices a community in which the ashes of 
 civil discord still smouldered, and which for the last 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 23 
 
 by 
 
 of 
 
 to 
 
 of 
 
 ast 
 
 
 two years liad been held in check by martial law. CiiArraB 
 If the exjoeriment succeeded, he had only carried out — _ 
 a reform for which a whole people were clamouring ; 
 if it failed, he alone would be held responsible. Earl 
 Russell conceded only a part of the demands ad- 
 dressed to him : for the time, he refused to sanction 
 the responsibility^ of the local governments to the 
 assemblies. 
 
 Lord Sydenham became governor-general. The 
 insurrection was too recent to permit him to make 
 further concessions tlian those which had been pro- 
 vided by Earl Russell. During the administration 
 of his two successors. Sir Charles Bagot and Lord 
 Metcalfe, a much nearer approach w^as made to a 
 really constitutional system. Our relations with the 
 United States w^ere at that time so threatening, that 
 it was considered necessary to vest the supreme 
 civil and military authority in the same hands. Lord 
 Cathcart was appointed. As a purely military go- 
 vernor, he did but little to forward the constitutional 
 question. The Oregon dispute was at last happily 
 arranged ; and the Earl of Elgin, then chiefly known 
 by his successful administration of the government of 
 Jamaica, was appointed to the viceroyalty of Canada, 
 with instructions to establisli a purely constitutional 
 government, on the model of that of England. 
 
 At the close of Lord Elgin's administration, re- 
 sponsible government was in full force in all the 
 North American colonies ; but it retained — indeed it 
 still retains- a tentative or experimental character. 
 

 : l^ 
 
 W' 
 
 i;:lv 
 
 h 
 
 I 
 
 M 
 
 . 1 
 
 24 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 Chapter Even Lord Elgin's care had not been aljle to prevent 
 — outbreaks which threatened its stability. During the 
 last few davs of his administration an incident oc- 
 curred, which was only prevented from becoming 
 serious by his tact and temper. He had deter- 
 mined to dissolve his parliament: he announced 
 his determination from the throne. The Speaker of 
 the Assembly, in reply, questioned the constitutional 
 power of the viceroy. The writer of these pages 
 w-atchcd the expression of amazement, almost of con- 
 sternation, which overspread the countenance of Lord 
 Elgin as he listened to this unexpected announce- 
 ment. It was impossible not to see that the in- 
 terest involved was one of far deeper import than 
 the mere words conveyed. It raised the whole 
 question of the relations of Great Britain with her 
 colonies : it told of a gigantic power given over 
 to inexperienced, it might be to incapable, hands. 
 Responsible government, as now established in British 
 America, confers by law precisely the powers which 
 the old thirteen colonies attempted to arrogate to 
 themselves before the war of independence : the right 
 of veto is reserveci l^ the crown, but it is a right in 
 name only.* If the political condition of British 
 America justifies us in retaining it in a state of 
 pupillage, we have gone too far in renouncing alto- 
 gether our control over its affairs. If it cannot safely, 
 or with advantage, be so retained, the system contains 
 the germ of serious dispute when the time for separa- 
 
 * See A[i)icndi.x, No. 1. 
 
 I ■ ' 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 tion arrives. A^irtually, British America is indepcii- Cuai-teu 
 
 dent ; nominally, it is subject to our government. 
 
 The loyalty of the British American population is 
 beyond dispute : it has been often tried, and often 
 exhibited. Their affection for the person and rule of 
 our sovereign cannot for one moment be doubted 
 by any one who has lived among them. But that 
 is not the question. If all the possessions of our 
 Queen could be fused together, and made, in the 
 strict sense of the term, one empire, then no danger 
 would arise ; but difficulties which need not here 
 be referred to lie in the way. We must deal with 
 things as they now exist. Several legislatures, each 
 armed with supreme authority, sit on either side of 
 the Atlantic. The deliberations of each are con- 
 trolled by a common sovereign. The only difference 
 which exist"^ between the authority of each within 
 the dominions it represents, is, that the British Ame- 
 rican assemblies are bound to make no law incon- 
 sistent with that of the Imperial Parliament ; and that 
 the veto, which is vested by the constitution in the so- 
 vereign, is practically exercised by ministers who are 
 responsible to the Parliament of Great Britain alone. 
 Putting loyalty altogether on one side, it is highly 
 probable that some question may arise on which the 
 legislature of one of the high-spirited provinces of 
 British America may differ from the Imperial Par- 
 liament. What is then to be done ? A hackneyed 
 phrase represents the answer which would generally 
 l^e made. '' Whenever the colonies wish to ter- 
 
 ■'■ <i 
 
 ,v/; 
 
 
 
»( I 
 
 li'' 
 
 H 
 
 Hi ■ , 
 
 
 w 
 
 26 
 
 EXOUUB OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 Chapteb minate tlieir connection witli tiio mother-coiintrv, 
 I . . . ^ 
 
 — _ they will be allowed to go in peace." In leading 
 
 articles and in speeches on colonial subjects, we 
 are often reminded that we have learned by ex- 
 perience the impossibility of retaining an unwilling 
 colony by force. No doubt we have. Few would 
 wish in such a case to see coercion tried. But the 
 remark, for all tliat, is a dangerous half truth — worse, 
 because less easily combated than an open fallacy. 
 
 In what form, and whence, is a demand for separa- 
 tion likely to arise ? Again, historical analogy will 
 help us to an answer. It was not actual oppression, 
 such as that which in our day has existed in Naples 
 and in Poland, that alienated our colonies in the eight- 
 eenth century. There were faults on both sides, but 
 tyranny was not the fault committed by England. 
 Our colonies left us in consequence of a feeling 
 stronger than any that mere harsh legislation would 
 excite : their secession was the irresistible develop- 
 ment of a free people. It needs but to look around to 
 see that the present relation of England and her colo- 
 nies cannot be final : they will not always remain in 
 the position of colonies : every Englishman must hope 
 that a great and independent national existence is be- 
 fore them ; but while England recognizes the neces- 
 sity of ultimate separation, does she use the influence 
 of her present position to prepare them for the change ? 
 To assert, as many writers have done, that the advan- 
 tages of the connection are all on the side of the colo- 
 nies, and the burdens on that of the mother-country, 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 27 
 
 I 
 
 is merely to beg' tlie question at issue. But it is un- chaitkr 
 deniuble tluit English supremacy is simply nominal. _L 
 The Crown exercises no control over their laws. It 
 has conceded every point upon which difference of 
 opinion has arisen. Little reflection is required to see 
 that this must some day come to an end Suppose a 
 not improbable case : some point arises upon which 
 it is necessary to refuse concession : the colonies 
 resolutely demand it : angry passions are excited on 
 both sides : public feeling, both at home and in the 
 colonies, is divided upon the merits of the matter in 
 dispute : what would be the residt ? A party in 
 England would demand the continuance of our old 
 plan of concession ; another would consider it better 
 to let the colonies withdraw than yield to them. A 
 party in the colonies would raise a cry for indepen- 
 dence : another would advocate an abatement of their 
 demands for the sake of retaining I5rilish protection. 
 In a very short time the immediate issue would dis- 
 aj^pear, and independence become the main question. 
 A point of such importance ought only to be decided 
 with absolute unanimity. In a case like that I have 
 supposed, it would furnish war-cries to four angry 
 factions at least. It is easy to sec that a wish for 
 separation has a nr.Lural tendency to gather strength, 
 while a party expressing contentment has a natural 
 tendencv to decrease, inasmuch as it is far easier to 
 persuade men that they are ill-used than to keep 
 Ihcni contented. Demands would be made on both 
 sides in loud, possibly in insnlting tones. Would it 
 
 4 
 
 ..« 
 
i 
 
 II ^ .i 
 
 1. 
 
 I (i '* ■ 
 
 u 
 
 III 
 
 r,; . 
 
 pi' 
 
 '1 : 
 
 't : I I 
 
 - ' I 1 , 
 
 ■^■ll' 
 
 ' 
 
 t 
 
 \ 
 
 •fi il 
 
 ■' 
 
 ill 
 
 
 1 ( 
 
 28 
 
 EXOUUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 Chapter iiot tlicn be too late to dIscuss such a measure as it 
 — sliould be discussed — calmly, deliberately, with ex- 
 change of banquets and speeches, good wishes, firing 
 of salutes, and a thousand international courtesies ? 
 
 It is obvious that the colonies will desire to enjoy 
 the advantages afforded by connection with Great 
 Britain, so long as they can do so without incurring 
 inconveniences greater than the advantages. They 
 will in no case leave us of their own accord until 
 their interests and those of the mother-country seri- 
 ously clash. To say that our colonies will be allowed 
 to withdraw without molestation whenever they 
 please, is virtually to declare that the manner of 
 separation is to be left to chance, as it was in the 
 case of the thirteen colonies ; and that the time of it 
 is to be fixed, as it was fixed in their case, only by 
 the occurrence of some accidental quarrel. If that 
 course be adopted, it is morally certain that the sepa- 
 ration will be accompanied by a rupture of friendly 
 relations ; and our descendants have every prospect of 
 living with the British Americans of their time on 
 the same footing as we now occupy with regard to 
 the Federal and Confederate States. Surely we 
 might learn thus much from experience. The man- 
 ner and time of separation should be decided by 
 statesmen, and on statesemnlike grounds. The inde- 
 pendence of British America might then become 
 a subject dear to the pride of both nations, the occa- 
 sion of goodwill that would last through generations. 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 29 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THK FIFTEI'INTII CENTURY. 
 
 State of America before it was known (o Europe — Causes which letl to the 
 Discovery of America — Rise and Development of Knowledge, Arts, 
 and Science in Europe. 
 
 Less tlian four Imndred years ago tlic shores of the Chapter 
 American continent were an inibroken soKtiide, — '- 
 except when some migratory tribe might cliance for 
 a time to linger within hearing of the unnavigated 
 sea. No ship broke the monotony of the Atlantic ; 
 and if the winds and waves, at long intervals, cast 
 upon the shore fragments of some wrecked galley 
 whoso workmanship excited the wonder of the savage 
 inhabitants, no tradition of its builders existed to 
 explain whence it came. The nations of the east 
 and west were each ignorant of the existence 
 of any other continent than their own : it was re- 
 served for Columbus to balance the Qgf^ upon its end 
 — to show the way that wa^ so easy to follow, and 
 "to give to one half of the world a knowledge of 
 the other." 
 
 America, previous to its discovery by the Spaniards, 
 
 ,frl 
 
'1. .■ 
 
 Hi 
 
 \\ \^'V 
 
 ^?i' 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 •i ; 
 
 I 
 
 ■ ( 
 
 1 
 
 30 
 
 EXODUS OF ^rilE WES'IERN NATIONS. 
 
 Chapteu had no general luime. The notions of Euroj)e, of 
 — '- Asia, and of Africa, barbarous as many of tliem 
 were, far removed as were even the most advanced 
 from onr present standard of civilization, bad yet 
 tbat degree of knowledge wliicli made tbem recog- 
 nize each other's existence, give and accept generic 
 and distinctive names, recoc:nize the instinct of as- 
 sociation which Providence has implanted in human 
 minds, and which distinguishes reason from brute 
 intelligence. One of the most remarkable circum- 
 stances relating to the early history of America is 
 the complete isolation of each petty tribe. Each was 
 ignorant of the very existence of any other nations 
 than those they met in their hunting journeys. They 
 had no distinctive name for the lovely land in which 
 they lived. 'J'heir mythology was rude and pic- 
 turesque ; their innumeral)le languages were poetical ; 
 their expressions imaginative and rhetorical. Streams 
 and headlands, mountains, bays, and rocks, had names 
 wonderfully musical and significant ; but in their 
 nomenclature, as in all intellectual operations, they 
 seemed incapable of generalization. 
 
 Everything which has now been develojoed ex- 
 isted in America. The materials which have since 
 been so skilfully used in the cause of civilization, 
 and which have caused material prosperity to ad- 
 vance with giant strides, were already in existence. 
 God's gifts were there in profusion ; and, in order 
 to turn the wilderness into a garden, there lacked 
 but the labour of man. The indolent savages who 
 
 I 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 31 
 
 4 
 
 dwelt there were content to pass through Hfe as Chapter 
 their fathers had done, knowing neither the reiine- — - 
 ments nor the luxuries of civilization, sympathising 
 neither with its sorrows, its virtues, nor its noble aims. 
 The vegetation of Carolina and Louisiana was as 
 luxuriant then as now. Pine forests, from which an 
 immense revenue has since been drawn, already 
 clothed the slopes of Maine and New Brunswick. 
 The great lakes and the large navigable rivers, which 
 now carry upon their waters an incalculably valuable 
 commerce, were in readiness for the requirements of 
 man. Iron was stored in the Nova Scotian rocks ; 
 coal in the New England hills ; gold in the placers 
 and streams of California and New Columbia. All 
 these requirements of a civilization which was to in- 
 crease Avith unexampled rapidity, waited till the ap- 
 pointed hour sliould reveal them to the eastern world. 
 The wilderness was peopled by races of men whose 
 origin can never be certainly known. Whether they 
 migrated, in the infancy of history, from the cradle 
 of our race, and gradually peopled the whole con- 
 tinent from one stock or tribe, or whether, during 
 the course of ages, accident cast offshoots from 
 various races upon its shores, has often been argued, 
 but can never be set at rest. The discovery of 
 America was one of the most important revolutions 
 of the world. 
 
 No great invention lias ever been the work of 
 one luiassisted mind. The success of the discoverer 
 has been to the genius of others like the gem 
 
In 
 
 'if 
 
 . % 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 32 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 Chapter iipon a ring — the crowning glory of an elaborate 
 — '- work. 
 
 Tlie i3roof of tlie circulation of the blood was tlie 
 demonstration of a proposition, of which every postu- 
 late and axiom had been for ages fiercely questioned. 
 Newton watched the fall of the apple, which deter- 
 mined his theory of gravitation, with eyes taught by 
 the experience of many ages and many men. Vac- 
 cination was but an advance of the theory of inocu- 
 lation — the steam-engine of Watt l)ut the realization 
 of the idea entertained by Solomon de Cans. Elec- 
 tricity, the latest v/onder of science, was dimly known 
 to Thales twenty-two centuries ago. In like manner 
 the discovery of America was a necessity of the age 
 in wdiicli it was made — a result, not of the genius 
 or the labour of one man, however renowned, but of 
 nature's immutable law of progress. It would have 
 been made within a few years of the time at which 
 it actually was made, if Columbus had never been 
 born. The thinkers, the natural leaders of the peo- 
 ple by right of genius and by power of will, led the 
 w^ay ; but every unit of the masses that crowded 
 half-civilized Europe played, albeit unconsciously, 
 his pa}'t in it. The history of the discovery of 
 America is the history of Europe. 
 
 Could the discovery have been made earlier? 
 The civilization of Europe under the Roman empire 
 was more complete and perfect than that of Europe 
 in the fifteenth century. Trajan and the Antonines, 
 heirs of tlie conquests of Augustus, ruled in Euro])e 
 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS 
 
 S3 
 
 age 
 
 t^M 
 
 f 
 
 over all tlie coniitries wliicli lie west of the Rliine Chavteii 
 and sontli of the Danube. The entire shores of the — '- 
 Mediterranean — Asia jVIinor, Syria, Egypt, and 
 A frica, as far west as the Pillars of Hercules, obeyed 
 them. In all these lands, from J^ritain to the Eu- 
 phrates, the Koman language was spoken, Roman 
 legionaries kept guard, Roman proconsuls l;)ore sway. 
 Foreign nations sent embassies to petition for the 
 honour of being recognized as subjects — and sent in 
 vain. " Education and study inspired the natives 
 of the Roman provinces with the sentiments of 
 Romans: Italy gave fashions as well as laws to 
 her Latin provincials :""* Grreek and Roman litera- 
 ture was studied in the schools : Spain produced 
 Columella, the Senecas, Lucan, Martial, Quintilian. 
 It cannot be denied that the state of society was less 
 rude throughout P]urope in the second century than 
 the fifteenth. Why, then, should the discovery have 
 been then impossible ? The Romans, masters in 
 almost all arts, had neglected one. They had done 
 little for navigation. The galleys of Antonnuis dif- 
 fered little from those of the Liburnians with which 
 Augustus had fought at Actium ; nor did the latter 
 differ mucli from the ancient and unwieldy ships of 
 the Phoenicians : yet it was not the size or the build 
 of the Roman vessels that made the C3ean impassable 
 to them. If the military and colonizing spirit of the 
 Romans had taken a pnrely maritime direction ; if, 
 instead of contenting themselves with the safe navi- 
 
 * (Jibbnn, ii. H[. 
 VOI„ I. ,) 
 
 «" •;.! 
 
 V V 
 
 '^B 
 
1 1 
 
 I'i' 
 
 ■■ii 
 
 
 'A I 
 
 
 f* ' 
 
 34 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEIW NATIONS. 
 
 I- t - 
 
 cn,vrTER gation of the Mediterranean, their energies had been 
 n. 
 
 devoted to the sea, there is no reason to doubt that 
 their cultivated intellect would have done what the 
 not more highly cultivated intellect of the Genoese did 
 when a small part of the ancient learning had revived. 
 The Romans always looked to the sea with a cer- 
 tain terror. They ventured upon it no more than 
 absolute necessity demanded. Tlie discovery of 
 America was actually made in ships not larger or 
 more strongly built than the galleys of Anto- 
 ninus. Many of the English adventurers in after 
 times crossed the seas in vessels not larger than 
 that in which the Apostle Paul was cast ashore at 
 Melita : the * Squirrel,' in which Sir Humphrey 
 Gilbert sailed to Newfoundland, was but fourteen 
 tons burden. The only book-learning which was 
 accessible to Portuguese and Venetian discoverers 
 was drawn from the well-known pages of Ptolemy 
 and of Plato. Centuries before the time of King 
 P'erdinand, Roman schoolboys had heard of the 
 Island of Atlantis, beyond the Pillars of Hercules, 
 and of the Atlantides behind them, larger than Libya 
 and Asia together. Roman and Greek philosophers 
 we^'^ acquainted with many remarkable properties of 
 the magnet : tliere is no reason why they should 
 have failed to discover its polarity, if only their 
 attention had been turned in that direction. The 
 spirit was wanting : the time had not come, nor the 
 man, else An 3rica might liave been added to the 
 world fifteen iiistead of four centuries ago. 
 
 1 
 
 t 
 \ 
 
 S( 
 S{ 
 
 si 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS, 
 
 .^5 
 
 jeeu 
 
 8 
 
 that 
 
 1 
 
 the 
 
 9 
 
 edid 
 
 1 
 
 Lved. 
 
 i 
 
 , cer- 
 
 
 thaii 
 
 
 y of 
 
 
 er or 
 
 H 
 
 A.nto- 
 
 M 
 
 after 
 
 i 
 
 than 
 
 ^ 
 
 »re at 
 
 % 
 
 phrey 
 
 ■v-.s 
 
 arteen 
 
 <:> 
 
 1 was 
 
 
 verers 
 
 •i 
 
 olemy 
 
 ;i 
 
 King 
 
 m 
 
 )f the 
 
 M^Bj 
 
 ^cnles, 
 
 % 
 
 Lihya 
 
 m 
 
 Dphers 
 
 1 
 
 ties of 
 
 m 
 
 should 
 
 M 
 
 their 
 
 m 
 
 The 
 
 m 
 
 or the 
 
 m 
 
 to tlie 
 
 m 
 
 Could it have heen discovered at any time during 
 those ages of darkness and despair, when the Roman 
 civilization had heen beaten down, and the blackness 
 of barbarian darkness had rei)laced it? — wlien 
 Alaric and his Goths, and after him Herules, Gepids, 
 Ostrogoths, and Lombards had passed into Italy over 
 the passes of the Carnic Alps, and sacked Rome ? — 
 when waves of barbarians, issuing from the north- 
 east, had broken out over the height of land be- 
 tween the head waters of the Rhine and Danube, 
 and passed d i the Alps to the sea ? — when 
 the Visigotlis, driven back by the troops of the Em- 
 pire, had rolled along the sea-coast into Spain, where 
 tliey trampled out the degraded and effeminate 
 Roman provincials, and established there a state of 
 tilings which, though instinct with the life of a 
 younger and nobler civilization, was as yet pure 
 barbarism, and no more ? — was it possible, with the 
 false Fraidvs in possession of Iiortli Gaul, and the 
 Roman-Britons cut off from the Empire, crying for 
 assistance to the power that was a power no longer, 
 like effeminate slaves, as the conqueror's ignoble 
 policy had made them ? No. It might have been 
 possible at one time in the history of the world, 
 when the Roman race was brave and noble, pure and 
 true, but hardly then, when tlie ancient name for 
 valour liad become in the mouths of degenerate de- 
 scendants a mere synonym for taste. It was neces- 
 sary that ages buould elapse, that Europe should 
 slowly reamass the old learning, and shake off the 
 
 n 2 
 
 ['irAi'TF.n 
 II. 
 
 if 
 
■ . 
 
 !»■ 
 
 M 
 
 •I 
 
 Ml 
 
 '•':r 
 
 1 
 
 - f 
 
 : i 
 
 't- •i 
 
 il 
 
 5 1 
 
 I?' 
 
 3B 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 Chaptkr sloiisrli tliat deforinecl lier ; that lier vonne; nations 
 II. . . . . " 
 
 — '- slionlcl rise purified by suffering, and sliould replace 
 
 the old power with one founded on the firmer basis 
 of Christianity. 
 
 The early form of Christianity itself presented 
 another obstacle. The barbarians at first adopted a 
 part oidy of its doctrines, and intertwined them with 
 Pagan suj^erstitions. A system of cosmogony arose, 
 compounded partly of oriental mythology and 
 partly of the m^'steries of the Christian faith — a 
 system so wild and fanciful that any such attempt as 
 that of Columbus would have been impossible while 
 it held dominion over the minds of men. The world, 
 according to the popidar belief* of the middle ages, 
 lay in concentric circles round Hell, which wan situ- 
 ated in the centre of the earth. Satan there, seated 
 on his burning throne, presided over an eternity of 
 punishment. Above Hell lay Purgatory, where souls 
 destined for ultimate beatification were purged and 
 cleansed. Still higher was Limbo, a place neither of 
 joy nor suffering, where dwelt virtuous men, who 
 lived before Christ, and unchristened children. The 
 surface of the earth was divided into three conti- 
 nents, Paradise being understood still to exist in the 
 remote east, as the abode of the disembodied spirits 
 of the just : a bridge communicated between it and 
 Heaven. The earth was surrounded by the elements 
 of water, air, and fire, each peopled by its indepen- 
 dent races— elves, gnomes, fairies, sylphs, naiads, 
 
 ■" lionl Limlsay, ('liristiiui Art., I. xwi. 
 
 -»» 
 
■'^ 
 
 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 37 
 
 \0. 
 
 and other similar beings. Beyond tlie region of fire, chaitkr 
 C(jntiniially soaring upwards, were the spheres of the — ^- 
 seven planets, all of them influencing the lives of 
 men, the firmament, or eighth heaven of stars, the 
 crystalline, or ninth heaven of pure ether, the whole 
 encompassed by the empyrean, the first work of cre- 
 ation, and the residence of the throne of God. 
 
 Even had it been found possible to discover a man 
 free from the terrors v/hicli the thought of invading 
 unknown spheres would invoke, such a man would 
 never, in that stage of learning, have succeeded in 
 overcoming the preliminary obstacles which v/ould 
 oppose his start. 
 
 Europe was long a mere aggregate of rude tribes 
 independent of each other. It was unconnected by 
 ties of diplomacy or mutual interest., Each nation 
 remained in a state of isolation. Each occupied 
 itself w^itli its internal affairs or quarrels, and, unless 
 strong enough to make an inroad into a neighbour- 
 ing state, none knew or cared about its nearest neigh- 
 bours. 
 
 The barbarians established utter chaos on the 
 ruins of the Roman power. Gradually, and with 
 infinite labour, something of the old civilization was 
 restored. The once highly cultivated fields, which 
 had turned into marsh and moorland, were gradually 
 again reclaimed. Monks, the great civilizers of the 
 dark ages, pursued their labour of love. Hermits 
 fled into the wilderness and died in the odour of 
 saiictitv. Tliev were canonized. Tljcir bones col- 
 
 *^\ 
 
 
u 
 
 k: 
 
 
 38 
 
 p]XODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 CiiAiTER lected as precious relics, attracted penitents to wor- 
 — - ship at tlieir slirines. Churches, rude and liumble at 
 first, rose on the site of their tombs. These gradually 
 merged into stately piles as they were enriched by 
 the liberality of successive generations of benefactors. 
 Christian men, quiet spirits who felt themselves out 
 of place among the turbulence and misrule of the 
 lawless world outside, settled down there to read, to 
 pray, to reclaim the lands around from the wilder- 
 ness, to spread around them the knowledge of such 
 useful arts as they themselves possessed. Schools and 
 libraries arose round the abbey church. Learning, 
 of which the monks were the sole repositories, brought 
 to them the power that intellect naturally wields over 
 mere force, and further increased their means of use- 
 fulness. The number of these establishments was 
 very great. Every one of them was a centre of civi- 
 lization. Then followed the institution of chivalry. 
 The feudal system sjDread from the Tagus to the 
 Vistula. Rude and imperfect as wrs that system, it 
 was, nevertheless, an advance in civilization, a vast 
 scheme of i^olity, which sujjplied many of the wants 
 of the rude people among whom it arose. Although 
 the rules of chivalry, inculcating respect for the weak 
 and regard for the oppressed, were in many respects 
 admirable, they were more favourable to manners 
 than to liberty. For the first time an hereditary 
 aristocracy arose, and power, residing exclusively in 
 the hands of the nobles, rendered +hem masters of 
 the state. The sovereign was but an unit among 
 
 1] 
 t 
 o 
 c 
 
 W 
 
■n 
 
 lOXODUS OF 'niE WESTERN NATIONS 
 
 39 
 
 y 
 
 in 
 
 of 
 long 
 
 them. He possessed only a nominal supremacy. cicAPTKn 
 Even the degree of law and order which feudal su- J}_ 
 premacy implied was the result of "centuries of mere 
 obscure slaughter, discord, and misendeavour." * In 
 the infancy of European history you may read in 
 doggrel Latin of nomade tribes wandering at will over 
 the land, — the loves and hates of petty chieftains, — 
 the muscular strength of one, the barbarous murder 
 of another. Appalling revenge, turbulent misrule, 
 and hard knocks fill these quaint records of a time 
 out of joint. It is difficult for us, children of a milder 
 age, to picture to ourselves the unreasoning ferocity 
 of theirs. The records of the world's wisdom, which 
 have accumulated since, and which shed their in- 
 fluence on our every action, had then no existence. 
 The learning of Greece and Rome was an object of 
 scorn to the untutored conquerors of the Romans; 
 the splendid literature which the descendants of those 
 conquerors were to compose, was not yet begun. 
 The very languages in which it is couched were yet 
 unformed. 
 
 In this state of society, when the chieftains 
 acknowledged no right but that of superior force, 
 it was not likely that the sovereignty should be 
 much respected or even much coveted. For genera- 
 tions the family of Hugues Capet held the real power 
 of tlie French monarchy, and disposed of the 
 crown at will, without condescending to seize it them- 
 selves. This contemptuous indifference is a curious 
 
 * Carlylc. 
 
I' 
 
 40 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 !l ' I 'I 
 
 I... 
 
 
 ■h 
 
 CHAiTEn comment on tlie state of ii monarchy wliicli its own 
 — '- vassals tli ought not worth having, even when it lay 
 at their disposal. 
 
 The case of France will apply to most of the 
 contemporary kingdoms of Europe. With the ex- 
 ception, perhaps, of Spain, the monarchy was in the 
 same condition in all. It is true that to the crown 
 belonged a right to homage and feudal superiority ; 
 but the lawless chieftains over whom the possessor 
 of the crown held feudal power attached no value 
 to an abstract idea. It was of little moment to the 
 princes of Lorraine and Auvergne what potentate 
 from the banks of the Seine claimed over them a 
 barren sway. They made war on each 3ther, or, if it 
 so pleased them, on the king himself without scruple 
 of conscience or thought of treason. Feudal rights 
 were so intermingled, that a jioworful prince often 
 held some fcof from a petty baron. The king of 
 Lorraine might ovre homage for part of his terri- 
 tory to a poor knight, and for part to the feudal 
 lord of the realm, and respect them both in much the 
 same degree. Now and then a clear-headed man 
 like Charlemagne might arise and discern in his 
 abstract right a means of assisting his scheme of 
 universal dominion ; but even after the Trusades, 
 when monarcliy generally was improving in power 
 and repute, the domain of Louis YI. was hardly 
 thirty leagues square. It was almost lost among 
 the viist dominions of liis vassals : Moutfoi't, Coucy, 
 l*uisset, find a liostof well-known luinus lieiuined him 
 
 i 
 
 4 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 41 
 
 in and forbade liiin to ride, without a strong guard, 
 five leagues from the gate of Paris. 
 
 This state of things continued till the fifteenth 
 century. Each country remained in a state of poli- 
 tical isolation. The forces at the command of a 
 monarch were mere levies of his tenantry and liis 
 vassals. They depended upon their individual 
 prowess, instead of organization and discipline, 
 for their success. They were only bound to re- 
 main for a sliort stated period. The armies con- 
 sisted only of cavalry ; no gentleman could appear 
 on foot. 
 
 Meanwhile, the long wars which were carried on 
 between England and France gave e:, ployment to 
 men who gradually formed a class apart — that of 
 professional soldiers. Towns and fortresses had to 
 be invested and garrisoned. The feudal nobles, who 
 were accustomed to retire whenever the termination 
 of their period of military service, or their own 
 caprice dictated, were not to be relied upon. The 
 kings of France began to keep a regular army on foot. 
 The vassals of the nobles were no match for men 
 who were constantly disciplined and trained to wai*. 
 The invention of gnnpowder contributed still more 
 to render useless the prowess of individual knights. 
 The more warlike of the nobles entered the new 
 service : neiglibouring nations inn'tated the institu- 
 tion established l»v (^liarles Vll. Every country 
 ill Europe took liands of mercenaries into its pay. 
 To iheni the whole art of war wjis gradually con- 
 
 ClIAlTKH 
 II. 
 
f; • 
 
 
 \: 
 
 
 I ; 
 
 42 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEHN NATIONS. 
 
 Chaiteu fided. A deadly blow was thus struck at the feudal 
 — - power; and the king, w^ho owned and directed the 
 allegiance of the army, became proportionately pow- 
 erful. 
 
 Louis XI. followed with more resolution and 
 ability in his father's steps. Charles had out\i^itted 
 the nobles ; Louis alternately braved, persecuted, 
 and cajoled them. He put tliem to the torture, 
 executed tliem, or shut them up in iroi. cages. He 
 fomented jealousies among them, so that, they could 
 
 v/itii his 
 
 not combine, and then so overawed them v/itl 
 mercenaries that they dared not rebel. The ex- 
 ample he set was too inviting not to find follow- 
 ers. Henry \ll. of En^ vmd adopted his policy, 
 and set himself systematically to overturn the power 
 ol' his nobility. He could not do this with tlie iron 
 hand of Louis ; but he did it by cnlai'ging the liber- 
 ties of the people, and by jiitting the commons against 
 the aristocracy. Henry could not overawe his country 
 with a standin J army ; but he could become nearly 
 despotic by making himself a popular sovereign. 
 
 The feudal government remiiined longer in itu 
 integrity in Spain than in either of the other 
 western nations. The Yisigotlis established (here 
 institutions similar to those of the other barbarians. 
 For some time Spain api)eared to advance in the 
 same direction as the rest of hJurope ; their progress 
 was suddeidy checked by the invasion of tlie Moors. 
 Within ihree years tlie Mahomedans liad conipiered 
 the wliole counlry, excrj)t the almost inaccessible 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 

 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 48 
 
 region of the north-west. Pent up withm the narrow chaptkh 
 
 limits of Asturius, the Christians relapsed into bar- L 
 
 barism. Three-fourths of the country held the Ma- 
 houiedan religion. Arabic manners and laws were 
 introduced, together with the splendour and love of 
 art which the caliphs had begun to cultivate. 
 
 But the Moors held Spain only as a conquered 
 country. Grothic institutions had taken too deep 
 root there to be easily eradicated. Gothic nobles, 
 who had fled into the mountains rather than yield to 
 the Moorish invaders, begn,n by degrees to make 
 head against their power. These reconquests were 
 eifected at various times and under various leaders. 
 Each chief erected the portion of territory which he 
 recovered from the enemy into a separate king^^om. 
 In process of time a petty monarch, surrounded by 
 all the insignia of independent sovereignty, esta- 
 blished his throne in each city of note. There were 
 as many kingdoms as provinces. It was not till a 
 long series of conquests and intermarriages had swal- 
 lowed up the smaller principalities, that the country 
 became divided into the two more powerful king- 
 doms of Castile and Arragon. These, in their turn, 
 were united by the marriage of Ferdinand, the here- 
 ditary prince of one, with Isabella, the chosen queen 
 of the otiier. 
 
 From that time the political constitution of Spain 
 assumed a regular ai)peinaiice. Thence must the 
 progress of her laws and manners be dateil. The 
 invasion of Ihe Moors was bul an episode. Their 
 
 Al 
 
 'n 
 

 
 44 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [< 
 
 
 I-' 
 
 '.■ 
 
 CiiAi'TEH government and their religion were alike unpopular. 
 
 L A considerable portion of the population retained a 
 
 fondness for the customs and laws of their ancestors. 
 They were ready and willing to resume the one and 
 to recognize the authority of the other. Lands con- 
 tinued to be held on the same tenure ; the ',u ne 
 privileges were claimed by the nobility; the s ime 
 authority was exercised by the Cortes as before the 
 advent of the invaders. 
 
 Up to this time the princes of Europe had been too 
 busy in watching the gradual organization ol iheir 
 kingdoms to have leisure for foreign expeditions. 
 Indeed, it was not known or surmised that there was 
 anything to discover. Science was but little culti- 
 vated. Geographical knowledge was little sought 
 after. Restless spirits had plenty of employment at 
 home, and no need to look abroad for adventures. 
 But when society began, in some degree, to settle 
 down, and learning to revive a little, old problems 
 began to be mooted again, and to acquire a certain 
 degree of importnnce. 
 
 Constantinople fell before the onset of the Turks. 
 Greek literati, flying from the cruelties of their con- 
 (juerors, and attnicted by tlie encouragement which 
 (^osmo de Medicis had given to learning at Florence, 
 passed into Italy, lu'inging with them the ancient 
 literature of which they alone till then were the dejx)- 
 sitaries. Public schools were instituted at Florence 
 for the study of Greek. The facility of diffusing their 
 liiltoiirs l»y the newly-discovered art of j>rinting 
 
 I : 
 I ,• 
 
RXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 45 
 
 stimulated the learned to fresh exertions, and in a cuapteu 
 few years the cities of Italy vied with each other in — 1 
 the number and elegance of works produced from 
 the press. Learning passed the Alps, and gradually 
 remodelled the whole European society. Thencefor- 
 ward the principal states began to acquire the strength 
 and acquire the form that tljey have since main- 
 tained. 
 
 During the time of the Crusades, large fleets had 
 been required to convey the vast armies which 
 hurried to the holy wars, to keep open their com- 
 munication with their bases of operation, rnd to 
 supply them with provisions and warhke stores. 
 This trade fell principally into the hands of the 
 Venetians, the Pisans, and the Genoese. The manu- 
 facturers of silk, after having passed from Greece 
 into Sicily, at length took up their principal position 
 in Venice. The Lombard merchants extended their 
 traffic through Europe. Fostered by immunities and 
 privileges, they became masters of the purse and of 
 the commerce of the nations in which they settled. 
 Timle was not, however, entirely confined to Italy. 
 
 During the anarchy of the middle ages the Hanse- 
 atic towns had formed tliemselves into a league 
 similar to that of the Lombards. They soon sliared 
 with the Lombards the trade of Europe, and almost 
 mono])oli7A'd that of the Baltic, as the Venetians did 
 that of the Mediterianoan. Thev had factories in 
 ihuges, in London, and in Novogorod. Hemp, flax, 
 timber, corn, iiides, coppei', formed the stM[)le of their 
 
 
 'f:\ 
 
 ^::'' 
 
 M 
 
 (..■if;. 
 
 ,■■:■-■ i 
 
W"* 
 
 Vr : 
 
 ; ■ ■ i 
 
 
 
 \i : ■ 
 
 II' 
 
 ' '. % 
 
 46 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 It was natural that a leamie formed for 
 
 Chapteh commerce. 
 _1 protection against disorder should find its influence 
 decline as feudal anarchy disappeared. Dissensions 
 arose among the members of the league which gave 
 an oj)ening, of whicli the English and Dutch Avere 
 not slow to avail themselves. 
 
 Ghent, Bruges, and Antwerp contributed cotton, 
 cloth, and tapestry to Europe. The English ex- 
 ported raw wool, reserving only a small quantity 
 that was made into coarse cloth for home consump- 
 tion, and received in return the finished manufac- 
 tures of the Belgian looms, and the silk stuffs of 
 India and the Levant. The fine arts followed the 
 course of more solid industry. Flemings and Italians 
 lived in comparative refinement before the neighbour- 
 ing nations had acquired even the most necessary 
 arts. The inhabitants of Loudon and Paris crouched 
 over fires lit on the earthen floors of their apart- 
 mejits, without even a chimney to carry off the 
 smoke ; while the burghers of Bruges and Ghent, 
 Venice and Genoa, furnished their stately dwellings 
 with paintings and tapestry, and adqrned their cities 
 with noble architecture. 
 
 During the preceding centuries learning was en- 
 tirely in the hands of the clergy. To them alone 
 was the education of the young intrusted. Schools 
 were confined to chajiels and monasteries. Learning 
 was denounced as dangerous to piety, and unfit to be 
 communicnted to the laity. The poets and oi-ators 
 of Greece and IIouk^ were consiixned lo oblivion or 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 47 
 
 denounced in nnsavoiiry terms. But when at length Chaitku 
 the learned persons who had studied among the — '- 
 Arabs opened schools in the chie* cities of Italy, their 
 example was followed by others in France, England, 
 and Germany. 
 
 Before the invention of printing, knowledge 
 spread but slowly among the body of the people : 
 science was concealed beneath the veil of dead lan- 
 guages : the scarcity of parchment, and the expense 
 of transcribing, rendered books so dear as to be 
 within reach of few. The most useful invention 
 made :Defore that of printing might have remained 
 unknown or been forgotten : gunpowder and the 
 mariners' compass might have been lost to the 
 world : the discovery of the New World might have 
 been delayed, and the fortunes of the Old World 
 changed. It was reserved for the genius of Gutten- 
 burg and Schseffer to do away with this great ob- 
 stacle. Now, tliat thought could be transmitted with 
 rapidity, and brought into contact with many minds, 
 it was only necessary to make its expression free : 
 learning revived, and with learning curiosity and free 
 thought. 
 
 Events were also rapidly tending to bring tlie 
 great discovery within the range of possibility. 
 Printing had afforded the means of circulating 
 with gi'eat rapidity any discovery of natural science 
 or any speculation whicli might arise as to secrets 
 of nature as yet undiscovered. One tiling more 
 was wanted — experience in slnp])uildiiig and an 
 
 »' •■;!! 
 
 
r ' . I 
 
 48 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 I.r'' 
 
 
 * 
 
 Chapteu improvement in the science of navigation. When 
 — '- these had been acquired, it would be possible for the 
 first great thinker who should doubt the correctness 
 of the then received cosmogony, or who shoidd find 
 reason to believe in the existence of land to the 
 west, to realize his dream. 
 
 It happened that two comparatively insignificant 
 states, Portugal and Venice, were just at that time 
 making rapid strides both in shipbuilding and in 
 navigation. Though they were deprived of the 
 lionour of discovering he Western World, they 
 certainly contributed more than any other nations 
 to the knowledge upon which the discovery was 
 based. 
 
 At the close of the eleventh century, Alphonso VT., 
 the king of Leon and Castile, having, by the assist- 
 ance of Henry of Burgiuidy, rescued the northern 
 provinces of Portugal from the invading Moors, gave 
 Henry his daughter in marriage, and with her the 
 rescued provinces as a dower. Henry contented him- 
 J139 self with the title of Count ; but his son enlarged the 
 acquisition which his father had made, and assumed 
 the style of king of Portugal. John the Bastard, 
 some three centuries later, formed the first navy 
 which was seen in Europe. His third son, Henry, 
 who took a large share in the expeditions planned by 
 his father, added to an adventurous disposition a 
 large share of such learning as was then attainable. 
 TTe devoted himself to the study of astronomy, 
 whicli had been prosrrvod in considei'able perfection 
 
 4 
 
 .'Iff 
 
i 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 49 
 
 among 
 
 a 
 He. 
 
 Ion 
 
 tlio Aral)s. To tlie school of astronomy c, 
 which he founded at Sagres, belong-s the credit of 
 utiHzing, and applying- to the practical benefit of 
 navip;ation, the discovery of the magnetic needle 
 which had long been known in Europe. 
 
 Circumstances forced the energies of Portugal into 
 a maritime channel. Unable to cope with Sj^ain, 
 and, tlierefore, shut out from any participation in 
 the ambitious views which were entertained by other 
 nations, she directed her energies more to the sea 
 than to the land. Her kings had early driven the 
 Moors out of their dominions, and acquired power 
 and glory by their success against the ' ifidels : 
 their power was not circumscribed within the narrow 
 limits which restrained other feudal ]n'inces. Tliey 
 had the command of the national forces, and could 
 move them at will. Centuries of war witli the 
 Moors fostered the adventurous spirit of the nation 
 and fitted it for discovery and conquest. The suc- 
 cession to the crown had been long in dispute, when 
 John J., in 1411, obtained secure possession of the 
 throne. He at once saw that his turbulent subjects 
 must be employed abroad if he would prevent them 
 from disaffection at home. He fitted out expeditions 
 for discovery. He encouraged the study of the sciences 
 cultivated by the Arabians. Geometry, astronomy, 
 and navigation became objects of serious attention. 
 In successive voyages. Capo Non, Cape Bogador, 
 and ultimately the Cape of Good Hope, were passed. 
 Settlements were founded on the coast of India. The 
 
 VOL. T. K 
 
 If. 
 
 V .■ 
 
 ■ % 
 
 
 '% 
 
r.. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 ir 
 
 1 
 
 ri 
 
 !! 
 
 ClIAPTEn 
 
 II. 
 
 Azores were colonized, Madeira was planted with 
 the vines of Cyprus and the sugar-canes of Sicily. 
 Tlie wonders rjarrated l)y the Portuguese adventurers 
 disturbed European society to its centre. Bold 
 spirits, who had before nothing to occupy their minds 
 Of their hands hut murdering one another, now found 
 excitement in commevce. 
 
 Venice, in the fourteenth century, was nearly 
 overthrown. All the cities of Tuscany in early times 
 formed themselves into republics, of which Florence, 
 Venice, and Genoa were the most remarkable. In 
 course of time nio^t of the free cities of Tuscany 
 were conquered by the Genoese ; Venice and Lucca 
 were tlie only two which still retained their in- 
 dependence. The great bone of contention be- 
 tween the Genoese and the Venetians was the pos- 
 session of the Mediterranean trade. Towards the 
 end of the fourteenth century, the former of these 
 states, under Peter Doria, penetrated to the very midst 
 of the lagoons of Venice. The city itself would have 
 fallen if Doria had followed up his success. His 
 procrastination gave the ^"enetians time to rally. 
 They fitted out a fleet with great rapidity, and sallied 
 forth against the enemy. J3ut their efforts were 
 ineffectual. The battle which ensued gave the 
 Genoese the command of the sea. They formed 
 establishments in the Adriatic Gulf and the Eastern 
 archipelago. They acquired by treaty from the Sultan 
 hberty of commerce in all the ports of Syria and 
 Egy]>t, and the privilege of sending envoys to Alex- 
 
 'la 
 
 1' ' 
 
 1 
 
 iai 
 
 1 • ; 
 i ■; i 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 61 
 
 His 
 
 lied 
 ■were 
 the 
 med 
 tern 
 Itan 
 and 
 ■Alex- 
 
 andria and Damascus. GradurJIv they extended ciurTEn 
 their boundaries by land: they seized tlie Trevisan . — 1- 
 March from the Cararas, and conquered Dnlmatia 
 from Sigismund, King of Hungary. They seized 
 Vicenza, Verona, Padua, Cremona, and other cities 
 from the Milanese. 
 
 India was the emporium of the world, and Venice 
 held the key of India. Venetian navigators, trading 
 with tlie ports of Syria and Alexandria, bought up 
 the commodities which Jewish and Mahomedan mer- 
 chants throughout the East collected and transported 
 overland from the shores of the Red Sea and the Persian 
 Gulf All Europe depended upon them not only for 
 the commodities which they derived from the East, 
 but for manufactures of which they alone possessed 
 the secret. The revenues derived from these sources 
 enabled the doges of Venice to keep on foot armies 
 which were sufficient, for some time, to contend with 
 the [)owerful monarchies beyond the Alps, and often 
 to dictate terms to Europe. The Venetian navy was 
 formidable not only from its extent but its constitution. 
 It was a favoured service, and contrasted strongly 
 with the land forces. The doges feared to trust 
 their own subjects with arms, and never admitted 
 them into the armies which the state kept in pay. 
 The army, therefore, consisted solely of mercenaries. 
 It was officered by prominent captains among the 
 " Condottieri," who, in the fifteenth and sixteenth 
 centuries, made a trade of war. The navy was differ- 
 ently constituted. The nobles were encouraged io trade 
 
 E 2 
 
 :i':'*i; 
 
 
'i'! 
 
 ( ! 
 
 ' ^1 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 } ■ : 
 
 62 
 
 lEXODUS OF THE WESTEILN NATIONS. 
 
 V MAiTEu and to serve on board the fleet. They became mer- 
 — '- chants and admirals. Tliey increased the wealth of 
 the country liy their industry, ;md its power by their 
 valonr. 
 
 The discoveries of the Portug'uese made Venice 
 tremble for its power. With the trade of India would 
 depart their European pre-eminence, and the monopoly 
 of Indian trade could not long be carried on overland 
 when a path was open to it by sea. 
 
 Already A'asco de Gama was endeavouring- to per- 
 suade his king that sucii a route e Istcd. Genoese 
 and Venetian geographers were sta.+led to find that 
 the theory was one which they covld not deny. 
 Many of their adventurers crowded to Lisbon ; 
 among them Christopher Columbus. Columbus 
 married in Portugal, and for some years traded with 
 the Canaries and the Azores. It is an old storv how, 
 in these western voyages, he saw canes of an enor- 
 mous size floating upon the waves ; how westerly 
 gales cast pieces of carved timber upon the coast at 
 Madeira ; how the sea drifted corpses with strange 
 features ashore at the Azores. 
 
 From all these indications, Cohunbus argued the 
 existence of a country to the west. The roots and 
 trees cast up by the waves resembled those which 
 had been described by Ptolemy as the products of 
 the Indies alone. While Gama was feeling for a 
 passage to Ii}dia by the east, Columbus determined 
 to try for a passage by the west. 
 
 Thus did the master mind of the century collect 
 
 
 i\> 
 
1 
 
 f 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 53 
 
 II. 
 
 the liglit which ghmmered around liim and focused Chaiteu 
 to a point. Thus did the seething caldron of Europe 
 boil over. Thus — 
 
 " Like a steed iinhroken 
 Wlicn first he feels the rein, 
 
 Tlie furious river struggled liard, and tossed liis tawny uiane, 
 Then Lnrst his curb, and bounded 
 
 Ik'joicing to be free ; 
 And whirling down in mad career, 
 Datt lenient and plank and pier 
 
 Ivuslied headlong to the sea."* 
 
 : at 
 
 igo 
 
 i 
 
 * ^laoanla}'. 
 
 Icct 
 
i; 
 
 . .'I 
 
 Ml! 
 
 
 t.' • 
 
 I.M ■ ■■ 
 
 
 it' 
 
 
 
 
 ,i^ ' 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 '"v"'.. 
 
 ; 
 
 > 
 
 ■■ ■ . ■ ' 
 
 j 
 
 > 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 ■ ', 
 
 :■■ i ': 
 
 '.■ ' '' ■■' 
 
 54 
 
 KXODUS OF THE WKSTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1)92— ir)30. 
 
 CHAPTER 111. 
 
 DISCOVKRY OF AMKIUCA TO TREATY OF NUIIEMBURG. 
 
 [1492— 15?U.] 
 
 '•'li Discovery — Spaiiisli ronqucst — Views and Procctxlings of England, 
 Franco, and Spain — Rise of Diplomacy — History of Eurojie — The Re- 
 fiirniation. 
 
 I 
 
 t nAl'TKU i 
 
 ni. 
 
 1 1 
 
 I 1! 
 
 i. '■ 
 
 REACUERY (Hid cowarcUce prevented Portugal from 
 equipping Columbus for lus diseovery. Tedious 
 negotiations ensued witli Genoa, England, and Spain. 
 The Spaniards, occupied solely by internal politics, 
 and by their contest for supremacy with the Moors, 
 had not yet turned their attention to maritime dis- 
 covery. It was not until the Moors wore entirely 
 driven out that Columbus received a commission 
 from Ferdinand, and went forth to the discovery of 
 America. Eighteen years had he laboured at his 
 darling project, and won it at last with one day to 
 spare. His crew were mutinous, his provisions ex- 
 hausted. Three days more he asked for, then he 
 would go back. Two passed without incident 
 N(>xt morin'ng his sliips would be directed home- 
 wards, and he would be doomed to face again the 
 
.vi'fl 
 
 p]XODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 Oi) 
 
 dis- 
 ely 
 SI oil 
 
 y <^f 
 
 his 
 
 y to 
 
 (JX- 
 
 hc 
 U'lit 
 
 :& 
 
 < 
 
 14912— 1530.] 
 
 sneers of those who had sneered so lono;. But Co- Chai-teu 
 
 III. 
 lumhiis was born for success. Wlien the day dawned — 
 
 on that memorable morrow, he was gazing (^n tlie 
 
 mountains of a new world with a smile of triumph on 
 
 his lip, ;ind honour on his name for ever. 
 
 He gave the world a sight of the rich heritage of 
 tlie west. He lived long enough to see Spaniards, 
 Englishmen, and Frenchmen establish each a foothold 
 oil the land to which he had shown tlie way, and 
 begin interminable disputes about priority of dis- 
 covery, and rights which in good truth were one and 
 all of the slenderest. Then died in 150G, leaving 
 to the world, which he had benefited, an untarnished 
 name ; and the memory of his chains and his humi- 
 liations as a commentary on the text " Put not your 
 trust in princes." 
 
 No sooner were the western islands revealed, 
 than all the adventurous spirits who had won laurels 
 at Malaga and Granada flocked to their shores. 
 
 The time was rich in incident ; it was the most 
 picturesque period of Spanish history. The warriors 
 whom Ferdinand had led to the conquest of Granada 
 had barely time to rest from their labours when 
 religion, zeal, and avarice called them to a new 
 Held. Every Spaniard hoped to carve out a new 
 province with his sword, and to plunder the hoarded 
 wealth of Indian dynasties, the meanest subject of 
 which was in the habit, it was said, of wearing the 
 richest jewels and gold without knowing their value. 
 It was supposed that, as the adventurers advanced to 
 
 
 I I' 
 
 . I 
 
1 
 
 k 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 IV 1 
 
 f' ■ 
 
 1 
 
 ■■■I 
 
 .1 
 
 ■ ■l\ 
 
 66 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1492—1530. 
 
 CiiAiTEu climates more and more under tlie torrid influence of 
 — the sun, tlie productions of nature would be sublimated 
 to more rare and perfect qualities.* Jayme Ferrer, 
 a learned lapidary, who had traded to the Levant, 
 Avrote to Columbus. He declared that he had ga- 
 thered the testimony of Indians, Arabians, Ethiopians, 
 natives of every land whence come precious stones : 
 all agreed that gems and spices are to be found in 
 greatest abundance among black races, and on the 
 equinoctial line. 
 
 The Indians, too, had a legend of the fountain 
 Bimini,f the swimmer in which would be for ever 
 b")12 young. Ponce de Leon, brave soldier but weather- 
 beaten, and hard of feature, wandered long — six 
 months, says Raniusio — searching ibr the magic foun- 
 tain, and found it not, only liglited upon a coast which 
 he called '' Fiorita," and the moderns call Florida. 
 Ponce de Leon, after tlie way of the world, forsook 
 the solid enjovments of bis vicerovaltv of Ilispaniola 
 to pursue a shidiAv, and to the miserably by an 
 Indian arrow in the land whence he hoped to draw 
 the means of immortality. 
 1510 (\)i-tez followed in his ste})s. Pestless, chivalrous, 
 and adventurous, his youth wasted in broils and in- 
 trigues, political Jind amatory, in Old Spain, he 
 ne\('iTli('less brought genius and a clear head to help 
 him in his romantic conquest of Mexico. 
 
 * XiiMirclli'. ('(ill ci'ioii, tmii. ii., I'tic. lis. 
 
 f In iiiicslu tciii|iii si (liviil;;n i|ncll;i I'lnnla del I'Viiilc, clic fiiccvii riii- 
 giuviiiiirc (.'I ttii'iiiiio ^i<iViiiii (■ iVivsclii, i vein hi. 
 
 5^ 
 
1 
 
 ^ 
 
 m- 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 57 
 
 ]49'2— 1530.] 
 
 In 1513 Nunez de Balboa took possession of Chaitku 
 Darien. — 
 
 He had received from the Indians of Darien an 1513 
 account of a great sea, a few days' journey to the 
 south. This he rightly conjectured to be the ocean 
 of wliich Cohnnbus had always been in search. Eager 
 to be the first discoverer of countries which report 
 alleged to abound with gold, Balboa determined to 
 cross the isthmus with his troops. In the foce of 
 almost insurmountable obstacles he at length effected 
 his purpose, and claimed the sovereignty of the 
 Southern Ocean for the crown of Castile. 
 
 Magellan led the way through the Straits which 1520 
 bear his name; and in 1522 the ships under his 
 connnand — though he himself was murdered by the 
 sa\'ages — completed, for the first time, the circum- 
 navigation of the globe. In the previous year 
 Pizarro had conquered the kingdom of Peru. 1521 
 
 l>y this time the subject of American conquest 
 had laid firm hold on the Spanish mind. (\)l()ni- 
 zation, or rather S[)anish lust of gold, speedily seized 
 on the land round about the Gulf of Mexico. Cortez, 
 Pizarro, Valdivia, — brilliant conquerors, no doubt, in 
 llie uiuMpial strife in which ihcy engaged with the 
 savages — caiTied on thi^'r operations without loss of 
 time, but have left no very solid memorials of them- 
 selves. Havoc and dcNastation ma'ked their path : 
 strange stories (»!' tlieii' glory and 1 heir i)rowess struck 
 awe and wonder among their contemporaries : but not 
 till ihey had disai)[)eared came (he eraof the peaceful 
 
 I- 
 
 '. 'I 
 
 *>t 
 
 
 •it. 
 
 , '.' ' i 
 
 V', . 
 
si'' 
 
 ■:1 ' 
 
 1^' 
 
 
 t.. ^ 
 
 i; 
 
 '11 
 
 III. 
 
 58 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1492—1530. 
 
 CiiAiTKii colonist, whose labours should consolidate tlie domi- 
 nion of which they only traced the landmarks. 
 
 Pope Alexander Yl., profoundly ignorant of the na- 
 ture of the discovery made hy Columbus, was perfectly 
 ready to grant the new territory to any ally whom 
 such a boon would gratify. GcograjDhical science was 
 vagne at the Vatican. It may be that the sovereign 
 pontiff, in his secret heart, inclined to the opinion held 
 by the most learned of his predecessors, that the earth 
 was not really round: at any rate, he could not perceive 
 how a boundary drawn towards the west could injure 
 any prince whose dominions lay towards the east. 
 To remove all possibility of prejudice to the rights of 
 either ally, he decided that the transatlantic posses- 
 sions of S})ain should have an eastern limit. It should 
 run from pole to pole, one bundled leagues westward 
 of the Azores. So, said he, shall the west belong to the 
 King of Spain : the land that he has discovered shall 
 be his in perpetuity : " Civitates et castra in per- 
 petuum tcnore pra3sentiuni donamus." The King of 
 Portugal, however, entertained more correct notions 
 of the earth's form : A^asco di Gama had been to India 
 round Bartelemi Diaz's "• Stormy Cape," rechristened 
 by the Portuguese, John II., C/ape of Good I[oi)e : 
 now that Columbus had sailed, or thought he had 
 sailed, to India by way of the west, and tliat Ferdi- 
 nand had obtained tlie grant " in perpetuum " of his 
 discoveries, Portugal felt bound to remonstrate. The 
 pope yielding to this new ])ressure reconsidered his 
 former decision, anddccieed that tlie boundai'y should 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 50 
 
 1492—1530.] 
 
 be removed four liimdred and seventy leagues further Chaitku 
 west. lie would impose a western instead of an — '- 
 eastern limit on Spanish discovery. 
 
 There were others, beside the pope, upon whom 
 the new discovery imposed the necessity of acquiring 
 fresh ideas of geographical science. Experience had 
 confounded tlie wisdom of the Council of Salamanca. 
 It was shown that although the earth was spherical, a 
 ship might sail down-hill to the end of the world, and 
 yet be able to sail home up-hill on the other side. Car- 
 dinal D'Ailly * had proved equally wrong, notwith- 
 standing th^ supposed authority of the fourth book 
 of Ezra, in asserting that the ocean covered but 
 one-seventh of the surface of the globe. The great 
 deed was accomplished : the miracle of miracles had 
 been performed. " A Castilla y a Leon, nuevo mundo 
 dio colon. "f What, tlien, was the limit of discovery? 
 For men to whom so much had been possible, what 
 was the boundary of possibility ? 
 
 Ere Columbus had reached the mainland, two other 
 nations had obtained a settlement in America. John 1500 
 Cabot, by order of Henry VII., had undertaken a 
 voyage of discovery, and had landed at Labrador : 
 and Pedro de Cabral, sailing for India with a fleet of 
 thirteen vessels from Portugal, accidentally discovered 
 the coast of Hrazil. Cabral entered a harbour which 
 he called Porto Seguro. He erected a cross and 
 took j)ossession of the country m the name of the 
 
 * Iinn;.!;o Mmidi, (HioUmI liy llinnluiUlt. 
 
 t Inscription ou Columbus's nionuuH'ut ut Hovilh". 
 
 vt-1 
 
 P 
 
 * - 
 
 
 
 ',tr , 
 
 I 
 
 ■ <' ','• 
 
 
 ■ :K 
 
i.t 
 
 CI 
 
 
 n 
 
 Is 
 
 srn 
 
 II 
 
 00 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN N VTIONS. 
 
 [14ii2— 15:50. 
 
 OiiAi'iKu King of Portugal ; and despatched a vessel to Lisbon 
 — with an account of the discovery he had made. 
 Cabral's fleet proceeded on its voyage to India ; but 
 two felons, of w^honi he had a large number on 
 board, were left behind to learn the language of 
 the natives. Expeditions were soon after sent out 
 from Portugal to the new discovery, and disputes 
 occurred wnth Spain as to its limits. It was at 
 length settled that Portugal should possess the coun- 
 try from the river Amazon as far south as the river 
 Plate. Succeeding expeditions fjxiled to find gold or 
 silver mines : though, the soil was fertile and the 
 climate healthy, spices could be more easily grown in 
 tlic Eastern Islands ; so that for a long time Brazil was 
 only used by the Portuguese as a penal settlement. 
 
 The Englisli adventurer, Jolin Cabot, was armed 
 with all those exaggerated jiowers whicli afterwai'ds 
 became a matter of course in similar t,x2)editions. 
 One-fifth of the gains of the entei'prise was re- 
 served to the crown. Absolute power of life and 
 death was bestowed on the adventurer "over all bar- 
 l»ar()us and heathen countries" which he might be 
 stromj; enou£*:h to subdue. Caliot left no iouriial 
 of his voyage. " lie gave England a continent, 
 and no one knows his burial-place." * His son, 
 who was with liim, gave Hamusio an account by 
 word of mouth, which that authoi' has handed down 
 in the third volume of his collection of tiavels. 
 Cabot himscll' thought that he was on the direct 
 
 * Iluiicroirs llistorv of ti,c I'liitcd Stntcs. 
 
III. 
 
 EXODUS OF TUE WESTERN NATIONS. 01 
 
 1492—1530.] 
 
 road to China, and entertained no suspicion that lie chaitku 
 had found a continent. It would appcir, too, tliat he 
 was an indil'tereiit discipHnarian ; for liis crew would 
 not let him proceed to China, though l.e was exceed- 
 ingly anxious to do so. " 1 should have gone there," 
 he exclaims," had it not been for the malignity of the 
 master and crew."* It has taken three centuries and 
 a half of patient exploration, and the sacrifice of many 
 a valuable lite, to prove the untruth of C.il)ot's dream 
 — '* di poter passar per quella via alht volta del 
 Cattaio orientale." The material obstacles of cold and 
 hunger, unfortunately, oppose a far more constant and 
 insurmountable obstacle to a north-west passage to 
 Cathay than did the master and crew who turned 
 John Cabot back, and whose " malignity " the disap- 
 pointed mariner so quaintly deplores. 
 
 He landed on St. John's day upon the island of 
 Newfoundland, which he called St. John. The sailors, 
 with less reverence, named it Baccalaos, which was, 
 and is to this day, the principal matter you hear of 
 there, ''baccalaos" being the native name for codfish. 
 Pietro Martire, who calls Sebastian Cabot his '"dear 
 and famihar friend," prefers, in treating of the island, 
 to write '" Baccalaos f so does Lopez de Goniara. His- 
 tory says not whether Cabot brought home any dried 
 "baccalaos." He certainly introduced turkeys, ex- 
 cellent birds, ])ut evidently misnamed. The French 
 call them " coqs dTnde ;" and {is the French, in com- 
 mon with Pope Alexander A' I. and other k>arned |)er- 
 
 * Disoorso del liiimusiu, vol. iii., dollo iiavi^. c viiiL^gi. 
 
 iil 
 
 
 ;ri"' 
 
 ' '.','■ 
 
 til 
 
!■ ■ 
 ii* ■ 
 
 I 
 
 ^ ■ 
 
 
 
 > 
 
 i . 
 
 ^ , 
 
 ? 
 
 '. 
 
 u i 
 
 ; j 
 
 
 , 
 
 " 
 
 f 1 
 
 I / 
 
 ! 1 
 
 ^ 
 
 i' 
 
 ■ ,'} 
 
 f-'H! 
 
 
 III. 
 
 Hi EXODUS OP THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1492—1530. 
 
 CiiAiTKu sons, considered America find India to be identical, 
 their name is intelligible. So is the " Welche hahn" 
 of the Germans ; for as turkeys were brought to 
 Euro})e by an Italian, the nnme of the Italian bird is 
 not unreasonable ; but the Turks can prove no 
 right, direct or indirect, to the honour accorded them 
 by the English. Cabot called Labrador, Primavista. 
 It is supposed that the name Labrador was given it 
 ^)y ihc Portuguese slave-merchants in after days, "on 
 '^ccount of the admirable qualities of the natives as 
 
 L.'uourers. * 
 
 Ino rights of England to priority of discovery on 
 the American continent depend on Cabot's voyage. 
 It is therefore natural that French historians, writing 
 at a subsequent period, with a view of establishing 
 the claim of France to the whole country, should 
 endeavoiu' to cast discredit on his veracity, and in- 
 sinuate that he never went there at all.f 
 1504 The French established fisheries on the Labrador 
 coast, and it was through the hardy Breton fishermen 
 who resorted there that she claimed, in the following 
 century, her prior right of discovery. John Yerraz- 
 zano went out in 15215, by conunand of Fiancis I. 
 But small results ensued ; and Francis bein<>' taken 
 ]r»2.'3 prisoner by Charles \ . at Pavia, and being therefore 
 1525 unaljle to continue the liberality upon which the Flo- 
 rentine adventurer had counted, Verra/zano withdrew 
 from his service, and never retia'ned to France ; s(>me 
 
 * Picdirc (if (^'iicIkic. 
 
 t Piiris IVtcuiiioiils, v<i|. ix. ]>. '.'. ('Iiain]ili\iii*s AltroM', X-c. 
 
1 
 
 r, .*' 
 
 ■raz- 
 is I. 
 ukon 
 
 lore 
 ]'1o- 
 
 vvw 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 03 
 
 1492—1530.] 
 
 say that he was hanged as a pirate by the Spaniards. Cir.MTi-u 
 Charlevoix says he and his crew were killed and — '- 
 eaten by the savages ; so says Ramusio, " furoiio 
 arrostiti e mangeati." All agree that he ns ^er 
 returned. Thus Spain, p]ngland, and France ;Jr?'.ost 
 at the same moment hastened to establish a fooi.old 
 in the Western world. Times were changing ; order 
 was arising out of chaos ; right instead of might was 
 becoming, in theory if not in practice, the funda- 
 mental maxim of society. Many an adventurous 
 spirit, who chafed at the limits which he saw narrow- 
 ing around him, fitted out . -^liip for the AVestern 
 Indies, or enlisted as a gen^i^jin: adventurer in some 
 expedition to find a north- vet passage to China. 
 
 Various motives prompter .nose expeditions: some 
 went to search for gol< s'mie — but that was at a 
 later time — fled from rcxigious persecution, or were 
 urged l)y proselytizing zeal : some went from mere 
 adventure, or to escape from the growing restrjiint 
 of law. ^o one thought for a moment of coloniza- 
 tion, as we understand the term. Each leader esta- 
 blished a plantation, or built a fort, as a base whence 
 h'^. miglit pin-sue his operations. Some of tliese 
 settlements became colonies in after-times ; but in the 
 first lialf of the sixteenth century no one had any 
 idea of establishing new and independent states, such 
 as the Doriniis, in ancient times, formed in Italy and 
 Sicily ; or the lonians and -^'Kolians in Asia Minor, 
 and on the shores of the ylOgean Sea. A time came, 
 long afterwards, when coh)nization was reducetl to a 
 
 ;^-if: 
 
 ¥■< 
 
 In' ^>'. 
 
f i^' 
 
 If. 
 
 rii. 
 
 CA FXODUS OF TIJK WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1402— mao. 
 CiiAi-TKu system, quarrelled over by ministers, patronized by 
 kings, fashioned into one of the regular wheels of 
 statecraft, and made the ol)ject of a definite policy. 
 
 Bnt as yet Enro])e was hut a chicken breaking* 
 the shell which had confined it, struggling only for 
 room to develop itself, k^panish, French, and English 
 went unconcernedly on. Their adventurers, armed 
 with preposterous powers, planted settlements hap- 
 hazard, and with them goodly seeds of discord for the 
 time to come. 
 
 Yet it was curious to observe Avith what vigom* 
 the national character of each was impressed upon 
 these infant colonies. Men's minds in a rude state 
 of society differ more from each other, and exhibit 
 stronger individuality, than they do in times when 
 civilization has reduced every one to the same dead 
 level of outward good-breeding. AVhile Columbus 
 and C(n"tez were at work in the south, and Cabot and 
 Yerrazzano in the north of America, events were 
 proceeding with lightning rai)idity in Europe. The 
 thirty years which had elapsed since the discovery 
 of Columbus had sulliced to give form and colour 
 to the change which even in his time had begun. 
 The old theory of government was annihilated : it 
 was replaced by one which came from beyond the 
 Alps, as, indeed, in those days did all inventions 
 which substituted intellect for brute force. The 
 Italians invented the theory of the balance of power. 
 Italy had early been subdivided into a number of 
 states, of which none was sufficiently powerful to 
 
1 
 
 by 
 of 
 
 for 
 
 : it 
 tlio 
 [ions 
 'tIic 
 wor. 
 ir of 
 1 to 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTKIIX NATIONS. 65 
 
 H'JL'-m.'lO.] 
 
 overawe t'"^ rest, nor any so feeble as to be en- f'"Airi.it 
 tirely disregarded. Tlie fiindaniental principle of — 
 political equilibrium wliicli they by common consent 
 adopted, was, that no state should become so power- 
 i'ul as ro be able to resist a combination of the whole. 
 Tiules were invented by diplomatists which were 
 gradually digested into a code of international law. 
 Wlp'le the rest of Europe was still torn with a thou- 
 sand contending factions, the polished Italians 1 earned 
 to rely rather on their jurists than on their soldiers. 
 
 The decay of feudalism in Europe gave to law an 
 importance which force ouly had possessed before. 
 The policy as well as the learning of Italy passed the 
 Alps. The new doctrines of statecraft were eagerly 
 studied by the western and northern nations. Before 
 that time, states, feeble and isolated, ignorant of each 
 other, occupied with their own interests and quarrels, 
 distracted by internal dissensions, could have no diplo- 
 matic relations. Each prince was continually engaged 
 in war with factions and powerful vassals. Europe 
 was paralyzed in detail ; no miited action was pos- 
 sible : the power of government was crippled. A 
 great conqueror might for a time overrun neighbour- 
 ing states ; but military operations usually were con- 
 ducted without unity, and were without permanent 
 effect. Now constitutions, better organized, were 
 Q'raduallv introduced : feudal disorders bejran to dis- 
 appear : permanent armies replaced temporary levies. 
 Kings, who had command of the national forces, 
 were able by their means to hold the great feudal 
 
 vol.. I. F 
 
 m 
 
 
 • 'V.; 
 
ii. 
 
 - \ 
 
 ji . 
 
 fi. 
 It.' 
 
 tv 
 
 h 
 
 66 EXODHS OF THE WES'lEHX NATIONS. 
 
 [1402—1530. 
 
 '"HArTEi! Icndei's in clicck. Freed from domestic invasion, 
 they liad leisure to form views ot" aiii^i^randisemeMt 
 and conquest. ])i})loniacy came into play : alliancen 
 of uiany states ag-ainst a powerful ueigliljour became 
 common. In many cases embassies, treaties, and 
 guarantees formed a satisfactory substitute for an 
 appeal to arms. 
 
 The new develo])ment of })olitical science was first 
 directed against the house of A jtria. Charles A^., 
 who obtained the crown of Spain in l')!!!, united, as 
 the representative of the family of ilapsburg, the au- 
 thority of various sovereigns, lie had iidieriled the 
 Low Countries iVom his father : the Spanish succes- 
 
 ir»l(! sion had fallen to him from his maternal grjindfather : 
 he succeeded to the .Vustrian dominions of his pater- 
 
 1519 nal grandfather, lie espoused the daughter of Ema- 
 nuel of Portugal ; and in right of Isabella added the 
 kingdom of Portugal to the already enormous domi- 
 nions which he transmitted to his son. 
 
 Charles was the contem])orary of a group of 
 princes, each of wdiom exercised a great inlluence on 
 the age in which he lived. Jt was perhaps fortu- 
 nate that tlie}' reigned contemporaneouslv, and that 
 the ])o\ver and genius of one, thus pittcil against 
 the other, prevented any gi-eat and permanent dis- 
 arrangement of powder. Jlenrv \'III. rule(l in 
 England, Francis J. in France, Leo X. at the Vatican. 
 Each, when he mounted the throne, was in the 
 flower of his age. Indeed, most of the reia'in'nir 
 princes of Euroi)e were young. Charles ascended 
 
 f 
 
of 
 
 on 
 Ivtii- 
 tliat 
 linst 
 l.lis- 
 iii 
 
 ,'an. 
 
 the 
 
 Ilium' 
 lidctl 
 
 KXODUS OF TIIR WKSTERX NATION'S. 67 
 
 14!VJ— |,-.;',n.] 
 
 tlic tlirone wlion lie was sixteen veavs old. ITourv ('iiAnFn 
 
 ,' . -HI 
 
 was at that tune tweiitv-four ; Francis, twenty-two ; — 
 
 Louis of Ilnngary, ten; Leo only tliirty-nine. Their 151 !• 
 courts, except that of Chailcs, were witty, licentious, 
 and luxurious. 
 
 Most of these princes were extravagant : the Eno- 
 iish king was the only one free from pecuniary eni- 
 l)airassnient. Charles esjiccially was in great straits : 
 the American mines M'ere not yet higldy productive : 
 Naples was unprofitahlc : the Low Countries were tur- 
 l>ulent, and their contrihutions to his treasury uncer- \'Ai) 
 tain : he was indebted to Ilenry \]\l /or the money 
 which enabled him to go to Spain to assume tlie govern- 
 ment of his grandfathei'. On a subsequent occasion, 
 wiien he was manoeuvring to obtain the election to 
 the inn)erial crown, jin iuiportant courier was stopped 
 for want of funds to jiay his journey.* The loans of 
 ITenry NMIF. were not without solid motives : lie 
 expected to be able to get Charles completely in his 
 
 received the 
 
 y' 
 
 'P 
 
 crown; but already his grandfather, "^faximilian 
 the Moneyless," was offering the reversion of it to 
 the lii<2:hest bidder. Francis would o'ladly have 
 obtained the nomin.ation ; but he was no i)etter off 
 than the King of Spain. Maximilian offered it to 
 I[enry ; but he, awnre tluit he could not hold it if 
 he got it, and that even if he jun'd the money he 
 was unlikeK to u'et it, declined tlh offer. Not till 
 
 Mioliclcl, Hist. iMMiir,', viii. lit. 
 
 ■•' ' 'l 
 
 <^;i^. 
 i'\l 
 
 
 !' 2 
 
fj: 1'' 
 
 m 
 m 
 
 w 
 
 i 
 
 it'' 
 
 
 ,1, k : 
 
 H 
 
 <58 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1492—1530. 
 
 Chapter theii did ^Taxiiiiilian rememLer tliat lie tenderly 
 III. . . . 
 
 — loved his grandson, and offered liim the reversion — 
 
 for a pecuniary consideratioii. 
 
 The finances of Leo were dilapidated. He had 
 been elevated to the pontificate principally on ac- 
 count of the supposed })liability of his temper. Great 
 was the astonishment of the holy college when they 
 witnessed the creation of thirty new cardinals at a 
 stroke. Never had such a step been ventured by 
 former pontifi^^. But Leo received a handsome sum 
 from each of his new dignitaries, and so strengthened 
 himself by their aid, that he could afford to disregard 
 the indignation which he created. 
 
 The court of Francis was even more extravagant 
 and more needy than those of his contemporaries. 
 It was occupied by a constant succession of fetes, 
 hunting parties, and tournaments. In this time of early 
 youth, the king's hawks and mistresses left him little 
 time for state affairs. But he was skilled in manly 
 exercises, for which he was well (pialitied by his 
 handsome person and commjinding stature. He was 
 a better wrestler than our King Henry, whose heels 
 he trip)>ed up so skilfully at one of their meetings 
 that the English king lost his temper, and was with 
 difficulty restrained from following up the encounter 
 with his fists. Francis considered himself pre- 
 eminently fitted foi' a military leader. The great 
 ambition of his later life was to curb the power of 
 Austria. But the Flemish usureis who crowded 
 the roicrt of S])ain kept him cpiiet for a time. They 
 
 c 
 t 
 
•<il 
 
 .-f:' 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. m 
 
 1492—1530.] 
 
 gave liim large subsidies under the pretence of bring- (.'HAi-rrn 
 iiig about a marriage l)et\veen (, diaries and a princess — 
 of the l)lood royal of France. The money was con- 
 venient. Tlie king had need of it to pay for his 
 hunting parties; but he was too clearsighted not to 
 perceive the motives of his purveyors, and he broke 
 away wlien he was strong enougli. 
 
 Thus did the necessities of lier princes for a time 
 keep Europe at peace. 
 
 It was not the theorv and forms of c-ovcrmntut 
 oidy that were changed. A revolution of greater 
 moment was rapidly coming to a crisis. In Saxony 15 H) 
 and in Switzerland two men were asserting opinions 
 that attacked the finidamental doctrines of the 
 Church. They called in question the authority of the 
 pope himself. Leo disregarded the growing schism 
 till it absolutely forced itself upon his attention. 
 When too late he convened a Diet at Spires, and per- 
 emptorily ordered that no change should be made in 
 the teaching of the church. Luther and Zuingle 
 protested; and the schismatics, Protestants hencefor- 
 ^^in•d as they were called, wcjre now fairly c(^mmitted 
 to the struQ'u'le which endtd in the lleformiition. 
 
 This was unquestionably the most important 
 revolution of the sixteenth century. Its efiect is 
 (^'^pecially discernible in the history of coloni/alion. 
 It is liMi'dly too much to assert, that its inlluenee is 
 directly visible on every colony which subs(M]uently 
 to its occurrence was sent out from any nation of 
 Europe. The New England colonies were peopled by 
 
 I. « 
 
 \f ■> 
 
 »' 
 
•^ ~' 
 
 ;■''■ ■ 
 
 'hi ■ 
 
 ; . 
 
 •r -^ 
 
 C'llAITKU 
 III. 
 
 %i 
 
 70 EXOPl'S UI-' TIIK WKSTKUN NATIONS. 
 
 [1402— 1.";!0. 
 
 iiR'ii wlio iK'd from tlio persecution of James. France 
 liad Iier Pjoteslant exiles in Florida, and her colonies 
 for the s])read of Catholicism on the St. Lawrence. 
 The persecutions of J'hilip II. goa(hjd the Dutch into 
 the assertion of their national independence, and 
 enahlftl them to extend their territory h) the shores 
 of the Hudson. 'I' he Swedish colony on the Delaware 
 was founded hy (Jiista\us Adolphus, to be, as he 
 saiil, " a security to those whom wars and bigotry 
 had made fug'itives."* A large ])ortion of the Por- 
 tuguese settlements in Iha/il wiu'e cntirch in the 
 hands of the »Iesuits. 'I'he Spanish colonies became 
 the scene of pefsecutions as dniidful, and religious 
 ([uarrels as deadly, as any that raged in Fiirope. 
 'I'liey were the centre of Catholicism in the new 
 w(»rld. liy their help the bloody diaina of [terse- 
 cution which IMiilip peribrmed in Fiu'oiie was re- 
 enacted l»eyond the seas. 
 
 The political effects (d' ihc iu'ibrnialion were very 
 considerable. The freedom of o[)inion, which was 
 the grai>d characteristic of llic refu'med faith, was 
 not an mimixed good. It was impossible to strike 
 at the rool of the Chin'ch of l*om(\ containing, 
 as It <lid, so mu(-'h that was venerable, without con- 
 vulsinii' soeictN' to its centre. Libei'tv dea'ciierated 
 int(» licence. The ambition of princes, the turbulent 
 spirit of the disaft'ectcd, assumed the mask of religion. 
 Wars and factions arose in (h'rnumy, France, the 
 Low Ciiuntries, Swil/erlaiid, Hungary, and Poland. 
 
 * Ai<;iiiiaiili(';i ( iiislii\ iiiiin. 
 
IS 
 IS 
 
 II- 
 
 I'LXODUS OF Till': WHSTJRN NATIONS. 71 
 
 l-!;iL'— iri30.] 
 
 Kvervwljcre the nuireli of tlio Ivofoi'matiitii was Chaihk 
 
 III. 
 
 stained witli l)lood. Tlie papal aiitlioiity was jiow- — -- 
 erless to restvaiii tlicse excesses. Princes took ad- 
 vantau'e of the coniinotion, to increase rheir own ini- 
 ])ortanee hy adding spiritual authority, as heads of 
 the cliin'cli, to thiMr teni])oral anthoritv as sovereigns. 
 The cleru'v ceased, in tlie Protestant states, to have a 
 controlling inllnence. Liherty of opinion, and the 
 absence ol" all antliority in matters of faitli, tliough 
 tliey gave new energv to science and thoni»'ht, 
 allowcil mm loni>" accustomed to leadinii"-strino-s to 
 fall into excesses of which jircvious ages had gi\i n 
 no example, Jveadei's of Lord .Maeanlav's I^ssays 
 will reniemher the ra|)id and vigoi'oiis ])arallel 
 wliieli he draws between the iieformation and Ihe 
 I'^rench iievohition. IFe points out tha^ hotli, in 
 the eiuleavonr to ei'adicate erior, shook to I heir 
 very foinidations tlie jtrinciples on which society 
 rests. In both friglilfiil ernelties were committed 
 — masses of property were confiscated. In both 
 eases I lie spirit of innovation was at first en(M)ii- 
 '•aji'ed hv the class to wliieli it was most likely to he 
 piejiidieial. IMiilosophy develope*! itself under the 
 |talronage of the grandees of France. The revival of 
 learning was hailed with pleasure by the heads of the 
 church. Old landmarks were destroyed. K*eHgioii 
 replaced in men's minds the ])ower which in (piieter 
 times is exercise(| l.y patriotism. Common faith was 
 a stronger hond of union than common nationality. 
 Hutli tiie French ihigueiiols aiul the French princes 
 
 .V f . >' 
 
 f 
 
( : -11 
 
 h \ 
 
 I > 
 
 4 
 
 72 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1492—1580. 
 
 Chaiteu of the League thouglit it no disgrace to invite foreign 
 — '- soldiers into France. Wliile tlie power of the Church 
 of Rome was thus energetically assailed, and the 
 spirit of insubordination was yet young, an order 
 arose in the bosom of the Catholic church itself which 
 was destined in after days to play a prominent part, 
 and whicli acquired peculiar importance in the history 
 of colonization. 
 153-1 Ignatius Loyola founded the order of Jesuits. In 
 /the midst of universal insubordination they were dis- 
 / tingiiished by implicit obedience. They abjured all 
 individual action to become machines in the hands 
 of tlie general of their order: they soon spread over 
 all the Catholic states: they filled \ery court with 
 their emissaries : they planted ni!-:vV)ns in every 
 clime : no long time elapsed err, ihoy surpassed in 
 power and in wealtli every ot'ue" religious society. 
 They became one of the main iMSti\ i,ients of the papal 
 power. The very name oi a Jetiuiv carried with it 
 a sound f terror: the^ were looked upon by Pro- 
 testants with l.;itiv'l and npprehen>'ion ; and the zeal 
 whieii mar]-< <] I'l- exercise of !lieir nivsterious au- 
 thority gave .ample grounds for mistrust and dread. 
 
 The Protesiant movement continued, from the 
 beginning, steadily to increase. Before the close of 
 Charles's reign it had endjiaced many of the principal 
 nations of Europe. Denmark, Norway, Sweden, 
 1530 Prussia, and Livonia had embraced the " declaration" 
 submitted to the emperor by Luther. England, the 
 United Provinces, and tlie Swiss adopted the doc- 
 
 1 , '"^ 
 

 III. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 73 
 
 1492—1530.] 
 
 tiiiies of Calvin. In Hnnrarv also, .md in France, Chaitku 
 Bolioniia, Silesia, Transylvania, and Poland the new 
 faith made considerable progress. 
 
 The Refoimers gradually became so important that 
 the party they favoured or opposed could never 1)ean 
 object of indifference. They were alternately '^-^nrted 
 iiiid persecuted by Charles. It occasionally bappened 
 that an alliance with some rigidly Catholic sovereign 
 was necessary to his schemes : this he could only 
 obtain on the condition of detachinii* himself from the 
 Protestants. The fact of their aid being so often in 
 demand, and the tenacity .aid unanimity wi»^l' wiiich 
 they afforded it, raised them in imjiortance ar more 
 than any persecution could de})ress them; they there- 
 fore, on the whole, largely increased both in power 
 and in number. Almost every nation that embraced, 
 or in anv wav countenanced the Refonaation, bcnt in 
 after times colonies to North America. A sl'clch 
 of the evi-nts which marked its progress is theru- 
 fori' necessary. 
 
 I have already observed, that soon after Jie acces- 
 sion of Charles V. to the throne of Spain, th English 
 king ha<l, in consetpience < his great wealth, been 
 able to assume the ]»ositi' of arbiter anioMg the 
 candidates foi- the imperi ' throne. His influence 
 thrown into the scale of Francis or of Charles, would 
 greatly affect the course . -ilfairs. Rut the judgment 
 of lienrv was not sufficiently mature to enable him 
 to m.'iinlain the ])osition which events had thrust 
 uj)on him. Haughty, fierce, and impetuous, h(.' was 
 
 1510 
 
 * p^ 
 
 • 
 
 

 
 
 74 
 
 EXODUS (>v TiiK \vi;sTi;i:x nations. 
 
 [141 
 
 ;{o. 
 
 CiiAin i{ 
 ill. 
 
 uiuiblo to follow out n policy wliicli would luivc 
 l)ettor suited tlic cold-Moodcd cnlculntions of a 
 Louis XI. tliau a j»iiiiee of tliu Tudor Mood. Clifudes 
 liucjime the succcsisfid (.-andidato ; and 1)V liis success 
 laid the foundation of an ennu'ty with Francis that 
 gradually doe|)ened into ])crsonal animosity. 
 
 Notliinii- is more auiusini;- in the story of these 
 endless Avars, than the constant outcrop of anger and 
 s))ite, jumbled up with strange freaks of generosity, 
 which this ])ersonal (piarrel between the two princes 
 exiiibits. They challenii'ed each other to sinu'le 
 combat, and were only prevented i'rom a ' duel a 
 I'outrance ' l)y the exertions of their attendants. 
 Thty gave each other the lie. When the dauphin 
 died, Charles accused I'^rancis of having ))oisoned him. 
 Yet, with whimsical inconsistency each constantly 
 threw himsidf alisolutely U])on the lionoui' in which 
 he liad publi<';y declared his disbelief, (bi one oc- 
 casion, Charh's had occasion to pass ra|>idly frcni 
 tSj>ain to the Low Countries to chastise the men of 
 (ilheiit. lie demandL<l a safe-conduct iVom I'^raiicis, 
 and passed throug]> his i-ival's domiin'ons with scarcely 
 an ;!(teiidant. Wlicn die empei'(Ti' w;is (b'iven 
 ashore at PioNcnce, Francis went \\ ilhout any ])re- 
 cautions on Ixtard his galley. an<l gave him a good 
 supper and a steady bedstead to I'efresh him after the 
 inconveniences of his galley cabin and swinging cot.* 
 
 As soon as it was known that Charles was actually 
 elected euqieror, Francis prepared to attack the do- 
 
 * Ai|;U(s iiiortcs, 1.'),".8 
 
 4 
 
 1 ll 
 ml 
 il 
 
 f;i| 
 
 I 
 
.<M| 
 
 i 
 
 EXODUS OF THE \VESTEll>f NATIONS. 75 
 
 !4'.i'.' — ir).3o.] 
 
 millions of liis rival. Botli courted tlie allinnce of 
 Ifcnrv. Each ciideavoTirod to outbid tlieotliorfor the 
 llivour of Wolsey. Charles offered hiui the |)a])al 
 throne :. so niaguifieent a pro[)()sal was not to be re- 
 fused : Henry was iiKbiced l)v his uiiuister to join the 
 emperor. I>ut Wolsey never received his promised 
 reward; the non-fulfihiient of tliat prouiise was long 
 a tliorn in the emperor's side. 
 
 After the sack of Kouie by 13ourboii, Henry A'^TH., 
 who till then had remained in amity with Charles, 
 joined Francis in defence of the pope. Henry had 
 his own reasons fn' wishing to stand well with the 
 holv see : his marriai>'e with C^itherinc had become 
 intolerable to him, and he foresaw his need of the 
 ) tope's assistance in the matter of his divorce. 
 Charles, however, STNj-orted his aunt, and countei- 
 mined all his rival's attempts. 
 
 Now tlie Protestants for the first time appeared as 
 a political body. The emperor at Augsburg* had 
 condemned the declai'ation of faith, and had named a 
 time, within which the Protestants were commanded 
 to conform to tlie doctrines and ceremonies of the 
 church. The Protestants assembled at Smalkalde, and 
 tliei'e concbidetl a league of mutual (hd'ence. John 
 Frederick, Elector of Saxony, !ind Philip, Landgiave 
 of Hesse, declai'cd themselves chiefs of this union, 
 and called upon the kings of Englnnd and France for 
 assistance. 
 
 The h'ague, from its very commencement, became 
 iiiNolvod with in:itljrs purely secular. Charles had 
 
 C!iAi'n:u 
 HI. 
 
 1527 
 
 1530 
 
 ' > 
 
 :1l 
 
III. 
 
 70 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [141)2—1030. 
 
 ciiAiTKK formed Ji scliemc of continniiio; the imperial crown in 
 liis own family. He obtained for his brother Ferdi- 
 nand the dignity of King- of the Romans. Plausible 
 reasons were not wanting to give a colour to this 
 ])roceeding. The emperor was often away from 
 Germany : the growing disturbances on the subject 
 of religion, and the aggressive spirit manifested by 
 the Turks under Solyman, afforded a good excuse for 
 conferring upon a })rince whose interest as well as 
 his duty it would be to meet these disturbances, the 
 power of doing so with effect. The Protestants were 
 fully alive to the fact that a steady and powerful 
 government was not the one best suited to the de- 
 velopment of their religion. They saw clearly that 
 it was their intei'est to combine against the emperor's 
 design. The election, however, took ])lace, and the 
 Protestants despatched ambassadors into England and 
 France to demand assistance and protection. Francis 
 willingly comi)lied with any recpiest that could tend 
 to huml)le the emperor. Jlenry, disgusted at the in- 
 terference of (;harles in the affair of the divorce 
 gladly joined the French king. 
 
 At this moment Solyman took occasion of the dis. 
 union which existed, to march his troops into Hun- 
 gary. The emperor (piickly perceived that he was 
 in no condition to lace disunion in llie emjtire, iho 
 hostility of JMance and England, and ;U)0,000 Turks 
 to boot, lie came tt\ a liastv ncrommodation with the 
 
 « 
 
 Protestants.* it was agreed that no j)erson should 
 
 * Nuri'inbcry:, 1530. 
 
 14( 
 
 be 
 sh 
 CI 
 all 
 
 asj 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 77 
 
 1492—1530.] 
 
 be molested on account of his religion, that a stop 
 should l)e put to all processes begun by the imperial 
 Chambers against heretics, and that the sentences 
 already passed to their detriment should be considered 
 void. On their part, the i'rotestants j)romised to 
 assist with all their forces against the Turks. 
 
 A league which could thus dictate its own terms, 
 and avail itself with such dexterity of the course of 
 events, necessarily occupied an important position. 
 The German Protestants, who had hitherto been 
 looked upon only as crazy religionists, were hence- 
 forth considered as a political body of no small con- 
 sequence. 
 
 The Treaty of Nurendmrg was no sooner signed 
 than Charles received intimation that i^olyman had 
 entered Hungary with 2r)0,0()0 men. Tlic imperial 
 army assembled near Vienna. Tiiey were commanded 
 by the emperor in person. The campaign was in- 
 decisive. But, during a subse(iuent raid against the 
 Moors in favour of the deposed king of Tunis, P'rancis 
 took advantage of the emperor's absence to reassert 
 his long dormant claims on Italy. The war which 
 tlien began occupied the attention of the emperor for 
 several years; and it was not until IT) 14 that the 
 Peace of Crespi left him at hberty to turn liis at- 
 tention fi'om France to renew his persecution of the 
 Protestants. 
 
 CiiAi-ii:it 
 ill. 
 
 mno 
 
 i'^vi 
 
 
 
 
 
 9/i 
 
 ■•' ■ ■ U' 
 
T 
 
 I' 
 
 
 78 
 
 KXODUS OF TIIK \VE«TK1!N NATION'S. 
 
 [ir,.10— hV.H. 
 
 . -t 
 
 .;■•: 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FHO.M TIIK 'I'ltKA'lV OF NnitEMmiKI TO Till: ACCESSION 
 
 OF ELIZABFTII. 
 
 [hV'iO— I.kjS.] 
 
 Spanish, I'rcncli, and English Advcntnror.s — The Koformatioii in England 
 and other Fnmjx'iin l\in;j;dunis. 
 
 CiiAiTKu 'rii].] necessities of Clinrles mjule liim ensilv nccessilile 
 
 to any wlio would pretend to help liim out of his eni- 
 
 hmrassnients. JJis Low Country donn'nions o-i-udii-ed 
 him subsidies for wars in whicli tliev liad no interest: 
 in Spain the Coi"1cs crijipied liis jjower, and doled out 
 the sup[)lies with a careful, if not with a ])arsiinoni(nis 
 hand : gold had come from America suflicient to whet 
 oxjK'ctation, and to rouse cui)idity, hut not to aid liim 
 sensibly in his wai's. He was therefore quite ready 
 to catch at any chance of emolument that ])resented 
 itself. Madrid had bv this tinu* worked itself into 
 excitement. The coui'ticrs swore that (\)rte/ was 
 not the oidy Castilian whose luck or whose talents 
 could found a kin^'dom. (Jortez, it is true, had 
 discovered Mexico ; but had not Nunez dc P»alboa 
 
 
 !' 
 
EXODUS OF 'I'lll'. WESTKliX NATIONS. 79 
 
 1530— mns.] 
 
 lieard of countries to tlie snutli, ricliei' tliiiii Mexico? 
 Wliere was the city of Manoa, the city of propliecv, 
 whose streets and whose very dust were irold ? 
 Where was the fountaiu of perpetual youtli ? The 
 talk was of uotliiui;- hut patents and ])rivile,i>'es, o-;i|- 
 leons and carnvels, cannons and [)ater;iroes. 
 
 Patents and privileurs the emperor c-ranted witli 
 DO sparing' liand. M;iny a hold adventurer wciil 
 forth, armed with such smatii ring- of learning" as he 
 could u'atlier from the shadowy oi'acics contained in 
 the pages of Aristotle, Straho, I'liiiy, J^eneca, and 
 Eratosthenes. Many faile<l, ami pt-rishcd miserably. 
 l)Ut where the mauN- I'ail a few succeed. A voung: 
 soldier, who had worn the yellow jei'kin and wielded 
 a pike among- the veterans of Italy, sailed with a 
 single vessel to Tiei-ra Firme. and lighted on 
 Peru. Flouted Ity the (lovernor d' J'anania, Pi- 
 zarro had come to court, and eflectually tii-kled 
 Charles's ears with his tales of gold. (Jovernoi', 
 captain-general, " atlelantado " of all the coimtries 
 that he had discovered and hoped to conquci- ; su- 
 preme authority, civil and nnditary ; such wei-e llic 
 proud titles with which the nameless bastard was 
 dignified, and with whicli,accom]!;inied by a hundi'ed 
 and twenty men, he went forth to conquer a king- 
 dom. Landing" at Nombre de J)ios, he hurried to 
 Panama. Here he obtained three small vessels, and 
 increased his army to a hundred and ei<>hty men. 
 
 In l.")28 he sailed ; in \T)o2 came news of his com- 
 plete success. Private adventurei's came home with 
 
 ("IIM'TKI! 
 IV. 
 
 :^- 
 
 
 
IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET {MT-3) 
 
 V 
 
 / 
 
 O 
 
 S' 
 
 
 i< 
 
 Ua 
 
 (A 
 
 I 
 
 1.0 
 
 I.I 
 
 |5 "^ 
 
 IM 
 
 2.0 
 
 L25 i 1.4 
 
 1.6 
 
 ^ 
 
 #V^ 
 
 '/ 
 
 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 
 Corporation 
 
 A 
 
 ^ 
 
 iV 
 
 iV 
 
 ■6^ 
 
 o 
 
 tV 
 
 
 c.^ 
 
 23 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSTER, N.Y, 14580 
 
 (716) 872-4503 
 
 
 '^ 
 
I 
 
 i 
 
 I: 
 
 H 
 
 
 ■:. 1' 
 
 U 
 
 80 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1530— 1558. 
 
 c lAin-ER many tljoiisaiicl pezos as the share of each. Trea- 
 — sures such as were never hetbre drenmed of poured into 
 Spain. Charles had spent a great deal more than he 
 could afford on his coronation at Bologna. His cam- 
 paign against Solyman had drained his treasury ; he 
 had been obliged to throw the burden of his array on 
 his allies, and to persuade the Italian states to keep up 
 an army for themselves, while he disbanded his own. 
 The emperor's delight at his new acquisition was 
 therefore unbounded. More encouragement than 
 ever was lavished u^jon adventurers. Every day 
 liis ministers were besieged with proposals for new 
 expeditions to the West. 
 
 Francis, who wanted gold and silver mines quite 
 as much as his rival, and who could not bear to be 
 outdone by him, lost no time in sending out an expe- 
 dition of his own. ITo, too, pitched upon a man 
 whose fortune and genius made him the founder of 
 a kingdom. This was a gentleman of St. Malo, 
 Jacques Cartier. There is a picture of him now at St. 
 Malo. Rather a Jewish cast of face, square head, and 
 high but wrinkled forehead ; hair closely cropped ; 
 short curling beard, and mustacliios bristling fiercely 
 over a firm, clear-cut lip ; slightly underjawed ; eyes 
 bright and quick ; a man of iron nerve and prompt 
 resolution. It was not his fault that his countrymen 
 misgoverned the empire that he founded, and threw 
 it away. He did his duty well, and left a splendid 
 legacy to France. Five years ago, a namesake and 
 descendant of Cartier the discoverer occupied thcposi- 
 
 1534 
 
 i 
 
 
 i 
 
 3' 
 

 posi- 
 
 tt 
 
 • ? 
 
 it 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. HI 
 
 IDSO— ir,58.j 
 
 tion of first minister of tlie crown inider the parlia- 
 mentary government of }3ritisli Panada. 
 
 Cnrtier fojinded Quebec ; and a few years afterwards 
 La Nonvelle France was erected into a viceroyalty 
 under Jean Francois de la Roqne, Seigneur de 
 Roherval. Hoclielaga, Saguenay, Newfoundland, 
 Belleisle, Carpon, Labrador, La Grande Baye, Bacca- 
 laos, were the names mentioned in the patent. lioaded 
 with dignities, the Picard gentleman, with fVirtier 
 second in command, set out on his expedition in 
 confident expectati(m of finding gold and silver 
 mines. 
 
 Most strange of all the expeditions was that of the 
 discoverer of the Mississippi. Ferdinand de Soto left 
 His]>aniola, accompanied by a numercms hand of 
 horsemen, l)esides infantry. I low horses were stowed 
 in the small vessels of that period it is diillicult to un- 
 derstand. It is, however, on record that between 
 two and three hundred cavalry disembarked in the 
 Bay of Spirito Santo. Portuguese \-olunteers in 
 burnished armoiu", and Castilians "very gallant with 
 silk upon silk," joined the adventurer as soon as the 
 news of his voyage was told. Chains to bind their 
 captives ; bloodhounds to hunt down the natives ; 
 stores of food, and ])igs which they might turn loose 
 'to breed in the woods, were nmonc: the munitions 
 'with which the ex]iedition was furnished, (jallant 
 , freebooters in quest of fortune, men ferocious with 
 I avarice, bound on whatever ])ath rumour might indi- 
 ' cate as leading to the residene<» of some wealth\- 
 vor,. I. G 
 
 CirAITER 
 
 IV. 
 
 10 
 
 » ' 
 
 p 
 
 :'.«; 
 
f I- 
 
 p.. 
 
 
 82 RXODUS OF THE WESTEllN NATfOXS. 
 
 [1530—1558. 
 
 CifAPTER prince, or wherever the signs of the natives were 
 — ■ interpreted to indicate the existence of gold. 
 
 The sliips whicli brought the adventurers to the 
 Florida shore were sent hack. " Death or success !" 
 says the " Portuguese eye-witness."* Then follows 
 a narrative of disaster, leading np to a climax of 
 suffering and death. What a romance underlies 
 the formal phrases of that eye-witness ! We get a 
 glimpse of terribly real life. We see the adven- 
 turers' dismay at the swamps and forest solitudes. 
 Desertion of Porcallo, who had lavished his fortune 
 in magnificent equipments. One guide after another, 
 who fails to lead them to the golden city, torn to 
 pieces by bloodhounds, burnt alive, cruelly slain in 
 nameless ways. Now, the passion for play takes 
 possession of their souls ; the hot-blooded Castilian 
 desperadoes quarrel eagerly over their dice. Now 
 and then a blow—a gleam of Toledo rapiers in 
 the moonlight, a few passes, carte, tierce, a stumble 
 or somewhat too wide a parry of an eager thrust, a | 
 wicked blade leaping in like a tongue of flame right I 
 over the tardy guard, and then, a shallow grave 
 among the tree-roots. Yet the solemn ceremonies 
 of the church were observed in the forest, the orna- 
 ments which the usages of the church enjoined were 
 carried on every saint's day in procession. Gold 
 was to be found at all hazards, and by means f\\ir 
 or foul; but Christianity was to be carried too at 
 
 * 1557, 'J'riiuslatiHl by lliikluyt ; also V'^'^a, and Eii.<ayo (Jlii'oiiolo- 
 Slco. 
 
 !' 
 
l: .<' 
 
 1542 
 
 K.KOniJS OF TIIH WKSTKUX XATIOXS. S?. 
 
 1530— 1558.] 
 
 tlie sword's point. Tliu udventurers wandered on Cn.vnK'i 
 
 . . IV. 
 
 figlitiiig' with tlie Indians, decimated by sickness, — 
 silken bravery in rag-s, rag's g'iving- place at last to 
 skins, and mats of ivv. After four years and a half 
 of wandering, three himdred and eleven men reached 
 Cuba, the remnant of six hnndi-ed who bad been 
 chosen from many candidates as the flower of the 
 chivalry of Spain. De Soto's miseries had ended Hie 
 year before beside tlie jNIississippi, which he had dis- 
 covered. 
 
 Enrope soon rang with the name of gold. In our 
 own days Ave can remember two crises of " the g'old 
 fever." We can recall the feverish haste with 
 which crowds of treasure-seekers hurried off to the 
 diggings. 'I'he discox'ery of America, and the 
 accounts which tlie S})aniar(ls spread abroad of the 
 Avealth of Jlispaniola, operated much in tlie same 
 manner on Europe in the sixteen rh century. The 
 excitement was as great among the maritime nations 
 then, as it has been among the travelling nations 
 since. News did not spread so quickly, but its slower 
 progress was compensated by the exaggerated form 
 which it assumed. Science was less widely diffused, and 
 left room for superstition to step in and hold its mag- 
 nifying glass over facts. The historians of that time, 
 writing with the subsequent liglit of exjierience, all 
 condenni the extraordinary excitement which exist(>d. 
 llerrera is of opinion that ''the mines were devised 
 by the evil spirit to lure the Spaniards to desti'uction." 
 " Les demandes ordinaires qu'on nous fait," snys 
 
 a 2 
 
 ■t,' 
 
 •\ 
 
it? I 
 
 >:■.. 
 
 !,•■ -n 
 
 ,). :; 
 
 K ■ 
 
 
 !(■■ 
 ,■■■ -1 ' 
 
 fiv 
 
 1 ;. 
 
 IV. 
 
 84 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1530—1558. 
 
 CiiM'TKR I'Escarbot, " sont : Y a-t-il de Tor et de I'argent ? La 
 plus belle mine que je sache, c'est du bled et du vin 
 avee la nourriture du bestial." It is possible that 
 this passage may have been in the mind of the Due 
 de SuUv when he wrote in his Memoires the sen- 
 
 « 
 
 tentitious phrase, " Paturage et labourage valent tout 
 Tor du Perou ?" * 
 
 It has been before observed that colonization was 
 not the object wliich the Spaniards proposed to them- 
 selves in America. They came not to colonize but 
 to garrison. They were military adventurers ; and, 
 like otlier armies, were not accompanied hy women. \ 
 Their wealtl , even their subsistence, was obtained by i 
 the labour of the natives, whom they reduced to J\ 
 slavery immediately on tlieir arrival. Their only 
 care was for gold ; and " Fortune realized in some 
 measure the extravagant hojDcs of her votaries, and 
 in the discovery aud conquest of Mexico and Pera, 
 she gave them something not unlike the profusi(jn 
 of tlie precious metals which they sought for."! 
 
 Each of the conqul'^tadores had a district allotted to 
 him ; and the wretclied inhabitants were given up to 
 the unrestrained exercise of their owners' cupidity 
 and violence. Skill and capital were alike wanting, 
 but their place was filled by the vast numbers who 
 were comj^elled to labour in the mines. The mor- 
 tality w\as frightful, and indeed the expenditure of 
 life, looking at the matter from the lov/est point of 
 
 * ^Ii'nioires du Due de Sully. 
 
 t Adnni Smith, Wealth ol' Natituis. 
 
 1 
 
 m 
 
 \ 
 
■•) 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 85 
 
 ' 1 
 
 I ! 
 
 1530—1558.] 
 
 view, was so wasteful as to call for prompt legislative Ciiaitkk 
 interference from home. — 
 
 The tenure upon Avhich the discoveries of the Spa- 
 niards were held from the pope was the spread of the 
 Roman Catholic religion. Little as the title thus co/i- 
 ferred was in reality cared for, it was one which could 
 be conveniently asserted, and which was constantly 
 kept in the foreground. The popes at a very early 
 period* gave over the direct control of the Spanish i.^ 
 American Church. Alexander II. and Julius II. re- 
 signed their right to tithes and presentation to bene- 
 fices ; but the emancipation, far from being a benefit to 
 the unhappy natives, deprived them of the protection 
 of a power which would often have stood between them 
 and their temporal superiors. The Church was thus 
 j)laced in the hands of men who used it solely as a 
 political engine. It certainly was not less formi- 
 dable under the temporal than under the ecclesias- 
 tical rule. In 15.-)3 the Inquisition was introduced IGoiJ 
 into the Spanish settlements, and from that time 
 forward equalled, if it could not surpass, the terrible 
 cruelties of its Euro]^ean prototype. 
 
 The islands of the Spanish main soon felt the 
 merciless severity of Spanish rule. In little more 
 than a century the entire native population was 
 destroyed. No record of barbarity is equal to that 
 which they endured. " What are all the desolations 
 of the most savage tyrants of Greece and Rome to 
 the massacre made by the Cliristian^ of Spain in the 
 
 * Pope Aloxandcr II., Bull ol' 1501. 
 
 
 rv- ]' 
 
C" i= 
 
 IV. 
 
 86 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1530-1558. 
 
 Cii.\FrKit conquest of the New >Yorld? for on a very moderate 
 computation, this conquest was effected by the slaugli- 
 ter of ten inilhons of the species.'"* The Indians were 
 distributed l)y lot among the Spaniards, and forced 
 to labour in the inineK. Those who resisted were 
 hunted down. Dogs were trained to tear the fugi- 
 tives in pieces. The descendants of these animals — 
 the loose-jowled and blear-eyed Cuban bloodhound — 
 are still seen in a few English country-houses. Cap- 
 tives were driven into the Avater and baptized ; then 
 their throats were cut to jjrevent apostacy from the 
 faith. Nor was ferocious fanaticism the only cloak 
 for cruelty. Indians were murdered by the Spaniards 
 from simple wantonness, or to keep their hands in 
 use ! t 
 
 Bartolome de las Casas,J bishop of Chia[)a, wrote 
 an account of these fiendish excesses to the Prince 
 
 /, 
 
 M 'I' 
 
 I? '■' 
 
 1510 
 
 * Edwards, Wewt Iiidies, vol. i. 
 
 t Pii'tro ]\lartiiic'. 
 
 X I'artolunie do las Casas was burn in Seville probably in 1474 ; and 
 in loO'J, having gone throui:li a course of studies at Salamanca, embarked 
 for the Indies, where his fatlier, who had been there with Columbus nine 
 years earlier, had already accumulated a decent fortune. 
 
 I'he attention of the youni:; man was early called to the conditicn of the 
 iK-vtives, from the circumstance that one of them, given to his (iither by 
 Columbus, had been attached to his own person as a slave while he was 
 still at tlie university. He proceeded to Hispaniola, and from this moment 
 devoted iiis life to their emancipation. In 1510 he took holy orders, and 
 continued in the Indies as priest, and for a short time as bishop of Chiapa, 
 nearly forty years. Six times he crossed the Atlantic in order to persuade 
 tlie government of Charles V. to ameliorate their condition. At last, but 
 not until 1547, when he was above seventy years ohl, he established him- 
 self at Valladoliil, in Spain, where he passed tlie remainder of his serene 
 old a'^e. His works were volumiiinus ; tlie earliest of them, the " Ih'evo 
 Jxeiai'ion," was written in 154L'. 
 
 1 
 
I 
 
 / 
 
 IV. 
 
 KXOiJUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 87 
 
 1530— 155S.] 
 
 of Asturias, afterwards Pliilip II. His book is in Chapter 
 size little larger tlian a pamplilet ; but as a record of 
 cruelty, it is hardly surpassed by the ghastly relations 
 of the Book of Martyrs. It may well be supposed 
 that the words of the good bishop, who earnestly 
 exhorted the prince to intercede with his father on 
 belialf of the Indians, fell unlieeded on ears wnich 
 could henr unmoved the cruelties of Alva and 
 
 / Requesens, and the details of the Bartlioloniew mas- 
 sacre. He told of wives outraged, of children taken 
 by the heels from their mothers' breasts, and dashed 
 against rocks in sport ; of wagers as to who ;imong 
 the Christian warriors would cleave an Indian in 
 two with tlie fewest blows. The savages artifi- 
 
 \ cially flattened the heads of their children in such a 
 manner that the skull would almost turn a sword-cut. 
 
 \ 
 
 \ Las Casas told how the cudgel players o'' Spain were 
 fond of betting that they would smash an hulian's 
 skull with one blow of a pikestaft'. He told of 
 gallows, on which every morning thirteen victims 
 were hanged, in honour of Christ and his twelve 
 apostles. He told of fires, at which, day by day, a 
 like numlM?r were slowly roasted. " I saw," he says, 
 " five of the principal caciques roasting before a slow 
 fire. Their screams disturbed the captain. He or- 
 dered them to be strangled. The lieutenant — I know 
 his name and his family in Seville — gngged them 
 with his own hands, ' that they might not lose one 
 iota of their torture !' " " I have seen," exclaims 
 the bishop, " all the things [ have told you, and an 
 
 
 '• ■■!S 
 
 ■'.'1 ..' 
 
 • '.'.■^> 
 
 *' : 
 
 'A.t-:^. 
 
 
a 
 
 h i 
 
 K 
 
 
 '•«=■ 
 
 .'. ^ ■!! 
 
 U. 
 
 ;. 
 
 '.!t 
 
 
 "*. \' 
 
 , 
 
 \ 
 
 , 
 
 ■' ,■ 
 
 
 88 EXODUS OF 'J'HE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1530— 1")58. 
 
 Chapter infinite number more." Tliis reckless waste of life 
 
 IV. 
 
 — soon caused a scarcity of labour in the mines. 
 
 The natives of neighbouring islands were kid- 
 napped, and sent to share the fate of their brethren. 
 In Jamaica, as in Hispaniola, the natives were at 
 length completely exterminated. Caves are even 
 now occasionally discovered full of human bones, the 
 remains of aborigines who preferred death on the 
 hill-side to the tender mercies of the Christians. 
 
 Esquemeling, who wrote a history of the buccaneer- 
 ing expeditions in which he and his lawless comrades 
 engaged, says that he had found in these hiding-places 
 heaps of human remains ; and that, in his time, the 
 island of Hispaniola was infested with large num- 
 bers of bloodhounds,* which ran wild in the woods. 
 
 ■!J 
 
 * Esquemeling accounts quaintly enough for the presence of these blood- 
 hounds. His synqiatliios are apparently completely with the Spaniards, 
 and he appears hardly able to understand how the mild i)rocecdings adopted 
 by them failed to reduce the refractory natives to " civility." " But here 
 the curious reader may perhaps inquire how so many wild dogs came here. 
 The occasion was, the ' Spaniards' having jjossessed these isles, found them 
 peopled with ' Indians,' a barbarous ]ieople, sensual and brutish, hating all 
 labour, and only inclined to killing and making war against their neigh- 
 bours, not out of ambition, but only because they agreed not with them- 
 selves in some common terms of language ; and perceiving the dominion 
 of the S]ianiards laid great n'strictions upon their lazy and brutish customs, 
 they conceived an irreconcilable hatred against them, but especially because 
 they saw them take p;ossession of their kingdoms and dominions ; hereupon 
 they made against them all the resistance they could, opposing everywhere 
 their designs to the utmost ; and the Spaniards fmdiug themselves cruelly 
 hated by the Indians, and r.owhere seci're from their treacheries, resolved 
 to extirpate and ruin them, since they could neither tame them by civilitj', 
 nor c(in([uer them with the sword. But the Indians, it being their custom 
 to make their woods their chief places of del'ence, at present made these 
 their refuge whenever they llcil from the Spaniards; hereupon those first 
 coiKjuerours oi rhc New World made use of dogs to range and search the 
 
 ivi 
 
'* 1 
 
 m 
 
 IV 
 
 EXUDUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 89 
 
 ir..oo_1558.] 
 
 Tlicse dogs destroyed enormous quantities of cattle, chaitkk 
 and so nearly exterminated the race of wild boars, 
 " that the hunters of that island had much ado to find 
 any." Monsieur Ogeron, the governor of Tortuga, in 
 1G68, sent to France for a store of poison to destroy 
 them. " Horses were killed and empoisoned, and laid 
 open at certain places where wild dogs used to resort : 
 this being continued for six months there was killed an 
 incredible number ; and yet all this could not destroy 
 tlie race, or scarce diminish them, their numbers ap- 
 pearing almost tlie same as before." Instinct taught 
 the bloodhounds to liuu't in packs. Esquemeling, 
 and a French buccaneer of his acquaintance, once 
 heard th.eni coming through the woods, and took re- 
 fuge in a tree, whence they looked on while the pack 
 ran into a wild boar, and killed him. As soon as the 
 boar was dead, the whole pack lay down, and waited 
 till the hound who had first gripped the enemy had 
 
 intricatest tliickets of woods and forests for those their implacable and 
 unconquerable enemies ; thus they forced them to leave their old refuge, 
 and submit to the sword, seeing no milder usage would do it ; hereupon 
 they killed some of them, and quartering their bodies, placed them in the 
 highways, that others might take warning from such a punishment ; but 
 this severity proved of ill consequence, for instead of frighting them, and 
 reducing them to civilitj', they conceived such horror of the Spaniards, that 
 they resolved to resist, and fly their sight for ever ; hence the greatest part 
 died in caves and subterraneous places of woods and mountains, in which 
 places I myself have often seen great numbers of human bones. The 
 Spaniards finding no more Indians to appear about the woods, turned away 
 a great number of dogs they had in their houses, and they finding no 
 masters to keep them, betook themselves to the woods and fields to hunt 
 for food to [ireserve their lives ; thus by degrees they became unacquainted 
 with houses, and grew wild. This is the truest account I can give of the 
 multitudes of wild dogs in those parts." — Ilislory t/ the Baccauccrs, i. 25. 
 
 '■ ^i 
 
 :<!■ 
 
 
 r.-'^y; ■.■ 
 
 ,»■ .cf'i 
 
 
 M 
 
 . ' ' i 
 

 
 li 
 I' 
 
 
 'J<t EXODUS OF THE WESTEHN NATIONS. 
 
 [1530—1558. 
 
 Ohai'tku sutisfic'd liis Imiig-er, before they })resiinie(l to begin 
 — their own repast. 
 
 The early establishment of tlie Portnguese in 
 liiazil differed materially from the romantic expe- 
 ditions of the Spaniards. Discovered by chance, its 
 development was in a great measure left to chance. 
 For many years it was employed only as a penal 
 colony, where the criminal [joj^nlation of Portugal 
 were landed, and left to take their chance of being- 
 eaten by the savages, or becoming chiefs among 
 them. Uondered desperate by their situation, and 
 hardened by crime, these men led the most turbulent 
 and dissolute lives. The natives were at first kindly 
 disposed towards the Portuguese. But quarrels soon 
 arose, in which several of the convicts were killed. 
 The Portnguese then began, in retaliation, a system of 
 cruelty not surpassed by the atrocities of the Spaniards. 
 They massacred old men and children in the villages, 
 and carried off the able-bodied men as slaves. After 
 a time, the criminal population of Brazil was joined 
 by a large number of victims who had been condemned 
 for heresy by the Inquisition. The new arrivals were 
 men of industrious habits, and exemplary lives. The 
 bad repute of Brazil began to disappear, and the 
 success which attended honest industry attracted 
 settlers. AVlien the first governor-general was ap- 
 pointed, the country had already made considerable 
 progress. A kind of feudal tenure was established. 
 The country was divided into hereditary " captain- 
 cies,'' which were granted to grandees in Portugal 
 
 : i i, 
 
 i 
 

 m 
 
 II 
 
 ^f 
 
 EXODUS OF THK WESTEllX XATIOXS. i)l 
 
 ]-,30_155H.] 
 
 wlio had rendered service to tlie crowu. The cap- Ciiai-tkh 
 tains were hound either to go to Brazil in pei'son, or — 1 
 to send out colonists. Tliey possessed coni})lete 
 authority, hoth civil and military, within tlie limits 
 of tlieir grants. Martin de k^ousa received in 1531 a l'">31 
 grant of all the region round San Yincente, extending 
 ahout fifty leagues along the coast. His hrother, 
 Pedro de Sousa, had also fifty leagues in two allot- 
 ments : one part, San Amaro, t(.) the north of San 
 Yincente ; the other, itamaraca, near Pernambuco. 
 Joam de Barros, the historian, obtained the captaincy 
 of Maranliam. Duarte Pereira was made captain of 
 Pernamhuco. Pedro de Goes was captain of the 
 region watered hy the Rio Parnaiba. Francisco 
 Coutinho obtained tlie district which lies l)etween the 
 liver San Francisco and Bahia. Jcorge CV^rrea had 
 the grant of the Capitania dos Ilheos. Porto Seguro, 
 with its regions of sea-coast, was given to Pedro 
 Touririlia. The captaincy of Spirito Santo fell to the 
 share of Yasco Coutinlio. 
 
 'No settlements were as yet formed by the crown ; 
 tlie governors of the various capltaiiias made war and 
 peace with the Brazilian tribes, issued laws, or im- 
 posed taxes at pleasure. It may easily be supposed 
 that despotic autliority thus granted was grievously 
 abused : the crown of Portugal soon found itself 
 obliged to resume the powers it had bestowed : the 
 feudal lords were left in possession of their lands, 
 bui. a governor-general was apjjointed to superintend, 
 and in some degree to circumscribe, their authority. 
 
 ■>' . 
 
 •III' 
 
 '^r 
 
 'v;.'. ■ 
 
 ■ ■.■■ \U: 
 
 . 'm. 
 
 , '1; 11 
 
 ■'■ ', ■ ' ; ■• ;i ■ I 
 
p >' 
 
 m 
 
 i : 
 
 ^' 
 
 
 fc. .■ ■•• 
 
 i. It' ■'■ ' ■ 
 
 \, ., 
 
 
 !!:■', 
 
 
 92 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1530—1558. 
 
 Chapter The fii'st governor-geiicral was Thome cle Souza. 
 — lie arrived in the Bahia de todos los Santos in 1549 : 
 1548 in the previous year, the Inquisition had banished 
 the Jews from Portugal, where the honourable ciia- 
 racter they had borne in Europe procured their ad- 
 vances of money from the merchants with whom tliey 
 had formerly transacted business. The}'' imported 
 sugar-canes from Madeira, and established sugar- 
 plantations in Jirazil. Up to this time, sugar had 
 been used only as an article of melicine. It soon 
 became an article of luxury ; and the rapidly increas- 
 ing demana for it greatly enriched the enterprising- 
 persons whc had commenced its cultivation. 
 
 With De Sousa's arrival in Brazil commenced the 
 first royal establishment. Within a few months, a 
 hundred houses were built, and the erection of a ca- 
 thedral was begun : batteries were traced, and a wall 
 built round the town of San Salvador, which was 
 thenceforward the central capital of the Brazilian 
 provinces. All necessary sup2:)lies were imported 
 - from Portugal. Several young ladies of good birth 
 \' were sent out to be given in marriage to the civil and 
 military ofticers, and were handsomely dowered l)y the 
 queen, who presented them with cattle, brood mares, 
 and negroes from tba crown estates. The first 
 Brazilian bishop was ap])oiiited in 1552^ and was 
 killo^l by the savages sliortly afterwards. 
 J 5 ID The governoi'-general was accompanied 'by Father 
 Manoel de Nobrega, a man high in estimation 
 among tlie Jesuits. Nol>rega was the contemporary 
 
 s 
 
''■' ■'^1 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 93 
 
 1530—1558.] 
 
 of St. Francis Xavier, and his rival in disinterested cuAinru 
 
 IV. 
 
 exertions for the good of his fellow-creatures. He — '~ 
 was soon reinforced by a considerable company of his 
 ordpi, who soon spread themselves over the country, 
 and obtained a commanding influence over the na- 
 tives. They instructed the children of the abori- 
 gines, who readily learnt to spealc Portuguese, and 
 whose extreme fondness for music made them eager 
 to join in the choral services of the church. The 
 fathers found it comparatively easy to make the 
 natives sober, to heal feuds, to make each man con- 
 tent with one wife ; but the task of eradicating the can- 
 nibal propensities of their neophytes was more diffi- 
 cult: no Brazilian could understand why the flesh 
 of a captive taken in battle should be an unlawful 
 banquet. The Jesuits were opposed in their efforts 
 by priests who had already settled in the country. 
 These men exacted fees for every clerical act ; they 
 maintained that it was lawful to enslave the Indians, 
 and themselves joined in the slave-trade. The 
 Jesuits performed all the offices of religion gra- 
 tuitously, and laboriously and diligently devoted 
 themselves to the task of raising both their own 
 countrymen and the aborigines in the social scale. 
 There will be occasion to describe the Jesuit esta- 
 blishments more fully when speaking of the social 
 and political condition of Brazil : they ])ecame in 
 after times the i nmders in Paraguay of one of the 
 most remai'kable repul)lics tliat the world evei" saw. 
 But before tliat time arrived, the scln'sm, which was 
 
 
 ti 
 
 
 ■ ■'•)•■ .' 
 
 ^ ■(:;:'■ 
 
i^ 
 
 
 IS* 
 
 
 » , 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 W'- 
 
 •; 
 
 ¥ 
 
 
 hi', 
 
 , ' 
 
 I* 
 
 '1 ' 
 
 fe 
 
 
 94 
 
 KXODl'S OF 'J'lIK WESTERN NATIONS, 
 
 
 \ ' 
 
 1.1 h 
 
 [1530—1558. 
 
 Chapter tliGu bcffiniiiiiQ' in flic cliiirdi, was destined to coii- 
 
 IV. r> >-> ' 
 
 — 1 s'ulse Eiiroj^e, to wrest a large portioTi of it from the 
 spiritual control of the pope, and to exercise an 
 ever-present inflnence over the iiistory of coloniza- 
 tion. The scene of that scl'lsm lav ^it this time in 
 Enro]")e : to it, tlierefore, our attention mnst now he 
 turned. 
 
 AVhile the emperor, Cliarles V ., was em])loyed in 
 his Tnrkisli and Italian wars, the Protestant leaders 
 w^ere not idle. The ohduracy of Clement with respect 
 to the marriage of Catherine of Ai'ragon induced the 
 king of England to throw ofi' his spiritual allegiance 
 to the Roman see, and gave him an opportunity 
 of introducing the lleformntion into England. A 
 visitatorial commission was appointed to inquire into 
 the state of the monasteries and religious houses : 
 so many disorders were brought to light, that their 
 
 1580 abolition was decreed, their vast revenues secularized, 
 and HenryVlII. Avas declared by Parliament the head 
 of the church on earth. 
 
 Though the English people acquiesced in the 
 Reformation, it met neither Avith the enthusiastic 
 support nor the violent opposition which it encoun- 
 tered cls(^where. Tliere was a small number of zea- 
 lous Catholics, and a small number of equally zealous 
 Reformers, but the great hody of the people cared 
 far more for ease, and a quiet life, than for abstract 
 points of doctrine. On the Continent, Protestantism 
 was another name For personal freedom : in Eng- 
 land, though the I'oyal power apjieared almost 
 

 {O—lfjfiS. 
 
 to con- 
 om the 
 3ise an 
 )loiiiza- 
 "ime in 
 now l)e 
 
 lyed in 
 leaders 
 respect 
 ced the 
 egiance 
 rtunity 
 nd. A 
 ire into 
 louses : 
 it tlieir 
 larized, 
 le head 
 
 in the 
 usiastic 
 nconn- 
 of zea- 
 zealous 
 cared 
 hstract. 
 antism 
 I Enc;- 
 nlmost 
 
 EXODUS OF Till-; WESTKKX NATIONS. 9.") 
 
 1530— ir.r),s.] 
 
 despotic, the liberty of tlie peo})le wns secure, or 
 at least \vas never systematically violated. The 
 Tudor kings held their power directly from the 
 peopk^ ; the English armies, forinidahle n^ they were 
 to a foreign foe, could not for a moment have been 
 depended upon if directed ngainst the liberties of their 
 countrymen. From the liighest to tlie lowest tiles'- 
 were not so much soldiers as Englishmen : they were 
 attached by tlie peculiar forms of English land tenure 
 to the soil ; the .association between the peasantry 
 and the nobles was almost patriarchal in its simpli- 
 city. Tliere were no mercenaries in the king's pay : 
 he could take up no rpiarrel that was not an English 
 quarrel, and wage no war that was not approved by 
 his people. 
 
 The king then dared not govern but according to 
 the laws of the realm : provided he kept within 
 them, the people allowed him to deal as he chose 
 with those who immediately surrounded his person. 
 The noble who ventured into the perilous circle of 
 the court, or entered on the game of ambition, did so 
 at his own risk : — he staked his fortune or his head; 
 and the people at large cared little whether lie 
 lost the one or the other. But the king who could 
 dispose of a minister or a favourite at his ^deasure 
 was certain to repent it if be attempted to oppress 
 a (dass. 
 
 The ease with which tlie Reformed was substituted 
 foi- the Catholic religion, proves clearly that the great 
 body of the p(M)pl(' cared h'ttle about the question. 
 
 ClIArTKU 
 
 IV. 
 
 : ■ M 
 
 -J-^ 
 
 ■ V y ' .. 
 
 '.* .i. 
 
 ■'•.<.. 
 
0' 
 
 
 ■ii'.; 
 
 «." 
 
 IV. 
 
 W EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1530—1558. 
 
 Chapjeu Had the matter involved the alternative cf rendering 
 homage to a true o^- to a false God, they might have 
 understood it and been interested. But this was not 
 the case : the ceremonies and forms of religion 
 were but slightly changed ; and it was not easy to 
 induce minds, unaddieted to intellectual exercise, to 
 feel interest in questions of abstract doctrine. When, 
 therefore, the people were informed that the Pope of 
 Rome had behaved unhandsomely to their king in 
 the matter of his divorce; that a foreign sovereign 
 claimed a right to depose their English monarch, to 
 excommunicato him, to give his throne to another — 
 they were willing enough to join heartily in resisting 
 such pretensions. 
 
 Persecutions and martyrdoms were left to zealots 
 on either side ; the mass of the people went to one 
 side or another, as they were ordered. When Henry 
 yiir. proclaimed tlie Protestant faith as the esta- 
 blished religion of the kingdom, there was no great 
 disturbance ; tliat faith was allowed to remain unmo- 
 lested under Edward A' I. : but when Mary recurred 
 to the old religion, the body of the people felt little 
 emotion. Under Elizabeth the Protestant form of 
 worship was again restored ; but the change caused 
 little excitement : there were a few insignificant 
 attempts at revolt, but tliey failed signally ; they only 
 served to prove tliat the masses looked on with perfect 
 apathy, and cared for neither side of the controversy. 
 There is another reason for the indifference with 
 which the changes of religion was regarded. Car- 
 
 
 w 
 

 -1558. 
 
 iering 
 , have 
 IS not 
 ligion 
 asy to 
 ise, to 
 ^Vhen, 
 ope of 
 ng in 
 creigu 
 rch, to 
 tlier — 
 sisting 
 
 zealots 
 Ito one 
 Henry 
 3 esta- 
 ) great 
 unmo- 
 currecl 
 little 
 vm of 
 Icavised 
 lificant 
 
 y only 
 
 ^lerfect 
 )versy. 
 [q with 
 (^ar- 
 
 IV. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 07 
 
 ].-nO— 155S.] 
 
 dinal Wolsey had long been preparing the way for a CuArrER 
 reform of the church, and had taught the people to 
 expect and to acquiesce in it. It did not, however, 
 come from the quarter whence he anticipated it, or 
 in the manner which he intended. He was deeply 
 attached to the church : and as he was far too clear- 
 sighted not to perceive that some change was neces- 
 sary, he determined to reform the church from 
 within, in such a way as to sweep away abuses with- 
 out endangering the fabric. As far back as the 
 reign of Henry YIL^ the disorders of the clergy had 
 been so marked as to call for the remedy afforded 
 by an Act of Parliament.* But Henry YII. sat too 
 insecurely on his throne to allow him to attempt a 
 resolute reform. The statutes against the clergy 
 remained in abeyance ; and it was not until the chief 
 power of the church was wielded by AVolsey that 
 anything more was said upon the subject. That able 
 prelate revived the question. Without doubt the 
 compound of talent, honesty, and arrogance to be 
 found in his character fitted him beyond all men 
 to deal with it. But the temper of tlie times forbade 
 disj)utes such as he opened to be closed again. It 
 was not difficult to originate tliem ; but, once started, 
 it was beyond the power of any man, however able, 
 to arrest their progress. Wolsey's well-meant at- 
 tempts at reform stirred up a commotion which he 
 afterwards vainly attempted to allay. 
 
 * 1 Hon. VII. c. 4. For the more sure and likely rerormation of priests, 
 clerks, and religious men, &c. 
 
 • , *\ n 
 
 ..p 
 
 'r.'\ 
 
 I ■■■" ' 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 H 
 
 ill 
 
p.. 
 
 98 
 
 EXODQS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 k ' ' 
 
 
 Chapter 
 
 
 
 IV. 
 
 1' . 
 
 
 
 ; ■*■ .: 
 
 
 
 il:.. 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 r 1 
 
 
 i ' l! 
 
 ( ■ j 
 
 if, ( 
 
 [1530—1558. 
 
 England was not tlie only one of the northern 
 nations who at tin's time embraced the reformed 
 doctrines. Christian II., king of Denmark, seized 
 the crown of Sweden in 1520 ; and, by an imprudent 
 act of ciuelty, caused a revohition by which Sweden 
 recovered her independence. Gustavus Yasa, wlio 
 put liimself at the head of the Swedish patriots, 
 became first reg-ent, and two years after, king. 
 Under him, Sweden obtained an influence which she 
 had never before enjoyed. Government, religion, 
 finance, commerce, agriculture, received a new im- 
 petus ; the assembly of the nobles was abolished, 
 and a diet, composed of the nobility, clergy, citizens, 
 and peasantry, was substituted in its room. The 
 brothers, Olaus and Laurentius Petri, who were 
 supposed to enjoy the entire confidence of Luther, 
 were invited to ])reach the doctrine of the Reforma- 
 tion in Stockholm. The bishops and the nobility at 
 once leagued themselves against Gustavus ; the 
 citizens and peasantry declared in his favour. A 
 threat of abdication brought both bishops and nobles 
 to his feet. Thenceforward he was practically ab- 
 solute in the diet. The refractory prelates were 
 punished in th(^ way afterwards adopted in England ; 
 they were deprived of a large portion of their de- 
 mesnes, which were annexed to the possessions of the 
 crown. Their vast benefices were retrenched to an 
 extent which rendered them powerless for aggression. 
 They were excluded from the Senate. The ties 
 which bound them to the court of Rome were broken, 
 
-1558. 
 
 tliern 
 )rmed 
 seized 
 iident 
 A^eden 
 , wlio 
 itriots, 
 king;, 
 cli slie 
 ligioii, 
 iw im- 
 ilislied, 
 itizens, 
 . The 
 ) were 
 jutlier, 
 forma- 
 (ility at 
 s ; tlie 
 ur. A 
 nobles 
 lly ab- 
 s were 
 o'land ; 
 icir de- 
 s of the 
 d to an 
 ression. 
 he ties 
 l)roken, 
 
 i 
 
 IV. 
 
 1527 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 99 
 
 1530—1558.] 
 
 and they were compelled to ask confirmation of their CuArrEu 
 appointments, not from the pope, but from the king. 
 The Lutheran religion was thus introduced without 
 difficulty into Sweden. 
 
 John Tausen, and others of Luther's followers, 
 were invited to Denmark by Frederick I., the suc- 
 cessor of Christian II. In a diet held at Oldensee 
 (1527), the king made a public profession of his 
 faith, and gave permission to monks and priests to 
 marry in spite of the remonstrances which were urged 
 by the bishops. In another diet, similar to that of 
 Augsburg, held at Copenhagen in 1530, these 
 articles were renewed, and the confession of faith 
 presented by the Protestants was ratified. It was 
 reserved for Christian III. to bring these changes to 
 a close. The Catholic prelates had employed the 
 time which elapsed between the death of Frederick, 
 and the election of his successor, in strong efforts to 
 compass the overthrow of the Protestants. The new 
 king, desirous of annihilating the temporal power of 
 the Catholics, planned, in conjunction with the prin- 
 cipal nobility, the arrest of all the bishops. He then 
 assembled the estates of the realm, abolished episco- 
 pacy, and suppressed the public exercise of the Roman 
 Catholic religion. The castles, fortresses, and domains 
 of the prelates were annexed to the crown. The 
 other revenues of the clergy were appropriated to 
 the support of ministers of the Protestant faith, 
 of public schools, and of the poor. Monks and nuns 
 were left at liberty either to quit their convents or 
 
 II 2 
 
 ' ■ <H 
 
 
 '■;;"-f;.-\r^<- 
 
 :i:^-i 
 
 ■ ■I'l 
 
 '. r: 
 
I 
 
 
 1,1", ^■ 
 
 
 1544 
 
 100 EXODUS OF THE WESTETIN NATIONS. 
 
 [1530—1553. 
 
 to remain tliere during tlicir lives. The revolution 
 then set on foot extended to Norway, whicli had just 
 been annexed by Denmark and declared a province 
 of that kingdom. 
 
 It has been mentioned that as soon as Charles's atten- 
 tion was engaged with Solyman, Francis took advan- 
 tage of his rival's absence to attack the imperial domi- 
 nions. The struggle thus begun, occupied the exclusive 
 attention of both princes. For a time the Protestant 
 princes were not drawn into the dispute ; but about the 
 year 1544, events assumed a complexion which left 
 them no choice but to engage in it. At the Diet of 
 Spire, Charles made such large concessions, that he in- 
 duced the Protestant princes to join him in his medi- 
 tated attack on Francis ; he gained the elector of 
 Saxony and the landgrave of Hesse to his side ; he 
 persuaded the English king to march upon Paris, and 
 himself took the field at tlie head of a large army. 
 Before long, while Henry was still engaged in be- 
 sieging Boulogne, Charles had found reason to believe 
 that an alliance was in contemplation between Francis 
 and the po23e, which would have the effect of endan- 
 gering his Italian dominions. Without consulting his 
 allies, he hastened to sign a peace with Francis 
 at Crespy. A secret article of this treaty bound the 
 two monarchs to extirpate heresy from their do- 
 minions. 
 
 The year 1545 was spent in negotiations whicli 
 the Protestants could not but mistrust. The Lu- 
 therans were persecuted with unrelenting rigoui- in 
 
 lit I! 
 
■A' 
 
 rhich 
 
 i 
 
 IV. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 101 
 
 1530—1558.] 
 
 file licreditary dominions of the emperor, who, at the Chaptkr 
 saiiic time, sent ambassadors to Constantinople, to 
 make such terms with the porte as would prevent 
 any danger or interruption from that quarter. The 
 Protestants were not slow in perceiving and rightly 
 interpreting these signs of the times. The peace 
 between the emperor and the French king was not 
 of long duration. 
 
 At the treaty of Crespy, the emperor had agreed to 
 give hi; brother Ferdinand's daughter in marriage 
 to the Duke of Orleans, Francis' second son, and to 
 put Francis in possession of Milan, as a dower. But 
 at the moment when the marriage was to take place, 
 the duke died, and the emperor, who already began 
 to regret the concessions he had made, peremptorily 
 refused the request of Francis to remodel the treaty 
 of Crespy in such a manner as to prevent him from 
 suffering territorially by his son's death. About the 
 same time an event occurred which threatened to 
 embroil the emperor with the pope as well as with 
 Francis. Pope Paul, who was always ready to ag- 
 grandise his family, bestowed upon a member of it 
 the investiture of Parma and Placentia. Europe was 
 at that moment in a state of indignation against the 
 exorbitant power and ambition of ecclesiastics ; and it 
 was generally thought that the illegitimate birth of 
 Peter Lewis was a matter of which the pope ought 
 rather to be ashamed than thrust the fact so promi- 
 nently before the world. The emperor insisted that 
 both Parma and Piaceiiza belonged to the Milanese, 
 
 1 . 'A* 
 
 •■■■••i^> •■ 
 
 
 '■■. tl 
 
 
 
 ^% 
 
 
 ^11 
 1.1 
 
 m 
 
102 
 
 EXODUS OP THE WESTERN EATIONS. 
 
 
 
 ;)■■ ■ 
 
 vi 
 
 lU 
 
 [1530—1558. 
 
 Chaptek and his ambassador refused pointedly to be present at 
 — '- the ceremony of infeoffment. 
 
 The confederates of Smalcalde naturally enough 
 concluded that these two causes would involve the 
 emperor in quarrels of sufficient importance to compel 
 him to let them alone. But the extirpation of heresy 
 was a matter of greater importance in the eyes both 
 of the pope and the emperor than the investiture of 
 1515 two insignificant duchies. A council assembled at 
 Trent ; and the tone of its deliberations, as well as 
 the preparations made by the emperor in the Low 
 Countries, gave tlie confederates to understand that 
 a strong confederacy was being assembled against 
 them by the Roman Catholic powers. 
 
 By 1547 Charles had broken up the league of 
 Smalcalde. He captured John Frederick, elector of 
 Saxony, and the landgrave of Hesse, and com]3elled 
 the rest to retire to their homes. Henry YHI. and 
 Francis I., the kings of England and of France, died 
 while the army of the confederates was still in the field. 
 Charles selected Duke Maurice, a younger branch of 
 the family of Saxony, as the successor of the elector, 
 and invested him at Augsburg in 1548. The 
 emperor was now at the summit of his power. He 
 had grown old in the arts of government. Henry, 
 Francis — all the rivals of his youth and early man- 
 hood — were dead. He had none but young and inex- 
 perienced monarchs to contend with. A minor sat 
 on the throne of England. Henry H., who succeeded 
 to the crown of France, was as far inferior to his 
 
 1547 
 
 1548 
 
 i iUi 
 
••, i'.'i 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 103 
 
 1530—1558.] 
 
 fatlier in intellect as in conrap^e. His reir>'n, a pre- CuAniiu 
 face to the dreary wars of rehVion which devastated — 
 France, was disastrous for his people. F'rancis had 
 at one time been anxious to induce Pope Clement V II. 
 to ioin him in one of his wars with Charles. To 
 cement the alliance, he had caused Henry, then a boy 
 of fifteen, to marry Catherine de Medicis, a great- 
 niece of the sovereign pontiff. Catherine was at the 
 time of her marriage a year younger than her hus- 
 band. Who that reads the history of these times 
 remembers without horror her falseness, her cruelty, 
 her systematic and calculated vileness ? Yet the 
 disgust with which historians record her character is 
 as nothing compared to the loathing with which her 
 husband himself regarded her. The tainted vitality 
 which she inherited was transmitted to her children. 
 Francis II. died at eighteen of a broken constitution ; 
 Charles IX. was the furious madman of St. Bartholo- 
 mew ; Henry III. was miserable, effete, enervated. 
 Hated by her husband, Catherine was only kept upon 
 the throne by acting with complete subservience to 
 Diana of Poictiers, whose humble servant she con- 
 sented to become. 
 
 No persecution of the Protestants took place during 
 the reign of Henry II. When not occupied in frivo- 
 lous amusement under the eye of his mistress, he was 
 engaged in wars with the emperor, pursued with little 
 vigour and leading to small results. 
 
 It was singular that the first blow to Charles's 
 power should come to him from one whom he him- 
 
 t 
 
 , 41 
 
 • *■■ 
 
 
 
 i.V 
 
 
 m 
 
 Vf 
 
IV, 
 
 p^' 
 
 u 
 
 y ■ ■ 
 
 
 104 EXODUS OF THE WESTEHN NATIONS. 
 
 [ir)3(>-ir)58. 
 Chapteu self had promoted. Iti 1552, Maurice of Saxony con- 
 cluded a secret treaty with Henry II., and advanced 
 with such rapidity that he nearly surprised him at 
 Innspruck. The credulous security of Charles Y., 
 during the time when Maurice was maturing his 
 schemes, has puzzled historians. But up to the mo- 
 ment of declaring hostilities, Maurice was loud in his 
 professions of attachment to the emperor. Granvelle, 
 the prime minister, held the talents of the German 
 princes in contempt ; and often boasted that a drunken 
 German was incapable of forming any schemes which 
 he could not easily penetrate. The Duke of Alva 
 alone found room for some hesitation ; but it was not 
 till the elector's schemes were ready for execution, 
 that they were discovered. 
 
 Moreover, Charles had failed in the previous year 
 in getting his son Pliilip named to the succession of 
 th king of the Romans. Cliagrin, and frequent fits 
 of the gout, had almost paralyzed his bodily vigour : 
 disappointment and bodily pain blunted his mental 
 acuteness. Maurice marched with the utmost rapidity 
 into Upper Germany. The towns opened their gates 
 to him ; the magistrates whom the emperor had 
 deposed were reinstated ; the Protestant divines 
 preached once again in the churches whence they 
 had been driven. The imj)erial garrison of Augs- 
 burg retired, and gave uj) the city to the elector. 
 The castle of Ehrenburg, which commanded the 
 only pass tlirougli the mountain, surrendered in 
 panic. Leaving his cavalry to protect the mouth 
 
 1551 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 105 
 
 1530—1558.] 
 
 of tlie pass. Maurice hurried forward to capture chai'ter 
 the emperor, wlio was lying iu indolent security — 
 at Innspruck, within two days' march of his vic- 
 torious foe. 
 
 Nothing could exceed the astonishment and dis- 
 may of Charles when he heard that Maurice was at 
 hand. He was unprovided for defence. His treasury 
 was exhausted ; the Cortes were not to be per- 
 suaded into advancing any more money ; the usual 
 consignments of treasure had not for a long time come 
 to hand from America. Nothing remained but flight 
 — flight by torchlight, in the midst of a fit of the 
 gout, with his courtiers around him, some on foot 
 and some on such horses as they could hastily pro- 
 cure. If it had not been for the mutiny of a regi- 
 ment of Maurice's mercenaries, which delaved his 
 advance for a few hours, the emperor, instead of 
 pattering painfully through the rain in his litter, and 
 getting half dead with i^ain and fright, over the Alps 
 to Villach in Carnithia, would have been captured 
 in his palace. Conditions of peace were at length 
 agreed to at Passau in 1552. The principal articles 
 of the treaty provided for the absolute security of the 
 Protestant churches. It was agreed that a general 
 council should assemble to draw up the articles of a 
 permanent peace between the states of both reli- 
 gions. 
 
 This diet did not assemble till 1555 ; but a defini- 
 tive peace was concluded in that year at Augsburg. 
 It was agreed that both Catholic and Protestant 
 
 rV', • 
 
 
 n. ■ 
 
 n%'A 
 
 m 
 
1 
 
 106 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 ri530— 1558. 
 
 
 I; - 
 
 1.1 ■' 
 
 i' 
 
 Chapteu states should enjoy a perfect liberty of worship, and 
 
 that no reunion should ever be attempted by other 
 
 than amicable means. The secularizing- of the eccle- 
 siastical revenues, which had been introduced into 
 the states of most of the Protestant princes, was 
 ratified ; but one of the articles provided that 
 every prelate or churchman who renoi:r\ced his an- 
 cient faith to embrace the Confession of Augsburg 
 should lose his benefice. This latter clause, known as 
 the Ecclesiastical Reserve, did not pass without de- 
 termined opposition. 
 1553 Charles was somewhat consoled for his miscarriage 
 at Innspruck, when in the following year his son Philip, 
 me infante of Spain, married Mary queen of England ; 
 but he adhered tc/ a determination, which he had long 
 been maturing, to abdicate his dominions in favour of 
 his son. From the time of his accession he had dtj- 
 voted himself to the increase of his power. His au- 
 thority and his position were both very different to 
 what they had been at the commencement of his 
 reign. His son Philip, who succeeded to his here- 
 ditary dominions, possessed at his accession Spain, the 
 Netherlands on both sides of the Rhine, Franche 
 C/omtc, Rousillon, the Milanese, and the two Sicilies. 
 His influence was paramount in the smaller states of 
 Italy. The imperial crown went to Ferdinand. 
 Philip was, however, notwithstanding his disap- 
 pointment with regard to the empire, the most 
 powerful monarch of the time. Besides his European 
 dominions, he possessed in America the empires of 
 
I .<<'.' 
 
 ad de- 
 is au- 
 ent to 
 of liis 
 here- 
 in, the 
 anche 
 iciHes. 
 ates of 
 inand. 
 disap- 
 most 
 ropean 
 ics of 
 
 I 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 107 
 
 ir>3(>— 1558.] 
 
 Peru and Mexico, Xew Spain and Chih, hesides His- Chaiteb 
 
 paniola, Cuba, and many other of the American 
 
 islands. The gold mines of Chili, Mexico, and Potosi 
 brought him in more wealth than was possessed by 
 any other prince in Europe. His fleet was larger 
 than that of any European power. His troops were 
 better disciplined, and more accustomed to war and 
 victory. They were commanded by the most ex- 
 perienced generals of the age. His intellect was not 
 equal to that of his father ; but he was industrious 
 and tenacious of purpose in a surprising degree. 
 His manners were haughty and disagreer.ble : even 
 when he wished to please he was unable to ap- 
 pear gracious. When he first married Mary of Eng- 
 land he would in all probability have obtained the 
 power as well as the name of king, if his temper 
 and manner had been such as to conciliate affec- 
 tion. But he kept the proud nobles of England 
 standing uncovered before him without noticing 
 them. Whenever he dared he surrounded himself 
 with Spaniards. He was as unpopular in the Nether- 
 lands as his father had been in Spain. It was only 
 in Spain itself that he ever obtained anything like 
 regard or affection. 
 
 While the power of the king of Spain had thus 
 increased, the other nations of Europe had diminished 
 in importance. Wluitever the faults of Henry VIII. 
 miglit bo, and they were not a few, he was a good 
 l']nglishman, and a sturdy champion of the riglits of 
 ICngland. He allowed no one to outrage lier Imt 
 
 t 
 
 .,)» 
 
 » > • ' I 
 
 V. 
 
 

 fe 
 
 r 
 
 ■i :' 
 
 k 
 
 I- . ■/ 
 
 
 108 EXODUS or THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1530— ir)58. 
 
 Chaitku liimself. His successor, Mary, weak and unpopular, 
 — lost for England much of the importance which for 
 the last fifty years she had enjoyed in Europe. At 
 the beginning of the cciitury, Henry had held the 
 balance between the ambition of Francis and of 
 Charles. Under Mary, commerce was neglected 
 and oppressed. The troops of England were 
 undisciplined and unused to war. Her navy lan- 
 guished. 
 
 Portugal, Denmark, and Sweden were in no con- 
 dition to take any decided part in affairs. The pope, 
 shut up between the duchy of Milan and the kingdom 
 of Naples, was absolutely dependent upon Spain. 
 France alone was able to cope with her. Henry II. 
 was not either so warlike or of so pre-eminent a 
 genius as Francis, but his military defects were 
 counterbalanced by the crowd of distinguished gene- 
 rals who surrounded him. The situation of France 
 was in her favour. She was not equal in extent 
 to Spain ; but her possessions were not scattered as 
 were those of Philip, and the whole extent of her 
 territories cut off both the Netherlands and the 
 Italian possessions of Philip from Spain. The spirit 
 of the French nation was essentially warhke. They 
 had been long accustomed to war ; and the chivalry 
 which in feudal times had kept them in constant 
 hot water, now served to animate them for united 
 service to their country. 
 
 Philip endeavoiu'cd by every means in his power 
 to enlist tiie English nation in liis quarrels with 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTEIJN NATIONS. 109 
 
 1530— 15;"S.] 
 
 France. Tlicy looked u]ion liis encroacliment witli 
 i .spicion, and lilmself witli dislike. Tliey steadily 
 avoided any concession which, according to their 
 ideas, contributed in any way to tlie ag'grandisement 
 of the Spanisli power. Nevertheless, Mary so far 
 prevailed as to succeed in raising 10,000 men undei* 
 Lord Pembroke, whom she sent into the Low Countries 
 to co-operate with Philip. Pemhrokc assisted the 
 Duke of Savoy to take St. Quentin ; but the Duke of 
 Gruise soon revenged the part taken by the EngHsh 
 by laying siege to Calais, which had long remained 
 in the hands of the English. 
 
 Mary died in 1558. (;harles Y. had died in re- 
 tirement a few months before. Paul TV. ended his 
 violent and imperious '^areer within a twelvemonth, 
 and Henry II. was killed in a tournament within a 
 few weeks of the death of the pope. 
 
 The principal personages thus withdrew together. 
 They left the stage to (^ther actors and different 
 passions. But the events of the last fifty years in 
 which they had borne so conspicuous a part, had 
 produced an ineffaceable effect o?i the history of tlie 
 world. 
 
 ClUT'TKU 
 
 IV. 
 
 1557 
 
 1550 
 
 ::^^' 
 
 .»' I, 
 
 •>. 
 
 
 •'. 
 
 ■■■■A 
 
 \ : i-^ 
 
 
 ■' :T:.lk' 
 
 • 
 
 \ i/Vfc' 
 
 
 /<". .It*^' 
 
 • 
 
 '%•,.'; 
 
 'i.'j 
 
 ; '.r',- ••' 
 
 ':-[ 
 
 
 I 
 
no 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 ri558— 1570. 
 
 ^(^ ^ 
 
 
 CHAPTER y. 
 
 WARS OF KELIGION. 
 
 [1558—1570.] 
 
 Religious Quarrels complicated with Politics — Champions of the Catholics 
 and of the Protestants — The Dutch — French Civil Wars. 
 
 CnAPTKR QuKKx Elizabeth came to the throne of England 
 
 L amidst the acclamations of her people. In the times 
 
 lo58 q£ ]jgj. predecessors, the landmarks between Protes- 
 tantism and Catholicism had been gradually fixed. 
 Each had enjoyed its turn of supremacy, and the 
 dominant sect was always a persecuting sect. Each 
 had its martyrs, each its colonies. But at length 
 religious dissensions bc'^me complicated with dis- 
 putes purely secular, and political ambition assumed 
 the disguise of zeal for orthodoxy or for liberty of 
 conscience. 
 
 The new force, of which Luther and Zm'ngle, 
 Calvin and Melancthon, were at once the creatures 
 and the exponents, was gradually measuring itself with 
 the vis inert ice of inaction. It ceased to be tentative 
 in its cliaracter or uncertain in its aims. It assumed 
 definite and even formidable proportions. It had 
 emerged from insignificance, and was no longer either 
 
 if 
 
 I 
 
ingle, 
 lures 
 "with 
 ative 
 limed 
 lind 
 either 
 
 V. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WKS'l'EllN NATIONS. Ill 
 
 inns— 1570. j 
 
 to he coerced or ignored. Sometimes it obtained the chaiter 
 upper hand, then it persecuted its opponents. Some- 
 times it was forced to succumb to superior force, then 
 it suffered persecution. But the struggle was always 
 for the mastery, no longer for mere existence. 
 
 Tlie events referred to in the last chapter settled 
 the geographical boundaries of the reformed religion, 
 pretty nearly as they have since remained. But even 
 where the lleformation was rejected, it exercised great 
 influence on the minds of men. Even in France, in 
 Catholic Switzerland, and in Southern Grermany, the 
 Church of Rome had assumed a milder and more 
 liberal character. In many parts of Europe it had 
 been entirely successful. Denmark, Sweden, En;:^- 
 land, Scotland, and a great part of Germany, had 
 thrown off their allegiance to the pope. 
 
 But though religion governed the alliances and 
 decided the policy of Europe during the stormy cen- 
 tury which succeeded, the issue was by no means ex- 
 clusively religious. In the wars of Francis I., of 
 Henry II., of Henry IV., and of Richelieu, it cannot 
 be said that France was contending for Christian 
 truth or civil freedom : she fought against external 
 aggression ; slie aimed at the humiliation of a rival. 
 Austria and Spain, governed by sovereigns closely 
 connected by blood, and in strict alliance with each 
 other, were not only the representatives of certain 
 religious opinions., but nations seeking territorial 
 extension. It is true tliat the triumph of their 
 ]iiM*nci])les was involved in their conquests, and that 
 
 ' • *•!« 
 
 f 
 
 Hi' :. 
 
 ■>, 
 
 ' • r, . ' ■ - 
 
 ri.:;: 
 
 ' M' 
 
112 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [IHiVS— 1570. 
 
 Chaiter the fanaticism of Philip was not less real than his in- 
 V. . . . ^ 
 satia1)le amhition ; but the Holy League was only the 
 
 war-horse that it joleased him to bestride in his fight 
 for universal dominion: gloomy, cruel, gifted with 
 dogged obstinacy, he strove not only for ascendency 
 over material Europe, but over the thoughts of men. 
 He could not bear that any should differ with him 
 even in thought. AVhercver opposition was offered 
 to his opinion, or to his darling dream of absolutism, 
 he retaliated with the rack, the wheel, the faggot, 
 or the poison cup, even if his own son were the 
 victim. 
 
 In the long religious wars, Spain and Austria es- 
 poused the cause of the Catholics ; England and the 
 Low CoTuitries that of the Reformation. France, 
 divided against itself, was prevented, during many 
 years, from engaging in any other quarrels than her 
 own. The contest eventually narrowed itself into a 
 duel between England and Spain. 
 
 Philip, who had long anticipated the death of his 
 wife, greeted Elizabeth on her accession to the throne 
 with proposals of marriage. Her evasive, but not 
 altogether unfavourable, reply gave him sufficient 
 encouragement to induce him to hope, and to throw 
 his influence in the scale to obtain advantageous 
 terms for her at the general pacification of Chateau 
 1559 Cambresis. His friendly zeal dccHned in proportion 
 as the vigour of Elizabeth's measures in favour of 
 the Protestants increased. The treaty of peace was 
 signed between France and England, at the same 
 

 ^—1570. 
 
 his in- 
 ily the 
 3 fig'ht 
 i with 
 idency 
 r men. 
 th him 
 offered 
 lutism, 
 faggot, 
 )YG the 
 
 bria es- 
 md the 
 j'rance, 
 
 many 
 an her 
 
 into a 
 
 of his 
 
 Ithrone 
 
 kit not 
 
 icient 
 
 throw 
 
 Lgeoiis 
 
 lliuteau 
 
 lortion 
 
 inr of 
 
 ;e was 
 
 same 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 113 
 
 1558—1570.] 
 
 time as that hetween France and Spain ; but from Chapteu 
 
 V. 
 
 tliencefortli deadly enmity took root in PliiHp's — - 
 heart. He hated Elizabeth ; he hated the Protestants. 
 - He had hoped to make liberty of thought in England 
 quail before the tortures of the Inquisition. He had 
 once nearly attained the crown of these realms, and 
 a hope now arose in his mind that what he could 
 not obtain by marriage he might conquer by force. 
 During the rest of his life he clung to the idea with 
 characteristic tenacity. He brought the vast re- 
 sources of his kingdom to bear upon his design : for 
 it Alva toiled, and Alexander Farnese exercised 
 his extraordinary talents and not less extraordinary 
 duplicity. For it he threw away one armada after 
 another. Every weapon, threat, cajolery, force were 
 exhausted in his vain attempt to seize the sceptre 
 which ever eluded his grasp. The principal theatre 
 of action was that part of the Spanish dominions which 
 had belonged, in ancient times, to the crown of 
 Lorraine. The Dukes of Burgundy had handed them 
 over to the house of Austria. They thus came into the 
 hands of Charles V. as an appanage of the Gei'man 
 empire. He annexed them to the Spanish crown, 1.519 
 and added Friesland, Groningen, and Grueldres to the 
 estates to which he succeeded in Burgundy. The 
 Low Countries at Philip's accession thus consisted of 
 seventeen provinces. The treaty of Augsburg re- 1555 
 cognized their position as independent sovereignties. 
 Keenly tenacious of their liberties, the states long 
 and successfully resisted aggression. Charles had 
 VOL. I. I 
 
 iffr 
 
 TV. 
 
 ■'.■.i ' 
 
 !;■ 
 
 II .:.. 
 
 t ^' 
 
 * . • ■ ■ ■ 
 
 V. . . 
 
 .It" ^ ■ 
 f 
 
 « ■'. ' ■ 
 
 f. , 
 
 i' 
 
 r. ■ ;, 
 h ■ • 
 
 •I- ■ ■ ■ :. 
 
 
 (. ■ 
 
 V, "r'r^ 
 
 i 
 
lU 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 
 ii'' .' 
 
 ii' , 
 
 [.'558—1570. 
 
 CiiAriKR often been tempted to violate tlieir privileges under 
 
 L pressure of j)ecuniary difficulties. The Netherlanders 
 
 tried his temper as a good Catholic by their early 
 adhesion to the Reformation. But he was a Fleming 
 by birth, and he always retained an affection for the 
 people among whom his earliest years were spent. 
 It was reserved for Philip deliberately to invade their 
 liberties, and to turn his enormous power to the sub- 
 version of their constitution. 
 
 The political condition of the Netherlands at the 
 time of Philip's accession was the same as had 
 existed from the fall of the Roman empire. The 
 feudal system of the middle ages had coexisted with 
 rude municipal institutions. The territorial aristo- 
 cracy, the clergy, and the municipalities all possessed 
 political power. Although the power of the people 
 was not distinctly recognized, the municipal officers 
 had common interests with the industrious citizens 
 from among whom their ranks were recruited. 
 Philip founded tyranny on maxims of policy and re- 
 ligion. Almost the first act of his reign was to order 
 the extirpation of heresy in his American as well as 
 in his European dominions. 
 
 The struggle that ensued exhibited the Church 
 of Rome in a position which she had not before 
 assumed, though she had long been tending towards 
 it. In the middle ages, the Roman hierarchy had 
 been reveied as the protector of the poor. The 
 cliurch was the sole stepping-stone by which a 
 person in the humbler ranks of life, however great 
 
'♦ 
 
 -1570. 
 
 mder 
 nders 
 early 
 iiniTig 
 3r the 
 spent. 
 J their 
 e sub- 
 
 at the 
 
 ls had 
 The 
 
 d with 
 aristo- 
 
 issessed 
 people 
 
 officers 
 itizens 
 ruited. 
 
 land re- 
 order 
 well as 
 
 IChurch 
 before 
 ;o\vards 
 ;liy had 
 The 
 Ihich a 
 r great 
 
 i:XODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 115 
 
 155,S— 1570.] 
 
 his talents, could arrive at eminence. It was by her Chapteu 
 alone that men like Stephen Langton and Wolsey — 
 could hope to rise. All avenues of distinction — the 
 court, the senate, and the higher ranks of the army 
 — were closed against those who were not nobly born. 
 The church alone opened her arms to the plebeian ; 
 and while her cardinals and other dignitaries held a 
 place, at least of equality, with the noblest, they never 
 forgot tlie order from which their strength was prin- 
 cipally recruited. A strongly democratic spirit ani- 
 mated them, and kept them in a state of perpetual 
 antagonism with the secular powers, whose cruelties 
 against the weak and defenceless they were willing 
 and able to curb. 
 
 But the church had gradually established a tyranny 
 of its own. It asserted a spiritual absolutism which 
 struck at the root of individual independence The 
 secular authoritv had also in many nations become a 
 despotism intolerant of interference, and unwilling to 
 submit its administration to discussion. The Refor- 
 mation was the assertion of the right of free thought. 
 The right of free action is a necessary corollary. 
 Both despotisms, the spiritual and the temporal, 
 were attacked at their verv roots. The result was a 
 political necessity — a close union between the mo- 
 narchy and the priesthood. 
 
 Many thousand persons had been destroyed in the 
 Netherlands by the orders of Charles. But cruel as 
 he was, he had not pushed his tyranny so far as it 
 was afterwards carried by his son. In his time the 
 
 I 2 
 
 ■ ) 
 
 ■■'■^.^ 
 
 
 I .■ 
 
 
 I ^ 
 
 f'vi 
 
 .1 ■•',; • /f 
 
 I A 
 
■§ 
 
 m 
 
 fWt 
 
 :-i ■ 
 
 
 
 116 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 1; 
 
 '.rs^m 
 
 V4'. 
 
 ' 'IhHHI ^i 
 
 F" 
 
 'H^H 
 
 if'.. 
 
 ' iT^^iK^H 
 
 • .^ 
 
 
 [1558—1570. 
 
 Chapteu governors of tlie different towns had gradually 
 — - allowed the penal laws agains Protestants to fall 
 into desuetude. They saw no end to the deso- 
 lation which their instrnctions, literally followed, 
 would cause. Some, too, among themselves were 
 inclined to the reformed religion. Persecutions 
 had begun to depopulate the country. Many indus- 
 trious traders had fled to the neighbouring states ; 
 and the representations of Margaret, queen-dowager 
 of Hungary, viceroy of the Netherlands, had not 
 been without effect. Charles was always happiest 
 when in the land of his birth. In manner and feel- 
 ings he resembled his own countrymen more than the 
 stern and formal grandees of Spain. But Philip, 
 educated in Spain, accustomed to the rigid etiquette 
 of Madrid, speaking no language but Spanish, had 
 small sympathy with the turbulent freedom of the 
 Flemish burghers, and was rather disposed to resent 
 than to encourage their familiarity. Charles had 
 humoured the Flemings, and they had repaid him by 
 affection. Philip determined to put them down with 
 a high hand, and to crush their spirit to the dead 
 level of the other kingdoms which he ruled with 
 despotic sway. 
 
 He renewed the edicts against the Protestants. As 
 an earnest of his sincerity, he threw his father's 
 confessor into prison. He was hardly restrained 
 from pronouncing a sentence of heresy against his 
 father's memory. But the feeling of the Flemings at 
 these evidences of their king's intolerance was as 
 
r, .*■' 
 •1 I 
 
 -IHTO. 
 
 lally 
 fall 
 deso- 
 ^wed, 
 were 
 itions 
 ndus- 
 tates ; 
 vager 
 i not 
 ppiest 
 1 feel- 
 in tlie 
 :>hilip, 
 quette 
 h, bad 
 of the 
 resent 
 had 
 lim by 
 with 
 dead 
 with 
 
 As 
 ather's 
 rained 
 st his 
 ngs at 
 yas as 
 
 V. 
 
 loo'J 
 
 EXODUS OF TPIE WESTERN NATIONS. 117 
 
 1558—1570.] 
 
 nothing compared to the horror with whicli they be- c»ArTEn 
 held the hated Inquisition established in their country. 
 The foreign merchants who came to reside in the 
 Netherl.'inds ; the Swiss and German troops whom 
 both Charles and Philip had employed in their wars 
 against France ; and, lastly, the English, French, and 
 Grerman Protestants who had fled from persecution in 
 their native countries, had diffused the reformed re- 
 ligion into every corner of the Netherlands. Philip's 
 decrees were tlierefore directed against a very large 
 portion, if not an actual majority of his Low-Country 
 subjects. The penal laws ordained that whosoever 
 should be convicted of having taught heretical doc- 
 trines, or of having been present at religious 
 meetings of heretics, should, if they were men, be 
 put to death by the sword ; or, if women, be buried 
 alive. Even recantation could not save persons once 
 tainted with heresy from their fate. Tortures and 
 the flames were the lot of any who had the daring to 
 persist in their opinions. 
 
 Even in Spain and Italy the Inquisition had at 
 first excited dread and indignation among the most 
 attached to the Catholic church. The horror of the 
 Flemings at the new tribunal may therefore be easily 
 imagined. It struck at the root of their pros- 
 perity. Their main dependence was upon com- 
 merce ; how could they expect the foreign mer- 
 chants, most of them Protestants, who lived among 
 them, to remain in a country where the exercise of 
 their religion was forbidden, and their lives were 
 
 \t :• 
 
 ?'■>;• 
 
 
 
 !v 
 
 
 
 *<i 
 
V. 
 
 V-- M 
 
 
 118 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1558—1570. 
 
 chafteb at the mercy of the first informer wlio owed them a 
 grudge ? 
 
 On Philip's departure to assume the crown of 
 Spain, the states eagerly watched the choice of a 
 regent which he was ahout to make. Margaret, 
 duchess of Parma, was eventually selected ; and had 
 the conduct of affairs heen left to her good sense 
 and kindly temper, the affections of the Flemings 
 would not have heen alienated. She, however, only 
 governed in name : the real authority was in the hands 
 of the severe and haughty Granvelle. The duchess 
 soon found that she had undertaken an impossihle task. 
 Granvelle possessed all the power, while she incurred 
 the odium of the violent measures which Philip's orders 
 compelled her to adopt. Every day new assaults 
 were made upon the liberties of the Flemings. The 
 nobles, the gentry, and the populace alike clamoured 
 for redress, which Philip haughtily refused. 
 
 sMissiikjai^ 
 
 1562 
 
 1559 
 
 But while discontent was thus smouldering in the 
 
 
 Netherlands, the first war of religion broke out 
 in France. Henry TI. was followed by three sons in 
 succession, each one more feeble and incapable than 
 the last. Under them France was peculiarly ex- 
 posed to the danger of internal feuds. F raiicis II., 
 1500-74 Charles IX., and Henry III., were each in turn 
 under the control of their mother, and through her of 
 the Dukes of Guise. These able princes were cadets 
 of the family of Lorraine, a liouse parvenu and poor, 
 aliens in France, and greedy, as younger sons of 
 poor monarchs often are. They liad long remained 
 

 EXODUS OF THE WESTEUN NATIONS. 
 
 119 
 
 1558—1570.] 
 
 in obscurity : disliked by Francis I., they had thrown chaiieu 
 themselves into tlie hands of Diana of Poictiers ; — 1 
 had made themselves her instruments for crush- 
 ing the Duchesse d'Estampes; had performed for 
 Henry before his accession many services which a 
 prince in those days required, but which a king- is not 
 anxious to remember. Diana of Poictiers could not 
 afford to lose friends : under the strange conditions of 
 alliance in which she lived with Catherine of Medicis, 
 the friends of the mistress were the friends of the wife ; 
 so Catherine and the Guises were close allies. During 
 the reign of Francis I., Guise had married a sister to 
 James V. of Scotland. James died ; his widow be- 
 came regent for her little daughter Mary. The Guises, 
 who were absolute with their sister, married their 
 niece Mary Stuart to the dauphin.* The brotliers 
 were twelve in number — gentlemen bold, resolute, 
 with fortunes to make. They showed spirit. They 
 had that quality which Mazarin always preferred in a 
 general to any other, — good luck. Francis, the eldest, 
 was an excellent bulldog — executed well any commis- 
 sions in the way of fighting wherewith he might be 
 charged — took Metz and Calais in an offhand, masterly 
 manner. The brothers hung together. In the then 1557 
 disorderly state of France, an united party of twelve, 
 with long heads and strong arms, were not to be 
 despised at the time when thv-^ family of Guise was 
 rising into power. 
 
 Protestantism in France was in danger of its very 
 
 * Afterwards Francis II. 
 
 p 
 
 :. •:« 
 
 
 >. 
 
 
 • V.V.. 
 
 ■ii])' 
 
 -i! 
 

 f 
 
 
 ^^ 
 
 lliO KXODUS OF THE WESTEILX NATIONS. 
 
 [1558— ii"TO. 
 
 Chaitku existence. The reformers of other lands were at 
 — least a recognized Ijody. The German Protestants 
 had conquered a peace ; toleration was secured to 
 them by treaty. Catholic Mary was dead in Eng- 
 land ; Protestant Elizabeth had her Calvinists under 
 tlie wing of royalty. In none of these countries 
 was there any immediate danger. It was evident 
 that persecution was in store for the whole Protes- 
 tant world ; but in no country was united action more 
 necessary than in France. The first move of the 
 1559 reformers was unfortunate : on the death of Henry II., 
 Anthony, King of Navarre, and Louis, Prince of 
 Condc, his brother, who naturally enough looked upon 
 the Guises as aliens and interlopers, enlisted the 
 leaders of the Calvinists in their cause. As a na- 
 tural consequence the leadership of the Catholics fell 
 to the Guises. 'J'lie whole power of the kingdom 
 thus passed into the hands of Francis, Duke of Guise, 
 and of the Cardinal of Lorraine, the two uncles of the 
 queen regent. 
 
 If France was ruled by the Guises, they, in their 
 turn, were ruled by Spain. The gold of Philip, 
 however scarce it was for the immediate necessities 
 of his kingdom, was always ready for any cause 
 which promised the extension of the ancient faith, or 
 the extirpation of heresy. The appearance of wealth 
 j)roduced by this ready liberality, added not a little to 
 tlie terror of his name. Had it been possible for 
 the politicians of 155D to see the real state of the 
 King of Spain — his impotence for aggression, the 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 12! 
 
 1558— ir)70.] 
 
 utter ruin of the finances of liis kingdom — could they chapter 
 have read Granvelle's letters, in which ho trusted — - 
 that "The (French) niachine would not yet go to 
 pieces, till ^pain was ready to profit by the scramhle 
 which vv^ould ensue,"* they would not have allowed 
 Philip, by the mere terror of his name, to domineer 
 over Europe. They did not know that the abdication 
 of Charles Y. had taken place in a .lall hung with 
 black for the death of Juana, Charles's mother, because 
 money was so scarce that the black hangings were 
 retained out of economy .f They did not know that 
 in 1561, the king's courier was delayed on his journey 
 to Kome for want of funds till Granvelle lent him 
 money from his private purse. They had not seen 
 the letter from Philip to Granvelle, in which Philip, 
 conjuring Granvelle to raise him even a little money 
 from the Netherlands, unfolded his dismal state of de- 
 spair : — " For this year the expenses are ten millions, 
 the receipts one million — nine millions of deficit." 
 
 The army of Philip was mutinous ; its jiay was far 
 in arrear. The garrisons which held the frontier 
 towns must have been disbanded if a little money had 
 not opj^ortunely come to liand from the Indies. The 
 king was in daily fepr that his troops would go over 
 to France. Even the v/ages of his personal servants 
 were unpaid. 
 
 Yet, amid all this poverty, what was the secret 
 which made Sj)ain so terrible? The answer is in one 
 word — Unity. Otlier nations were divided against 
 
 * (.Iraiivellc to riiilip II. f Michclct. 
 
 :■ XH 
 
 
 ■ ■ r 
 
 V- ' ! ■-' 
 
 '■< 
 
 
 
 . • .f. 
 
c. 
 
 di'; 
 
 i' :'■ 
 
 ^v 
 
 122 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS, 
 
 ri558— 1570. 
 
 
 ; .'■,'! 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 ,'..; 
 
 
 r 
 
 1 
 n 
 
 1 
 
 '. 
 
 
 Chaitkr themselves. England had its Catholic party, its Pro- 
 — '- testant party, its very large party of neutrals. 
 France had her Huguenots and her Leaguers. Hol- 
 land her obedient and her disobedient provinces. 
 Spain alone was united : — she had burned up all her 
 Jews ; all her heretics. Her terrible Inquisition had 
 made so clean a sweep, that to avoid persecution 
 every one had become a persecutor — no one was left 
 now to destroy. The Guises waited but for Philip's 
 signal to begin the prearranged drama of persecution. 
 
 The Protestants demanded a conference. The 
 Guises turned their demand into a trap to catch 
 them. Tlie conference was granted. The doctrines 
 which they advanced were declared blasphemous. 
 Spain and Rome sent embassies to protest against 
 the scandal offered to religion. Philip gravely 
 offered his assistance to the outraged faith. Many 
 historians have spoken of this conference and its 
 results as an evil brought upon themselves by the 
 Protestants. They have believed that the clergy 
 accepted unwillingly the demand of the Protestants, 
 not seeing that in its minutest details it was a strata- 
 gem organized by Philip and his men. The meetinii," 
 of Protestants for worship was forbidden : soon after- 
 wards followed the massacre of Yassy. Coligny^ 
 Conde, Andelot, found it impossible longer to post- 
 pone an appeal to arms. 
 
 Fiance, on the threshold of the civil wars that so 
 distracted her, little thought whither events were 
 hurrying. Neither Catherine nor Guise, Conde nor 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 123 
 
 -1570.] 
 
 1558- 
 
 Nuvarre, were more than puppets of circumstances. Chaiter 
 Neither of them read clearly tlie signs of their — - 
 stirring time. One man alone — true Frenchman, 
 true hero — stands in intellect and intelligence far 
 above the crowd — Coligny. A mournful, grave man, 
 far-seeing when no one else could see for the dangers 
 and difficulties around hini. One moment only before 
 the first blow of the civil war was struck, he hesitated, 
 shuddering at the vast misery wdiich he foresaw. 
 That moment past, he went straight and fearless on his 
 path. A man of battles, he yet hated war. Victory 
 did not exalt, nor defeat depress him. He, first of 
 his countrymen, saw that the necessity of the age 
 demanded external development, and devoted con- 
 siderable attention to colonization. 
 
 Coiide, the nominal chief of the party, was a much 
 less noble character. 
 
 This " petit galant," as Guise calls him, on ac- 
 count of his diminutive stature and amatory dis- 
 position — this prince in miniature, was the pet and 
 the destruction of his party. 
 
 :.ft 
 
 I 
 
 C'ivV*:.-/' 
 
 * . 
 
 " Cc petit luinimc taut joli, 
 Qui toutjours cliantc, toutjours rit 
 Et toutjours Iniso na niignouno, 
 Dieu garde de mal le petit liomme." 
 
 So sings a contemporary ballad. The heart of Coiidc 
 was always with the luxury and easy virtue of 
 Catherine's court. Brave as a tiger, he liked the 
 fighting, but not the strict manners and oi)inions of 
 th ) Huguenot camp. True, the strict morals did not 
 
 '">''•: 
 
 
 :■■ ■] 
 
 ii 
 
1 ' * 
 
 ! 
 
 |; ' '■ 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 ?'■'■ ' 
 
 
 i , 
 
 
 
 \ ' 
 
 fi 
 
 ■ 
 
 I'j . " 
 
 K . ' • ■ 
 
 
 <■ •* 
 
 
 > f 
 
 124 EXODUS OP THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1558—1570. 
 
 Chaiter last long*. For the first few months the camp was 
 — '- like a convent — no oaths, no gambling", no de- 
 bauchery. But after the armistice at Bauce this was 
 all changed ; sack and pillage characterized both 
 armies alike. 
 
 With hesitation, under the pressure of stern 
 necessity, the Protestants accepted the quarrel thrust 
 upon them. The massacres of Yassy and Sens showed 
 1562 them that it was time for every Protestant to arm for 
 hearth and home. Tours, Blois, Angers, were the 
 first to rise. Then followed Normandy, Rouen, 
 Dieppe, Caen, Poictiers. Half Languedoc, and many 
 of the towns of Guienne and Gascony, had declared 
 themselves for the Protestants before the year was 
 out. Provence remained Catholic ; Dauphine armed 
 for the Huguenots. 
 
 It may be left to the historian of these wars to de- 
 scribe the barbarity with which they were conducted. 
 The Spaniards whom Philip sent to help distinguished 
 themselves pre-eminently by their cruelty. 
 
 Coligny, patriot as well as Protestant, had till the 
 last moment refused his consent to any application 
 for foreign aid. But his army now saw their homes 
 desolated, their wives and children outraged : they 
 were obliged to return to defend each man his own 
 homestead : he could resist no longer. Dandelot went 
 into Germany, and another messenger into England 
 to entreat for help. While these negotiations were 
 in progress, Coligny held Orleans witli the nucleus 
 of an army. Outside its walls a frightful guerilla 
 
 r 
 
lis W{IS 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 125 
 
 1558—1570.] 
 
 warfare of reprisals — cruelty for cruelty, not a pin to Chavter 
 choose on either side. 
 
 "Why ling'er on the details of the first campaign ? 
 One can but tell of opportunities lost by Conde, 
 dupe and tool of the Lais of the Medicis, in her 
 turn the willing puppet of Guise. The En polish 
 succours lay at Havre ; Condc, attempting to make 
 his junction with them, was overtaken at Dreux, 
 by Montmorency, constable of France. The heavy 
 infantry of Spain, entrenched, according to their 
 fashion, behind their baggage-waggons, secured the 
 victory for the Catholics. Montmorency, however, 
 remained in the hands of the Protestants. Conde 
 was taken by the Catholics. Soon after Guise fell 
 under the pistol of Poltrot. 
 
 The Huguenots thus gained two steps in advance. 
 Guise was dead, and Coligny took the command of 
 the army in name as well as in reality, vice Conde 
 captured. Captured indeed in two ways — prisoner 
 of war, and over head and ears in love with one of 
 Catherine's well-disciphned maids of honour. 
 
 The power of the Guise family was never more 
 firmly rooted than after the death of Francis II. The \^q\ 
 Cardinals of Guise and Lorraine held between them 
 fifteen of the richest bishoprics in P'rance. Joinville 
 was Grand Master of the King's Household ; Aumale 
 Grand Huntsman ; Elbccuf, General of the Galleys, 
 The Minister of Finance was one of their ci^eatures. 
 The governments of Champagne and Burgundy were 
 in their hands, and with them the command of the 
 
 .:f^ 
 
 %- 
 
 :' ■'. *'■ ' 
 
 .V^ 
 
 ':' ;v^' 
 
 ,V. 111.' 
 
 
 
 ■■i' 
 
 H' ■ I' 
 
 :»■ h 
 
 fV 
 
 
4 
 
 
 12r, KXODUS OF THE WESTEllN NATIONS. 
 
 [1558— IHTO . 
 
 CnAiTEB military roads into Lorraine and Germany. Henry, 
 — '- the son of the murdered duke, was but thirteen 
 years of age ; but he inherited, if not the genius at 
 least the courage and the subtlety of his father. 
 Till he could act for himself he was in safe hands. 
 His uncles ivere quite capable of guiding him. 
 
 While Coligny -vas overrunning Normandy with 
 his Germans, Conde, at the dictation of Catherine, 
 signed a miserable jDeace. Such a document, dated 
 from the enemy's camp, and signed by a chief Avho 
 at the moment of signature w'as in that enemy's 
 hands, w-as of course not worth the parchment on 
 which it was w^-itten. Still the great soul of Coligny 
 might well revolt at this twirl of the little political 
 weathercocke He did not, indeed, repudiate the en- 
 gagement entered into by his nominal chief, but he 
 gave it no sanction. He was content to hold proudly 
 aloof, and bide his time. " Le petit homme tant joli " 
 forgot in his treaty to do anything for his late ally, 
 Elizabeth. The Queen of England was not of a 
 temper to be thus forgotten, and refused to surrender 
 the cautionary towais. A campaign followed, in 
 no way remarkable except in so far as it exhibited 
 the nominal leader of the Protestants in the character 
 of the humble servant of Catherine de Medicis. 
 
 Coligny had long foreseen the possibility of the 
 utter rout and destruction of the Huguenots. Like a 
 wise general, he determined to secure his retreat. 
 Before the death of Henry II., he had sent an unfor- 
 tunate expedition to Brazil. Now while yet his army 
 
 ' !■ 
 
 P-. 
 

 Df the 
 jike a 
 treat. 
 Linfor- 
 army 
 
 V. 
 
 1562 
 
 1556 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 127 
 
 1558—1570.] 
 
 lay shut up in Orleans, and the blood of the martyrs Chapteu 
 of Yassy and Sens was scarcely dry, he determined 
 to found a Protestant colony in Florida. Thither, 
 if the fortune of war should prove adverse, he in- 
 tended to withdraw, to end his days away from the 
 civil broils which rent his country. 
 
 The Brazilian voyage had been conducted by 
 Nicolas de Yillegagnoii, a native of Provence and 
 Knight of Malta. This adventurer was a brave 
 and skilful seaman. He had been intrusted with 
 the task of conveying Mary, the young Queen of 
 Scots, into France, and had eluded the English 
 cruisers by a bold and successful manoeuvre. He 
 had shown courage on many occasions, and was 
 possessed of considerable learning. In an evil hour 
 Coligny was induced to confide in him. Yillegagnon 
 had previously made a voyage to Brazil, and chosen 
 a spot for a settlement ; at Coligny's request, a vessel 
 of two hundred tons and a store sliip were fitted out 
 by Henry H. A company was raised, composed of 
 artificers, soldiers, and a considerable number of 
 noble Huguenot adventurers. They had scarcely 
 started, when a storm arose, so severe as to compel 
 Yillegagnon's ship to jnit into Dieppe. A large 
 number of his noble adventurers, besides some of 
 the ^oldiers and artificers, had alreaay seen quite 
 enough of naval adventure, and deserted as soon as 
 they got into harbour. After a tedious voyage, Yil- 
 legagnon arrived at Rio de Janeiro. The natives of 
 this place had long traded with the French, and were 
 
 •'.vfc 
 
 
 
 i';'m\ 
 
 
 t. 
 
':*.y^ 
 
 W ' 
 
 V 
 
 w «• 
 
 '} •(■ 
 
 
 128 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [loaS— 1570. 
 
 CuAi'Ticn on bad terms with the Portuguese ; Yilleffaffiion was 
 
 therefore permitted to land, and to establisli himself 
 on a great rock which stands in the centre of the har- 
 bour. His force consisted but of eighty men : but 
 Tillegagnon, w^ith characteristic arrogance, formally 
 took possession of tlie whole continent of South Ame- 
 rica for the King of France, and named it '• La France 
 Antarticque." He at once sent off tidings of his arrival 
 to Coligny, and demanded reinforcements — amongst 
 others, " some good theologians from Geneva."* 
 
 Coligny at once busied himself in providing for 
 the wants, ghostly and bodily, of his colony. Calvin 
 and his elders in convocation appointed Pierre 
 Richier and Guillaume Chartier to this mission. 
 Many respectable adventurers of the Huguenot per- 
 suasion were induced to accom25any the ministers. 
 Three ships were fitted out at the expense of the 
 crown ; the command was given to Bois le Comte, 
 a nephew of Yillegagnon, who arrived safely in 
 Brazil, having plundered every ship he met with 
 on the way, whether they belonged to friend or foe. 
 Yillegagnon had now gained all that he could from 
 Coligny, and considered it now time to throw off the 
 masV id avow himself a friend of Guise. The 
 Huguenots who had sought refuge from persecution 
 in Antarctic France found themselves worse off 
 than ever ; they demanded and obtained permission 
 to return to France. Had it not been for this 
 stupid treacher;y on the part of Yillegagnon, the 
 
 * Soutliey's History of Brazil. 
 
 ir 
 
'■■ ■<''l 
 
 58—1570. 
 
 1011 was 
 himself 
 ;lie h ar- 
 il! : but 
 Drmally 
 b Ame- 
 Fraiice 
 arrival 
 mongst 
 
 ing for 
 
 Calvin 
 
 Pierre 
 
 aission. 
 
 10 1 per- 
 
 nisters. 
 
 of the 
 
 (^omte, 
 
 ly in 
 
 with 
 
 or foe. 
 
 from 
 
 bff the 
 
 The 
 
 cntion 
 
 se off 
 
 nission 
 
 this 
 
 the 
 
 EXODUS OF THE Wf-^STERN NATIONS. 129 
 
 inns— 1570.] 
 
 settlement at Rio de Janeiro would doubtless have Chmter 
 been at this day the capital of a French colony, — 
 for a large body of industrious Flemings were only 
 waiting for the report of the captain who carried 
 back the Huguenots, to start for Brazil, and " ten 
 thousand Frenchmen would have emigrated, if the 
 object of Coligny in founding his colony had not 
 1)een tlius wickedly betrayed."* Tbe Portuguese, 
 jealous of their monopoly of the Prazilian trade, 
 were accustomed to t]-oat all interlopers as pirates ; 
 yet they permit . Villegagnon's settlement to 
 remain for four years unmolested. The Court of 
 Lisbon was nevertlieless well aware of the danger. 
 
 and at length ordered Mem de Sf 
 
 governor 
 
 of 
 
 Brazil, to attack and exjiel the French. The Por- 
 tuguese commander arrived at llio de Janeiro in the 
 beginning of 15G0. A desperate engagement en- 
 sued, in which the Portuguese carried, first the 
 outworks wliich commanded the landing, and after- 
 wards the rock in which the French had excavated 
 their magazine. The besieged were so intimidated 
 that they took refuge in their ships, and witnessed 
 the total destruction of their stores and the demo- 
 lition of their lort. 
 
 Coligny determined not again to confide in one 
 who might repeat tlie treachery of Yillegagnon. 
 He selected for the command of liis Florida expe- 
 dition a Huguenot wlio liad been proved faithful in 
 many scenes of trial . 
 
 Soutliej, Hist. Brazil, i. 'JtlS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 K 
 
 15G0 
 
 iM 
 
 
 
 .^ t 
 
 
 
 
 
 
»■ I 
 
 
 '» , '^ ''• 
 
 
 .i-"|rwH 
 
 i 1 
 
 
 
 
 1 i 
 
 
 1 
 
 " ' ^*^ 
 
 '' 
 
 ir/ 
 
 !' 
 
 I 
 
 4i; 
 
 r a AFTER 
 
 V. 
 
 15G2 
 
 130 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1558—1570. 
 
 Dieppe, it has been already said, was in his hands. 
 There he fitted out a small squadron, which he placed 
 under the command of Jean de Hibault. Many of the 
 Huguenot nobility accompanied the adventure, as 
 well as a small number of veteran troops. Land was 
 first made in the latitude of St. Augustine. The St. 
 John's river — the San Matteo of the Spaniards — was 
 discovered and called the Eiver of May. The ships 
 sailed along the coast, naming as they went the 
 various rivers that they passed after the streams of 
 France. America for a time had its Loire, its Ehone, 
 and its Garonne.* They came upon the entrance of 
 Port Eoyal harbour, which appeared to be the en- 
 trance of some magnificent river. Here a monu- 
 mental stone was raised, engraved with the arms of 
 France. Riliault determined to leave a settlement. 
 Twenty-six persons were put ashore, and the leader 
 sailed away to obtain supplies and reinforcements. 
 
 When lie returned to France the Protestants in 
 Europe were in great distress, and the promised rein- 
 forcements were not levied. The colony became in- 
 subordinate ; Ribault's governor was killed in a 
 mutiny, and the company, after incredible sufferings, 
 managed to build a small vessel and return to France. 
 As soon as the peace of 1562 gave Coligny a moment's 
 breathing space, he bethought him of his American 
 expedition. Laudonniere, who in the former voyage 
 had been upon the Florida coast, was appointed to the 
 command of three ships. Emigrants crowded to his 
 
 * Bancroft, i. 48. 
 
 ',^'- 
 
'V 
 
 V. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 131 
 
 1558—1570.] 
 
 standard. Tliey already pictured to tiiemselves a CiiArxEB 
 career of conquest, and a rich spoil wliicli should 
 rival the Spaniards in Mexico and Peru. This time 
 the harbour of Port Rov^al was avoided, and the 
 emigrants landed on the shores of the river May. 
 The colonists, thoug-h gathered under the standard of 
 religion, were a collection of scoundrels of the deepest 
 dye. As soon as Laudonniere had withdrawn, they 
 equipped two vessels and began a career of piracy. 
 
 Meanwhile, Philip had heard from Guise, or one 
 of his creatures at the court of France, that the 
 Huguenots had formed a colony in Florida. Spain 
 had often tried to occupy that country, but had in- 
 variably failed. Large numbers of her soldiers had 
 perished there. To allow a settlement there was to 
 allow an encroachment on the commercial monopoly 
 of Spain — to abandon some of her dominions to 
 France. Worse than all, it would be to allow Cal- 
 vinism to be planted over against her Catholic 
 dominions. 
 
 Don Pedro Melendez de Aviles was commissioned 
 to destroy the new settlement. He was named here- 
 ditary governor of a territory of gi-eat extent. Ya- 
 rious commercial immunities were granted to him. 
 He was to receive a salary of 25,000 ducats and a 
 fifteenth of all royal perquisites. Melendez, on his 
 part, was to invade Florida at his own cost with at 
 least five hundred men, to introduce ecclesiastics, 
 Jesuits, married men, and domestic animals. The 
 entliusiasm of fanaticism was soon kindled ; large 
 
 K 2 
 
 1504 
 
 '■ 'd 
 
 : ', »'. 
 
 
 :f; 
 
 ' I • 
 
 ■nlV- 
 
 ■11 
 
 .4'- 
 
 >;:'"■ ■ 
 
 •V.,- • 
 
II 
 
 , 
 
 132 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [15.-8—1570. 
 
 CiiAPTER niimVers of adventurers offered tlieniselves. Me- 
 
 V. 
 
 — lendez landed on tlie coast and sur])ri8ed tlie French 
 garrison in their fort. Soldiers, women, children, 
 the aged and the sick, were massacred alike. The 
 number killed was estimated at nine hundred. The 
 Spanish accounts give a smaller amount of slain, but 
 do not deny the deed. Melendez put up an inscri[)- 
 tion on the place of the massacre, stating" that the 
 victims were slain, not as Frenchmen, but as Lu- 
 therans and enemies of God. 
 
 The court of France demanded no reparation for 
 15fi7 this outrage. But just after the battle of St. Denis 
 a bold Huguenot of Gascony, Dominic de Gourgucs, 
 who had once been a slave in the Spanish galle}'s, 
 and who had sworn undying revenge against them, 
 equipped an expedition at his own charge, and mur- 
 dered every soul among the Spaniards. He hanged 
 his i:>risoners upon trees on the site of de Ribault's 
 Fort, with an inscription over their heads, " I do not 
 this as unto Spaniards and mariners, but as unto 
 traitors, robbers, and murderers." So ended the 
 first Huguenot colony of France. 
 
 Meanwhile in France, the wiles of Catherine had 
 amply succeeded. Conde had succumbed to the arts 
 which Catherine had found successful against King 
 Anthony of Navarre, and which for a time were equally 
 successful against his son. Conde had managed to 
 estrange his friends, to displease Elizabeth, to divide 
 the Protestant party : indeed, as a party, they al- 
 most seemed to be annihilated : their nominal chief 
 
 I 
 
 Is 
 f i \ 
 
 fir 
 
had 
 arts 
 
 EXODUS OF TlIK WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 1 ?,:\ 
 
 ■■ • Ik 
 
 155H~iri7(t.] 
 
 was acting as honorary secretary to the queen- lhaitki 
 mother. He wrote and spoke at her dict;ition. He — '- 
 assured the German princes tliat all was gc)ing Vv'ell. 
 
 The Protestants thus isolated from England were 
 everywhere insulted with impunity. They' lan- 
 guished under the shadow of peace, as more fortu- 
 nate people languish under the shadow of war. 
 Peace was death to them unless it were one gained 
 at the sword's point. 
 
 Soon, a still worse apprehension than any that had 
 yet existed came across them. Alva and Elizabeth, 
 councillor and wife of Philip, met the king and his 
 mother at Bayonne. None could yet know what 15(J0 
 passed there, hut all might guess that such a meet- 
 ing must be a j^ortent of evil augury to the Huguenots. 
 Coligny perceived that it was necessary to strike a de- 
 cisive blow. The miseries he had witnessed, and the 
 example of John Knox and the Scotch Peformers, had 
 changed the veteran statesman, so loyal heretofore, 
 into a republican. Royalty, represented by Callierine 
 de Medicis, had become a thing contemptible in his 
 eyes, a pujipet which he might use as well as another. 
 He determined to sei^e the king. He made known 
 his intentions to Conde, wlio at last broke the bonds 
 that detained him at court, and joined his old ally. 
 
 Then followed the battle of St. Denis. The Pro- 15G7 
 testants wore the white badges which marked the 
 Huguenot troops. Michelet tells how a Turkish en- 
 voy, who was posted upon a hill to witness the fight, 
 seeing the numbers of the op})osing forces — two thou- 
 
 ;;:■«■; 
 
 .•'<.■■■.• 
 
 J 
 
 . ■ J 
 . , i 
 
 i; 
 
 i 
 

 134 
 
 y.XODUS OF THE WESTEKN NATIONS. 
 
 ff: 
 
 f.' 
 
 h.. 
 
 ^Hi 
 
 \'\ 
 
 m 
 
 
 I^^H' 
 
 I 1 
 
 ^^' 
 
 
 -■■ .■ 
 
 
 . f 
 
 1 
 
 ■4 ;| 
 
 [155H— 1570. 
 
 Chaptek sand tincl seven hundred against twenty thousand — ex- 
 — '- daimed that if his master had hut " those white 
 fellows," he would make the tour of the world. 
 Coligny and Conde had at last escaped from Cathe- 
 rine's leading-strings, and led one charge after an- 
 other with desperate bravery. Montmorency fell : 
 for fifty out of his seventy-five years he had filled a 
 1568 great space in history. The victory was followed by 
 a peace, which gave the Huguenots a moment's 
 ur'iathing space. 
 15C5 Tiiree years before Graiivelle, in despair of making 
 head against the disaffection which he saw around him, 
 had retired from his office in the Netherlands. Philip 
 was much displeased at the defection of his favourite 
 officer, which he n+"'ributed, not without reason, to the 
 intrigues of Counts Egmont and Horn, and of the 
 Prince of Orange. Philip issued strict orders that the 
 edicts promulgated by the Council of Trent should be 
 put fully in force. Uat it wns not possible to do this 
 without usoistance. Tlie French civil wars had sent 
 many refugees into the southern provinces. Minis- 
 ters of the reformed religion were to be found in 
 every town of the north. Constant intercourse went 
 on with the reformers of England and Germany. 
 The printing-presses were full of books ngainst the 
 doctrines of tlie Catholics. The governors of many 
 of the i)rovinces had imbibed the new opinions. In 
 spite, therefore, of the regent's strenuous endeavours 
 to carry out tlie instructions of the king, she found 
 that without laying tlie ccjuntiy waste, and ])crpe- 
 
EXODUS OF THF: WESTEliN NATIONS. 
 
 136 
 
 1558—1570.] 
 
 trating a general massacre, tlie edicts could not Ije Chaiter 
 enforced at all. — - 
 
 In some of tlie provinces the king's commands 
 were altogether disregarded, and in some, where 
 their execution was attempted, the Protestants were 
 rescued by force out of the hands of the inquisitors, 
 and the inquisitors themselves forced to fiy from the 
 enraged multitude. 
 
 Disorders broke out in several towns. The popu- 
 lace of Antwerp saclced the churclies and monas- 
 teries, and turned the nuns out of the convents. 
 Under a show of zeal for Protestantism, they indulged 
 in private rapacity. Even the Counts Egmont and 
 Horn saw that excess was indefensible, even as reta- 
 liation for the cruelties of Philip, and that n was the 
 worst way in the world to obtain redress. The 
 rioters were therefore put down with a strong hand ; 
 and the re2:ent had soon the satisfaction of announc- 
 ing to Philip that the disorders were quelled, and 
 the country tranquil. 
 
 But the Duke of Alva saw in these disturbances 15G7 
 an opportunity too good to be lost. The liberties of 
 the Netherlands should be destroyed utterly. The 
 king should be absolute there as in his Italian 
 dominions. The states had never tolerated without 
 remonstrance the presence ot Spanisli soldiers within 
 tlieir boundaries ; they should now be ruled with 
 military authority. The compact made the year 
 before (1560) at liayonne with Catherine de Medicis 
 should be carried out to the lottci'. The Protestants 
 
 : m 
 
 
 ■'.■■■■• vL 
 ... '.'i<H 
 
 
 
 ■M 
 

 ,,,! 
 
 w 
 
 •>;•' ■< 
 
 
 hi 
 
 136 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 riooS— 1570. 
 
 Chapteu should be utterly extirpated, and no heretic should 
 — '- raise his voice within the limiti^^ of the Netherlands. 
 Alva therefore advised Philip to ignore the pacifica- 
 tion which had followed the disorders of the Nether- 
 lands, and to intrust him with the government. No 
 counsel could be more acceptable to Philip ; and the 
 duke was commissioned to lead an army into the Ne- 
 therlands, and bring the refractory heretics to reason. 
 Alva immediately set sail for Italy, where he 
 assembled an army of about nine thousand five hun- 
 dred men, and passed through the territories of the 
 Duke of Savoy, and then through Burgundy and 
 Lorraine, recruiting his strength as he advanced. 
 Three thousand Burgundian c.ivalry, and four thou- 
 sand German foot made up a formidable array, with 
 
 1567 which he arrived at Brussels, in August, 15G7. 
 Early in the following year the Duchess of Parma, 
 who had till then retained the title of regent, resigned 
 her office. Alva at once commenced his persecutions. 
 He threw Counts Egmont and Horn into prison. 
 He erected a stronghold in Antwerp, and taxed the 
 city to pay for it. He quartered his troops upon the 
 inhabitants, and encouraged his "Council of Blood" 
 to commit horrible excesses. Thousands fled to 
 France, England, and Protestant Germany.* Num- 
 bers were seized ei'e they could make their escape, 
 and tortured to death on bare suspicion. 
 
 TIk^so among the nobility who had at first been 
 
 * Above! 2(),n00 persons oscaiicd jit this timti iutu Krana', (icrmauy, iiiul 
 tlie I'lotcstaiit provinces of ricrmany. —\\'atson, riiil. H., h. viii. 
 
J.- ''If, .y;.j 
 
 V. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEli : NATIONS. 137 
 
 1558—1570.] 
 
 favourable to the exercise of Pliilip's despotic power, Chai-ieu 
 became disgusted at the unreasoning ferocity of 
 Alva. They remonstrated, but in vain. The pope 
 himself interfered, and exhorted Philip to modera- 
 tion : but Yargas, a Spanish lawyer pic-emineiit 
 even nmong Spaniards for avarice and cruelty, who 
 was Alva's deputy at the Council of Blood, encou- 
 raged the king to proceed, and his voice, and those 
 of the inquisitors of Madrid, prevailed. Happy were 
 they who, accused of heresy, were only hanged or 
 drowned. By far the greater number perished on 
 the rack, or in the flames, whc e their tortures were 
 prolonged by the ingenuity of tlie inquisitors. Their 
 tongues were seared with red-hot irons, and screwed 
 in iron vices, to prevent them from uttering aloud 
 tliat testimony to the truth which even the cruelties 
 to which they were exposed would not otherwise have 
 wholly repressed. 
 
 Britain afforded a refuge to these unfortunates. 
 The fires of Smithfield were yet smouldering; but 
 there was at that time an interval when the war which 
 was waged with rack and faggot all over Europe was 
 at rest in England. Elizabeth protected the Flemish 
 exiles ; and as many of them were skilled in the arts 
 which made the Netherlands pre-eminent among the 
 commercial nntions of the world, the humane policy 
 of the queen Ijrought its own reward. EIizal)eth, 
 though not actually at war with Philip, still looked 
 U[)()ii liiin with deep dislike. She dreaded the foi'- 
 matiou of a militaiy despotism such us that of Alva's 
 
 >:f^ 
 
 .!■, > 
 
 
 ■ 1| 
 
 ," '''."■' 
 
 ■- !' "I 
 
 ■J 
 
 !.; 
 
t , ■* 
 
 l\ 
 
 \y '. 
 
 
 |f|;' 
 
 
 li 
 
 .1 !■', 
 
 « • 
 
 138 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1558—1570. 
 
 CuAPTEK SO near her own shores, and was not unwilling to give 
 — it a side blow. In common with all the Protestant 
 chiefs, she had long watched with jealousy the grow- 
 ing power of the Spanish monarchy. When, therefore, 
 the Prince of Orange, goaded to madness by the ruin 
 of his country, took up arms against the Duke of 
 Alva, she assisted him with money and advice, 
 1068 though prudence counselled her to remain as long as 
 possible on good terms with him. All Europe was 
 aware of the resentment of Philip at the miscarriage 
 of his matrimonial schemes. Had he been pre-emi- 
 nent in the councils of England, as he had been 
 during the reign of Mary, the Low Countries would 
 never have obtained their freedom. But all through 
 the struggle they obtained indirect countenance from 
 Elizabeth; and pending the time when she was able 
 to — though not for some years — afford them open 
 assistance, she stopped supplies which were on their 
 way to the Duke of Alva, and thereby reduced him 
 to the necessity of imposing taxes, which drove the 
 people to extremity, and ultimately caused the down- 
 fall of his power. 
 
 Many of the Protestants had taken to piracy. 
 They now exercised tlieir lawless calling under the 
 banner, and, as they alleged, under the patronage, 
 of the Prince of Orange. That prince and his 
 brother. Count Louis, had been at first very successful 
 against Alva ; but want of money and j)rovisiona 
 soon drove them to disl>and their forces, and Orange, 
 ai the liead of about a thousand, or twelve hun- 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 139 
 
 1558—1570.] 
 
 dred horsemen, went to France to the assistance Chaitek 
 
 V. 
 of the Calvinists. It was urgently required : the — 
 
 French Protestants, after the accommodation of 1568, 1508 
 were not allowed to remain long unmolested. The 
 queen-mother had put Henry of Anjou in the place 
 of Montmorenci : she now endeavoured to seize Conde 
 and Coligny. But Tavannes, governor of Burgundy, 
 to whom the order for this arrest was transmitted, 
 gave timely warning to the Protestant leaders. Tra- 
 versing the whole breadth of France, with scarcely 
 an attendant, Conde threw himself into Rochclle. 
 This city was the head-quarters of pirates, wlio 
 gained their living by plundering Phili])'s gold- 
 laden galleys. Soon the whole west, and the greater 
 part of the south, declared for the Protestants. The 
 queen of England supplied Conde with money and 
 munitions of war. In March he was advancing to- 
 wards the Upper Loire, to meet the Germans whom 
 Orange and his brother were bringing to his assist- 
 ance, when the Catholics met him at Jarnac. 1509 
 
 Here Conde fell. Ho liad been hurt the day 
 before by a fall, and on the morning of the battle a 
 kick from a horse had fractured his leg so that the 
 bone came through the boot. Regardless of his wounds, 
 he was in the thickest of the fight, surrounded 
 by the enemy's cavalry, when a blow from ])ehind 
 smashed his skull. Anjou, coward, and cruel, conde- 
 scended, it is said, to wreak indignities on the corpse. 
 
 Such was the strength of the belief of the necessity 
 oF royal birth for a leader in tliose days, tlint eycn 
 
 
 
 ^'■;f" 
 
 ':.y%-^-: 
 
 I'yt 
 
 ■:■'}:';.■ 
 
 ;•■' ;" ■ ''1 
 
 '>■>. 
 
 ' '.m 
 
 
 > ■ 
 
 ■ ' '1 
 
 
 ...■ < 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ■■ -fe 
 
 
 ■;';" 
 
1 
 
 " !■ 1 
 
 B- 
 
 
 pf 
 
 
 f' 
 
 
 
 
 '■'■'i- 
 
 
 ■f 
 
 
 & 
 
 ' 
 
 v.. 
 
 7 
 
 w 
 
 
 If; 
 
 
 If *. 
 
 M> 
 
 in 
 
 till 
 
 ■ 
 
 ' I 
 
 140 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1558—1570. 
 
 CiiArTER after the death of Conde, Coligny was again passed 
 — '- over, and anotlier prince sought after for the com- 
 mand : this tin^e the choice fell on Henry of Navarre. 
 Coligny obliged the Duke of Anjou to retreat, and 
 invested Poictiers. It was relieved by Henri, son 
 of the murdered Duke of Guise, who here, for the 
 first time, appears on the stage. Coligny raised the 
 siege. Queen Elizabeth sent men and money ; but it 
 was only to enable Coligny to rush again upon defeat 
 at Montcontour. He was outnumbered, and routed. 
 He himself was wounded, and directed a masterly 
 retreat from his litter. Louis of Nassau charged 
 again and again with the reckless dash of Conde'; 
 but nothing could retrieve the fortune of the day. 
 Nevertheless the Huguenot hero was imdismayed. 
 He showed himself more jiowerful, and was more 
 dreaded, after his reverses than before. 
 
 Catherine do Medicis had now got what she wanted. 
 Her darling Henry of Anjou was victorious and 
 famous ; the Huguenots, as she thought, were crushed. 
 She oifered peace ; but Coligny scornfully rejected 
 her terms. 
 
 15(39 He appeared before the gates of Paris, and com- 
 pelled from the unwilling king an amnesty, in which 
 the Huguenots were declared capable of holding all 
 offices, civil and military, and were pardoned for all 
 past offences. The edicts for liberty of conscience 
 were renewed ; and Rochelle, La Chai'ite, Montauban, 
 and Cognac were handed over to them as places of 
 refuge. Hochelle kept tlie sea open for succours 
 
 f| 
 
 si 
 
 11 
 
■m 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEliN NATIONS. 141 
 
 1558—1570.] 
 
 from England in case of a now war ; La Cliarite pre- 
 served the passage of the Loire ; Montaiiban com- 
 manded the frontiers of Languedoc ;>.id Quer^i, and 
 Cognac opened a passage into Aiigoumois, the Protes- 
 tant stronghold. 
 
 The year 1570 was one in which it appeared for 
 a moment that the landmarks so carefully and pain- 
 fully raised were to be swept away. The Protestants 
 had conquered peace ; but still their party throughout 
 Europe were in doubt and dismay. Coligny, blinded 
 by his own nobility of soul, was becoming entangled 
 in a web ot court intrio-ue. Elizabeth was thinkinc: 
 of a French alliance, and exchanging ^^jortraits with 
 the Duke of Anjou, the Catholic hero of Jarnac 
 and Montcontour. Alva was treading out, as it 
 seemed, the last sparks of liberty in the Netherlands. 
 Philip was re-enacting the middle ages, and amus- 
 ing himself with cannonading the Turks, taking- 
 care, however, to make his Venetian allies pull 
 his chestnuts out of the fire : which they did at 
 Lepanto, where they bore the brunt of the battle, 
 and he got the glory. Catherine, systematically held 
 up by liistory as the author and moving spirit of her 
 time, was, in truth, but the puppet and toy of the 
 Guises. They pulled the strings, and she bore the 
 blame of their crimes — more thru contented to do 
 so if she might still be allowed to appear powerful 
 before the world. She had but one passion — if any 
 feeling she entertained be strong enough to call a 
 
 ClIAPTKU 
 
 V. 
 
 ' ', ' 
 
 ■ ; 'i •■ 
 
 % 
 
 r ■ .' 
 
 ,f!' 
 
 <■ ' 
 
 , v. ^^ •. 
 
 (;■>• '' 
 
 
 :K. ^.■'■. 
 
 
 'i:,ii 
 
 '■'iii 
 
 > 11. 
 
 m 
 
 ( • 
 
i^ 
 
 Chapteu passion 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 III 
 
 . r 
 
 
 5 ■■ 
 
 ■ i 
 
 11 w 
 
 i •!■■ 
 
 142 EXODUS OF THE WESTEKN NATIONS. 
 
 [1558—1570. 
 
 affection for hov children. Her heart, 
 shallow and base, perverted oven that instinct : she 
 loved her children, would make them great — hut 
 great only in her own way, and as she understood 
 the term, ^^he jilunged th?m from their earliest 
 days into del)auchery that she might retain ascen- 
 dency over their enfeebled minds and enervated 
 bodies ; then exercised every art of chicane and 
 petly intrigue to set them up, puppets of a puppet, 
 in high places before the eyes of men. She was all 
 her life upon the side of the Catholics. Her Lorraine 
 masters used her as a scoui-ge of the Huguenots ; but 
 her heart Avas not in the task. In her perfect indif- 
 ference to the religious part of the question, she would 
 w^illingly havo seen her son Anjou become the 
 husband of Mary Stuart, chief of the Catholics, King 
 of Scotland, and of France ; and her son Alen9on, 
 the husband of Queen Elizabeth, and chief of the 
 Protestants. 
 
 Such was the position of the political chess-board 
 in 1570. The pope played the first move — excom- 
 munication of Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 Philip and Henry of Guise were shocked at this 
 sudden move of Pius. They were afraid that it 
 would startle Coligny, upon whom they were 
 industriously working, before their schemes were 
 ripe for execution. For a great wickedness was 
 being brewed in France — such a one as was never 
 heard of before nor shall be a^ain till the end 
 
 I 
 
 ; I. 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 143 
 
 1558—1570.] 
 
 of time — a iiifissacre of the Protestants tlironcilioTit CuAPTEn 
 France. Force liad been used in vain. Victorious or — 
 beaten, it mattered not — the Huguenots rebounded 
 undismayed. Their Hon-hearted leader, terrible even 
 in defeat, ever turned again, and kept the enemy at 
 bay. Treachery of the common kind, blandislnnents 
 and wiles, even assassination, had failed. Coligny, 
 who was a statesman as well as a hero, swept away 
 their cobwebs with a strong hand, and a smile on 
 his grave, massive face. 
 
 But the scheme now ripe for execution had been 
 gradually maturing ever since the meeting at 
 Bayonne ten years before. It was devised -^'itli 
 such consummate art that even Coligny, who had 
 seen the court break through five pacifications, whose 
 head had grown white during years of active life, 
 was duped. It seems incredible that this great 
 statesman should believe the first words of affection 
 uttered by his enemies, or be induced, on the faith of 
 any promises, to trust himself within the walls of 
 Paris. But the position of affairs at that time was 
 such that even the most wary statesman might well 
 be deceived. It appeared to be the interest of the 
 king to keep faith. Coligny was, or thought tliat he 
 was, necessary to him. Through Coligny alone 
 could he gratify his hatred of his brother Anjou, of 
 his uncles the Guises, of the court of Spain. C/harles 
 IX. had amply sufficient reason for his antipathy in 
 each of these cases. Though in general subservient 
 
 
 ' 1 t"^. 
 
 ■ .'■'■' .»■..• 
 
 
 ^'"4 
 
 .9< 
 
 ■ \l 
 
 1i[^ 
 
144 
 
 f " 
 > >' 
 
 
 f;xoi)us of the western nations. 
 
 m 
 
 i,. * 
 
 , 
 
 [1558— If) 70. 
 
 Chaptfr ^^^ ^lis motlicr, lie chafed under tlie tliialdom from 
 — L 'vliicli lie lind not energy enoiigli permanently to 
 eranneipate himself lie was at times a furious 
 madman; hut lie had lucid intervals; and at such 
 times he could bend his mother's will to his own, 
 and can-}' out his projects in spite both of her 
 and of his uncles. He knew that he was not his 
 mother's favourite son ; that she preferred the Duke 
 of Anjou; that she counted the days till his death 
 should })lace her darling on the tlirone. Anjou's 
 good fortune had placed him, as the head of the 
 army, in the position of ^'atliolic hero and fortunate 
 soldier: he was adored bv the ladies of his mother's 
 court. Charles knew that he was himself unfitted to 
 excite admiration either as a warrior or as a lover. 
 He therefore detested Anjou. He saw that the 
 Spanish party, the party of his mother and of Guise, 
 was opposed to him, and he hated it accordingly. 
 He had l)een attached to his sister Elizabeth ; and 
 report accused the King of Spain of poisoning her. 
 Nor could he forget the massacre of de Ribault's 
 colony in Florida, though he was powerless to 
 avenge it ; so that he had no lack of motives for 
 hating Spain. Again, at the time of the pacifica- 
 tion with the Protestants, Catherine had proposed a 
 marriage between Margaret, the king's sister, and 
 Henry of Navarre. Whether Catherine was sincere 
 or not, Coligny could not but perceive that the king 
 himself was thoroughly in earnest — so much in 
 
•i' 
 
 
 V. 
 
 KXc^DUS OF THE WES'i'F-RN NATION'S. 145 
 
 15r,8_ir>70.] 
 
 earnest, that he wanted to kill Henry of Gnif^e, wlio, chaitfu 
 as he thought, st(»od in the way of the marriage. The 
 king gave other proofs of good faith : the Catholics 
 of Ronen, having committed some excesses against 
 the reformers, Charles carried out tlie terms of the 
 pacification, and had them lianged. There was still 
 another reason why the king sliould be true. The 
 Low Countries had at lengtli opposed such deter- 
 mined resistance to Alva, that Philip was obliged to 
 disown and disgi'ace him. Charles determined to 
 seize this opportunity of satisfying his old grudge 
 against Philip, by attacking the Flemish dominions 
 of Spain. But if he did, whom should he place in 
 command of the army — Anjou ? the king would 
 rather die than appoint him. Coligny should com- 
 mand. 
 
 Charles was perfectly sincere in all this, and 
 Coligny could not but perceive that he Avas so. 
 Coligny's nn'stake consisted in believing too much in 
 the stability of the king's mind, and in thinking that 
 Charles and himself were a match in intrigue for 
 Catherine and the Guises. He came to Paris, and 
 assisted in the negotiations that ensued with Eng- 
 land, Venice, Orange. This was just what Guise,* 
 bribed with Spanish gold, required. He could coun- 
 terplot the king and Coligny. He could mature his 
 plan of the massacre, and all this by simply letting 
 nuitters alone. All he had to make sure was this. 
 
 * llenvy of (iuisc-, ciillcl " Miicio" hy Philip II. See Motley's His- 
 tory of the United Xetlioilmids. 
 
 vor,. I. L 
 
;..| i|;; 
 
 fr - 
 
 
 140 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1558—1570. 
 
 CiiAiTEu that Charles's project against the Low Countries 
 
 slioiild not be mature l)efore his own plans for the 
 
 massacre. Guise had to hurry his preparations, for 
 Count Louis took the field, and seized Mons by a 
 coup (le main with the Huguenot soldiers who 
 joined his standard, while Alva still imagined him 
 to be " tennis-playing at Versailles." The Prince 
 of Orange hurried his preparations, and had barely 
 completed them, when he received intelligence 
 1572 that Brille had fallen into the hands of a marauder 
 named William de la Marck. This adventurer 
 was one of the .maritime 'gueux,' or beggars, as 
 they were called by their opponents ; in other 
 words, a Protestant fugitive, who, like many of his 
 countrymen, had taken to piracy, under a commission 
 from the Prince of Orange and in the name of the 
 reformed religion. De la Marck and his followers 
 had a year before taken refuge in an English port, 
 whence he issued forth to plunder the treasure-ships 
 of the Spaniards on their way up channel to the 
 Netlierlands. Alva had remonstrated at Elizabeth's 
 " unkindness," as he called it, in allowing the ene- 
 mies of his master to harbour in English territory. 
 Though Elizabeth had no reason to love the Spanish 
 king, or his haughty viceroy in the Netherlands, she 
 had not yet heard of Alva's intended invasion of 
 England, or of his correspondence with the Duke of 
 Norfolk and the English Catholics. In order to 
 avoid a rupture with Spain, she had desired the 
 Count de la Marck and his followers to quit the 
 
 1 
 
1 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 117 
 
 ir,5H— 1570.J 
 
 kingdom. De la Marck obeyed, and with twenty- ciiAiiru 
 five vessels set sail from Dover, seized a couple of — ^ 
 Spanisli treasure -ships in his way, and possessed 
 himself of Brille, at the mouth of the Maese, whence 
 he wrote desiring the Prince of Orange to hasten 
 to his assistance. 
 
 News of the exploit of De la Marck reached the 
 Duke of Alva just in time to save a number of 
 innocent victims whom he had condemned to death. 
 Trade did not thrive under persecution ; nor did 
 confidence exist among the merchants : Alva's i-e- 
 source in this, as in most cases, was capital punish- 
 ment. Seventeen principal burghers had been se- 
 lected ; the troops were under arms in the market- 
 Y)laco, the gibbets were prepared, the cords and the 
 executioners were ready, when a messenger arrived 
 in hot haste to tell of the capture of Brille ; and 
 Alva, from motives of policy, reluctantly renoiniced 
 for the moment the intended execution. TIio 
 Count de Bossut, governor of Holland, w^'o cc»m- 
 manded the Spanish troops, endeavoured in vain to 
 recover Brille. The townsmen opened the sluices 
 and flooded him out of the country. He marched 
 first to Dort, and then to llotterdam ; but as his 
 troops behaved with the ordinary cruelty of the 
 Spaniards, the whole province was soon in a blaze, 
 and Zealand generally declared for the Prince of 
 Orange. 
 
 By September the Prince of Orange was in 
 Hainault with twenty thousand men. Here he was 
 
 r. 2 
 
 f>'' 
 
 , '1. 
 
 m 
 
 111 
 
•18 
 
 EXODUS OF 'i'HE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 
 ,■ ; • 
 
 [1558—1570. 
 
 cuAiTER told of the massacre of St. Bartholomew. He heard 
 
 V. 
 
 — - how, on tlie ni.i^ht of tlie twenty-fom-th of August, 
 the Duke of Guise, who had so lately, at his king's 
 command, offered the liand of good fellowship to 
 Coligny, and promised to forget his ancient feud, 
 had himself stood at the door of the veneraLle ad- 
 miral's apartment, while an attendant foully mur- 
 dered him. He heard hoAV the king himself had 
 fired upon the people, and with almost a madman's 
 joy had shouted to the hutchers to kill and not to 
 spare. lie heard that Guerchy was dead, and the 
 amiable Teligny, and sixty thousand more of the 
 bravest of his late companions in arms. 
 
 The intelligence was a stunning blow for the 
 Prince of Orange If anything could have added to 
 his hatred of Alva or of Alva's master, it would 
 have been their conduct on the receiving intelligence 
 of the massacre. Philip offered public thanksgivings 
 to heaven for the defeat of his enemies, and sent 
 congrntulatory messages to the French king. Men 
 attiibuted the treachery which had just been executed 
 to the dark suggestions of Alva. They reminded 
 one another of the meeting at Bayonne, twelve years 
 before, and surmised that the wicked plot had been 
 then concocted, and had been ever since steadily kept 
 in view. 
 
 But the Prince of Orange hfid other reasons for 
 dismay. Among his army were many French sub- 
 jects who had joined him when they believed their 
 king to le favourable to his undeitaking. Would 
 
 ! ' 
 
 II 
 
I 
 
 ■• 'V 
 
 f':u- 
 
 EXODUS OF THE VVESTEUN NATIONS. 
 
 149 
 
 1558—1570.] 
 
 they remain faitliful to liis standard now ? He him- 
 self was acting under a commission from Charles IX. ; 
 and it was now certain that he had nothing more 
 to hope for from that sovereign. 
 
 Tlie prince felt tliat nothing was left for him but 
 to show a bold front, and to endeavour by some 
 signal success to retain the waverers on his side. 
 He therefore marched with all despatch to the relief 
 of Mons. 
 
 The course of action which Alva had adopted 
 when William and his brother Louis had first at- 
 temj)ted to rescue their country from the Spaniardt<, 
 lie now repeated. He avoided an engagement with 
 the most consummate skill, and left want of funds 
 and of provisions to do the work of demoraliza- 
 tion on the army of his opponent. The Prince of 
 Orange was forced to retreat. Count Louis ca- 
 ])itulated ; and the Spanish general, Frederick of 
 Toledo, gradually recovered all the towns in the 
 southern provinces which had declared for the Prince 
 of Orange. 
 
 The massacre of St. Bartholomew, ftxr from anni- 
 hilating the French Huguenots, only rendered them 
 more formidable. They crowded into the fortresses 
 which remained in the hands of their party ; and 
 knowing that they could now put no more trust in 
 the word of the king, defended Rochelle with an 
 energy and success which entirely defied the best 
 elforts of their opjmnents. 
 
 Elizabeth was deeply incensed at the conduct of 
 
 ClIAITEU 
 
 V. 
 
 • •* 
 
p 
 
 8 
 
 ^ 
 
 It 
 
 150 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEIIN NATIONS. 
 
 !'■■■ 
 
 i' 
 
 ';' * ' 
 
 [1558—1570, 
 
 Chai-ieb ^}jg French court. The French ambassador, who 
 was ordered to excuse it to her on the ground that 
 it was a pohtical necessity, was received witli coldness 
 and neglect ahnost amounting to insult.* No one at 
 court would speak to him or return ids salutations. 
 The English nobles were so eager to avenge the 
 murdered Huguenots, that they offered to raise an 
 army, and maintain it for six months on French 
 ground at their own expense. But the queen, who 
 was engaged in watching the warlike preparations of 
 Philip, and who easily foresaw that she would sooner 
 or later be dragged into the impending quarrel, 
 contented herself with fortifying her coasts and put- 
 ting her fleet in order. The militia was drilled and 
 armed ; and the German Protestants were called 
 upon to join in preparations for a struggle whicli 
 seemed imminent ; and which, if once begun, would 
 amount to a general European conflagration — a Pro- 
 testant league against a Catholic crusade. 
 
 The enmity of the Catholic courts was not a matter 
 of mere surmise. The Duke of Norfolk was dib 
 covered to be in communication with the Spaniards, 
 Alva, as soon as he had reduced the Netherlands to 
 obedience, had turned his attention to England. He 
 engiiged to kind ten thousand men near London ; 
 Norfolk and Northuniberland were to raise the 
 (^itholics of England. This had come to the know- 
 ledge of Elizabeth : it was therefore witli great satis- 
 faclion that ilie (pieen [)erceived that, notvvithstand- 
 
 * Carlo. Eciioloii'h ilesiuitclicb. 
 
 m^ 
 
m 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 151 
 
 1558—1570.] 
 
 iiie: tlic reverses wliich the Prince of Orano'e ex- Chaiter 
 
 V. 
 
 perieiiced in the south, he seemed fully able to hold — ^ 
 his own in Zealand and the maritime provinces. 
 She refused active assistance, but held out constant 
 encouragement to the Protestants to persevere. 
 
 
 
 • ■ ;'}! 
 
 ll. 
 
 
ml ' ' ^ ' 
 
 M'l ■ 
 
 1 " ■ 
 
 \ ■ 
 
 152 
 
 EXODUtS OF THE WESTEKN NATIONH. 
 
 [1570—1003. 
 
 w "■ 
 
 u 
 
 K'*" ' 
 
 ■ \ ] 
 
 8?" 
 
 • '\ 
 
 si- ' ''* 
 
 '\ 
 
 *■ ' ■ ''j 
 
 " ?. 
 
 v**' ■' ;;' . • 
 
 ^' * 
 
 1^. ■ /■; 
 
 
 ■ .' ■ r 
 
 ■' 
 
 t.. ■» 
 
 1, ' 
 
 1 , 
 
 J,' 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 . . 1 
 
 ciiAP^'Ku vr. 
 
 'I' Jl 1-: H U J. Y 1. 1'] A u u K. 
 
 [1570— IGOa.] 
 
 l''onnatioii of tlio Holy ijoaj^uo — Roactioii in Eiiropu apiiiist tlie Uoloniia- 
 tioii — English Adventurers — Downfall ol' the League — Erench Discovery. 
 
 (juAiTiiu Till now the course of tlio Protostuiit Kcvolutiou 
 vi. 
 — litid l)eeii always in advance. It Lad experienced 
 
 no clieck ; it acknowledged no defeat. Persecution 
 which would have crushed a weaker cause had but sti- 
 mulated its zeal, and developed its energies. Country 
 after country had tlirown off the dominion of the 
 po})e. Witli the single exception of Ireland, all 
 northern Europe was Protestant. Henceforth the 
 tide turned. 1 he Catholic reaction hegaii. During 
 the next two generations a great drama was })er- 
 formed — the history of the Holy League. At tiie 
 vciv heginning new actors took a part in it. 
 
 Pliilip and Elizabeth held the purse-strings of their 
 respective parties, (.^itherinc de Medicis hnd already 
 ruined two of her sons. »S^e was now the evil genius 
 of a third, and tlie tool of a second generation of the 
 
VI. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 153 
 
 l-,70— ICOy.] 
 
 Guises. Her new muster, Henry with tlie Scar, son Cii.\rn.:« 
 of the imperious and hauglity Francis, surpassed his 
 father in daring, in ambition, in violence, and in 
 genius. He had been the principal mover of the 
 Bartholomew massacre. He now appeared as the 
 founder of the League. A traitor to his country, the 
 centre of Spanish policy in Europe, while Spanish 
 troops were starving, and Spanish generals dying 
 broken-hearted through their sovereign's neglect, 
 " Mucio," as he is called in Pliilip's ciphered letters, 
 was always plentifully supplied with S})anish gold. 
 
 The new Kmg of France, though he had acquired 
 some reputation at Jarnac and Montcontour, had for- 
 gotten all that was manly in his character, in the 
 \ enetian CaprccU, where he loitered in luxurious 
 seclusion after his flight from the Polish crown. The 
 woman's dress, the bracelets, the earrings, with whicli 
 he delighted to exhibit himself, showed the depth of 
 degradation io whicli the royal trifler had descended. 
 He surrounded himself with " mignons," whom he 
 selected for their beauty, tlieir ferocity, their skill in 
 the niceties of the stoccado. He admired stiength 
 and daring, but he shrunk with umnanly fear from 
 personal risk, or particijiation in rough scenes. 
 Tins was the man wliom fiite had o})posed to the 
 brig] it and daring prince, the hero of Protestantism, 
 Henry of Navarre, the man whose battle-horse was 
 tlie Reformation, and who rode it maufully and welh 
 Only, unfortunately for his fame, lie dismounted 
 ere the fight was won. l>ut j)erhaps the most 
 
 ) 
 
 •Jl 
 
 M 
 
ifi' 
 
 I. 
 
 I, / 
 
 t'-n 
 
 h 
 
 I 
 f i 
 
 (JUAI'TER 
 
 - . 
 
 \ 
 
 V 
 
 1 
 
 154 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NAl'IONS. 
 
 [1570— 1G03, 
 
 noteworthy of any was Alexander Farnese, Prince 
 of Parma. The right hand of Pliihp in the 
 Netherlands, chief of his projected invasion of Eng- 
 land ; «, man of iron nerve and Italian subtlety of 
 brain, he challenges the reluctant admiration even of 
 those wiiom he did his best to ruin. If, on the one 
 hand, stern fidelity to his king, stedfast adherence to 
 his own standard of right, moderation in victory, 
 manly bearing in defeat, clear-oii^htcdness in politics, 
 >n'gorous arm in action, marvellous fertility of re- 
 source, be qualities worthy of praise, Farnese de- 
 mands it at our hands. If, on the other hand, to lie 
 basely, habitually, unscrupulously, " upon his honour," 
 whenever it suited his purpose, demr.nd reprobation, 
 we cannot judge too hardly of his character. 
 
 Though last, not least, William the Silent, " Father 
 William," the greatest Protestant general of the ago, 
 the man who by his own personal influence made head 
 against all the power of reaction, claims a foremost 
 place among the statesmen of the time. 
 
 Here is a list, in chronological order, of the prin- 
 cipal events in the history of the League, from the 
 massacre of St. Bartholomew to the defeat of the 
 Spanish Armada. 
 
 1573. A grand military spectacle in the Netherlands 
 in which William the Silent gradually made head 
 against the enemy. Then came the accession of 
 Henry III. It was announced that the king would 
 mediate between the Huguenots and the Catliolics. 
 He tried to do so, failed, and retired covered with con- 
 
 : 
 

 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 lOi) 
 
 1570—1003.] 
 
 fusion. The war, for a moment interrupted, was (Juaitku 
 
 ' , ^ VI. 
 
 again resumed. — 
 
 1576. The Escurial was startled by the announce- 
 ment that the Spanish siege of Leyden had been raised, 
 that Requesens was dead, that his unpaid troops had 
 mutinied, that a horrible massacre had taken place in 
 Antwerp. Such was the news from the Low Countries. 
 From Henry of Guise came intelligence that the 
 Protestant hero had escaped from Pans, had put him- 
 self at the head of the Huguenots, had been joined 
 by Francis Duke of Anjou, and a German army 
 under young Conde, and had forced from the king- 
 ad vantageous conditions of peace. 
 
 1577. The Cardinal of Lorraine, Catherine de 
 Medicis, and Guise, lost no time in arranging details 
 which they had long been medicating for forming tlie 
 Holy League. It was to destroy heresy all over the 
 world. It was to be supported by Philip in purse 
 and person ; by the pope, and all who were loyal to 
 his power ; by German lanzknechts ; by Italian c(jn- 
 dottieri ; by the assassin's dagger,* the poison cup ; 
 and by Mexican pistoles. 
 
 While the preparations were in progress for the 
 war determined on by the League, there was much 
 
 * Si'o conspiracy of Anthony Babiiii^ton against life of Quoon Elizabotli. — 
 Canitlcn ; Murdin, State Papers, 412, 413. S(!e also letter from I'hilii) to 
 I'aniia, Nov. 30, 1579, otVering 30,000 crowns to any wlio who would 
 deliver ()rauge dead or alive. Archives et C'orres. de la Maisun d'Orange 
 Nassau, aj). Groen v. Trinsterer, (piloted by Motley. Five atti'nii)ts on tiic 
 life of Orange, the last successful, were made in consccpience of this offered 
 reward. See Motley's lUso of Dutch lU'iuiblic, vol iii., for original 
 aulhnrities cited therein. 
 
 •,■; -.ill 
 
 •if 
 
I' 
 
 II, 
 
 \/ • 
 
 [.f 
 
 »■ 
 
 
 j" ' : 
 
 r ^ 
 
 1 ■ 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 -' 
 
 :i 
 
 15G HXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [inyo— 1G03. 
 CiiAiTEn wrangling tliroiiglioiit Europe, but little fighting. 
 — '- Prince Casimir and the army under liis command, 
 were dismissed by tlie Low Countries, whom Elizabetli 
 bad sent bini to assist ; the Prince of Orange became 
 an object of suspicion to bis friends ; and Don John of 
 Austria died. 
 
 In 1579, the Prince of Orange, with deputies from 
 Utt'ecbt, Groningen, Oberyssel, Friesland, and Guel- 
 <1 ;and, assembled for the purpose of signing tlie 
 '■ l^ ^^on" of the Netherlands. Meanwhile the King 
 oi Pi.v.'Mgal had embarked with his army on a 
 romantic expedition ngainst the Moors. Philip took 
 jidvaatage of the occasion to seize the crown of Por- 
 tugal, and other valuables which Antonio had left 
 behind him. 
 
 1582. Spain, successful in the neighbouring country 
 of Portugal, made a descent on Ireland, where tlie 
 soldiers who took part in the expedition were de- 
 servedly hanged by Lord Grey. The Low Countries 
 definitively cast off their allegiance, and transferred 
 it to the Duke of Anjou. Five attempts were suc- 
 cessively made on the life of the Prince of Orange. 
 So well was the advice of Cardinal Granvelle followed, 
 " poner talla de 30 o 40 mil escudos, a quien le 
 matasse o diesse vivo, como hazeii todos los jwtentadois 
 de Italia^* The last attempt was successful. 
 
 In 1585 a deputation of Flemish plenipotentiaries 
 performed the tour of Europe, offering tlie crown of 
 the Netherlands to each sovereign in succession — 
 
 ♦ Gvanvcllc to riiilip, Aug. 8, 1579. 
 
Ic 
 
 EXODUS OF THK WESTERN NATIONS. 157 
 
 1570—1003.] 
 
 which not one of them would accept. Pln'lip mean- 
 while worked hard at his preparations for his Englisli 
 invasion, on which, for the next few years, he con- 
 centrated all the energy of his mind, nntil in 15h'^ ,, 
 tlie great Armada came, only to be destroyed by *>o 
 providence of God, and the dauntless courage of the 
 F]nglish seamen. 
 
 I have thought it necessary to bring to the reader's 
 recollection th^ events which have just been enu- 
 merated, inasmuch as the wars of religion so ma- 
 terially affect the development of those states which, 
 in the succeeding century, cole uzf America. These 
 wars were, in fact, the great v^bov i in which the cha- 
 racter of Europe was fori. ji'. It is not too much 
 to say that no emigratior went forth that was not 
 in some measure affected b .'lem, and that too when 
 private interest or mere adventure ap[)eared to be 
 the sole motive power. During the sixteenth cen- 
 turv, all the western nations were involved in the 
 war of creeds, and their fortunes depended on the 
 issue of the struggle. With the massacre of 1572, 
 the main event of the contest was decided. The 
 schism had spent its force : the reaction began. 
 Protestantism wrested no fresh countries from the 
 pope ; nor did Catholicism recover those in which 
 the Reformation was accepted. Each held its own 
 ground. Protestantism was dominant in northern 
 Europe. The party of I'eaction strove fiercely to 
 dislodge it, but it has remained there unshaken till 
 this day. Catholicism prevailed in the south ; and 
 
 CHAITF.lt 
 
 VI. 
 
 .■''■'♦i-' 
 
 J-'. 
 
 ' -.' 'i 
 
«.iv 
 
 VL 
 
 i» V 
 
 :V-;, 
 
 ir)S EXOLUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [ir)70— ino;?. 
 
 CitAiTKR tlic scliisin made no fiir'^ior aclvances in that, direc- 
 tion. But in central Europe, tlie land wliicli lay 
 in debate between the Reformation and the Leap;ue, 
 the ancient faith gradually re.irained its ascendency 
 and remained mistress of the field. 
 
 The cause must bo sought in the position which 
 the two religious parties now assumed. 
 
 In the days of Calvin, of Luther, of Leo, the con- 
 test had been between men very much in earnest 
 and men not in earnest at all. The pa})acy was 
 apatlietic. The Reformers were protesting against 
 abuses, and were readj^ to shed their blood in defence 
 of their opinions. The eflPects of the revolution, like 
 those of all successful revolutions, went much further 
 than at first sight they seemed likely to do. The 
 Church whicli it opposed caught the infection of 
 reform — there was a change within as well as with- 
 out her pale. One class of reformers was anxious to 
 liurl her headlong to the ground; another sought 
 to furbish up the old armoiu' which had been })roved 
 in many a desperate fight. The monastic orders were 
 ])urified. Able men, whose lives were of undeniable 
 sanctity, sat on the throne of St. Peter. The church 
 became animated with a spirit of enthusiasm equal to, 
 if not exceeding, that of the seceders from her com- 
 munioii. Wlrlle the Jesuits worked the reaction 
 with unparalleled devotion, their opponents began to 
 quarrel vainly among themselves. In England, the 
 queen persecuted the Puritans : in the Palatinate, 
 the elector persecuted the Lutherans. 
 
 
1 
 
 1570—1003.] 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 " As tlipy waxed hot in faction, 
 In battle tliey waxed cold." * 
 
 ir>o 
 
 CllAlTER 
 
 VI. 
 
 The later wars of religion were hardly wap^ed for 
 the sake of relif>;ion at all. At length, religion 
 ceased to he even nominally the moving spring of 
 European wars. 
 
 The 2:reat old leaders were dead. Thev left no snc- 
 cessors Plunder and pay among the connnon soldiers ; 
 private ambition and advancement among tlie nohles ; 
 — such were the motives of action. Tlie first zeal of the 
 Reformers had evaporated ; the people saw nothing 
 of its results but the ruin of their countries and tliem- 
 selves. The nobles asked themselves if the aim and 
 end of long and bloody wars were that a few poten- 
 tates should eiu'ich themselves witli the i)Iunder of 
 the church. A statesman like Orange might see that 
 personal and political liberty Avas inv(»lved in tlie 
 struggle for religious liberty ; a statesman like Parma 
 might see that, unless the Catholic religion was up- 
 held, the tap-root of absolutism was cut, and the 
 future ascendency of democracy insured. Orange, 
 perhaps, was the only man who proposed to him- 
 self not liberty for Protestantism, but liberty of 
 conscience for Protestant and Catholic alike. Many 
 fought hard on either side for the triumph of their 
 own faith ; but Orange was the only one, so far as 
 history gives us any clue, who divined in the six- 
 teenth century the meaning of the modern word tolera- 
 tion. The original object of the contest had been 
 
 * Macaulay, Lays of Ancient Uome. 
 
 
 
 ;'■'■■ 
 
ff ?J 
 
 100 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 i:- 
 
 ;'■' * 
 
 ' n. 
 
 i!^' 
 
 [IT) 70— 1003. 
 
 CiiAiTEn forgotten : now tliat Lutlior siiid Calvin were no 
 vr. *^ 
 
 — longer at liand, tlie Ilefbrmers were divided among 
 
 themselves. Tliere were Lntlierans, Calvinists, Flac- 
 cianists, Mnjorists, Adiapliorists, Hrantionists, Ana- 
 baptists. Each of these, when not persecuted, 
 claimed the right of persecution. William of ITesse 
 and John of Nassau strove in vain for a " Con- 
 cordia " among the different sects. No one list- 
 ened; and it was the personal c' iracter only of 
 Orange that kept the whole machine from going to 
 pieces. The struggle was centred at last in the 
 Netherland provinces of King Philip. Ou them the 
 King of Spain concentrated his attention ; ngainst 
 them he directed his ahlest generals, his Va'avest 
 veterans. Upon that die he staked the cause of 
 absolute power. 
 
 Included in the Netherlands quarrel was that of 
 Philip with England. It was on English protection 
 and help that the Low C^onntry men principally re- 
 lied : it wiis mainly as a base of operations, whence 
 England might be enslaved and France crushed, that 
 Philip regarded them. Elizabeth saw this plaiidy. 
 She accepted the issue and the battle-ground. The 
 names of the heroes whom she sent into the States 
 sound, as Mr. Motley observes, " like a roll-call ol' 
 the English chivalry." There was the lover of the 
 Queen, Leicester — " her own sweet Robin ;" Sir 
 Phili[) Sidney, governor of Flushing, who died a 
 hero's death at Zutphen. There were Audley and 
 Essex, Pelham, Russell ; there was Stanley, who, in 
 

 EXODT'S OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 161 
 
 1570—1003.] 
 
 si^lit of two armies, clung to a SpaniHh pike and was Ohapter 
 lifted clean over the parapet of tlie great fort of — 
 Zutplien, and, single-handed, held his own against 
 an armv till his soldiers scrambled over the walls. 
 There was Sir John Norris, " the best soldier of tliem 
 all," as Parma wrote to Philip.* There was Sir 
 Francis Drake ; " a fearful man to the King of Spain 
 is Sir Francis Drake," as the great Lord Burleigh 
 exclaims, t There was the hero of a hundred ballads, 
 and of as many fights, 
 
 " r?rave Lord Willou<.'Viby, 
 Of courage fierce and fell," 
 
 These, and many more like them, were sent 
 by F'izabeth to help the men of Holland. For, 
 although she long fought against the idea, although 
 she hoped against hope that peace would be esta- 
 blished and war avoided, events had hurried her 
 into a position from which there was no escape. It 
 was very evident to the grave Burleigh and the 
 astute Walsingham that sooner or later a contest 
 must take place with Spain, in the issue of which the 
 very existence of England would be involved. To 
 postpone this attack until England could be fully pre- 
 pared became their principal object. Tt could only be 
 effected by hampering Philip's movements in Holland, 
 and cutting off his supplies from America. 
 
 As long as William the Silent lived, Elizabeth felt 
 
 * MS. Archives de Simancas (quoted by Motley), Parmn to Philip, 30th 
 *»ct. 1586. 
 t Leicester Correspond., 199. 
 
 'W 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 M 
 
ir,2 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1570— 1G03. 
 
 CHArTF.n comparatively secure. The plans of Philip were not 
 — yet matured. The genius of Orange kept him pretty 
 fully employed. It was only necessary to help unos- 
 tentatiously, to send an occasional subsidy or a hand- 
 ful of men. The queen's well-known parsimony made 
 her deal out these supplies with a very sparing hand. 
 Her money was too hardly come by to permit her to 
 waste it. In truth, her power was as yet very different 
 from what it was afterwards. The historian of the 
 Dutch repuldic gives a lively sketch of her position.* 
 " The England," he says, " of EHzabeth, Walsing- 
 liam, Burghley, Drake, and Kaleigh, of Spenser and 
 Shakespeare, hardly numbered a larger population 
 than now dwells in its capital and immediate suburbs. 
 it had neither standing army nor royal navy. It 
 was full of conspirators, daring and unscrupulous, 
 loyal to none save to Mary of Scotland, Philip of 
 S])aiii, find the pope of Rome, and untiriug in their 
 efforts to ])ring about a general rebellion. With 
 Ireland at its side, nominally a subject province, but 
 in a state of chronic insurrection ; a perpetual hotbed 
 of S|)aiiish cons})iracy and stratagem ; with Scotland 
 at its back, a foreign country with half its population 
 exasperated enemies of England and the rest but 
 doubtful friends; with the legitimate sovereign of 
 that country 
 
 '* Tlic {lauj,'liter of tlcbati-, 
 Wild (li.sconl still did sow," 
 
 Motley, Mist. Ihiilcd NctliprlaiidH, i. 29. 
 

 .1G03. 
 
 } not 
 
 retty 
 
 mos- 
 
 land- 
 
 made 
 
 band. 
 
 er to 
 
 ferent 
 
 ►f the 
 
 tion.* 
 
 Jsing- 
 
 r and 
 
 ilation 
 
 burl)S. 
 
 y. It 
 
 nilouH, 
 ilip of 
 L tlieir 
 With 
 CO, but 
 lotbod 
 otlaiid 
 lation 
 st but 
 igu of 
 
 VI. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 1G3 
 
 1570—100.'].] 
 
 a prisoner in p]hzabetli's hands, — tlic central point CuArrEu 
 round which treason was ahvays cryitalh'zing itself," 
 — she never could be at ease. 
 
 Tliere were two other reasons which made Eliza- 
 beth very unwilling actively to intervene in Flemish 
 affairs. JTer temper, like that of all tlie Tudors, was 
 liauglity and despotic. The Provinces, however good 
 miglit be their cause, were in rebellion against an 
 anointed king ;— slie sympathized with the cause, but 
 she hated tlie rebellion, and would rather, if she could 
 have done so safely, put down the rebellion th.an 
 help it on. She was from policy, not from con- 
 viction, a Protestant. The Dutch were Calvinists, 
 men with whoso tenets she liad no sympathy what- 
 ever. She was sincerely desirous of remaining at 
 peace with Philip. All Europe was afraid of him. 
 The Spaniards were considered more than human 
 in their power and bravery. It was not till 
 years of predatory warfore carried on by hor })()ld 
 pirates and adventurers had convinced Elizabeth 
 that the Spaniard Avas in ti'uth anything but invin- 
 cible, that she in her heart believed the possibility of 
 successful resistance. Tlie quarrel was not, in her 
 opinion, yet irremediable. The great tragedy of the 
 Scottish queen, whose execution was to render peace 
 with Philip even in her own eyes impossibh*, was yet 
 in alievance. At the last moment, in the autumn of 
 ir)87, when Philip had irrevocably and finally de- 
 cided on doing all that Lay in his power to dethrone 
 and destroy her, she was ever catching at the hopes 
 
 M 2 
 
 • !l 
 
 \--- .'«! 
 

 * <• 
 
 ■'1 . 
 
 
 •/ • 
 
 
 
 
 
 r V, 
 
 vr. 
 
 104 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1570— 1G03. 
 
 chaptku of peace witli whicli the matchless diiphcity of Alex- 
 ander Farne.sc amused her credulity. 
 
 The murder of the Prince of Orange g^ave the first 
 rude shock to the system of ostensible neutrality 
 which she had proposed to herself. The crime of 
 Balthazar Gerard irrevocably determined her future 
 course. The story, so fraug-ht with ruin to the Pro- 
 testant cause, demands a word in passing. In 1583, 
 the prince had shifted his quarters from Antwerp to 
 the little town of Delft, which lay on the high road 
 between Rotterdam and the Hague. A cana' over- 
 shadowed by tall trees, occupied the centre of the 
 principal street. On each side was a roadway, 
 beyond, houses with their courtyards and offices 
 stretched back to the town walls. One of these 
 houses belonged to the prince ; it was a two-story 
 brick building; it looked on to a court-yard which 
 bordered on the street ; along one side of the court, 
 at right ajigles to tiie roadway, a narrow alley ran 
 back to tlio widls. On the ground floor was the 
 dining-room, and the princij^al entrance into the 
 couit. The enti'ance communicated by iv covered way 
 with a little hail, into which opened on one side the 
 dining-room door, on another a deej) archway with a 
 door into the lane, on the third stairs which led to the 
 private apartments above. 
 
 On Sunday, 8th July, 1584, the prince was aroused 
 from sleep by the announcement of a courier fi'om 
 France, who bore intelligence of the death of the 
 Duke of Anjou. The messenger was sunmioned to 
 
•V 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERK NATIONS. 165 
 
 1570—1003.] 
 
 p-ivo details of the murcler. He was a man of low Chapteu 
 
 . . VI. 
 
 stature, and meanly dressed ; his complexion sallow ; — - 
 Ins general appearance furtive and disagreeable. 
 lie appeared to be somewhat under thirty years 
 of age. His name he stated to be Francis Guion, 
 son of a martyred Calvinist. Such was Belthazar 
 Gerard — a man who for seven years had been sworn 
 to assassinate the man who now lay before him 
 uiuirmcd and in bed. The summons to the prince's 
 chamber was so unexpected that Gerard had not 
 time to mature his plan ; nor, indeed, had he funds 
 to buy a weapon. He was indebted to the charity 
 of Orange, who compassionated his forlorn appear- 
 ance, for an alms, which he expended in the pur- 
 chase of a pair of pistols. This purchase was made 
 on the Monday. About noon on the Tuesday, Gerard 
 concealed himself in the shadow of the archway 
 which led into the lane. The prince, who was at 
 dinner with his friends, came out conversing plea- 
 santly with the burgomaster of Lcewarden, his only 
 guest that day. He had advanced to the bottom of 
 the stairs, when Gerard stepped forward, and dis- 
 charged his pistol. The assassin passed through the 
 archway, and ran swiftly towards the walls. Ho 
 was, however, arrested by the attendants. But the 
 greatest statesman of the ago lay dead in his own 
 dining-room, with three bullets through his heart. 
 
 The states, depiived of the storng hand and reso- 
 lute spirit of Onuige, sought long and earnestly for 
 a protector. Henry of France refused. Surrounded 
 by his worthless uiiuions, ho[)elessly eulaiigled in the 
 
 » . ' ' 
 
 ' *l 
 
;v.\ 
 
 
 '!■■ 
 
 
 rf. 
 
 
 P 
 
 ; 
 
 f. 
 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 1'. 
 
 
 fr \ 
 
 1G6 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1570— 1G03. 
 
 CiiAiTER meshes of his mother's intrigues, sold to be a tool 
 
 VI 
 
 — ^ and bond-slave to Philip by the rival whom he hated 
 and feared, but could not shake off, the poor king 
 dared not, if he would, accept the protectorate of 
 Philip's revolted provinces. Elizabeth, too, refused, 
 for she was intent upon the Spanish quarrel, which 
 had become inevitable. Nevertheless, she was com- 
 pelled to declare herself. She sent Leicester with the 
 title of governor-general to the states. 
 
 While tlie quarrel with Spain was thus brewing, 
 England was quietly amassing the \ reans by wliich 
 danger could be repelled. She had no royal navy, 
 but a strange spirit had taken possession of her mer- 
 chants. It was a curious mixture— half fanaticism, 
 half piracy. J3old explorers h;:d ruoased the mari- 
 time ardour of the nation. Zoa'ot;. hiid infused into 
 it religious fervour. To the to? riper thus nurtured 
 we owe our colonies, our conm. :,o, our existence. 
 The sailors of Elizabeth crij/oled Uit resources of the 
 Spania.'! ^y their raids on the AV est Indian shores. 
 They crusliC"! hib last huge effort in tlu; great sea- 
 
 fighLjfl5MM. 
 
 It was still a mystery eagerly discussed by geo- 
 graphers whether fertile lands did n^t lie bet\yeen 
 Florida and the river of Canada. Winganditoin, still 
 awaited the discoverer, who was to re-christen it 
 after the A^irgin Queen. During her life no perma- 
 nent settlement was made ; but her adventurous 
 mariners suiely paved tlie way for the political and 
 rehgiuuH exiles of the Stuarts. 
 
 The intelligence of the nation was ex[)anding. 
 

 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 1G7 
 
 i:>70— 1003.] 
 
 Thought had been emancipated by tie Reformation, chaptku 
 The very nature of the authority exercised by the — - 
 Tudor princes left individual action untrammeled. 
 Spain alone '^ould dispute with England the supre- 
 macy of the seas, and the dread with which it was 
 regarded was fast diminishiug before the incrof>sing 
 number of naval actions in which English sailors 
 came off triumphant. The Spaniards held the mar- 
 kets of the New World. Fabulous accounts of the 
 wealth which they drew thence were circulated and 
 believed. There was not a merchant but had his 
 imagination full of patents, "/nd companieSj privileges, 
 monopolies, and settlements. The cruelties perpe- 
 trated by the Spaniards added religious zeal to the 
 hatred with which they were regarded as the mono- 
 polists 01 the Indies. It must be acknowledged that 
 Enghshmen vied with their rivals in ferocity. I'lic 
 Spaniards were enemies of God and the queer . Mas- 
 sacres were committed by both on the most n.},hteous 
 pretexts. Zeal for the church on one side.^ zeal for 
 the reformation on the other, sanctioned cxcw excess. 
 Behind the decent veil of religion jach f(»u;:^hl: for 
 and worshipped with unpityin cruelty their comdj^ui 
 idol — gold. 
 
 The English had precede d the Frencl' in tiieir 
 North American discoveries. It was not, however, 
 until the viceroyalty of . tada had assumed con- 
 siderable importance that any ftttempt was made 
 from England to hiterfere with them. 
 
 Sir Humphrey Gilbert, of Compton, in Devonshire, 1580 
 
 ' .t'.'ti 
 
 ' fl 
 
 ■ ! I 
 f 
 
1G8 ilXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1570—1603. 
 
 CiiArTKu was the first wlio started. lie obtained a patent from 
 ■ \ I. 
 
 — the quGen granting' to liini for ever sucli barbarous 
 countries as he could discover, and giving him abso- 
 hite authority therein both by land and sea. He was 
 driven back ; lost one ship and some of his c<)m- 
 panions ; encountered severe weather, and of course 
 had a fight with the Spaniards. 
 
 It was true that England was technically at peace 
 w^ith Spain ; but the stubborn pride of the old English 
 mariners never allowed them to throw away a chance 
 of battle, even when the Spaniards were favoured 
 with overwhelming odds. They staked their lives on 
 the issue ; they looked upon the ocean as debatable 
 ground : it belonged to all alike. They laughed at the 
 pretension of the Dons to monopolize the rich west. 
 They had commissions from her highness the Queen 
 of England ; the patents and monopolies which she 
 gave were in ttiu-ir eyes to the full as valid as those 
 of the Bishop of Rome. If, in defence of their rights, 
 they fell foul of a Spanish galley, or captured a gold- 
 laden earavei, Elizabeth reproved them smilingly, 
 and ocensionally condescended to share the plunder. 
 At peace with Spuin ! AVliy in every company some 
 pious marauder could show wrists and ankles scarred 
 by the cords which hail l>ound him to the rack in the 
 Inquisition ; another could tell of a comrade burnt at 
 an auto da fe at Lima : a third could describe how, 
 chained and flogged, he rowed as a forf;ado in those 
 floating helis, t1;e treasure galleys of Panama ; a 
 fouitli liad worked in chains at Polosi ; lust of 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 169 
 
 1570—1003.] 
 
 battle, lust of plunder, thirst for revenge, love of ad- Cmai-tkb 
 venture, all the wild instincts of semi-barbarism, — 
 made up a race of men who were little disposed to 
 casuistry when they saw a Spaniard under their lee. 
 
 The discouragement of Sir Humphrey Gilbert 
 was not of long duration. Sir George Peckliam 
 and Sir Humphrey's half-brother, Sir Walter 
 Jialeigh, who was then rising into favour witli 
 the queen, again equipped him. The queen herself 
 sent him a token. " Her highness," writes Raleigh, 
 " willed me to send you word that she wished you as 
 great goodhap and safety to your ship as if she her- 
 self were there in person, desiring you to have care 
 of yourself as of that wliich she tendereth." Gilbert 
 endorsed the letter, "Received March 18, 1582." But 
 the queen's good wishr« were of no avail ; he and 
 his brave crew, mechanics, refiners of metal, trades- 
 men, and, as chroniclers have said, captured pirates, 
 were lost at sea. 
 
 What an undertaking ! To set out to take possession 
 of a new world with such provision. Sir Humphrey's 
 largest ship was but two hundred tons. The 
 " Squirrel," in which he himself hoisted his flag, and 
 ill which he foundered, was only ten tons. That 
 (H)ckboat had need to be freighted with fearless hearts 
 to try so much on such a slender chance. 
 
 Encomiters took pi'ace wherever a Spanish ship o'- a 
 Spanish garrison could be foui)!. Raleigh alone sent 
 out no less than seven exjieditioiis. He procured a 
 renewal of tbe palents of his half-brother — '' Two 
 
I 
 
 I 
 
 'V 
 
 • « 
 
 ^ '.. 
 
 4 < 
 
 170 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1570—1003. 
 
 CiiAiTEn hundred miles in every direction of such remote bar- 
 
 VI. . 
 
 — barous and heatlien countries as were not in the 
 
 possession of any Christian king"." Such was the 
 
 tenor of the patent which formed a model for most of 
 
 the innumerable charters which were granted by the 
 
 queen and her successors in following times, lia- 
 
 leigh's captains, Amadas and Barlow, returned with a 
 
 a glowin*^ description of the country in which they 
 
 had landed. It was named Virginia, in honour of tho 
 
 spinster queen. Before the end of the century he had 
 
 sent out no less than seven expeditions at the cost of 
 
 40,000/. Twice the small barques of his navigators 
 
 were scattered. His adventurers perished by famine, 
 
 by disease, by the hostility of the Indians. Twice the 
 
 ships which came to arrest the colony found only a 
 
 iieap of bones and ruins, wild animals wandering 
 
 amidst the deserted houses of the settlements, and 
 
 clearings overgrown with the rankness of tropical 
 
 vegetation. But neither treachery, war, famine, nor 
 
 the deadly Indian scalping-knife dulled the energy 
 
 or quelled the courage of these dauntless men. 
 
 Dreams and f;il)les added to the real marvels of tho 
 tropics, and represented cities of pure gold and foun- 
 tains of perpetual youth. Tho Spaniard was to be 
 enconnt(M(Ml on the sea, the Indian on the land. Free- 
 booting and proselytism were to be followed in the 
 namo of tho reformed religion. Adventurers said 
 their prayers or sold their prisoners into slavery with 
 equal zest. 
 
 The discovery of a new world was certainly an 
 
;« 
 
 VI. 
 
 1th 
 
 au 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 171 
 
 1570- 1003.] 
 
 event of sufficient magnitude to unhinge tlie e(|uiH- Ciiaiikii 
 hrium of the strongest mind, and to give ;i tinge of 
 romance to the expedition of the most prosaic trader. 
 
 But the sailor of Queen Ehzabeth's days was made 
 u}) of contrasts. He was a robber ; he considered 
 himself a crusader. Wars of religion were raging in 
 Europe ; they were re-enacted beyond the Atlantic. 
 The companions of Drake, Raleigh, and Grenville 
 never hesitated, while in the Spanish main, to pillage 
 a church or murder the officiating priests. The 
 Spaniards delighted to grace an auto da fe at Lima or 
 Vera Cruz by the burning of a batch of heretics. Each 
 adventurer was a merchant in search of gold ; he was 
 a statesmain burning to found a kingdom. lie was 
 a pioneer settler in an unknown land. He was a 
 pirate ravaging an enemy's coast. His life was a 
 series of abrupt transitions. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake was the type and mirror of these 
 bold rovers. He was at the time of the great armada 
 fight about five-and-forty years of age. Nearly forty 
 of these he had passed at sea. He was a little bullet- 
 headed man, with bright twinkling eyes and short 
 curling hair. His complexion, originally fair, was 
 burned to the colour of brickdust by many a year of 
 sun and wind. He drawled his words with a strong 
 Devonshire accent, and, as he said himself, *' hated 
 notliiiig so much as idleness." 
 
 Drake had been at sea ever since his boyhood. 
 He was born on the sea-beach. His father's homo 
 was an old boat turned upside down. As soou as he 
 
1 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 * 
 
 |: . 
 
 i; 
 
 
 
 *•/ 
 
 
 
 ^i . ■ 1 
 
 ' 
 
 * 
 
 1 , 
 
 
 
 If 
 
 .?■■ 
 
 It: 
 
 i ' 
 
 t ' 
 
 172 FA'ODUS OF 'J'lIE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1 570—1003. 
 
 CirArTEn could speak he went to sea, and nerved liisapprentice- 
 — yliip in a coasting lugger. No sooner was that at an 
 end than he went on a shaving voyage with old 
 Hawkins, whom we met with a few pages back 
 relieving Ribanlt's Florida colony from starvation. 
 The hard old trader had a brush with the Spaniards, 
 and Drake was captured. Escaping, he vowed, after 
 the fashion of those days, eternal enmity to the Dons, 
 and well he kept his word. Hardly had Magellan 
 performed his celehrated voyage when Drake followed 
 in his track. He went to California, and was the 
 1577 first Englishman to circumnavigate the globe. What 
 treasures he amassed, what prisoners he took, what 
 Spaniards he slew, what towns he sacked and 
 burned in the Spanish colonies, need not here be 
 recited. But he won wealth enough to make him- 
 self rich, to wear a gold chain and sumptuously 
 embroidered clothes; he won honour enough to be 
 the hero of song and story, and to attract the atten- 
 tion of the great Elizabeth, from whose sword lie 
 received the much-coveted knightly accolade, and 
 rose up "Sir Francis." 
 
 In 1585 lie had collected a small fleet and had 
 sailed again to the Spanish Main, whence next 
 summer he returned bearing tidings of wreck and 
 ruin to the Spaniards, St. Domingo plundered and 
 burnt, Carthagena almost annihilated, and a very 
 pretty penny of prize-money to show as the result of 
 his labours. 
 
 Again in 1587, the year when all Europe was in 
 
 ' 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 173 
 
 ir.70-lC03.J 
 
 expectation of the Bailing of iho great armada, Drake CiiAnTu 
 left protocols and embassies to those who under- — ^ 
 stood the trade. His own course was plain ; he 
 cjilled his bold comrades together, fitted out his ships 
 and sailed for Cadiz, where lay the great galleys of 
 Spain. There he burned and scuttled, sacked and 
 liewed in pieces, the transports which Philip had 
 toilfully collected for the war. Thence hastening to 
 Lisbon harbour, under the very eyes of Santa Cruz, 1587 
 the English corsair ]»lundered the royal fleet, and 
 drove tliose which he did not burn to take refuge 
 under the walls. He then took a run to Barbary and 
 sold his prisoners to the " Mowers." When he re- 
 turned, after a few weeks' absence, his worst enemy 
 could not have accused him of " idleness." The prize 
 he had ariassed was enormous. But though he wrote 
 modestly that " he had made a beginning upon the 
 coast of Spain," he thought and said with all his 
 might tliat the enemy would soon repair damages 
 and seek revenge. 
 
 Elizabeth, however, was busy treating with the 
 Prince of Parma, exchanging real vows and ear- 
 nest strivings for peace, against polite diplomatic 
 fictions, exceedingly downright lies on the part of the 
 Italian statesman. She received Drake with frowns 
 and discouragement. Not the less Sir Francis had 
 " made a beginning," and the armada which was to 
 conquer England could not come that year. 
 
 AVliile events were thus ripening, while Philip 
 was crouching for his spring, and Elizabeth's volun- 
 
 v< 
 
 
IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (iV\T-3) 
 
 // 
 
 
 ^/ Z#4 
 
 
 « 
 
 /. 
 
 f/. 
 
 
 1.0 
 
 I.I 
 
 1.25 
 
 'i m iiM 
 
 'r '■■ 1 2.2 
 li lii — 
 
 ' "^ II 2.0 
 
 ||18 
 U III 1.6 
 
 
 ^;^ 
 
 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 Corporation 
 
 23 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WASTER, NY. 14580 
 
 (716) 872-4503 
 
 t 
 
 S! 
 
 i\ 
 
 ^ 
 
 \ 
 
 ^ 
 
 It- 
 
 
 
 a^ 
 
 # 
 
 > 
 
^:i- \ 
 
 VI. 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 1 1 ' 
 
 
 174 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1570—1(503. 
 
 CfrAPTER teers were arming to repel him, a sect was rising 
 into importance to which the colonization of New 
 England is mainly due. 
 
 The Reformation in Switzerland and Northern 
 Germany had from the first struck at the doctrine as 
 well as the supremacy of Rome. In England it was 
 a social and political rather than a religious revolu- 
 tion. Henry YIII. burned those who asserted the 
 pope's supremacy, but he also burned those who 
 denied the doctrine of the real presence, or affirmed 
 justification by faith. The English Reformation was 
 a revolt against political vassalage, not against doc- 
 trinal inaccuracies. 
 
 But in the reign of King Edward VI. controversy 
 arose. Bishop HoDper refused to be consecrated in 
 Roman vestments. These vestments were the badges 
 of religious party. Much of the efficacy of the sacra- 
 ments were by the uneducated supposed to reside in 
 them ; the refusal, therefore, was one of great import- 
 ance. If the reformers at the first had fixed upon 
 badges of episcopal or priestly office which had no 
 reference to the Church of Rome, this controversy 
 might have been prevented. But from the begin- 
 ning they had proceeded by compromise, even in the 
 Liturgy, instead of rejecting the offices of the church, 
 they contented themselves with altering and amend- 
 ing it. The death of Edward put a stop to the 
 further alterations which he meditated, and the per- 
 secutions of Mary drove the Protestants into banish- 
 ment. Romanism was the religion of the state, and 
 
 1 
 tl 
 
rising 
 
 lew 
 
 VI. 
 
 EXODUS OP THE WESTERN NATIONS. 175 
 
 1570— 1G03.] 
 
 the statutes against heretics which Edward had Chapter 
 aboHshed, were directed anew against the reformers. 
 The fugitives were hospitably entertained by thj 
 reformed churches of Germany and Switzerland. 
 But here began the division which has never since 
 been healed. Some among the exiles rejected the 
 liturgy which Edward had established, and pro- 
 nounced it a "remnant of Antichrist."* On the 
 accession of Elizabeth they returned to England. 
 Each party tried to establish the ascendency of its 
 own views. The queen was for restoring King- 
 Edward's Liturgy : the exiles preferred the discipline 
 and worship of the foreign churches. The bishops, 
 many of whom had themselves been banished, made 
 every exertion to keep the peace, declaring that they 
 would use their influence at court to have all things 
 set right. The queen, too, for a time winked at the 
 secession which she could not wholly avert ; but as 
 her government became more and more firmly esta- 
 blished, and adulation developed her imjierious cha- 
 racter with greater distinctness, she declared that 
 she had fixed the standard, to which she intended all 
 her subjects to conform. The bishops, in spite of their 
 professions, soon followed her lead. 
 
 In 1564 the clergy of the several dioceses were 
 invited to subscribe the liturgy ceremonies and disci- 
 pline of the English church. The recusants obtained 
 the name of Puritans, which in after time came to 
 designate all those who, without actually separating 
 
 * Neale, Hist. Puritans, prcfnce, vi. 
 
 
 ••■•, \ 
 
 ^ ,. 
 
 '• ' I 
 
Li 
 
 it 
 I. 
 
 h: 
 
 1 
 
 i '■ ■ 
 
 P> 
 
 ill-.'' 
 
 
 m 
 
 f: i 
 
 SiS' 
 
 
 ;■:'; 'i ' 
 
 : ■{ 'i 
 
 iii 
 
 176 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEPiN NATIONS. 
 
 [1570—1603. 
 
 Chapter from the chiirch, refused to assent to its forms — 
 VI. ... 
 
 — the surplice, the cross in baptism, the ring in mar- 
 riage, holy water, the use of instrumental music in 
 public worship, they repudiated as derived from " the 
 idolatries of popery." The queen hated and perse- 
 cuted them ; but in her council and court they had 
 powerful friends — Cecil, Walsingham, Leicester, 
 Essex, AYarwick, Bedford, and Knollys. In their 
 successful development in the next two reigns, they 
 subverted the church, the peerage, and the monarchy. 
 As far as doctrine is concerned, the queen could 
 hardly be called a Protestant. She admired the 
 magniiScence of the Roman Catholic ceremonies. In 
 her revised Liturgy, transubstantiation was not ex- 
 plicitly denied. She retained images, crucifixes, and 
 tapers in her private chapel. She favoured the invo- 
 cation of saints. She sought the intercession of the 
 Virgin. She insisted, as far as she dared, upon the 
 celibacy of the clergy. It was her wish to keep the 
 Church of England midway between the .licentious- 
 ness of sectarianism and the acknowledgment of 
 papal supremacy. This middle course pleased 
 neither the Puritans nor the Catholics. The Puri- 
 tans became utterly disaffected. The pope excom- 
 municated her. Elizabeth looked on both sects with 
 nearly equal dislike. The one was openly hostile to 
 her throne, the other she considered mutineers in her 
 camp. Active measures were taken to compel uni- 
 formity. The high commission was established to 
 take cognizance of disputed points of doctrine. A 
 
'■<■' ■ -f.' 
 
 VI. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 177 
 
 1570— 1G03.] 
 
 court wliich founded its decisions upon the canon Cn.MTnR 
 law instead of the statute law of the realm, naturally 
 hecame extremely obnoxious to the non-conforming 
 clergy. Neale, the historian of the Puritans, com- 
 pares it to the Spanish inquisition. Ministers, he 
 says, were brought by the pursuivants of the court 
 from their distant benefices, and were imprisoned 
 without bail and without trial. They were arraigned, 
 not for inefficiency or immorality, but for baptizing 
 without the sign of the cross, or for not wearing a 
 white surplice. Catholic recusants were continually 
 plotting against the queen. The laws made to guard 
 against their machinations were turned against Pro- 
 testant nonconformists. At one time a fourtli part of 
 all the beneficed clero:ymen of Eno-land were undtM- 
 suspension in the ecclesiastical courts,* and the royal 
 prerogative was carried as high under Queen Eliza- 
 beth as ever it was under Charles Lf These seve- 
 rities rather increased than diminished the number of 
 nonconformists. A[en do not readily adopt a faith 
 recommended only l)y penal laws, nor love a church 
 which uses such weapons of controversy. The 
 bishops began to lose credit with the people. The 
 persecuted sect fled to Holland. Laws so unjust and 
 so severe cannot be palliated or excused. It must, 
 however, be remembered, that the government was 
 dealing with men whose avowed wish it was to 
 upset existing institutions l)y the sword. Both parties 
 
 * Nealo, Hist, of rnrilaiis. 
 
 t hord Clni'Piirloii, vul. i. Svo, \\ 72, qiKilnl hy Nonle. 
 
 VOL. I. N 
 
 .V 
 
 -v,t> 
 
 ;".>7r 
 
§Wfl 
 
 !.tC 
 
 if-, ., 
 
 ir 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 ■ I 
 
 iV 
 
 . ,- '' f 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 ,;i^'y 
 
 
 ■ , 
 
 ■: ;;ii 1^ 
 
 [■■■••' 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 . :| 
 
 .j . . . 
 
 ■ iiri 
 
 ;• 
 I 
 
 •t 
 
 lit 
 
 ^-mK^ 
 
 <— 
 
 178 
 
 I']XODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1570—1603. 
 
 CiiAPTEu agreed in asserting the necessity of uniformity in 
 — '- pul)lic worship, and of using the sword of the magis- 
 trate in support of their respective principles. 
 
 The great armada of Spain came and went: car- 
 cases of great galleons lay covered with tangle and 
 seaweeds on the storm-swept rocks of the Hebrides, 
 long after Medina Sidonia, with the shattered rem- 
 nant of his expedition, had crept back to Spain. 
 
 Now that the inordinate ambition of Spain was 
 no longer a canse of immediate danger, Protestant 
 Europe could look calmly at the dying struggles of 
 the league. Henry of Guise succumbed to the same 
 fate as his father : he was assassinated. His brother, 
 Mayenne, chosen by the confederates lieutenant-gene- 
 ral of the state royal and crown of France, took the 
 field against the two Henries — Yalois and Navarre. 
 Supported by the chief nobility of France, the two 
 kings took Swiss and German mercenaries into their 
 pay, and with forty thousand men advanced to the 
 gates of Paris. While they were intent upon the 
 siege, Henry of Yalois, upon whose organization the 
 1589 presence of a friar produced, as he said himself, an 
 agreealile sensation, died by the felon hand of Jacques 
 Clemoit. Then the troidiled state fell into the firmer 
 hands of Henry of Navarre. 
 
 The prejudices which were entertained against the 
 religion of Henry induced a large part of his army to 
 desert him on his accession. He abandoned the siege 
 of P{iris, and retired into Normandy. Thither 
 Mayenne led the forces of the League. 
 

 siego 
 lither 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 179 
 
 1570— 1G03.] 
 
 Elizabetli sent " brave Lord Willougliby " to the Chapteu 
 rescue. With this help and that of his Swiss and — 1 
 Germans, Henry conquered Mayeniie at Ivry, and 15<)0 
 marched straight on Paris. But Parmt) , though suf- 
 fering from disease, and maddened by accusations of 
 treachery from the king whom he had so faithfully 
 served, quitted the Low Countries, and with won- 
 derful skill advanced by forced marches and raised 
 the siege. Hardly had he returned to Holland when 
 he again rushed back to raise the siege of Rouen. 
 He died at Arras in 1592. It must be conceded alike 
 by friend and foe, that Alexander Farnese, Prince 
 of Parma, was, beyond dispute, the ablest general 
 and most consummate statesman even in that court 
 and generation where generals and statesmen so 
 abounded. 
 
 Then followed the abjuration of Protestant opinions 
 by Henry lY., his coronation, and the absolute de- 1503 
 struction of the League. 
 
 In the meanwhile. Prince Maurice and Sir Francis 
 Yere were gallantly holding their own in the Low 
 Coimtries. They expelled the Spaniards from Ger- 
 struydenburg and Groningen, and soon afterwards the 1597 
 decisive victory of Turnhout placed a number of 
 other places in their hands. 1595 
 
 Henry lY. had declared war with Spain two years 
 before. He had driven the Spaniards from Bur- 
 gundy. He now repossessed himself oF Amiens. 
 The English under Effingham and p]ssex attacked 1598 
 Cadiz, where a new armada was being fitted out for 
 
 N 2 
 
 '•!! 
 
 
 .■■n\ 
 
 
 i 
 
Sfei 
 
 h. I. ■ 
 
 
 I.; ■ 
 
 ::'^^',v 
 
 
 ■ i 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 It 
 •! 
 
 1 
 
 t 
 t 
 
 
 
 '!i 
 
 VI. 
 
 1598 
 
 180 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1570—1003. 
 
 Chattkr tlie reduction of England. A combined English and 
 Dutch fleet surprised the war galleys that lay in the 
 bay, and after an obstinate engagement obliged them 
 to surreiider or to run ashore. The land forces under 
 Essex then sacked the town. So ended the second 
 Spanish armada. Victorious at all points, Sjmin 
 silenced, tlie League disbanded, Henry determined to 
 lay the foundations of a lasting peace. He signed 
 the edict of Xantes, which secured to the Protestants 
 not only the free exercise of their religion, but a 
 share in the administration of justice, and the right of 
 being admitted to all employments of trust, profit, 
 and honour. For the first time during six-and-thirty 
 years the Huguenots were able to consider themselves 
 secure ; Philip, Avho wanted leisure to concentrate 
 his attention on England and his rebellious provinces 
 in Holland, was not unwilling to come to an accom- 
 modation. Peace was therefore signed between 
 France and Spain at Tervins in 1508. 
 
 The disobedient provinces of the Netherlands offered 
 a strong contrast to the condition of Spain. Though 
 they had long been the seat of war, they were every 
 year increasing in power and in riches. The obedient 
 Netherlands were almost a desert : the manufactur- 
 ing towns were deserted, and the fields untilled. 
 Brabant, the Walloon provinces, and Flanders were 
 completely desolate. The moutli of the Scheldt 
 was commanded by Flushing, and Flushing was held 
 for the republic by the brave soldiers of Elizabeth. 
 Antwerp had been recovered for the king ; but its 
 
• .f 
 
 EXODUS OF THli; WESTERN xNATlOxNS. 181 
 
 l-,70-lfi03.] 
 
 coinmcrce \\'us anuiliilatL'd — its docks and basins were Chaitkr 
 
 VI. 
 
 empty. Its industrious 2">opulation ]iad niip;rated or — 
 had died of starvation. Glieiit and Bruges, Valen- 
 ciennes and Tourna y, once so pojmlous and so vigorous, 
 had shared the same destruction. The RepuLhc lay 
 between them and the seacoast, and blocked up every 
 avenue of trade. Agriculture was dying out of the 
 land. Commerce was perishing of inanition. The 
 pikemenof S2')ain and Italy re[)laced the weavers and 
 clotliworkers who had formerly crowded the towns. 
 The peasantry, driven from their employments, made 
 the fields and woods unsafe ; the only trade was war. 
 Towns were depopulated ; wild -beasts inhabited the 
 deserted farmhouses. The dykes were neglected, and 
 the water, toilfully excluded during the time of Hol- 
 land's prosperity, resumed its eld ascendency. Vast 
 morasses replaced smiling farms o nd vinej ards. Boars 
 and wolves prowled even to the outskirts of the great 
 cities. Pestilence, the natural consequence of unculti- 
 vated fields, smote the unhappy country. 'Jlie spoiler 
 and the despoiled were visited impartially with the 
 evils that famine brings in its train. The silver of 
 Potosi w^ent straight to the centres of wealth and in- 
 dustry which had been formed in the disobedient 
 provinces. 
 
 In the confederated states, the war paid itself over 
 and over again. The leaders found time, amidst the 
 more pressing avocations, to patronize and encou- 
 rage scliools and found colleges. The artisans of 
 Flanders and Brabant transferred their industrv to 
 
 , ■ ■ . 
 
 '•Vil 
 
 
 ■■•«! ■' 
 . J. . . 
 
 1 
 
 'f:m 
 

 H' 
 
 
 i: 
 
 I. 
 
 i'l 
 
 I 
 
 !l) 
 
 I 
 
 
 VI. 
 
 182 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1570—1603. 
 
 CuArrEii the cities of Friesland and Gueldres. The navy of 
 the republic commanded the seas, and made itself 
 necessary even to its enemies in Spain and Portugal. 
 In the lifetime of Philip II., the mines of America 
 were worked 25rinci23ally for the benefit of the enemies 
 of Spain. Amsterdam, Leyden, and Utrecht became 
 as celebrated for their lace, their tapestry, their cut- 
 lery, as Ypres, Brussels, and Valenciennes had for- 
 merly been. " War had become a benediction." 
 The republic performed the carrying trade of Europe, 
 and became the commercial emporium and granary of 
 the west. It waxed rich and powerful. Its popula- 
 tion was increased by emigrants from those provinces 
 which, unhappily for themselves, still remained faith- 
 ful to Spain. 
 
 The latter country was rapidly becoming merely the 
 mint of Europe. Gold which came from Mexico 
 and Peru was hypothecated before its arrival. The 
 long wars of Charles V. and of Philip had exhausted 
 the resources of the peninsula. Its agriculture had 
 degenerated. The only trade was with America, and 
 ev^en that was in the hands of foreigners who found 
 the capital, and carried it on under the names of privi- 
 leged merchants at Seville and Cadiz. Manufactures 
 likewise fell into decay. During the whole war with 
 the Low Countries, a brisk traffic was kept up between 
 the belligerent;?. The Spaniards were dependent on 
 the Dutch for the necessaries as well as the luxuries 
 of life. 
 
 At peace with France, Philip could now direct his 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 183 
 
 1570— 1G03.] 
 
 whole attention to tlie subiiiGration of liis revolted Chmter 
 
 . , , VI. 
 
 colonies ; but his efforts were ineffectual. The sturdy — 
 
 Netherlanders, whom his barbarities had failed to in- 
 timidate, were little disposed to return to tlieir alle- 
 giance now that their star appeared to be in the 
 ascendant. Nothing- w^ould henceforth satisfy them 
 but complete emancipation from tlie tyrant's yoke. 
 
 The peace between France and Spain at Yervins, 15!i8 
 was immediately followed by a close alliance between 
 England and Holland. Phili}) looked on at first with 
 sullen indignation. He proposed to increase his armies ; 
 to subdue his rebellious provinces at any cost. But 
 age and infirmities were creeping on him apace. His 
 h: uglity and imperious mind was broken by years 
 and by disaster. He resolved to make vicariously 
 the concessions which he was asliamed to make in per- 
 son. He made over the sovereignty of the Netherlands 
 to his daughter Isabella, whose marriage witlr the 
 Archduke of Austria had just been arranged. He did 
 not live to see either the marriage or the disdain with 
 which the Dutch treated their new sovereign. In 
 1598, September 13th, he died. 
 
 Albert, Archduke of Austria, immediately after his 
 marriage, hastened to take possession of his new in- 
 heritance. The Dutch returned no answer to his 
 entreaty that they would return to their natural 
 rulers; on the contrary, they obtained money 
 from Henry TV., and took into their service the 
 veterans wliom at the peace of A^ervins, he had dis- 
 banded. The arcliduke collected fresh levies in Spain, 
 
 '•>,» 
 
 ■ ■•!| 
 
 
 t,. ' « '. i 
 
 • I 
 
r'\ 
 
 
 1»4 EXODUS UF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1570— lfJ03. 
 
 Chaiter Italy, itnd Gennaiiy. AVitli these he proceeded to en 
 — counter the allies under Prince Maurice and Sir 
 IGOO Francis Yere. They met at Xieuport in the year 
 KiOO. For hours the fate of battle wavered : — the 
 yellow-jerkiued pikemen of Spain and Italy again 
 and Jigain withstood the impetuous advance of the 
 allies ; l»ut at nightfall the Spaniards were beaten 
 from the field. 
 
 Sieges, tedious marchings and countermarchings 
 now took the place of active enterprise. The great 
 Sj^inola, who commanded for the archduke, sat down 
 before Ostend, according to the strictest rules of the 
 military art. Money was expended in sums which 
 even Mexico and Peru could not long continue to 
 supply. Seventy thousand of the bravest warriors of 
 Spain were killed beneath the walls. Times were 
 changed since a Spanish general could by the mere 
 terror of his name reduce a Dutch citadel to obedience. 
 Day by day the besiegers became more hopeless; and 
 Prince Maurice saw more clearly the approach of the 
 time which should bring the recognition of his 
 country's independence. For years the adventurers 
 of Elizabeth had carried on a predatory w^arfare with 
 Spain; — had plundered his galleons and intercepted 
 his su})plies. Since 1589, wdien Drake and Norris 
 had with small assistance fitted out a fleet to make 
 descents in Spain and Portugal, every year had been 
 1589 signalized by some new exploit. In April 1589, 
 Dndve with eleven hundred gentlemen had marched 
 up t') Lisbon, and plundered the countiy. Of his 
 
 ^liii 
 
• J 
 
 .-f 
 
 EXODUS OF TIIK WESTERN NATIONS. 1«5 
 
 1570-1003.] 
 
 eleven liuudred lie Lroiiglit but three ha...lred and 
 fifty back. In June of the name year wixty ships 
 were cut out from their moorings in the Tagus. 
 In 1502 the Earl of Cumberland, the corporation of 
 London, and Sir Walter Ilaleigh, had combined to 
 make a marauding- expedition against the Spanish 
 Indies, and had brought back a galleon from the 
 Azores worth a hundred and fifty thousand pounds. 
 In July 1595, sailed the disastrous expedition to 
 Darien. Drake and the first captain under whom 
 he served as a boy, old Hawkins, intended to 
 plunder Panama, where was stored the treasure of 
 Peru. But the season was sickly : the Spaniards were 
 well prepared. Sir Thomas Baskcrville, and a host 
 of other gallant gentlemen died on the inhospitable 
 shore. In September of the same year sailed the 
 expedition of Howard and Essex, in which Cadiz 
 was plundered and the ships in its harbour burned. 
 In iO 5 7/ Raleigh and Essex sailed on a vain quest 
 for tlie homeward-bound treasure-galleons of the 
 Spaniards. In 1 GO I the Spaniards made a landing at 
 Kinsale, and joined Tyrone and his Irish rebels; 
 and Sir Robert Mansel with three sail had a brilliant 
 and successful action with a Spanish fleet. 
 
 Nevertheless, the war between England and Spain 
 began to languish. Philip II. was dead. Eliza- 
 beth was no longer the great and imperious prin- 
 cess '' with the heart of an English king." She 
 was but the wreck of her former self — a wailing, in- 
 firm old woman. " These troubles waste her much," 
 
 ClIAPTEU 
 
 VI. 
 
 15U2 
 
 15U5 
 
 1597 
 
 • *i 
 
 ;" .'-(il 
 
 m 
 
 I 
 
-^1 
 
 1 
 
 :"■'. 
 
 i. 
 
 r 
 
 II' 
 
 fc 
 
 ' 
 
 b • 
 
 f. '.■ ■ 
 
 
 » I- 
 
 186 EXOLUS OF THE WESTEllN NATIONS. 
 
 [1570—1603. 
 
 Chapter says Sir John Harring'ton. " Everie new message 
 — from the city clotli disturb her ; — she frowns on 
 all the ladies. Tlic many evil plots and designs hath 
 overcome her highness' s sweet temper ; she walks 
 much in her privy chamber, and stamps much at 
 ill news, and thrusts her rusty sword at times 
 into the arras, in a great rage. Her highness lias 
 worne but one change of rayment for manie days, 
 and swears much at those who cause her griefs. She 
 often chides for small neglect, in such wise as to 
 mi'ke thci^^e fay re maides often cry and bewail in 
 piteous sort." Pitiful record of a great intellect 
 dethroned ! At length, while Sj^inola sat before 
 Ostend, and Rimbach, Grave, and Sluys were falling 
 1603 befoi'e the attack of Maurice, news came from Eng- 
 land that she was dead. The 25th March, 160^, 
 was a sad day for England. 
 
 None felt the loss more keenly than the struggling 
 states. They soon found that her successor, James I., 
 was little likely to continue the war with Spain. 
 Spinola became commander-in-chief for the archduke 
 in the Netherlands, and three hundred thousand 
 crowns a month were sent into Holland for the 
 prosecution o*:' the war. Yet the forces of the arch- 
 duke barely ^eld their own. It was not long ere 
 Spinola disco\fM'ed that it would be impossible to 
 1C09 reduce the Netherlanders to obedience. Before the 
 sispension of arms which he I'econnnended took 
 place, the Netherlands liad achieved a position whicli 
 enabled them to dictate its terms. 
 
 J 
 

 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 187 
 
 1570—1603.] 
 
 During' the long struggle wliicli was now drawing Chaiteb 
 to a close, eacli of the belligerents had sent traders or — 
 colonists to the west. Before the close of the six- 
 teenth century, the Dutch, the French, the English, 
 the Swedes, the Dniies, and the Spaniards had alh 
 with more or less success, traded with, or settled be- 
 yond the Atlantic. During the war of independence 
 the industry of the Dutch had jiever wavered. Their 
 geographical and political position gave that industry 
 an external impulse. Their citadels had been filled 
 with mercenary soldiers ; village, camp, and city 
 were held by their 02)pressors ; men could find no 
 asylum but foreign exile or the ocean. The Zealand- 
 ers took almost instinctively to commerce and to 
 piracy. The two trades now so incompatible were 
 then almost synonymous. The Spanish war was 
 carried on in every clime. To plunder the Spaniard 
 was not only a lucrative but a patriotic pursuit. The 
 soil of Holland was kept with difficulty from being 
 submerged by the oceaii. Zealand was but a col- 
 lection of fishing villages on the shore of the North 
 Sea ; the land was inhospitable ; even had it been good 
 and fully cultivated, it was not extensive enough to 
 support the teeming population which resorted to it. 
 For, while the obedient provinces were becoming 
 depopulated, the provinces of the union were in- 
 creasi:^g ; gradually their ships obtained the cariying 
 trade of Europe, and carried the flag of the republic 
 into distant lands. Amsterdam rose on the com- 
 mercial ruins of Antwei'i). It became the great 
 
 ^■:\ 
 
 '^M 
 
 ,7^^^ 
 
 , II 
 
 A] 
 

 !.»c- 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 1 ■ 
 
 * ■ 
 
 ^. 
 
 ■ , ■ ■ 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 " n^a 
 
 
 mMKk 
 
 k- 
 
 'Wm 
 
 , i 
 
 UBI 
 
 
 ■I 
 
 
 
 
 
 ;1!*-: 
 
 1S8 EXODUS OF THE WKSTEUX NATIONS. 
 
 [1570— 1G03. 
 
 Chapter emporium of the world. After tlie discoveries of 
 
 "VI. ^ . 
 
 — Yasco di Gama, Lisbon might have risen to pre-emi- 
 nence, had not the supineness of her merchants thrown 
 away the golden opiDortunity. It was eagerly seized 
 by the Dutch. Through the long struggle with Spain, 
 Dutch vessels traded freel_y with Portugal, and distri- 
 buted over Europe the wealth which Lisbon merchants 
 
 1594 had gathered from the East, But in 1594, the narrow- 
 minded bigotry of Pliilip prohibited the intercourse 
 which had subsisted between Portugal and his re- 
 bellious provinces. A moment of consternation on 
 the part of the Dutch was succeeded by a resolve 
 to beat the Lisbon merchant at his own weapons. 
 Bukker of Amsterdam, and Leyer of Enkhuisen, 
 
 1597 formed companies to traffic witli the East Lidies. 
 They met with distinguished success ; their armed 
 vessels }>ut down by force of arms all efforts of the 
 Spanish to arrest their progress. A few yvAws later 
 they were able to take their share in the colonization 
 of America. 
 
 1541 Meanwhile the English and French were not idle. 
 As efirly as 1541 the advantages of the cod-fishery 
 on the banks of Newfoundland were well known, 
 
 1548 They were ])rotected by a special act in the first par- 
 liament of i^Ahvard VL, the preamble of which states 
 that the navigation of the Newfoundland seas had 
 long been bur''ened b}' exactions from the olficers of 
 admiralty. These exactions are forbidden in the 
 body of the act. It is evident that the trade must 
 have been of long standing, since the exac'tions- 
 
 i: 
 
 S] 
 
 a^ 
 11 
 fii 
 fii 
 t\i 
 cl 
 til 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 189 
 
 1570—1003.] 
 
 spoken of in the act of 1548 had been levied so long- CHAnER 
 
 as to be regarded ahiiost as a prescriptive right. In 
 
 1578, the P]n<;'Hsh vessels on th( banks were ribout 
 fifty in immber. There were a hundred Spnniards, 
 fifty Portuguese, a hundred and fifty French, and 
 twenty or thirty Biscayan whale-ships. The English 
 claimed the sovereignty of those seas, partly en 
 the score of Cabot's discoveries, and partly on the 
 strength of Gilbert's settlement in Newfoundland. 
 The foreign fishermen generally acknowledged the 
 claim set up by the English ; and before the close of 
 Queen Elizabeth's reign, more than two hundred 
 English vessels and eight thousand English sailors 
 frequented the barks. 
 
 French discovery, which had languished after the 
 loss of Roberval's colony in 1542, revived with the 
 return of peace. The same year which witnessed 
 the signature of th.j Edict of Nantes, and the peace 
 of Vervins, saw the Marquis de la Roche invested 
 with the title and power of viceroy of New France. 
 Lescarbot, the geographer,* describes the limits of 1598 
 de la Roche's government in grandiloquent terms : — 
 " Aiiisi," says he, " notre nouvelln France a pour 
 limites du cote d'ouest les terres jusqu'a la mer 
 dite Pacifivj^r.e, au de(;a du tropique du Cancer ; au 
 midi les iles de la mer Atlantique du cote de Cuba 
 et rile Espngnole ; an levant la mer du Nord qui 
 baigno la nouvelle France ; et au septentrion cette 
 
 '•(> 
 
 VA\t. 1011, vol. i. p. ni. 
 
 ./'>\ 
 
hi 
 
 190 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 t A' '' ''< 
 
 i:V< '■ ,," 
 
 
 
 [1570—1603. 
 
 CnAPTEB terre qui est dite inconnue, vers la mer Glacee jus- 
 
 qii'au Pole arctique." 
 
 The traders of France had gradually crept inland, 
 and had long carried on a peddling traffic with the 
 Indian hunters. 
 
 De la Roche's expedition perished miserably by 
 famine and pestilence, but private adventurers 
 carried on the trade in peltries. Pontgrave, Chauvin, 
 and La Chatte led expeditions, more or less suc- 
 cessful, till, in 1603, Champlain sailed for the St. 
 1603 Lawrence and established the first permanent settle- 
 ment in the magnificent province of Canada. 
 
 t '1 '■ ■' 
 
 : t 
 
 >1 
 
1G03— 1648.] 
 
 EXODUS OP THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 191 
 
 If 
 
 '•:n 
 
 CHAPTER yil. 
 
 EUROPEAN MANNERS IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 [1003— 1G48.] 
 
 State of Manners in France, in England — History of John Smith — Social 
 
 Condition of Holland. 
 
 DuRiXG tlie time wliicli elapsed between the forma- Chapter 
 
 VI [. 
 
 tion and the downfall of the Holy League, there was — '- 
 but little time for any attempt at colonization on the 
 part of England and France. Spain was quietly and 
 securely spreading her settlements over the southern 
 portion of North America and the whole area of 
 the southern continent ; but, with the exception of 
 Ribault's unfortunate expedition to Florida, and an 
 equally unfortunate attempt of Raleigh, neither of 
 her northern rivals had done anything on the coast 
 of America but burn and destroy. Vast armies were 
 constantly kept on foot. Adventurous spirits found 
 fighting and excitement in plenty near home ; and 
 had no need to go across the seas to obtain their fill 
 of either. 
 
 With the accession of James I. to the throne, a 1()0.S 
 new era began. England withdrew from the Spanish 
 war. France was enjoying a temporary lull in her 
 
 
 % ■.. ■ 
 
 1 , 
 
 
 M 
 
 '. 
 
 , ■ ' 
 
 tf 
 
 1 . , _ 
 
 ki? 
 
 •(' 
 
 l!t 
 
 ■ . ■ '■ 
 
 fe'li' 
 
 !* ' '..!.' 
 
 
!!, 
 
 '111. 
 
 -% 
 
 rill I 
 
 ^11 
 
 
 l^:C< : 
 
 lu 
 
 ■■.■ f 
 111 
 
 -t! 
 
 Hi 
 
 
 i 
 
 192 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G03— 1C48. 
 
 CiiAiTEu intestine feuds. Tlie Catholic reaction, triumpliant 
 — in France, in Soutliern Germany, in Italy, in Spain, 
 had almost entirely withdrawn from the contest in 
 Holland and Northern Europe. P''or a time commerce 
 and honest enterj^rise had leisure to expand under the 
 fostering influence of peace. 
 
 It was no longer the warrior, but the statesman 
 who ruled in France. " Dans cette epoque," writes 
 Michelet, in his notes on Hichelieu,* " Fhistoire de la 
 23lace publique, du grand jour des revolutions, tombe 
 du cabinet des princes ou des ministres rois." The 
 great men of the sixteenth century were no more. 
 The king was a man of contradictions and incon- 
 gruities. Successive ministers, Sully, Richelieu, and 
 Mazarin, pulled the strings of political puppets ; and, 
 instead of appearing at the head of armies, and dic- 
 tating peace at the sword's point, they were seen onl}^ 
 by the beneficent effects of wise economy and good 
 management. 
 
 Although the genius of Henry, and, in the suc- 
 ceeding reign, of Richelieu, prevented any active 
 outbreak, France was still divided into two hostile 
 camps, Henry, under the mask of Catholicism, con- 
 cealed as great an attachment to freedom of opinion 
 as he could avow with safety to his crown. He 
 saw that the only thing wdiich could restore the 
 shattered state was unity. But Richelieu and Henry, 
 though both agreed upon the object to be aimed at, 
 differed in their way of attaining it. Henry 
 
 * ITistoiro rlc France, xi., 4riH. 
 
He 
 
 tlie 
 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 193 
 
 1003—1048] 
 
 wished to employ and direct the energies of both chaitku 
 opposing forces, and, if possible, by dexterous --- 
 management to unite them. He would liave taken 
 the Protestants into the service of the state: he 
 would have calmed their fears, utilized and directed 
 their efforts : he would have employed the mariners 
 of Rochelle in his navy. The Huguenot soldiers 
 would have been absorbed into his army. A colony 
 under royal patronage would have been established 
 in Acadia. Dispersed on the sea in pursuit of Spanish 
 galleons, or laden with the spoils of the Spanish 
 colonies, they would have soon forgotten their fac- 
 tions and their cities of refuge. Eochelle would 
 have been no longer Huguenot ; but French nation- 
 ality would have replaced religion. The immutable 
 law would have asserted its power — that an opinion 
 persecuted is an active danger, an opinion left alone 
 is disnrmed. But when Richelieu acquired power he 
 adopted a different plan. He, too, sought unity, but 
 he sought it through the destruction of one of the 
 opposing forces. He succeeded in a great measure. 
 Emigration commenced, and De Monts carried with 
 him the life of Protestantism to Acadia. But even 
 this refuge was not long permitted. The old faith 
 was established even on the shores of Newfoundland 
 and on the forest-clad banks of the St. Lawrence. 
 The Jesuits were recalled to France. 1()09 
 
 The state of the Furopean continent, desolated by 
 civil war, imperfectly cultivated, accustomed for years 
 to no law but force, was wild and unsettled. France 
 
 VOL. 1. o 
 
 "■■r v'/ 
 
 '.;;r ; 
 
 : .>i| 
 
 
 
 
 
s^ir'-:.! 
 
 11)4 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 ' . .f 
 
 :ifi>^ 
 
 
 [1003—1048. 
 
 Ohaitku was far before her neighbours in many of tlie require- 
 — ments of civiHzation. Tlie inns of otlier nations 
 were mere rude caravanserais, where the traveller 
 was obliged to carry with him every necessary of 
 life. In Spain nothing* could be procured at the 
 roadside inns except vinegar, oil, and salt. The 
 traveller was comjjelled to take his provisions with 
 him, or to rely on such sujjplies as he could purchase 
 from the peasantry on his route. These matters were 
 much better ordered in France. The French hotel- 
 keepers were appointed by letters-patent from the 
 king. The licences thus granted were of different 
 kinds : some took in only foot travellers, others 
 only horsemen. The dinner of a foot traveller cost 
 six sols, his bed eight sols. A traveller on horseback 
 dined for twelve sols ; his bed cost twenty sols.* 
 
 The minutest particulars were the objects of govern- 
 ment supervision : a foot traveller was not allowed 
 to dine or to sleep in the same style or at the same 
 expense as a horseman. The horseman was not per- 
 mitted to indulge in the simple fare of a traveller on 
 foot. The inns in which the traveller dined but did 
 not sleep were called " repues." Crows, snakes, 
 horses, and other nameless viands were sometimes f 
 served up. Inns where the traveller could sleej) 
 were called " gites," and were very often on a grand 
 scale. I The innkeeper received the guest with the 
 
 * Ordonnanco relative aux taux des hoteliers, 1579, 
 t Hist, de Sancorre, Jean do Ldry ; Chap, ix. Hist, de France, par 
 Biguerrc, liv. xxxv, 
 
 X Ciuido des Cheniins (U; Franco. Cliarles Estionno, Paris, 1508. 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTEPN NATIONS. 195 
 
 1G03— 1G48.] 
 
 greatest civility ; but he had the right of marching CuAmn 
 him off to prison, or seizing his horse and goods foi- — '- 
 the non-payment of his bilL During the time of the 
 League, the innkeepers were among the hottest of 
 partisans : the traveller was obliged to be very cau- 
 tious in observino: whether the inn in which he lodf>:ed 
 had the royal escutcheon of France or the cross of 
 Lorraine. Every traveller, Royalist or Leaguer alike, 
 V" \s in those days, as a matter of precautioii, disarmed 
 on entering the hostelry.* After the Edict of Nantes IHOS 
 the custom fell into disuse. 
 
 The roads of France were among the best of 
 Euroj^e. While the highways of England were but 
 miserable swamps, impracticable for wheel-carriages 
 and almost equally impracticable for horsemen, the 
 French had made many broad, flat highways. Li 
 Bergier's History of the Great Roads of the Roman 
 Empire,! the method of their construction is described. 
 The breadth of the road was first traced by engi- 
 neers and marked out by boulders of rock ; on the 
 hills it was paved ; in the plains or swamps it was 
 filled in with flint, gravel, or stones ; ditches were run 
 along the sides ; and fruit or forest trees were planted 
 at intervals along them. The roads radiating from 
 the great towns were causeways made of earth and 
 stones, raised several feet above the surrounding 
 country. Along the course of the rivers great em- 
 baidcments served in many places both for dykes 
 
 * Registres du Pari, ile Paris, 1563. 
 t Hevgicr, liv. ii. chii)!. 19. 
 
 2 
 
 
 •■■41 
 
 ■.U 
 
 'K.i 
 
r *1' I 
 
 I: 
 
 r- 
 
 K 
 
 5v 
 
 
 VII. 
 
 M I 
 
 
 
 
 19(5 EXODUS {)F THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1003—1648. 
 
 Chapter ag^ainst inuiiclations and for highways :* the slopes 
 reveted with grass or stone, like those of fortifications. 
 The clicniins de cliatellerie, or roads leading to a 
 castle, were bailt by great troops of villagers and 
 artisans, who were summoned to work in the name 
 of the seigneur. They were employed in the name 
 of the mayor in the case of roads running from one 
 town to another ; in the name of the king for royal 
 roads which went fi'om one extremity of the kingdom 
 to the other. These working parties were called 
 " corvees," and were not paid. Often, however, the 
 workmen received salaries, which were paid in 
 Brittany by a tax on wine ; in other provinces by the 
 gabelle, or salt tax ; and again in others by tolls re- 
 ceived at turnpikes, which consisted, as at present, 
 of long bars which went across the road, and were 
 hoisted or lowered by pulleys. In some cases, the 
 farmers of the tolls were charged with the reparation 
 of the roads ; in others, the reparation as well as 
 the construction was made by " corvees."f The itine- 
 raires of that period tell you that on such a road 
 pavement begins at such a place, finishes at such 
 another ; that between such a town and another 
 there is no great road. Then the directions run — 
 go to the right above or below the villages. Kee]:) 
 to the hill, follow the valley, or go parallel to the 
 ditches. I 
 
 * Boucliel, IJibliotli^que du Droit Fraiifais, under head " Turcies et 
 levees." 
 
 t I'ib. do Boucliel, ubi sup. 
 
 X Ciuidc. des Cliemins de France, ubi snp. 
 
KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 197 
 
 1003— in4H.] 
 
 Some of the roads arc described in terms bv no means ciiavtkk 
 
 VII. 
 
 reassuring : — Cbemin du Diable, Rue d'Enfer. They — '- 
 indicate certain places with such warnings as the 
 following : — Briganderie, Ancienne Briganderie, 
 Passage Pcrilleux, Bois de Deux Lieux, Passe- 
 Vite ! 
 
 The French posts were thoroughly organized.* 
 Postmasters of the king wore the royal arms upon 
 their sleeve. Great seigneurs rode post with thirty 
 horses, the king with a hundred. In Brittany there 
 were no posts at all ; the post-riders were forbidden 
 to carry private letters, they carried only the de- 
 spatches of the king.f The conveyance of private 
 letters was in the hands, not of the government, but 
 of carriers. A traveller would go from twelve t(^ 
 fifteen leagues a day ; he might carry a small port- 
 manteau behind him on his saddle, but if he had a 
 trunk he was obliged to take a baggage-horse. He 
 was invariably accompanied by a guide whose business 
 it was to prevent the traveller from running off with 
 the horse. The animal was branded with the initial 
 letters of the town whence he started. On some of 
 the great roads post carriages ran ; they had stuffed 
 seats, were covered witli leather outside, and were 
 furnished with curtains to keep out the rain. Each 
 traveller was allowed four pounds of luggage ; he 
 could go from Paris to Rouen for seventy sous, from 
 Paris to Orleans for seventy-five. 
 
 ' ^1 
 
 * Traite do police do DolauiuiTo, liv. vi. art. " Postcs." 
 
 t Ordounauce da 19 Juiii 1404, relative h riustitutioii dcs pustes. 
 
 >^ 
 
» ':■ 
 
 s* 
 
 ?.:. 
 
 J, 
 
 * ' 
 
 I . 
 
 t.. -I 
 
 CHAl'I'KU 
 
 VII. 
 
 1 ■•"! 
 
 -!■ 
 
 198 EXODUS OF TUE WESTKllN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G03— 1G4H. 
 
 Dress* was subject to sumptuary laws even more 
 strict than the EiigHsh laws of Elizabeth. Clerks and 
 nobles alone were allowed to wear silk. It was only 
 prelates, great personages, and soldiers even among 
 the privileged class who could wear silk upon silk. 
 Colours of stuff distinguished different ranks of life. 
 Boatmen wore one stocking of one colour and one of 
 another. The bourgeois was dressed in black, eccle- 
 siastical dignitaries in scarlet; so were the nobles. 
 Great gentlemen only might wear a red head-dress. 
 The lowest class of the people dressed in white, as 
 also did the nobles occasionally, but then they wore 
 white velvet. The courtiers wore their sword far 
 back, with the pummel on the loins ; gentlemen of 
 lesser station on the hip. Great nobles occasionally 
 had their sword carried by a footman in livery. 
 The dress of ladies was distinguished by equally 
 minute peculiarities. Colours and stuffs marked rank 
 as among the men. Only princesses and duchesses 
 could wear double rows of diamonds. The noble 
 lady and the bourgeoise were distinguishable even by 
 their rosaries or their prayer-books. Manners were 
 more attended to here than in any other country. 
 Nothing was done without frequent salutation. You 
 met the public executioner in the street, — he was 
 easily known by his dress : you took off your hat to 
 him ; " Heaven keep you out of my hands," was his 
 
 * Many " ordonuances relatives aux vetemeiits," quoted by iMoiitcil, 
 Histoire de.s Franyais. 
 
SI 
 
 Ik. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 101) 
 
 1G03— 1()4H.] 
 
 {iiLswer.* Salutations were even counted by the par- Chaitkk 
 
 vn. 
 liaments and lawyers, and among seignorial rig) its, — 
 
 whicli could be enforced by law.f A great noble, 
 a cardinal or a bishop, was addressed monseigneur ; a 
 knight, messire ; a gentleman, monsieur ; a magistrate, 
 messire-maitre ; a lawyer or a doctor, maitre ; a monk, 
 dom. The wife of a great lord, madame ; the wife of 
 a gentleman, or lawyer, or a doctor, mademoiselle. 
 In Paris, as maybe seen in the journal of Henry iX., 
 28 Mar., 1594, the term madame had descended to 
 the wives of lawyers and doctors, and even to those 
 of librarians and sliopkeepers. Did any one sneeze, 
 all present took off their hats and muttered a prayer. 
 The rich carried a handkerchief in their pockets : it 
 was the custom of the bourgeois to blow their noses 
 with their sleeves. To intimate that a man had a 
 considerable fortune, you said, " II ne se mouche pas 
 avec la manche."J 
 
 But in no particular was etiquette more rigorous 
 than in the matter of chairs and stools.§ The visitor, 
 according to his rank, was invited to sit on a large 
 armchair, a little armchair, a chair without arms, a 
 bench, a chest, or a footstool. Politeness was carried 
 as fjir as to furnish accused persons in courts of justice 
 with a little stool called a sellette. In 1601, a gentle- 
 man of the court, Francois de Nagu, sieur de Yarenne, 
 
 * The custom was kept up till the licvolution : see Monteil. 
 
 t Bouchet, verb, "saisie feodale." 
 
 X Kecueil dos Proverbes. 
 
 § Traite de Civility Puerile, par Saliat, chap. " visites." 
 
 .*l 
 
 
 f' 
 
 ■ ■ JlVj 
 
 ■v'i' 
 
 
 :.i1- 
 
 yi. 
 
..a 
 
 ?■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 200 EXUDUS OF THE WESTEllN NATIONS. 
 
 [1603—1648. 
 
 Chaiteu was sentenced to be whipped in the Conciergerie for 
 — having refused to sit upon the sellette when on his 
 trial. 
 
 Paris, at the end of the sixteenth century, was about 
 PS large as Madrid and Toledo together. The kings 
 often issued decrees against the increase of the size of 
 the town ; but it was found impossible, in fact, to 
 restrain it. It was divided into four principal quar- 
 ters : the court, where was the Louvre, the Tuileries ; 
 the quarter where was the Bastille, the Arsenal, which 
 was full of arms, and the Temple, which was full of 
 powder ; the learned quarter, where were the colleges of 
 the university ; lastly, the religious quarter, where 
 were situated the convents and hospitals. The popu- 
 lation was about 400,000 ; a little more than London, 
 and a little less than Constantinople. Tl>'^ orarde 
 bourgeoise, of which the array of the League was in 
 its time principally composed, counted nearly 100,000 
 men. The hospital of the Hotel Dieu already existed : 
 there were generally .1.000 patients. The number of 
 poor was estimated at abouc 17,000. 
 
 As in London, thieves and disorderly persons asso- 
 ciated themselves in companies under ^^arious slang- 
 names. Thewc may be seen in the " Histoire do 
 Francion." There was, amongst others, a company 
 of nuirderers, who could be hired for the satisfaction 
 of private revenge. Besides thieves, cut-throats, and 
 miu'derers, there were a large number of turbulent 
 scholars of the university : the apprentices were as 
 disorderly as in London. Lackeys and serviiig-men 
 
 1 
 
 M 
 
 t| 
 tl 
 
 III ..■ 
 
 toMli .,> i.-.-,.rJ>>".,l±M<i6 
 
M'. 
 
 
 .V.XODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 201 
 
 1()03— IG-it.] 
 
 were more disorderly still, and were constantly Cuaiteu 
 fighting in the streets. Pre-eminent among — 
 the lovers of disturbance were the young noblemen, 
 to the full as ill-disciplined and as wild as those 
 of our own country. They delighted to attack 
 the wacch, and to commit every sort of outrage.* 
 Murders were very prevalent : there would have 
 been more had not the police been, for tliat day, ex- 
 cellent. No one was permitted to have more than 
 one door to his house ; if there was more than one it 
 was built up by order of the magistrate. Each house 
 in turn furnished a watchman, who was provided 
 with a bell to raise the city in case of disorder. Dur- 
 ing certain months of tlie year each house was 
 compelled to hang a lighted lantern before the 
 door. 
 
 The paid guard of the city was formed of old archers 
 to the number of one hundred and fifty, all decorated 
 with the ancient order of the star. Charles VI. 
 added sixty crossbowmen and Charles IX. a hundred 
 arquebussiers. In 1502, and the two following years, 
 Paris was nothing bat a walled camp.| in which 
 every house was a tent, every citizen a soldier, and 
 of which the different ranks of the cl irgy were the 
 officers. During the siege the rich as well as the 
 poor lived upon horses, dogs, cats, and barley bread ; 
 towards the close, on roots and herbs gathered even 
 under the fire of the cannons of the besiegers. The 
 
 •'v.t 
 
 
 '■■■.I I 
 
 * Meinoiros do d'Aiibi^ad. 
 
 t Mciuoireb de Villeioi, discours du sit'ge de Paris, IGliO,. 
 
 ■'■■;ir. 
 
w' n- ' 
 
 202 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 CHArTER streets were filled with dead and dyinc;. 
 vrr. , *^ ° 
 
 — and serpents were found among them. 
 
 [1603—1648. 
 
 Vultures 
 
 
 
 During a great part of the sixteeiith century the 
 ordinary way of recruiting * was for a captain to 
 receive a commission to raise a company : there was 
 no want of candidates for admission. The enlistment 
 was at first only for a month, at the end of which the 
 soldier could retire : each soldier was allowed a servant. 
 At his first enlistment the recruit became, according 
 to the regiment in which he entered, a piquier, an ar- 
 quebussier or a mousquetaire. The next ste^) was that 
 of lanspassade, broken lance : the name was derived 
 from Piedmont, when, during the French wars the 
 French dismounted cavaliers served with the infantry 
 with that title, which distinguished them from the 
 common run of foot-soldiers. Their pay was a httle 
 higher than that of the foot-soldier, and the sergeant 
 had no right to strike one of that grade with his 
 halbert. The next step was corporal, the pay was 
 ten sous per day. Then fourrier, whose duty was to 
 inscribe upon the door of a house where soldiers were 
 billeted the names of those who were lodged there. 
 It was a post of some responsibility and of some danger, 
 for omission to perform the duties of the office was 
 certain to entail flogging ; and a fourrier who accept- 
 ed bribes not to billet soldiers on a particular house 
 was tolerably sure to be hanged. The next step was 
 that of sergeant : the fourrier had charge, amongst 
 other things, of the pay of his men — the sergeant at- 
 
 * Seo Monteil, Hist, dea Fmiifais, chap. " i'edcscaux do Metz." 
 
 1( 
 

 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 203 
 
 1G03— 1G48.] 
 
 tended to nothing but their mihtary instruction. Tlie Cuaiter 
 
 • . VII 
 
 superior grades were, as at present, ensign, Heu- — '. 
 tenant, and captain. On the march each of these 
 officers was allowed a horse. The lands of an officer 
 were free from tax. The French infantry dated from 
 the time of Francis I. By the ordinance of St. Ger- 
 main-en-Laye, he instituted seven legions of footmen 
 of six thousand men each . To the legions of Francis I . 
 succeeded the legions of Henry II., under the name 
 of regiments. The immber of regiments in the ser- 
 vice was never fixed. The four regiments of Pi id- 
 mont, Champagne, Picardy, and Normandy alone re- 
 mained unchanged. The others were raised and dis- 
 l)anded as occasion served. The old regiments con- 
 sisted of twent}' companies, the others fifteen. 
 
 It was about this time that the change inaugurated 
 by Coligny, the substitution namely of infantry for 
 cavalry as the base of the French army, took deep 
 root in France. Henceforward the infantry formed 
 tlie bulk of the national force, but the gendarmerie 
 was still a magnificent corps. This was entirely com- 
 posed of gentlemen, magnificently clothed and 
 equipped ; but their arms, consisting of pistol and 
 lance, were haidly so deadly as the heavy cuirass and 
 strong sword of the German reitres. The captain of 
 gendarmes was ordered by the regulations to keep 
 sixteen horses, the lieutenant eight, the cornet six, the 
 sergeant-major five, the trooper three. The expense, 
 however, caused the gendarmerie to fall into disuse. 
 They were replaced by regiments corresponding to 
 
 •I 
 
 . ^1 
 
 
f 
 
 .!l 
 
 P ail 
 
 I i 
 
 VII. 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 204 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G03— in4S. 
 
 Chapter tlie Carbineers, lancers, dragoons, and light horse of 
 the present day. The inventor of dragoons was the 
 Count de Cosse-Brissac. They acted sometimes on 
 foot and sometimes on horseback. In the reign of 
 Louis XIII. recruiting was reduced to a system. In 
 most towns some old officer was stationed, a great 
 giver of dinners and suppers, great in anecdote and 
 conversation. Captains who had commissions to 
 raise troops were in the habit of applying to the re- 
 cruiting agent,* and of placing the levy of the troops 
 in his hands. Some of these officials were little better 
 than crimps, others resorted only to the legal attrac- 
 tions of high bounty, and the argumentum ad hominem 
 conveyed to the hungry and the idle, of partridges, 
 loaves of bread, cakes, and other delicacies spitted on 
 the drawn swords of the recruiting party. These 
 were the materials of a feast of which the recruits 
 partook at the end of the day. The classes most 
 commonly attracted by the recruiting parties were, as 
 in other countries, apprentices, idle students of the 
 universities, lazy villagers, mechanics out of work, 
 and servants out of jDlace. It never was very diffi- 
 
 tl 
 
 1 
 
 * Lc tambour parcourait la ville ct aprbs avoir liattu los trois bans, il 
 portait la main an cb.apeau ot disait, suivant la formule ordinaire : " l>o par 
 le Roi ! on fait savoir "a tout hommo, dc iindlo iiualito ot condition qu'il 
 ooit, {\j;e du seize ans, fiui dt^sirerait prendre parti dans le rcj^inient de 
 Tbian>^es, infantcrie, qu'on lui donnera quinze francs, vingt francs selou 
 riioniine qu'il sera, et un bon cong(5 au bout de trois ans. Arjijcnt comp- 
 tant sur la caisse ! On ne domande i)as de credit ; ccux qui seront portds de 
 bonne volontd u'ont qu'a vonir!" Alors il devait fairo sonner une grande 
 bourse do sole, grillee, plcinc d'or et d'arj^cnt, &c. — Monteil, Hist, des 
 Frauvais, iv. 48, cbap. " Gons de Guerre." 
 
 w^i 
 

 VII. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 205 
 
 1003— 1G48.] 
 
 cult to induce a sufficient number of recruits to join chaitek 
 the army, the strength of which was kept up to three 
 hundred or three hundred and forty thousand men. 
 Married men, foreigners, and men belonging to the 
 town in which the recruiting garrison was quartered 
 — men belonging to the town of St. Etienne, to the 
 Isle de Rhe, to the Isle d'Oleron, and to the province 
 of Boulonnois, were not allowed to enlist: the first 
 was excluded because the number of workmen in the 
 factory of arms, at St. Etienne, would be thereby 
 diminished ; the two next, because the islands of 
 de Rhc and d'Oleron required all their population 
 for their own defence. The inhabitants of the Bou- 
 lonnois were exempt, as they furnished six ' jgiments 
 for the protection of the coasts. The food in garrison 
 consisted each day of twenty-four ounces of brown 
 bread, and each weelc three pounds of meat ; on the 
 march, the same ration of bread, a pound of meat, a 
 pint of wine, cider, or beer. The citizen on whom 
 the soldiers were billeted at night was obliged to 
 furnish fire for cooking victuals, a pot to contain 
 them, and to allow the soldier to share with his 
 family the comforts of his fire and candle. 
 
 The dress of the army under Louis XIII. had 
 become more uniform, but less rich than under 
 Charles IX., Henry III., or Henry IV. Ilegiments 
 were distinguished by the colour and cut of their 
 doublets, and also by th"' colour and foim of their 
 facings. On their buttons, which were made of tin 
 or of copper, were inscribed the name and luunber of 
 
 
^. m: 
 
 m .' 
 
 VI r. 
 
 206 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1003—1(548. 
 
 CiiArrKR tlieir regiment. The colours of the various uniforms 
 were arranged according to strict rules of precedence, 
 one colour being considered more honourable than 
 another. Royal regiments wore the royal livery and 
 were dressed in blue ; regiments of the queen, the 
 dauphin, and the princes of the blood in bright 
 colours, as red and green ; regiments of the marshals 
 and great nobles in grey. In the seventeenth century, 
 flint locks and a sliort musket replaced the six-foot 
 arquebuss. About the beginning of the seventeenth 
 century, the bayonet, whose inventor and time of 
 invention is uncertain, was adopted in the French 
 army, and for the first time cuirass and breast-plate 
 were entirely laid aside by the infantry. 
 
 Military puin'shments were terribly severe. The 
 strapado, in which the soldier was tied hand and foot, 
 was lioisted to the top of a pole and allowed to drop 
 suddenly to within a short distance of the earth, was 
 one of the most formidable. But the punishment 
 which was called the " honneur du morion," mixed 
 up with most undeniable cruelty a kind of grim 
 humour. Tlie soldier who was condemned to it was 
 obliged to choose from among his comrades a god- 
 father ; the godfather disarmed him, and placed his hat 
 on the point of a pike which the victim held. He 
 then placed him in the position in which a schoolboy 
 of the present day still receives the acolade of the 
 head master, and battered him with the wood of 
 his arquebuss. The blows were thus counted : — the 
 victim was asked whether he was a gentleman ; he 
 
 s4 
 r( 
 t^ 
 
 h 
 

 EXODUS OP THE WESTERN NATIONS. 207 
 
 1003—1048.] 
 
 was obliged to answer that lie was, beins; a soldier. CuAnmi 
 He was then informed that a gentleman should have — 
 so many pages, valets, dogs, and hawks ; for each he 
 received a blow. He was asked how many to^vers 
 there were on his castle ; it was useless to reply that 
 he had none — the house of a gentleman must of 
 necessity have so many to^vcrs — and the unfortunate 
 must receive a blow for each. He tlien got one for 
 each of the princes of the blood, for the marshals of 
 France, and so on, until at the discretion of his cap- 
 tain the punishment was completed. The four last 
 blows were given wntli the words, 
 
 " Iloucur h Bieu, 
 Service au Roi, 
 Tout pour toi, 
 Ricn pour luoi." 
 
 Then the drum beat the " point of war," and the 
 ceremony was over. 
 
 A deserter was punished with death. A soldier 
 who enlisted in two companies, who offered violence 
 to a woman, who struck his officer, or the man on 
 whose house he was billeted, or who stole anything 
 from a house in which he wa,s billeted, was punished 
 with death. The prevots, assisted by the lawyers of 
 the nearest town, formed a military tribunal which 
 could pass a capital sentence. The constable of 
 France had absolute power. The old constable 
 Montmorency used to walk about diligently telling 
 his beads, and without looking up from the ground, 
 order one to be hanged, another to the strapado, 
 
 •.■/^f 
 
 and a third to run the gauntlet. 
 
 " Dieii nous garde 
 
 
VP 
 
 ' '• r 
 
 
 5.i'v . . 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 208 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1003—1048. 
 
 CuArrEn des pateiiotres de Monsieur le Connetable," was a 
 — proverb long in use in the French army. 
 
 In the succeeding century most of the miHtary 
 punishments had been done away with. There re- 
 mained only the stick or the strap for shght offences ; 
 the wooden horse and the picket, both of them instru- 
 ments of intense suffering, for more serious matters. 
 
 The prisons were badly built, badly ventilated, and 
 badly lighted. Until the time of the edict of Orleans, 
 in 1560, the great nobles considered themselves 
 entitled to throw their villagers into the dungeons of 
 their castles. These were generally caves hollowed 
 out at the bottom of the towers ; but after the edict 
 mentioned above, the nobles were forced to build 
 their prisons above the level of the ground, and to 
 separate them from their castles. A second edict 
 prevented the use of chains in the prisons of the 
 nobles. In the towns, old fortresses and strong 
 places and old towers in the town walls were used as 
 prisons. They were loathsome dens; and it w^as 
 almost always to their vaults that the plague and 
 other epidemics might be traced. The prisoner was 
 fed at the expense of the accuser if a civilian, but at 
 that of the king in other cases. A prisoner, at the 
 discretion of the gaoler, might be placed in the black 
 hole or in irons. Any one furnishing instruments by 
 which a prisoner could effect his escape was punished 
 as if he himself had been the prisoner ; but a prisoner 
 endeavouring to make his escape received no increase 
 of punislnnent. If a prisoner escaped by the ncgli- 
 
 1G( 
 
 ge 
 ot 
 

 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 2(>'J 
 
 1603—1648.] 
 
 gence of the gaoler, the latter took liis place. Like all 
 other departments of state the prisons were farmed. 
 
 As in England, the use of torture disgiaced judi- 
 cial interrogatories. The rack to stretch the limbs of 
 the accused, the fire to scorch the soles of his feet, the 
 boots to smash his knees, and water to distend his 
 chest, were used in a manner sufficiently scientific to 
 satisfy even our James the Second. 
 
 At the time of the peace of Yervins, France had 
 drunk the cup of bitterness almost to the dregs. 
 The state was torn by faction. The crown was 
 encumbered with debts and pensions, the nobles were 
 turbulent, A long term of rebellion and disorder 
 had made them almost forget all traditions of allegi- 
 ance. While in Spain loyalty was pushed to the 
 extreme verge of superstition, in France the king, 
 apart from his influence as a man, received little 
 reverence, and no submission. The royal preroga- 
 tive had been invaded so often, and the temper of 
 the last weak princes had allowed it to be done so 
 often with absolute impunity, that it had become 
 a mere name. The country was barren and deso- 
 lated by war. The misery of the country was 
 pitiable. The towns were full of beggars, the high 
 roads swarmed with its dis'handed soldiers. Heavy 
 taxes were imposed upon the people ; and, until the 
 genius of Sully had found a way to escape from the 
 dilemma, the national resources of France seemed 
 almost completely bankrupt. The plague made peri- 
 odical ravages in Paris and the other great towns. 
 
 VOL. I. P 
 
 CiiAnrii 
 VII. 
 
 ' ^1 
 
 W I 
 
 m 
 
 tiij 
 
 
C: ])il 
 
 ■" 
 
 
 1| ; 
 
 ft 
 
 
 '^ ' 
 
 
 h , ' 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 .f ' 
 
 
 ^y' 
 
 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 'v^' \. ^ 
 
 
 
 CuArTER 
 
 VII. 
 
 210 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN XATIOXS. 
 
 [1003— inis. 
 Siilly liimself gives a dismal description of the 
 condition of the soldiers even so late as 1004 * " It is 
 hard to conceive that, in a nation ^vllich from its 
 first establishment has been engaged in war, and has 
 indeed pm'sned no other trade than that of arms, no 
 care should have been hitlierto taken to form and 
 methodize tliem. Whatever related to the soldierv 
 of France was offensive and disgusting. The foot 
 soldiers weio enlisted by violence, and made to 
 march by a cudgel ; their pay was unjustly with- 
 held, they heard of nothing but a prison, and had 
 nothing before their eyes but a gibbet. This treat- 
 ment drove them into all methods of desertion, which 
 was prevented only by the prevots, who kept them 
 in their camps like men bebieged : the officers them- 
 selves being ill-paid, had some kind of right to vio- 
 lence and plunder. Henry would often say — and he 
 spoke according to his own experience — that the 
 public could never be well served till the troops were 
 put into another state." 
 
 Nevertheless, the genius of Sully began to over- 
 come even these difficulties. He commenced to pay off 
 the crown debts. The nobles were forbidden to make 
 fresh fortifications. The seigneurs, who levied tolls 
 upon the roads and rivers, on condition of keeping 
 them in repair, were compelled to fulfil their engage- 
 ments or to forfeit their privileges. Commerce 
 revived, and, as it always does, followed facilities 
 of access. The forests and streams were for the 
 
 * M(5nioires de Sully, book xix. 
 
• i 
 
 
 cnge- 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN XATIOXS. 211 
 
 in03— 1G48.] 
 
 first time protected. War was made on the foot- CiiAmn 
 
 VII. 
 
 pads and highwaymen wlio infested the forests and — '- 
 roads. Agriculture was encouraged ; silk manufac- 
 turers, cloth-workers, glass-workers, established them- 
 selves under the fostering care of the king. Sully 
 discouraged the plantation of colonies; but the kiiig, 
 faithful to the traditions of his great and good 
 friend Coligny, considered that a l)rave and unruly 
 people wanted some safety-valve, and departed in 
 this instance from the advice of his minister. 
 
 The Italians and Spaniards, as well as the Dutch 
 and French, were all far in advance of England in 
 the arts which constitute civilization. Our island 
 was a country of fogs and mists : the drainage hardly 
 in a better condition than that in which it had been 
 left by the Romans. Manufoctures hardly existed. 
 Our navy was in its infancy ; our internal police a 
 farce ; our roads the worst in Europe. The dis- 
 banded soldiers of Elizabeth wandered as sturdy beg- 
 gars and '• masterless men " over the country. The 
 officers took service with foreign princes, or bid 
 " Stand and deliver " on the king's highway. 
 Mr. Smiles, in his " Lives of Eminent Engineers," 
 says that Chief Justice Popham had been " on the 
 road" in his youth. Our fisheries were so unpro- 
 ductive that the Dutch sold us herrings which they 
 caught on our own coasts. We supplied Europe 
 with wool as America till lately supplied us with 
 cotton. England was but the storehouse of raw 
 material. Though we had abundance of wool, we had 
 
 r 2 
 
 •I 
 
 ' ^1 
 
 
I; 
 
 i 
 l 
 
 • * 
 
 'i. 
 
 I,: -t V 
 
 212 EXODUS OF TFIE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1003—1048. 
 
 CiurTER jjQ woollen mannfactnres. Even the small quantity 
 — of the latter that was made was sent to be finished 
 by the dyers of Holland. 
 
 In the time of James the industry of cloth- workers, 
 silk-weavers, and lace-makers had just begun to take 
 root among us. These trades were, however, con- 
 fined to foreigners, as exclusively as the banking 
 trade had been in the hands of the Lombards. French 
 and Flemish refugees had brought the skill of Yypres, 
 Bruges, Ghent, and Arras to our shores, but the arts 
 they taught were not yet naturalized among us. 
 
 In the preceding century, Danes and Genoese had 
 been our shipbuilders. Owing to the encouragement 
 of Elizabeth, and to the development of maritime enter- 
 prise, we had ceased to be dependent upon the foreigner 
 for the building of our ships. Nevertheless, almost 
 every other branch of mechanical science was unknown. 
 A Dutchman was employed to erect a forcing-pump 
 for supplying London with water. We were indebted 
 to Holland for windmills, watermills, and pumping- 
 engines; at > later day we borrowed from them the 
 science of canal-making. The art of bridge-making 
 had fallen so low that we were obliged to call in a 
 Swiss engineer to build Westminster Bridge.* 
 
 The contemporary history of Scotland was a record 
 of treachery, fanaticism, witchcraft, and assassina- 
 tion. The king himself entered with zest into the 
 two latter subjects. He was fortunate enough to 
 discover — and to give the world the benefit of the 
 
 ♦ Smiles. 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 213 
 
 ino3— 1(j48.] 
 
 discovery — " why the devil did worke more with CuAiTiiu 
 
 . , . VII. 
 
 auncient women than with others." Witch-finders — 
 laid traps, possessed at least of the merit of sim- 
 plicity, on the public highways. A pinch of salt on a 
 page of the Bible, or a couple of straws in the form 
 of a cross, were considered as of mifailing virtue. 
 
 Ever since the dissolution of the monasteries under 
 Henry YIII., even the small amount of drainage 
 which had once existed had been allowed to fall into 
 decay. The churchmen alone had paid any attention 
 to the subject : now that their power was at an end, 
 embankments wxre neglected, rivers silted up. The 
 extensive fen-lands of the eastern counties were 
 abandoned to the field-fowl and the fishes.* Large 
 tracts of country in Cambridgeshire, Lincolnshire, 
 and Norfolk presented the appearance of desolate 
 and hideous morasses. For miles nothing could be 
 seen in winter but a dismal lake, broken here and 
 there by islets on which a few huts were erected by 
 an ague-stricken population. In summer, ooze and 
 mud replaced the waters of winter, and deadly mias- 
 mata arose. The fen-men — fen-slodgers, or yellow- 
 bellies, as they were called — were described as a 
 '' barbarous, lazy, and beggarly people/' They picked 
 up a scanty subsistence by grazing, fishing, and fowl- 
 ing. But in their case flocks were represented by 
 flocks of geese, wdiich waded about in the shallows, 
 while their herdsmen, if one may so call them, 
 stalked after them on stilts. 
 
 * r.loomticld, llist. of Norfolk. 
 
 ■ ' r' 
 
^i; . 
 
 ClIAPTEn 
 
 VII. 
 
 \!i '. ■ 
 
 / 
 
 
 
 ■'A 
 
 I', 
 
 
 211 KXODLS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G03— 164S. 
 
 The eastern counties were not alone in tlieir misery : 
 agriculture was everywhere grievously neglected. 
 Occasionally, in the forests, which still covered a 
 great part of the land, the traveller might come upon 
 a hermitage in which some liearthroken recluse, or 
 perhaps some gallant soldier, tired of war's alarms, 
 had withdrawn himself from the world : John Smith , 
 the future founder of Virginia was one of these un- 
 quiet spirits. In the narrative of his " True Travels 
 and Adventures" you may read that " within a short 
 time, being glutted with too much company, wherein 
 he took small delight, he retired himselfe into a little 
 woodie pasture, a good way from any towne, invi- 
 roned with many hundred acres of other woods. 
 Here, by a faire brook, he built a pavillion of boughcs, 
 where only in his cloaths ho lay. His studie was 
 IMachiavill's Art of Warrc, and Marcus Aurelius ; 
 his exercise, a good horse with his lance and ring : 
 his food was thought to be more of venison than any- 
 thini*' else : what he wanted his man brou^'ht him."* 
 
 The picture of an active-minded man and gallant 
 soldier (of whom we shall see more anon), amusing 
 himself with Marcus Aurelius, and riding a-tilt with 
 lance and ring all alone in a forest, gives a curious 
 ghhipse of the state of society. 
 
 The Scottisli border was uiupiiet. Maxwells and 
 Johnsons fouglit savagely on the marches; and, if 
 report speaks true, there were many l)order *^'^e- 
 booters as savage as Geordie Bourne, who confessed 
 
 "■ .Si lilli, TriK' Travels, AdvouLuiv.s, and Obscrvutioas. Loudoii, llllJ'J. 
 

 VII. 
 
 EXODUS OK Tin: WESTERN NATIONS. 215 
 
 1G03— 1G48.J 
 
 before his execution that he had violated forty men's cuaptku 
 wives, besides committing immerous murders in cold 
 blood. The nobility maintained enormous retinues,* 
 which were constantly quarrelling among themselves. 
 They generally had foreign masters of dancing, 
 fencing, and riding among their retainers. Jolm 
 Smith tells us that his friends, wishing to draw him 
 from the hermitage, " persuaded one Seignor Theo- 
 dora Polalogra, rider to Henry, Earle of Lincoln, an 
 excellent horseman, and a noble Italian gentleman, 
 to insinuate into his wooddish acquaintances, whose 
 languages and good discourse, and exercise of riding, 
 drew him to stay with him at Tattersall." 
 
 King James in vain endeavoured to persuade the 
 country gentlemen, to leave the city and to retire to 
 their country seats. The attractions of London were 
 too great for them to resist. London was indeed a 
 very different })lace from what it is in our day. The 
 magistrates used once a year to go in solemn state to 
 the head of the conduit, now Conduit Street, to in- 
 spect the works, and join in a solemn hunt. I have 
 read a description of one of these hunts. They met 
 somewhere in the neighbourhood of Grafton Street ; 
 killed a hare 'n the morning, and after partaking of 
 an excellent dinner i)rovided by the city chamberlain, 
 killed a fox in the afternoon. An examination of 
 the map of London of the time of James IL would 
 enable any curious Nimrod of the present day to 
 follow the run in imagination. He might picture to 
 
 -■n 
 
 * Lui'd IJiicuii 
 
21'3 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 VII. 
 
 1'. ''■ 
 
 ' -"1 .1 
 
 
 .' ' r 
 
 '1 
 
 'r 
 
 [1603—1648. 
 
 CiiAPTER himself bow they found a fox in Berkeley Square — 
 how they ran him up Davies Street and across Brook 
 Street — how tliey dwelt for a moment in the little 
 spinney near tlxe Regent's Circus — how he was 
 headed by a countryman near Cavendish Square, 
 and turning sharp to the right, made for the earths 
 near the British Museum — how Sir Walter Ealeigh 
 was mounted on a horse which he had bought for 
 five hundred crowns* from his friend the Due de 
 Sully — how Sir Hugh Myddelton, who had smoked 
 his morning pipe at Raleigh's suburban villa in 
 tlie Strand, got a ftdl while scrambling in and out 
 of the new road which he had lately helped to build 
 from Paddington to the Bank— how a still more 
 august figure mounted upon a roan jennet,f and 
 securely trussed in a high demipique saddle, came 
 ambling carefully along, followed, at a respectful 
 distance, by courtiers who knew the royal weakness 
 too well to press upon him closely. J 
 
 The roads were unsafe : the carriers or packmen, 
 who conveyed goods from place to place with their 
 horse trains, kept generally to the high grounds, to 
 avoid the morasses which lay in the valleys. It was 
 only near great toAvns that there were regular high- 
 
 * Mdmoiiv.s dc Sully. 
 
 t Letter from Sir Thos. Howard to Lord Ilarriugtou in Letilia Aiken'.s 
 Memoirs of the Kei<;n of James F., "Above all things li"! not to praise tho 
 roan jennet whercuu tho king doth daily ride." 
 
 X " The kin^ was so tired with multitudes, especially in his hunting, 
 that he caused an inhibition to bo jiublished to restrain the pcciple iVom 
 hiinlin;4 A//h." Wilson's F,ilV' df .Fames 1, in the Complete History ol' 
 Kiigland. I'oHo, [,ondoii, ITIH. 
 
 (I 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERNS NATIONS. 217 
 
 1003— 1G48,] 
 
 ways, and these were only passable for coaches under Chapteb 
 favourable circumstances. Indeed, coaches were bv — 
 no means in general use. Queen Elizabeth's Dutch 
 coachman had presented her with a vehicle of foreign 
 construction, but it had no springs. She was dread- 
 fully jolted while going into the city ; and after- 
 wards, bemoaiiing herself on the subject to the French 
 ambassador, she was careful to indicate what part of 
 her royal person had suflered most from the rough- 
 ness of the road.* 
 
 The queen had always preferred riding into the 
 city on a pillion behind the loi'd chancellor. Every 
 one who was able to do so, travelled on horseback. 
 The judges rode their circuits — briefless barristers 
 went afoot. Highwaymen haunted the roads near 
 the great towns, and plied their trade without the 
 slightest molestation from the police. If a traveller 
 was robbed, the hundred in which the robbery was 
 committed had to make reparation. , 
 
 Much light is thrown on the condition and practice 
 of the " knights of the road " by one John Clavell, 
 a highwayman, who, in 1G25 or 1G20, lay under 
 sentence of death, and who, from his " lonelie, sad, 
 and unfrequented chamber in the King's Bench," 
 issued a poetical account of the profession of "Uigli- 
 way Law," which mo\ cd the royal pedant to mercy. 
 Tlie somewhat prolix title of the book is given below.f 
 
 * 1,11 Motto Fciielon'd I)('S|iiitclics. 
 
 t A lU'caiiliitiuu of ill! ill-lcddo LilV ; or, a Discovoric of tho Iligh-way 
 l,;>\v, willi Vi'licmciit. Diswasioiis to all (in that ki.ulc) On'eiuk'vs. As also 
 Mauvcaulolous Adiiiouilioiin ami lull Instructions how to know, shun, and 
 
 •• M 
 
 ■ M 
 
 '•^t 
 
 y 
 
 ' f\ 
 
fi ■ 
 
 % ;..' '.: 
 
 
 CHAPTKB 
 
 VII. 
 
 
 I ' , 
 
 218 EXODUS OF THE AVESTERN NATIONS. ' 
 
 [1003— 1('.48. 
 
 Tlie " ircntleinen " who formed the rank and file 
 of the early Yirginiun expeditions belonged chiefly 
 to the unruly class, who only emigrated to avoid 
 worse destinies at home.* The manners of the class 
 from which the adventurers were recruited will not, 
 therefore, be uninteresting. 
 
 John Clavell begins his work, after the fashion of 
 that day, with a separate dedication to each estate 
 and condition of men. The king, the queen, " the 
 duchesses, marchionesses, countesses, with the rest of 
 the most noble and most worthy ladies of the court," 
 to whose intercession lie presumes he owes his 
 pardon, the privy council, the nobility, the judges, 
 doctors of divinity, justices of the peace, the la\vyers, 
 his uncle, Sir John Clavell, his mother, and the 
 reader, are each addressed in a separate and elabo- 
 rate preface. The style of the book shows consider- 
 able education, and some powers of versification. 
 \Ve are favoured witli the author's nistructions how 
 to know a thief when you see him, " how to ride, 
 when to ride, where to ride." 
 
 
 .'•;, . ,|i 
 
 
 appreliciul a TheoFc. Most iieccssario for all honest Travellers to peruse, 
 observe, and practise'. Written by John Clavell, (ieut. 
 
 Nunquani sera est, ad bonos mores via, 
 Quantum mulatus ab illo ? 
 
 Approved by tlie Kiny's most Excellent Majestic, and jniblislied by his 
 exitresse command. Tiie second edition. With additions, corrected like- 
 wise and amended by the Authour. 
 
 London : I'rinted by 1>. A. and T. l'., for Ivicli. Mei|j;lien, at the tsigne of 
 the Le;j,;j;e (ueere Arnmlcll house in the Sliaiid), and in St. Dunstane's 
 Cluurliyanl, in Fleet-street, Ui'Jy. 
 
 * KSnii;li, i. 'J.'lo. 
 
EXODUS OF THK WESTEltN NATIONS. 219 
 
 mx\ 1G4S.] 
 
 We gather that the kniglits of the road go forth Chaptkr 
 disguised with vizards and false beards,* that tliey — '- 
 keep a pebble in their mouth to disguise their 
 voice. 
 
 We rode, says Clavell, chiefly by day. It would 
 be too dangerous, and not worth while, to lie in wait 
 by night. The thief could neither watch his oppor- 
 tunity, nor seize on an advantage ; he could not see 
 whether the traveller carried pistols, or was a likely 
 man. Clavell speaks with characteristic contempt of 
 " base padding rascalls," who would condescend to 
 rob on foot ; an honest hors^nan woidd scorn to 
 make himself acquainted with the tricks of such a 
 scurvy trade. Sunday, he declares, is the most 
 dangerous day to ride. No one would travel upon 
 tluit day unless his affairs are urgent ; for urgent 
 aifairs " great store of coyne " is necessary. Asso- 
 ciate with none who are not willing rather to lose 
 than to have your company. If the horseman who 
 joins you on the road "muffle with his cloake," or 
 rears " a cipresse " over his nose and mouth, mistrust 
 
 * "Now, you Uoeiicious reliuls, tliiit doc lUJiko 
 Prolossioii of tliiy wickctl coiirso, and take 
 A jirido thoirin, and would be tcnuod by mc 
 l\ni;:i;bts of thi; Rodcs, or clso at leastwiso be 
 Stil'd lli;.ili-way Lawyers; No 1 doo defio 
 You, and your actions, 1 will tell j'ou why; 
 Ihit lirst iiluekc o(V your visards, hoods, dis;j;uise, 
 Masks, niuzh.'S, nnitlKrs, |ialclies from ynur eyes, 
 'i'liose beards, those heads of haire, and that ^reat wen, 
 Whieli is nol naturall, thai 1 may ken 
 Voin' faees as Ihey are, and rightly know 
 If ynu will blush al wlial 1 siieaki; or no. "' 
 
 ■ h 
 
1^' 
 
 it 
 
 i. . 
 
 i * 
 
 220 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G03— 1648. 
 
 Chapteb him. Beware of those that wear a hood, of those 
 
 VII. 
 
 — that whisper, and that are inquisitive. Beware of a 
 seeming countryman, clothed in russet or a leathern 
 slop, wdth waistcoat buttoned with a hawthorn peg, 
 hayhands about his legs, and hob-nailed shoes, steeple 
 hat, with greasy brim inch-wide. His silly answers 
 and country pnrase are but traps to lure you into 
 carelessness, and seize you unawares. 
 : The highwayman never chooses a cross road, he 
 watches always upon the great highway, where ho 
 can ipick and choose among the passers-by. Ride, 
 then, along the open ; keep to the high ground. If 
 you are in company, do not huddle together on the 
 road ; keep at least a butt's length distance between 
 each horseman ; thieves never attack a scattered com- 
 pany for fear of rescue. Finally, if you do fall 
 among thieves, put a bold face on the matter : 
 an honest man is more than a match for a rogue. 
 
 Such is the testimony of John Clavell. He is 
 evidently of opinion that the clergy are a favourite 
 object of attack. " Most inveterate," lie says, in his 
 preface to the Doctors of Divinity, " is the malice of 
 the Robbers on the Highway (the children of Belial), 
 through his instigation) towards you the chosen 
 ministers of God, and great is their advantage, you 
 Riding armed (for the most part) inwardly onely, not 
 with the Sword outwardly; and hence it commeth 
 that men of your coate and Holy function are so 
 often surprised, and suffer iiijurie by the High-way 
 side." 
 
 I. 
 
I 'I 
 
 "&) 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 221 
 
 IfiOr— 1G4S.] 
 
 But it is in his instructions to innkeepers liow 
 tliey may recognize a liigliwayman that John's 
 honest efforts for the good of society are more espe- 
 cially developed. I subjoin a few lines, as a specimen 
 of his verse and of his instructions, which are curious 
 in themselves.* 
 
 ClIAT'TEU 
 
 VII. 
 
 ' '^1 
 
 IS 
 
 " I tliinke it fitting now for mc to show 
 Vnto tlic Innc-keeper, how he shall know 
 Such guests from other men, my Host take heed, 
 To winke at such faults were a fault indeed. 
 
 " 'r V n* T* 
 
 Your Ostler must obserue, and he shall see 
 
 About their horses they will curious be ; 
 
 They must be strangely drest, as strangely fed 
 
 With mashes, prouonder, and Christian's br(!ad. 
 
 If this be wondred, they cannot hold 
 
 Their goodly qualities they ranst vnfold ; 
 
 Crying, they doe deserue it, and that they, 
 
 By their good seruicc, will their cost repay 
 
 With ouerplus, or some words more or Icssc, 
 
 By which relation he may shrewdly guesse. 
 
 And then they will be asking, who is he 
 
 That ownes that horse ? and whose those horses be 
 
 That stand beyond him ? what their masters are ? 
 
 What kind of men ? whither they ride ? he v faire ? 
 
 And when? So by his answers they surmise 
 
 Which of them all will be their likeliest prise. 
 
 Next of their Cloak-baggs let him notice take, 
 
 They only carry them for fashion's sake ; 
 
 For they are empty ones in poUicy, 
 
 Because their horses should not laden be. 
 
 Your Chamberlaine shall find, when as they come 
 
 Vsher'd vp by him to their lodging-roome, 
 
 lie shall be seat away, let him giue crre 
 
 And not to taile, he shall be sure to hcare 
 
 The gingling of their mony, let him pry 
 
 Behind some secret Cranics ]iriuily, 
 
 And 1h>, shall see them share what they have got, 
 
 And every one to take what is his lot. 
 
 ,' '■ \ '■ 
 
 [This 
 

 ClIAl'TER 
 
 VII. 
 
 "*-ir 
 
 •'Mm 
 
 Pi' ■ 
 
 
 222 EXODT^S OF THE WKSTETIX NATIONS. 
 
 [ir,()3— 1048. 
 
 The great towns Vv-erc in disorder. I'he siinsliino 
 of peace upon tlie slime of war, as Wilson quaintly 
 says, produced riotous demeanours among tlie evil- 
 disposed portion of the town population. The king 
 cared for nothing Init his sports. One of his fa- 
 vourite amusements was lion-haiting in the Tower.* 
 He hated the long pageants in which Elizabeth used 
 to take so much delight. Posies and masques were 
 his aversion ; he swore at the crowds which as- 
 sembled to sec him when he rode abroad. f His 
 despotic temper led him to attempt the substitution of 
 royal proclamations for acts of parliament. " Indeed 
 in all this kiuG-'s rei2:n, from the beQ'iiun'nir to the 
 end, you shall find proclamations current coyne, and 
 the people took them for good payment a great while, 
 till the multitude of them lessened their valuation," 
 
 The Citv was in extreme disorder. " The sword 
 and buckler trade was out of date," but " roaring 
 boys," " roysterers," and "bravadoes" swaggered 
 
 'J'his tlic>y l)j' no meancs will deferre, fur fcaro, 
 Who lias the purse should cheat them in the share. 
 
 * * * * itL 
 
 At snppcr-time let some one hastily 
 
 Kiiockc at your gate as with authority, 
 
 You shall obserue a sodaine feari'uU start, 
 
 Mark Iheu their lookes (the Index of the heart), 
 
 And you shall find them trouhlcd, hioke you sad, 
 
 And aske if yonder Constable be mad ? 
 
 Bid them say quickly what their danger is. 
 
 Then jiromise no authority of his 
 
 Shall en er there if they command it so. 
 * Wilson, 067. 
 
 t Ibid. 008. He dispersed them with frowns th.it we may not say with 
 curses. 
 
 hi 
 
EXODUS OF THE WERTEKX NATIONS. 223 
 
 ino3— in48.] 
 
 about tlie streets. Bloody qnnrrels took place nt chavti-u 
 every corner. In the country, disputes Letween the 
 gentry and commonalty ahout enclosiu'e swelled in 
 
 VII. 
 
 " Some 
 
 many cases to the limits of a petty rebellion. 
 
 were so insolent as to quip and jear the English 
 
 nobilitie. But then comes a proclamation, like a 
 
 strong pill, and carries away the grossest of those 
 
 humours."* 
 
 The book which gives most information about the 
 man who conducted tlie Virginian emigration, and 
 who may ^ ^efore be considered as the political an- 
 cestors of the Southern Americans, is the account 
 before mentioned of the travels and adventures of 
 John Smith. This man was the central figure, the 
 head and life of the Virginian emigration. 
 
 Smith himself had been a soldier from his youth 
 up, — had fought for the independence of the Batavian 
 republic. Indeed, so valiant and so strong a champion 
 was he — so remarkable tcj, as the real founder of 
 English colonization in America — that it may not be 
 out of place to give a sketch of him. 
 
 " The true Travels, Adventures and Observations of 
 Captaine John Smith, in Europe, Asia, Africke, and 
 America," printed in London in 1629, gives a most 
 graphic picture of manners of that day. The man him- 
 self, that is his " portraicteur," strong-limbed, broad- 
 chested, big-bearded, good looking, and cruel, stands 
 before us with his hand on his good sword-hilt on 
 the title-page. Then comes a dozen pages of ter- 
 
 * Wilson, 0,74. 
 
 <'■ 
 
 ;"-!l1 
 
 .1' M 
 
% 
 
 
 f I "*■ 
 
 VII. 
 
 224 EXODUS OF THE WESTER ^T NATIONS. 
 
 [1003—1048. 
 
 Chapteu ribly bad poetry ; the best by Richard Meade, wlio, 
 aniiding to some remarkable exploits detailed in the 
 body of the work, writes thus : — 
 
 " To combat with three Turkcs in a sinc!;le du'lo 
 Before two armies, who the like hath ddnc ? 
 Slaino thy Ljrcat ialcr ; fbund a common weal 
 
 In faire America, where thou hast wonnc 
 No less renoimc among their Savage Kin^s 
 
 Than Turkish warres, that thus thy honor sings." 
 
 This, with many other quaint conceits and pane- 
 gyrical addresses after the fashion of Queen Eliza- 
 beth's time, honest John Smith sets forth with pride 
 and satisfaction. Sir Robert Cotton, as appears by 
 the epistle dedicatory, " requested me to fix the whole 
 course of my passages in a bookc by itself, whose 
 noble desire I could not but in part satisfie ; the 
 rather because they have acted my fatal Tragedies 
 upon the Stage, and racked my Relations at their 
 pleasure." So that even in his own hard-handed 
 times, our Captain found more than one vates sacer. 
 
 Smith writes his history, like Ca3sar, in the third 
 person. It is " venit vidit vicit " both in love and war, 
 all through the chapter. His father dying when he 
 was thirteen years old, and leaving him a compe- 
 tency, " which not being able to manage, he little re- 
 garded, his mind being even then set upon brave 
 adventures," Smith " sould his sachell, bookes, and 
 all that he had," and ran away to sea. Fell in with 
 Lord Willoughby's two sons at Orleans, then " little 
 youths luider tutorage," who afterwards, when great 
 men — one of them Lord Great Chamberlain of Eng- 
 
 
9 
 
 lie 
 
 itli 
 tie 
 
 ^g- 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 225 
 
 1003—1048.] 
 
 land — stood kindly by Smith and backed liim up chaiter 
 nobly. His money being at an end, Smith quitted — '■ 
 France and took service as a soldier in the Low- 
 Countries, his English friends giving him (" but out 
 of his own estate," says he, in a parenthesis) "ten 
 shillings and three pence to be rid of him." After a 
 time, spent principally in giving and taking hard 
 knocks, tlie ship in which he had taken passage for 
 Italy was driven by stress of weather to anchor near 
 Nice. " Here the inhuman Provincialls with a rabble 
 of Pilgrimes of divers nations going to Rome, hourely 
 cursing him not only for a Hugonolt but his nation 
 they swore were all Pyrats, and so vilely railed on 
 his dread soveraigne Qucene Elizabeth, and that they 
 never should have faire w^eather so long as hee was 
 aboord them : their disputations grew to that passion 
 that they threw him overboard ; yet God brought 
 him to a little isle where was no inhabitants but a few 
 kine and goats." Picked up and kindly refreshed by 
 " a noble Britaine, Captain La Roche, of St. Malo," 
 who appears to have been in reality what the 
 " Pilgrimes " accused the British of being, to wit, a 
 pirate. For with the next fair wind they ran down 
 to Scandaroone, " rather to view what ships was in 
 the Roade than anything else," and finally fell in with 
 an argosii.; of "^^enice. " Whereupon the Britaine 
 pfesently gave them the broad side, then his sterne, 
 and his other broad side also, and continued the 
 chase with his chase pieces," — a very easily-handled 
 pirate — accustomed, doubtless, to swift gyrations, 
 
 VOL. 1. Q 
 
 
 *•' I 
 
 '■ :.? 
 
 t': "I 
 
 
220 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 J.i ., 
 
 
 
 I ^ 
 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 1 
 
 i i 
 
 [iGo;j— iniw. 
 Chafter and rapid sea-evolutions, astonishing to peaceful 
 — argosies. 
 
 " The silkes, velvets, cloth of gold, and tissue, pyas- 
 ters, chicqueenes, and sultanies, which is gold and 
 silver, they unloaded in foure and twentie houres, was 
 wonderful." At Antibo, in ''Peamon," — meaning 
 Piedmont— the Britaine "set Smith on shore with 
 five hundred chicqueenes and a little box," which, he 
 mysteriously asserts, " God sent him." In Tuscany 
 he found "his deare friends the two Honorable 
 Brethren the Lord Willoughby and liis brother, 
 cruelly wounded in a desperate fray — yet to their 
 exceeding great honour," as he takes care to 
 add. 
 
 Afterwards at Rome, Smith beheld Clement YIII. ; 
 saw him " creepe up the holy stayres which they say 
 are those our Saviour Christ went up to Pontius Pilate ;" 
 then took service at Yienne in Austria ; and in the 
 fourth chapter of his memoir, you may read " the 
 siege of Olumpagh, an excellent statagem by 
 Smith. Also another not much worse" on which 
 we need not dwell. 
 
 Hasten we to record " the unhappie siege of 
 Caniza," and the three single combats in which 
 Smith, before the two armies, cut off three Turks' 
 heads, and acquired from Sigismundus, Prince of 
 Transylvania, " three Turkes' heads in a shield for his 
 armes, his picture in goulde, and three hundred 
 ducatts yeerely for a pension." 
 
 It appears that the Christians had sat down before 
 
 ' I 
 
•f^- 
 
 EX(^DUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 2':7 
 
 of 
 vliicli 
 urks' 
 ce of 
 or his 
 idred 
 
 )efore 
 
 
 1003— 1G4H.] 
 
 the strong city of Regall, and that their delay in 
 hringing their artillery to bear upon it caused the 
 Turks to deride them, and to say that " their ordnance 
 were at pawne, and that they grew fat for want of 
 exercise." 
 
 Finally, a challenge comes to any captain of the 
 army, " To delight the ladies, who did long to 
 see some court-like passtime, the Lord Turbasliaw 
 did defy any captaine that had the command of 
 a companie who durst combat with him for his head." 
 Up sprang Smith and girded on his trusty sword. 
 Truce was made. " The rampiers all beset with fjiire 
 dames, and men in arms. The Christians in battalio. 
 Turbashaw with a noise of Howboves entred the field 
 well mounted and armed. On his shoulders were 
 fixed a paire of great wings compacted of eagles' 
 feathers within a ridge of silver, richly garni;shed 
 with golde and precious stones. A Janissary before 
 . him bearing his lance, on each side another leading 
 his horse." A noble Turk advancing gaily to his 
 doom, for " Smith with a noise of trumpets, only a 
 page bearing his lance, passing by him with a cour- 
 teous salute, took his ground with such good success, 
 that at the sound of the charge, he passed the Turk 
 thorow the right of his beaver, face, head and all, 
 that he fell downe dead to the ground, where alight- 
 ing and unbracing his helmet cut off his head, and 
 the Turkes took his body, and so returned without 
 any hurt at all." 
 
 Second combat with Grualgo, vowed friend of 
 
 t> 
 
 ClIAlTKIt 
 
 VI F. 
 
 ■>. 
 
 ■,-k 
 
 U-,-J 
 
 .'f 
 
228 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 K'-. 
 
 
 
 [1G03— 1648. 
 
 Chaiter Turbasliaw, who " enraged with madiiesse rather 
 VII. ' . ^ , 
 
 — than choller, directed a particular challenge to the 
 conqiierour, to regaine his friend's head or lose his 
 own with his horse and armour for advantage." 
 
 " As before, upon the sound of the trumpets, their 
 lances flew in pieces upon a clear passage, but the 
 Turke was neare unhorsed. Their pistohs was the 
 next which marked Smith upon the placard. But 
 the next shott, the Turke was so wounded in his left 
 arin tliat not being able to rule his horse and defend 
 himself, he was thrown to the ground, and so bruised 
 with the fall that he lost his head, as his friend before 
 hnn. 
 
 The third combat was with an individual, whose 
 beautiful name was Bonny Mulgro. Smith ob- 
 tained leave " with so many incontradictible per- 
 swading reasons " to let the ladies know that he 
 would give up th'j heads of the Turks already slaine, 
 if any Turk of their rank would come to the place of 
 combat to redeeme them ; further, " they should have 
 his own upon like conditions if they could win it." 
 
 Pistols were first discharged, but nc^ harm done ; 
 " their battle-axes was the next, whose piercing bils 
 made sometime the one, sometime the other to have 
 scarce sense to keepe their saddles; specially the 
 Cliristian received such a blow that he lost his battle- 
 axe and failed not much to have fallen after it." 
 Whereupon there was ;i great shout from the ram- 
 piers. The Turk defended himself and pressed his 
 advantage as well as lie could ; but Smith " bv his 
 
; t; 
 
 
 )ils 
 ave 
 
 llio 
 ttlc- 
 
 it." 
 rain- 
 
 liis 
 
 liis 
 
 VII. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 220 
 
 lfi03— 1648.] 
 
 judgment and dexterity in such a biisinesse, beyond CiiArrKu 
 all men's expectation, by God's assistance not onely 
 avoided the Turke's violence, but having drawne bis 
 faulchion pierced the Turk so under the cutlets, 
 through back and body, that though he ahghted from 
 his horse, he stood not long ere he lost his head as the 
 rest had done." 
 
 But the battle is not always to the strong. In a 
 lonely glen in Transylvjmia a fight took place, which 
 lasted the whole summer's day. Years after the 
 grass grew rank and green on many a patch of 
 ground that was that day encumbered with heaps of 
 slain. Smith, " among the slaughtered dead bodies, 
 and many a gasping soulc with toil and wounds, lay 
 groaning among the rest," till the camp followers 
 who went out to pillage the slain, found him, and 
 judging from his rich armour that he would be well 
 ransomed, saved his life. We next find him, sold 
 with other Christian prisoners like a beast in the 
 market-place, where " everie merchant viewing their 
 limbs and wounds, caused other slaves to struggle 
 with them to trie their strength." 
 
 He fell to the sliare of one " Bashaw Bogall," who 
 sent him to his mistress as a slave. Captain Smith 
 appears to have used a phonetic or other abnormal 
 method of spelling, writing down the words as they 
 sounded to his ear, and making dire confusion with 
 his proper names. In his account of the wars of 
 Sigismund and his gallant companions, few indeed 
 are the names noted as other and more learned his- 
 
 > 
 
 '■:\K 
 
 %\\ 
 

 m . 
 
 f. 
 
 •I 
 
 230 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1603—1648. 
 
 Chapter torians are wont to do. Tl :e " noble gentlewoman " 
 VTI. . ^ 
 
 — to whom Bashaw Bogall sent him figures as " Cha- 
 
 ratza Tragabigzanda." She was wont to " feigne 
 herself sicke when she shoidd go the Banians or to 
 weep over the graves," in order that she migbt con- 
 verse undisturbed with the interesting captive. In 
 the course of these conversations it appeared that 
 the Bashaw had represented Smith ?s a noble Bohe- 
 mian overthrown by his, Bogall's, prowess, and held 
 bv him to ransom. Smith sturdily av^^rred that he 
 had never seen the Bashaw until he was bought by 
 him in the market of Axopolis. The lady fell in 
 love with the stalwart prisoner. But her mother, 
 short of pin-money, as may be supposed, made 
 arrangements to dispose of the Bashaw's handsome 
 present, and Tragabigzanda in despair sent him to 
 her brother, " a most tvrannicall Turke." " To her 
 unkinde brother this kinde ladie writ so much for 
 his good Ui-ago that he halfe suspected as much as 
 sliee intended. For shee told him he should but 
 sojourne there to learn the language and what it was 
 to be a Tui'ke, till time made her master of herselfe. 
 But the Tymour, her brother, diverted all this to 
 the worst of crueltie ; for within an houre after his 
 arrival, he caused his drubman to strip him naked, 
 and shave his head and beard so boT-e as his hand ; 
 a great ring of iron with a long stalke bowed like 
 a sickle rivitted about his neck, and a coat made of 
 vegries' haire, guarded about with a peece of un- 
 dressed skiune." Here, witli many more Christian 
 
 
lil': .\y 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 o;m 
 
 to 
 
 his 
 
 ved, 
 
 ind ; 
 
 like 
 
 G of 
 1111- 
 
 itiaii 
 
 l.'!C3— 1G48.] 
 
 slaves and " forsados " of Turkes and Moores, Smith Chaitkr 
 
 vrt. 
 dwelt, feeding on entrails of horse or " ulgries," and — 
 
 labouring in the Tymour's grange, who " tooke 
 occasion so to beat, spiirne, and revile him, that fore- 
 getting all reason he beat out the Tymour's braines " 
 and fled to Transylvania, thence to the wars in KJod 
 Barbary, and thence, with the earliest emigrants to 
 the distant shores of Virginia. 
 
 An idea of the outfit which was required for an 
 intending emigrant to Virginia may be gathered 
 from Smith's account.* Amongst other things are 
 noted a Monmouth cap ; three suits of clothes, one 
 of canvas, one of frieze, and one of cloth ; foui pairs 
 of shoes ; " seven ells of canvas to make a bed and 
 boulster to be filled in Virginia, serving tor two 
 men." The sea stores comprised meal, pease, oat- 
 meal, aqua-vita}, oil, and vinegar. It would seem 
 from the estimate that a complete suit of light armour 
 could be obtained for seventeen shillings, "a long 
 peece five foot and a half neere musket bore " for one 
 pound two shillings, a sword for five shillings, a ban- 
 dileer for eightecnpence, twenty pounds of powder 
 for eighteen shillings. 
 
 We must now turn for a moment to the condition 
 of Holland. It has been already stated that as long 
 as the war lasted,! nothing could be more striking 
 than the contrjist between the condition of the obe- 
 dient and disobedient Netherlands. 
 
 Amone: the various branches of comnu'rce which the 
 
 '*m 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 t Till 1(50!>. 
 
 ■'n t' 
 
 !i' 
 
 f : 
 
 -1 
 
 J 
 
( 
 
 fur 
 
 ■ 
 
 ! 
 
 
 - 
 
 il 
 
 H 
 
 R 
 
 ! ' 
 
 3 
 
 •■ !. 
 
 
 Of jr. 
 
 • 1 * •" 
 
 
 E* 
 
 
 
 If',' 
 
 ' '.■ ■' '' 
 
 
 iv 
 
 t' .'' 
 
 
 k 
 
 ■', ' \ 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 \. I. 
 
 •'■ '. 
 
 I ■. 
 
 : 
 
 ^ir 
 
 4 
 
 
 232 EXODUS OF TEE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G03— 164S, 
 
 CiiAiTicK latter provinces carried on, one of tlie most consider- 
 — able consisted in carrying from the Baltic nations, to 
 the different ports of Spain and Portugal, large quan- 
 tities of corn and naval stores. In return they took 
 back the fruit and vines of the South, besides a large 
 portion of the gold and silver treasures of the Spaniards. 
 They also bought and distributed over Northern Eu- 
 rope the productions of the Spice Islands, of which the 
 Portuguese had a monopoly. During the war of inde- 
 pendence this commerce was carried on by the Dutch 
 under neutral flags ; but when Philip had determined 
 to put a stop altogether to a traflic which he considered 
 beneficial only to his enemies, such foreign ships as 
 lay in Spanish ports were treacherously seized, and 
 their crews sold into slavery. The Dutch, fired with 
 resentment, instantly resolved to pursue a direct trade 
 with the East, and wrest it, if possible, entirely from 
 the hands of the Portuguese. A furious war ensued 
 between the two countries, in the coui'se of which the 
 Dutch got considerably the advantage of their oppo- 
 nents. They, however, found that so great a munber 
 of adventurers were attracted to the trade that profits 
 began rapidly to diminish : over-competition ruined 
 many speculators, and rendered tlie republic too weak 
 to contend against its enemies. To obviate these in- 
 1002 conveniences, the States-General, in 1G02, determined 
 to unite the several societies of traders into one body 
 under the name of the East India C(jmpany. 
 
 Upon this company was conferred the exclusive 
 privilege of t lading beyond the Cape of Good Hope, 
 
 Il t.i 
 

 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 233 
 
 1G03— 1648.] 
 
 on the one hand, and the Straits of MaffcHan on the Chapteu 
 
 . ... VII. 
 
 other. They received the power of administering — 
 justice, of building forts, of appointing governors, of 
 raising troops, and of making peace and war with 
 the Indian princes. An enormous capital was at 
 once subscribed. The Portuguese were fairly beaten 
 out of their strongholds of monopoly. Captures 
 were made of the Spanish and Portuguese treasure- 
 ships. The fleets of the monarch who still signed 
 himself in his public acts, addressed to the Nether- 
 lands, " Yo il Re," were often blocked up in his own 
 harbours till the time for entering on theii voyages 
 was past. The Spanish settlements on the coast 
 were plundered sometimes by the English, sometimes 
 by the Dutch, with impunity. The coasts of Spain 
 itself were insulted. Tlie galleys which had been 
 sent, under the command of Spinosa, to destroy the 1(507 
 cod and herring fisheries of the rebellious provinces, 
 were destroyed, or fell into the hands of the Dutch. 
 Signal vengeance had been taken on the privateers 
 of Nieuport and Dunkirk : the crews of these were 
 treated as pirates. Some were hanged ; some were 
 drowned. The fleets of the republic rode triumpliant 
 from the Baltic to Gibraltar. Their European as 
 well as their Indian trade was in a flourishing con- 
 dition. 
 
 The Spaniards, unable longer to cope with them, 
 signed a truce for twelve years in 1(509. Thence- 1(509 
 forward they were treated as an independent nation. 
 
 After the signature of the truce the republic be- 
 
 ■■'>«i 
 
 • • * • . 
 
 "i; 
 
fc: 
 
 VII. 
 
 1 ' .: .« '■ 
 
 
 : '-'. 
 
 !' 
 
 284 EXODUS OF THE WESTEKN NATIONS. 
 
 [1603—1048. 
 
 Chaiteb c.'ime almost immediately divided upon a point of 
 theology. Gromar. a professor of Leyden, maintained 
 that the doctrines of Calvin, in respect of grace and 
 predestination, were no whit too severe ; while his 
 brother professor, Arminius, did his best to soften 
 and explain them away. Prince Maurice, the Stadt- 
 holder, at the head of the great body of the people, 
 took up the Gomar faction. John Van Olden Barne- 
 veldt, the most experienced and able politician of the 
 republic, favoured the milder doctrines of Arminius. 
 Grotius, Yossius, and most of the learned men of Hol- 
 land, supported the views of Barneveldt. Maurice 
 and his Gomarists prevailed — principally, it may be 
 said, by the unanswerable law of the strongest. The 
 truth seems to be that Maurice intended to use the 
 popularity he acquired for the purpose of making 
 himself absolute master of the republic : under a 
 calm and quiet exterior, the Stadtholder had, from 
 his earliest vears, concealed the most ambitious views. 
 The independence of Holland had brought with it 
 no elective franchise for the people : the municipal 
 officers were elected as in a close corporation, or 
 were nominated by the prerogative of the Stadtholder. 
 The officers so selected sent members to the pro- 
 vincial assemblies. It was but natural that delegates 
 chosen by such a process should I'epresent the richest 
 and most influential portions of the connnercial com- 
 munity. Many members of the jn-ovincial assem- 
 blies entertained very strong and definite views as 
 to the conduct of affairs, and desired to keep all 
 

 VII. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 235 
 
 1603— 1G48.] 
 
 the power in their own hands. They were, in fact, Chapter 
 a highly conservative commerx-''al aristocracy. They 
 sent members to the States-General ; but they were 
 by no means desirous of transferring any great 
 share of the power they possessed to that body. 
 The unrepresented portion of the people, on the 
 other hand, were inclined rather to take part with ab- 
 solutism than with aristocracy. History affords nu- 
 merous examples of the temper which this disposition 
 indicates. The Romans raised Caesar to the purple. The 
 Commons of England sustained Henry VII. in his 
 quarrels with the nobility. The I anes conferred here- 
 ditary power on Frederic II. The tendency of a 
 democracy may be considered as almost always 
 towards absolutism, and may be counted upon as its 
 ally, if it be opposed by an aristocracy either of 
 wealth or birth. 
 
 The doctrines of Gomar, by denying merit to man, 
 and ascribing salvation solely to the mercy of God, 
 was more grateful to the popular mind than the 
 teaching of Arminius, that each man was to be saved 
 by his own conduct and exertions. One was a purely 
 democratic theory, which denied any difterence 
 between one man and another ; the other was aris- 
 tocratic, and admitted the theory of individual ex- 
 cellence and superiority. The religious dispute was 
 carried into all matters of politics ; and in a short 
 time the Gomarists, with Prince Maurice, the States- 
 General, and the body of the people, found them- 
 selves committed to a bitter struggle with the Armi- 
 
 , i>' 
 
 ■,'.:t- 
 
 •fC, 
 
 '■ I 
 
 . 1 *■'■ 
 
 1,- '• 
 
 i; 
 
 
 '\ 
 
 .■••i ,■ u 
 

 23G EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS, 
 
 [1G03— 1G18. 
 
 Chapter nians, Under B.irneveldt and tlie provincial assem- 
 — blies. The former insisted that political power 
 resided in the States-General ; the latter, that it 
 belonged exclusively to the provincial assemblies. 
 The one favoured emigration and colonization ; the 
 other fearing new collisions, and disliking the de- 
 mocratic character which emigration always assumed, 
 discouraged it in every possible manner. The victory 
 was not long in dispute, and was proclaimed to the 
 world in a rather summary manner — Barne veldt was 
 1G19 beheaded. A blunder, no doubt, as well as a crime 
 on the part of Maurice, who, as he well deserved to 
 do, lost a good part of his joopularity in consequence. 
 The quarrel, nevertheless, is chiefly remarkable as 
 regards the object of these pages, inasmuch as it 
 enabled Maurice to direct his attention to coloni- 
 zation. 
 
 

 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 237 
 
 1004—1048.] 
 
 CHAPTER YIII. 
 
 FRENCH 8ETT1.EMENT OF ACADIA. 
 
 [1604— 1G48.] 
 
 Henry IV. sends Do !Monts to Acadia — Compajrnic des Cent Associes. 
 
 It is now time to turn to the New World, and to Chapter 
 examine the first hesitating steps which Wvire taken, — ' 
 during the time I have jusit described, by the other 
 nations of the West to rival the splendid American 
 establishments of the Spaniards. France, at the be- 
 ginning of the century, had paused in complete ex- 
 liaustion from the effects of her civil wars. The 
 Huguenots enjoyed but a small share of political free- 
 dom : toleration was all that they ever expected ; 
 and this, under the rule of Henry IV., they at 
 last obtained. Henry had always, as far as was 
 compatible with the security of his crown, a secret 
 leaning to the Huguenot party. The Catholics were 
 well aware of this ; and, although they had contrived 
 to extract from him a nominal adherence to the 
 doctrines and authority of Rome, they still regarded 
 him as a heretic — indeed their knowledge of his Pro- 
 testant bias was doubtless the main cause of his 
 murder. 
 
 
 '.)•■ 
 
 I ; '''1 
 
 • .iii 
 
fy.> 
 
 ti ' 
 
 ih ,. 
 
 I 
 
 vin. 
 
 2.58 EXODUS OF THE WESTETtN NATIONS. 
 
 [1004— 1G48. 
 
 All over Europe, the entlinsiasm which had ex- 
 isted for the Protestant cause had c-rown lukewarm. 
 Protestarts wei'e divided among themselves ,• while 
 the power of Pome was strong and united. Lutherans 
 persecuted Calvinists; and Calvinists, where they 
 had the power, persecuted the Lutherans. The 
 Roman Catholics, agitated by no great internal ques- 
 tion, could devote their whole attention to the extir- 
 pation of both sects of reformers. A great reaction 
 was taking place, and the old religion was recovering 
 much of the ground which it had lost in the last 
 stormy century. Religion was so interwoven with 
 politics, that it was impossible sometimes to separate 
 spiritual from secular matters. But the excitement of 
 both religious parties was at an end. The revolutions 
 and civil wars which had raged in France, in Holland, 
 in Scotland, and the contest between England and 
 Spain, had been entirely religious in their origin. The 
 Thirty Years ' War, however, was, on one side, an at- 
 tempt at the acquisition of absolute dominion on the 
 part of Austria ,• on the other, a coalition for national 
 independence. Community of political objects began 
 to be more legarded by governments, in their choice 
 of alliances, than identity of religious belief " The 
 war of states succeeded to the war of sects."* Gustavus 
 and Richelieu — one, the greatest Protestant soldier of 
 Europe, owed liis throne to a Protestant revolution ; 
 the other the ablest prince of the Catholic Church, 
 had waged a fierce crusade against the Huguenots — • 
 
 * Miicaulay, Essay un ^'on Rauko. 
 
■ 1 
 
 ExoDUP OF tut: westep^n nations. 
 
 2,'^'. I 
 
 H;()4— 1G48.] 
 
 combined against the Catholic House of Austria. Evon Chaiikr 
 
 . VIII. 
 
 the head of the Roman cliurch looked on rather with — 
 the eyes of a temporal than a spiritual prince. He 
 feared the establishment of an universal monarchy 
 more than he desired the temporal prosperity of the 
 church. 
 
 The Catholic powers — Spain, Austria, and Rome — 
 began to find that religion and amljition could well 
 coincide, and that universal domini(~>n could be made 
 at once an instrument and a result of the Catholic 
 ci'usade. 
 
 Henry IT. saw this. But he was in a dilemma. 
 On the one side was his compulsory Catholicism ; on 
 the other, his fear of Austria. Catholicism was the 
 support of his throne ; but the ascendency of Catho- 
 licism implied the ascendency of the house of Austria ; 
 and if that house were to gain the ascendancy, his 
 throne would not be worth having. There was but 
 one escape — to separate politics from religion. For 
 the first time since the days of Luther alliances were 
 made and wars planned without reference to creed.* 
 
 The house of Austria accepted the change of policy, 
 and recognized the change of motive. The pope, too, 
 acquiesced perforce. The ascendency of Austria 
 would have been as disastrous to him as to France. 
 
 * " Lc iliflerend entre la France ct I'Espagne avait perdu tout son 
 caractfere rcligiciix pour dovenir absolunient politique. II no s'agissait 
 plus comme au seiziemc sieclc de la grande lutte entre la pensde catholique 
 et la r(^fornie de Luther ; c'etait la conqueto, la possession territoriale, la 
 balance des Etats, rinfluence des uns sur les autrcs qui ibrmaient le mobile 
 de toutcs les n^gtwiations, I'objet des traitds." — Capefigue, Richelieu, Mazarin, 
 et la Fronde, iv. 
 
 ti ' , 
 
 .- ,' "I 
 
 - ! ; 
 
■4 
 
 ii 
 
 Chapter 
 VII [. 
 
 m' '■ 
 h 
 
 -<;*■■; 
 
 240 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIOXS. 
 
 [1004— 1G48. 
 
 iTenry IV. was murdered before the outbreak of 
 tlie storm which lie had foreseen. Sully was nursing 
 
 1010 the finances of France, and working reforms in every 
 department of state ; but they were not complete ere 
 his master died. A change followed in the policy of 
 France. Mary de Medicis, wife of the murdered 
 king, was appointed regent. Her sympathies were, 
 and had ever been, with Spain. Her favourite Con- 
 (;m[ and his wife were in favour of the Spanish party. 
 For a time the influence of France was thrown into 
 the Austrian scale. 
 
 1004 At the begi:i:iing of his reign Henry lY. had sent 
 out a new viceroy to Acadia — a Calvinist, able and 
 honest, by name De Monts. The fortieth to the 
 forty-sixth degree of latitude were the limits imposed 
 upon the sovereignty of De Monts — limits which 
 included all the territory between Philadelphia and 
 Montreal. What we now call Nova Scotia and New 
 Brunswick, together with a considerable part of the 
 New England states, were thus claimed for France. 
 These boundaries showed more knowledge and less 
 vague assumption than the wholesale grant to Roberval 
 and De la Roche. It is probable, from a passage 
 in the Memoires of the Due de Sully, that his 
 (Sully's) contemptuous disbelief in the value of any 
 lands north of the fortieth parallel, may have had 
 something to do with the imposition of a northern 
 limit. " The colony," he writes, " which was this 
 year sent to Canada was among the number of things 
 that did not meet my ai)probation. There was no 
 
lo-e 
 
 igs 
 uo 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 241 
 
 1G04— 1G4S.] 
 
 kind of riclies to be expected from tliose parts of the CitAiTE" 
 New World which lie beyond the fortieth degree of — 
 latitude."* 
 
 The monopoly of the fur trade, the exclusive con- 
 trol of the soil, government, and commerce, and free- 
 dom of religion for the Huguenot companions of De 
 Monts, were collateral advantages more important 
 even than the exact limits of a sovereignty which as 
 yet there was none to dispute. But religious differ- 
 ences were not to be abolished by a stroke of the 
 pen. De Monts, though he stipulated for freedom of 
 religion for his own immediate followers, was glad 
 enough to purchase that concession by allowing 
 fathers of the Roman Catholic Chm*ch to accompany 
 his expedition, and try to effect the conversion of the 
 natives. Champlain gives us a glimpse of strong dif- 
 ferences of opinion which occurred in consequence. 
 "J'ai vu le ministre et notre cure s'entrebatire a 
 coups de poing sur le differend de la religion." 
 Champlain, with all his earnestness in fav ^ar of the 
 ancient faith, could not repress his amusement at 
 these violent demonstrations. "Je ne s^ais pas," he 
 continues, *' qui etoit le plus vaillant, on qui donnoit 
 le meilleur coup, mais je sgais tres bien que le ministre 
 se plaignoit quelquefois au sieur de Monts, d'avoir 
 ete battu, et vuidoit en cette fa^on les points de la 
 controversie."t 
 
 The conductors, both of the French and English 
 
 * Memoiros de Sully. 
 
 t Voyages de la Nouv. Fiance Occideiitale.— Champlain, 1G32. 
 
 VOL. I. H 
 
 
 
r, ■: 
 
 1 ' ' 
 
 VIII. 
 
 \f ' 
 
 242 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1604—1048. 
 
 Ohapter expeditions, seem to liave entertained little differ- 
 ences of opinion respecting the stamp of men who 
 were considered good enough to form a colony. De 
 Roberval had permission to ransack the prisons, and 
 to talvc thence thieves and homicides, spendthrifts and 
 fraudulent debtors ; the only criminals excepted being 
 who were detained for treason or for counterfeiting 
 money. 
 
 Idlers, men without profession, l)anished men, be- 
 sides the usual complement of villains, made up 
 De Monts' expedition. AVhen it is remembered that 
 lie was additionally fivoured with the company of 
 stalwart controversialists, representing the physical 
 as well as the moral force of the Catholics and the 
 Huguenots, his embarrassment may easily be imagined. 
 
 Various attempts failed to discover any more con- 
 -''enient place for the establishment of his liead- 
 (juaiters than P(^rt Royal. There the first Fi'ench 
 settlement was made. 
 
 The comrades of Do Monts, reinforced by the 
 arrival of a number of Jesuit missionaries, gradually 
 s]iread themselves over what is now the State of 
 iMame. Afarie de Medicis and the Marquise de Gruer- 
 cheville contrilrated liberally to the support of the 
 missions. The order of the Jesuits was enriched 
 by the imposition of a tax for their benefit on the 
 fisheries and the fur trade. Thus in Maine and 
 Caiiada on the one linnd, in Florida and Mexico on 
 the other, the Roman Catholic faith was securely 
 established by the French and Spaniards. 
 
 1005 
 
 f- .:- 
 
■V 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS, 243 
 
 1G04— 1G48.] 
 
 Meanwhile the enemies of De IMonts were actively Chatter 
 
 VIII 
 
 endeavonring to obtain a revocation of his patents — ' 
 and privileges. It was pretended that he liad 
 thrown impediments in the way of the fisheries ; 
 with more reason it was alleged that his exclusive 
 privileges of trade were unjust. The merchants of 
 Dieppe and St. Malo wished for a share of the fur 
 trade, and at last succeeded in ovcrthrow^ing the 
 monopoly of De Monts. Champlain a few years pre- 
 viously had been intrusted with an expedition which 
 founded Quebec; and in the following year had 1008 
 joined a party of Hurons and Algonquins against 
 the five nations of Indians who inhabited the northern 
 wilds of New York. 
 
 Champlain returned to France in IGOO, and was 
 received with great distinction at Fontainebleau. 
 The king listened attentively to the account which 
 he gave of the new colony, which was henceforth 
 called New France. But De Monts, whose patent 
 was already expired, could obtain no aid. After the 
 deatli of Henry IV., while Marie de Me<licis was 
 regent, there was less chance than ever that tlic 
 Protestants of Acjidia would be assisted. Tlio spread 
 of the Roman (Catholic religion was, in the regent's 
 eyes, the greatest work which could be performed. 
 For this she was ready to sacrifice her country, by 
 throwing herself and the power of France with her 
 into the scale of S])ain. AViien, therefore, the English 
 attacked Port Royal, little notice was taken of 
 the matter: the settlers at that post were only IGI.') 
 
 II 2 
 
 ' ■ "■•!» 
 
 P 
 
 i 
 
fi ■ 
 
 •V, 
 
 I-- 
 
 d ' 
 
 ■'M 
 
 
 ... ,J^V 
 
 •^ :;'.' 
 
 
 ■ , '■ , 
 
 * 
 
 ■i 
 
 t 
 
 ' li 
 V 
 
 244 
 
 EXODUS OF TTIR WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1C04— 1048. 
 
 CiiAiTER Ifiio^ucnots, of whose misfortunes no Catholic in 
 VIII. ^ ' 
 
 1627 
 
 France took miicli account. 
 
 In 1G25, the viceroyalty of New France was trans- 
 ferred to a reh'gious enthusiast named ITenri de 
 Levy. Through his influence, a considerahle num- 
 ber of Jesuits proceeded to America. Just a year 
 before, members of tliis extraordinary company had 
 reached the confines of Thibet and tlie sources of the 
 Ganges : they now established a mission which was 
 destined to carry the cross from the St. Lawrence to 
 California. 
 
 Two years later, Richelieu established a company, 
 which he called the " Compagnie des Cent Associes." 
 He was himself one of the principal promoters. A 
 charter of incorporation was obtained from Louis 
 XIII. The limits of the company's powers embraced 
 specifically the whole basin of the St. Lawrence, and 
 of such other rivers in New France as flowed directly 
 into the sea. They included, moreover, Florida, or 
 the country south of Virginia, a province tliat was es- 
 teemed French in virtue of the unsuccessful eft'orts of 
 Coligny. But before the company coidd begin its 
 labours, France became involved in a war with Eng- 
 land,* which demanded the whole attention of Riche- 
 lieu, and left him no leisure for American aftairs : it 
 was not till the matters of difference with England 
 were acconnnodated, and the Huguenots of Jiochelle 
 subdued, that the intended expedition could 
 proceed to sea. M. K'ameau, in his description of 
 
 * Sue ini'^o ll'J'l. 
 
 
or 
 
 es- 
 s of 
 
 its 
 liig- 
 •lie- 
 
 : it 
 and 
 lollc 
 
 luld 
 
 I of 
 
 I 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 245 
 
 lG04~in4.S.] 
 
 Canada, has devoted some ingenuity to guess what Chai^teu 
 effect this war of 1G27 liad upon the fortunes of New — 
 France. 
 
 Little attention, he says, is usually paid to the 
 important effect which the earliest emigration 
 exorcises over the ultimate fate of a c*.; )ny. If, in 
 1050, there liad heen a thousand more inhahitants in 
 Canada, the fate of that province a century later 
 might have been very difl'erent : M. Kameau is of 
 opinion that Canada was conquered by the English in 
 1759, because the criminal indifference of France left 
 the Canadians so weak in numbers as to be unable to 
 repel attack. It is undeniable that if the views of 
 Richelieu had been carried out in 1G27, and a large 
 and well-provided expedition had taken possession of 
 New France, Canada, instead of beginning slowly and 
 painfully to struggle into existence after the peace of 
 St. Germains, w^oidd by that time liave been in a fair 
 way to prosperity. It is not improbable, when we 
 take into consideration the energy of Iliclndieu's 
 mind, that he would have felt a paternal fondness 
 for the settlement which he had created, and that he 
 would liave fostered and encouraged its development. 
 If that had been done, the f\xte of both the United 
 States and of Canada itself niic'ht have been chani>:ed. 
 It would have been diflicult for the iCnglish to make 
 head against the French power in America, if that 
 power had been materially stronger than they ac- 
 tually found it. The ambitious views of La Galisso- 
 niere, and oilier able Frenchmen his contemj)orarics 
 
 ,',V 
 
 
 ,>t 
 

 ■Mill 
 
 'J-lt! 
 
 KXODUS (A' 'lllK WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 th 
 
 
 h 
 
 
 
 
 < ( 
 
 'i; 
 
 [1G04— IG48. 
 
 CirArTEK who served France in Anierica, mif>'lit liave been 
 
 VIII. . ^ . 'ft 
 
 — carried out. France might have become firmly pos- 
 sessed of the valley of the ^Ilssissijipi and of the 
 countrv to the west : the broad lands between the 
 
 a. 
 
 ]\Iississii>pi and the Pacific, which are now settled by 
 an Anglo-Saxon population, might have been in the 
 hands of men of French Koman Catholic descent ; or 
 at least, if they had failed permanently to occuj-jy it, 
 years of warfare might have retarded indefinitely tlic 
 prosperity of the United States, and possibly esta- 
 blished seveiid rival comnmnities on the ground which 
 the United States tot)k possession of without ques- 
 tion or molestation. But the war oF 1(j27 changed 
 all this. The English bitil-'d up the St. Lawrence 
 and possessed themselves of Quebec. It was restored 
 at the treaty of St. Germains; Ijut everything had 
 then to bo begmi afret^h. If it had not been for the 
 tenacity of llichelieu, who saw clearly the value 
 whicli Canada, from its strategic position, might ulti- 
 mately assume, the diplomatists who negotiated the 
 UV.VI treaty of St. Uerniains on the part of France, would 
 have been ready without remonstrance to allow New 
 France to remain in the hands of the EnglisiL 
 
 Jiichelieu, embarrassed l)y the network of inti'iuMio 
 which the French nobles were weaving around him, 
 had not time to devote the necessary attention lo 
 transatlantic aflairs. C]ia.m])lain w.'is sent back to 
 Canada, with v-ry inade(piate resources; soon aftej' 
 he died, leaving hi.> colony in confusion. "A cetto 
 ('po(pie," says Charlevoix, " le Canada consistait dans 
 
 

 ell 
 
 lllU 
 
 liin, 
 11 to 
 c lo 
 nl'tLT 
 cctto 
 dans 
 
 VIII. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 247 
 
 1G04— 1G48.] 
 
 le fort de Quebec, enviroiiue de quelques mecliantes Chai'teu 
 maisons, et de quelques baraques, deux ou irois 
 cabanes dans Tile de 3iIontreal, autant peut-etre a 
 Tadoussac et en quelques autres endroits sur le Saint- 
 Laurent, pour le commerce^ des pelleteries et de la 
 pcche ; enfin, un commencement d'lial>itation a trois 
 Rivieres." 
 
 Lands were distributed to emigrants in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Quebec, and immense tracts of country 
 were conceded on seigneurial tenure, to any who seemed 
 able to establish settlers around him. The conces- 
 sionaries m their turn granted portions of their terri- 
 tory to settlers at a small quit-rent, generally reserv- 
 ing to themselves the " droit de moulinage," the right, 
 that is, of seizing a portion of all corn ground at the 
 mill, the right of fishery, and the right of traffic in furs. 
 A seigneur, as soon as he had acquired a concession, 
 usually proceded to P'rance, where he enlisted emi- 
 grants and settled them on his grant : the religious 
 corporations in Canada were particularly distin- 
 guished by their success and activity in this method 
 of colonization. 
 
 The "Compagnie des Cent Associc's," of which 
 Ilichelieu was himself a member, was shorn of almost 
 all its glories after the peace. Instead of commenc- 
 ing on a grand scale, it was hardly able to cany to 
 New France a couple of hundred emigrants. 'J'he 
 death of Kichelieu soon after deprived it of its last 
 chance of life, and the enormous nominal powers with 
 wliich its founder endowed it, fellentireiy into disuse. 
 
 V. 
 
 ;»• ■■>( 
 
 I(il2 
 
 . v.; 
 
248 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [IGOG— 1G25. 
 
 
 
 I , 
 
 , 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 EARl-Y DAYS OF VIRGINIA, 
 
 [IGOO— 1025.] 
 The Puritans — Northern and Southern Companies of Virginia. 
 
 Chapteu Richelieu and Mazarin in France ; Bnckinffliam 
 
 IX. 
 
 — '- and Strafford in Englaiid ; Olivarcz and Lerma in 
 Spain — had each done his best to keep np and to 
 extend the arbitrary power of the master whom 
 he served. 
 
 England and Holland alone, of all the European 
 nations, continued to make head against authority. 
 Even in Holland popular liberty was little under- 
 stood, and popular institutions almost entirely dis- 
 regarded. 
 
 In the first days of the Reformation in England, 
 the power formerly possessed by the pope was trans- 
 ferred almost intact to the king. 
 
 The authority of the king and the pope had l)een 
 often antagonistic ; they were now united in a 
 single individual. But the inhabitants of our coinitry 
 had no mind to exchange one servitude for another. 
 
 
lis- 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 240 
 
 IfiOO— lO'Jo.] 
 
 Tyraiiny was no more tolerable wlien its edicts came Chaiteu 
 from Windsor than it had been when they came from — 
 the Vatican. For a time, the pergonal character of 
 our monarchs was sufficiently powerful to prevent 
 the expression of discontent. The successors of 
 Henry VIII., whether hated or feared, were at least 
 respected. Iligh-handed justice was dealt out, but at 
 least no act was committed of such importance to the 
 population as to insure their imanimous opposi- 
 tion. Elizabeth knew how to concede with dignity. 
 J3efore a remonstrance could be forwarded to her, she 
 relieved the nation from the wrong complained of, 
 and promised not in like manner to offend again. 
 They pardoned her tyranny in consideration of her 
 good qualities. But when tTames I. came to the 
 throne this kindly indulgence ceased. James not 
 only bidlied but irritated. His subjects found that 
 he would give way under pressure. But he gave 
 way not with the frank graciousness of Elizabeth, 
 but with ill-temper and threats of future revenge. 
 Though the king considered himself a model of 
 kingcraft, he made the mistake of believing that 
 he could arrest a revolution. He accpiiesced in the 
 change which gave the power of the pope to the 
 king, and thought he miglit there stop short. He 
 did not see that tlie same impulse which led men to 
 question the power of the pope indisposed them to 
 submit to the power of the crown. The struggle 
 between ])rerogalive and ]U'ivilege, which commenced 
 in his time, was cari'ied on on hoth sides of the 
 
 ' ^1 
 
i 
 
 I 
 
 5 .' 
 
 I 
 
 * \ 
 
 250 EXODUS OF THE WESTEILX NATIONS. 
 
 [lOOG— lO'jr). 
 
 CiiAiTKu Atlantic. When the Eiifflitili parliament demanded 
 IX. , , . 
 freedom of speech from James, as "their ancient and 
 
 undoubted right derived from their forefathers," the 
 monarch re})lied that " he could not admit this style 
 of talking of their undoubted rights, but would rather 
 have wished that they would have said that their 
 jjrivileges were derived by the grace and permission 
 ' "the sovereign." This was the opening of a dispute 
 vhich occupied the tongues and pens of men lor 
 . ny years. As Catholics had become Protestants, 
 Pro iv. /ants became Puritans; the Puritans protested 
 against prerogative, as the Catholics had protested 
 against Pome. Both were in turn persecuted ; both 
 were consolidated by persecution. Each began as a 
 weak sect and became a powerful party. The history 
 l(JU3-48 of England from the death of Elizabeth to the execu- 
 tion of Charles is the history of the struggle thus 
 provoked. The period which that contest occupies 
 almost exactly coincides with the establishment of the 
 English colonies. It may be tidvcn as an axiom that 
 every col(jnist carried with him the degree of popular 
 liberty which he left behind. The colonies, there- 
 fore, which went out with the sanction of the kinjr, 
 went out under the inii)lied, if not actually expressed, 
 theory that liberty dejiended on the will of the king. 
 The colonists who fled from the persecution of the 
 king, and who at their departure were looked upon 
 with no royal favom- at all, claimed and exercised 
 complete self-government. Tt was long Ijefore Vir- 
 ginia enjoyed us much freedom as New England. 
 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTKltN NATIONS. 
 
 'Jol 
 
 lOOO— KJ'-T).] 
 
 It lias Ijeeu observed in a former chapter that Eug- cuaitek 
 land had never abandoned the idea of colonizing — 
 the fertile lands which lay between the frozen north 
 and the Sj^anish settlements on the Mexicai Grulf: 
 when de Gourgues returned to France, i '^ er his 15G7 
 signal and romantic vengeance on the Spanish de- 
 stroyers of Ribault's Protestant colony in Florida, 
 Sir Walter Raleigh was fighting as a volunteer in 
 the army of the great Coligny. He was there in 
 constant communication with men whose ideas were 
 fixed on the New World is a ])lace of escape from 
 religious persecution, esrx, :ir- ; 7 with Coligny himself, 
 who thought and spoke ..'^icii upon the subject. The 
 fruits of the lessons ^11 ^^ learned were seen in the 
 seven expeditions wl^ch Raleigh sent out after his 
 return to England. 
 
 After Sir Richard Grenville's death, attem]its 
 at American colonization languished ; but on the 
 accessi«,ai of James I., two companies of merchants 
 successfully petitioned the king for charters of incor- 
 poration, and the exclusive rights without which no 
 enterprise was ever at that date undertaken. During 
 the reigns of the arbitrary Tudor princes, the law- 
 yers, who were all more or less under court influence, 
 favoured the opinion that the sale of patents for the 
 sole making, buying, or selling of commodities, was 
 a ])art of the royal })rerogative, and one of the 
 lei>'itimate sources of the revenue of the crown. 
 Under (^iieeu Ellzaheth, this abuse was cjirried to an 
 excessive point. Many new patents were gran led. 
 
 I" 
 
 ■'• -ri 
 
 ;■« 
 

 ^' P 
 
 & 
 
 j 4 
 
 ';' il: 
 
 IX. 
 
 252 EXODUS OF THE WKSTEllN NATIONS. 
 
 [KiOO— Ki'J-,. 
 
 CiiAi-iKu I>at it was not until the evil had reached an unbear- 
 able height that the power was fonnally hniited.* 
 The common and statute law of England are de- 
 cidedly opposed to monopolies, and have been so from 
 the earliest times. Lord Coke lays it down as an 
 axiom tliat trade should be free,! and ho even cites 
 Magna Charta to prove that monopolies " are against 
 the liberty and freedom granted by the Great Charter, 
 and divers other Acts of Parliament, which are good 
 commentaries on that Charter." In consecpience of 
 the act of James above mentioned, many restrictions 
 on the internal commerce of the country were re- 
 mo^ed, and many articles of first necessity which had 
 been subject to monopolists were freed. But the act 
 did not extend to foi'eign connnerce or to the pri- 
 vileges of bodies legally incorporated ; and long 
 after the accession of James I., monopolies of portions 
 of the colonial trade were freely granted to every 
 applicant who could give a " sul)stantial " reason to 
 the king's treasury in favour of his demand. 
 
 The monopoly given to the two companies just 
 mentioned is an instance of the reckless manner in 
 which such transactions were efiected. The company 
 which was formed in Bristol and Plymouth were 
 placed in possession of the northern part ofwluit was 
 afterwards called Virginia, and the London company 
 ohtained the southern half. But tlie limits of the 
 southern company were to extend from the thirty- 
 
 • 1024. 21 .lac. I. ciii-. li. 
 t Third iustituto. 
 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 ?r.3 
 
 to 
 
 as 
 
 ho 
 
 ty- 
 
 
 icon— 1G2;'.] 
 
 fourth to forty-first parallel of latitude, while tlie Chaitii: 
 northern company's boundaries were from tlie thirty- — 
 eii»:lith to the fortv-fifth parallel. The country Ivino- 
 between the tliirty-eig'hth and forty-first parallel was 
 thus granted to two rival companies by the same grantor 
 at the same time. It appears, however, that the king, 
 though he knew little of geographical boundaries, 
 knew the inllammable nature of the materials of his 
 new colonies, for he made a proviso that they should 
 not plant within one hundred miles of each other. 
 
 On the concession of the first charter, the southern b'»<>*> 
 company went heartily to work. The expedition 
 started under distinguished auspices; but the absurd 
 vanity of James, who placed the theory of political 
 wisdom in the practice of low cunning, almost marred 
 the expedition before it had well started. ITis love 
 of mystery, and his petty greed of i)ower, prevented 
 him from declaring, before the adventurers started, 
 who were to be the leaders of the emigration. One 
 of the principal men among them was John Smith, 
 whose romantic history was narrated a few pages 
 back. The expedition sailed under sealed orders? 
 which were only to be opened on their arrival 
 in Virginia. During the voyage, at the very time _ 
 
 when a strong hand was required to repress the muti- 
 nous spirit of the motley adventurers, no one was 
 in command. They were six weeks detained by 
 contrary winds, within sight of England. The " baser 
 sort " quarrelled with their chaplain, who, however, 
 refused to abandon his post. On their arrival, the 
 
 y\\ 
 
 
 Vr 
 
t 
 
 .( . . • 
 
 ■ ' I 
 ( 
 
 254 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [inon— ir,2r.. 
 CiiAi'Tru jealonsy of tlio men who were placed in tlio coniinis- 
 — sioii witli Smith, fonnd a pretext for excluding' liini 
 from all share of power. He was even ke})t for thir- 
 teen weeks in irons, but very urgent need of his as- 
 sistance at leuGfth compelled his persecutors to release 
 him. Governor Wingfield was condemned to pay 
 him, by way of indemnity, 200/., which, with cha- 
 racteristic generosity, he threw into the general fund. 
 New])ort, the first commandt , went home dis- 
 gusted. Gosnold, his successor, died. Wingfield, the 
 thii'd in order, embezzled stores, and was deposed ; 
 then the command devolved on John Smith. The 
 ]uat( rials at his command were of the strangest. 
 *' An Innidi'ed dissolute persons " accompanied the 
 expedition, and appear to have formed the greater 
 l^art of the rank and file of the expedition. Sir 
 Thomas Smith, one of the leading members of the 
 company, found the stores and provisions, lie made 
 his fortune out of the contract ; but misery, disease, 
 and want came upon the unhappy adventurei-s who 
 depended upon his catering ; and had it not been for 
 the genius of John Smith, the colony would have 
 been utterly destroyed. " Our drink," said one of 
 the adventurers, " was unwholesome water, our lodg- 
 ing, castles in the air. If we had been as free from 
 all sins as from gluttony and drunkenness, we might 
 have been canonized as saints."* 
 
 Smith became presently, as I have said, the 
 historian of the exodus, and cut as sharply with 
 
 * Smith's Virginia. 
 
 

 IX. 
 
 the 
 A'itli 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. '.i:.:, 
 
 his pen as crewhile with liis sword. We have among- cimTEn 
 us "poor gentlemen, tradesmen, serving'-men, Hl)er- 
 tines, and such hke, ten times more fit to spoil a 
 commonwealth than either to l)egin or maintain 
 one."* And at a later day, when by his genius and 
 courage he had pulled them through the crisis of the 
 evil case into which they first fell, " the numher of 
 felons and vagahonds did bring such evil character 
 on the place, that some did choose to be hanged 
 rather than go there — and were.''* 
 
 Selfishness, meanness, and plotting for individual 
 gain at the expense of the rest of then* companions, 
 distinguished almost every one .)f the settlers. 
 Scarcely had Smith received the appointment of 
 president, when better order began to be shown 
 in the works and proceedings of the emigrants. 
 Smith worked witli the rest, and c\en harder tlian 
 any. He, however, bitterly bewails tlie perversity 
 of the council in their choice of emigrants. Three 
 years after the landing, we find him writing — 
 
 " All this time we had but one carpenter in the 
 countrey, and three others that could doe little, but 
 desired to be learners, two blacksmiths, two saylers, 
 and those we write labom-ers were for the most part 
 footmen, and such as they that were adventurers 
 brouglit to attend them, or such as they could [)er- 
 swade to goe with them, that neuer did kntnv wluit a 
 daye's worke was, except the Dutchmen and Poles, 
 and some dozen other." 
 
 •• -ii 
 
 Smith's ViiX'niii. 
 
250 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1000—1025. 
 
 CiiAiTEu The council in England interfered constantly and 
 — vexationsly in matters the most minnte. They sent 
 out supplies with a niggard hand ; and threatened 
 that miless returns commensurate to the expenses 
 of the supplies were sent home, the colonists should 
 he left in Virginia as banished men. A lump of 
 gold, a certain passage to the South Sea, or tidings 
 of some member of Sir Walter Raleigh's missing 
 expedition, such were the demands constantly made, 
 as if the transmutation of metals had been one of tlie 
 secrets learnt by the poor dissolute gentlemen on 
 escaping from London sponging-houses and bagnios. 
 Smith's answer to this unreasonable demand gives 
 a most graphic account of the state of the colony. 
 He complains bitterly of a letter written by the 
 company, in Avhicli they assert that " our minds are 
 so set ypon faction, and idle conceits in diuiding 
 the country without yoin* consents, and tliat we feed 
 you but with ifs and ands, hopes and some few 
 proofes." lie reminds them of their orders to obey 
 the commands brought by Captain Newport, " the 
 charge of whose voyage amounts to neare two thou- 
 sand pounds, the which if we cannot defray by the 
 Shi})'s returne, we are alike to remain as banished 
 men." To these particulars, writes Smith, " I humbly 
 intreat your Pardons if I offend you with my rude 
 Answer. Fen' our factions, vnlesse you would have 
 me nni away and leave the Country, I cannot pre- 
 vent tliem : because 1 do make many stay that would 
 els ily .my whether." Jle then proceeds to explain 
 
of 
 
 DCV 
 
 t1 
 
 10 
 
 hoii- 
 
 tlio 
 
 ■^liod 
 
 ably 
 
 riido 
 
 luivo 
 
 ])rc- 
 
 foiild 
 
 )l;iiii 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 'JoT 
 
 1000—1025.] 
 
 that the instructions sent by Captain Newport were 
 of such a nature that to carry them out would liave 
 involved the whole colony in ruin. He had never- 
 theless, at the desire of the council, crowned Pow- 
 hattan, and sworn Captain Winne and Captain 
 Waldo members of the council in Vir^'inia. " For 
 the charge of this Voyage of two or three thousand 
 })Ounds, we have not received the value of an 
 hundred pounds. And for the quartred IJoat to 
 be borne by the Souldiers over the Fa lies, Xewpor' 
 had 120 of the best men he could chuse. If he had 
 burnt her to ashes, one might haue carried her in a 
 bag, but as she is, hue hundred cannot, to a navi- 
 gable place above the Falles. And for him at that 
 time to find in the South Sea, a mine of gold ; or any 
 of them sent by Sir Walter Kaleii>'h : at our Consulta- 
 tion I told them was as likely as the rest. Jhit during 
 this great discovery of thirtie myles, (which might as 
 well haue beene done by one man, and much n;ore, for 
 the value of a ]iound of Copj^er at a seasonable tyme,) 
 they had the l*innace and all the Boats with them, 
 but on{> that remained with me to serue the Fort." 
 As soon as the ex])loring parties had started, Smith 
 began h) instruct workers ot" " Pitch and Taii'c, 
 (llasse, Sopeashes, Clapboord, whereof some small 
 (piantities we haue sent you." lint he urges, very 
 sensibly, that ahhough the factors of the eom[iany 
 miii'ht collect without delay in liussia and Sweden 
 as nuich ol" such conunodities as wouKl IVeiLilil all 
 
 C Haiti: I! 
 IX. 
 
 
 -'. tV '.jlii 
 
 
 ' ^ * 1 
 
 •. ■. .( .-.1' 
 
 
 
 i"' ,. -M' 
 
 \\r\v sn 
 
 ips. 1 
 
 o nia 
 
 k.- Ih 
 
 icm in \'iiii-inia would eosi far 
 
 VOL. 1, 
 
1H 
 
 
 In. 
 
 
 
 
 
 258 • KXODUS OF 'I'lIK WKSTEUN NATIONS. 
 
 [inOfi-lfi2r), 
 
 (^HAiTKn more tlian Hiov were wortli. He tlien Gfivcs a 
 
 liinientnble picture of tlie condition of tlie settlement 
 
 Most of the men were sick, and nearly famislieil. 
 Even the miserable stores sent out by tlie company 
 were emliezzled by the sailors, and by the oflicers 
 at home. "From your Sliip we had not provision 
 in victuals worth twenty pound, and we are more 
 then two Innidred to hue v[)on this : the one halfe 
 sicke, the otlier little better. For the Saylers (1 
 confesse) they daily make good cheai'e, but our dyet 
 is a little meale and water, and not suflieie"t of that. 
 Thouii'h there be fish in the Sea, foules in the avre, 
 and beasts in the woods, theii- bounds are so large, 
 they so wilde, and we so weake and ignorant, we 
 cannot much trouble them. . . . The Sfmldicis say 
 many of your officers maintaine their families out of 
 that you sent vs : and that Newport hath an hundred 
 ))Ounds a yeare for carrying newes. For every master 
 yon liave yet sent can find the way as well as he, so 
 that an hundred pounds miglit be sj)ared, which is 
 moi'e than we bane all thai helps to |>ay him wages. 
 ■ (^ij). l»al('lin"e is now c;dled Sicklemore, a poore coun- 
 terf('it<Ml lmj)osture. I haue sent yon him home, lest 
 the company shonid ent his thi'oat. — What he is, now 
 every one can tell you : if he and Archer returne 
 againe, they are sufhcient to k('e|)(> vs alwayes in fac- 
 tions. When yon send againe I entreat you rather 
 Hend hnt thii'ty Carpenters, husbandmen, gardinei's, 
 iishcr men, blacK'smiths, masons, and diggers v[) of 
 Irec's roots, well provided, then a tlionsand ofsuclias 
 
; t: 
 
 EXODUS OF Till-: VVIOSTEKX NATIONS. 
 
 'zry'j 
 
 mstcv 
 
 u^, so 
 
 •1. is 
 
 'hiruo 
 
 V 
 
 all.cr 
 incrs, 
 \\) ol" 
 
 1000—102;").] 
 
 we linuc : fm' except wee be al>]o Ijoth to lodge tlieiii, Chaitfr 
 and feed tliem, tlie most will consiiiiie with want of — ^ 
 necessaries before they can i>e made ,2;ood for any 
 thii 
 
 
 Tlie personal character of the president influenced 
 those under his control. The o-cntlemen of the ex- 
 pedition were taught the use of the axe, and followed 
 the excellent example of manual labour which he set 
 them. They soon became masters of woodcraft, 
 "making it their delight to heare the trees thunder 
 as they fell ; but the axes so ot't blistered their tender 
 fingers, that many times every third blow had a loud 
 otlie to drowne the echo, for remedie of wJiich sinne 
 the ]U'esident devised how to hiiue every mini's othes 
 numbered, and at night Ibr every othe to haveacann 
 of water ])Oure(l downe his sleeve," which disci] )line 
 had speedily the effect of abolishing the use of strong 
 lanu;'ua<2;e. 
 
 It was at this moment that the charter of the com- 
 pany \vas enlarged. Lord Delaware was appointed 
 to the command of a new expedition. Five huiidre(l 
 adventurers joine<l him. Jlis departure was delayed 
 for a short time, and lliree connnissioners were em- 
 powered to Jissume the reins of government until his 
 arri\;il. 
 
 A stonn scattered the slilps, and drove that which 
 contained the commissioners I'ar to the southward. 
 The remainder of the emigrants landed in tlie colony 
 just as Smith had succeeded in getting it into some- 
 thinii' lil<<' working order. The new ,'in'ivals threw 
 
 s 2 
 
 '.'♦I 
 
 ?^ 
 
I' ' '. ' 
 
 
 •ij 
 
 ; ' 
 
 '. 1' 
 i 
 
 ■i 
 
 i 
 
 r 
 
 t 
 
 . 1 ' 
 
 
 
 10 10 
 
 200 FXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [iCiii)— |f;L'5, 
 
 ;n everytliiiig' l)!tc'k again into confusion. Smith 
 was sn[)ersc(lcLl, Init tlioscwlio should liavc succeeded 
 liini were not forthcoming. Ever ready in emergen- 
 cies, Smitli resolved to retain his authority until the 
 counnissioners' a,rrival ; but an accident disabled him, 
 and ol)lio;ed him to return to Kn£;'land. Jt was soon 
 seen liow much of the seeming prosperitv of tlie 
 colony was due to the personal character of Smith. 
 No yooner had lie left them than dissensions broke 
 out. The Indians, whose friendship was due to his 
 exertions, l)ecame hostile. Their s^tock of food was 
 wasted. Ilis courage, his self-possession, liis fertdity 
 of resource, his merry smile and cheerful tongue had 
 kept them in heart ; when he leftthom they had none 
 to lead. Famine overtook tli(,n), Snn'th left them 
 four hundred and ninety stvong : \\\')y were speedily 
 I'edueed to sixty, Some took i<^ j-;racy ; the remainder, 
 ill d('s[)air, delermiiie 1 to saH i\ Newfoundland, and 
 distribute themselxes ariivM;- 'du- s].i[)s of the I']nglisli 
 tisher;., >'i who fi'e(pKnt(.'d tlu- banks. They had 
 already >l:n ii'r I when they met Lcn'd Delaware, the 
 ntiW gov'iii't. ' .th am])le suj-jdic^. 
 
 The colony wore on with varvina; .success. Sir 
 Thomas Dale, an experienced sokli<:r in the Low 
 Countries, who figures promii;enily in a long disputx; 
 a boll I arrr;irsof paywithihe Statesljieneral,* succeeded 
 Lord DelawaiH!, and established martial law. James L, 
 in estabbsliing the colony, liail lakcii good care lo 
 give llie colonists no rigbtsof sell'-goscrnment. N'ii'- 
 
 "' llii||;iii(l I tniMiiuciils. New V'lrk Cdl. MSS, 
 
 
 
Ill*; 
 
 !., 
 
 ir- 
 
 EXODUS OF Till': WESTF.liN NATIONS. 261 
 
 lOOG— lf;2"..] 
 
 L^-inia was tlio only colony in wliioli tluTo ever was 
 an established church. The church, as Aveli as the 
 state, were suhjected to martial law ; and courts 
 martial, Trader Sir Thomas Dale, had authority to 
 punish indilTeronce with stripes and infidelity with 
 death. 
 
 Sir Thomas Gates, the leader of a new expedition, 
 for a time superseded Dale, who formed a new settle- 
 ment a little iii^'her up ihe river. 'J'o each man a 
 few acres of land was allotted to ])laiit at leisure for 
 his own use. Private' property was thus reeo[j;nized 
 in the colony. 
 
 Now lor the first time the plantations < ^' the Kw^- 
 lish in the New World seemed has(.'(l upon a solid 
 foundation. '1 he seltlenuiut on the James Uiver num- 
 bered several hundred persons. A n":>t church Wiis 
 erecteil, and around it commodious cabins were 
 grouped. The clearin«i-s of the settlers extended a 
 considerable distance back into the fiiOst., The 
 i>-overnor loudlv asserted, in deliance of ihe on [en- 
 sion of France, (he liuhi of IjiLdand : - ilie who'e 
 coast as far as the forty-lifth parallel of laiitude ; nor 
 was an op[)ortuiiity Iot wantin*:; for a jiiictieal 
 assertion of the claim. i armed vessel, under the 
 
 connnand of a young ca ^win named Ai'gall, cruiseil 
 for the protection of 1 le Hsheries off iho coast of 
 Maine: Ai'gall, who w > a man of I'ud'' and savage 
 temper, heard of the settlement ))laid('d by the French 
 near the mouth of ihe Penobseol, and at once formed 
 tlie resolut ion 'if deslidxinn' it. On 1 lie ai'riva! (•! (he 
 
 CirAITKIl 
 
 IX. 
 
 h;i-2 
 
 ■••m 
 
 
 V 
 
r I' 
 
 Chai'tkh 
 IX. 
 
 1(113 
 
 Uil.> 
 
 L'Uli KXODUS UF TilH WMSTEKN NATIONS. 
 
 [loot;— Itjliu. 
 
 Jesuit missionaries in Acadia, IMarie de Medicis, and 
 the Marquise de Giierclieville, had some years before 
 provided fiin<ls for the establishment of a settlement 
 witliin the limits of the Southern Company of Virginia. 
 The Indians between the Kennebec and the Penobscot 
 became the allies of France, and De SaussaAC erected 
 some rude fortifications on the eastern side of the 
 island of Mount Desert, where the Jesuit father, 
 Biart, had already founded a villagv, and established 
 the head-(|uarters of a mission. Upon this settlement, 
 Argall made his attack : ho cannonaded the fort : ho 
 pillaged the village and the ship which was in the 
 harbour. The cross erected bv ]3iart was over- 
 thrown ; the inhid)itants of the infant settlement 
 scattered. A second expedition burnt Port Royal, 
 and overthrew the fortiiications of De Monts on the 
 island of St. Croix. 
 
 Tlic attention of the Virginian colony had been 
 directed only to the manufacture of potash, of soap, 
 of tar. and c>f glass. In these branches of industry 
 they could not compete with the natives of the iialtic. 
 Vineyards now gave place to tob.Mcco plantations. 
 Tol»accowas piauto;! in every open space. It grew 
 in the fields, aiul eviMi in the streets of Jamestown. 
 Tobacctj l<.'camethe staple, and eventually the current 
 coin of the colonv. 
 
 Tlie company's v\\\v was still marked with mis- 
 management. The coarse and cruel Argall was 
 appointed g(n ernor. lie o[>])ressed the colo]iists 
 and delVaiided the comiiany. Coiiiplaints against him. 
 
^-v^ 
 
 stry 
 Itic. 
 oils. 
 row 
 
 DWll. 
 
 rent 
 mis- 
 
 NVilS 
 
 iiists 
 liiiii. 
 
 "' "i\ 
 
 EX<J1>U!S OF Till-: WESTKHN NATIONS. -ji;;', 
 
 looo— k;-.'.").] 
 
 that miglit liave been uiilieeded iiiider otlicr cireum- Oiiaitkk 
 
 stuiices, were eagerly listened to when they were -11 
 (lirected against a publie defaulter. Rej)orts of his 
 tyranny reached England, and scared those who in- 
 tended to emigrate. The council observed that Vir- 
 ginia was rapidly falling into disrepute : life and 
 Hberty were alike insecure. The interest of the 
 company and of the colonists for once coincided ; 
 Argall was recalled. Drum-head courts-martial were 
 soon afterwards replaced by civil tribunals. Yeardley, 
 a mild and popular man, was made captain-general, 
 and the colonists appointed an assembly tu assist the 
 governor, and, if necessary, to control him : thus, out 
 of Argall's stupid tyranny arose po[)iilar institutions. 
 The new assembly had, however, no legal existence : 
 its acts required ratification at home. The assent was 
 never accorded ; bb' .he re[)resentatives of A'irginia 
 were, at a later day, indebted to royal cu})i(lity for theii 
 recognition,* as they had been indebted to the cupidity 
 of Aiiiall iov their existence. 
 
 The character of the emigration gradually changed. 
 Few womi^n had gone out in the early days of tin- 
 colony : the emigrants had intendetl to make rnpid 
 fortuius and ictiirn to Kiu'0}>«j : the first settlers were 
 succeeded by men who intended to make their ho mi' 
 in the New \V%)rld. A number of girls of good repute 
 wore persuaded to emigrate; a subscription was Kl'iO 
 j'aised to defray their exiioiises : the colonists will- 
 ingly paid a hundred pounds of tobacco for a wife — 
 
 '■' Sec |>;i-c .".■Ji;. 
 
>■ 
 
 
 
 ■■■' . 'i 
 
 I' 
 
 
 r 
 
 1! 
 
 i 
 
 1" ■ ■ 1 
 
 In 
 
 H 
 
 f 
 
 
 'J<;-1 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [inon— iniT). 
 
 "irAiTEB a very pretty girl went as liigli as a Imiidrcl and 
 
 — fifty ])()un(ls. A del)t for a wife was looked u|)on as 
 
 fi debt of lionour. Even in a mercantile point of view 
 
 the compaii}' prospered by its venture. 
 
 The company soon assumed a degree of importance 
 which Jittracted the attention of King James. lie 
 attempted to interfere in the election of governor, 
 Itut on every occasion he had the mortification to see 
 his nominees defeated. Tlie courts of tlic Virginian 
 (Jompany had gradually become schools of debate, 
 like the courts of the East India Company in the time 
 of Warren Hastings. ^lany of the great par- 
 liamentary leaders took a ])art in their proceedings. 
 Fierce struggles ensued for the control of the com- 
 pany ; it w;is hardly concealed tliat James was himself 
 the head (jf one party ; Sir Edwin Sand3's and the 
 Eai'l of Southampton led the opposition. South- 
 amptsin was eleete<l treasurer in opposition to the 
 four candidates nominated by James, and Sir Francis 
 Wyatt was sent to the colony as governor, with 
 orders to estaldish there a form of government on the 
 model of the hJnghsli constitution. The company 
 inci'cased till it num1)ered a thousand proprietors, of 
 wliom two or three hundred sometimes ap|)eared at 
 the meetings. The struggles that went on in Par- 
 hauient against the royal prerogative were renewed 
 in the eoinpany's courts. There tlie Ixovalists were 
 in a minority; the ediels {)[ the Pi-iN-y Council 
 oil llie all'airs of N'irgiiiia were iii\ariablv it versed 
 Mil iln" groinid of their iiieom|»alibilit_\ with the terms 
 
*t»» 
 
 IX. 
 
 KXODUS OF TIIK \\ ESTERN NATIONS. 2(15 
 
 of tlie cliartur. " Tliu Virginia courts," says Goiide- Chavtku 
 mar, tlic S[)aiiisli ambassador, in a letter to James, 
 " are but the seminary to a seditious Parliament." 
 In 1(]22 James once more attem[)ted to dictate to 
 tlie company ; again the royal message was dis- 
 regarded, and Southampton re-elected treasurer. The 
 king in great indignation resolved to seize tlie 
 pretext of petition, alleging various grievances against 
 the company, to sequestrate the patent. An order in 
 council appeared announcing that the king reserved 
 to himself the right of nominating the olHcerh of 
 the company, and to negative, at his }>leasure, tlie 
 nomination of ollicers appointed in the colony. 
 C'ommissioners were sent to \'irginia to investigate 
 the alleged grievances on the spot. They had ordei's 
 to procure from the colonists a })etition in favour of 
 the abrogation of the charter. But it was under the 
 charter that their House of Assembly had been allowed 
 to assemble ; the colonists, therefore, steadily refused 
 to sign any petition which might countenance the 
 withdrawal of their political liberties. The commis- 
 sioners, nevertheless, reported, as might have been 
 expected, in the interest of the king, and the charter 
 was formally withdrawn. 
 
 '•"•fi 
 
 y 
 
 , II 
 
1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 !i(JU 
 
 EXODUS OK THK WKSTKUN NATIONS. 
 
 ridijo— iCiT.. 
 
 Is: 
 
 102.") 
 
 riilO SI'ANISII MONAKCUV. 
 
 [IGliO— KiL!:).] 
 
 Historical Sketch of the rise of Siiaiiish ruwcr — Its Decline — Pruiiosed 
 Marriage between the rriiice of Wales and ttie Jnfauta of Sjiain — His 
 Marriage witli Henrietta of France. 
 
 CuAiTKH England, mccinwhile, was coiukmiicd to playing 
 — '- a coiiteniptiblc part. Tlie siicce«sor of Elizabeth was 
 doing* his best to overturn those national liberties, 
 which, in spite of her despotic temper, the great 
 queen had fostered. Two great writers hav'e left us 
 pictures of James, which will live as long as the 
 English language. English readers ruineniber how 
 degrading vices, and equally degrading weaknesses, 
 brought his person and his court into contempt. 
 They recollect the often-repeated account of his igno- 
 minious aifection for men whose only qualifications 
 were personal good looks; the crimes which his 
 worthless favom-ites per2:)etrated with impunity 
 almost in his presence ; the shameful debauchery 
 of Whitehall, where Indies of the court reeled with 
 intoxication at the court balls; the king's personal 
 cowardice, his stutter, his pedantry, his unmajdy 
 
 hu 
 
fr 
 
 CUAl'IKU 
 
 EXODUS OF THM WESTERN NATIONS. 267 
 
 1G20— IGlifj.] 
 
 tears, his iiiiiiirled weakness and ferocitv, his <2:ai'- 
 riih'ty, his buffbuneiy. It' they are recalled here, it is 
 because James I. was the king under whom England 
 took possession of her heritage in America, and 
 because his personal character exercised a very great 
 intluence over the foilunes of our countrvmen 
 beyond the Atlantic : it was not his fault if the 
 high position whicli England had achieved abroad 
 mider Elizabeth was not completely destroyed. 
 
 At the very outset of his reign he signed an igno- 1004 
 minious peace with Spain, moved thereto, if we 
 may credit Osborne's " Traditional Memoirs," by 
 counsellors whose advice was bought with Spanish 
 gold.* It could hardly be from dread of Spanish 
 powder, for the monarchy of S})ain had already ])assed 
 its zenith. Year by year the causes which were to 
 drag it down to tho lowest point of d« gradation Avere 
 becoming more and more visible. It still held its 
 immense possessions in America. Rousillon, Artois, 
 
 ' * 'I 
 
 '' 'J 
 
 .11 
 
 * " lie hold his thouglits so intent upon phiy and pleasure, that to 
 avoyd all inteiTuption likely to imiiede any part of the felicity ho had 
 [lossessed his ima;^iuation\vith from the union of those erowns, and to flt- an 
 oxauiple for his neighbours' imitation, wiiom lie desired to bring into the 
 like resolution, he cast himsolfe, as it were, blindfold into a peace witii 
 Spaine, farrc more dostrnctivo lo England than a warre. * * * 
 
 And as this peace was of inliuite cousequeucc to the Spaniard, so ho 
 spared for no cost to procure it. And, to prevent the inserting any article 
 that might obstruct his recourse to or from the Indies, he presented all, 
 both Scotch and English, with gifts, and tliose no small ones ; for by that, 
 the Earle of Nortliam[itun, brother to Suffoilvo, iiad, he was alone able to 
 raise and finish the goodly pile ho Iniilt in the StranJ, which yet remaines 
 a monument of his, &c. Nor are there a few other no lesso brave houses, 
 frosli in my memory, that had their ibundations, if not their walls and roofes 
 plastered witii tlit- same nicrtau" — OahorKc'fi Tra'litiviail Memoirs i/Jnmis I. 
 
A^ 
 
 #. 
 
 
 IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 // 
 
 
 <^/ 
 
 
 1.0 fri^ IIM 
 
 lllil: 
 
 II 
 
 1.25 
 
 12.0 
 
 I. nil 
 
 1 1.8 
 1.4 11 1.6 
 
 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 Corporation 
 
 33 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSTER, NY. 14580 
 
 (716) 872-4S03 
 
 ^v 
 
 qv 
 
 'O^' 
 
 
 
 -4^^ . <>\ ^k\ 
 
 
 % 
 
 ^^ 
 
 'ij." 
 
 m 
 
Til- 
 
 1- - 
 
 S' \ 
 
 " 
 
 
 ^ ■' ;■ 
 
 ¥'■ ' • 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 ■ 
 
 ■. I 
 
 ■I 
 
 SH !ii 
 
 ■,!• ' 
 
 I 4 
 
 X. 
 
 2n8 EXODUS OF THE WESTEllN NATIONS. 
 
 [1020—1025. 
 
 Cii.M'VEu Fraiiclic Comtt' were still beneath its sway ; but tlie 
 Lost and most populous part of the Netherlands had 
 braved Philip II. for nearly a generation, and had 
 at length achieved a dc facto if not a de jure inde- 
 pendence. 
 
 'I'he causes which had raised it to the foremost 
 place among the nations of Europe may he easily 
 discerned Ly any one who will recall the events of 
 Spanish history. The reasons of its decline are no 
 less evident. 
 
 For ages the Spaniards had jjcen distinguished by 
 two great cliaracteristics — loyalty to their king, and 
 bigotry in their religion, lieligious fanaticism liad 
 grown with their national growth, and formed the 
 distin^'uishinc: mark of their national character. 
 Every circumstance in their history seemed to tend to 
 this object, and to this alone. The English and 
 French both underwent disturbances and persecution, 
 hut in their countries the spirit of toleration gra- 
 dually spread ; the State pursued secular as well as 
 spiritual objc.'cts, and ultimately separated the two. 
 In Spain no such sejvaration occurred ; the power 
 of the Church increased in Spain as rapidly as it 
 diminished in other nations. At last it absorbed all 
 power in itself and ruined the monarchy. 
 
 For many centuries after the overthrow of the 
 Roman power, the Spaniards were engaged in reh'- 
 gious wars. The Vandals who settled in Spain were 
 Allans; the Fr;iid>:s who ovcn'riin P'raiice wei'c be- 
 Hevers in the Trinity: Clovis, (Miil(K'l)ert, Clotaire, 
 
 il: 
 

 G20— 1025. 
 l)Ut tlic 
 ncl.s liful 
 111(1 lijid 
 re iiide- 
 
 uremost 
 
 3 easily 
 
 /■eiits of 
 
 are ik^ 
 
 shed by 
 iig", and 
 sm liad 
 led the 
 aracter. 
 tend to 
 :li and 
 mention, 
 111 gra- 
 well as 
 e two. 
 
 pOWL'l' 
 
 r as it 
 bed all 
 
 () 
 
 f tl 
 
 le 
 
 11 reli- 
 1 were 
 re be- 
 'laire, 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 209 
 
 lOL^O— 1G2").] 
 
 dining the fiftli century, successively attacked their CuAiTru 
 heretical neighbours ; and thus for nearly a century — 
 a war of independence was also a war of opinion. 
 During all this time the WTir was for the purpose oF 
 defending Ariaii o})inions. ^Phe Ariaii priesthood, 
 the expounders of those opinions, obtained great 
 power. In the seventh century, Recaredo and his 
 })eople abjured Arianisin : with the zeal of a new 
 convert, he endeavoured to so increase the })ower of 
 the new ])riestliood as to surpass that of the old — 
 another rise in the priestly power : the monarchy 
 of the Goths, says Sempere, was but a theocracy. In 
 the eighth centuiy, the Arabs came over from ]jar- 
 bary and overran Spain ; the Christian Goths, 
 penned up beliind the mountains of Asturias, relapsed 
 ahaost into barbarism ; the poor were reduced to 
 such distress that thev wandered about naked, and 
 lived like wild beasts in the hills and forests : ex- 
 treme ignorance followed on extreme poverty ; ex- 
 treme superstition waited, as it ever does, on igno- 
 rance. At length the Christians began to take heart. 
 They emerged from their mountain passes and at- 
 tacked the invaders. Then began a struggle which 
 lasted without interruption for near eight hundred 
 years. Again it was a war of independence — Spaniard 
 agahist Arab ; again a war of religion — Christian 
 aii'ainst j\[ahommedaii. The same causes whieli had 
 operated to raise the Arian clergy during the war with 
 Clovis and (Miildebert, acted with double force in 
 favour of tlie clergy now. Tlie bisliops, iii warlike 
 
 I. 
 
 \ 
 
 i 
 
 4 
 
 > * 'I 
 
 t 
 
 i'r 
 
 ¥ 
 
 'It 
 
 ■I 
 
 •i 
 

 ■ 6 -i : 
 
 h- 
 
 M i 
 
 < ■. ( 
 
 
 ( 
 
 
 
 
 ■' 1 
 
 .1 
 
 
 1 ■. . ■ 
 
 ■' f :' 
 1 ' - 
 
 
 ■ ( 
 
 ;„■* 
 
 ■ i . ■' 
 
 ( 
 
 
 li:,. 
 
 ' 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 fi ■ 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 i 
 
 
 X. 
 
 270 EXODUS OP THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [l()20— Jr,25. 
 
 (iiiAPTKR garl), led tlie Cliristiaii.s to l»attle: tliey were amongst 
 tlie most skilful leaders ; soon tliev beji'an to con- 
 sidor tliemselves the chosen champions of God. 
 Chests of relics were carried to hattle ; men believed 
 that they saw saints and angels fighting in the fore- 
 front of the battle. Religious fanatics have in all 
 ages been well-nigh invincible ; such were the Ma- 
 hommedans in the early days of Islam ; such were 
 Cromwell's warriors in the Puritan times; such were 
 the Gothic Spaniards fighting against the Mooi's. 
 Painfully tlie Christians won back Spain from the 
 invaders : it took them near two Inuidred years to 
 win the line of the Douro : in two centuries more 
 their frontier was on tlie Tac'us : it was not till \\\q 
 
 CD 
 
 eighth century of hard fighting was nearly over, that 
 the Moorish garrison were beaten out of their last 
 strongliolds — ^lalaga and Granada. 
 
 Eight centuries of fighting, and all tlie time one 
 war-cry — the Holy Cross ! What wonder if religious 
 fanaticism became not only a part of the Spanisli 
 character, but the Spanish character itself? These 
 various causes were aided by the geographical position 
 of Spain, wliicli isolated it, in a great measure, fiom 
 participation in the events that were going on in the 
 rest of Europe. Spain was less disturbed than other 
 nations by questions which in the sixteenth century 
 shook Europe to its centre. The spirit of inquiry 
 was stifled at once : learning was in the hands 
 of the monks ; it was their province rather to 
 inculcnte belief than to encourage inquiry. Lite- 
 
20-1025. 
 
 mon![>:st 
 to coii- 
 [ God. 
 elieved 
 le forc- 
 i in all 
 [ic Ma- 
 ill were 
 ;li were 
 Moors, 
 om the 
 ears to 
 }s more 
 till tlie 
 er, that 
 eir last 
 
 me one 
 limons 
 Spanish 
 These 
 position 
 e, from 
 
 I in the 
 
 II other 
 century 
 inquiry 
 
 hands 
 
 her to 
 
 Lite- 
 
 
 X. 
 
 I'.XODUS OF THE WESTET^X NATIONS. -71 
 
 1(;2()_1 C/Jf).] 
 
 ratiire soon assumed, and long* retained, the pecu- cnAnn; 
 liarities of the class who alone possessed it. It 
 became thus from its dogmatism an instrument of 
 barbarism rather than an ally of truth ; knowledge 
 was retarded rather than advanced, for the inquiries 
 necessary for dispelling error Avere prohibited. The 
 Reformation, which weakened the dominion of the 
 church in most countries, strengthened it in Spain, 
 for it showed the church its own power. The two 
 powers, monarchy and the priesthood, became the 
 predominant, and, indeed, the only powers in Spain : 
 unquestioning obedience was thus gradually esta- 
 blished as the moving spring of the Spanish character. 
 The loyalty wliich distinguished tlie Spaniards 
 was also of slow growth. AVhen first they l)roke 
 out of Asturias, they were few and weak. Divided 
 councils would have been ruin, anniliilation, loss of 
 national existence. It was necessary to choose a 
 leader ; to stick to liiin through good and evil report ; 
 to obey him with unquestioning obedience, and to 
 make that obedience a sacred act of duty and of 
 faith. Tliis, too, became engrained in the national 
 character. As time w^ent on, and the frontier to be 
 defended embraced the wdiole breadth of Spain, 
 powerful chiefs settled themselves in tlie principal 
 cities, and established their independent sovereignties ; 
 but each was regarded by his followers with the same 
 loyalty as the first ; for the same causes were still at 
 work. At length, in 1402, the last Moorish soldiers 
 were driven out of S])ain, nnd the crowns of the 
 
 f- ^ 
 
 . ^1 
 
 !>• 
 
■'':,i 
 
 !^ 
 
 ( ' 
 
 X. 
 
 272 EXODTIS OF THE WESTERN NATIOXS. 
 
 [1020—102."). 
 
 ( iiAiTF.ij PTcat Iviiimloms of Castile and Arrajyon were united 
 in tlie persons of Ferdinand and Isal)ella. From 
 tlieni sprun,i>' u long line of famous princes^ to whom 
 tlie inidivided loyalty of the Spanisli heart was given. 
 It was carried to snch a pitch that the proudest 
 grandee addressed the king kneeling ; no man might 
 mount a horse which he had once ridden, or look 
 upon the face of wife or mistress whom he had dis- 
 carded. 
 
 The line of Austrian princes were just the men to 
 claim to the uttermost that devoted loyalty, and, ac- 
 cording to Spanisli ideas, to desei"ve it. They were 
 creatures of their time. They carried to tlie full 
 extent the remorseless fanaticism which their jieople 
 loved. And l)ecause they did so, the church, whose 
 authority they supported, exerted all its influence to 
 uphold the power of the crown. One hy one the 
 popular lil)erties of Spain were curtailed. 'I'he 
 (^ihildos were aholished, the Cortes insulted and 
 destroyed, l^ut the Spanish kings led the way to 
 one conquest after another, and did their utmost to 
 extirpate heresy root and branch from their do- 
 minions. Look at the wide conrpiest of the Emperor 
 Charles, and at the unsparing endeavours he made to 
 root out heresy from the Netherlands : Ferdinand 
 liad alreiidy established the Inquisition, and the refor- 
 mation, M'ln'ch Avas convulsing Europe, had no chance 
 and no hold in Spain : both Charles V.'s greatest wars 
 were wars of religion — one against the German princes 
 of the Reformation, one .against the Turks. Thus tlic 
 
 "f. 
 
— in'2o. 
 mited 
 From 
 wliom 
 ^'iveii. 
 ondcst 
 miji^'lit 
 [' look 
 xd dis- 
 
 "iicn to 
 nd, ae- 
 V were 
 'le full 
 people 
 whose 
 eucc to 
 no tlie 
 11 le 
 1 and 
 ^vay to 
 lost to 
 ir do- 
 npei'or 
 ade to 
 (linaiid 
 3 refor- 
 chaiice 
 .st ^^•ars 
 princes 
 us the 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 273 
 
 1G20— 1625.] 
 
 sixteentli century completed eleven hundred years of Ch.mtkr 
 almost uninterrupted religious warfare waged hy — 
 Spain ; for Philip followed in his father's steps. There 
 is no need to repeat how his viceroys hanged, burned, 
 and buried alive in the Netherlands ; how unsjDaringly 
 the Inquisition was worked in the Indies ; how the 
 Great Armada came and went that was to relight the 
 fires of Smithfield. By that time the Spaniard was 
 the finest gentleman, and, physically, the noblest 
 race in Europe. Centuries of toil and strife had 
 produced a people of extraordinary energy and 
 daring ; the exigencies of constant danger had made 
 them, by hereditary right, hardy, self-reliant, obe- 
 dient to authority, true as steel, and proud as Lucifer. 
 A race that has those characteristics is a conquering 
 race, be it Roman, or Goth, or Anglo-Saxon. And 
 tlie Spaniards did conquer. In the last years of the 
 fifteenth century one prince sat on the throne of 
 Castile, another on that of Arragon, a Mohammedan 
 bore sway in Granada. Before the middle of the 
 sixteenth, one of the Spanish kings was Emperor 
 of Germany; in America his viceroys governed 
 Mexico, Peru, and the Isles of the Ocean ; in 
 Europe, he hel^d the Netherlands, Portugal, Navarre, 
 Rousillon, Artois, Franche Comte, the Milanese, 
 Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, the Balearic Islands, and 
 the Canaries ; he had numerous possessions in 
 Africa, and rich settlements in Asia. The princes 
 of the Austrian house were absolute, and they had 
 the advantage of succeeding to institutions in some 
 
 VOL. I. T 
 
 
 , ^1 
 
 
 'J'; 
 

 274 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 1 • ' ■ ' 
 
 r'' ■ 
 
 . ' '■'..'' ' 
 
 i^-:.i 
 
 .■ 
 
 f ■ 
 
 '• ')'• 
 
 •■ 1 . 
 
 
 ■ I 
 
 '■■■ '* 
 
 '•J ' . 
 
 [1620—1025. 
 
 Cfiaiieu degree liberal. The Cortes and the Justiza Major, 
 — '- while they were free and powerful, had played their 
 part, amid the increasing power of the crown, in 
 forming a nation of warriors and statesmen elsewhere 
 unmatched. It was the misfortune of Charles Y., 
 and of his successors, that they found themselves 
 strong enough to strike down this remnant of Spanish 
 independence, and to concentrate in themselves the 
 whole pov/er of the nation. 
 
 They threw their cast and lost it. Philip II. had 
 aimed at universal dominion — not so much for him- 
 self as for the Church of Rome. The whole power 
 of his empire, the wealth of liis western mines, the 
 blood of his gallant soldiers, the intellect of his gene- 
 rals and diplomatists, were spent in the endeavour 
 to place a Catholic on the throne of England, to 
 reduce the Netherlands to obedience, to make the 
 princes of Europe vassals to the most Catholic king. 
 Philip was foiled in his designs against England. 
 He was not more successful with Holland. The little 
 country whose dykes scarcely defended them from the 
 inroads of the sea, and whose land was but the wash 
 and ooze of great rivers which watered happier climes, 
 even threw off his sway. His grandson — an idle 
 and effeminate lounger, a man for whom even Spanish 
 loyalty conld hardly affect anything but contempt — 
 watched without a sigh the partition of his empire, 
 and the downfall of his power. In truth, the system 
 of Spanish government was rotten to the core ; the 
 whole machine depended ^ipon the ability of the 
 
 :>r I 
 
 I ^ 
 
^1 
 
 1—1025. 
 
 Major, 
 I tlieir 
 A'li, in 
 ;where 
 es v., 
 iselves 
 ipanisli 
 »res tlie 
 
 II. had 
 )r him- 
 3 power 
 ties, the 
 is geiie- 
 ieavour 
 land, to 
 ake the 
 ic king. 
 Ingland. 
 he Uttle 
 rom the 
 le wash 
 cUmes, 
 an idle 
 panish 
 empt — 
 empire, 
 system 
 re; the 
 of the 
 
 EXODUS OF TIIK AVESTERN NATIONS. 275 
 
 ir,oo_i62r..] 
 
 prince: wlien that broken rood failed, it went to pieces. Chaptkr 
 ''J'he finances had been wasted by Charles Y., and by — 
 Philip II. Philip III. was not content with wasting 
 wealth, he must exterminate those who produced it. 
 He determined to get rid of the whole Moorish race. Hill 
 If anything were wanting to prove the enormous 
 power which the priesthood had acquired in Spain, 
 this fact alone would demonstrate it. Philip III., 
 too indolent to give to affairs that minute and careful 
 supervision which his father and grandfather had 
 given, intrusted his whole authority to the Duke 
 of Lerma. This wholesale abnegation of sovereign 
 authority, among a people so loyal as the Spaniards, 
 greatly weakened the ancient reverence for the person 
 of the sovereign. Lerma, to obtain some reliable 
 support, played into the hands of the clergy. I- was 
 at their request that the expulsion of the Nuevos 
 Christianos, or Moriscoes, as they were called, was 
 decided. It was not pretended that they were here- 
 tics, but they came of a heretic stock. They had been 
 ordered, as far back as 1566, to learn the Castilian 
 tongue, to leave off the dress and the customs of their 
 forefathers. It was made illegal to speak Aral»ic, 
 either in public or in private. All deeds and con- 
 tracts written in Arabic were void. The edict pro- 
 vided that Arabic books should be given up to the 
 president of the audencia of Granada. Moorish cere- 
 monies were forbidden at weddings, wliich were to be 
 conducted solelvaccordinf»; to tlie customs of tlie church. 
 Even their musical instruments were forbidden, and the 
 
 T 2 
 
 ■ ••!■ i] 
 
L'Tt; EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [IG20— 1G25. 
 
 CifAiTEn Moorish girls were prohibited from singing the songs 
 — of tlieir fatlierlancl. But even these liarsh enactments, 
 through rigidly enforced, were not enough. Nothing 
 would suffice but their absolute extirpation. It was 
 debated whether Morisco children under seven years 
 of age might not be excepted from the proscription ; 
 but the Archbishop of Toledo could understand no 
 such squeamishness. He would have none of the ac- 
 cursed seed in Spain. A million of the most indus- 
 trious inhabitants were murdered or expelled. 
 
 The financial prosperity of Spain came down with 
 a crash. The manufacture of silk and paper ; the 
 cultivation of rice, cotton, and sugar ; the general 
 practice of husbandry and irrigation, — had been in 
 the hands of the Nn.evos Christianos.* The Spaniards 
 considered such matters beneath their dignity : they 
 confined themselves to war and religion. Whole 
 districts were made desolate. On the map of Spain, 
 the word " Despoblado "f was written in a thousand 
 places. There were no industrious inhabitants to 
 take the place of those who had been expelled. Orga- 
 nized bands of robbers, which to this day have not 
 been entirely extirpated, took possession of the coun- 
 tries from which the industrious inhabitants were 
 thus rudely withdrawn. 
 
 In this miserable condition o^ the Spanish nation, 
 the neutrality of England wat; almost as valuable 
 to Spain as her active co-operation. Philip IV., 
 
 * Laborde's Spain, ii. 21G. 
 
 t Circourt, Hist, des Arabes d'Espa<i;no, iii. p. 227. 
 
EXOUUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 277 
 
 -1025. 
 
 songs 
 aents, 
 •tiling 
 it was 
 years 
 ption ; 
 nd no 
 the ac- 
 indus- 
 
 n with 
 r ; the 
 reneral 
 leen in 
 aniards 
 
 : they 
 Whole 
 
 Spain, 
 lousand 
 mts to 
 
 Orga- 
 ive not 
 coun- 
 were 
 
 nation, 
 aluable 
 
 ip IV-, 
 
 l(i20— K.-T).] 
 
 who had now succeeded to the throne, was willins: «^"\iti;" 
 to make great sacrifices in order to retain it. — 
 
 A marriage was proposed between the Prince of 
 Wales and the Infanta of Spain. The marriage was 
 exceedingly unpopular hi England; but in spite of all 
 opposition, the Prince of AVales and the Duke of 
 Buckingham started off", much against his Majesty's 
 will, for Spain. 
 
 Prince Charles and his friend were received with 
 romantic respect. The former had a gold key which 
 admitted him at all hours to the private apartmeiiLS 
 of the king. His arrival was celebrated with re- 
 joicings similar to those which were accorded to the 
 kings of Spain on Jieir coronation. A large number 
 of the criminals of Madrid were let loose upon society, 
 by a general gaol delivery, iu honour of the happy 
 event. 
 
 The unbridled temjDer and imperious arrogance of 
 Buckingham prevented the intended marriage. He 
 treated the grandees with disrespect. He even offered 
 a personal afii'ont to the Duke of Olivarez, a man as 
 ambitious and far more able than himself. The King 
 of Spain, after making concessions which proved to 
 all Europe that the court of Spain was really sincere, 
 and receiving, in return, insults which covered the 
 British king with infamy, broke off the alliance and 
 prepared for war. 
 
 A struggle was already raging on the Continent, 
 which owed its origin to the ambition of Olivarez, 
 and had for its object the realization of the often- 
 
 • 1 
 
 
.. 'i 
 
 !■ ".S 
 
 'i:i •; 
 
 CllAl'l'EK 
 
 X. 
 
 1020 
 
 1619 
 
 1619 
 
 278 EXODUS UF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G20-1625. 
 
 defeated scheme of universal doi iinion for Austria. 
 Boliemia was successfully attacked. Spinola con- 
 quered the Palatinate. The armies of the Austrian 
 house soon extended their conquests over a great 
 portion of the empire. The Dutch, who were 
 hotly engaged in their Arminian and Gomarist 
 disputes, now thought it high time to unite and 
 make common cause against the common danger. 
 This was rendered the more easy by the victory 
 which had been obtained by the Gomarists. 
 Maurice took the field at the head of such troops as 
 he could collect. He busied himself with some effect 
 in withstanding the progress of Spinola, whom he 
 obliged to raise the siege of Bergen-op-Zoom. The 
 French by this time had passed out of the weak hands 
 of Mary de Medicis and Concini. Louis XIII. was 
 persuaded to take the government into his own 
 hands. On the death of Luynes, his first minister, 
 the direction of affairs fell into the hands of Richelieu. 
 The cardinal dexterously took advantage of the 
 quarrel between England and Spain to further the 
 interests of France. His subtle policy required 
 action in two opposite directions. The internal 
 distractions of France required the reduction of i^e 
 Huguenots. Her external policy demanded an al- 
 liance with the Protestants against the great Catholic 
 powers. He had also a third object — to humble the 
 turbulent French nobility. For the furtherance of 
 these various schemes an alliance with England was 
 indispensable. The Prince of Wales was tempted 
 
 i 
 
 : J 
 
 11 J 
 
X. 
 
 1024 
 
 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 271) 
 
 1020—102!").] 
 
 '.' the hand of ncnrietta, the ])eautiful nktev of CuAi'iii 
 Louis : the marriage treaty was pushed eagerly on, 
 and an EngHsh army was sent, mider Count Mans- 
 feldt, to co-operate with Prince Maurice for the 
 relief of the Palatinate. But the reign of James was 
 disastrous to its close. The enterprise of Mansfeldt 
 came to nothing; and James died in 1025, just in 
 time to avoid the mortification of learning the defeat 
 of the King of Denmark and the death of Prince 
 Maurice. 
 
 <fB 
 
 ■I 
 
 !■ 
 
 
 i 
 
 t 
 
 i 
 
 r 
 
 k 
 
 '4.. 
 
.'.»• 
 
 ^.. 
 
 
 ill 
 
 •' ■ » 
 
 280 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1620—1648. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 f\' 
 
 I 
 
 i. 'i 
 
 ,.,„i J I 
 
 THE PURITANS. 
 
 [1620— : 648.] 
 
 Puritan Agreement with the ftouthern Company of Virginia — Their Settlc- 
 
 mpiic of New Plymouth. 
 
 Chapter While James I. was yet engaged in his disputes with 
 
 XI 
 
 L— the company of Virginia, and disputing as to the 
 degree of hberty which he would he pleased to allow 
 it, a small band of Puritans escaped from his grasp 
 and founded a settlement at New Plymouth, in wliat 
 
 1620 is now the State of Maine. The Puritan expedition 
 was conducted on a footing quite distinct from the 
 adventure of Smith. Its objects differed as widely 
 from the Spanish goldseekers of the south, as from 
 the French traders and state-founders of the north. 
 
 1625 James quarrelled with the i^uritans, as in the 
 earlier part cf his reign he qun^rrelled with the 
 Catholics. He hated them ^vlth even more than 
 the hatred of Elizabeth. Her dislike had been 
 political ; the hatred of James was personal. They 
 troubled him in Scotland, where he was weak ; he 
 determined to revenge himself in England, where he 
 was powerful. They had been originally but a harm- 
 
 )'i i: 
 
 i I 
 
G20— 1648. 
 
 lieir Settlc- 
 
 ites with 
 s to tlie 
 to fiilow 
 is grasp 
 in wliat 
 pedition 
 om tlie 
 
 widely 
 as from 
 north. 
 
 in the 
 ^ith the 
 re than 
 d heen 
 Tliey 
 3ak ; he 
 /^here lie 
 a liarm- 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 281 
 
 1G20— 1648.] 
 
 less sect; persecution changed them into a malig- 
 nant faction. There was nothing in the religious 
 opinions of the Puritans that need have made them 
 antagonistic to the monarchy, until penal laws made 
 them so. It is true, no douht, that a church con- 
 sisting of a hierarchy of many grades, each different 
 in rank and emolument, and connected Ly many ties 
 with the state, will be more in harmony with mo- 
 narchical institutions than a church formed on the 
 Calvinistic model. It is no less true that any church 
 is disaffected when it is the object of persecution, and 
 actively loyal in proportion as it is warmly favoured 
 and protected. 
 
 As regards the Puritans, persecution stirred up to 
 active hatred, to opposition vehement and inflexible, 
 a body of men who had originally differed from the 
 government about matters in themselves puerile and 
 unimportant. The surplice and the square cap, 
 which moved the indignation of the Puritan leaders, 
 were but the symbols of discontent. They were 
 quite unconnected with government or with the real 
 interests of religion. An opposition, which, if let 
 alone, might have proved trifling, was fanned into 
 a flame. The petty tyranny of James irritated rather 
 than subdued it, and left to his son a legacy of 
 smouldering discontent, which was destined to over- 
 throw the monarchy. Charles sternly contended for 
 the royal prerogative, the people with still firmer 
 determination claimed the right to think and to 
 pray like freemen. 
 
 CUAI'TKU 
 
 XI. 
 
 
 
 f. 
 
I 
 
 I' 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 Chapteu 
 XL 
 
 
 282 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1620—1648. 
 
 From tlio time of the Tudors down to the end of 
 the stormy period which comprises the I^rotectorate, 
 the Restoration, and the Revohition, the Enghsh 
 Church was subjected to assaults similar in character 
 to the mighty revolutions which had agitated Catho- 
 licism. In a former chapter we have noted the 
 principal features of that contest, and the man- 
 ner in which the power of Rome alternately ad- 
 vanced or receded. It was attacked by the Albi- 
 genses in the thirteenth century ; by the Lollards in 
 the fourteenth ; by the Lutherans in the sixteenth : 
 and after every assault there followed a reaction 
 in its favour. From the first two attacks the papacy 
 easily and completely rallied. The last and most im- 
 portant was never entirely overcome. There was a 
 time when the political alliances of kings were dic- 
 tated by their theological predilections ; and the pre- 
 texts of national enmities were religious. But at 
 length political ambition resumed its place. Both 
 churches, by the separation of politics from religion, 
 gained in purity, though they lost in grandeur. 
 Rivalry is now confined to purely spiritual topics, 
 and each party depends for success with its proselytes 
 on appeals to reason and weight of argument. 
 
 A. similar history may be traced in the Church of 
 England. From the beginning, both lier doctrine and 
 ritual were a compromise : lur doctrine was elabo- 
 rated by men who were sincerely desirous, if it were 
 possible, to remain in communion with Home ; who 
 wished to correct corruptions which had crept into 
 
 i\ -: 
 
20—1648. 
 
 end of 
 iterate, 
 :!]iig-lis}i 
 aracter 
 Catlio- 
 ed the 
 3 man- 
 sly ad- 
 3 Albi- 
 ards in 
 ;eenth : 
 eaction 
 papacy 
 LOst im- 
 ) was a 
 3re die- 
 he pre- 
 But at 
 Both 
 
 hgion, 
 mdeur. 
 
 topics, 
 selytes 
 
 U'ch of 
 ne and 
 
 elabo- 
 t were 
 
 ; wlio 
 )t into 
 
 XI. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 283 
 
 1G20— 1G48.] 
 
 the teaching of the Roman Church, but not to assert Chai-teb 
 any doctrine at variance with her fundamental dog- 
 mas. The ritual of the English Church was composed 
 by Cranmer, wliose first and strongest desire was to 
 stand well with Catholics and Protestants alike. 
 Lord Macaulay, in one of those sparkling sentences 
 which flow so readily from his pen, says that the 
 plan of the framers of the Liturgy was " to transfer 
 the cup of sorceries from the liabylonian Enchantress 
 to the other side, spilling as little as possible by the 
 way." Whatever may have been the motive which 
 actuated the English reformers, it was desirable that 
 they should change as little as was possible ; if it 
 was necessary to mutilate the venerable fabric which 
 had been reared during so many centuries of toil, it 
 was surely necessary that the demolition should be 
 undertaken in a spirit not of spoliation, but of respect : 
 4ie framers of the English ritual felt this truth and 
 acted upon it ; but the partial character thus given to 
 the English Reformation ac once arrayed against it 
 two classes of persons — those who considered that it 
 went too far, and those who considered that it did 
 not go half far enough. Some could perceive no 
 sufficient reason for resigning communion with a 
 church in whicli their liithers had lived and died : 
 there was but little difterence between the religion 
 held orthodox by the English king, and that taught 
 by the pope ; one issued his orders from Windsor, the 
 other dated his bulls from the Vatican, but both 
 seeiJied equally arbitrary and unreasonable. Others, 
 
•fr^" 
 
 ■■■I. ■ ■«._.! 
 
 
 
 ."(■ 
 
 r., 'f 
 
 284 
 
 EX0DL3 OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 4 
 
 [1620— 1G48, 
 
 CiiAiTER again, thought that compromise was in itself evil, and 
 — detested all half-measures as an abomination. These 
 last were the most important and the most pertina- 
 cious enemies of the English Church. Thus, as the 
 Church of Rome was attacked by Lutheran and Cal- 
 vinistic schismatics, the Church of England was 
 attacked by Puritan schismatics. 
 
 Puritanism was at first regarded with some dislike 
 and some contempt : it was long before it acquired 
 sufficient importance to be actively hated or oppressed; 
 While Elizabeth was confronted with the deadly 
 enmity of Spain, the greater danger entirely absorbed 
 the less. The queen disliked the Puritans : she was 
 not personally disinclined to the gorgeous ceremo- 
 nies, and even the distinguishing doctrines, of the 
 Roman church. Not only was the extreme sim- 
 plicity which the Puritans imposed distasteful to her ; 
 she wanted all the strength at her command to cope 
 with Philip, and regarded with disfavour noisy 
 fanatics who distracted her attention from the great 
 game. But at that time no active disloyalty 
 entered into the views of the Puritans ; they 
 were at least as anxious as anybody else for the 
 final triumph of Protestantism, and were willing 
 to give such aid as was in their power to the 
 state. It was reserved for the grinding bigotry of 
 James, and the shameless bad faith of his son, to 
 convert a body of mere dissentients into a faction, 
 dark, active, brave, skilful, daringly energetic, and 
 absolutely uncompromising. A time came when 
 
 
 
great 
 
 XI. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 285 
 
 1020— 1G4H.] 
 
 Puritanism grew to siicli a power that it overthrew Chaiteu 
 the priesthood, the peerage, and the monarchy. 
 Tlien followed the reaction ; eacli power had ex- 
 pended its utmost strengtli, and had been unable to 
 annihilate the other ; they agreed to compromise — 
 to divide their empire over the minds of men. 
 
 But one thing was wanting to make the parallel 
 between the European reformation and the Puritan 
 schism complete : and it was not absent. Religion 
 and politics had once been mixed up together : but 
 though the language in which the quarrel was 
 carried on had been religious, the mainspring of ac- 
 tion had always, with the majority, been political : 
 doctrinal disputes were handed over to the minority, 
 to whom such matters were in themselves interesting. 
 The great body of the people pursued the old struggle, 
 but the contest was avowedly between prerogative 
 and the growing spirit of republicanism. 
 
 In consequence of the disputes with the Catholics, 
 in which King James became involved soon after his 
 accession, he considered it prudent at first to tem- 
 porise with the Puritans. It, however, soon became 
 evident that the truce could not be of long duration. 
 They were anxious for a clear understanding upon 
 the subject of toleration, and expressed a desire for 
 " a more clear reformation." This the bishops op- 
 posed as trenching too much upon their powers. Tlic 
 king was likewise averse to it, regarding it as an 
 attack on his prerogative. " The bishops," says Wi Ison, 
 " instilled the maxim into the king — no bishop, no 
 
 
ClIAlTE 
 
 
 
 ■fV; 
 
 J. vv 
 
 ( ,■ 
 
 '.'I 
 
 
 •m 
 
 286 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1020—1048. 
 
 H monarch." A conference was held at Hampton Court 
 in which the Puritan champions presented their de- 
 mands. They desired, reasonably enough, as far as 
 words went, " that the doctrine of the church might 
 be i^reserved in purity ; that good and faithful pastors 
 might be planted in all churches ; that church go- 
 vernment might be sincerely administered ; that the 
 Book of Common Prayer might be fitted to more in- 
 crease of godliness." In the course of the conference 
 it appeared that they claimed for every minister the 
 power of confirmation in his own parish. They 
 revived the old objection against the cross in baptism, 
 the ring in marriage, the surplice, the oath ex-officio. 
 The king himself answered most of these demands, 
 '' ometimes gently, applying lenitives, where he 
 found ingenuity (for he was learned and eloquent), 
 other times corrosives, telling them these oppositions 
 proceeded more from stubbornness in opinion than 
 tenderness of conscience ; and so betwixt his argu- 
 ments and kingly authority, menaced them to a con- 
 formity, which proved a way of silencing them for 
 the present." * 
 
 " You are aiming," he exclaimed, " at a Scots 
 presbytery, which agrees with monarchy as do God 
 and the devil. Then shall Jack, and Tom, and Will, 
 and Dick meet, and at their pleasures censure me, 
 and my council, and all my proceedings. Then Will 
 shall stand 
 
 up 
 
 say 
 
 shall reply and say, Nay, marry, but we will have it 
 
 * Wilson, Complete Ilistovy. 
 
Scots 
 God 
 
 Will, 
 
 ! me, 
 Will 
 
 Dick 
 five it 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 287 
 
 1()20— 1048.] 
 
 thus ; and therefore here 1 must once more reiterate CHAmai 
 my former speech, and say Le roi s'avisera.' — 
 
 " Was there ever such a king since Christ's time !" 
 exclaimed Bishop Bancroft, who was one of the 
 audience. 
 
 " Your majesty speaks by the special power of 
 God," added the aged Whitgift. 
 
 t/ames expressed his own opinion, that he had 
 '^ soundly peppered the Puritans." 
 
 The bishops having thus got the upper hand, 
 turned the opportunity to their advantage. The 
 Puritan ministers were silenced, imprisoned, and 
 exiled. At length, after two unsuccessful attempts 
 at escape, a large company assembled on the sea- 
 shore near the mouth of the Humber, and set sail 
 for Holland. They established themselves first at 
 Amsterdam, and then at Lcyden, where they were 
 joined by brethren in misfortune. Their company 
 became very numerous. Poverty compelled even 
 their ministers to work hard for bare subsistence. 
 Brewster, who had formerly been a diplomatist, con- 
 fined himself to preaching. Others learned me- 
 chanical trades : Bradford became a dyer. The 
 safety in which they lived acted, in the opinion at 
 least of their leaders, imfavourably on their minds. 
 Their zeal languished for want of opposition. The 
 more active spirits among them grew tired of indo- 
 lent security — they longed for room to expand, for 
 influence, for power, for liberty to regulate their own 
 affairs uncontrolled by any superior, or by any law 
 
 .■■;'. il 
 
 '» 
 
 ■■ / 
 
 
 ?*l 
 
 I 
 
 

 ',■■' * ■ < 
 
 
 i' , (ij-- ... 
 
 ■' - ;' 
 
 
 
 i -v. . • i 
 
 
 '.■* * "l 
 
 
 i , ■ 
 
 
 t ■■' 
 
 
 
 ^ ■ 
 
 
 288 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [i620— 1G48. 
 
 cnAPTER except their own. The ministers, too, began to 
 — - fancy that the example of the Dutch soldiers, who 
 were fighting under Prince Maurice, and who were 
 anything but rigid moralists, exercised a sinister in- 
 fluence over the younger portion of their flock. 
 They turned their eyes to Virginia. 
 
 Application was made to the Plymouth or Northern 
 Company of Virginia. The territories of the com- 
 pany had remained unoccupied ever since the grant 
 of James in 160G. Several expeditions which had 
 been sent out had failed, and the grant itself was 
 almost in abeyance. They obtained their land upon 
 ruinous terms : the labour of each emigrant was to 
 be considered equivalent to a capital sum of 10/., 
 and to be thrown into a common stock ; at the 
 end of seven years the profits were to be divided. 
 This arrangement gave rise to the idea that in 
 possessing all things in common they were imi- 
 tating the primitive Christians. So says Robert- 
 son.* But though their conduct was in many points 
 marked by the spirit of the early Christians, they 
 never imitated them in money matters when they 
 could help it. In this instance their arrangement 
 with the Plymouth merchants left them no alter- 
 native, and they reverted to the more ordinary 
 rules of private property as soon as they could. The 
 enforced system of community of goods was imme- 
 diately and inevitably productive of inconvenience ; 
 it was, of course, the interest of no one in particular 
 
 * Hist. America, book x. 
 
 '^'^- 
 
 ■"fl 
 
inary 
 The 
 
 EXODUS OF THR WESTEIlN NATIONS. 2S9 
 
 1G20— 1G4S.] 
 
 to be industrious, so that it was found necessarv CiiAmi? 
 
 . . . "^ Nl. 
 
 to introduce the most arbitrary regulations into — 
 
 the code of laws which they drew up on landing : 
 activity and diligence were secured on pain of 
 whipping. 
 
 Cold and famine terribly thinned their numbers : 
 at one time the living were scarcely numerous enough 
 to bury the dead ; l)ut amidst their sufferings the 
 Puritan emigr its remembered with thankfulness 
 that at least they were free from religious persecution. 
 They were, as had been stated in tlie memorial of 
 Robinson and Brewster, " weaned from the delicate 
 milk of their mother-country, and knit togetber in a 
 strict and sacred band whom small things could not 
 discourage, nor small discontents cause to wish them- 
 selves home again." James I. did as much as he could 
 bv severe usaffe to drive all those who in any wav stood 
 forward as the champions of civil and religious liberty 
 into the ranks of the Puritan party. ]\Iany men of 
 talent, especially among the ministry, sought in 
 America that freedom which they were every day 
 less able to enjoy at home. John Cotton, the most 
 esteemed of all the Puritan ministers, was among 
 the refugees : he was threatened with the censure 
 of the king's ecclesiastical commissioners, which his 
 secession had long invited, but which his personal 
 character and popidarity had hitherto averted : 
 he took with him several of the same views as 
 himself. But if he liad emigrated for conscience' 
 sake, he found in America many whose consciences 
 
 VOL. T. U 
 
 VB 
 
 
 V ■ 
 
 V 
 
 i. 
 
 
 
1' .'' 
 
 
 ^1 ■ 
 
 ■ ■■ ^ U: ■ 
 
 . ■;:f: 
 
 ^■»;^« 
 
 III 
 
 290 EXODUS OF THE WKSTEPiN XATIOXS. 
 
 [U)L10— 1G48. 
 
 OiiArTER were even more tender than liis own. The red 
 — cross on the EngHsh banner was a stumbllno;-block 
 to some ; the presence of ladies when lie said grace 
 scandalized others. The latter seems a strange rock 
 of offence, but is re})orted by credible historians. 
 ISFrs. Hutchinson, the wife of the governor of 
 Massachusetts, and her ladies, treated him very flip- 
 pantly. They sent him a present of candles as a hint 
 that he wanted more spiritual light. 
 
 After a few years the limits of the colony began 
 to spread. They were joined by other parties of 
 Puritan emigrants, who rapidly pushed forward in 
 all directions from tlie original settlement at Ply- 
 mouth, They had gone out without any sanction 
 from the king, their form of government had 
 therefore not been decided for tliem. They looked 
 for no protection ; but they counted on being free 
 from interference. They made their own laws, ap- 
 pointed their own government, and, in fact, became 
 completely independent. They hesitated at first 
 about inflicting capital punishment, but they had no 
 scruples about whijjping, branding, or the pillory. 
 They soon got rid of their qualms respecting the in- 
 fliction of the punishment of death, and hanged their 
 criminals with easy consciences. Their political po- 
 sition was much more agreeable than that of their 
 neighbours in the royal colony of Virginia. There 
 the king was perpetually meddling ; he aj^pointed 
 the governors, he tried to control all the proceed- 
 ings of the company to whom he had delegated his 
 
20—1048. 
 
 'he red 
 rr-block 
 d grace 
 Q-e rock 
 ^torians. 
 L'nor of 
 cry flip- 
 LS a liint 
 
 y began 
 irties of 
 ward in 
 at Ply- 
 sanction 
 ent liad 
 !y looked 
 Aim free 
 aws, ap- 
 , became 
 at first 
 had no 
 pillory, 
 o- the in- 
 ged their 
 itical po- 
 of their 
 , There 
 ppointed 
 proceed- 
 gated his 
 
 Y 
 
 1 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 25)1 
 
 ir,20— 1G48.] 
 
 authority, but no one dreamed of molesting the 
 New Englanders. They went on their own path in 
 peace. Flying from monarchical tyranny in the Old 
 World, it was natural that they should bring demo- 
 cratic notions to the New. Many of them had lived 
 in I Tolland, and had gazed with admiration on the 
 republican institutions which the Dutch had esta- 
 blished W'ith so much courage and patriotism. Their 
 first care was to declare that the laws which they 
 framed should be governed on the strictest principles 
 of democracy. The only restraint by which they 
 were hampered was the bargain by which they held 
 their land : it has been already stated that the com- 
 pany received payment in labour, not in money. 
 At length the settlers were able to scrape together 
 enough money to pay off the proprietors : from that 
 time their advance was rapid. 
 
 After the death of James I. they obtained a con- 
 firmation of the concession made to them by the 
 Plymouth company, by a charter from King Charles. 
 The king's supremacy is so carefully asserted in this 
 document that some historians have expressed sur- 
 prise tliat Puritans should have emigrated with such 
 confidence of immunity from persecution ; but it is 
 evident that there was a general and full imderstand- 
 ing, that though no formal stipulation existed, ample 
 latitude Avas to be allowed. The king's supremacy 
 w^as never the point on which tliey w^ere uneasy, for 
 the utmost loyalty prevailed ; and it is also presumable 
 that the king w^ould make some concessions in order to 
 
 V 2 
 
 CiiAr ir.p. 
 XI. 
 
 , I ■ 
 
 • . '1.. 
 
 
^I;ii'l' 
 
 f; 
 
 ' '! 
 
 / ' 
 
 :;'! 
 
 ■ I 
 
 r 
 
 292 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1620—1048. 
 
 (Jhapteu obtain the settlenioiitof bis distant dominions, especially 
 — '■ as very considerable reluctance bad been displayed to 
 going tbere. The new colony proved so attractive 
 that diaries became alarmed, and published a pro- 
 clamation " to restrain the disorderly transportation 
 of bis Majesty's subjects, because of the many idle 
 and refractory humours wliose only end is to live 
 beyond the reach of authority." Lord Nugent 
 thinks* that John Hampden and his cousin Oliver 
 Cromwell were in one of the ships which were 
 stopped at the moment of sailing in accordance with 
 the king's proclamation. HamjDden bought an exten- 
 sive tract of land in A'^irginia,f no doubt under the 
 impression that political events might take such a 
 turn as to make it useful to him at some future dav : 
 but it does not appear tlint he did more than send 
 out an agent to take possession, and subsequently 
 "sold the land in 1G36," says Miss Aikin. If the 
 story be true, Charles I. must often have regretted 
 his opposition to the voyage of Cromwell and 
 Hampden. They could have done little against him 
 in America ; but in England they could measure in- 
 tellects ^Y\i\\ him — swords, too, if necessary, in a 
 manner which should prove to all men that the 
 weapon of the red-nosed brewer was the sharper of 
 the two. 
 
 * Life of Hampden, vol. i. p. 254. f Miss Aikin, Life of Charles I. 
 
 ii, 
 
KXUDUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 20.3 
 
 1(114 — 1048.] 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 ' M 
 
 DUTCH SETTLEMENTS AT MANHATTAN AND IN BRAZIL. 
 
 NEW SWEDEN. 
 
 [ICU— 1048.] 
 
 Hudson's Voyage — Assombly of XIX. — Swodisli Eniigratiuii — Cession of 
 
 the Dutch Settlement. 
 
 In 1G13, when Argall retiu'iied from his expedition chapteb 
 
 against the French settlement at Port Royal, he 1 '. 
 
 found a few hovels on the island of ^Manhattan, which 
 had heen erected during his absence by the Dutch. 
 
 A few years before, Hudson, an Enj^lish naviirator 
 who had been twice engaged by London adventurers 
 in a search for the north-west passage, took service 
 with the Dutch. Under their directions he went to 
 America, where he coasted alorm' the shores of Yir- 
 ginia. Accident caused liira to round the narrow 1009 
 spit of land called Sandy Hook. He thus found him- 
 self ill the magnificent bay of New York, whence, 
 after a short delay, he proceeded to explore the river 
 which now bears his name. Holland had scarcely 
 attained independent existence as a state, when she 
 thus founded an offshoot in America. The truce 
 
 ■■^A 
 
 
 m 
 
 w 
 

 
 I,: ■• •.. 
 
 .( ,' 
 
 ■lu 
 
 294 EXObUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1014—1048. 
 
 CiiAiTEu with Spain was signed in April ; and in September 
 — '■ Hudson landed at Ne-.v York. 
 
 Tliu union of the United Provinces was in its very 
 nature commercial. Zealand and Holland are both 
 so surrounded by the ocean that their industry 
 naturally takes a maritime direction. Their plains 
 are with difficulty kept from the sea ; their popula- 
 tion from earliest youth are accustomed to be afloat. 
 Before their emancipation they had hardly money to 
 keep their dykes in repair. In a few years they 
 found themselves raised to opulence, and possessed of 
 the maritime supremacy of the world. That su- 
 premacy was only to be kept and increased by per- 
 severance in enterprise. They possessed no forest ; 
 yet they built more ships than any other nation. 
 They had not a field of flax ; yet they had large linen 
 manufactures. They had no flocks ; but Ihey were 
 the centre of the woollen trade. They ];ad no corn 
 land ; but they had the best-stocked granaries in the 
 world> They were the connecting link of the scat- 
 tered ends of the world — the commercial centre and 
 emporium. This was the secret of the Dutch emi- 
 gration. Their religion was free at home. They 
 liad just won its freedom through a bloody revolution 
 and dire persecution. Theirs was no flight for con- 
 science' sake, as the English Puritan emigration was 
 a few years later. Nor was it of a romantic or ad- 
 venturous kind, lilvc the A'irginian emigration wliich 
 had just begun. It was an expedition purely mer- 
 caatile. Vi'oiii and loss slu'ewdly calculated — no 
 
 i-^il 
 
 it^a* .. 
 
4— 1G48. 
 
 tember 
 
 ts very 
 c both 
 idiistry 
 plains 
 popiila- 
 I afloat, 
 oney to 
 rs they 
 Bssed of 
 hat sii- 
 by per- 
 forest ; 
 nation. 
 !;e linen 
 )j were 
 10 corn 
 in tliG 
 10 scat- 
 ;rc and 
 ;h emi- 
 They 
 olution 
 'or con- 
 Ion was 
 or ad- 
 which 
 
 y 
 [1 
 
 nier- 
 — no 
 
 EXODUS OF TJIE WESTERN NATIONS. 295 
 
 1014—1048.] 
 
 anticipations of gold and silver mines — no desire for CuAnKu 
 showy conquest. TJie merchants who fitted out the - — '■ 
 expedition were men of intensely practical views ; 
 and they carried out their ideas after a fashion de- 
 lightfully quaint and matter-of-fact. 
 
 The first explorers who followed Hudson on the 
 part of the Dutch, received from the States-General 
 a monoj)oly of the trade of the country they had dis- 
 covered for four years. They, however, did not 
 form a corporation ; nor had they, till 1(314, any 
 establishment, and then only a small trading post 
 near Albany. There was no colony ; not a single 
 family had emigrated ; a few commercial agents 
 w^ere alone to be found there : and as yet the Dutch 
 made no claim to the country, which was within the 
 limits of the English colony of Virginia. During 
 the long suspension of hostilities, the United Pro- 
 vinces had increased with unexampled rapidity in 
 commerce and in power. Tliey had taken a position 
 as a maritime nation second only to England, They 
 had consequently obtained a considerable influence in 
 Europe. In 1()20, when the twelve years' truce with 1(520 
 Spain was on the point of expiring, the Statei,- 
 General eiicoura2:ed the formation of a mercantile 
 association under the name of the Dutcli West India 
 Company. An East India Company already existed, 
 which possessed the exclusive trade, so far as the 
 Dutch were concerned, of the Indian and Chinese 
 Heas, and of tlie Pacific shores of America. The 
 West India Com[»aiiy was incorporated for twenty- 
 
 ■. ■ ;i 
 
 ■•v.t 
 
 '> :. ■« 
 
 f'; 
 
i^:';:^ 
 
 
 ::'i 
 
 / , - '."■ 
 
 t 
 1 
 
 ■."./■ , 
 
 'h- ■ . 
 
 1 
 
 I- 
 
 ■A' 
 
 % 
 I 
 
 'i 
 
 C'l 
 
 2'M EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [lC14-l(;4y. 
 
 lAi'TKR four years ; and among other privileges had the ex- 
 clusive right of trade between Holland and the whole 
 eastern coast of America from Newfoundland and the 
 Straits of Magellan.* Subscription to the joint stock 
 was open to men of every nation ; and the States- 
 General presented to the company half a million of 
 guilders, besides becoming stockholders to the amount 
 of another half million. The States-General did not 
 guarantee any possessions wliich the company might 
 acquire. In case of war they were to be known only 
 as its allies and patrons. There were seventy-four 
 directors, who were divided into five chambers, one 
 for each principal city of the republic. Eighteen 
 members fomied a central board, to which the States- 
 General sent one in addition : this body, wliich be- 
 came almost absolute, figures prominently in Dutch 
 colonial history as the Assembly of XIX. 
 
 It was not strange that a company which treated 
 with its own government on teiins of absolute 
 equality should acquire vast political power : we 
 find it repeatedly interfering in matters of the highest 
 state policy, and expressing its opinion, not imsuc- 
 cessfully, on questions of pi.'ace and war. 
 
 (.Colonization was neither the real nor the avowed 
 object of the com])any : no provision was thought 
 of for securing civil rights to any colonists that might 
 emigrate under its auspices. A large part of its 
 resources consisted of plunder wrested by its armed 
 ciiiisers from Spnnish merchantmen. Its settlement 
 
 * La Iviclit'ssc dv llnllaiuU', luiii. i., HL'. 
 

 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. lii»7 
 
 1G14— 1G4S.] 
 
 on tlT> Hudson was for many years but an incon- Chai-tku 
 sideral}le trading station, whence a few bundles of — 
 peltries were annually brought. It was not till a 
 later day, when circumstances had conferred on its 
 possessions at ^Manhattan some increase of value, that 
 the company thought of asserting territorial jurisdic- 
 tion. SjDanish prizes were far more remunerative 
 than honest trade : privateering was carric;d on with 
 such success that on one occasion alone the bootv of 
 the company amounted to eighty times the value 
 of their whole American trade for the four previous 
 years.* 
 
 The early authorities recorded their transactions 
 with great care, but none of the records, cither of 
 Director ]Minuit's or of Director Yon Twiller's ad- 
 ministration are forthcoming. The archives of the 
 Netherlands constitute one of the richest depositories 
 of historical information in Europe, commencing at 
 the period of the union of Utrecht, and continuing 
 down to the French Revolution. But valuable as is 1579 
 the information which may there be gleaned, the 
 papers of the Dutch AVest India Company, which 
 had the entire direction and supervision of the colony 
 of New Netherlands, would be of still greater interest 
 for our inmiediate purpose if only they could be dis- 
 covered. In 18 11 the lei»'islature of the State of New 
 York scjit an agent to Europe to collect documents 
 to illustrate the history of America : it was supposed, 
 until the researches of the American agent proved the 
 
 * Hiuicrol'l, Hist. I'liilcl SlaU's, 'JiiD. 
 
 
 • ^1 
 
 ■• . "I i' •' 
 
S^} 
 
 XII. 
 
 K'1:^ 
 
 1 |,V" 
 
 f: 
 
 I ■ 
 
 1 t 
 
 1 
 
 ' 1 
 
 ' "',*\^ 
 
 : 
 
 p;;* 
 
 1' 
 
 t 
 
 ) 
 
 ,1 
 
 208 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1614— l(i4S. 
 
 CiiAi>Ti:u reverse, that tliese records, commencino; from the for- 
 matioii of the company in 1G21, were preserved com- 
 2)lete at Amsterdam. It was mortifying to discover 
 tliat all documents belonging either to the East or 
 to the West India Companies, of a date prior to 1700, 
 had been sold by auction at the desire of the govern- 
 ment of the Netherlands. 
 
 Papers, however, which remain in the archives of 
 the Netherlands throw a very curious light on the 
 intentions and views of the United Provinces in 
 establishing their West India Company, and of the 
 political status of the company itself. From the first 
 it was not concealed that the company was looked 
 upon principally iu the light of an effective scourge of 
 the Spaniards. No people ever acted upon the 
 maxim of making war pay for war more thoroughly 
 than the Dutch. Their commercial prosperity ever 
 increased most rapidly in times of commotion. The 
 VVest India Company, as long as their privateers 
 were permitted to prey ujion Spanish commerce, 
 saved the States-General the expense of a fleet. It 
 had, besides, a merit which a fleet could not have. 
 If its energetic prosecution of the war sliould involve 
 more than ordinary diplomatic difliculty, its actions 
 could be disowned. It is curious to remark, as one 
 may do in the " New York MSS.," how rapidly the 
 l)()litical authority of the Assembly of XIX. increased. 
 At first they meddled only indirectly in affairs of 
 state, and acted under the sanction of the States- 
 General ; but a few years later we find tlieni iutei- 
 
.4— 1()4.S. 
 
 the for- 
 d com- 
 iiscover 
 East or 
 1700, 
 
 jovern- 
 
 lives of 
 on tliG 
 iiccs in 
 L of the 
 tlie first 
 loolvL'd 
 )nro:c of 
 )on tlie 
 
 ty ever 
 
 I. 
 
 The 
 
 Lvatccrs 
 
 nmerce, 
 
 pet. It 
 
 t have. 
 
 involve 
 
 actions 
 
 as one 
 
 llv the 
 
 creased. 
 
 fairs of 
 
 t^ 
 
 II niter- 
 
 i( 
 
 EXODUS OF Till'] WESTERN NATIONS. 299 
 
 1G14— 1G48.] 
 
 fering* with the States-General themselves, even on 
 questions of peace or war, and interfering successfully. 
 In 1G24 the amhassadors of the States-General in 
 England wrote a secret despatch,* informing their high 
 mightinesses, that the day hefore, the Prince of ^\"ales 
 had sent to them the first lord of his hedchamher, to 
 
 * Holland Documents in New York, Col. MSS., !>. 33 :— 
 
 •' 4:th June, 1G24. — My lord, the I^-ince of AVales, sent Mr. Caer, first 
 lord of his bedclianihcr, some days a'j;o to us, and requested us, through 
 him, that ■\ve woidd believe that Sir Ferdinand tieorges, Goveriior of 
 Portsmouth, is an honest and honourable gentleman, and that we should 
 so consider him, in whatever he had to transact with us, without the 
 above-named Cacr knowing anything of what the above-menliimed Sir 
 Ferdinand had to do with us, or the |iur[iort of the aforesaid accom- 
 modation. 
 
 *' 4:(h June. — The aforesaid Sir Ferdinand Georges came to us, and made 
 known that he and his being disposed to annoy the Spaniard, (jue of his 
 sons, who is in New England, proposes some notable enterprises in tiic 
 West Indies. And inasnnich as he, scing the uncertainty of the resolu- 
 tions in England, was afraid that his son, having performed the exploit and 
 coming home, may be comiilained of in consequence to the king; he 
 ]irayed that incase the King of Cireat Britain remained in friendship with 
 the King of S[)ain, his son may be guaranteed by your High Mightinesses, 
 and commission granted him to annoy the King of Spain in your name. 
 "We [iraised liis good dispusition, and said that the exploit, when achieved, 
 could be best avowed. That otlierwise, when naval commissions wei'c 
 issued by your High Mightinesses, they were formerly maintained. He 
 said he made no diflioulty as to that ; and, afterwards, put his request in 
 writing, -which we have brought over to your High Mightinesses.t 
 
 " Wo have heard, itc. 
 
 " (Signed) Fkanx'Oys Van Aersskn. 
 
 " Thus done and communicated by us, undersigned, 
 
 " Alb. JoACiuJi.'' 
 
 t Extract from the Journal of the Dutch Ambassadors in England. 
 (From the original in the Hoyal Archives, at the Hague.) 
 Extract of the Journal or Iteiiort of the ^lessrs. I .aneis van Aerssen, 
 Lord of Sonnnelodyk, iSrc, and Albert Joachim, Lord at Ostend in Oude- 
 kenskerckeu, And)assadors iVmn the States-General of the United Nether- 
 lands, near the King of (i real Britain, from February to duly. 1624. 
 
 C'n.MTKll 
 
 N[r. 
 
 , II 
 
 M 
 
 ■ M 
 
 k 
 
 f ■ ; 
 

 
 1 
 
 i 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1' ■ 
 
 300 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEHN NATIOMS. 
 
 *rU ''■ 
 
 
 « 
 
 t .>'r ^ 
 
 [1G14— ltj4H. 
 
 CiiAiTEu present to tliem Sir Ferdinand Georges, Governor of 
 — Portsmoiitli, as an honest and lionoiirable gentleman, 
 and to request that they would so consider him in 
 whatever he had to transact with them. Also, that 
 Sir Ferdinand Georges had made known to them 
 " that he being disposed to annoy the Spaniard, one 
 of his sons, who is in New England, proposes some 
 notable enterprises in the West Indies," and he 
 therefore begged that in case the King of Great 
 Britain remained in friendship with the King of 
 Spain, his son might have a commission from 
 their high mightinesses to annoy the Spaniard. 
 " We praised his good disposition," add the ambassa- 
 dors, " and said that the exploit, when achieved, 
 
 1624 could be best avowed." Great Britain was then at 
 peace vrith Spain ; and it is somewhat curious to find 
 the Prince of Wales and a prominent official of 
 England conspiring with one ally to levy war 
 upon another. It must be remembered in explanation, 
 if not in extenuation, of the Prince of Wales's con- 
 duct towards a nation from whose king lie had just 
 received the most cordial and generous reception, 
 that he was at that moment meditating the ru])ture of 
 his marriage engagement with the Infanta of Spain, 
 and he well knew that any conduct tending to hu- 
 miliate the Spaniards would be extremely po2)ular in 
 England. A few years later, the company argue 
 and act like a body fully confident of their position, 
 and well aware of tlie great extent of their power. 
 They pul forward the warfiire waged l>y tlie com- 
 
nor of 
 email, 
 lira in 
 ), that 
 
 them 
 d, one 
 
 some 
 
 ncl he 
 
 Great 
 
 ug of 
 
 from 
 miard. 
 ibassa- 
 lieved, 
 hen at 
 to find 
 
 ial of 
 
 Y war 
 
 lation, 
 
 s con- 
 
 ul just 
 
 option, 
 
 ture of 
 
 Spain, 
 
 to hu- 
 
 ular in 
 
 argue 
 
 :)wition, 
 
 power. 
 
 I' coiu- 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 301 
 
 
 IG14— 1648.] 
 
 par;" on the Spaniards in the conviction that it Chaitku 
 would be considered as good service done to the — 
 state ; they evidently beHeve that tlie position they 
 occupy fully entitles them to treat or. equal terms 
 with the supreme authority of the state. 
 
 A renewal of the truce witli Spain had been pro- 
 posed by the States-General,* and it appeared at one 1020 
 moment likely that the project would be carried to a 
 conclusion. It was time for the West India Com- 
 pany to step in : they urge, that though their com- 
 pany was principally established to increase trade 
 and commerce, " without which the groat multitude 
 of seamen bestowed by God on this country cannot 
 be employed," it was ecpially important to keep a 
 check upon the King of Spain. They assert that the 
 lands vet remainino- undiscovered in America are 
 not sufficiently rich or productive to afford remune- 
 rative employment to their merchants ; that the 
 Spaniards possess the richest portion of the country ; 
 that, in plain terms, it is easier to plunder the 
 Spaniards than to maintain honest industry : if, 
 therefore, say the Assembly of XIX., you make a 
 truce with the Spaniards, whom shall we plunder, 
 how shall we live ? They proceed to give at con- 
 siderable length ten excellent reasons against the 
 truce, which may be thus epitomized : " First, It 
 was a difficult matter to get up the company, and it 
 
 * It will be remembored that a truce for twelve years was made between 
 Holland and Spain in KiO;). At tlic expiry of the truce, hostilities were 
 punctually recimuuonocd in 1(121. 
 
 ••<« 
 
 
 
 .H:| 
 
1' .1'. •' 
 
 < ■ 1 : 
 
 ^0:i 
 
 (■■ 
 
 
 < . 
 
 Wi 
 
 |i.-i'; 
 
 ■I: 
 
 1 
 
 ,'1 1 . •!.;, I 
 
 302 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1014—1048. 
 
 Chapter would bc .1 pity to let SO miicli labour and expense be 
 — tlirown away. Secondly, Yon, high mightinesses, 
 are large shareholders — a million of guilders ! so if 
 Ave snfter, vou share our misfortunes. Thirdly, The 
 capital is all paid up, and we earnestly desire the 
 spread of the reformed religion, [The connection 
 between these two reasons is not very ajiparent.] 
 Fourth, We employ many ships, which would other- 
 wise be idle. Fifth, We have improved the build of 
 ships. Sixth, We have over a hundred vessels of 
 large tonnage, all fitted for war. Seventh, We have 
 fifteen thousand sailors.. Eighth, Wo have victualled 
 and fitted the ships before mentioned with warlike 
 stores for eighteen months. Ninth [gradually 
 coming to a climax]. We have provided all our 
 ships with heavy guns, over four hundred metal 
 pieces, and two thousand swivels, besides ' pede- 
 reros ' more than six hundred. Finally, One 
 hundred thousand pounds of powder ! We have im- 
 ported vast wealth. AVe say nothing of elephants' 
 teeth and the like, but * the capture of the fleet from 
 Spain amounted to so great a treasure, that never 
 did any fleet bring such a prize to this or to any 
 other country.' We have now, ' during some con- 
 secutive years, plundered the enemy and enriched 
 the country,' with indigo, sugar, ' the handsomest lot 
 of cochineal ever brought into this country,' and 
 other matters ; and w^e have * captured some even of 
 the King of Spain's galleons, hitherto considered in- 
 vincible.' " 
 

 EXODUS OF THE WESTEP.N NATIONS. 
 
 r.03 
 
 t— 1048. 
 
 nse be 
 iiesses, 
 ! so if 
 y, The 
 re the 
 lection 
 arent.] 
 
 otlier- 
 milcl of 
 sscls of 
 e have 
 jtualled 
 warlike 
 adually 
 all our 
 i metal 
 
 ' pcde- 
 y, One 
 ave im- 
 ipliants' 
 ;et from 
 t never 
 
 to any 
 ne con- 
 
 nriclied 
 mest lot 
 fv,' and 
 
 even of 
 
 ered in- 
 
 1014—1048.] 
 
 Certainly a very convincing' document. It is plea- Ciiaitf.u 
 sant to remember that tlieir hio-li inio-htinesses did '- — '■ 
 not make truce. On tlie contrary, they kept up the 
 war till it was five-and-twenty years old, with great 
 glory, and not a little profit in the matter of prize- 
 money, Stadtholders Maurice and Henry Frederick 
 showing well in front all the time, and developing 
 great mih'^ary talents, as all historians agree. 
 
 The American head-quarters of a company so 
 Avarlike in its operations could not fail to acrpiire 
 some importance. It is true, as the company once 
 stated to the States-General,* that colonization was 
 difficult for the Dutch, " not so much through lack of 
 population — with whicli our provinces abound — as 
 from the fact that all avIio are inclined to do any sort 
 of work here, procure enough to eat without any 
 trouble, and are therefore unwilHng to go so far from 
 home on an uncertainty." It is stated, in the same 
 memorial, that the people transported to America by 
 the company " have not been any profit, but a draw- 
 back to the company." 
 
 Nevertheless, around the block-house on Man- 
 hattan the cottages of New Amsterdam began to 
 cluster. The country assumed the form of a colony ; 
 and Peter Minuits, the commercial agent of the Dutch 
 West India Company, held for six years the office of 
 governor.! 
 
 The colony was quaint and rude in its beginnings ; 
 
 * Holland Documents in New York Col. MSS., i. 33. 
 t P.ancrofl, Hist. Unilcd States, 298. 
 
 .'f 
 
 V. 
 
 
'■fi ' 
 
 1 < ' .'■- 
 
 
 i* ■♦ 
 
 / 
 
 
 r 
 
 : : { 
 
 
 
 XII. 
 
 304 EXODUS OF THE WKS'i'EIIN NATIONS. 
 
 [u;i4— ir,4s. 
 OitAPTER it was composed chiefly of ].>nnters and Indian 
 traders. The vessels of the Dutcli penetrated every 
 inlet and navigated every river in search of fur-bear- 
 ing animals. In tlie little settlement the straw roofs 
 and the windmills of Holland were reproduced with 
 fond minuteness. Feudal institutions were introduced. 
 The emigrant who would within six years undcrtalce 
 to plant a colony of forty-eight souls, became a 
 patroon or lord of the manor, with absolute power 
 over the territories he nii^-ht colonize. It was not to 
 be expected that the Dutch, who were ruled by an 
 oligarchy in Holland, would take much pains to in- 
 troduce political institutions of a democratic character 
 into America. There was no popular legislature. 
 The power of the governor was absolute, and the 
 patroons stood to him in the same relation as the 
 great French seigneurs to the monarchy. The mono- 
 polizing spirit which every European nation of chat 
 day considered it nccessar^^ to exhibit towards its 
 colonies was soon in active operation. Manufactures 
 were strictly protected. Xo emigrant might make 
 any woollen, linen, or cotton fabric, on pain of exile. 
 It is tolerably easy to make such institutions — to 
 confer rights and privileges — but not always so easy to 
 keep the privileged person in order. The patroons soon 
 came into constant collision with the Assembly of XIX. 
 In 1G34 the disputes between these two parties 
 came to a crisis, and had to be referred to the States- 
 General for arbitration. The patroons conducted 
 their argument in a very lengthy and rather an in- 
 
 1G34 
 
I V s'V • 
 
 [ndian 
 every 
 I'-Lcar- 
 r roofs 
 (1 with 
 )dncecl. 
 lertake 
 jamc a 
 power 
 5 not to 
 [ by an 
 s to in- 
 laracter 
 slature. 
 md the 
 as the 
 2 mono- 
 of chat 
 ds its 
 actnres 
 make 
 exile. 
 ons — to 
 easy to 
 nis soon 
 fXIX. 
 parties 
 States- 
 iiducted 
 an in- 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 305 
 
 1014— 1G48.] 
 
 coherent manner, wliich may be read at lengtli in tlie 
 " Holland Documents."* The company, as might 
 be expected from a powerful corporation, behaved 
 haughtily and disdainfully : causing the patroons to 
 exclaim, " Alas ! your high mightinesses will remark 
 what damage the change of 23ersons and the unsteadi- 
 ness of humours have brought on this praiseworthy 
 company and the good patroons."! Their principal 
 and not unreasonable cause of complaint was, that the 
 company gave them large privileges, encouraged them 
 to spend a great deal of money, and then entirely duped 
 them. Their freedoms, they say, were undermined. 
 The patroons were commanded to do things wliich 
 experience taught them were impracticable. " Yea, 
 all their exemptions were drawn into dispute ;" and 
 the absolute power granted to them proved to be 
 absolutely without value ; for the company asserted the 
 right of exclusive trade in peltries — exclusive right of 
 importing goods — exclusiv e right of doing anything 
 by which a profit could be made. It seems evident that 
 the company in the endeavour to encourage emigra- 
 tion, and at the same time to keep the trade of the 
 colony in their own hands, had outwitted themselves. 
 It was impossible for men residing in Europe to 
 maintain local privileges against men living in 
 America. Their own agents appropriated the best 
 lands and defied their distant power. No result fol- 
 lowed the reference to the States-General, except a 
 
 * Holland Documents in New York MSS., i. 85. 
 t Ibid. 
 
 VOL. I. X 
 
 ClIAPTKIl 
 
 MI. 
 
 ■•'>»l 
 
 ♦ * 
 
 
i '. ' 
 
 .:■': 
 
 t 
 
 
 h ■ ■■ 
 
 ' s ' 
 
 ,■',■ 
 
 ' ,i 
 
 t •• 
 
 
 ■:■/'"■ 
 
 '•V 
 
 
 
 306 
 
 EXODrS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 y}'-t: 
 
 • ^iii 
 
 
 If 
 
 i'^ 
 
 i« 
 
 [1614— 1G48. 
 
 Chapter new project of extended freedom wliicli was never 
 — put into execution. 
 
 Meanwhile the English emigrants, before so 
 friendly, began to establish themselves all round the 
 little Dutch settlements, and the English n^erchants 
 could by no means be brought to understand that tlie 
 trade of the Hudson River with his Majesty's planta- 
 tion of Virginia was not open to his Majesty's ships. 
 The Massachusetts men, with their enthusiasm and 
 zeal for popular liberty, quite overpowered the more 
 phlegmatic Dutchmen. The neighbours quarrelled 
 a great deal ; but on the whole the position of affairs 
 was not for a considerable time materially disturbed* 
 The New York MSS. narrate many of these disputes. 
 On one occasion a testy English master mariner 
 demanding compensation of the States-General, 
 stirred up a diplomatic flurry between London and 
 Amsterdam. The Spanish ambassador's hand is 
 visible in the squabble, too, and the Dutch factors 
 behave with grotesque impertinence. It is the first 
 of the quarrels which ^^ose between England and 
 Holland, and which terminated in the cession of New 
 Netherlands. 
 
 Ambassador Joachim writes thus to the States- 
 General : — 
 
 " Messrs. William Cloberry, &c., merchants here in 
 London, having fitted out a ship to trade on Hudson's 
 Eiver as they call it, have been prevented to traffic 
 there and in that vicinity by the Dutch West India 
 Company. Deeming themselves injured thereby, 
 
 
 i 
 
 ■I ' 
 
14— 1G48. 
 
 3 never 
 
 ore so 
 lund the 
 erchants 
 that the 
 ■5 planta- 
 r's ships, 
 asm and 
 the more 
 uarrelled 
 of affairs 
 listurbed- 
 disputes. 
 
 mariner 
 -General, 
 idon and 
 
 hand is 
 h factors 
 
 the first 
 land and 
 of New 
 
 States- 
 
 ts here in 
 
 iHudsons 
 
 to traffic 
 
 [est India 
 
 thereby, 
 
 XII. 
 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 307 
 
 1014—1648.] 
 
 they pretend to demand reparation for their damages. Chapter 
 Previous, however, to submitting their complaints to 
 the king or the lords of his Majesty's council, they 
 concluded to speak to me and place the information 
 in my hands, to see if they could obtain satisfaction 
 voluntarily for what they claim. Copy of the afore- 
 said information accompanies this. I have also sent 
 a like copy to the directors of the aforesaid company. 
 Parties have given me the name of a person who 
 offered them a good sum of money for the claim, in 
 order, as they say, that these complaints may be added 
 to the other grievances. For tlie Spanish ambas- 
 sador gathers together all that can be collected 
 against your high mightinesses and your subjects 
 with a view to provoke and foster misunderstandings 
 among this nation against your high mightinesses 
 and the inhabitants of the United Netherlands. 
 
 " To this they seem to attach altogether too much 
 credit. Some months ago, disputes broke out here in 
 presence of the king and his Majesty's council between 
 those who have the king's charter for Virginia and 
 those who sail to colonize New England. A noble 
 lord, who regrets to perceive that there is any mis- 
 understanding between the English and Dutch 
 nations, has informed me that the aforesaid disputes 
 did not arise because the parties above-mentioned 
 were suffering any injury the one from the other, but 
 in order to pick a quarrel with the Dutch about the 
 possession of New Netherlands. The aforesaid lord 
 was of opinion that the disputes above mentioned 
 
 X 2 
 
 !: 
 
 ■I 
 
!■ ■ 
 
 I: 
 
 xri. 
 
 * ■ ( 
 
 .'!■ 
 
 308 EXODUS OF THE WESTEKN NATIONS. 
 
 [1614—1648. 
 
 Cmaptkr were forged in the Spanish forge. He asked if the 
 Diitcli could not be disposed to pay the king some 
 acknowledgment for what they occupy there. I cut 
 him off from all hope of that. The intrigues of the 
 Rpnniards are many and palpable. They have great 
 advantage, because your high mightinesses' power at 
 sea is looked on with great jealousy here. I humbly 
 crave your high mightinesses to make such an order 
 that I may know by the first opportunity how I am 
 to act further in this matter. The right way would 
 be to leave these people to the law. But I fear that 
 this case would not be allowed to be tried in the 
 ordinary manner, inasmuch as the question of the 
 king's jurisdiction is mixed up in it, &c., &c. 
 
 " London, 27th Mai/, IQUr 
 
 There * seems no reason to doubt that .Toachim was 
 in the right, and that the Spanish ambassador 
 fomented the quarrel to which he refers. The 
 occasion of dispute was that a certain vessel " The 
 William," of London, was fitted with divers goods to 
 be transported to Hudson's Bay adjoining unto Vir- 
 ginia, within his Majesty's dominions, there to be 
 trucked and bartered away for beaver skius, &c. 
 That the ship reached the Hudson Iliver (on her 
 voyage to Hudson's Bay !) and was stopped by the 
 Dutch factors, and with many indignities forced to 
 return. " The governor," (the Dutch factor, director 
 Van Twiller, who was there at that time,) " did bid 
 them to bee gone — and the governor and others of 
 
 
.11 
 
 4—1648. 
 
 if the 
 ^ some 
 I cut 
 of the 
 e great 
 )wer at 
 lumbly 
 a. order 
 \Y I am 
 <■ would 
 !ar that 
 in the 
 of the 
 
 11 m was 
 tassador 
 The 
 " The 
 oods to 
 bo Tir- 
 to be 
 us, &c. 
 on her 
 by the 
 reed to 
 lirector 
 hd bid 
 lers of 
 
 \u. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 309 
 
 1G14— 1G48.] 
 
 his companie came into the said shalloppe and did chafer 
 sticke greene bowes about her and carried a trum- 
 petter with them . . . and by the way the said 
 trumpett was sounded — (sounded," says another 
 witness, " in a triumphing manner, in despite of ye 
 Enghshe), and the Dutch drancke a bottle of strong- 
 waters of three or fower pints, and w(^.re very 
 merrie." Gross injustice coupled with derisive ges- 
 tures would have been annoying enough, even if 
 they had been unaccompanied by more solid incon- 
 venience. But in this instance the expulsion cost the 
 unfortunate master " four thousand pounds sterling 
 at the very least, beside what they might have got in 
 trade with the natives." The quarrel was referred by 
 the Council of XIX. to the States-General in a very 
 temperate paper, in which they urge the propriety of 
 a proper boundary being drawn between the King of 
 England's dominions and those of the States-General. 
 But the latter had all along declared that they would 
 not be answerable for the protection of the company's 
 lands, for which, as they plainly declare, the company's 
 own fleet sliould suffice. The quarrel was thus nar- 
 rowed, much to the advantage of the P]nglish, to a 
 dispute with a trading corporation only, and not with 
 the States-General. As a natural consequence, the 
 victory remained with the parties most in earnest, viz., 
 the New Englanders. The^e and such-like quarrels 
 soon proved that the P]iiglisli were by no means con- 
 tent to allow the Dutoli to settle uninterrupted (Jii the 
 Hudson. Sir Dudley Carlton, ambassador from Eii<2 
 
 Xf 
 
 • ' ' I 
 
 ■4 
 
 'to 
 
§■ 
 
 I : 
 
 
 i. 
 
 (■' 
 
 h 
 
 310 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G14— 1648. 
 
 Chaptek land to the Hague, had several years before sent in the 
 ^- — '■ following peremptory notice to the States-General : — 
 
 " Several of his English subjects, lords and other 
 persons of station and quality having a long time ago 
 taken possession of all the precincts of Virginia, and 
 planted their settlements in certain parts of the 
 northern quarter of said country, which takes its 
 name (Nova Anglia) therefrom — his Majesty, de- 
 siring the successful issue of so sacred and useful an 
 enterprise, which tends to the advancement of the 
 Christian religion and the increase of trade, granted 
 several years ago, as is notorious to every one, by his 
 letters patent, quiet and full possession of the whole 
 of the said country to several private individuals. 
 Notwithstanding whicli he is informed that some 
 Hollanders have last year landed in some parts of 
 said country, and there planted a colony, altering the 
 names of the ports and liarbours, and baptizing them 
 anew after their fasliion, intending to send thitlier 
 otlier ships for tlie continuance of said plantation, and 
 that, in fact, tliey liave now six or eight vessels all 
 ready to sail thither. 
 
 " Now, H. M. having incontestably tlie right to 
 the said country (jure prima) occupationis), has com- 
 manded me to represent to you the state of said 
 affair, and to request you, in his name, not only 
 that the ships {dready equipped for said voyage may, 
 by your authority, be stopped, but also that the ulterior 
 prosecution of said [)lan(ation may be expressly for- 
 bidden. 
 

 4__1G48. 
 
 in the 
 ral : — 
 
 other 
 ne ago 
 ia, and 
 of the 
 lea its 
 ty, de- 
 eful an 
 
 of the 
 vranted 
 • by his 
 } whole 
 vidiials. 
 .t some 
 |iarts of 
 
 ng the 
 them 
 
 thitlier 
 on, and 
 ssels all 
 
 o-llt to 
 
 las com- 
 f said 
 t only 
 e may, 
 Iterior 
 >ly for- 
 
 XII. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 311 
 
 1G14— 1648.] 
 
 " Which, gentlemen, you will take, if you please, Cilxitku 
 into prompt deliberation, communicating to me, at 
 the earliest, the answer which I am to make liis 
 Majesty on your part." * It was therefore evident 
 that so many causes of quarrel must eventually pro- 
 duce a rupture of friendly relations. 
 
 Though, for many years, the Dutch forts re- 
 mained in the hands of tlie company, they soon 
 became surrounded by English settlements. Hart- 
 ford was the first to fall into the hands of the cn- 
 crciching settlers ; and, as these became more 
 numerous, they invaded New Netherlands. If Eng- 
 lishmen could urge any shadow of claim to Hartford, 
 they could at least advance none to Manliattan : 
 but the States-General looked on with apathy, and 
 saw, without a remonstrance, the arms of Holland 
 thrown down from the great standard post on Long 
 Island, where they had remained since the time of 
 Hudson, and replaced by some grimly humorous 
 Massachusetts men, with the effigy of a fool's head 
 with cap and bells. 
 
 A short time after tlie New England invasion 
 the colony was almost annihilated by the Indians. 
 The Dutch at last confided their defence against 
 their savage assailants to one of the reckless Indian 
 fighters of New England, whose manner, tinctured 
 with the licentiousness as well as the bravery oP the 
 soldiers of his day, had procured his banishment from 
 
 * Sir l)u llcy Ciivleton's Memorial to tlic Statcs-Ucncral. State Taper 
 Oirice, lloll-.ad, 'Jth February, KVJ'J. 
 
 A. 
 
 .. 'ti. 
 
 .'Il 
 
 
 a\ 
 
hi' .< 
 
 * I 
 
 »'. 
 
 ii 
 
 r 
 
 • .■( 
 
 
 1(118 
 
 312 EXODUS OF TriE WTTSTFRN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G14— 1G48. 
 
 Chaiteu Massachusetts. He was placed at the head of an 
 
 XII. 
 
 army of 120 men; and the Dutch burghers made 
 their bargains in peace. New Netherlands, like all 
 young colonies, demanded for its development perfect 
 freedom of trade ; this the Assembly of XIX. were 
 not willing to grant : it had borne all the expenses 
 of the foundation of the colonv : it would tolerate no 
 interloper. But it was not easy to establish a super- 
 vision over such distant possessions — the monopoly 
 could not be enforced : it was replaced by export 
 duties. Meanwhile the settlers from New England 
 continued their encroachments on the Dutch ; Stuy- 
 vesant, the governor, knowing that the States would 
 under no circumstances incur a war to save their 
 colony, went himself to Hartford to do what he could 
 by negotiation ; but he could only postpone for a 
 time the inevitable evil. 
 
 The operations of the Dutch West India Company 
 were not confined to the shores of the Hudson, nor, 
 indeed, was the settlement at Manhattan, which had 
 already been several years in existence when the 
 company was formed, the principal object to which 
 they directed their attention. The Dutch remembered 
 tliat when they had resolved to sail into the East 
 Indies, thoy had succeeded, notwithstanding the 
 enmity of the " Portingales," who " then inhabited 
 and had strong forts therein, and far surpassed their 
 power for (juantity of s]ii])s." The trade of the East 
 had become so enormously valuable that in 1(308 it 
 was estimated al ibrty-fliiee niilliojis of guilders, it 
 
14_1G48. 
 
 1 of an 
 rs made 
 
 like all 
 , perfect 
 X. were 
 sxpcnses 
 erate no 
 a super- 
 onopoly 
 export 
 England 
 
 ; Stuy- 
 ^s would 
 v^e their 
 lie could 
 le for a 
 
 ^ompany 
 
 on, nor, 
 
 icli had 
 
 len the 
 
 which 
 
 Qmbered 
 
 le East 
 
 the 
 
 labited 
 
 ed their 
 
 he East 
 
 1608 it 
 
 erw. It 
 
 iijo; 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 313 
 
 1G14— 1648.] 
 
 was also computed that it had "yielded to the ciis- Ciiaiiku 
 toms, in the space of seven years, no less than thirty- — 
 five tons of gold, and the proceeds of the succeeding 
 seven years were still greater."* They determined 
 to invade the as yet untouched monopoly of the 
 Spaniards and Portuguese in America, and trade 
 directly with Brazil and the Spanish Main. With 
 characteristic caution, they at first sent out a few 
 ships only, laden with the goods of neutral powers. 
 They then began to trade for hides to Cuba and His- 
 paniola, where the buccaneers offered a ready market. 
 By degrees they insinuated themselves into other 
 branches of the West India trade, — sugar, rare woods, 
 ginger, and cochineal. But in 1624 a fleet went 
 out on a less peaceful mission. Tliey seized San Sal- 
 vador in Brazil, whither, in the following year, they 
 sent a garrison of 1300 men from Holland. In 1G28 
 they succeeded in capturing the Spanish plate fleet 
 on its homeward voyage, and rifled the settlements 
 in Cuba. Fifty per cent, was declared upon the paid- 
 up capital of the West India Company that year.f 
 Two years later they seized St. Eustache and 
 Curafoa, and undertook the invasion of Brazil. 
 
 A sketch of the Portuguese government of Brazil, 
 up to the time of Thome de Souza, the first governor- 
 general, has already been given. De Souza was 
 recalled, at his own request, in 1557; he was suc- 
 ceeded by Duarte de Costa, who established a great 
 
 * McCuUaj;!), Imluslriiil History of Frco Nations, vol. ii. p. 324. 
 t lUid., I). 328. 
 
 •i -■ •■ r 
 
iill. i ■ 
 
 
 pxm 
 
 I!". 
 
 314 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G14— 1648. 
 
 Chaitku Jesuit college on tlie beautiful j^lains of Piratininga, 
 — whence they rapidly extended their missions over the 
 interior, and particularly along the banks of the 
 many navigable rivers with which Brazil abounds. 
 Da Costa was, in his turn, succeeded by the celebrated 
 Mem da Sa, under whose government Culigny's 
 colony was established by Yillegagnon.* After the 
 expulsion of the French, the Portuguese settlements, 
 which extended in a narrow fringe along the sea- 
 coast, were so harassed by the Indians, that had it not 
 been for the influence which the Jesuits had acquired 
 over the natives, they must have been completely 
 destroyed. Mem da Sa ruled for fourteen years. On 
 one occasion a successor was sent out to supersede 
 him ; but Spanish or Portuguese ships steering for the 
 coasts of South Americi^,, were always compelled to 
 run the gauntlet of the buccaneer cruisers of the 
 English and French. Luiz de Yasconcellos, the 
 governor elect, was killed in action off Terceira, on 
 his way to take possession of his viceroyalty, and 
 the company of Jesuits, which, as a matter of course, 
 accompanied a new governor, were all massacred by 
 a French pirate. At the death of Mem da Sa, the 
 command was intrusted to Luiz de Almeida. The 
 
 J 579 year 1579 was disastrous to the Portuguese; 
 for King Sebastian, with the chief of his nobility, 
 was cut off during an expedition against the 
 Moors, and Philip II., sending Alva with an army 
 of Spaniards into Portugal, defeated Antonio, 
 
 Aid, 
 
 127. 
 
14—1(548. 
 
 bininga, 
 )ver the 
 of the 
 bounds, 
 ebrated 
 jligny's 
 Fter the 
 ements, 
 the sea- 
 id it not 
 Lcquired 
 iipletely 
 irs. On 
 ipersede 
 ^ for the 
 elled to 
 of the 
 OS, the 
 eira, on 
 y, and 
 course, 
 cred by 
 Sa, the 
 \. The 
 ug'uese ; 
 lobiHty, 
 list the 
 n army 
 bitonio, 
 
 XII. 
 
 1593 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 315 
 
 1014—1648.] 
 
 the reigning king, and annexed his crown to Ciluteu 
 that of Spain. The Portuguese colonies became by 
 this means involved in the quarrels of the Catholic 
 League. The Spaniards took little interest in posses- 
 sions so far inferior to their own in mineral resources. 
 Neither gold nor pearls, silver nor emeralds, were to 
 be found there : they neglected tlie defence of 
 Brazil just at the time when the freebooters of 
 Elizabeth had discovered that it was worth plundering 
 and unable to resist attack. Cavendish infested the 
 coast with his pirate ship in 1591, and sailed up 
 the Thames, after one of his successful forays, with 
 topsails made of cloth of gold. Two years later, Sir 
 James Lancaster toolc Pernambuco. Lancaster had 
 been bred up among tlie Portuguese, had served with 
 tliem as a soldier, and dwelt among them as a mer- 
 cliant ; he turned his acquaintance wnth the place 
 to base advantage by seizing the city, which he 
 sacked, and loading his fleet with treasure, sailed 
 home to England. From this time the progress of 
 the Spanish and Portuguese colonists w^as only inter- 
 rupted by occasional skirmishes with the natives, 
 imtil in 1G30 a Dutch fleet of forty-six sail arrived 
 at Pernambuco, landed 3000 troops, who assaulted 
 and took the city of Olinda, and subjugated the whole 
 capitania of Pernambuco. In a few years the cap- 
 taincies of Hamaraca, Paraiba, and Rio Grande were 
 added to the Dutch possessions. John Maurice, Count 
 of Nassau, a near relation of the stadtholder, was 
 ai)pointed to the command, with the high-sounding 
 
 1G30 
 
 ■ ■••i 
 
 ■•■•■' i 
 ** ' L 
 
 
 i. y-t 1 '■. 
 
 ■-, :'>4j 
 
 '■ „>/>.i ' 
 
1" 
 
 ■ It 
 
 
 
 ' V • 
 
 ,'' .' ' ■ 
 
 I 
 
 f ■ " 
 
 it 
 
 (■ 
 
 W ■ 
 
 
 ( ; 
 
 ■ 1 
 
 I 
 
 '.I, , 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 :l':. '1 
 
 
 310 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1614—1648. 
 
 CiiAiTER title of Governor of Brazil and South America. He 
 — broiiglit with him sufficient troops to maintain his 
 ground against the utmost efforts of the Portuguese. 
 In 1G40 a fleet of ninety ships was sent from Spain, 
 with orders to drive the Dutch from the coast. They 
 were met by a small squadron, under the Dutch 
 admiral Loos, who beat off his assailants, but was 
 himself killed in the action. His successor. Admiral 
 Huyghens, fought the Spaniards for three successive 
 days, and on the last drove them with much loss on 
 the rocky shallows near the coast. Many died of 
 hunger and thirst, some perished by drowning. Of 
 all the great armada, only five crippled vessels crept 
 back to Spain. 
 
 ] 640 was the year in which Portugal successfully 
 asserted her independence. It was not probable that 
 the Portuguese and Dutch who had, in their common 
 hatred of the Spaniards, such a bond of union, 
 would remain long at enmity. The Count of Nassau, 
 forseeing the probability of a peace between his 
 country and Portugal, and the impediment which 
 would thereby ojDpose itself to his further aggression 
 in Brazil, determined to get as much Portuguese terri- 
 tory as pv^K.,- jle into his hands, during the short war 
 time that remained. He recovered the captainship of 
 Sergippa, and in the following year the island and the 
 whole of the rich captainship of Maranham. In June, 
 1G41, peace was signed between Portugal and the 
 States-General. The Assembly of XIX. by this time 
 exercised the same unwise interference with their Bra- 
 
 1640 
 
 1641 
 
 ii 
 
1014—1648. 
 
 ica. He 
 ntain his 
 rtiigiiese. 
 m Spain, 
 St. They 
 le Dutch 
 but was 
 Admiral 
 ;uccessive 
 1 loss on 
 r died of 
 ling. Of 
 3els crept 
 
 ccessfuUy 
 
 pable that 
 
 * common 
 
 >f union, 
 
 f Nassau, 
 
 •veen his 
 
 Lit whicli 
 
 ^'g-ression 
 
 ese terri- 
 
 lort war 
 
 nship of 
 
 1 and the 
 
 In June, 
 
 and the 
 
 this time 
 
 leir Bru- 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 317 
 
 1014— 1G48.] 
 
 zilian jwssessions as had produced so much discontent 
 on the Hudson. A large number of the inhabitants of 
 the Dutch provinces, eKi)ecially those engaged in the 
 cultivation of sugar, were Portuguese. AVlien, there- 
 fore, the Assembly of XIX. began to press heavily 
 upon them for large contril)ution«, not only in sugar 
 and Brazil wood, but in money, the wishes of the 
 Portuguese peasantry turned to their own countrymen, 
 who were not more tyrannical than their new masters, 
 and had at least the advr* ge of not being alien in 
 race. Count Maurice icpresented in vain the im- 
 policy of the demands made by the company, and at 
 length returned home in disgust, taking with him 
 thirteen ships of war and the greater part of his 
 forces. The government of Dutch Brazil was then 
 intrusted to a commission, consisting of a merchant 
 of Amsterdam, a goldsmith of Haarlem, and a car- 
 penter of Middleburg — men who were r,3 unfit to 
 undertake the government of a great and turbulent 
 province as Prince Maurice would have been to build 
 a house or make an emerald locket. They endea- 
 voured to perform their duty by punctually executing 
 tlie orders of their employers. So successful were 
 their exactions, that a revolt was organized under the 
 advice and countenance of the Portuguese viceroy. 
 The leader of the insurgents, John Fernandez Veira, 
 had been originally a butcher's apprentice in Portu- 
 gal, then a page to one of the merchants of Olinda, 
 and, after its capture, the factor of one of the Dutch 
 sugar plantations. This man led the malcontents 
 
 C'lIAl'TKll 
 
 XII. 
 
 1644 
 
 '..1 
 
 ..•I I 
 
 ',•'. 
 
;, 
 
 
 318 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [IfiU— 1048. 
 
 CiiAiTKu with extraordinary skill and good fortune. For some 
 — • time a war was carried on between Holland and Por- 
 tugal. Several fleets were sent to Brazil w^tli rein- 
 forcements ; but in spite of all exertions the Dutch 
 were eventually compelled to abandon the last of the 
 possessions w^hich they had acquired in Brazil. 
 
 In the mean time a new power claimed a share of 
 Northern America. While the New Englanders en- 
 croached on the Dutch in the east of New Nether- 
 lands, the Swedes sent a colony to Delaware Bay. 
 K;29 In 1629 Gustavus of Sweden had found himself at 
 the head of the league which was to protect the 
 princes and states of the empire against the en- 
 croachments of Austria ; success at home induced 
 him to follow the example of Holland, and to en- 
 deavour to extend his dominions to the west. An 
 adventurer named Wsslinx was the prime adviser 
 of the king in this matter ; he was a Nether- 
 lander, and had long been devoted to the study of 
 colonization. The scheme which he proposed bore 
 the impress of the practical Dutch character. The 
 English always pretended, in their charters, that one 
 of their principal objects was the spread of Chris- 
 tianity among the natives ; Wsslinx, after the fashion 
 of the Dutch, regarded the settlement of new 
 countries merely as an advantageous speculation. 
 Political questions which might arise in the 
 affairs of the colonv were reserved for the deci- 
 sion of a royal council, on the ground that such 
 matters did not concern merchants, and were be- 
 
r>14— 1G48. 
 
 ^^or some 
 and Por- 
 ith rein- 
 le Diitcli 
 st of the 
 il. 
 
 , share of 
 iders en- 
 Nether- 
 are Bay. 
 imself at 
 otect the 
 the en- 
 ) induced 
 id to en- 
 est. An 
 adviser 
 Nether- 
 study of 
 osed bore 
 er. The 
 that one 
 of Chris- 
 He fashion 
 of new 
 culation. 
 in the 
 he deci- 
 hat such 
 lere be- 
 
 
 HXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 319 
 
 KIM 1G48.] 
 
 v»)iid tlieir province.* It was ur^'ed that slave-hihour Chapteb 
 
 . . . . XII. 
 
 was admitted in the colonics of other nations, and '. — '. 
 that still those colonies prospered ; but it was not 
 considered advisable to introduce it into New 
 Sweden. This unwillingness proceeded not from 
 motives of humanity, but from economical considera- 
 tions : "Slaves," say the framers of the charter, 
 " cost a great deal, labour with reluctance, and soon 
 perish from hard usage ; the Swedish nation is 
 laborious and diligent : surely we sliall gain more by 
 a free people with wives and children. "I 
 
 Gustavus took a wider view of the matter than 
 that presented by Wsslinx and his fellow-workmen. 
 He saw that troublous times were coming. The 
 power of the pope was beginning to revive. It 
 seemed almost as if the insurrection, which had 
 been carried on at such cost against intellectual ser- 
 vitude, was likely to be at length suppressed. 
 Gustavus was himself loudly called upon to con- 
 tribute his strength and genius to the defence of 
 the Protestant cause. It was natural that he should 
 look at his project of establishing a colony in the 
 light of a security to those 'who had become fugi- 
 tives for religion ; a benefit to the whole Pro- 
 testant world. Before Gustavus could carry out 
 his intentions, the langer of Europe became so 
 imminent, that he was forced to suspend his pro- 
 ject, and place himself at the head of the Protestant 
 forces. In alliance with France, he made a de- 
 
 ■ .J 
 
 i: 
 
 * Arsonautica Gustaviana. 
 
 t Jliiil. 11. 
 
1 - 
 
 32<) 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 k=:'' 
 
 ■V'l 
 
 
 £ ::| 
 
 11 
 
 [ir,i4— ir48. 
 CiiAiTKu scent on Germany ; unci, in little more than two 
 — years and a half, a great part of it snbmitted to his 
 arms. The Battle of Lnt/en was glorious for the 
 Protestant canse ; but the victory was won at the 
 expense of the life of its champion — Gustavus 
 l^erished on the field, after having made dispositions 
 which insured the victory to his soldiers. 
 
 Oxenstiern, the chancellor and friend of Gustavus, 
 carried out the views of his master. Minuits, who 
 had been disgraced by the Dutch, and deprived of his 
 government of New Amsterdam, offered his services to 
 Sweden : they were accepted ; and, though various 
 delays opposed themselves to the carrying out of the 
 design, it was accomplished in the year 1 638. The spot 
 selected for the Swedish colony was on the beautiful 
 banks of the Delaware : land was purchased from the 
 natives ; a fort was erected, and called Christina, 
 after the young Queen of Sweden. 
 
 Although the great Gustavus was dead, and his 
 sceptre held by the weak hand of a young girl, the 
 work which he had begun in Europe was still carried 
 on successfully. A new war had been undertaken 
 against Denmark, whicli terminated gloriously for 
 1045 Sweden at the peace of Bromsbro'. The States- 
 General were therefore deterred, by the success of 
 Swedish arras in Europe, from offering more than a 
 mild protest against the invasion of their transatlantic 
 territories, although the new settlement was within 
 the limits claimed by their West India Company. 
 They adhered firmly to their often-expressed maxim, 
 
 I" ■■ i 
 
14—1048. 
 
 xn two 
 J to Ilia 
 for the 
 at tlic 
 riistavus 
 lositions 
 
 ustavus, 
 lits, who 
 3d of his 
 rvices to 
 various 
 it of the 
 The spot 
 beautiful 
 from the 
 !hristina, 
 
 and his 
 girl, the 
 ll carried 
 iertaken 
 >usly for 
 
 States- 
 
 iccess of 
 
 le than a 
 
 satlantic 
 
 Is within 
 
 smpany . 
 
 maxim, 
 
 
 KXODl.'S (»F TUF, Wr.STKIlX NATION'S. 3-21 
 
 ]r,14— KM^.] 
 
 tliat the Council of XIX. must look after tluM'r (nAmi: 
 own foreign possessions, and that they must expect " — 1 
 no help from the parent State. In the mean time 
 Swedish emio-ration liad lar^'elv increased. The 
 ships were so crowded that many families were 
 unable to ohtain a passage to the New World. By 
 1040, the haidvs of the Delaware, from the ocean to 
 the falls, were known as New Sweden. The Dutch, 
 and the Swedes continued, although regarding each 
 other with jealousy, at peace till lO')!!, when the 
 Dutch governor, marching against them with an 
 army of six hundred mon, compelled them to ac- 165ti 
 knowledge Dutch supremacy. 
 
 The Dutch, though they could outnumher and 
 conquer the >wedcs, could not maintain an inde- 
 pendent existence. They were jealously watched 
 from home : ihey enjoyed only a mockery of liberty : 
 their neighbours in New England and in Maryland 
 were free, and enjoyed all the advantages of inde- 
 pendent states : many of the Dutch and Swedish 
 settlers went over to the English provinces and be- 
 came absorl)ed in the pojmlation of those happier 
 lands. The very soldiers deserted. While New 
 England increased rapidly in population, the streets 
 of New Amsterdam became a solitude. 
 
 In New England and in Virginia pauperism was 
 unknown, for the people governed and worked for 
 themselves. In New Netherlands the poor Avere so 
 numerous that it was almost impossible to provide for 
 their assistance. In New England schools were kept 
 
 VOL. I. Y 
 
 • >. i 
 
 ■;*! 
 
..'t 
 
 
 322 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [IGU—ICAH. 
 
 Chapter up for tliG education of voiitli ; in New Netlierlandi-5 
 
 XII. ^ "^ ^ 
 
 — there were no schools at all. When danger threat- 
 ened New England, every ahle-bodicd man turned 
 out for its defence ; in New Netherlands the in- 
 liabitants alleged that it was the duty of the States- 
 General to protect them. The company would not 
 risk its dividends in defence of its subjects ; the 
 subjects would not risk their lives in defence of tyran- 
 nical maiiters. Out of such a dilemma there could be 
 1664 but one escape : the Dutch colony was ceded io the 
 Eng'lish, and the Hollanders, retaining only some 
 island at that time insignificant in the Spanish main, 
 thenceforth disappear both in the north and the 
 south from the history of American colonization. 
 
 . ,!■ 
 
 W 
 
EXODUS OF THK WES'l'EFN NATIONS. 
 
 323 
 
 J_1G4H. 
 
 erlancb 
 threat- 
 turned 
 tlic in- 
 States- 
 mld not 
 ts; the 
 »f tvran- 
 conld be 
 \ lo the 
 Iv some 
 sh main, 
 and the 
 ion. 
 
 1625—1600.] 
 
 PTEK 
 
 XII r. 
 
 CHAPTER XITT. 
 
 MANNERS AND MODE OF LIFE IX THl-l COLONIES AT THE 
 
 TIMF OF CROMWELL. 
 
 [1625— ICOO.] 
 
 Quarrels between Charles I. and tlio rarliaracnt — Virginian Legislature 
 recognized — Charles quarrels witli the Scotch — Croimvell — Kxecution 
 of Charles — The Commoinwaltli — Social Condition of Virginia — C New 
 Plymouth — Of the French Cohniies. 
 
 Charles I. began liis rcii^n under evil auspices. Tn q,,^ 
 breaking off the Spanisli marriage to please himself 
 iio iiad acted in accordance with the views of the 1^2.5 
 popular party: the applause which had rewarded 
 his renunciati(m of an alliancce which was distasteful 
 to the nation, induced him to believe that he was 
 very much beloved : he hastened to meet his Parlia- 
 ment. War had been declared by Spain immediately 
 after the unwortiiy insults of Ikickingham and Charles. 
 England could not meet her assailants without funds, 
 but Charles imagined tJiathe should obtain ample sub- 
 sidies without trouble : lie was soon undeceived. 
 The Commons insisted that their grievances should 
 be inquired into before they proceeded to su]-)j)ly. 
 Even James had never .set the dangerous precedent 
 of raising money without the consent of Parliament ; 
 
 Y 2 
 
 '•*» 
 
 ' 1 
 
 
 V. 
 
 I 'r. 
 

 ' .1 - 
 
 H.: ~ 
 
 Ml .1 
 
 :<■ '„ ' ' 
 
 ; ; ■(■ 
 
 !i 
 
 Ohafteu 
 XIII. 
 
 102G 
 
 102" 
 
 324 EXODUS OF TIIK AVESTEl^N NATIONS. 
 
 [1025—1000. 
 
 but tliG new kinp;'s indlg-n.ition at tlio opposition lio 
 encountered was so great, tliat lie attempted to raise 
 money by letters under bis privy seal, witliout tlie 
 assent of tlie two otber estates of tbe realm. He 
 called anotber Parliament ; it impeacbed Bucking- 
 bam : tbe Iving tbrew tbe movers of tbe impeacb- 
 ment into prison, and endeavoured to i-nise a forced 
 loan. Tbe troops wbicb bad returned from a fruitless 
 expedition to Cadiz were billeted in private bouses ; 
 tbe gentry wlio refused to contribute to tbe loan 
 were imprisoned ; tbe peasantry were impressed into 
 tbe navy or tbe army. Tlie tyranny of tbe king 
 was of a cbaracter wbicb affectcl not only political 
 rigbts, but personal liberty : v^diile tbe servile 
 prir'^tbood jireacbed passive resistance, ib.e soldiers 
 committed outrages on tbe families upon wdiom tbey 
 were quartered. As if all tbis was not enougb, tbe 
 king added to bis crimes a blunder : be engaged in 
 a war witb France, 
 
 One of tbe cbief articles of iinpeacbment against 
 Buckini»'bam was tbat be bad assisted I^icbelieu against 
 tbe Huguenots: tbe mattei' on wbicb tbe Commons 
 most stronglv insisted was relief for tbe Puritans at 
 bome, and aid for tbe Huguenots abroad. Bucking- 
 bam imagined tbat if be could eflect a diversion in 
 favour of tbe Huguenots by bringing about a war 
 witb France, tbe feeling of tlie Englisb people would 
 turn in bis favour. An expedition was undertaken 
 to relieve Pocbelle : it was led by 1bicki]ii::bam iu 
 person, and failed ridiculously. Wbile be was 
 
 
tion lie 
 to raise 
 out tlic 
 1. He 
 ueking'- 
 npencli- 
 i, forced 
 fniitless 
 liouses ; 
 he ioan 
 sed into 
 he kiii,!2: 
 political 
 servile 
 
 soldiers 
 01 n they 
 Lio'h, the 
 
 :aged in 
 
 against 
 
 against 
 ommons 
 ^itans at 
 iiicking- 
 jrsion in 
 it a war 
 
 (' would 
 lertaken 
 :;liam in 
 
 ho was 
 
 xiir. 
 
 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 325 
 
 IU23— 1G60.] 
 
 engaged in Ibrming a second expedition with the Chai'i-ei{ 
 same object, he was assassinated by Felton. 
 
 The king was by this time in extreme waid^ of 
 money. Forced loans were again resorted to, and 
 soldiers a^^'ain billeted on private persons. But the 
 supplies obtained by these illegal means were totally 
 inadequate to supply the king's necessities. As a last 
 resource, a Parliament was assembled which proved 
 as intractable as their predecessors. They inade a 
 bargain with the king: thay voted him five sub- 
 sidies on condition that he would solemidy engage 
 never again to resort to forced loans, benevolences, 
 taxes without the consent of the people, arbitrary im- 
 prisonment, the billeting of soldiers in private houses, 
 or martial law. The king acceded to the terms pro- 
 posed. He accepted the five subsidies, and declared, 
 with tears in his eyes, that he was entirely reconciled 
 to his Parlianienl. No experience had any effect 
 upon the king: within six months all was again in 
 confusion : the house met after the recess to exclaim in 
 terms of indignation against his pei'fidy. Taxes had 
 again been illegally raised, troops again billeted on the 
 people : after one of the most stormy scenes recorded 
 in pariianientary history, a resolution was carried con- 
 demnatory of tiie royal proceedings. The s[)eaker 
 declared that th(^ king luul forbidden any such (pies- 
 tlon to 1m' proposed. He was held down by force in 
 his ehaii' : tlie doors were locked, ami the resolution 
 carried, while the king's messenger knocked in vain 
 to summon them lo the bar of the Lords. 
 
 '^» 
 
 'V.J 
 
 ■>.' 
 
 ■O^ 
 
 
> 
 
 J 
 
 f ■ ■■' 
 
 • r 
 
 ^'U 
 
 N' ,► 
 
 , ■ !■ 
 
 
 -I' 
 
 (.,. I 
 
 CllAl'lER 
 
 xnr. 
 
 •;.n:^' 
 
 326 EXUDL^S OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G25— lOtiO. 
 
 For ten years Charles governed without the aid 
 of ParMament. The Petition of Right was disre- 
 garded in every particular. Every kind of illegal 
 impost was levied. The Puritans were fined, muti- 
 lated, imprisoned, branded, hunted to death. Many 
 fled to America — at first in small numbers, but after- 
 wards in very considerable companies. It has been 
 mentioned in a former chapter that James I. had died 
 just as he was prej)aring to despoil Virginia of its char- 
 ter : his son found other means to put his transatlantic 
 subjects to account. Though jorofoundly ignorant on 
 colonial affairs, he fully understood the pecuniary 
 value of monopolies. He conceded the sole suj^ply of 
 the Britisli tobacco market to the Virginians, and sent 
 an intimation tliat he was })repared to become through 
 1(320 his agents the sole factor of the company. This hap- 
 pened at the time of his expedition to Rochelle, the 
 time of the murder of Buckingliam, and the presenta- 
 tion of the Petiti(m of Eight. Charles's frantic efforts 
 to dispense witii Parliament altogether in the Old 
 World, curiously enough inaugurated representative 
 institutions in America. He desired that an assembly 
 might be summciied to consider his proposal : the 
 assembly met : it protested against the proposed 
 monopoly ; but it hod assembled by the king's com- 
 mand, and had received the royal sanction to its 
 deliberations. Thenceforward it could plead the royal 
 instructions in justification of its right to assemble. 
 
 In the years wliich followed, the colony increased 
 in numbeis and in civil freedom. One bv one the 
 
>5— 1060. 
 
 he aid 
 i disre- 
 illegal 
 I, muti- 
 Many 
 t after- 
 is been 
 ad died 
 ts cliar- 
 atlantic 
 rant on 
 cuniaiy 
 pply of 
 nd sent 
 liroiigh 
 lis hap- 
 ;lle, the 
 -esenla- 
 3 efforts 
 blie Old 
 ntative 
 sembly 
 1: the 
 oposed 
 s coni- 
 to its 
 e royal 
 lible. 
 jreased 
 ne the 
 
 ^V 
 
 xiri. 
 
 EXODUS or THE WESTERN NATIONS. 327 
 
 1625— IGGC] 
 
 old oppressive statutes were repealed : and at length, CiiAnEu 
 partly owing to the exertions of the House of Bur- 
 gesses, and partly to the apathetic indifference of the 
 English authorities, wlio never interfered except 
 when it a2:>peared possible to screw out of Virginia 
 a little money for the exhausted treasury, the Vir- 
 ginians were left at liberty to manage their own 
 affairs as they pleased. 
 
 Tlie colony, planted by Royalists and replenished 
 almost exclusively by Royalist emigrants, was strongly 
 attached to church and state. AVhile their liberties 
 were in abeyance they could be radical enough : 
 when these were established they stopped short and 
 showed great dislike to further political change. At 
 first tlicy entertained no desire to persecute the Puri- 
 tans, wlio were invited to quit the inhospitable land 
 of the North, and join the Virginian colony. Puri- 
 tan merchants establislied themselves on the James 
 River. Evx'ii the obnoxious Brownists received the 
 offer of an asylum. " Xeither surplice nor subscription 
 is talked of," said Win taker. But the political revo- 
 lution in England changed this state of things. The 
 Parliament was in arms against the king : to tole- 
 rate Puritanism was to encourage a republican party : 
 a Puritan was not only a religious sectarian, ho 
 was a levelling politician. None of the evil effects 
 of Charles's tyranny had fallen upon the colonists ; 
 they enjoyed nearly all the liberties wliicli a mo- 
 narch could concede without losing his sui)remacy. 
 There was a small party in the colony ior the 
 
 
 ■'■tl 
 
 1013 
 
 ',< 
 
 ■ ■ ,r.| :. .,1' 
 
 :,'! 
 
 ■' 'i\ 
 
 ,-' 111- 
 
 
 , v. . 
 
 a- 1 
 
 fl 
 
 
 1 
 
i 
 
 I- 
 
 II- 
 
 
 EXUUL'S OF 'HIE WESTEUN NATIONS. 
 
 ■ 
 
 1 I''".' ' 
 
 ,1 » 
 
 !■■ 
 
 
 ( ;■ 
 
 [1625—1000. 
 
 c;!iAriEi{ Parliament, but tlie main boJv was staricli for tlio kino*. 
 
 — lutercomvsc between Ll}e Virg-Inians and ^ew Eng- 
 land became less frequent. Puritjin ministers were 
 for})idden to preach ; Nonconformists were banisbed ; 
 " A'irginia was whole for monarchy,"* and Charles, 
 long- after he was a fugitive among the Scots, was 
 still, in the minds of the colonists, sovereign of Vir- 
 
 lt)48 m'uia. In 1G48 the number of the colonists exceeded 
 twenty thousand. Twelve English ships, twelve 
 Hollanders, and seven from New England, were 
 trading to the James River. They possessed all the 
 advantages of political independence. They had a 
 teeming soil, they were governed by laws themselves 
 luid made. Little ac'itated bv the storms which 
 agitated the mother-land, they were free, contented, 
 and happy. 
 
 Charles was not more fortunate with his Scotch 
 than with his English subjects: he resolved to in- 
 troduce episcopacy into Scotland : the reading of 
 
 1637 the Liturgy in tlie cathedi-al church of St. Giles was 
 the signal for an outbreak. The 2)eople looked upon 
 the surplice and the book of the primate as marks 
 of popery ; the bishop escaped with dilKculty out of 
 the hands of the mob, and the civil power was called 
 in to turn the rioters out of the church. The 
 Scots rose in rebellion. Charles was unpi'e})ared with 
 means to su})port his measrn-es with a high hand : he 
 hesitated and temporized : the Scots api)ointed a 
 [irovisional government : they then raised an army 
 
 * llarnond. 
 
 ■ ■ i) 
 
25— IGGO. 
 
 le king. 
 V Eiig- 
 I's were 
 iiislicd ; 
 Jliarles, 
 )ts, WilS 
 of A'ir- 
 xceeded 
 
 twelve 
 I, were 
 
 all the 
 J had a 
 niselves 
 1 which 
 [iteiited, 
 
 Scotch 
 to iii- 
 liiig of 
 lies was 
 
 ut 
 
 I upon 
 marks 
 out of 
 s colled 
 The 
 ed with 
 nd : he 
 in ted a 
 n army 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 320 
 
 IG'Jo— IGGO.] 
 
 and summoned a general assembly of the kirk. The Chaitkh 
 
 1,11- • -'^^i'- 
 
 new government was eagerly obeyed, and its mam- — - 
 
 festo, the celel)rated "Covenant," welcomed with ac- 1038 
 clamations. Xegotiations were attempted and failed : 
 the Scots adhered to their covenant and prepared 
 for war. There was a short and indecisive cam- 
 paign. The king's treasury was exhausted : if he 
 had found it difficult to levy ship-money and pound- 
 age before, it was impossible to do so now that a large 
 part of the kingdom w^as in armed rebellion. He 
 summoned a Parliament, which met in April, IG-tO. 
 Considering the outrages which had been heaped 
 upon tlie nation, and tlie shameless way in wdiich the 
 royal \vord. had been broken, tlie moderation of that 
 assembly was remarkable. But like all their prede- 
 cessors they refused to enter upon the question of 
 supply till they had received some satisfaction for 
 the past and guarantees for the future. Oliver 
 St. John brought up the minutes of the proceedings 
 against Ilampoen, and a committee reported that it 
 was a matter of grievance. The king recognized the 
 inllexible cluiracter of the men with whom he had to 
 deal and hastily dismissed them. Several members 
 were thrown into prison : ship-money was exacted 
 with even more severity than befm'e : u) expedient 
 which sore need could contrive was omitted. At 
 length the king scraped together a suCticieut sum to 
 move his army northward. The Scot^-i acting, as was 
 believed, on the advice of the Eiiglisli opposition, 
 moved forward to meet him. I lis general, Conway, 
 
 
 
 '•<• 
 
 
 'v-!l 
 
 i 
 
 i«<i 
 
 ^ I 
 
.^- 
 
 
 XIII. 
 
 fl ,1 
 
 k- 
 
 
 1640 
 
 330 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1625— 1G60. 
 
 Chaitiou was defeated at Newburii-upon-Tyiie. The royal 
 soldiers fled to Berwick : even here tiiey did not 
 consider themselves safe, but continued f^heir flight 
 to York. Charles soon found that he had dis- 
 affection to deal with in his army, as well as at 
 Westminster : the ber^ten warriors mutinied for 
 pay : the people clamoured for redress of griev- 
 ances, ^^o resource remained : on the third of No- 
 vember the most famous of our English Parliaments 
 assembled. The king began with fair promises ; 
 he would do nothing without the consent of men 
 in whose talent and character the people could 
 confide : he would govern in harmony with tlie 
 Commons : ho would call Falkland, Hyde, and 
 Colepepper to his councils. The nation was de- 
 lighted : they supposed that the king had at last seen 
 the necessity of a complete change of system. They 
 were willing to forgive the past and to look hope- 
 fully at the future : but they were grievously disap- 
 pointed. Only a few days after he had promised to 
 do nothing without the consent of the Commons, he 
 sent the attorney-general to impeach the leaders of 
 the opposition. He himself, accompanied by soldiers, 
 went do\vn to the house to seize them within tlie 
 walls of Parliament. During the niglit tliat followed 
 this foolish outrage the capital w^is in a ferment. 
 The mob surrounded the king's coach, and followed 
 him with shouts and curses even to the j^ates of 
 AVhitchall. Tlie disorder was so great that the 
 king's servants, fearing for his personal safety, per- 
 
 
EXODUS or THE WESTERN NATIONS. 3^)1 
 
 1625— IGOO.] 
 
 suaded him to quit London. From his retreat at tHAvnu 
 Oxford, he attempted to treat with the House of — 
 Commons. But it was too late. Tlie men who but 
 lately would have been contented to see him sur- 
 rounded by all the insignia of royalty, and exercising 
 all the powers that had ever belonged to our kings, 
 were now so exasperated by his systematic duplicity, 
 that they would hardly consent to leave him the 
 shreds or vestiges of his former authority. Neither 
 party would yield : and at length the sword was 
 drawn. For a time the Cavaliers were successful. 
 But among the ranks of the Commons was one whose 
 genius and energy were equal to any emergency, and 
 whose name will ever be revered as one of our best 
 and v/isest rulers. Oliver Croinwx^ll, though nomi- 
 nally second in conmiand, was in reality the soul of 
 the Parliamentary army. He was busily occupied in 
 forming out of the unpromising materials at his com- 
 mand an army such as had never Ijefore been seen. 
 Fortune, which in the first skirmishes of the civil war 
 had been on the side of the crown, now veered com- 
 pletely round. In one battle after another the royal 
 troops were routed. The king fell into the hands of 
 the Puritans. By that time the fierce army which 
 Cromwell had created, slipped from the leash in 
 which he had held it. He could no longer lead it ; ho 
 had gone too far to draw back. In an evil hour for his 
 fame he coiisented to the murder of the king. Nor 1(>I9 
 could he stop even there. The king being dead, the 
 Parliament was the supreme ytower in the state. 
 
 ^/f 
 
 
 ( ■ ■; ' 
 
 i,:t 1 
 
 ' r\ 
 

 332 T'LKODUS OF TtlE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G25— l(!f;o. 
 
 CiiAiTKu CroriiNVL'U trod on the Piirliiiinent as ho luid trodden 
 
 XIII, 
 
 ' on the monarchy. lie became dictator armed witli 
 
 absolute })0\\er. 
 
 The execution of Cliarles did not make any Im- 
 mediate effect on tlie |)]antations. 
 
 Tlie Puritans, re|)ul)hcan at heart, hailed with 
 satisfaction the triumph of their own partly. They 
 rejoiced that Charles, the liian of blood, had been 
 resisted even to the deatli, with a joy not inferior to 
 that of the stern regicides themselves. The Common- 
 wealth was at once acknowledg'cd. 
 
 Virginia, " wdiole for the king," resisted. All com- 
 munication between Virginia and Massachusetts was 
 forbidden by the Pu]'itan assembly. The prohibition, 
 however, interfered with trade, and was at once re- 
 pealed, though the old dominion still held for the king. 
 Cut Cromwell was not a man to be trifled wdth. 
 He had no intention of oppressing the colonies : he 
 did not wish to interfere with their internal govern- 
 ment, lie ofiered that if Virginia \vould adhere to 
 the Commonwealth she should be the mistress of her 
 own destinies. Ikit he added a stern reminder, 
 that refusal would be followed l)y war. The iron- 
 handed Protector was not to be denied : the Vir- 
 ginians had reflected and wept over the execu- 
 tion of Charles ; but the very magnitude of the 
 crime struck them with reluctant admiration. They 
 heard that the English commonwealth had been re- 
 cognized by the King of Spain, by the re])ublic of 
 Holland, ])y tlic republic of Venice, l>y the regency 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 333 
 
 1025— ir.no.] 
 
 of France. If the craft of Mnzarin and the pride of chaptku 
 
 . . xin. 
 
 Pliilip were unable to witliliold tlieir reco_o"nition of — 
 
 the great Englishman, cmild they — a little colony on 
 
 the Chesapeake who four years before had been i.i 
 
 danger of annihilation from an Indian massacre — 
 
 withstand him ? 
 
 An English frigate appeared off James Town ; and 
 Virginia submitted to the Protector. 
 
 Ten years ensued, during which England rose to a 
 height of power which she had not reached since the 
 days of Elizabeth. If Cromwell was a tyrant, he 
 at least suffered no one to insult his country but him- 
 self; the growing power of the Dutch, aiid thei]' 
 rapidly increasing naval preponderance, excited his 
 jealousy : he ordered his fleet, with Blake * and 
 Monk at their head, to sweep their commerce from 
 the sea. They ol)tained at first some slight success : 
 Blake was defeated, and Van Tromp sailed up the 
 Thames with a broom at his masthead; but the 
 insult was soon avenged : two decisive victories 
 obliged them to sue for peace, and extorted from 
 them engagements, not only that their cruisers should 
 lower their topsails to our flag, but that no prince of 
 the house of Orange should ever again be stadtholder. 
 They also undertook finally to separate themselves from 
 the cause of the Stuarts. Nor were Cromwell's vic- 
 tories only by sea ; it has been the opinion of some 
 historians that his true policy would have been to throw 
 
 •tf 
 
 
 
 * Blake had stood tor a fcUowsliip at Oxford, Imt lost it from lowncss of 
 stat\irc. — I>rit. Emp. iv. 317 : Brodic. 
 
m 
 
 1 
 
 ■ ,-' 
 
 1 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 ; / 
 
 . f 
 
 1 
 
 
 , , ) 
 
 ■ 'l.V 
 
 '*'.' ■ 
 
 i" 
 
 'I'.. ■ ' ' 
 
 3n4 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [102;'— 1000. 
 
 CnAPTER ilie weight of England into tho scale of Spain, and 
 — to espouse the canse of Philip IV. against the French ; 
 but such was not the course he pursued. Charles II. 
 held his dreary court at St. Germains. There the 
 English Royalists and malecontents crowded around 
 liim : if the armaments of France had been at his 
 command, the reactionary movement, which the 
 utmost efforts of the Protector could only just restrain, 
 would at once have broken out in England. The 
 danger of aggrandizing France by bringing the 
 house of Austria to her feet was a remote contin- 
 gency, to be dealt witli hereafter; alliance with 
 France was an immediate gain : Cromwell entered 
 into alliance with Mazarin. lie stipulated for ample 
 pay. Dunkirk, Mardyke, and Gravelines were to 
 be recovered from the enemy and placed in his 
 hands. The English would then have tlie com- 
 mand of the harbours of the Sjmnish Netherlands. 
 The engagement was promptly fulfilled. A joint 
 English and French armament appeared by 
 sea and land off Dunkirk. Twenty thousand of 
 Cromwcirs veterans marched under the leadership 
 of Turenne ; and twenty English ships attacked the 
 harbour. In vain Conde and Don John of Austria 
 threw their whole forces against the besiegers. The 
 military genius of Cromwell had raised a force which 
 crushed everything tliat ever was opposed to it. The 
 fortifications had just been pronounced impregnable. 
 Rut the English drove back the Spaniards in head- 
 long rout, and carried the works by storm. Dunkirk 
 
 li :l ' I 
 
 ,.i. • 
 
 ■ ^ 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 335 
 
 1(525— IGGC] 
 
 was handed over to tlie Eiio:lisli. Tlie Spanish i)hite- CnAiTm 
 
 : xm. 
 
 ships were seized at Cadiz. Tlie Sj^anish fleet was — 
 
 cut out from Vera Cruz. An attack on ITispaniola KI58 
 failed ; but Jamaica sm-rendered. The den of the 
 Barbary pirates was destroyed. An insult to Eng- 
 land was avenged on Tuscany. The influence of the 
 Protector reached even to the retreat of Charles at 
 8t. Germains, and closed France against the fugi- 
 tive. The battle of Dunbar delivered Cromwell's 
 enemies into his hands ; Barebones' Parliament sat, 
 proved intractable, and were dissolved : France, 
 torn to pieces by absurd disputes of royal princes, 
 churchmen, and high-born courtesans, who quarrelled 
 round the throne of the bov-kin2: Louis XIV., was 
 in no mood to be anything but a dutiful ally. Eng- 
 land was great, and respected in all lands. To 
 Cromwell, rather than to the weak prince of whom 
 the words were sj^oken, did Shakespeare's splendid 
 prophecy apply. He seemed to be indeed the suc- 
 cessor of Elizabeth — 
 
 ■•'.f 
 
 Vil 
 
 
 " Who from tlie sacred ashes of her honour 
 Shall star-like rise, as great iu fame as she was, 
 And so stand fixed. Peace, plenty, love, truth, terror, 
 I'hat were the servants to this chosen infant, 
 Shall then be his, and like a vino grow to him. 
 Wherever tin; bright sun of lieavcii shall shine. 
 His honour, and the greatness of his name, 
 Shall shine, and make new nations : he shall flourish, 
 And like a mountain cedar spread his branches 
 To all the plains around him." 
 
 But at the height of his power Cromwell died. As Ui'iS 
 the great Elizabeth was succeeded by a weak and 
 
 n'.' 
 
 :H 
 
 IC: 
 
''3: t 
 
 1;'^ 
 
 I. 
 
 '■.(■ 
 
 
 
 1 ■. , 
 if: 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ' 
 
 ') 
 
 1 
 ) 
 
 
 ' '■ ,j 
 
 CiiArrris 
 XHI. 
 
 330 EXODUS OF Tin: WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1025— ir.do. 
 
 foolish heir, so the iron sceptre of the great Protector 
 dcsrended to the nerveless hands of his son. 
 
 It is now necessary to inquire what was tlie temper 
 of the English colonies during the period which 
 witnessed these stirrinc; scenes. 
 
 The settled part of l>ritish America was a narrow 
 slip along the eastern sea-coast. From the ^Iississip]n 
 to the Pacific was a vast debatahle land, daimed bv 
 Fi'ance and Enii'land alike, 'i'he Eiiii-lisli charters 
 purported to convey to each grantee a helt of 
 land right across the continent from the Atlantic to 
 tiie Pacific : the French affected to consider the 
 possessions of the llritish as confined to the actual 
 plot of gi'ound occupied by their planters, and 
 claimed the whole land behind the English planta- 
 tions. Few of the Eno-lish stretched 1)ack far from the 
 shore, excej)t where a planter took up lu's ])osition in 
 some spot favoured by nature on the banks of an 
 inland stream. The b.ack country was unknown and 
 unexplored. A few wandering trappers hunted 
 peltries and traded with the Indians as far Avest as 
 the Pocky Mountains. P)Ut these men of the woods 
 from the first became a race apart. They interinari'ied 
 with the Indians, and ado])ted their custt)ms and 
 habits of life. " Coureurs des bois,"- 
 
 (( 
 
 vova2"eurs, 
 
 — " bols brfdt's," were their names among the (^ma- 
 dians — Indian pedlers and fur-hunters among llie 
 English sei tiers. In the course of the wars which 
 took place in after years between the Krench and 
 Englisli colonies, those incn became on both sides 
 
 
25— inno. 
 otcctor 
 
 temper 
 which 
 
 narrow 
 5sissip])i 
 iTied l)v 
 :^harters 
 belt of 
 mtic to 
 der the 
 3 actual 
 ;rs, and 
 planta- 
 ifroin the 
 ion in 
 of an 
 )\\n and 
 liunted 
 west as 
 : woods 
 iiarried 
 u\s and 
 o-enrs," 
 e (^nia- 
 )np; the 
 wliicli 
 ich and 
 h sides 
 
 XIII. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 337 
 
 IG'jn— lOGO.j 
 
 scouts, guides, and leaders of the Indian contin- C'^a'tkk 
 gents. 
 
 Virginia contained perhaps thirty thousand in- 
 habitants. They were settled thickly on the sliores 
 of the James Iviver and in " the city " of James 
 Town. But the farms of rich planters and the huts 
 of poorer settlers might l)e found scattered about the 
 wilderness. No town except the capital liad yet 
 been foinided. Farmers were not uncommon wlio 
 liad as much as two tlionsand acres mider cultivation. 
 No churches existed excc])t at James Town ; and 
 clergymen werc^ so scarce that a bounty was offered 
 for their importation.* Lawyers were more abund- 
 ant and less welcome. An Act was passed by the 
 Assembly " for the total ejection of mercenary 
 attorneys."! 
 
 To James Town the farmers brought in their crops 
 and grain. Thither, on market-days, their wives 
 rode gaily on their piHions, and chaffered over their 
 eggs and garden produce. The town itself straggled 
 along the banks of the river. The houses were mostly 
 of wood, witb large awnings and verandahs as a pro- 
 tection from the sun. Wooden piers afforded accom- 
 modation to the vessels which l)rouij:ht manufactured 
 goods from England and took back their return 
 cargo of tobacco. Tol)acco was everywhere. It grew 
 in every field, in every clearing ; even in the 
 main street of .James Town. The good wife paid for 
 lier knitting-needles, the good man his score at the 
 
 * Homing, i. M. t "'id- '■ -"•"'• 
 
 vol.. 1. Z 
 
 ■IS 
 
 if '1 •-'•!' 
 
%'h ■ 
 
 
 ' ' , 1 ■ 
 
 i ' ' ' 
 ( 
 
 ( 
 
 ■■ ' 1 ■: 
 ■.■■[■, 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 \ 
 
 ! ■. . ■ 1 
 1 . ' 1 
 
 1 
 • 1 . 
 
 1 ' ■ 
 
 CuArrER 
 
 ,\iir. 
 
 1 (;:>() 
 
 888 EXODUS OF TFIR WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [icLT)— inno. 
 alohoiiso, tlio mercliant flic h\\\ of liis Eiig-lisli corre- 
 s]i()ii(lent, in toliacco. Tobacco was the currciicy, tlio 
 mainstay, tlio subject of conversation of the colony. 
 Vessels from London, from Bristol, from tbe Dnccli 
 repnl)lic, and from New Eu^-land lay in the river. 
 The war between the English and Dntch hardly 
 disturbed the conunercial relations of the colony 
 either with the re[)u]>lic or with Manhattan. In the 
 very midst of the troubles, while Blake and Do 
 Ruyter wore poundino; at each other in I he narrow 
 seas, Virginia and New Netherlands wore arranging 
 terms of mutual free trade.* 
 
 At the farms and country-houses of the planters 
 nn"glit l)e seen, besides the original emigrants them- 
 selves and their descendants, a largo number of the 
 loyal nobility and gentry who had fled in horror 
 after the execution of the king. They brought over 
 the amusements and vices, as well as the political 
 principles of the old country. The enforced recog- 
 nition of the protectorate by the loyal colony changed 
 neither pursuits nor principles. Cock-fighting and 
 racing occupied ihe wild young gentlemen who were 
 del)a]"red from jiursuing those occupations in their 
 ancestral domains. The well-stocked forests of the Now 
 World made some amends for the loss of English trout- 
 streams and hunting-fields. Hard drinking and dice- 
 playing required little fostering in such a congenial 
 atmos])here ; and a duel with sword and pistol was a 
 not un frequent termination to a riotous debauch. 
 
 " III icr.c. 
 
 i| I ■■ 
 
 
;o5_ir,r,o. 
 h corre- 
 ticv, tlie 
 
 colony. 
 
 o Diucli 
 
 c river. 
 
 liardly 
 
 5 colony 
 
 In tlic 
 
 and I)e 
 Q narrow 
 rranging 
 
 planters 
 nts thoni- 
 er of the 
 in horror 
 Lio'ht over 
 s political 
 ed recog- 
 ^ changed 
 liting and 
 Iwho were 
 
 in their 
 If the New 
 [lish troiit- 
 
 and dice- 
 I congenial 
 ^lol was a 
 [inch. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WEftTRllN NATIONS. 330 
 
 1025— lono.] 
 
 The forests were full of jxame. Unlike the woods Cumtku 
 
 • XI I r. 
 
 of the North there w^as here no nndergrowth, and the — 
 
 sportsman could pursue, at what was proverhially 
 known as " planters' speed," the wild pigs which 
 roved about in droves among the trees. The soil 
 teemed with fertility. Everywhere could be seen 
 new and strange animals and luxuriant vegetation. 
 Wild fowl swarmed in the morasses and streams, 
 quail and wild turkeys alx)unded in the woods, oysters 
 in the creeks, fish in the rivers. Land was cheap, 
 labour dear. The poor man could easily buy the 
 one or dispose of the other. 
 
 In the summer evenings the little army which 
 protected the colony strolled out by twos and 
 threes to the parade, where their stout captain 
 put them through the arquebuss drill, and exa- 
 mined into the serviceable state of buff jerkin and 
 liead-j3iece. Groups of smokers collected under the 
 spreading verandahs of the alehouses that opened on 
 the road ; and the sound of skittles, which had been 
 brought over by the Hollanders, might be heard in 
 the bowling alleys at the rear. Among the loungers 
 might be observed some Dutch ski})per who had just 
 brought over a cargo of negroes from Africa, and who 
 came to smoke his pipe and chat gravely with his con- 
 signees after seeing his black cargo properly hand- 
 cuffed for the night in the connnon prison. Next him, 
 perhaps, with cropped hair and steeple hat, thecnptain 
 of a New England sloop. 1 ndians, plumed and ]iainted, 
 stalkctl along the streets, or on the road lending to 
 
 z '^ 
 
 % 
 
 ' ' ij 
 
 '.f\ '•^' 
 
;, ' 
 
 11:' '^ 
 
 :y /■ ..^ ' 
 
 ' .; l:^ 
 
 ■'■I 
 
 'f 
 
 ■ 4 , 
 
 
 XIII. 
 
 340 RXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1 025— in no. 
 Chatter the great woodcii lioiise among the trees, where good 
 old (loveriior Berkeley engaged in many a deep 
 carouse with royahst comrades from heyond the sea. 
 Down tliat road Governor Berkeley's great himher- 
 ing coach rolled heavily on great occasions ; and 
 the honest cavalier was not without hope that King 
 Charles TI. himself would one day travel along it, to 
 take refuge with hijii fi'om the unrelenting rebels 
 who had killed his father.* 
 
 Yonder old man at the tavern door can re- 
 member the foundation of the colony — the buildinc^ 
 of the first hut in James Town, the first dreary 
 winter of fann'ne and disease which carried off so 
 many of the adventurers. A bystander might pro- 
 bably hear him discourse somewhat aftei' the follow- 
 ing fashion : — 
 
 " Yes, comrades ; T well remember Captain Smith 
 and the other members of the council. A bra^^e 
 gentleman and an honest was the captain, which 
 was more than GosnoU and some of the others 
 were. Such a fellow to laugh w^as he, always 
 ready with his joke, and a merry smile for every 
 one even when we were well nigh dead in the 
 first horrible winter. I recollect once when we 
 were fighting with the savagot — that was before we 
 made friends with Powhattan, and before Mr. Rolf had 
 married the lady Pocahontas — the captain captured a 
 savage and tied him to his ann, and so used him as a 
 buckler against the arrov/s that W(>re shot by tlic 
 
 * ( 'liii'ciiilnii, 1). \iii, ; iii. 4<'.fi, 
 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 311 
 
 1G25— ICGO.] 
 
 Indians. You may see a picture of it as natural as 
 ever was life, in a book writ l)y the cjiptain liiniself, 
 who was a great scholar as well as a soldier. Many 
 is the can of water I have had poured d(>wn juy 
 sleeve for swearing* when we were cuiting down the 
 trees. We had no tohacco then, nor horses either for 
 that matter ;t we got our living by making potash 
 and tar. Ay, A'irginia was a terril)le place at 
 first. 
 
 " Why did I come ? sayest thou. Why, because 
 1 could not help it. f was a serving-man in my 
 lord the Earl of Essex's family, in good (^ueen 
 Elizabeth's time, and 1 had the misfortune to kill a 
 man in a quarrel. I lied to the Low Countries, where 
 I joined the captain. Faith, though, I was a lamb 
 to some of those that came after me, was I not, 
 gossi}) ? Don't be ashamed, man : lift up thy sleeve, 
 and let us see what sort of a mark the hangman has 
 branded on thy shoulder. Some of those that came 
 after us had their choice between being hanged and 
 coming out here. Some of them preferred being 
 hanged. 
 
 " Shall I tell you, friends, what hai)pened to us 
 in our first voyage ? 
 
 " When at length, after near a year's delay, we 
 set sail from Blackwall, we bad one shi[) of 100 tons, 
 another of 40, and a pinnace of 20. Wc tossed about 
 
 * Captain Smith rcHorted to this ([uaiiit iiiuiU' ol' iiuni.-iliiiniit to iiliolisli 
 swcariii;:;. 
 
 t Kiiic ami horses wcic sent h\ Lunl hciuwuri', Itill,— Daucrui't, i. lO'J- 
 
 CilAITEK 
 
 XIIF. 
 
 'tl 
 
 * ' ' I 
 
 
 ' i 
 
 ;, il 
 
-^j»v- 
 
 I :' ' 
 
 fi:, 
 
 m ■ [ 
 
 
 1 ' 
 
 " ' ' '1 
 
 - 1- 
 
 '■•' . , '■■ : ; 1 ' 
 
 1 ' ' ' ■ 
 
 ,1 ' 
 
 : \ 
 
 ' I 
 
 « t 
 
 H 
 
 342 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 flGLT)— in«:0. 
 
 Chapter s^j lonrr in the Dowiis tliat many tried to tlirow our 
 XIII. '- ... 
 parson overboard, believing, as sailors do, that a 
 
 parson brings ill luck to a ship. The wind changed, 
 and we snikd to the Canaries. There, with a loathe- 
 some beast like a crocodile called a gwayn, tortoises, 
 pelicans, parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted.* It 
 was five months before we reached Virginia, and the 
 ships were only victualled for two. Little ye think 
 who see James Town now what the country was 
 when we first landed. Many of our fine gentlemen 
 were of such tender education that they were fright- 
 ened because they found not English cities, nor fair 
 houses, nor any of their accustomed dainties, with 
 feather beds and down pillows. They expected to 
 find taverns and alehouses in every breathing place, 
 and plenty of gold and silver and dissolute liberty. 
 Little they cared for but to pamper their bellies, to 
 fly away with our pinnaces, or to procure means for 
 their return to England. The country was to them 
 a ruin and a hell.f When the ships went away, 
 mutiny and sickness together left us in sorry plight. 
 Our president J engrossed to himself oatmeal and 
 sack and arpiavitte, and beef and eggs ; but we, the 
 common adventurers, had each day but half a pint of 
 wheat, and as much bailey boiled in water to every 
 man each day. I'he barley, too, had as many worms 
 in it as grains. § We lived on sturgeon and land 
 
 * ProcLT'dinys and Accidents ol' iho English Colony in Viiginia. IJy 
 Williiun Simons, Doctonr of Divinitic. 
 
 t SniillTs Virginia, ii. llf). J Kendall; (.iosnoU was dead. 
 
 § Thomas Stiulloy's Narrativo in Simoiib. 
 
 
!■;— in«:r). 
 o\v our 
 that a 
 langecl, 
 loatlie- 
 irtoises, 
 d.* It 
 and the 
 c think 
 ry was 
 itlemen 
 I fright- 
 nor fair 
 38, with 
 .^ctcd to 
 ^ place, 
 hberty. 
 .'hies, to 
 sans for 
 to them 
 away, 
 phght. 
 eal and 
 we, the 
 pint of 
 o every 
 T worms 
 id land 
 n,iiiia. By 
 
 Iriul 
 
 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 343 
 
 1(525— men.] 
 
 crabs ; and between May and September fifty poor C'h.mtku 
 
 fellows died awav out of their iViisery. . — 
 
 " Our new president had but little judin'meiit in dan- 
 gers, arid still less industry in peuce. Smith had the 
 ordering of all the work. Some he set to mow ; 
 others to bind thatch ; some to build houses, otliers to 
 thatch them, — himself always bearing the greatest 
 task for his own share. After that, a party shipped 
 with the captain in the shallop to search the country 
 for trade. AVe saw deer aud turkeys, but we got little 
 for our pains but hard knocks from the savages ; and 
 when we got back, our discontented spirits had stolen 
 the pinnace, and were off for P]ngland. We were just 
 in time. We had a sliar[) bout with the mutineers; 
 and we had to sink their vessel in the river before 
 we could compel them to stay. 
 
 " Many times we tried to find the soin-ce of the 
 Chicahamania river, as we called it then ; and many 
 times did we return to the settlement ; but at last we 
 got so far with a party of about six or seven, that we 
 had to cut a passage for our barge through the trees. 
 When we could get no further, the captain took a 
 canoe, with two savages that had spoken friendly to 
 us, and with me and one other moved higher up tlie 
 river. Poor George Cassen ! that was our comrade's 
 name. He was a great favourite with the captain, 
 and, indeed, with all of us. lie was oue of the few 
 labourers that came out with us.* Tlieca[)tain often 
 wished we had a few more such mer), instead of the 
 
 * 1>1'. Siiaoub" list ul' uaiiica ul' thu Ihti! [ilauU'is, 
 
 ■\t 
 
 * I 
 
 ,1 
 
 :\l 
 
IS 
 
 I ' >' ' 
 
 
 ' » . ■; 
 
 344 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 
 [1G25— IGGO. 
 
 Chapter idle crew lie liad.* When the canoe could ffo no iiir- 
 
 YTi r f^ 
 
 — tlior, the captain left me and George, and went ashore 
 to kill wild fowl for our supper, and he charged us 
 not to stir from the canoe till he came again. f But 
 nought would serve George but that we too should 
 go ashore. We had hardly landed, when, from an 
 ambuscade in the woods the savages rushed out upon 
 u-?, I ^vUed to George to run, and ere I got to the 
 Cfui- had a dozen of their devilish arrows sticking 
 in is'^' ski. ; but poor George was taken and bound. 
 I saw him i*..' away to the woods, the savages jump- 
 ing and dancing around him, with hideous noise. I 
 paddled down to the barge, and long we waited for 
 the captain ; but night fell and he came not. William 
 Cassen, George's brother, was of tiie party, J and 
 much he prayed us to return to find his brother ; but 
 the captain was away, and we dared not stir without 
 orders. Long after v/e heard what had become of 
 Cassen. They tied him to a tree, and with mussel shells 
 and reeds the executioner cut off his joints, one after 
 another, ever casting what he cut off into the fire. 
 Then did he case the skin from his head and face, and 
 ripjied his belly, and so burned him tree and all.§ 
 
 " ]5ut w^e knew not what would be done to him 
 when we were then waiting all night for the captain ; 
 and we knew not till after how he himself had fiillen 
 into their hands. lie being got to the marshes at 
 
 ♦ Sniitli. 
 
 X Siiiidiis' " list. 
 
 t Sludlcy's Narrative in Dr. Simons. 
 
 § " 'J'lius llu'iuBC'lvcs reported they executed George Casaen." — Smith's 
 Virj^inia, ii. Ml. 
 
 

 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 345 
 
 U]2r,—im).j 
 
 the river's head, twenty miles in the desert, found Chaitek 
 
 ' -^ XIII. 
 
 himself beset with two hundred savages, two of whom — 
 he slew, still defending himself with the aid of a 
 savage, his guide, whom he bound, as I told you 
 before, with his garters, using him as a buckler. 
 Yet he was shot in the thigh a little, and had 
 many arrows that stuck in his clothes, but no great 
 hurt. Thinking to return thus to his boat, and 
 regarding them as ho marched more than his way, he 
 slipped up to the middle in an oozy creek, and his 
 savage with him. Yet dare not tlu avages come to 
 him till, being near dead with cold, l; threw away 
 his arms.* You all know how, qii' i i.uit, the Lady 
 Pocahontas saved him when uie 'ving Powhattan 
 would have beat out his brains and how they enter- 
 tained him with most strange .aid fearful conjura- 
 tions : you may read it all in Master Thomas Studley 
 his book. Master Studley writ some poetry about it. 
 I remember two v'crses : — 
 
 " ' But liis waking mind in liydoous divanis did oft see wondrous sliapcs 
 Of bodies straugu and huge iu growtli, and of stupendious makes.' "f 
 
 The Tiext colony to the north was the settle- 
 ment of Manhattan. I have already narrated the 
 circumstances which distinguished the colony, and as, 
 to avoid the necessity of recurring to the subject, I 
 mentioned the cession of their establishment to the 
 English in IGG 4, I need only remark that at the time 
 of which I now speak Manhattan still exhibited con- 
 siderable commercial activity. The Dulch imported 
 
 ♦ Thomas Studlev's Narrative. t Ibid., cliai'. ii. 
 
 • -A 
 
 '•'ii 
 
 ... ..1 
 
 i ' 
 
-* Y'' 
 
 
 340 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS, 
 
 ITi ' .( 
 
 I ■ 
 
 
 [1625-1()G0. 
 
 CiiAiTEu neo;roe.s mid exi)orted furs. a dress and national 
 XIII. .... 
 characteristics tliey differed botli from tlie \'ii'^-inians 
 
 and from the Puritans. All relip:ions were tolerated; 
 thev had learned this much from their ancestors' 
 long contest against Spain. They carried with them 
 to tlie New World both the keenness m money- 
 niakijig wliich had so rapidly raised their country to 
 the position of a great maritime power, and the sedate 
 and rather phlegmatic disposition which produced so 
 many statesmen and juriwts. Their dress consisted of 
 the short broad breeches such ;is those our sportsmen 
 now wear under the name of " knickerbockers," to- 
 gether with the buff coats and broad hats which wc 
 see in the j)ictures of Teniers and llembrandt, both 
 of whom were then in the zenith of their reputation. 
 
 Still further to the north was the Puritan colony 
 of New England. The indefatigable John Smith, 
 wlio made a voyage there in 1G24, a year or two 
 after the Puritan emigration, gives an account of its 
 appearance at that time, of whicli the following is an 
 extract : — 
 
 " At New Plimoth there is about 180 persons, 
 some cattell and goats, but many swine and [)Oultry, 
 32 dwelling-houses, whereof 7 were burnt the last 
 winter, and the value of five hundred pomids, in 
 other goods ; the towne is impailed about halfe a 
 mile compasse. In the towne vpon a In'gh mount 
 they have a fort well built with wood, lome, and 
 stone, where is planted their ordnance ; also a fairc 
 watch-tower, i)artly framed for the sentinell : the 
 
 » '1. ; 
 
 II'mII 
 
625-l(]G0. 
 
 national 
 i-f^'iriian.s 
 ) I era tod ; 
 iicc'stors' 
 itli tlieni 
 nioncy- 
 Liiitrv to 
 e sedtite 
 luced so 
 sisted of 
 ortsmen 
 3rs," to- 
 liicli we 
 
 It, l)0tll 
 
 itatioii. 
 
 colony 
 
 Smith, 
 
 or two 
 
 t of its 
 
 ig* is an 
 
 )er.sons, 
 >oultry, 
 
 ic last 
 lids, in 
 lialfo a 
 
 mount 
 le, and 
 a faire 
 II : the 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEIIN NATIONS. 
 
 347 
 
 •ir,GO.] 
 
 
 place it seems is hr^lthtiill, lor m these last three Cmaiteb 
 
 -111- r -'^"'• 
 
 veeres, notwithstanding tlieir great want or most — 
 
 necessaries, there hatli not one died of the first 
 
 ])lanters. They have made a saltworke, and with that 
 
 salt preserve tlie fish they take, and this yeere hath 
 
 franghted a shij) of 180 tuniics. 
 
 " The gouernour is one Mr. Williiim Bradford, their 
 captain Miles Standish, a bred sonldier in Holland ; the 
 chiefe men for their assistance is Master Isaak A Iden- 
 ton, and divers others as occasion serueth ; their 
 ])reachers are blaster AVilliam Bruster and Master 
 John Layford. 
 
 " The most of them line together as one family or 
 hoiishold, yet cuery man followeth his trade and 
 profession l)oth by sea and land, and all for a generall 
 stocke, out of which they liaue all tlieir maintenance, 
 vntill there be a diuident betwixt the planters and 
 the adueiiturcrs. 
 
 " Those planters are not seruants to the aduen- 
 turers here, but haue onely counsells of directions 
 from them, but no instructions or command, and all 
 the masters of families are pastures in land or what- 
 soeuer, setting tlieir labours against the stocke, till 
 certaine yeeres be expired for the diuision ; they 
 haue young men and boies for their apprentises and 
 seruants, and sbme of them speciall families, as ship- 
 carpenters, salt-makers, fish-masters, yet as seruants 
 vpon great wages. The aduenturers which raised 
 the stocke to begin and suj^ply this plantation were 
 about 70. Some gentlemen, some merchants, some 
 
 / ^-ii 
 
 ■ \ 
 
 'l! 
 
 ■( ■: I 
 
'■><■ 
 
 ^^'. 
 
 ,1 I 
 
 / 
 
 • 
 
 348 KXODL'S OF TIIK WESTKKN NATI0N8. 
 
 [lt!25— Kino. 
 
 CiiAiTEu liaiidy-crnftsmeii, some adueiitiiriiiij: o-rcat siinimes, 
 XIII. -^ ' . ... 
 some small, as their estates and af"recti(Jii seriied. 
 
 " 'I'lie geiieiall stocke already emploied is about 
 7000/., by reason of which cliarge and many crosses, 
 many of them would aduenture no more ; but others 
 that knowes so g-reat a desii>;ne cannot bee effected 
 without both charge, losse, and crosses, are resolued 
 to goe forward with it to their power ; which deserue 
 no small commendations and encouragen nt. These 
 dwell most about London ; they are not a corpora- 
 tion, but knit together by voluntary; combination 
 in a society without constraint or jjenalty, aiming to 
 doe good and to plant religion : they have a president 
 and treasurer, every yeere newly chosen by the most 
 voices, who ordereth the affaires of their courts and 
 meetings, and with the assent of most of them vnder- 
 taketh all ordinary businesses, but in more weighty 
 affaires, the assent of the whole company is recpiired. 
 There hath beene a fishing this yeere vpon the coast 
 about 50 English ships ; and by Cape Anne, there is 
 a })lantation a beginning by the Dorchester men, 
 which they hold of those of New Plimoth, who also 
 by them hauo set vp a fishing-worke. Some talke 
 there is some other pretended plantations, and all 
 whose good proceedings the eternal God protect and 
 preserve ; and these haue beene the true ])roceedings 
 and accidents in those plantations." Smith ends his 
 account with the following words : " Though I 
 ])romise no mines of gold, yet the warlike Hol- 
 landers let us imitate but not hate, whose wealth and 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTEHX NATIONS. 
 
 S40 
 
 ♦525— lOflO. 
 
 siinimes, 
 Ltd. 
 
 is about 
 
 ' crosses, 
 
 it otliers 
 
 effected 
 
 resolued 
 
 1 deseruo 
 
 , These 
 
 corpora- 
 
 ibiuatioii 
 
 niiii^iz; to 
 
 )resideiit 
 
 tlie most 
 
 lilts and 
 
 n viider- 
 
 weiglity 
 
 equired. 
 
 lie coast 
 
 there is 
 
 er men, 
 
 vho also 
 
 le talke 
 
 and all 
 
 eet and 
 
 peeding's 
 
 ends his 
 
 3iigh I 
 
 ce'llol- 
 
 ihh and 
 
 ir,'25— inno.] 
 
 strength are c:ood testimonies of tlieir treasury Chaiteb 
 
 gotten ]»y fishing; and New-England hath yielded 
 
 already hy generall computation one hundred thou- 
 sand pouiids at the least. Therefore honorable and 
 worthy countrymen let not the meannesso of the 
 word fish distaste you, for it will afford as good gold 
 as the mines of Guinea or Potassie,* with lesse hazard 
 and charge, and more certainty and facility." 
 
 The worthy captain's advice was followed : fishing 
 fleets wont every year to pursue their calling on the 
 coasts; and at every renewal of persecution in Eng- 
 land the victims fled to swell the population of Mas- 
 sachusetts. From the first the inhabitants gave 
 themselves up to the wildest religious fanaticism. Far 
 from extending to others the toleration which they 
 had left home and country to obtain for themselves, 
 they punished the slightest departure from their pe- 
 culiar tenets with torture, fine, and imprisonment. 
 
 It is evident to any one who has no special 
 leaning to Puritanism, however much he may admire 
 and respect the self-devotion of men who for the sake 
 of their religion left all that made life endurable, so 
 far as this world is concerned, that the founders of 
 New England made the place a most undesirable 
 residence. 
 
 Every hardship was to be encountered, death in 
 every shape was to be braved. Men, and women 
 too, who had been delicately nurtured, committed 
 themselves with scanty supplies to the wilderness. 
 
 * Query — Potosi ? 
 
 .'1 
 
 
 .'• -HI 
 
 m 
 
Tf ■■ ' 'i' ' 
 
 I''' 
 
 'i 
 
 
 ^- ■ ) 
 
 
 SoO 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEIJX NATIONS. 
 
 1(530 
 
 1033 
 
 [i()2r»— lor.o. 
 CuAPTEn Thoy faced death by famine, l)y fever, hy exposure. 
 ' — Tliev met tlieir fate witliout a murmur, and witli a 
 martyr's joy. But even in tlie midst of pestilence 
 and famine tlie survivors set to work at once on 
 penal laws directed ap'ainst those who should presume 
 to diifer with them. Their first act was to send 
 liome the brothers Browne, Mdio persisted in using 
 the ]5o()k of Common Prayer. Beinforcements came : 
 during the long summer voyage *' three sermons a 
 day beguiled their weariness." 
 
 Among the new arrivals was a man who, perhaps 
 more than any other, has influenced the national cha- 
 racter of the New England men — I mean Boger Wil- 
 liams. He was a Puritan, and, as such, a mark for 
 persecution in Englaiul. But nothing can well be 
 imagined more distasteful to the intolerant New Eng- 
 landers than the doctrines he enunciated. \\<i boldly 
 announced the doctrine of the sanctity of conscience ; 
 ho denied that any man can impose his own religion 
 on another ; he asserted the right of the civil magis- 
 trate to restrain crime, but not to pum'sh opinion. 
 Like Pascal and Descartes, he followed his own pro- 
 position to its logical c(uiclusion, and deduced from 
 his simple proposition results that made his Puritan 
 friends thrill with horror. They had pnssed a law 
 inflicting whipping for the crime of "indifference," 
 j^nd de;ith for that of infidelity. Williams declared 
 that the statute against nonconformity ought to be 
 ro]»ealed — in which they agreed with him; and that 
 the law comjielling atti^ndance on tlivine worship 
 

 xposure. 
 1 with a 
 cstilcnco 
 oiicc on 
 presiiine 
 to send 
 ill usinf^ 
 ts camo : 
 urinous a 
 
 perl laps 
 
 oiiul clia- 
 
 )ger Wil- 
 
 niark for 
 
 well 1)0 
 
 cw En<2;- 
 
 e lioldly 
 
 iscienco ; 
 
 religion 
 
 1 inagis- 
 
 opinion. 
 
 Dwn pro- 
 
 (^d from 
 
 Puritan 
 
 1 a law 
 
 ereiice," 
 
 declared 
 
 it 1() 1)0 
 
 iiid tlial 
 woi'sln'p 
 
 EXOIH'S OF THE WESTEIJX NATIONS. 351 
 
 ir,2")— inw.] 
 
 was contrary to God's word — for wliieli tliey were ^'"YjT'" 
 
 ready to inflict on liiin tlie piniislnnent due to indif- — 
 
 ference. Tliey Vanished men wlio used the forinii- 
 
 lavies of the I^iglish church : Williams asserted that 
 
 the civil f^overnment should afford 0(]ual protection 
 
 to all. They called the pillory and the scourge to 
 
 the aid of the minister : AVilliains jiroclaimed the 
 
 right of every man to consult his own conscience 
 
 alone. 
 
 ]*riuciples such as these brought Williams into 
 ])erpetual conflict with the clergy and government 
 of Massachusetts. He added to his (^ther delin- 
 quencies one that prohahly shocked the good pastors 
 fullv as much as all the rest. He asserted that no 
 one should be bound to assist in maintaining public 
 worship against his own consent. "What!" ex- 
 claimed the clera'V, " is not the labourer worthy 
 of his hire?" — "Yes," retorted Roger Williams, 
 "from those who hire him, but not from others." 
 Another point, still more inconvenient, upon which 
 AVilliams strongly insisted, was this : — That the 
 government of the king had no power to grant 
 to the colonists lands lielonging to the savages. 
 It was equally difHcult to deny or to admit this 
 pro]iosition ; there was nothing for it but to banish 
 a man so inconveniently candid, so stulibornly per- 
 ti -cious. AVilliams received orders to quit Mas- 
 sachusetts. Yet before he went he contrived to 
 stir U]i a stoi-m of fanatic hatred against the red 
 cr(^ss ill the bannci- of St. (leorffo. Half the trained 
 
 'V 
 
 1 •■II 
 
 ■ .til 
 
 ,■>■ 
 
 • ,(!■ 
 
 ., 
 
 t , 
 
f ' 
 
 1.5 '' 
 
 352 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [iGi.i-)— ir,(;o. 
 Chaiteu bands would not, marcli witli the cross, the otlier 
 
 XIII. PI 
 
 — half refused to stir without it. One of the sol- 
 diers cut out the cross and trnnn)led it under foot 
 as an idolatrous emblem. Williams was expelled, 
 and retired to the Indian t(nvn of Mooshansick, 
 where he founded the colony of Rhode Island. 
 
 Williams hnd hai'dly been disposed of when the 
 Antinom.ian heresy raised its head in the colony. 
 Calvinists, as were the ministers of Massachusetts, 
 strono'ly as they reprobated the Romish doctrine of 
 salvation by works, they could not admit that 
 reformation of heart and life were absolutely of no 
 account. Mrs. Hutchinson, who w^as principally in- 
 strumental in introducing this strange doctrine into 
 the colony, asserted that to demand any rule of life 
 and manners was to sin against the Holy Ghost. 
 The whole colony was suon divided between the 
 covenant of A/orks and the covenant of grace. 
 The ladies, especially, followed the new doctrine. 
 It was not till Mrs. irutehinson was bam'shed to 
 Manhattan that even the extreme rigour of Puritan 
 ecclesiastical law could in any degree prevail against 
 the alarming heresy. 
 
 Sir Harry Vane, the governor, was a follower of 
 Mrs. Hutchinson, and lost his place at the next 
 election in consequence. Though he had h^ft his 
 "father, his mother, his country, and that foi'tune 
 which his father would have left him here," and had 
 "abstained two years from taking the sacrament in 
 Kngland, bec^ansc^ he could fc^it no one to adnn'nisfcM- 
 
EXODUS DF THE WESTEIJX NATIONS. 
 
 3r.n 
 
 :.5— 1000. 
 3 other 
 lie sol- 
 id" foot 
 x pel led, 
 liansick, 
 [. 
 
 lion the 
 colony. 
 :;lmsctts, 
 itrinc of 
 lit tl«at 
 ly of no 
 pally in- 
 rine into 
 le of life 
 \f Gliost. 
 een tlie 
 grace, 
 loctrine. 
 islied to 
 Pnritnn 
 aii'aiiist 
 
 llower of 
 
 lie next 
 
 left his 
 
 fortmie 
 
 land had 
 
 liiient in 
 
 iiiiniHter 
 
 1025—1000.] 
 
 it to him standiiiG,',"'* he had not hrouc-ht his mind CifArrKu 
 
 . ... XIII. 
 
 to conform in all things to the Pnritan fashions. It — 
 was considered essential that a good Puritan's hair 
 should be cropped quite short ; Vane could not per- 
 s'la-lc himself at first to part with his love-locks. 
 Mr. Endicott, the next governor, and the members of 
 the fraternity who had "bound themselves with him 
 to resist long hair to the last extremity," were too 
 powerful for Vane, whom we presently find con- 
 gratulated on liaving " glorific<l God by cutting his 
 hair." The next disturbance in the colony was about 
 tlie Quakers. Fearless, illogical, intoK'raiit, that sin- 
 gular sect, whose great founder had been moved by 
 the Lord not to take oft' his hat to any, high or low, 
 and to say thee and tliou to all alike, without resjiect 
 to rich or poor — who had been impelled to go on the 
 morning of a first d.ay to the steeple-house of Notting- 
 ham and cry against the idol — who catechized Pope 
 Innocent XI. — whose apostles made their way to 
 Pome, to Jerusiilem, and to Egypt, and even went to 
 .Japan in search of the unknown land of Pi'ester 
 John— this sect sent its emissaries into New \\\\\:!:,- 
 lan.l. The Quakers had in the Old World opposed 
 passive resistance to stripes, to the; stocks, to tlu^ 
 ])illory ; they braved even death itself: every 
 member of the community emulated in hisown ])erson 
 the constancy and enthusiasm of the gi'eat man in 
 leather breeches himself. In the New World they 
 found a persecution as relentless, nay, even more 
 
 ♦ Sli'iill'oi.r.s Letters, Sriit. K;;!,"). 
 
 ■•') 
 
 vol-. I. 
 
 A 
 

 ■6'y\ KXDPUS OF TUV. \VE9TKRN NATIONS. 
 
 [1025—1000. 
 
 CuAi'iTu cruel tlian in the old. Their ears were cut off, their 
 xiii. 
 — tongues bored with liot irons ; they sat in the stocks, 
 
 they stood in the pillory ; many were put to death ; 
 
 and only the strict order of Kinj[^ Charles stopped 
 
 the colonists from ])uttinp: into operation a law which 
 
 pronounced sentence of death on every Quaker. 
 
 In a society so devoted to ecclesiastical controversy 
 the lightei- arts wer.e not likely to flourish. There 
 was not among the New Englanders, as among 
 the Virginian emigrants, an idle class who had 
 leisure for hunting and fowling. If an;;' backslider 
 had wished to indulge in gambling or debauchery the 
 attempt would have been summarily repressed, and 
 the offender either lian'shed or imprison '1. Taking 
 the comi)lete civil and religio^i.s libr^ty u^- the Virgi- 
 nians into consideration, and balancinr tl)at advan- 
 tage against the iron-handed religio';? despotism of 
 the New Englanders, it cau liardl .' W "oubted which 
 was the most desirable residonc-j ot thu two. 
 
 Yet, thoii jij one not connected witii the Puritans 
 by the ties of de^xt' i!i ^aay be excused for giving du(^ 
 weight Lj the peculiarities which int'rfered with 
 happiness under their jurisdiction, it would be wrong 
 not to render justice to the purity of mind >vhich their 
 severity was intended to render habitual. The faults 
 of the Puritans were the faults of tl\e rude and heavy- 
 handed age in which they lived : their virtues were 
 protests against such of those faults as they did not 
 adopt. 'I'hey were cruel, but they had been tauglit 
 cruelty by years of perse(!Ution. Revenge was looked 
 
* ^^ 
 
 
 ;25— lOGO. 
 
 (ff, their 
 ) stocks, 
 D death ; 
 stopped 
 w which 
 
 :er. 
 
 itrovcrpy 
 . There 
 s among 
 who had 
 jackslidcr 
 chery the 
 issed, and 
 Taking 
 the Yirgi- 
 at advan- 
 
 « 
 
 potism of 
 )ted which 
 
 Puritans 
 
 ^i\ ing dnt^ 
 
 I'ored with 
 
 1)0 wrong 
 
 liich their 
 
 The faults 
 
 ind hcavy- 
 
 Irtucs were 
 
 sy did not 
 
 ivu taught 
 
 Ivas looked 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEHX NATIONS. 
 
 ;{-);') 
 
 -1G60.] 
 
 upon by all Europe as a virtue; it was dear to the CnArrEu 
 persecuted Puritan, but he called it zeal for flie Lord. — 
 He considered that the doctrines of the New Testa- 
 ment liad been corrupcud and perverted by priest and 
 people. He turned to the Old Testament, and among 
 the records of that people whom God had chosen to 
 execute liis judgments upon idolatrous Canaan, lie 
 found commands given by God himself to smite and 
 spare not. Ho did not pause to consider that the 
 new commandment had abrogated the oM. He read 
 the divine message through, the spectacles of semi- 
 barbarism. He mistook tlie .scetu iiidianatio of liis 
 heart for the impulse of Divine will. He mingleu 
 the ferocity of the soldier with the fervour of the saint. 
 Ho performed cruelties when he got the opportunity 
 that would have gladdened the heart of Alva, ii!id 
 taught Pietro de Verona a lesson. But it is fair to 
 ad(.l that he practised strict purity of life and nxa ilh, 
 and tolerated no weakness save the piide wlii(^h h,o 
 mistook for strength. In the New Enjrland society, 
 toleration was looked upon as the worst of crin e.s. 
 " J^olypiety," said Ward, " is the worst impitity in tlie 
 world." The other elders acquiesce in his opinion. 
 The American historian, Bancroft, 1 iiself a descend- 
 ant from the Puritans, endeavoui to excuse theii' 
 excesses. He says that their severities were prac- 
 tised in self-defence: his argi ii»nt is this; the 
 people did not attempt to couveit others, but to pro- 
 tect themselves : they never punished opinion as such : 
 they never attempted to torture or terrify men into 
 
 2 A 2 
 
 . - * 
 
 ■•\f 
 
 
 H 
 
 . '! 
 
 Mi- 1! 
 
Pi. 
 
 . . • I 
 
 f I 
 
 CUAI'TEU 
 
 xrii. 
 
 Sr^r, EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIOiNS. 
 
 [1()25— Hlfi(». 
 
 ortliodoxv : tlie Puriians cstiiblislicd a ffoveriiirieiit in 
 iViiK'i'ica siicli as tlic laws of natural justice warranted, 
 and sucli as the statutes and common law of Knjn^lrind 
 did not wnrrant : the Episcojialians liad declared 
 themselves tlie enemies of their sect, and waged against 
 it a war of extermination ; Pui'itanism therefore ex- 
 cluded Episcopalians from its asylum : the AnaLaptist 
 was regarded as a foe; he, too, was expelled: the 
 Quakers denouiiced the worship of New England as an 
 abomination, and its government as treason; Quakers 
 were therefore excluded on pain of death. It is not pos- 
 sible to assent to such a view of the case. Philip 11., 
 when ]iv ordered the remorseless persecutions which 
 decimated his subjects in the Low Countries; the 
 Guises, when thev planned the massacre of St. Bar- 
 tholomew ; Elizabeth, when she persecuted the 
 Catholics; her sister when she burned Ridley and 
 Fiatimer, — might all urge, v'ith quite as much show 
 of reason, that they were acting agahist men who 
 wished to subvert established authority. Wc may 
 admit the plea, bul do we liold that it justifies the 
 crime? Surely not. It is more merciful an.d more 
 jiTst to the New l^higl.iii*! fanatics to acknowledge 
 that they had possessed liberty too short a time to 
 be able yet to know how to use it, and to pass 
 on as soon as possible to a more worthy part of 
 their history. 
 
 Prosperity followed almost immediately after the 
 horrors of their first years. The emigrants struck 
 deep roots in ihe soil, (^romwell invited them to 
 
 'it'^^; 
 

 ;o5_inno. 
 inent in 
 rraiited, 
 
 iloclared 
 I nQ'ainst 
 3fore ex- 
 laljaptist 
 led: tlie 
 md as ail 
 (Quakers 
 3 not pos- 
 •liilipir., 
 us wliich 
 I'ics; tl)c 
 St. r>ar- 
 ited the 
 lley and 
 icli slmw 
 wen wlio 
 Wo may 
 fies tlie 
 nd more 
 iiowledgc 
 a lime to 
 to pass 
 part of 
 
 after the 
 ,ts struck 
 them to 
 
 til 
 
 KXODUS OF TIIK WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 35"; 
 
 icr.i 
 
 1025— ir.oo.] 
 
 ro-emi<2:rate to Ireland, wliich he had inst con- Chaiteb 
 
 XIII. 
 
 qnered : but they refused the invitation. Drunken- 
 ness was unknown ; profane oaths were never heard. 
 There was not a beggar in the settlement : in KJGO 
 there were about twenty-two thousand inhabitants. 
 
 The French colonies were hardly yet of sulHcient 
 im|'ortance to require more than passing notice. 
 I'lie first settlers of Acadia were sailors and fisher- 
 men, who remained there only during the winter. 
 Wandering merchants, artisans, and cultivators of 
 the soil were brought over by the different adven- 
 turers who succeeded to the privileges of De Monts. 
 In ])rocess of time, an agricultural population, poor 
 and la]j(n'ious, had been formed at Port Royal. The 
 colony encountered many vicissitudes of fortune. 
 They were plundoivd by Ar ...til. Their town was 
 taken : and their fortifications destroved. The in- 
 habitants soon mended their log huts; but during 
 many years the unliai>py colony was devastated by 
 war. Sometimes they were disturbed by their I'^ng- 
 Hsh neighbours, sometimes by their own internal 
 dissensions. The country had been divided into 
 seigneuries, and the feudal struggles of Europe were 
 reproduced in miniature in the northern wilds. The 
 home government appeared not to care in any way 
 for its luckless dependency : nor did it ever inter- 
 fere, except for the purpose of giving titles and 
 patents, which often contradicted eii h other, and 
 always had the effect of envenoming the local (b's- 
 putes. Each petty cliiff constructed for himself a 
 
 ••^' 
 
 '•(» 
 
 •i 
 
 •I 
 

 . i 
 
 ■ h 
 f 
 
 i 
 
 ( 
 J ■ 
 
 ;#iif 
 
 858 
 
 KXODUS OF TFIE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 ?/' 
 
 »' 
 
 !'•' 
 
 ''' 
 
 [1625— lt)60. 
 
 Chaitkr little citadel, and compelled his retainers to cultivate 
 — a little land in the immediate neighbourhood. In 
 the long intervals of labour, he devoted his attention to 
 the destruction of such property as had been amassed 
 by his neighbours. The country went to ruin. Trade 
 could not be said to exist. Establishments were 
 made on this principle at Cape Breton, on the Gut 
 of Canso, at Cap de Sable, and on the River St. 
 John. The continual state of hostilities in which 
 the settlers lived fostered a martial spirit among the 
 population. They were always at war among them- 
 selves, and not unfrequently with the English colo- 
 nies. In summer their shores were frequented by a 
 nomadc population of fishermen, who added to their 
 peaceful calling the more exciting occupations of 
 smugglers and pii-ates. The Acadians intermarried 
 with the Indians belonging to the tribe of the 
 Abenaquis, and before long became a generation of 
 half-breeds. Such was the settlement of which the 
 Protector, in a season of profound peace between 
 England and Franco, took possession : no per- 
 suasion could induce him to restore it,* and it re- 
 mained in the possession of England till 1007. 
 
 (^inada was lillle more than a collection of trading 
 posts. It resembled a French canton transported 
 across the seas. The population consisted of pea- 
 sants, pejiceful, laborious, regularly organized under 
 their seigneurs, with the aid and encuniragement of 
 the government. Establishments had bcoii formed 
 
 *■ llaliburtoii, i. fil. 
 
 '-^<^/^ 
 
325—1060. 
 
 niltivate 
 )od. In 
 intion to 
 amassed 
 . Trade 
 its were 
 the Gut 
 liver St. 
 [n which 
 nong the 
 Tig them- 
 iish colo- 
 nted hy a 
 :l to their 
 atious of 
 3rmarried 
 e of the 
 ration of 
 yhich the 
 hetvveeii 
 uo per- 
 md it re- 
 7. 
 
 if trading 
 insported 
 \ of pea- 
 'A'd \uuler 
 moment ol' 
 Ml ftuined 
 
 EXODUS 01'^ TIIK Wr.STERN NATIONS. 359 
 
 1025— KJOO.] 
 
 for the prosecution of the fur trade at Quebec,* at 
 Three Rivers, and at the Sagueiiay : there was a 
 fort and town at Montreal : the Jesuit missionaries, 
 who came into the country in great numbers, were 
 animated with the spirit of crusaders. They ventured 
 alone among the savages, and laboured with single- 
 hearted zeal at their conversion. Generally beloved, 
 they yet carried their lives in their hands, for when- 
 ever a quarrel arose between their French countrymen 
 and their fierce catechumens, whenever a tribe at war 
 with the French fell in with a tribe in alliance witli 
 them, the life of tlie missionary was always the first 
 to be sacrificed ; and his martyrdom, according to the 
 savage customs of the Indians, was generally accom- 
 panied by the utmost refinements of torture. 
 
 In the forts were usually detachments of soldiers 
 from the veteran regiments of France. One of 
 them, the regiment of De Carignan Salieres, which 
 had greatly distinguished itself in the war against 
 the Turks, became notorious in the new field, 
 against an enemy not less savage. 
 
 The company " Des Cent Associes," raised by 
 Richelieu under such brilliant auspices, and formed 
 of elements the most powerful, witli respect to the 
 uumlxn*, the rank, and the accorded privileges of its 
 members, was about to fall. It had grievously mis- 
 Uianaged its territory : it had failed to establish a 
 colony : it was involved in discreditable squabbles 
 with invaders of its monopoly : its agents had set 
 
 * Fuuiulod liy a. coni[>imy of lucrcluuits I'roiii Dicpiiu ami St. Malo, 1008. 
 
 ClIAITKll 
 
 Xlll. 
 hiOS 
 
 KMO 
 
 I • I ■ 
 
 1027 
 
 KKIS 
 
prT 
 
 3G0 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 '.v ' ■:■ 
 
 k 
 
 [1025— ItKJO. 
 
 OnAiTKB the fatal example of belling ardent spirits and tire- 
 ^- — arms to the Indians. The settlt.'rs were blockaded 
 in their forts : many proposed that the settlements 
 should be abandoned, and that they should return to 
 Euro})e. Supplies ceased to come from France. The 
 governor was obliged to sue for peace, and to consent 
 to an exchange of prisoners with the Indians. The 
 whole of New France taken together only numbered 
 from eight thousand to ten thousand scattered in- 
 habitants. Such was the condition of the French 
 colonies at the time of the English restoration. 
 
 r 
 
KXODUS OF TIIH \VESTi:ilX NATIONS. 
 
 nc.i 
 
 1 COO— I COS.] 
 
 ■ ■ h 
 
 ('JIATTEU XIV. 
 
 [ior,o-i«;OH.] 
 
 UEFUGES. 
 
 Maryland — Tlic Enjjilish Cluircli — European liukrs — Enii'^ration of (.'ovo- 
 naTitcrs: of Cavaliers: of llibels: (f IJu^uenots — Tin; Fnncli on the 
 Misaii5sii)[ii. 
 
 ViRGixiA nnd New EiiG-land were the two original Chaiteu 
 
 ' . ' XIV 
 
 divisions of British America. Parcels of land were ^ — 
 measured off from tlie hmits of one or other of 
 them, as often as new proprietors ohtained a patent 
 for estabh'sliing a plantation, or some religious sect 
 required a haven to which it might fly from perse- 
 cution. 
 
 In the reign of Charles the First, while Prynne 
 was standing in the jiillory with his "Ilistriomastix" 
 ;d)out his neck, and Mr. Oliver Cromwell, not yet 
 famous, was denouncing Arminianism in the House 
 of (\mnnons, far-sighted Catholics discerned the 
 evil times tliat were coming for the old faith, and 
 ohtained a settlement within the limits of Vir- 
 ginia. Lord Baltimore, an Irish peer, was the first Ki^a 
 patentee. He was succeeded by his sons, the yomiger 
 of whom went out witli emigrants, and established 
 Maryland. The (•(•lonists were mostly men of good 
 
IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 k 
 
 /, 
 
 
 / 
 
 5r /^/. 
 
 V 
 
 <^ 
 
 /. 
 
 ^c?^l 
 
 ^>^^ -J'^# .>^ 
 
 
 
 1.0 If 
 
 142 
 
 2.5 
 
 ^ '^ m 
 
 I.I 
 
 
 2.2 
 
 lit — 
 
 2.0 
 
 11.25 
 
 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 Corporation 
 
 U III 1.6 
 
 33 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSTER, NY. 14580 
 
 (716) 873-4503 
 
 'i^ 
 
 \ 
 
 iV 
 
 N> 
 
 
 
^\%' 
 
 
 Ua 
 
r,. 
 
 
 • , ■ ' ' ' ' 
 
 ■ -!:■;■■■' 
 
 362 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1660—1698. 
 
 chapteu Catholic families. During the infancy of the settle- 
 
 — ment they received ample supplies from the pro- 
 prietors : the rule established by them was in every 
 respect mild and beneficent : every denomination 
 of Christian was welcomed : even in times when 
 the spirit of intolerance was unrestrained in the other 
 colonies, no one was persecuted in Maryland. Puri- 
 tans were invited from New England ; and a home 
 
 1GG6 was not refused even to the Quakers. 
 
 The original limits of ^he old colonies were now 
 
 1063 still further curtailed, Noith and South Carolina 
 were divided off from Virginia ; and New England 
 
 1070 was broken up, principally in consequence of quarrels 
 brought about by the arbitrary temper of the Puritan 
 inhabitants, into six divisions, which are now the 
 Yankee, or New England States. 
 
 The reasons which caused this rapid extension of 
 settlement are to be looked for in the contemporary 
 annals of England. The events of those stirring 
 years which preceded the great Revolution are so 
 familiar to Englishmen, that a reader who will look 
 at the date of any particular emigration, and take 
 the trouble to recall the particular phase which 
 at that moment the quarrel between crown and 
 people had assumed in England, would in most 
 cases be able to pronounce without further informa- 
 tion to which political party the emigrants belonged, 
 and to what part of America they directed their 
 steps. 
 
 After every fight the victor persecuted tlie van- 
 
1660—1698. 
 
 he settle- 
 the pro- 
 in every 
 miiiation 
 es when 
 the other 
 I. Puri- 
 a home 
 
 /■ere now 
 CaroHna 
 England 
 ' quarrels 
 ) Puritan 
 now the 
 
 ension of 
 miporary 
 stirring 
 ^n are so 
 will look 
 md take 
 ie which 
 3wn and 
 in most 
 informa- 
 )clonged, 
 ;ed their 
 
 
 tl 
 
 le van- 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. ;1G;3 
 
 16G0— 1698.] 
 
 quished according to his power, and drove some of CuArxEB 
 them to America ; the indomitable spirit of every — ■ 
 colony was thus kept alive by a succession of vic- 
 tims. All these men would in their o\\n country 
 have been persecutors if they had got the opportu- 
 nity, and if the fortune of war had been different ; 
 in the colonies they did get the opportunity, and 
 used it unsparingly. At first, as a general rule, 
 loyalists fled to A^irginia, and republicans to New 
 England ; but in after times it was found that these 
 territorial landmarks could not be preserved, and 
 loyalty settled down side by side with republicanism. 
 Nevertheless Virginia and Massachusetts each pre- 
 served somewhat of its individuality. To the very 
 last " the old dominion " was enthusiastically loyal, 
 and Massachusetts intensely puritanical. But as the 
 surrounding country became settled, the importance 
 of Virginia and Massachusetts diminished. Eight 
 or ten neighbouring states liemmed them in, whose 
 inhabitants, recruited from both parties, felt little 
 inclined to keep up a perpetual feud on matters 
 which possessed no significance for any but those in 
 tlie immediate neighbourhood of the seat of war. 
 As long as the quarrel was really as well as nomi- 
 nally religious, the colonists continued to feel strongly 
 interested. They had themselves been victims of 
 persecution. The vicissitudes of the strife deter- 
 mined the character of the successive batches of 
 emigrants : each new comer who settled iimong them 
 gave an accession of strength to one or other of their 
 
 ■ f ■' I 
 
 '' "rl 
 
 ;l I 
 
 A] 
 
 
 •■• •■ I 
 
 .'J"j 
 
 ■111 
 
 .' .'J, 
 
i. 
 V ■ "I 
 
 
 ','\ 
 
 Ir ",.: ' 
 
 
 XIV. 
 
 304 EXODUS OP THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1 GOO— 1698. 
 
 CuAi'TEu relio-ioiis parties. But wlieii tlie issue became po- 
 litical their interest ceased. Their country was the 
 corpus vile upon whicli English statesmen were to 
 try their theories, their nostrums, their panaceas. 
 The colonial policy of the mother-country was 
 henceforward the object of their individual atten- 
 tion ; and they left squabl )les in which they were 
 no longer interested to those who were aficcted by 
 them. 
 
 It was not to be expected that a cluster of young 
 nations, four thousand miles away, w^ould follow 
 wdtli any eagerness the details of party warfare 
 from which they had escaped. They had fled for 
 liberty, they had got it ; they were fully resolved 
 to keep it. They soon discovered that one English 
 party succeeded another without affecting their in- 
 terests in any great degree. In peaceful times the 
 strife of parties is mostly a strife for places, men, and 
 names ; principles are very rarely disturbed ; never, 
 indeed, except in times of revolution, for the dis- 
 turbance of a great principle is, in fact, a revolution. 
 The maxim which regulated colonial policy was this 
 — a colony is a market which the mother-country 
 may control and work for her own advantage ; it 
 shall be left free to regulate its own police, its own 
 nmnicipal affairs, its own religion; it shall be pro- 
 tected from foreign aggression ; it shall enjoy the 
 advantage of sharing the glory and the liberty of 
 a great empire. Fn retui-n, it shall open its ports to 
 the goods of the mother-'ountry, and, wlien c{ille<l 
 
 
 
 f' .. .<t^ 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. HCr, 
 
 ir.no— 1C9S.] 
 
 upon, consign its commodities to lier markets. T]m f'tiAPTKR 
 was the fmidamcntal doctrine of both tlie great parties — 
 who alternately directed Euglisli politics. Both acted 
 upon it consistently ; neither party questioned it, until 
 the colonies had resolved to sever their connection witli 
 England by force. Then, indeed, one of the great 
 parties came to the conclusion tliat the system had 
 been wrong all along ; but the conclusion came 
 too late : the views which animated the colonies 
 were equally simple, and were held witli even 
 still greater tenacity ; they determined to keep 
 up the ties which connected them with tlie mother- 
 country just as long as their safety rendered it ab- 
 solutely necessarv, and to throw it off at once, and 
 for ever, at the earliest possible opportunity ; to take 
 advantage of such protection as should l)e extended 
 to tliem ; to mix themselves up as little as possible 
 in the quarrels of England ; to obey as little as pos- 
 sible ; and to give as little as possible in return for 
 such advantages as, till better times, they might con- 
 sent to accept. There was no question of gratitude, 
 not even much of affection, on either side. 
 
 It seems strange that Great l>ritain should have 
 attached such importance to the retention of societies 
 who, from the beginning, were mutinous and dis- 
 affected; who increased neither her trade, her wealth, 
 nor her greatness; who, presuming upon the exagge- 
 rated value placed u})on them by the mother-countiy, 
 refused, from the very beginning, to bear any share 
 even of the burdens necessary for their own defen(!e. 
 
 it 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 J. -I 1 
 
 
 ■'"ill 
 
 %'\ 
 
3m 
 
 KXODUS OF THE WESTEIiN NATIONS. 
 
 • i- 
 
 [1G60— 1698. 
 
 CuAPTEH But that mistake was one wliicli Enf>:land shared 
 XIV. . . ^ . 
 
 — with all other nations who possessed colonies. It 
 
 was the common opinion of Europe* that colonies 
 added importance and wealth to their metropolis. It 
 was also the common opinion that colonies ought to 
 be so handled as to become a source of profit to the 
 mother-country. But no other country ever treated 
 its colonies with such consideration and generosity 
 as England ; none was repaid by more systematic 
 ingratitude and dislike. From the beginning there 
 was no love lost between the two. England looked 
 upon their formation with indifference, supported 
 them with her power during their nonage, and 
 did not oppress them half as much as other nations 
 oppressed their colonies during the time of their 
 dependence. The colonies clung to British protec- 
 tion till they were strong enough to walk alone ; 
 treated England with systematic disregard, refused 
 assistance even for their own defence, and took up 
 arms against her as soon as the fall of Canada re- 
 lieved them from the danger of falling under the 
 sway of France. 
 
 No doubt the navigation laws at last bore heavily 
 upon the increasing trade of the plantations. But 
 those laws were equally obnoxious to European 
 nations, and must not be considered as engines of op- 
 pression invented for the benefit of our colonies. It 
 is natural that colonies should desire independence, 
 and history has proved that as soon as they are 
 * See Adam Smith, B, iv., 276. 
 
 n ..• 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN' NATIONS. 
 
 ;]('.' 
 
 1660— 1G9S.] 
 
 strong enough for independence tliey will obtain it. CiiArrER 
 It is no doubt much to be regretted that when - — 
 America was ripe for separation we did not permit 
 her to go without fruitless bloodshed. But we look 
 in vain for evidences of the senseless tyranny which, 
 as we have always been taught to believe, goaded 
 America into rebellion. It does not exist. It never 
 did exist. When the supreme authority over a large 
 extent of country is vested in a power which resides 
 at a long distance, it is natural that some mistakes 
 should be committed. American grievances were 
 exaggerated on one side and neglected on the other, 
 till both sides became exasperated. But in sober 
 truth the grievances were small. They w^ere 
 but the excuse for a separation which other things 
 had made desirable. In essentials the Americans, 
 even before the revolution, were as free, nay, more 
 free, than any other nation on earth. They made 
 their own laws, they appointed their own assemblies, 
 they claimed for those assemblies authority " equal to 
 that of the Imperial Parliament." Their defence was 
 provided for by England, but not at their expense. 
 When they were in danger, England went to war on 
 their behalf. The war which broke out in 1739 w^as 
 principally a colony quarrel ; and in making up tlie 
 balance sheet of profit and loss between England and 
 her colonies, its expenses ought to be charged against 
 the colonies. The war of 1754 was exclusively a 
 colony quarrel ; and because they were asked to pay 
 a small portion of the expenditure incurred for their 
 
 i; 
 
 r. 
 
 ■'* 
 
 ' ■•'.> 
 
 
 
 
 

 r ■ ' 
 
 
 1 
 
 368 EXODUS OF THE WESTEIJN NATIONS. 
 
 [1600—1098. 
 
 CiiATTKn protection tlicy rebelled. The choice of a pretext 
 — showed great cleverness on the part of the American 
 patriots. It put them in the right. The abstract 
 proposition for which they fought was undeniable. 
 No nation ought to be taxed against its own con- 
 sent ; England has passed through many a year of 
 civil war in defence of the proposition. But it was 
 never before denied tliat a nation of free men should 
 provide for their own defence. There can be no 
 doubt that the tax would have been adopted by the 
 colonial assemblies, and voted with enthusiasm, if the 
 French had still been in Canada ; if, in fact, they 
 had not been determined in any case to set up inde- 
 pendently for themselves. As regards the restric- 
 tions on colonial trade, of which so much has been 
 said, can it for a moment be supposed that any 
 nation would incur the expenses which were in- 
 curred by England on behalf of her colonies, without 
 seeking recompense in some form or other ? Nations 
 must be judged by the degree of enlightenment 
 which prevailed at the time : we cannot bring them 
 to the bar of 2)ul)lic opinion and try them by a 
 standard of right and wrong which did not then 
 exist. Political science was cultivated to so limited 
 an extent, that the navigation laws and the enforced 
 monopoly of the colony trade enjoyed by the mother- 
 country were considered additions to her wealth. 
 England looked to the advantages obtained from 
 them as a reward for lier sacrifices and a return for 
 her lavish ex]ienditure. The monopoly was, in 
 
V 
 
 XIV. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN XATIOXS. ?,(',(.) 
 
 1000—1098.] 
 
 reality, quite the rovcr.se of profitable,* aiul every one *"ijAnER 
 now admits tliat it woiiM have been better policy to 
 let the colonies go at once than to fight them feebly 
 fii'st and let them go after all. 
 
 But to resume tlie inunediate sul>ject of this cha])- 
 ter. A few years back statesmen had looked M'itli 
 dismay at the excessive power of Austria. The 
 Austrian house was now no longer to be feai-ed : 
 but France had become the object of genera! 
 dread. It was doubtful whether she would not 
 succeed in completely overthrowing the P]uro- 
 pean balance of power. She had extricated herself 
 from the factions and internal dissensions whicli had 
 so long paralyzed her vigour. jMazarin and Colbert 
 had devoted their vast al)ilities to the task of placing 
 unlimited finances at the command of Louis XIV., 
 a prince who was disposed to use every woapoL for 
 the furtherance of military ambition. 
 
 From the beginning of his reign, Louis XI Y. 
 aimed at nothing less than a revival of the power of 
 Charlemagne. At one time it seemed almost pro- 
 bable that his dream would be realized. It was 
 difficult to see whence an adequate opponent could 
 arise. Never before had France seen such a crowd of 
 able negotiators and soldiers : never had her finances 
 been in a state of greater prosperity. Spain, weak- 
 ened by a long period of misgovernment and exhausted 
 by vfars, was in no condition to resist; Charles U. 
 was but a child : Maria of Austria, the queen-regent, 
 
 * Adam Smith's Wciiltli of Nations, V>. iv. passini. 
 
 vor,, I. '2 b 
 
 r- 
 
 ».' 
 
 -V'JI 
 
 t 
 
 rirr. 
 1 ()();■) 
 
 •f :'i 
 ■■■it' 
 
 
 
 
 i 1 
 
 
 ■.:;i-' 
 
 I 
 
i^"ik 
 
 c 
 
 Chai'tkr 
 XIV. 
 
 370 EXODLTS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1 GOO— 1098. 
 
 was completely under tlio influence of Nitliard, her 
 confessor — a German Jesuit whom she had appointed 
 grand inquisitor. The Aveakness and ignorance of 
 this man w^ere to be equalled only by his arrogance 
 and vanity : while he trifled over matters of the 
 most puerile ambition, the frontiers were left un- 
 guarded, and the Low-Country fortresses ungar- 
 risoned. Nor was there any reason for Louis to 
 apprehend serious opposition from the Dutcli. They 
 had long been in alliance with France. Even had 
 it been otherwise, they were not a military power. 
 Their strength lay mainly in tlieir navy. Their 
 recent (juarrels with .tbe English and Spaniards had 
 all been fought ^out upon the sea. The frontier 
 fortresses, which had formerly stood them in good 
 stead, had fallen into decay. Their small army 
 was ill-disciplined, and worse commanded. The old 
 officers, who were for the most part devoted to the 
 house of Orange, had been dismissed during the 
 triumph of the republicans : the burgomasters of that 
 party had replaced them with raw youths who paid 
 little attention to their military duties. William of 
 Orange was still little better than a state prisoner, 
 and though he had already shown to the discerning 
 eye of his great rival, De Witt, signs of the com- 
 manding genius wliich afterwards made him the 
 arbiter of Euroj)e, he was but a youth and un- 
 tried. 
 
 Men's eyes turned in vain to England. The king 
 upon the throne was a lounging fop, with the instinct 
 
 ..(;, 
 
EXODI'S OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. .",71 
 
 IGfiO-lCOS.J 
 
 but not the energ^y of a tyrant — a puppet whose CuAPTEn 
 strings were pulled by harlots in the pay of Louis. — 
 The interval of reason which had produced tlio triple 
 alliance had been succeeded by apathy. The king 
 alternately indulged in an outburst of despotic tem- 
 per, and pusillanimously retreated before tlie storm 
 he had created. When he was neither in a paroxysm 
 of fear or a paroxysm of rage, the King of England 
 sank into a state of fatuous sloth that was more 
 disastrous to himself and his people than either. 
 
 Tidings came in rapid succession of events which 
 almost seemed to show that the poets and orators of 
 Versailles took an accurate view of the genius 
 and destiny of Lonis. Twenty years before the 
 English revolution, it appeared as if nothing could 
 set any limit to the success of that boundless am- 
 bition. The English king was a pensioner on his 
 bounty, and was forced at his order to make un- 
 natural alliance with him against Holland. Louis 
 could, whenever he pleased, conquer a separate truce 
 with one of his opponents, while he devoted his whole 
 attention to the annihilation of another : sometimes 
 he was able to defy the united efforts of them all. 
 But as William IH. attained to manhood the case 
 seemed to become less desperate ; the country which 
 had shaken off the iron yoke of tlie Emperor 
 Charles V. and of his son Philip IL was not likely 
 patiently to submit to the pov^er of Louis : after 
 the murder of De Witt, AVilliam became stadtholder, 
 and the French monarch found that he had to do 
 
 2 li 2 
 
 i» 
 
 '•(.IJ 
 
 ■■>' 1 
 
 'k 
 
 '.r 
 
 1 
 
 
T.i 
 
 ( 
 
 K'-y' 
 
 (:' 
 
 :•• .. ■ 
 
 1 . 
 
 ■ 1' . . ■ 
 
 i 
 
 372 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATION'S. 
 
 [ifuin— iiiOM. 
 Oii.Miiu with a man of difHTCTit temper from the easy foes he 
 
 — liacl heretofore eiig^aged. 
 
 Attacked hy France and liingland together, tlie 
 stadtliolder opened the dykes and flooded tlie country, 
 and tlien from his ishand fortresses made preparations 
 for transferring liis whole republic to the eastern 
 
 1072 seas. Offers of alliances, of gold, of friendship, were 
 made to him in vain ; William coldly rejected them, 
 and from his boyhood till his death fought steridy 
 and resolutely with such weapons as came to his 
 hand, and such alliances as from time to time he 
 could command in the cause of liberty against ar- 
 bitrtuy power. 
 
 IGiiO The settlements of Virginia and Massachusetts just 
 before the English restoration have already been 
 described. Within fifty years of that time Puritans, 
 Cavaliers, followers of the unhaj)py Monmouth, and 
 Calvinists flying from the dragonnades of Louis XIY., 
 had taken refuge among them. Carolina was settled 
 by a very heterogeiieous population. Lord Claren- 
 don, the Duke of Albemarle, Lord Ashley Cooper, 
 
 1003 afterwards Earl of Shaftesbury, Sir J. Colleton, and 
 others of King Charles's friends, had received the 
 first grant : some of them, Monk especially, had just 
 at that time been mainly instrumental in bringing 
 the king back from his eighteen years of exile : his 
 Majesty was still full of gratitude, the nation still 
 wild with enthusiasm. The first settlers were natu- 
 rally very loyal. Their characters might not 
 bear examination : it was the old story — London 
 
KXoDUS OF Tin; WF.STEIIX XATIoNS. 373 
 
 IGCO— ir.OS.] 
 
 ^x ^ino'-lionses and rookeries, even London ci;aols, chaitkr 
 • • ' \ I V 
 
 fnrnislied foi-tli food good enonf;'h for " the })lanta- ' — ' 
 
 tions." Locke, tlie greatest philosopher of tlie age, 
 made the laws, and produced a new constitution, un- 
 like anything ever seen before, and if one may ven- 
 ture to say tlie word, supremely absurd. Some of 
 the loyal gentlemen figured in the now constitution 
 as landgraves ; some even as ca9iques ; but one nipy 
 gather tliat the derision of the vulgar deprived the 
 new titles of their value, for tlie caciques soon 
 dropped their dignities, and reverted to plain master 
 and esquire. A suflicient number of emigrants could 
 not be assembled at short notice for the first coloni- 
 zation ; their numl:)ers were increased from Virginia, 
 and from Barbadoes : a few years later. South Caro- 
 lina was cut off from the northern province, and 
 plentifully supplied with negro slaves from tlie West 
 Indies : many of the Dutch, who were then quar- 
 relling at Manhattan with the New England men, 
 took the opportunity of settling afresh in a less 
 turbulent neighbourhood. Next year King Charles 
 departed from his usual plan of letting the colonies 
 shift entirely for themselves ; and sent out to Caro- 
 lina, at his own expense, two ships full of foreign 1071 
 Protestants who had taken refuge in England. In 
 1080, the year of the defeat of the Exclusion Bill and 
 the execution of Stafford, came an emigration of im- 
 poverished cavaliers. A year later a congregation 
 of Somersetshire dissenters, led by Joseph Blake, 
 brother of the gallani admiral, who, looking to the 
 
 < 1 
 
 ,i i' ». 
 
 '• > .' 
 
 . i ■■(' 
 
 ■IM' . 
 
 J 
 
 J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 S, 
 
 .\ • 
 
 
 ^' 
 
 
 .! \ 
 
 ■i 
 
iU -;i 
 
 
 i i 
 
 
 'I 
 
 I ', 
 
 m 
 
 I ■. 
 
 
 
 / ' 
 
 ::^ ..I 
 
 
 J- 
 
 374 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 riCGO-1698. 
 
 Chapter professed Catholicism of the Duke of York, aiitici- 
 
 — pated evil times for the dissenters. Blake devoted 
 to this emigratio?! the fortune he h.ad inherited from 
 his Lrother : thus the plunder of the Spanish galleons 
 contributed to estahlish a Protestant colony. Next 
 came an Irish emigration under a man named Fer- 
 
 l()8'j gusson; and then, after Monmouth's rebellion, many 
 of those who were lucky enough to escape the rack 
 and the gibbet, came out under the leadership of 
 Lord Cardross. Thus almost every rurn of fortune 
 sent a waif to the shores of America. 
 
 1G78 The evident b^'art of King Charles in favour of the 
 Roman Catholic religion, had so roused the tcmj^er of 
 the English, that they were prepared for an outbreak 
 at the first opportunity ; even the fictions o^ Gates 
 were not too monstrous to receive a ready belief : a 
 persecution burst out against tlie Catholics, in which 
 many innocent victims were sacrificed. Encouraged 
 by the evidently Puritan bias of the nation, tlie 
 
 U)79 Covenanters in Scotland, after murdering Archbishop 
 Sharpe near St. Andrews, broke into open rebellion : 
 the troops quartered in the western counties were 
 ordered to disperse conventicle >!, wherever they should 
 be found. i^oiRQ temporary accesses emboldened the 
 Covenanters to set forth .i dc' laration against Episco- 
 pacy, and j-»ublicly to burn the Acts of Parliament 
 which had ordained that form of religion in Scotland : 
 they took possession of Glasgow, and formed a camp 
 in the neighbourhood : thence they issued proclama- 
 tions declaring that they fought, not iigainst the 
 
 '-'• ■!) 
 
 h! 
 
I 
 
 [1600-1698. 
 
 fork, aiitici- 
 ike devoted 
 lerited from 
 iish galleons 
 ony. Next 
 named Fer- 
 .'llion, many 
 pe the rack 
 ladership of 
 1 of fortune 
 
 ,vour of tlie 
 
 he temper of 
 
 an outbreak 
 
 lis o^ Gates 
 
 ly belief: a 
 
 OS, in wliicli 
 
 Encourag'cd 
 
 nation, the 
 
 Archbishop 
 
 n rebellion : 
 
 unties were 
 
 they should 
 
 •oldened the 
 
 iiist Episco- 
 
 Parliament 
 
 in t^cotland : 
 
 med a camp 
 
 \ proclaiua- 
 
 itJi'ainst the 
 
 CHAI-TEU 
 
 xrv. 
 
 KXODUS OF 'JllE WESTERN NA'J'IOXS. ^T") 
 
 1660—1698.] 
 
 king's person, but against his supremacy in religious 
 matters, against popery, prelacy, and a popish suc- 
 cessor to the crown. 
 
 The rebellion was easily quelled ; and, as was 
 usual in all the religious persecutious of that time, a 
 bloody revenge was taken. A large body of the un- 
 happy Cameronians fled to America, where they set- 
 tled in New England. 
 
 AVhile these events occurred in f-^cotland, a new 
 Parliament met in London. Now, for the first time, 
 the two parties wldcli divided the state assumed the 
 names of Whio-s and Tories. Tlie AVhio-s were mainl v 
 composed of those who distrusted, and wished to cur- 
 tail, the growing power of the king ; tlie Tories 
 comprised the Catholics, and such of the old cavaliers 
 as the faults of Charles bad not yet alienated. The 
 House of Commons manifested a very violent spirit : 
 tbey passed a bill excluding the Duke of York from 
 the succession ; it was, however, thrown out in the 
 Lords. Enraged at tlieii non-success, the majority 
 impeached the judges ; they attacked the; friends of 
 the Duke of York ; they tried and executed Staftbrd : ]()80 
 it was now the turn of the Cavaliers to seek a refuge 
 in America : a considerable body of the Cavaliers 
 settled in Carolina. 
 
 In the year 1085 the Protestants received the Kiyo 
 severest blow that bad fallen upon them since the 
 days of the Bartholomew massacre : it fell both in 
 France and in England at once. King Charles If. 
 died : and the Duke of York, who succeeded his 
 
 
 '-''I 
 
 '■•ill 
 
 111 
 
,;i . i. 
 
 H '■ ' 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 .1' ,' ■ •' ' 
 .'■•1 .■ •'■ .■ 
 
 
 ',■''■'•■ 
 
 ? 
 
 
 ^ ' 1 
 
 I 
 
 • I 
 
 lii' 
 
 il! 
 
 I 
 .. I 
 
 37(j EXODUS OF 'J'HE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G60— lGy8_ 
 
 CiiAiTER brotlier, was an avowed Catholic. His accession had 
 
 XIV. 
 
 — been regarded with dismay by a kxrge portion of the 
 population : the old advocates of the Exclusion Bill 
 were willing to snatch at any proposal which might 
 have the eHect of keeping a Eoman Catholic from the 
 throne : the old story of Charles's marriage with Lucy 
 AYalters liad been often dispi'oved ; Charles himself 
 had denied it in the most formal manner, but it was 
 again revived. It was announced that the rightful 
 heir was going to claim his own, and to call on all 
 friends of the Protestant succession to support him by 
 force of arms : the Earl of Argyle declared for the 
 i-*retender, and landed in Scotland, where he soon 
 found himself at the head of a couple of thousand men. 
 But the king's authority was too firmly established 
 to be shaken by such a force : the Marquis of Atliol 
 pressed Argyle in one direction, Lord Charles Mur- 
 I'ay in another : he was at length hemmed in 
 between the Duke of Gordon and the Earl of Dum- 
 barton : having tried in vain to effect a junction 
 with the Covenanters in the Low Country, the un- 
 fortunate earl crossed the Clyde : his army melted 
 away : he was taken prisoner and hanged. The 
 pretender Monmouth himself wivs equally unfor- 
 tunate : he landed in the west of England, and was 
 received with extraordinary marks of affection at 
 Taunton. In many other to'^^ms of the west he was 
 saluted us king. But he had not the talents necessary 
 to support the high part he had undertaken to play : 
 lie was defeated and beheaded. His rebellion evoked 
 
 1!,^ I 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 377 
 
 IC.UO— IG'.IH.] 
 
 a horrible veiigeunce. The arbitrary temper of James chaitku 
 seized with avidity the opportunity for a judicial mas- — 
 sacre. Colonel Kirke was first intrusted witl the 
 task of punishment : but that officer's military exe- 
 cutions, barbarous and lawless as they were, were yet 
 too mild for the savage spirit of the king. James 
 despatched the infamous Judge Jeffreys to the spot, 1(58.") 
 with special commission to hang, to banish, to muti- 
 late, and to torture. r)Otli Kirke and Jeftreys enjoy 
 the unenviable reputation of being venal as well as 
 cruel : a moderate briba could purchase from either 
 of them leave to reach unmolested some seaport 
 whence the fugitive could sail for America. The 
 New England ships were so crowded with fugitives 
 from Sedgemoor that there was a great danger lest 
 the wattir and provisions should fail : those who 
 were lucky enough to escape hanging, and were too 
 poor to purchasi' their freedom, were sold as slaves 
 to the traders of Barbadoes at fifteen pounds a head. 
 The same year was even, more disastrous to tlie 
 Calvinists in France. Their political power had 
 been crushed by Richelieu : they had become dis- 
 tinguished only as among the most orderly and in- 
 dustrious of the French p(^)pulation : the Edict of 
 Nantes had bestowed UDon them liberty of con- 
 science, and had left them at leisure to dev^ote them- 
 sehes to useful and ornamental trades. The silk 
 manufactories, the art of weaving, were in their 
 hands ; they alone knew the secret of making hats, 
 of which the French lia<l liillierio uuioveil the 
 
 % 
 
 
 '■\« 
 
 ,'%. 
 
 ^.■l 
 
 
 ) 
 
 ■';■,]' 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 '; ■, ■ 
 
 
 
 '■ 
 
 «'•■'' 
 
 • 
 
 r- 
 '<'' 
 
 % 
 
 t '. 
 
 
 ' ^ 
 
 . ,'•') 
 
 ,» • 
 
 ■M 
 
 i 
 
 ■III' 
 
 •fl 
 
 lu 
 
 ,)> 
 
 ■1 . * 
 
 m 
 
 
' T 
 
 378 
 
 EXOD'^.TS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 
 & 
 
 f K i^ 
 
 1: 
 
 k. 
 
 I 
 i 
 
 [i(;<;o— i()i)8. 
 Chapteb monojioly. They were not prevented from writing 
 — and speaking in defence of tlieir own doctrines. 
 Some of tliem held high commands in the armies of 
 France ; some took a prominent part in tlie civil 
 administration. Tlieir dislovaltv had naturally 
 ceased with the cessation of persecution. It would 
 have been })olitic not to meddle with a sect which 
 had ceased to be formidable, and which liad long 
 merged the heretic in the Frenchman. But from 
 boyhood Louis XIY. had hated the Protestants. 
 One by one the privileges they had enjoyed were 
 withdrawn. The ministers were forbidden to pri^ach, 
 the churches were shut up. Huguenots in the civil 
 or military sei vice of the king were dismissed. Per- 
 secution had its usual effect : the old spirit which had 
 successfully contended in former generations n gainst 
 the whole power of tlie crown was re-aroused. 
 Some feeble opposition was offered to the royal will. 
 Then the storm burst — the Edict of Nantes was 
 formally repealed. Dragoons were quartei'ed on 
 the Huguenots, and permitted to adopt every rude 
 mode of conversion which might occur to the military 
 intellect. The preachers were banished, and their 
 flocks prevented by force from following them. The 
 frontiers were strictly guarded. But in spite of all 
 precautions a vast emigration took place. It was 
 said that 50,000 of the most industrious inhabitants 
 of France fled in a few months from the cruelty of 
 Louis. Some joined their co-religionists in Holland. 
 Some carried into England the secret of various 
 
 1685 
 
[KUiO— l()9y. 
 
 EXODUS OF TIIK WESTERN NATIONS. 379 
 
 lOdO— inys.j 
 
 trades liitlierto unknown there : some planted vine- Chaiteu 
 
 . . XIV. 
 
 yards at the Cape of Good Hope ; some joined the — " 
 Enghsh colonies on the Chesapeake : such were the 
 early settlers of the South. 
 
 The North was broken up into more divisions, 
 but the emigrants came from less diverse stocks : 
 with the exception of Pennsylvania all were settled 
 by Puritans. Rhode Island was planted, as I men- 
 tioned in a former chapter, by Roger Williams, when 
 his doctrines were considered " unsavoury " by the 
 stern planters of Maine. Massachusetts, Connecticut, 
 and New IIamj3shire were all settled by Puritans 
 between 1G25 and 1(540 : Pennsylvania was granted 1080 
 to William Penn by the king, in satisfaction of a 
 debt due by his Majesty to Penn's father. 
 
 The French colonies, meanwhile, progressed but 
 slowly. 
 
 It was not till the downfall of Richelieu's Com- 
 pagnie des Cent Associes that New France began to 
 improve or its population to increase. The com- 
 pany had been formed under most brilliant aus- 
 pices ; many of the most powerful names in France 
 were among its proprietors : it had possessed exclu- 
 sive power for thirty-four years ; it was now obliged 
 to resign its charter into the hands of the king. The 
 company had administered a government more pa- l(3G2 
 ternal than legal. No courts of justice existed ; no 
 council assisted the governor — from his sentences 
 there was no appeal. He usually first attempted to 
 arbitrate : if ln' failed in arbitration, he proceeded 
 
 ' 11 
 
 "J 
 
 •111' 
 
 ■1'' 
 
 i 
 
 ■ h 
 
 f i 
 
 H 
 
J h 
 
 S,:>! 
 
 I>j. 
 
 
 r- 
 
 1 
 
 380 EXODUfS UF THE WESTEIiN NATIONS. 
 
 Chaiteu to deliver iiKla-rnent. Tlie result naturally was tluit 
 
 XIV. O CI ./ 
 
 — almost all suits were decided Ly arbitration. Charle- 
 voix says that the inhabitants of Canada were so little 
 litigious — " qu'ils aimoient mieux pour I'ordinaire 
 ceder quelque chose de leur bon droit, que de perdre 
 le terns a plaider." He goes onto say that nothing in 
 the colony w^as kept under lock and key, and that 
 there was no instance of the confidence thus shown 
 being misplaced. This patriarchal simplicity did not 
 
 M!<)2 long continue. A royal governor was sent out, and a 
 council appointed. A code of laws was framed for 
 his guidance ; and it does not appear thenceforward 
 that there was any lack of criminals to keep the 
 machinery in working order. Soon after the country 
 came directly into the hands of the king, M. de Tracy 
 Vvas sent out with a colony far more complete than 
 any that had before been seen there. A large nmnljer 
 of settlers accompanied him : they brought with 
 them horses, cattle, and sheep ; none of these animals 
 had before been seen in the colony. The Canadians, 
 aided by the new arrivals, were now able to make 
 head against the Indians. They jjroceeded to push 
 their discoveries behind the English settlements, and 
 along the course of the Mississippi from the great 
 lakes nearly to the Mexican Gulf. 
 
 In 1G80 we find Mr. Randolph writing " from the 
 common prison of Boston," whither he had been sent 
 by Governor Andros, to tlie Lords of the Com- 
 mittee of Trade and Foreign Plantations, an account 
 of the great danger which, in his opinion, menaced 
 
 
»'s. 
 
 ly was that 
 Dn. Cliarle- 
 ere so little 
 rordiiiaire 
 e de perdre 
 ; iiotLingiii 
 and that 
 tlins sliown 
 3ity did not 
 t out, and a 
 framed for 
 nceforward 
 ) keep the 
 the country 
 I. de Tracy 
 iplote than 
 'ge ninnbor 
 ught with 
 )se animals 
 Canadians, 
 e to make 
 d to push 
 nents, and 
 the great 
 
 " from tlie 
 been sent 
 the Com- 
 m account 
 , menaced 
 
 XIV. 
 
 EXODITS OF THE WERTEIIN NATIONS. .lsl 
 
 inno— ir,<)8.] 
 
 New England. He considered it likely that the chai-tku 
 
 French would, if not timely prevented, overrun the 
 
 whole country. His letter gives an accurate picture 
 
 of the quarrels which constantly existed between the 
 
 French and English colonies. 
 
 He says that about the year sixteen hundred and 
 eighty-five, the French of Canada encroached upon 
 the lands of the subjects of the crowui of England, 
 building forts upon the heads of their great rivers, 
 extending their bounds, disturbing the inhabitants, 
 and laying claim to those lands which for many years 
 had belonged to the English. That under pretence of 
 a right to the sole fishery between the degrees of 
 forty-three and forty-six north latitude, they had 
 seized eight New England ketches loaden with fish 
 oft' the coast of Nova Scotia, taken away all their fish, 
 treated the masters most barbarouslv, and after- 
 wards carried then and the k(^tches to Rochelle, 
 where they w^re a long time imprisoned. The 
 masters came afterwards from thence to New England. 
 " I then " writes liaudolph, " assisted them in their 
 applicacion to the Earl of Sunderland and to the Lord 
 Preston, then Eml^assador in France ; but his Lord- 
 ship, though he pressed the matter, could obtaine noe 
 redresse. Whereupon it was advised and ordered in 
 Council that the three small Colonyes of Connecticott, 
 New Plvmouth. and Rhode Island, not able to make 
 any defence against the French, together wuth the 
 Provinces of New Hampshire and Maine, should be 
 united and made one entire Government, tlie better to 
 
 .: ■ ; i 
 
 il 
 
 .1 
 
3S2 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WKSTERN NATIONS 
 
 ■ *' ■ . 
 
 i 
 
 i«r '■ 
 
 ': 1 
 
 
 
 [IfiGO— 1098. 
 
 Chapter defend tliemselves a2:aiiist invasion." Accordingly a 
 
 XIV 
 
 — Commission was directed to Sir Edmund Andros 
 with instructions to take them all under his care. 
 Randolph proceeds to say, that " The French about 
 Canada intending to engrosse the whole beaver 
 trade to themselves, did in the time of peace sur- 
 prize about twenty-seven of the chiefe captains 
 belonging to the five nations of the Indians (tradeis 
 with the townc of Albany in the government of 
 New Yorke), who had subjected themselves to the 
 crowne of England many years agoe, and have bin 
 accounted subjects and protected both by the Dutch 
 and English government att New Yorke." " They 
 verv much court the five nations of Indians to sub- 
 mitt to the government of Canada, and by their 
 Jesuits strangely allure them with their beades, cruci- 
 fixes, and little painted images, gaining many new 
 converts." Before the end of the century the French 
 had obtained a settlement at the mouth of the 
 Mississippi. The immense political importance of 
 this proceeding will be immediately seen. The Eng- 
 lish declared that their colonies had no western 
 boundaries but the ocean ; the French pointed to 
 the discoveries of Joliet and La Salle, and in right 
 of their explorations in Louisiana and the Valley of 
 the Great River, claimed the right to hem the Elng- 
 lish settlements into the narrow strip of ground be- 
 tween the Mississippi and the Atlantic. One Mon- 
 sieur Town-to, says Randolph, in the letter already 
 quoted, a French ofiicer from Canada, has enlarged 
 
 
XIV. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTRT^N NATIONS. 3sr 
 
 1600—1098.] 
 
 their pretentions, and settled ;i fort and garrison citaitku 
 upon the Lakes on tlie back side of Carohna. During- 
 this cessation upon the treaty of peace and commerce, 
 they are not idle, but attempting upon the English 
 in tliese parts of the world." 
 
 The Monsieiu* Town-to referred to by Eandolph is 
 Henry de Tonti, son of a Spanish governor of Naples, 
 who, after the revolution in that kingdom, removed 
 with his family to France. Henri, who was after- 
 words well known in Canadian frontier warffire, 
 entered the army as a cadet, in which capacity he 
 was employed in the years 1GG8 and 1GG9 ; he after- 
 wards served on board ships of war and in galleys. 
 AVben the enemy attacked the port of Libisso, his 
 right liand was shot away by a grenade. The 
 troops being discharged at the peace, he repaired to 
 court, where he was fortunate in gaining the pro- 
 tection of the Prince de Conti, who recommended him 
 to La Salle, with whom he went to Canada in 1G78. 
 He exercised a commajiding influence in the western 
 country, where he was known by the soubriquet of 
 " Bras de Fer," or the " Iron Hand," from a knob of 
 met[d which he carried, covered with leather, as a 
 substitute for the hand he had lost. With this 
 weapon he would dash into the centre of an Indian 
 melee, and at a blow break the head that came in 
 contact with it. The settlement which Randolph 
 mentions was one among the Illinois Indians. Next 
 to La Salle, de Tonti contributed the most to the 
 exploration and knowledge of the Mississippi Valley. 
 
 When DMbervillo, in 1G08, obtained piM-mission to 
 
 '•'.? 
 
 • ' 
 
 , :■! 
 
 1, 
 
 tf 
 
 1 i 
 
■'J 
 
 i" 
 
 
 
 I" 1 ■ 
 
 .^^4 Kxonrs ov tiik western XATroxs. 
 
 [lOGO— 1(;9S. 
 
 CiiAi'TEn cml)nrk at Quebec for the Mississippi, de Touti joined 
 — lu'in. The arnuiment consisted of two frio-ates and 
 smaller vessels ; and D'II)ervil]e had on board a 
 cora]iany of marines and about two hnndred settlers, 
 including women and cliildren, most of the men 
 l)eing disbanded Canadian soldiers. The Mississipjn* 
 had never been as yet entered from the sea, thongh 
 La Salle and various others had descended the sti'cnm. 
 Spaninrds from Vera Cruz had already established 
 a, post at Pensacola : from this point was drawn the 
 dividing line between the Spanish possessions in 
 Florida and the French in Louisiana. In obedience 
 to the Spanish policy of the day, the governor 
 of Pensacola would allow no foreigners to enter his 
 harbour : the Frencli, therefore, sailed a little to the 
 westward, and cast anchor opposite what is now the 
 1C99 port of Mobile. The view that met their gaze was 
 flat and dreary beyond imagination to conceive ; still 
 it was not without variety and interest. ]>ayous, or 
 natural canals, crept slowly among the marshes to 
 the sea, which occupied about a third of the horizon 
 to the south. On the east and ^vest, marshes, bristling 
 with roots, trunks, and branches of trees, extended as 
 far as the eye coidd reach. The bars which stretcli 
 across the mouth of the river are formed of the 
 mud brought down at all times, but more particularly 
 in the wet season. Similar deposits are taking place 
 on all sides, so that the bottom is gradually raised 
 to the surface of the water.* When the river is 
 low, immense tracts are laid bare. In spring, or 
 
 * Captain Biisil Plall's 
 
 lavcMs. 
 
 .I'll .? 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTEllN NATIONS. 
 
 
 inno— inns.] 
 
 rather winter, when the freshes or floods come clown, Cumtku 
 
 . ... -^iv. 
 
 they bring with them millions of trnnks of trees. — 
 
 In February and the beginning of ^rarch the quantity """^'^ 
 of these logs is so great that rot only the river itself, 
 but also the sea for several miles, is so coated with 
 them, that it requires some skill to get through. The 
 whole ground — if the loose, muddy soil can be so 
 called — appears to be formed of layers of logs matted 
 together into a gigantic raft of rough timbers, many 
 fathoms in depth, and extending over hundreds of 
 square leagues. These rafts settle on the mud as 
 the waters subside, and are cemented by fresh de- 
 posits. In a short time a rank growth of cane and 
 reed springs up, which helps to keep them together. 
 This is called a cane brake — a wild, dreary, im- 
 passable marsh. The reeds, by retarding the flow of 
 the river, collect the mud at the next season, and by 
 the process of their own decay, help to form the allu- 
 vial soil of the delta. " Fresh logs, and. fresh mud, 
 and new crops of cane go on forming for years. 
 At length a poor kind of shrub takes root in these 
 slushy territories ; the empire of the alligators, who 
 delight to flounder about in the creeks or bayous 
 which cross the delta in every direction."* 
 
 On his return from his successful search, D' Iber- 
 ville erected a fort at the head of the Bay of Biloxi. 
 It was built upon a sandy shore, and under a burning 
 sun. Tonti came down from the Illinois, and, in 
 company with D'Iberville and his brother Bienville, 
 
 * I'ancroft, History of America. 
 VOL. I. 2 c 
 
 •tj 
 
 ' il 
 
 •ll 
 
 M 
 
 4,-. 
 
 
 r.r::' 
 
 ■m 
 
 \- 
 
 ■ I ■ 
 
ii 
 
 
 ■J 1 
 
 1 
 
 :- 1 i 
 
 xrv. 
 
 ■, 
 
 J ,,;., 
 
 
 380 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1000—1098. 
 
 CicAiTEu ascended tlie Mississippi. A bluff, wliere Natchez now 
 stands, was selected as the site for a town, and was 
 named Rosalie, after the Countess de Pontchartrain, 
 wife of the Governor of Canada. The settlement of 
 the French did not long remain nt Biloxi ; it was 
 transferred within a short time to the western shore 
 of the Mobile. The colonists, of whom scarcely thirty 
 families had been left by disease, dispersed in search 
 of pearls, of the wool of the buffalo, and of gold mines ; 
 or scattered tliemselves over the country for hunting 
 and discovery. " On the shelter of the Mississippi, 
 where a fort had been built, Bienville and his few 
 soldiers were at the mercy of the rise of the waters of 
 the river ; and the buzz and sting of mosquitoes, the 
 hissing of snakes, the croaking of frogs, the cries of 
 alligators, seemed to claim that the country should 
 still, for a generation, be the inheritance of reptiles."* 
 Prosperity was impossible. At the best, only a com- 
 promise could be made with the far stronger colony 
 of the Spaniards close at hand. To till the sandy 
 desert was impracticble. But the main object was 
 achieved : the settlements of the English were com- 
 pletely hemmed in. The lilies of France cut on 
 forest trees, and crosses erected on bluffs of the Mis- 
 sissippi, at length marked a chain of posts from the 
 Mexican Gulf to Hudson's Bay. 
 
 li 
 
 * For a description of the delta of the Mississippi, see Captain T^asil 
 Hall's Travels. 
 
 B)..- 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTEP.X NATIONS. 
 
 38; 
 
 jr.rt-)— 1702.] 
 
 f: 
 
 ■'U 
 
 •n 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 I'OLITrCS IN THE ENGLISH COLONIES UNDER WILLIAM IIL 
 
 [1085—1702.] 
 
 Views of James If. — He coiifiscatos Colonial Cliarters— Accession of William 
 and Mary — Political Temper of Carolina : of Vir;_nnia : of Maryland : of 
 Pennsylvania: of New York— Their position with re^'ard to the French 
 and Indians. 
 
 Kino James was greatly elated with the easy and 
 complete victory he had ohtained over Monmouth : 
 henceforward he counted on complete suhmission 
 from his suhjects. In the blindness of his zeal for 
 the Roman Catholic religion, he thought that he could 
 overleap every obstacle and bear down every oppo- 
 sition. His Ijrother Charles had by his victory over 
 the Whigs left the way open to the establishment of 
 a merely secular absolutism. But absolute power 
 seems not to have been the object of his ambition, ex- 
 cept so far as it would assist him in his plan of entirely 
 extirpating heresy. If James IT. had decided to 
 make himself a despotic king, many things would 
 have aided his views. The Episcopal clergy had 
 diffused the doctrine of passive obedience throughout 
 the community. He h^""^^ .elf, with the assistance of 
 
 2 c 2 
 
 CnArrKii 
 XV. 
 
 j)8r> 
 
 r ■ 
 
 :> 
 
 J.-. 
 
 ■ .1 
 
 \ 
 
 ■ • ■■'■i 
 
 '' 
 
 \\i 
 
 ' ;i 
 
 
," < . ' ' 
 
 * 
 
 v .i 
 
 
 4 
 
 • '!' 
 
 i ' 
 
 I 
 
 388 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1085-1702. 
 
 Chatter the infamous Jeffreys, had proved that his temper 
 — was unbending, and that he could follow its dictates 
 in bitter earnest. The country had already tried 
 regicide, and still retained the recollection of the 
 sufferings which that crime had entailed. Tlie re- 
 action of feeling which produced the restoration had 
 not yet died away. His personal safety was there- 
 fore secure ; and a strong disposition existed on the 
 part of the people to submit to anything rather than 
 incur the miseries of a new revolution. There was, 
 however, one condition on which they were resolved 
 to insist. The Protestant religion was established 
 by Ipw — it should not be interfered with. They 
 were determined that on religious matters their con- 
 sciences should not again be forced. But this was 
 exactly the point upon which the perverse temper 
 of James was bent. He set to \vork without delay. 
 Churchmen and Dissenters, Tories and Whigs, had 
 no difficulty in perceiving his intention : it was 
 shown in all his public acts. It was avowed without 
 prudence and without disguise. Papists were in- 
 troduced into the privy council, the magistracy, tlie 
 bench. They obtained high commands in the 
 army. The king newly modelled the corporations. 
 He interfered with education at the fountain head 
 by attempting to coerce the universities. He sent an 
 embassy to the pope. He established an ecclesi- 
 astical commission for the cognizance of spiritual 
 offences. All this was done within the space of 
 three years. The people saw that there was no al- 
 
 M 
 
XV. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATION'S. 389 
 
 1G85— 1702.] 
 
 ternative : immediate and uncompromising resist- Chapper 
 ance, or complete submission. 
 
 Tlie oppressive acts of King James were not con- 
 fined to England. He was informed even by the 
 subservient crown lawyers that the planters of New 
 England continued to possess the rights of English 
 subjects, although their charter had been forfeited. 
 Yet he appointed a governor-general and legislative 
 council who were empowered to make arbitrary laws 
 and execute them, to im])ose tnxes and to compel 
 payment. The New Englanders declared that " the 
 whole unquestioned riglit of the subject was taken 
 away." 
 
 It appears to have been the deliberate policy of 
 James to vacate, whenever it was j^^ossible, tlie 
 colonial patents.* Formal articles were exhibited 
 before the Lords of the Committee for Colonies, 
 accusing the colonial corporations of breaches of their 
 charters and opposition to the acts of navigation. 
 Writs of quo warranto were issued. Khode Island, 
 Connecticut, and New Plymouth resigned their 
 charters, taking care, however, to frame their acts of 
 surrender in such, terms of ambiguity as to leave 
 room for future controversy, whether they intended 
 to resign their authority, or only to submit to sli- 
 })erior and irresistible force. New York ,and New 
 Jersey were obliged to follow h'uit. In all of 
 these colonies the arbitrary government of the king 
 was established. But the policy of King James, 
 
 * Cluilmci's, llibt. ol' the Aiaericau Kovult, 
 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 >i:' 
 
 ■•■t 
 
 I . 1-. 
 
 
 I :. 
 
P';" 
 
 
 h ' 
 
 / i 
 
 > 
 
 ( 
 
 1 
 
 , KV 
 
 . .-f 
 
 :( 
 
 li'i 
 
 ii :;i 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 ( ' \ ' ' 
 
 
 '1 
 
 i 
 
 I, 
 1 ' ' ■ 
 
 i 
 
 5 
 
 t 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 ■ 1 , 
 
 
 ' 1 
 
 9 
 
 1 . ■ 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 890 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1685—1702. 
 
 CiiAi'TKit however ai-bitrary in other respects, was sound in 
 — one instance. If it had been followed up by his 
 successors, it might have saved much bloodshed in 
 after times. The ambitious designs of France in 
 America were already visible, though it would have 
 been impossil)le then to foresee to what an extent 
 they would in future times be carried. James com- 
 missioned Andros* to unite under one government 
 the various plantations between the Delaware and 
 the St. Lawrence. Andros was appointed captain- 
 general of the whole under the name of New Eng- 
 land. But though it was wise to consolidate, as far 
 as possible, the governments of the various colonies, 
 it was neither wise nor right to interfere with their 
 liberties. The governor of the new territory was to 
 be assisted by a legislative council composed of the 
 chief inhabitants of the different colonies, selected by 
 the king. The iuhabitants in vain petitioned for the 
 re-establishment of an assembly, elected according to 
 their original custom ; but the concession was denied. 
 Maryland, the Kon.an Catholic colony, was jjerhaps 
 the only one that did not incur, for one reason or an- 
 other, the grave displeasure of King James. Yet even 
 the Marylanders were too liberal to please his des- 
 potic temjier. The inhabitants of South Carolina 
 incurred his anger with some reason ; they had lately 
 devoted their whole attention to piracy : and to such 
 a pitch did their depredations reach, that it became 
 necessary to send a fleet out to destroy their ships. 
 
 t See Kaiulolpirs Letter, quoted ante, p. 382. 
 
 
1685—1702. 
 
 sound in 
 ip by In's 
 Dclslied in 
 ^rance in 
 3uld have 
 in extent 
 nies com- 
 vcrnment 
 ware and 
 I captain- 
 '^ew Eng- 
 tte, as far 
 I colonies, 
 v'itli their 
 ry was t(3 
 ed of tlie 
 lected by 
 id for the 
 ording to 
 IS denied. 
 1 perhaps 
 on or an- 
 Yet even 
 
 his des- 
 Caroh'na 
 ad lately 
 1 to such 
 ; became 
 ir ships. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 391 
 
 1685—1702.] 
 
 They soon after engaged in a quarrel with the Spa- Ciiuteb 
 niards. James confiscated their charter as he had — '■ 
 done those of the other colonies. The restless Caro- 
 linians were not disposed to be kept long in subjec- 
 tion to any authority. To habitual turbulence 
 succeeded universal anarchy. The administration, 
 already weakened, was overturned, and, to use the 
 words of a contemporary historian, " impi'isonment 
 and proscription completed the miseries of a people 
 who learned at length, from adversity, that it is the 
 violent and vicious who alone profit from disorder."* 
 
 The English people, on either side of the Atlantic, 
 were not of a temper tamely to submit to oppres- 
 sion such as this. They determined neither to 
 throw away the liberties fo. which during so many 
 years they and their fathers had fought, nor to 
 repeat the errors by which the lustre of their 
 forefathers' triumph had been dimmed. They re- 
 solved, not to kill the king, but to depose him. 
 Never in history was a national defection vso sudden 
 and so comjilete. The change of government was 
 effected witliout bloodshed or popular commotion. 
 The Prince of Orange was invited to take the throne, lfj88 
 and his administration was submitted to as quietly 
 as if lie had ascended it in the ordinary course of 
 successic>n. The fleet received his orders. The 
 army, without murmur or opposition, allowed him to 
 remodel them. The City of London sa}ii)lied him 
 cheerfully with money. !?uch is the safety \\'ith 
 
 * Clialtiiors, i. 195. 
 
 '•'>■ 
 
 i 
 
 
 M 
 
 *i" 
 
P'T 
 
 I^^ 
 
 I '} 
 
 4 
 
 
 1' ' f 
 
 ' ■ 1 l'- 
 
 '< ,. 
 
 392 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1683—1702. 
 
 Chapter whicli a ffrcat revolution can be effected when the 
 XV, .... 
 
 — ' people are united in theii- resistance to oppression. 
 
 If we except Georgia, which was afterwards planted, 
 and Nova Scotia, the Floridas, and Canada, that were 
 successively conquered in later times, the continental 
 colonies were, in 1689, firmly established. They 
 contained about two hundred thousand inhabitants.* 
 
 Massachusetts, with Plymouth and Maine, may 
 have had forty-four thousand. New Hampshire, with 
 Rhode Island and Providence, each six thousand. 
 Connecticut from seventeen to twenty thousand. 
 New York about twenty thousand. New Jersey ten 
 thousand. Pennsylvania and Delaware twelve thou- 
 sand. Maryland twenty-five thousand. Virginia 
 fifty thousand. The two Carolinas about eight 
 thousand. I 
 
 Their commerce was carried on by tvv^enty-five 
 thousand tons of shipping, and two thousand six 
 hundred seamen. The commissioners of customs 
 informed the ministers of William, that the duties 
 derived from the products of Maryland and Virginia, 
 amounted to about two hundred thousand pounds a 
 year.j 
 
 The constitutions of all the colonies, tliough ex- 
 tremely liberal and free, were remarkal)ly unlike in 
 their detail. They were divided into charter, pro- 
 prietary, and royal governments. The forms under 
 
 * Cluilmcns ostiniates their niimbor, at tlic time of the accession of 
 William II f., at 250,000 mvn.—J/isf. uf the lieuvK, i. 217. 
 t Ikvucroft, Hist. Am. IJev. ii. G82. J Chalmers, i. 217. 
 
[1683—1702. 
 
 when the 
 ression. 
 is planted, 
 
 that were 
 ontinental 
 
 d. Tliey 
 .bitants.* 
 line, may 
 hire, with 
 thousand, 
 thousand. 
 Jersey ten 
 
 Ive thou- 
 
 Yirginia 
 )ut eight 
 
 /enty-five 
 isand six 
 customs 
 he duties 
 Virginia, 
 l^ounds a 
 
 DUgli ex- 
 unhke in 
 'ter, pro- 
 ms under 
 
 accession of 
 : i. 217. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 303 
 
 1685—1702.] 
 
 wliich their laws were administered may be found in 
 charters and commissions given under the great seal 
 of England. Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Con- 
 necticut had been, till the aggression of King James, 
 chartered colonies enjoying systems altogether demo- 
 cratic, and hardly yielding to England the appear- 
 ance of obedience. New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
 Maryland, and Carolina were proprietary i)lanta- 
 tions, in which the lords of the soil acquired from 
 the king the I'ights enjoyed by couiits palatine. The 
 proprietors stood in the place of the sovereign, who 
 possessed within their limits no power to enforce the 
 decrees of the supreme legislature, and hardly even 
 a right of superintendence. Virginia, New York, 
 and New Hampshire were royal governments. In 
 them the governor, the council, and the delegates 
 formed a miniature of the king, the lords, and the 
 commons. 
 
 The local legislature, whether of the charter, the 
 proprietary, or the royal governments, enjoyed within 
 its jurisdiction the supremacy wliich is incident 
 to legislation, owning a distinct allegiance and 
 obedience to the superior authority of the Im- 
 perial Parliament. This account of the political 
 institutions of the colonies is an epitome of the 
 description given at great length by Chalmers. The 
 English people are now completely familiarized with 
 the method of governing colonies thus presented 
 to our view ; and it is unnecessary to dwell upon 
 details wliich were quite proper when addressed to 
 
 Chaiter 
 XV. 
 
 . :•? 
 
 
 v^' 
 
 .11 
 
i 
 
 . I 
 
 M ! 
 
 394 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1685—1702. 
 
 CiiAiTKu readers at the time of the American war of inde- 
 
 XV. 
 
 — peiidence ; nevertheless it is not generally known 
 how very liberal were the forms of government under 
 which English colonists lived at the end of the 
 seventeenth century. " We search history in vain," 
 v/rites Chalmers, " for models of provincial systems 
 so favourable to freedom and prosperity as those 
 which England, without design, gave to her trans- 
 atlantic territories. It is curious to l^'ace the cause 
 why forms thus liberal in tlieir spirit, though not 
 always so in their details, should have given rise to 
 contest, refractoriness, and civil war." 
 
 While this was the machinery of government on 
 the American side, the administration of the affairs 
 
 160*0 of tl^e colonies in England was intrusted to " a Com- 
 mittee for Trade and Plantations," which was com- 
 posed of lords of the privy council, and incorporated 
 
 1696 ^y i'oya-1 commission. This committee subsequently 
 gave place to a Board of Commissioners for Trade 
 and Plantations. The board continued in operation 
 
 1782 till 1782, when the business of the plantations was 
 transferred to one of the secretaries of state. 
 
 1689 Such was the position of the colonies when the 
 flight of James placed William III. upon the throne. 
 It will not be pretended that at this early time 
 they had suffered much from the operations of the 
 navigation law, or from English encroaclnnents on 
 their privileges or their trade. It is, therefore, not 
 miinstructive to see what their conduct was on the 
 occasion of the accession of William III. A careful 
 
s. 
 
 [1G85— 1702. 
 
 tr of inde- 
 lly known 
 nent under 
 nd of the 
 Y in vain," 
 al systems 
 as those 
 lier trans- 
 the cause 
 loug'li not 
 v^en rise to 
 
 nnient on 
 the aifuirs 
 " a Corn- 
 was com- 
 3orporated 
 •sequently 
 for Trade 
 operation 
 tions was 
 
 ^vlien the 
 le throne, 
 irly time 
 tis of the 
 nents on 
 jfore, not 
 s on the 
 ^ careful 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 896 
 
 1 085— 1702.] 
 
 exanination of the history of the colonies will show Chmteb 
 
 . XV. 
 
 that they, witli few exceptions, formed, soon after - — '■ 
 this time, the resolution of becoming independent 
 of the mother-country. 
 
 In 1G89 war broke out with France : it was not till 1(!8!) 
 after the formation of tlie irrand alliance that the colo- 
 nies became engaged in the struggle, but from the 
 time of that alliance not a (piarrel took place in 
 Europe but it was re-enacted in America. There was 
 a characteristic difference in the temper with which 
 the French and English colonies joined the fight. 
 The religion, the roving enterprise, the peculiar feudal 
 organization of the Canadians, secured the hearty 
 support of their leaders to Louis XI V., and the rank 
 and file followed with unquestioning submission. 
 William was popular in the English colonies ; he 
 was looked upon by them as the representative of 
 national and religious freedom ; of the right of the 
 nation to choose whom it would as king ; to banish 
 a tyrant who had violated the laws and attacked the 
 liberties of his country. The Canadian settlers obeyed 
 the summons to arms with the well-drilled obedience 
 of feudal times, the Englisli, at least those of the 
 northern colonies, obeyed because they happened to 
 approve the cause for whicli they were called on to 
 figh+. Even among tliose who were loudest in Hjd- 
 loyalty to • the new king, there was a riot when the 
 governor, in IGSD, undertook, in the kiiigV' name, to 
 call the militia under arms for the war. 
 
 Tlie tyranny of James had fallen upon his English 
 
 • •j 
 
 ■■-I 
 
 > 'Q>M 
 
 ■ '1 
 
 M 
 
306 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 , i- 
 
 ; t 
 
 r 
 
 i 
 
 [16H5— 1702. 
 
 Chaiteu and liis transatlantic subjects alike. Both were tliere- 
 XV. . '^ 
 
 — fore deliglited to welcome the advent of William and 
 Mary. The flight of James was so sudden, and the 
 distance which separated the colonies from home so 
 great, that the news of the accession of William was 
 not in every instance believed. Various and contra- 
 dictory rumours were spread among the people : some 
 said that since there was no king in England there 
 was no government in the j^ln^ntations ; but on the 
 whole it was considered prudent in most of the colonies 
 
 1C89 to ackno\dedge the title of King William. The 
 Stadtholder and his wife were at once proclaimed 
 " Lord and Lady of Virginia." The Carolinas were 
 not so prompt in their acquiescence. 
 
 The constitution of Shaftesbury and Locke, with 
 its grotesque caricature of nobility, its landgraves 
 and caciques, was still in force in Carolina : some of 
 the emigrants, cavaliers of the Restoration, had 
 brought with them the feelings and the vices of 
 Charles's court : these formed the nobility, who, 
 togetlier with the rest of the high churchmen, en- 
 deavoured to set up a colonial oligarchy against the 
 Calvinists, Huguenots, Cameronians, and other dis- 
 senters who formed the other and more numerous 
 part of the population. The ojiposition seized the 
 opportunity of King James's flight to resist the pre- 
 tensions of the royalists by force of arms. The go- 
 vernor appointed by the proprietary was deposed, and 
 one chosen by the people from among the dissenting 
 party. Military stores were provided \ a revenue, or 
 
[1685-1702. 
 
 1 were there- 
 William and 
 en, and the 
 )m home so 
 /Villiam was 
 and eontra- 
 eople : some 
 gland there 
 but on the 
 the colonies 
 [iam. The 
 13roclaimed 
 ^linas were 
 
 iOcke, with 
 landgraves 
 a: some of 
 ■ation, had 
 e vices of 
 ility, who, 
 5hmen, en- 
 igainst the 
 other dis- 
 numerous 
 seized the 
 st the pre- 
 The go- 
 posed, and 
 dissentina' 
 evenue, or 
 
 ;< 
 
 XV. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 397 
 
 1085—1702.] 
 
 rather the machinery for collecting a revcnno, wn« Chaijeu 
 established, and a militia formed for the protection of 
 the province. 
 
 The acts of the insurgent legislature were not 
 devoid of wisdom, but a long and desultory quarrel 
 ensued, which ended with the destruction of Locke's 
 model constitution. The proprietaries favoured the 
 small oligarchical faction with protection and advice, 
 but they could not afford, at their own expense, to quell 
 their mutinovis subjects by force ; and the op- 
 position were able, after the abrogation of the consti- 
 tution, to carry their own reforms, and to remodel 
 the political institutions of the colony at tlieir will. 
 They virtually chose their own governor ; they 
 elected tlieir assembly every two years ; they obtained 
 a preponderating influence in the council. Land dis- 
 putes which agitated the colony were settled in the 
 manner dictated by the majority. Quakers and 
 Huguenots were enfranchised, and liberty of conscience 
 granted to all denominations of Christians, with the 
 exception of the Roman Catholics. The proprietaries 
 attempted from time to time some legislative inter- 
 ference : they asserted the abstract proposition that 
 " all power and dominion are most naturally founded 
 in property :" the Provincial Assembly debated the 
 assertion, and rejected it on a division. An attempt 
 of the proprietaries to establish the Church of England 
 and to disfranchise the dissenters met the same fate. 
 
 Meanwhile the colony grew in wealth and in popu- 
 lation. Rice had been introduced from Madagascar 
 
 
 
 •■■.■ i 
 1, 
 
 
 i-, 
 
 • i •. ■ 
 
 I- 
 ( . 
 
 i'i ■•■.•' 
 
I 
 
 ■ > 
 
 i 
 
 fr. 
 
 (i .■ ■ ■ ■ 
 
 1^- 
 
 ': ', I- 
 
 .;i, VI 
 
 vk ■■ 
 
 V , 
 
 • -I 
 
 398 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G85— 1702. 
 
 CiiAiTKB and cultivated with success. The country swarmed 
 XV. . . • . 
 with negro slaves. Indian traders penetrated into 
 
 the interior, and a brisk fur trade was established. 
 
 The southern part only of the province was fully 
 organized : the northern part was a kind of po- 
 litical Alsatia : fugitives, whether from persecution or 
 justice, found there a safe asylum. " Quakers, 
 Atheists, Deists, and other ill-disposed persons " dwelt 
 there. But though tlic/e was a governor, there were 
 no laws and no form of government. Every one did 
 that which was ric-lit in his own eves. An ill-advised 
 effort to establisli the Church of England amidst such 
 a poi">ulation, had no other effect than to produce a 
 miniature civil war, in which the governor, assisted 
 by his friend the governor of New York and a couple 
 of score soldiers, marched and countermarched among 
 the streams and morasses, till weariness put an end 
 to their l)loodless military promenade. Meanwhile 
 (Torman emigrants from the deserted Palatinate, 
 flying from the tyranny of Louis, found here a refuge ; 
 and a few emigrants from Switzerland formed a 
 settlement, which they named New Berne. 
 
 It was fortunate for Carolina that, in the war of 
 1G80, England and Spain were allies. Friendly 
 relations had sprung up between tlie colonists and 
 the neighbouring Spanish settlement of St. Augus- 
 tine; reciprocal courtesies were interchanged. Indian 
 converts of the Spaniards, who had been captured by 
 t liostile tribe and exposed for sale, were ransomed 
 by Uovernor Archdale, and sent to the Governor of 
 
[1085—1702. 
 
 ry swarmed 
 Btrated into 
 ablislied. 
 3e was fully 
 :ind of po- 
 rsecution or 
 " Quakers, 
 sons " dwelt 
 , there were 
 'ery one did 
 n ill-advised 
 amidst such 
 3 produce a 
 nor, assisted 
 nd a couple 
 3lied among 
 l^ut an end 
 Meanwhile 
 Palatinate, 
 re a refuge ; 
 formed a 
 
 the war of 
 Friendly 
 lonists and 
 St. Au2:us- 
 cd. Indian 
 laptured by 
 ransomed 
 rovernor of 
 
 XV. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 399 
 
 168.-)— 1702.] 
 
 St. Augustine. An English vessel was wrecked on riiAiTEu 
 the Florida shore ; the Spaniards treated them well, 
 and forwarded them to Charleston. 
 
 A powerful aristocracy had gradually arisen in 
 Virginia at the time of the Restoration, and the 
 party thus formed became a strong ally of the royal 
 government and its officers. The first asseml)ly after 
 the Restoration had consisted of landholders and 
 cavaliers. Its acts had shown a jealousy of popular 
 power, and respect for English precedents, which 
 were little in accordance with the feelings of the 
 large body of the people. The power acquired by 
 the crown, injudiciously used by its officers in the 
 colony, reacted unfavourably on the conduct and 
 views of the Virginians. Antagonism sprang up 
 as it did in Carolina between the colonial aristocracy 
 and the democratic party. Constant struggles for 
 power terminated, as it did in that colony, in the 
 victory of the popular party. I said that the anta- 
 gonism was between the colonial aristocracy and the 
 people. The expression is hardly correct. There 
 were, in truth, three joarties — the royalists, the landed 
 aristocracy, and the dissenters. The quarrel was 
 mainly between the royalists and the dissenters, 'i'he 
 landed aristocracy formed a body which inclined now 
 to one side now to another, and invariably turned 
 the scale for the time. By its dislike of democratic 
 influences it was attracted to the royalists. By its 
 jealousy of royal interference with the details of trade 
 it was constantly compelled to reconcile itself to the 
 
 '">> 
 
 
 
 
 -m 
 
 
 
( 
 
 ■ • - . 'r 
 
 
 I #- ' ,' t 
 
 ■w 
 
 1 V 
 
 1 
 
 
 ,« 
 
 t 
 • :\ 
 
 
 'i 
 
 <■ ,1 
 
 
 400 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [inRn-iTOL'. 
 CiiArTF.n people nnj make common cause against tlie common 
 — 1 oppressor. In cases wliere sentiment pnlls one way 
 and self-interest anotlier, it may be confidently pre- 
 dicted that sentiment will yield. The Virginian 
 aristocracy offered no exception to the rule. 
 
 For a considerable time after the Restoration the 
 aristocracy held the ascendancy in the legislature. 
 Under their directions the laws were codified ; the 
 committee to whom the duty was intrusted per- 
 formed their task rather in the interest of the go- 
 vernment than of the governed. Enactments which 
 had been passed while Virginia governed herself 
 were replaced by laws copied from the English statute 
 book. The Church of England was established as the 
 religion of the State. Nonconformity was punished 
 with impolitic severity. The penal laws were re- 
 enacted and enforced against the Quakers. Baptists 
 were fined. Non-attendance at church became a mis- 
 demeanour. In all the Puritan colonies the governor 
 was paid by salary arnually voted by the assembly. 
 In Virginia, while the Jiief magistrate was elected 
 by the people, the same rule had been observed ; now 
 the royalist legislature established a permanent reve- 
 nue by an export duty on tobacco. In the judiciary, 
 the same temper w^as shown : the governor and 
 council, who were crown nominees, were the highest 
 ordinary triljunal ; the justices of the peace were 
 appointed by the governor and held office at his 
 pleasure. The franchise was curtailed ; the autho- 
 rities professing to discover that the way of choosing 
 
 II ;| ' 
 
[108;'— 1702. 
 
 le common 
 
 s one way 
 
 ilontly pre- 
 
 Y irginian 
 
 B. 
 
 oration the 
 legislature. 
 Klified ; the 
 rusted per- 
 
 of the go- 
 lents which 
 lied herself 
 ^■lish statute 
 lished as the 
 as punished 
 IB: were re- 
 i. Baptists 
 icame a mis- 
 he governor 
 le assembly, 
 was elected 
 served ; now 
 lanent reve- 
 le judiciary, 
 )vernor and 
 
 the highest 
 
 peace were 
 jffice at his 
 the autho- 
 
 of choosing 
 
 XV. 
 
 KXOnrs OF TIIK WKSTEHN XATK^NS. lol 
 
 1G85— 1702.] 
 
 burgesses by the votes of all freemen was ])roductivo ("'m.utkr 
 of disorder, they enacted tliat none but freeholders 
 and householders should have a voice in elections. 
 
 These abuses of power naturally corrected tliem- 
 selves. The countv commissioners, wlio were em- 
 powered to raise money for the support of the govern- 
 ment, were resisted l^y the people. Nothing M-as 
 wanting to bring rebellion to a head, but nn excuse 
 for assembhng in arms. Such an excuse could nol 
 long be wanting. The Virginian liii'mers lived a 
 solitary life in the woods. Roads were merely 
 marked out bv notches or "blazes" on the trees. 
 There was not a bridi'-e in the colonv. There was 
 no other town than the capital, few churches, few 
 opportunities except in James Town of gatherings for 
 any pur2')0se, social or political. The planters visited 
 each other on horseback, or paddled their canoes 
 along the creeks. Their isolated position and de- 
 fenceless state invited attacks from the Indians ; in 
 every farmhouse atrocities were committed by the 
 savages : the colonists demanded leave to assemble 
 and protect themselves ; the governor was impru- 
 dent enough to refuse. A rebellion broke out which 
 was quelled with the greatest difficulty : but though 
 defeated the insurgents were still partially successful. 
 The landed aristocracy, though they obeyed the 
 governor's mandate to lay down their arms, threw 
 their influence into the scale of the malcontents, and 
 demanded the dissolution of the assembly. 
 
 The temper of the new assembly was far different 
 
 VOL. I. 2 D 
 
 'W; 
 
 \W 
 
 I ' 'I 
 
 1 ■: 
 
 , i n 
 
 m 
 
 ■i ■ 1 
 
•1. 
 
 i 
 
 XV 
 
 
 402 MXiWrs OF THE WKSTRRN NATIONS. 
 
 [IG85— 1702. 
 
 CHArrEu from tlie last. The act for the disfvanchisement of 
 freemen was " little regarded," and every freeholder 
 took part in the election. The memhers seemed fully 
 inclined to make large reforms in the administration 
 of the colony, but Sir William Berkeley obtaining 
 reinforcements from home, definitively crushed the re- 
 bellion, which afforded an excise for refusing the full 
 amount of concession which they demanded. Al- 
 though tlie royalists were thus far successful, tlie dis- 
 senters bv no means lost heart : men of Anjrlo- 
 Saxon race cannot long be governed without their 
 own consent. Abuse of the royal prerogative 
 alienated the warmest supporters of royalty in Vir- 
 ginia as it had ahenated the supporters of royalty 
 in England : the colonial aristocracy, always sufti- 
 cient to turn the scale in favour of any side it nn'ght 
 embrace, was unanimous against the court. An 
 assembly met shortly before the revolution, com- 
 posed mainly of the old opposition : its temper was 
 such tliat the governor was compelled to give way, 
 nor did the royalists ever regain their former as- 
 cendency. 
 
 With the accession of AVilliam and ^laiy all cause 
 of complaint ceased in Virginia. It cannot be de- 
 nied that before that time they had been much mis- 
 governed. But they shared in this respect the 
 fortunes of England herself. During the evil times 
 of the Stuarts, England groaned under oppression of 
 various kinds. She was herself more grievously op- 
 pressed than ever w^ere her colonies. When she 
 
 
 
[10S5— 1702. 
 
 hisement of 
 r freeli older 
 
 cemcd fully 
 ninistration 
 Y obtaining 
 Lslied tlie re- 
 sing the full 
 nded. Al- 
 ^ful, tlie dis- 
 i of Anglo- 
 Itliout tlieir 
 
 prerogative 
 alty in. Vir- 
 ■s of roy.'ilty 
 always sufti-^ 
 side it niiglit 
 
 court. An 
 lutlon, coni- 
 , temper was 
 to give \vay, 
 I- former as- 
 
 xry all cause 
 mnot be dc- 
 n much mis- 
 respect tlie 
 ic evil times 
 i:)ppression of 
 •ievously op- 
 When she 
 
 EXODUS OF THK WKSTEKX XATloN'S. 403 
 
 1085— 1702.] 
 
 emerged out of darkness into Hgbt, she gave llie «'iiArTEu 
 colonies the benefit of tlie chanae. As her own m- — 
 
 'r-)' 
 
 i-> 
 
 vernment became niiidcr, their burdens were relaxed. 
 It lias been too much the fashion to look upon the 
 smallest restriction placed upon the colonies as one 
 grievance out of many, whicli accumulated during 
 long years, at last became intolerable, and diove them 
 to revolt. American history lias been Vva-itten by 
 Americans who glorify republicanism as essentially 
 beautiful in itself; they quote as their authorities 
 \\\Q impassioned declamations of English opposition 
 orators at the time of the war of independence — 
 orators who were fully as anxious to confute political 
 antagonists as to stop the war : tlieir conclusions have 
 been received without either examination or denial : 
 but before English dealings with tlie colonies are con- 
 demned, the maxims of government which obtained 
 in England at the time, ought to be investigated, and 
 allowance made in each case for time and circum- 
 stance. 
 
 The Virginians had lost one check upon the 
 governor, inasmuch as a permanent revenue had been 
 voted ; but the amount of the revenue was small, it 
 was always exhausted long oeforc the necessities of the 
 government were provided for. The granting of addi- 
 tional su])plies was in the hands of the assembly, wliich 
 dealt them out with a vei'v sparing hand. A trea- 
 surer ajipointed by the l)urgesses looked engerly after 
 the interests of the colony, and eftectually t)revented 
 any misappropriation of funds. Virginia reluscd in 
 
 2 n 2 
 
 .-.'I. 
 
 '•'.ti 
 
 ♦ill 
 
 ■* I f 
 
 ''' *il 
 
 > 
 
 ■M..»i 
 
 In 
 
 % 
 
 T 
 
 *,■■. 
 A" 
 
!•'-• 'is. 
 i 
 
 
 H' \ ■ 
 
 i 
 
 " J 
 
 
 
 
 404 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1085—1702. 
 
 CuAi'TKR 1G91 to contribute her quota towards tlie defence of 
 
 XV. 
 
 — ■" the colonics against the French. She disregarded 
 the injunction for assisting Albany. Bancroft admits 
 that from 1707 to 1718, "Eighty-three pounds of 
 tobacco* for each poll was the total sum levied by all 
 the special acts of the assembly of Yirginia."f When 
 we remember that the wages of each burgess in the 
 assembly of Virginia at the time of the Stuarts was 
 tvro hundred and fifty pounds of tobacco per day,J 
 the amount of taxation thus raised in ten years — 
 years, moreover, of war in which the American colo- 
 nies were largely interested — cannot be considered 
 excessive. 
 
 By the act of the provincial legislature which 
 established the Church of England as the religion of 
 the colony, the governor might recommend a parish 
 clergyman, and the Bishop of London issue his 
 licence ; but the right of presentation was reserved to 
 the parish. The habit of the colonists was to receive 
 a minister and pay him a yearly stipend during their 
 good pleasure ; but by withholding the presentation, 
 to prevent him from obtaining a freehold of his 
 benefice. In these and a thousand similar in- 
 stances, the Virginians, casting the expense of their 
 defence upon the mother-country, and not alleging 
 
 * Lord Haltinioro for liis quit-rents received tobacco at twopence a pound. 
 
 t I5ancrot't, Hist. United States, ii. 712. 
 
 X " 'J'Jie taxes for tliis purpose were paid witli great reluctance ; and as 
 tluy amounted tn about two hundred and fifty [luinids of tobacco for tlio 
 daily einoluments of eacli member, became for a new country an intolerable 
 j^rievance." — Hanc. ///«/. /'.^'., i. oOl. 
 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 405 
 
 1G85— 1702.] 
 
 any distinct cause of grievance, yet opposed a CuAi-Tint 
 passive resistance to Eno-ljsli autlioritv, and retained — 
 
 J. ~ %,' 7 
 
 in every instance the sul)stance of power. 
 
 In Maryland, the proprietary, but not tlie people, 
 had reason to complain. In 1G80 Lord Baltimore 
 was absent from his government. When the news 1<)8D 
 arrived of the flight of James, Baltimore's deputies 
 hesitated to proclaim King Wihiam : the dissenters, 
 who by this time had become more numerous than 
 the original Roman Catholic settlers, drove them to 
 a imall stronghold on the Pantuxent, and obtained 
 from them their assent to an act incapacitating 
 Papists from holding pro\'iiieial otlftces. They then 
 proceeded to address King WilHam, denouncing " the 
 influence of Jesuits, the ]n^evalence of popish idol- 
 atry, the coiniivance by tlie government at murders 
 of Protestants, and the dnnger of plots with the 
 French and Indians." The proprietor, who was in 
 England, on receiving the orders of the Privy Coun- 
 cil to proclaim King William, had at once agreed 
 to obey : his subordinates in America brought down 
 upon him threats of parliamentary inquiry and the 
 loss of his charter ; he sent renewed orders, by a 
 special messenger, who, however, arrived too late to 
 ])reserve the peace or to save his employer's authority. 
 Before he landed in America, a man named Coode, 
 who, in the reign of Charles II., had been prosecuted 
 for seditious practices, and who wa;5 afterwards con- 
 victed of blasphemy and treason, put himself at the 
 head of seven huiiilred men, and seized ^^t. Mary, the 
 
 'H\ 
 
 yA\ 
 
 -IT' 
 
 ■■m 
 
 
 

 ■.i ■' '■ 
 
 '-^^ 
 
 11 
 
 '■^ 
 
 »« 
 
 ■ 'A 
 
 
 XV. 
 
 4(>(3 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G85— 1702. 
 
 CiiArTEK capital, wliicli tlio militia refused to defend. Joseph, 
 the president, and his principal officers were forced to 
 capitulate. A committee of safety was organized, of 
 which the insurgent leader took the command. Balti- 
 more was formally deposed, and a long act of accusa- 
 tion was drawn out, in which he was accused of every 
 crime. The rioters then proceeded to declare William 
 and Mary as their sovereigns, and to assert that 
 they were henceforth a royal and not a proprietary 
 colony : the Church of England was estahlished as 
 the religion of the state, and the capital which was 
 too intimately associated with recollections of the pi'o- 
 prietary, and too full of Roman Catholics to please 
 tlie persons who had now seized power, was removed 
 to Aniuipolis. Every form of religion was tolerated, 
 with one exception. The Roman Cathohcs were dis- 
 franchised on the very soil which they had themselves 
 selected as a place of refuge from persecution, and 
 wliicli with rare liberality they had opened to all de- 
 nominations of Christians. ^NFaryland consented in 
 1G05 to pay its quota towards the defence of New 
 York. 
 
 Pennsylvania, at the revolution, hecame for a short 
 time a royal colony. Penn was in England, and was 
 two or three times imprisoned : during that time a 
 royal governor was appointed : the assemhly refused, 
 on the ground of dislike to tlie slndding of blood, 
 to vote any money for the defence of the colony, but 
 a small su])])ly was with difficulty obtained by the 
 governoi', who suggested that it' tliey would not vote 
 
 ,5 
 
'•■,) 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 407 
 
 1G85— 1702.] 
 
 money for tlie prosecution of the war, they miglit at Cuaitek 
 least aid tliose who suffered Ly it. If they re- - — '■ 
 fused to assist in the purcliase of arms or the outfit 
 of soldiers, they might not refuse to feed the hungry 
 and clothe the naked whom the war left destitute. 
 A year or two later tlie assembly framed a demo- 
 crotic constitution. They degraded the governor to 
 a mere chairman of the council, w^hich, as well as 
 the assembly, were to be chosen by the people. 
 The time of election, the time of assembling, the 
 period of oi'lice, were placed beyond the power of the 
 executive : the judiciary were made dependent on 
 the legislature: "the i3G()})le constituted themselves 
 the fountain of honour and of power."* Penn, on his 1701 
 return, was oljliged to acquiesce in this arbitrary act 
 of his people, and eventually returned to England, 
 leaving his government, a pure democracy, to look 
 after itself. The assemblv seized the occasion of his 
 departure to vote that tlie proprietary had no pro- 
 perty in the unoccupied lands (which he had bought 
 and paid for), and to decide that such lands belonged 
 of right to the people. 
 
 Bancroft thus sums up their condition : " An 
 executive dependent for its su])port on the people; 
 all subordinate officers elected l)y tlic people ; the 
 judiciary dependent for its existence on the j>eoplt3 ; 
 all legislation originating exclusively with the 
 people; no forts, no armed [)olice, m> militia; per- 
 fect freedom of opinion; no established church; no 
 
 ^ >■ 
 ■ ■ ^i 
 
 ' ' 
 
 ^': 
 
 .X: 
 
 ■l" 
 
 •H,, 
 ^i»1 
 
 Hain'iolt, Hist. U.S. ii. T.'VJ. 
 
j ■' 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 r"': 
 
 11 
 
 i 
 
 'f . 
 
 M4 
 
 40S KXODUS OF THE WESTEJIX NATIONS. 
 
 [IGSo— 1702. 
 
 L'iiAm:i! differeiic'o of rank ; and a liarbonr opened for the 
 — reception of all mankind, of children of every lan- 
 guage and every creed ; conld it he that the invisible 
 power of reason woidd be able to order and to re- 
 strain, to punisli crime and to protect property ? 
 Would not coiifusio?!, discord, and rapid ruin suc- 
 cessively follow si.cli a government ? Or was it a 
 conceivable thing, that in a country without army, 
 without militia, without forts, and with no sherifts 
 but those elected by the rabble, with their liberty 
 shouts, wealth and population should increase, and 
 the spectacle be given of the happiest and most 
 prosperous land ?" 
 
 A similar spirit actuated New York. At the 
 time of AViiliam's accession the colony had been 
 newly acquired from the Dutch : one of the governors 
 who was first sent out was foolish enough to assert, 
 in a stvle which reminds us of James 1., that the 
 prcn-ince was a conquered country, and depended for 
 its liberties on the goodwill of the sovereign : the 
 legislature at once passed an act, declaring that " no 
 tax whatever shall be levied on his Majestie's subjects 
 in the pruvince or on their estatci^; on any pretence 
 whatsoever, but by the act and consent of the people 
 in general assembly convened." On William's acces- 
 sion an address was sent to the king, praying that all 
 the colonies might be ordered to bear their quota of 
 • the defence of Albany : in this is to be observed almost 
 llie first indication of a recognition of the principle 
 rif federation, l^^oiuelimes ihe colonists desired \o 
 
 } :l 
 
[lUSo— 1702. 
 
 ned for the 
 F every lan- 
 tlie invisible 
 
 unci to re- 
 ; property? 
 d ruin siic- 
 )r was it a 
 liout army, 
 
 no slieriffs 
 lieir liberty 
 crease, and 
 
 and most 
 
 At the 
 
 had been 
 
 t g'overnors 
 
 1 to assert, 
 
 , that the 
 
 pended for 
 
 reign : the 
 
 that " no 
 
 s subjects 
 
 Y pretence 
 
 le people 
 in's acces- 
 g that all 
 I' quota of 
 ed almost 
 
 )rinciple 
 esired fo 
 
 XV. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEllN NATIONS. 409 
 
 1085—1702.] 
 
 submit themselves to the central authority of the Chaitku 
 crown ; sometimes they acknowledged the supreme 
 authority of parliament ; and sometimes the idea of 
 a legislative union occurred to them. But in one 
 form or another the idea of a federation, for mutual 
 defence or for aggression, was constantly before 
 them. 
 
 The injunction to all the colonies to assist in the 
 defence of Albany was very badly responded to. 
 A^ii'ginia and the Carolinas flatly refused ; Pennsyl- 
 vania declared itself unwilling to encoiu'age war : 
 most of the colonics, on one pretext or another, ex- 
 cused themselves from the payment, and tlie rest, 
 except Maryland and one or two of the New Eng- 
 land states, acknowledged the justice of the demand, 
 and evaded it. 
 
 Connecticut, as might be expected, saw the acces- 
 sion of William with delight: the people sent him 
 an address, comparing him to their favourite Old 
 Testament heroes, and compared the disunion wdiich 
 existed among his enemies to the division of the 
 waters of Jordan when Joshua passed over : they 
 then proceeded to announce that they reserved the 
 supreme power to themselves : they elected their 
 own governor, coimcil, and assembly men, as well as 
 their ^ magistrates : they proclaimed the people as 
 the source of all power. In fact, they utteily and 
 completely set aside the authority of the prince they 
 were complimenting, and virtually declared them- 
 selves independent. Nor were they long in finding 
 
 'A 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 '• 'ii 
 
i 
 
 p.! 
 
 410 
 
 KXODL'S OF THE WKSTKllN NATIONS. 
 
 1^ 
 
 i 
 
 i;v^ 
 
 ■ ' 
 
 [1085— 17()-_'. 
 
 CuAiTEii an opportunity for justifying tlieir ashiertion. 
 — Fletcher, governor of New York, was invested with 
 the command of the mihtia of the northern pro- 
 vinces, in view of the v^ar then pending witli 
 Canada. The people of Connecticut refused to ac- 
 knowledge his authority. Fletcher hastened to 
 Hartford, where he found the train-hands paraded, 
 under the command of William Wadsworth, the 
 senior captain, who was ^^utting them through their 
 drill. Fletcher advanced to assume the command, 
 ordering his aide-de-camp to read his commission. 
 AYadsworth ordered the drums to beat and the aide- 
 de-camp's voice was drowned. Fletcher commanded 
 silence ; Wadsworth ordered the drummers to re- 
 double their exertions. The rival commanders each 
 reiterated their behests, and while tlie drums beat 
 out their loudest j^oint of war, and the unfortunate 
 aide-de-camp in vain attempted to be heard amid the 
 din, Wadsworth drew his sword, and advanced on 
 Fletcher with a threat to " make daylight shine 
 through him in a moment," The governor glanced 
 his eyes around : he saw the sturdy yeomen of Con- 
 necticut approaching with ominous gestures ; AVads- 
 worth, en nnrde, with drawn sword and wicked eye ; 
 the train-bands, as one may suppose, grinning in 
 the ranks, in despite of discipline ; poor Bayard, the 
 aide-de-camp, hoarse with shouting, and making no 
 impression on the crowd. Fletcher was human ; his 
 courage yielded. The . fartford train-bands finished 
 their drill uiidei' their valiant captain, and the (bn- 
 
NS. 
 
 [1085—1702. 
 
 ■ as.sertfon. 
 ivested with 
 rtliern pro- 
 icling witli 
 Tised to ac- 
 'lastened to 
 ds paraded, 
 5Wort]i, the 
 rough their 
 i comiiiand, 
 commission, 
 id the aide- 
 commanded 
 lers to re- 
 mdcrs each 
 h'ums heat 
 mfortnnate 
 d amid tlie 
 Ivanced on 
 ig'ht sliine 
 3r gLanced 
 m of Con- 
 3s; Wads- 
 fcked eye ; 
 'inning in 
 lyard, the 
 lakiiig no 
 I man ; liis 
 Ls fiiiis]ied 
 I tlie Con- 
 
 'i-ii 
 
 XV, 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEUN NATIONS. 411 
 
 lGSr>— 1702.] 
 
 neeticut men were so pleased witli him that they Chaitkk 
 made him governor of the colony. 
 
 It is not necessary to examine the action of each 
 settlement in detail. No demand was made which 
 really called their self-government in question ; if 
 any interference was suspected, it was at once fiercely 
 resented. Orders were constantly sent from England 
 that the colonies should contribute to the common 
 defence against the French and Indians ; but the de- 
 mand was entertained or rejected by the colonial 
 assemblies as their ow ^ulicy prompted. Everyone 
 of the colonies passed declaratory acts asserting their 
 right to the privileges of jMagna Charta, and to free- 
 dom from taxation without tlieir own consent.* These 
 acts were generally disallowed by the crown, but no 
 attempt was made to establish any right upon such 
 disallowance. The ri^'ht of the mother-country to tax 
 the colonies was at any rate adjourned. The colonial 
 legislatures had their own budgets. ^J'ney settled for 
 themselves the questions whether the amounts they 
 granted should be appropriated to certain specified 
 ])urposes, or whether the appropriation should be left 
 to the crown. They decided whether the salaries of 
 royal judges and governors should be voted annually, 
 or be made chargeable on a permanent revenue. The 
 colonial press was free, or at least as free as in 
 England. Massachusetts, by an act of the legis- 
 lature, claimed the benefit of the writ of habeas 
 corpus. The act Ax^as disallowed. Lord Somers 
 
 * Iknci'ol't, Hist. r. S. ii. HV.\. 
 
 I U 
 
 •'» 
 
 .-■i 
 
 >■ 
 
 m 
 
 § 
 
 
i 
 
 i" 
 
 iv-' ', 
 
 • ■■.... 
 
 1 
 
 ( 
 
 ■ * ,, 
 
 
 • " * ' 'A 
 " ) *' ' 
 
 . t i 
 
 ^^■■■'' 
 
 
 .)' . 
 
 
 m 
 
 412 EXODUS OF THE WESTEKM NATIONS. 
 
 [1085—1702. 
 
 CiiAriKu declared tliat tlie privilege had not yet been granted 
 — to the plantations ; it was, however, conceded to Vir- 
 ginia by Queen Anne. 
 
 By this sketch of the colonies at the opening of 
 the eigliteenth century, it will be seen that England 
 did not even attempt to thrust on the colonies any 
 op])ressive legislation : that, on the other hand, they 
 refused to acknowledge any interfereiice whatever, 
 and claimed rights which amounted to absolute inde- 
 pendence. The desire of the colonies for independence 
 existed from their very first foundation : it is there- 
 fore quite clear that they would have asserted their 
 right so soon as they were in a condition to do so, 
 whetlier the course pursued by the home govern- 
 ment had been tyrannical or not. Separation might 
 have been postponed, if the government had con- 
 sented to continue to defray all expenses connected 
 with the defence of the colonies — to give up all right 
 whatever to interfere in their concerns, and to ask, 
 in return for its concessions, no advantages whatever, 
 of trade, or of any other kind. But even this would 
 not have satisfied them permanently : the experiment 
 has been tried with British America from 184G to 
 1855, and Canada was with difficulty prevented from 
 establishing differential duties as against the mother- 
 country.* 
 
 The protection afforded to the American colonies 
 by the mother-country was quite indispensable to 
 
 * Sec Circular of Lord John Russell to the Governors of her Majesty's 
 Colonies, 12th Jnly^ 1855. 
 
 ■•jAM 
 
 vJ ' 
 
NS. 
 
 [1G85— 1702. 
 
 Deen granted 
 reeled to Vir- 
 
 opening of 
 lat England 
 colonies any 
 r hand, they 
 
 whatever, 
 solute inde- 
 idependence 
 
 it is tliere- 
 scrted tlieir 
 n to do so, 
 ne govern- 
 ition might 
 t liad con- 
 ! connected 
 ip all right 
 md to ask, 
 
 1 whatever, 
 this would 
 experiment 
 m 184G to 
 ented from 
 le mother- 
 
 XV. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 413 
 
 1085—1702.] 
 
 their existence : they were threatened on the nortli Chaptkr 
 and west by the French and Indians, and on the 
 south by the Spaniards. They only desired to 
 retain their connection with England as long as that 
 standing menace continued. French statesmen per- 
 ceived this : one of them confidently predicted that 
 the fall of Canada would be followed by the down- 
 fall of English power in America. Englishmen 
 could not be brought to believe that colonies which 
 enjoyed unquestioned what their own country had so 
 long struggled for, and had so hardly won — freedom 
 of speech, of action, and of religion — would resent 
 taxation imposed solely for the purpose of defending 
 that liberty ; more especially since taxation fell far 
 more heavily on other parts of the empire than it 
 ever did on them : nor could the English people see 
 why colonies should grumble at commercial restric- 
 tions to which the metropolitan and commercial cities 
 of Great Britain submitted without a murmur. 
 
 \ ■■■:* 
 
 .:0 
 
 1 1 . .■; 
 
 ,1: 
 
 t!{"l 
 
 n colonies 
 ?nsable to 
 
 her Majesty's 
 
ii, ' ■ 
 
 • * 
 
 I. 
 
 { 
 
 414 
 
 EXODUS OF THR WKSTHIiN NATFOXS. 
 
 [inS9-17(>2. 
 
 Chatter 
 XVI. 
 
 KiS!) 
 
 r> 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 TAUT IT I ON Ti; KAT Y 
 
 HOW IU;i,L TIIR CLOTIITr.n, KROG TIIF IMUPKR, ANT) RAKdON TIIF TIARBFR, 
 DIVIDED LORD STRLTT's ESTATK. 
 
 [IGS!)— 170L\] 
 
 The Partition Treaty — Pamiililctccrs oi' tlio rci-n of Qiu'cn Anne— Omnd 
 Alliance— Dcatli of William III. 
 
 The accession of William 111. to the Eng'lisli tlirone 
 introduced a new and most important element into 
 European affairs. Ilauo-lity, taciturn, and ambitions, 
 he was the only man in Europe who had at once the 
 power and the will to crush the power of Louis. 
 The revocation of the Edict of Xantes, and the 
 cruelties iiiflictcd during the dragonnades, had not 
 faded from men's minds, when Europe was horrified 
 with the still more stupid and cruel devastation of 
 the Palatinate. 
 
 Louis sustained single-handed the assault of all 
 Europe. During eight years, tlie attack of so many 
 enemies told severely on his rapidly waning resources. 
 He had to encounter, at the same time, the Spanish, 
 the English, the Austrians, and the Dutch. One 
 army under Marshal Catinat operated in Italy : 
 another under Luxembourg attacked Holland. 'I'our- 
 
 
IN TUK liAnBT'Ii, 
 
 on Aniic— Grand 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTFTIN NATIONS. 415 
 
 1080—1702.] 
 
 ville engaged the Dutch and Engh'sli fleets in the 
 Chaiuiel, and drove the merchant marine of the aUies 
 from the sea. The Dauphin was sent into Germany; 
 de Noailles into Catalonia. 
 
 It was impossil)le to keep np such exertions for any 
 considerahle time. The position of Louis was made 
 more untenahle hy a dreadful famine in France; 
 the allies hegan to recover lost ground, and it he- 
 came evident that they would soon con(|uer a peace. 
 But another and stronger reason decided Louis at 
 once to suspend liostilities. He had never given up 
 the hope of uniting under the sceptre of a prince of 
 his own line the crowns of Spain and France. His 
 son was nearest in hlood to the childless king of 
 Spain, and that king was near his end. Louis wished 
 for leisure that he might devote his whole attention 
 to the Spanish succession. The first step was to 
 make peace, and he thought no sacrifice too great to 
 ohtain it. All the conquests made during eight 
 years of war were resigned to their respective owners, 
 and William IIL was recognized by Louis as the 
 leo'itimate kino: of Enf^'land. I'his latter concession, 
 which w-as granted with apparent reluctance, was, in 
 truth, an advantage to the French king. It was im- 
 possible, as he well knew, for him to succeed in his 
 designs on the throne of Spain, while the wariest and 
 ablest politician in Europe watched him sword in 
 hand. His only chance was to detach William from 
 his allies, and make with him the best terms he could. 
 
 For the first time since the revolution an English 
 
 ClIAITEK 
 
 XV I. 
 
 lOilO 
 
 irm 
 
 4 
 
 '•Mr 
 '■'"I I 
 
 ' • M 
 
 M 
 
 - ij 
 
 . ."< I 
 < ' I 
 
 ■ , • ' f I 
 
 
 }' '- ■ 
 
 1 ; ■ 
 
 
 ; f 
 
 w 
 
 ■ i 
 
 
 
 I; ■ I 
 

 ■' 
 
 • 
 
 
 ■■'-'. 
 
 ■ . i' 
 
 ■i 
 
 'Ch 
 
 : ■ , 
 
 « 
 
 4ir. EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G89— 1702. 
 
 Chapter ambassador want to Versailles. Bentinck, Kiiio* 
 XVI. ^. . . 
 
 — \Villiam's nearest friend and most trusted coimcillor, 
 was selected for the important trust, and made his 
 appearance in France with a degree of magnificence 
 wdiich attracted attention even at that extrava2:ant 
 court. We are told that the Parisians w:ere never 
 tired of admiring his horses, his coaches, and his 
 plate. The young English noblemen who accom- 
 panied him squandered large sums in the pleasures 
 of the gayest city in the world. In short, Bentinck 
 and iiis embassy made great efforts to please, and were 
 greatly courted in return. It was long before Louis 
 could induce the ambassador to express any opinion 
 on the Spanisli succession. Even when ;.'ie subject 
 was fairly opened, and the main j^oint, AVilliam's 
 readiness to enter into negotiations, ascertained, it 
 was long before the negotiators corJd come to any 
 understanding. 
 
 A treaty was concluded, of wliich John Arbuthnot, 
 one of the cleverest of the political pamphleteers, who 
 waged a paper war during the latter days of (^ueen 
 Anne, gives a most amusing version in his " History 
 of John Bull." At the time when this satire was 
 written, party warfare was at its greatest height in 
 England. Pamphlets, rejoinders, reflections, letters 
 to a noble lord, and such like compositions, issued in 
 quick succession from the presses of Grub Street. 
 Each champion hit hard and without much regard 
 to the feelings of his rival. An opposition scribbler 
 knew well that if discovered, he stood .; chance oi' 
 
 i(v .1 
 
[1GS9— 1702. 
 
 iiick, King 
 I councillor, 
 id made his 
 Qagiiificenco 
 extravagant 
 were never 
 les, and liis 
 who accom- 
 le pleasures 
 rt, Bentinck 
 3e, and were 
 3efore Louis 
 any opinion 
 
 ;.'ie snhject 
 t, AVilliam's 
 
 ertained, it 
 lome to any 
 
 Arbuthnot, 
 leteers, wlio 
 s of (^ueen 
 |is " History 
 
 satire was 
 height in 
 Ions, letters 
 |s, issued in 
 
 lib Street, 
 hell regard 
 In scribbler 
 chance of 
 
 ! i. 
 
 n 
 
 EXODUS OP THE WESTERN NATIONS. 417 
 
 1G89— 1702.] 
 
 standing in the piilory, or enjoying the forced se- 
 clusion of the Tower. A ministerial champion was 
 aware that a change of fortune might consign him at 
 a moment's notice to a similar fate. 
 
 Steele and Addison led the literary hosts of the 
 Whigs : Swift maddened with hatred and disap- 
 pointment, and Arbuthnot overflowing with animal 
 spirits, wrote for the Tories. Of all these men — three 
 of them literary giants — Arbuthnot, as a writer of 
 political squibs, was perhaps the most witty. There 
 was something saturnine, something ferocious in the 
 mighty intellect of Swift, which made his lightest 
 pleasantry seem grim. Addison, who wrote the 
 purest and most graceful English which our litera- 
 ture can boast, was of too kindly a nature to hit hard. 
 His weapons were too highly polished, too keen, too 
 pliable for rough cut-and-thrust work. Steele was 
 no match for either of the others. The best known 
 of the squibs attributed to him, *' The Crisis," — 
 which was stigmatized by the House of Commons as 
 a false and seditious libel, and for which he was ex- 
 pelled the house, — was not his own. Arbuthnot was 
 the very man for a battle of pamphlets. Overflowing 
 with pleasantry, full of ingenuity, endowed with a 
 sense of humour which at once caught the ridiculous 
 side of an argument, and presented it in a guise the 
 most provocative of laughter. Every electioneering 
 candidate knows what it is to have the laugh on his 
 side. Arguments rarely turn party men — ridicule 
 sometimes wins a cause. 
 
 ClIAPTEIi 
 
 XVI. 
 
 •■1 
 
 
 
 
 ^r:,^ 
 
 VOL. T. 
 
 
 '4 
 
 I'll 
 
fl 
 
 r 
 
 1' ■ ■ 
 
 |i: 
 
 i 
 
 i% ■ 
 
 , 
 
 5^' 
 
 ChAITI' 
 
 xvr. 
 
 ' • ' : I 
 
 418 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [IG89— 1702. 
 
 I Of all Arbutlmot's political works, the most in- 
 genious in construction, the most elahoratc in work- 
 manship, is the " History of John Bull." In the 
 form of a history of John Bull, an honest English 
 clothier, who went to law with his neighbours and 
 was half ruined thereby, Arbuthnot gives a trutliful 
 tliough comic account of the actual events of Europe. 
 The work was written before the peace of Utrecht, 
 when the dearest object of the Tories was to dim the 
 lustre of Marlborough's victories, and to make him 
 appear the meanest of men. Marlborough therefore 
 figures under the guise of a low attorney, wdio persuades 
 his client to go to law, and r.akes every advantage 
 gained over the defendant a reason for protracting 
 law procedure, and enhancing, for his own profit, the 
 expenses of his client. This view of the war swayed 
 the public mind from the consideration of its brilliant 
 success. The people began to regard it as a mere 
 matter of profit and loss, in which the general and 
 the Dutch were the winners, while the British bore 
 the expense. The King of Spain, in this history, 
 figures as Lord Btrutt, — the Emperor as Squire 
 South — Louis and his grandson as Lewis and Philip 
 Baboon. The Dutch were represented by Nic Frog, 
 the linen-draper; Marlborough was Humphry Iloci is, 
 the attorney ; the English Parliament was John 
 Bull's wife. 
 
 The extract at the foot of next page is from the 
 ('ha])ter in which »Iohn Bull gives an .account of the 
 Partition Treaty at the desire of liis wife, wlio wishes 
 
 { 
 
 4L 
 
'[IG89-1T02. 
 
 e most iii- 
 ;e in work- 
 /' In the 
 3st English 
 hhour'rf und 
 , a truthful 
 5 of Europe, 
 of Utrecht, 
 s to dim the 
 3 make him 
 o-h therefore 
 ho persuades 
 y advantage 
 protracting 
 vn profit, the 
 war swayed 
 f its brilliant 
 it as a mere 
 Q-eneral and 
 ]iritish bore 
 this history, 
 ir as Squire 
 s and Philip 
 .y Nic Frog, 
 iphry Hocus, 
 t was John 
 
 is from the 
 
 Icoimt of the 
 
 who wishcH 
 
 i 
 
 EXODUS OP THE WESTERN NATIONS. 419 
 
 1G89— 1702.] 
 
 to know what fate or chance brought such disorder Chaiteu 
 
 . xvr. 
 
 into his once flourishing business.* It gives a tole- — 
 
 lably true account of the transactions which acaially 
 
 occurred. Charles II., the reigning king of Spain, 
 
 * John L ll. — " Wlio could help it ? There lives not such a fellow by 
 bread as that old Lewis Haboou ! He is the most cheating, contentious 
 rogue iipoa the face of the earth. Yon must know as Nic Frog and I 
 were over a bottle, making up an old quarrel, the old fellow must needs 
 have lis drink a bottle of his champagne ; and so one after another, till my 
 friend Nic and I, not being used to such heady stuff, got dmnk ; Lewis all 
 the while, either by the strength of his brain or by flincliing his glass, kept 
 himself as sober as a judge. 'My worthy friends,' quoth Lewis, 'hence- 
 forth let us live neighbourly. I am as peaceable ^md quiet as a lamb, of my 
 own temper ; but it has been my misfortune to live among quarrelsome 
 neighbours. There is but one thing can make us lall out, and that is, the 
 inheritance of Lord Strutt's estate. I am coutent, for peace' sake, to waivo 
 my right, and submit to any expedient to ]irevent a lawsuit ; I think an 
 etjual division will l)e the I'aircst way.' ' Well moved, old Lewis,' quoth 
 Frog ; ' and I hope my friend John here will not be refractory.' At the 
 same time he clapped me on the back and slabbered me all over, from cheek 
 to cheek, with his great tongue. ' Do as you please, gentlemen,' quoth I ; 
 ' 'tis all one to John Bull.' We agreed to part that night, and to meet the 
 next morning, at the corner of Lord Strutt's park wall, with our surveying 
 instruments ; which accordingly we did. Old Lewis carried a chain and a 
 semicircle ; Nic, paper, rulers and a lead pencil ; and I followed, at some 
 distance, with a long pole. We first began l)y surveying the corn-fields, 
 close by close ; then we proceeded to the woodlands, — the copper and tin 
 mines. All this time Nic laid down everything upon paper, and calculated 
 the acres and roods to a great nicety. When wo had finished the land, we 
 were going to break into the house and gardens, to take an inventory of his 
 plate, pictures, and other furniture." 
 
 Mus. 15ui,L.— " What said Lord Strutt to all this?" 
 
 John Hull. — " As we had almost finished our concern, wc were ac- 
 costed by some of Lord Strutt's servants. ' Heyday ! what's here ? What 
 the devil is the meaning of all those tramgrams and gimcracks, gentlemen? 
 What in the name of wonder are you going aliout, jmnping over ni}' 
 master's hedges and running your Unes across his grounds r If you are at 
 any field pastime, you might as well have asked leave ; my master is a civil 
 well-bred person as any is.' " 
 
 Mrs. Huli,. — " What could you answer to this ?" 
 
 John iiuu,. — "Why, truly, my neighbour Frog and I were still jiot- 
 
 2 E 2 
 
 ■ 5' i 
 
 it"'! ■•I 
 
 1 
 
 i^''/' 
 
 
 •J ' 
 
 <1 
 
 i:, 
 
jf'.'i • 
 
 i< 
 
 
 f. ' ;:' 
 
 .■■1 
 
 II;. VI 
 
 { 
 
 XVI. 
 
 420 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G»9— 1702. 
 
 Chapter was Suffering from a complication of mental and 
 bodily ailments, any one of which was sufficient to 
 kill him. It was certain that he could not last 
 long. His kingdom, the shrunken, but still exten- 
 
 licaded. We told him his master was an old doating iwppy, that minded 
 iiotliing of his own business ; that we were surveying his estate, and settling 
 it for him, since he would not do it himself. Upon which there happened 
 a quarrel ; but we being stronger than they, sent thorn home with a flea in 
 their ear. They went home and told their master : ' My lord,' said they, 
 ' there are three odd sort of fellows going about your grounds with the 
 strangest machines that ever we beheld in our life. I suppose they are 
 going to rob your orchard, fell your trees, or drive away your cattle. They 
 told us strange things of settling your estate. One is a lusty old fellow in 
 a. black wig, with a black beard, without teeth ; there's another iliick squat 
 fellow, in trunk hose ; the third is a little long-nosed thin man. (I was 
 thon lean, being just come out of a fit of sickness.) I suppose it is fit to 
 send after them, lest they carry something away." 
 
 Mrs. r>uLL. — "I fancy this put the old fellow in a rare twcague." 
 
 John Bull. — " Weak as he was he called for his long toledo ; swore 
 and bounced about the room, ' 'Sdeath ! what am I come to, to bo 
 affronted so by my tradesmen ? I know tho rascals ; my barber, clothier, 
 and linendraper dispose of my estate! Bring hither my blunderbuss. I'll 
 warrant ye, you shall see daylight through them. Scoundrels ! dogs ! the 
 scum of the earth ! Frog, that was my father's kitchen lx»y, he pretend 
 to meddle with my estate ! with my will ! Ah ! poor Strutt, what art 
 thou come to at last ? Thou hast lived too long in the world to see thy 
 age and infirmity so despised ; how will the ghosts of my noble ancestors 
 receive these tidings ? they cannot, they must not sleep quietly in their 
 craves.' In short, the old gentleman was carried oft' in a fainting fit, and 
 after bleeding in both arms, hardly recovered." 
 
 Mits. Bull. — " Really this v/as a very extraordinary way of proceeding. 
 I long to hear the rest of it." 
 
 John Bull. — "After we hiid come home from tho tavern, and taken 
 t'other bottle of champagne, we quarrelled a little about the division of the 
 ci-itate. Lewis hauled and pulled tho map on one side, and Frog and 1 on 
 the other, till we had like to have torn the parchment to ]iieces. At lengtli 
 Lewis pulled out a pair of great tailor's shears, and clipptid a corner lor 
 himself, which he said wan a manor that lay convenient for him, and li-ft 
 i'l'og ami me to dispose of the rest as we pleased. We were overjoj'cd to 
 think Lewis was contented with so little, not smelling what was at the 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 421 
 
 [1G»9-1T02. 
 
 lental and 
 ifficient to 
 d not last 
 still exten- 
 
 y, that minded 
 :ate, and settling 
 there happened 
 le with a flea in 
 lord,' said they, 
 ounds with the 
 appose they are 
 iir cattle. They 
 ty old fellow in 
 )ther uilck sqxiat 
 n man. (I was 
 ppose it is fit to 
 
 ;weagiie." 
 ig toledo; swore 
 come to, to bo 
 barber, clothier, 
 hmderbuss. I'll 
 Irels ! dogs ! the 
 l)oy, he pretend 
 trntt, what art 
 ,vorld to sec thy 
 noble ancestors 
 quietly in their 
 fainting fit, and 
 
 ^y of proceeding. 
 
 Hvern, and taken 
 division of the 
 d Frog and 1 on 
 oces. At length 
 )ed a corner lor 
 or him, and left 
 ic overjoyed <o 
 what WHS at the 
 
 1(>8'J— 1702.] 
 
 sive remnant of tlie conquests of tlie early Aus- chaiiki 
 
 XV'I. 
 
 trian princes, suffered from disasters apparently as ^ — ' 
 incurable as those of the king. There was no direct 
 heir. Louis XV. could not liope that the king of 
 England would willingly permit the Dauphin to 
 succeed. He could and did hope for an advantageous 
 compromise. Failing the royal house of France, 
 the succession would go to the family of Hapsburg. 
 But the union of the crowns of Germany and 
 Si3ain would be looked upon with as deep dismay in 
 Europe as the union of the crowns of France and 
 Spain. Statesmen remembered that it was not so 
 very long ago since leagues against the overween- 
 ing power of Austria were made, under a sense of 
 danger as keen as that which had dictated the Augs- 
 burg League of 1089. There were two alternatives 
 — a compromise or a partition. 
 The Spanish treasury was exhausted. The nobles 
 
 bottom of the plot. Then happened, indeed, an incident that gave us some 
 disturbance. A cunning fellow, one of my servants, two days afterwards, 
 peeping through the keyhole, observed that old Lewis had stole away our 
 part of the map, and saw him fiddling and turning the map from one corner 
 to the other, trying to join the two pieces together again, lie was 
 muttering something to himself which he did not well hear, only these 
 words, ' 'Tis a great pity : 'tis a great pity.' My servant added he believed 
 this had some ill meaning. 1 told him he was a coxcomb, always pre- 
 tending to be wiser than his companions : Lewis and I are great friends ; 
 he's an honest fellow, and J dare say will stand to his bargain. The sequel 
 of the story proved this fellow's suspicion to be too well grounded, for Lewis 
 revealed our whole secret to the deceased Lord Strutt, who, in reward for 
 his treachery, and revenge to Frog and me, settled his whole estate upon 
 the present Philip Baboon. Then we understood what he ineaut by 
 piecing the map." 
 
 •»> '-I 
 * H.\\ 
 
 .% -fl 
 
 ■ M 
 
 vr. ' 
 
 •M 
 
 
 
 -i 
 
 if- 
 
422 
 
 EXODUS OP THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 f^' 
 
 : ( 
 
 
 / 
 
 / ' 
 
 
 
 I; ^ ;. I 
 
 'if'' (:' •■■■,' .■■ ■ * .» 
 
 '-'■ t. i 
 
 \<':k 
 
 
 ..!V. 
 
 [1089—1702. 
 
 Chapter divided by intrigue. Energies wliicli should have 
 
 — been put forth for the good of the state were 
 
 devoted to tripping each other up in their pursuit of 
 
 objects of most puerile ambition. A long train of 
 
 misfortune and misgovernment had brought Spain 
 
 financially down to the verge of bankruptcy, morally 
 
 to the verge of ruin. The causes of that wide-spread 
 
 misery, which must have struck even the apathy of 
 
 Philip with dismay, lay deep in the national character, 
 
 and had been the growth of ages : the oppression 
 
 and misgovernment which hurried Spain from the 
 
 height of prosperity to the verge of ruin have been 
 
 already described ; the last and greatest cause of her 
 
 decay was the expulsion of the Moorish Christians. 
 
 The crime was promptly followed by retribution : 
 
 the victory of the Church gave the last blow to 
 
 Spanish prosperity. In other parts of Europe, even 
 
 where Catholicism was triumphant, some rays of light 
 
 had pierced into the darkness : sometimes the (^hurch 
 
 submitted her high pretensions to discussion ; or at 
 
 least had recourse more sparingly than before to 
 
 the secular arm. But in Sjjain, every trial made 
 
 her more secure ; every victory more intolerant and 
 
 more unyielding : if she was powerful before she was 
 
 absolute now ; the minds of men lay prostrate before 
 
 her, and the result was that the population diminished, 
 
 the industry of Seville dwindled away, the vines 
 
 and the olives were uncultivated, and the army, 
 
 which held half Europe for Philip II., was sent to 
 
 1G43 certain defeat by his son. Rocroi was fatal to the 
 
[1G8U— 1702, 
 
 ould have 
 5tate were 
 
 pursuit of 
 ig train of 
 gilt Spain 
 jy, morally 
 k^ide-spread 
 J apathy of 
 . character, 
 oppression 
 I from the 
 have been 
 lusc of her 
 Christians, 
 etribution : 
 ;t blow to 
 irope, even 
 lys of light 
 ;hc (^hurcli 
 don ; or at 
 
 before to 
 trial made 
 erant and 
 re she was 
 •ate before 
 iminished, 
 the vines 
 the army, 
 ^as sent to 
 tal to the 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 1_'3 
 
 IGSU— 1702.] 
 
 once invincible infantry ; they were not only defeated, ( 
 but cut to pieces bv Conde; the tro'^ps became nni- 
 tinous ; many deserted ;* all were in rags. Some died 
 of hunger. A few years later it was found impossible 
 to raise even a small force for the service of the state. 
 Bacallarf describes the fortifications as tumbling 
 to pieces. He mentions many which had neither 
 munitions of war nor provisions. So completely was 
 the art of shipbuilding forgotten, that the king had 
 but a few galleons engaged in the American trade, 
 and a few *vhich rotted at their anchorages in Car- 
 thagena liarbour.| The woollen factories of Toledo 
 were carried away by the Moriscoes to Tunis. The 
 glove-trade disappeared. The tax-gatherer plied 
 his calling in vain in a poverty-stricken land, 
 and was unable even to collect a revenue to keep 
 the government from going to pieces. § The Spa- 
 niards, accustomed to rely for direction and control 
 upon tiio personal exertions and talent of the king 
 alone, W'3re lost when a succession of incapable 
 princes left them without a head. Accustomed to 
 obey the king, and no one else, the grandees formed 
 a knot of mere helpless intriguers when the king did 
 not govern as well as reign. When the accustomed 
 
 * Lc pen clcs soldats qui vesistaiont a la dcserti n etaioiit vetus dc liaillons, 
 satis solde, sans pain. — Menwlirs de LouviUr, vol. i. p. 72. 
 
 t Commcntarios de la Gucrra de Espana, vol. i. p. 43. 
 
 X Se liabia olvidato cl arte do construir naves y no tenia cl Roy mas quo 
 las destinadas al conuuercio do Indias, y aliimios fj;alconc3 ; scis ^aloras 
 consumidas del tionipo, y del uoio, so ancoraban on ('avlagona. — Cuinincu- 
 tarivn de hi ('iwira de Ef^iMWi 
 
 § lUicklo, vol. ii. p. 71. 
 
 ■iiAnKit 
 XV[. 
 
 ■r .■»■ 
 
 V^ 
 
 x.-:\\ 
 
 '* 
 
 
 ^y:] 
 
5;- I 
 
 424 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 i'-- 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 P'-:i 
 
 ¥ 
 
 
 [1G89— 1702. 
 Chapter liead failed, there was no one to assume the command. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 — Mutual jealousies prevented the nohles from intrust- 
 ing power to one of their own numher. The eleva- 
 tion of one wns the signal for all the others to unite 
 to trip him up. It was natural that i>lmost all power 
 should centre in the church. Philip IV. was for 
 two-and- twenty years a contemporary of Louis 
 XIII. ; for two-and-twenty more he was the con- 
 temporary of Louis XIY. During his reign 
 lived Bacon in England, Descartes in France. He 
 might have watched, if he had eyes to see and a 
 head to understand, the whole progress of the mas- 
 terly policy of Ilichelieu, and of his pupil and suc- 
 cessor Mazarin. During the forty-four years of his 
 reign the persecution of religion was deliberately and 
 systematically abolished in France. Complete effect 
 was given to the Edict of Nantes. Huguenot leaders 
 were admitted to tlieir share of the administration of 
 the state. So far was this toleration carried, that 
 when the Protestants tried to revive the civil war, 
 Richelieu put down tlieir rebellion, but refused to 
 persecute their heresy. During his reign the lay- 
 men of France emancipated themselves from the 
 leading-strings of the church. Original and bold 
 speculations, such as a few years before would have 
 infallibly drawn down upon their authors the thun- 
 ders of the church, were published without even the 
 slight veil of a dead language, and without risk. 
 Yet during that very time the church was allowed to 
 obtain such unrestrained dominion in Spain that even 
 
 i-'l 
 
EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 4L'5 
 
 1089—1702.] 
 
 the broken Cortes plucked up spirit to remonstrate. Chaitkr 
 They said tliat there were no less than nine thousand ' — '- 
 and eighty convents in Spain. They complained 
 that the laity were daily despoiled to enrich the 
 clergy. Davila says that there were at that time 
 thirty-two thousand Franciscan and Dominican monks 
 in Spain. According to Dunham,* there were a like 
 number of chaplains in the bishoprics of Calahorra 
 and Seville alone. 
 
 While the clergy were thus increasing in number, 
 industrious inhabitants were dying out of the land. 
 Large tracts of country, formerly the abode of an 
 industrious and ingenious population, were given 
 up to the wild cat and the snipe ; vegetation ])e- 
 caine rank ; dense undergrowth overspread what 
 had once been cultivated ground ; pools and marshes 
 spread round the ruins of Moorish aqueducts ; 
 deadly miasmata arose from the morasses ; the 
 country became a waste, without other inhabitants 
 than the bands of brigands who took refuge in 
 the mountains. By 1625 the last Moriscos had been 
 tortured and executed by the Inquisition, had fled 
 the country, or had been made Christians by the 
 mopsf of Spanish soldiers. A few years later, 
 Madrid lost half her population. The looms, the 
 vines, the olives of Seville became neglected. The 
 woollen manufactories of Toledo were removed to 
 
 * Hist, of Spain, v. 274. 
 
 t " L'uu d'enx prit \m balai ct asporgea la foule de Musulnians on 
 repetant Ics paroles sacramcntellcs," &c. — Circourt, Hist, ilcs Aruhcs 
 ifExjiagne, vol. ii. 175. 
 
 ' t 
 
 i : 
 
 ('•'•I 
 
 'i'M 
 
 i- •' 
 
i 
 
 
 I'.v; EXOUUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1(-S'J-17(V_'. 
 
 CirAi'iKu Tim is. Tlie crlovo trndo was destroyed. Tlie dis- 
 
 XVI. ° 
 
 — tress among- the poor was so great that the common 
 hang-man used to go out into the villages round 
 Madrid to compel the inhahitants to send their goods 
 into th3 market. 
 
 1701 When Charles II. became king, the decay of the 
 Spanish jiower was complete. For thirty-five years 
 a de.idly lethargy was upon Spain ; her navy had 
 decayed : a hundred and forty galleys, in the days of 
 Charles V., used to attend upon the Dorias and 
 JMendozas who then commanded the royal fleets. Now 
 the ships lay rotting in the ports, with rigging and 
 hulls decaying, without men enough to work them 
 out of harljour. The Spanish army presented hut 
 a caricature of the splendid battalions who were 
 wont to crush every foe that cama before them. 
 The new levies were so unwilling to serve, that 
 they were marched to the rendezvous in chains.* 
 Many enlisted on condition that they should be 
 allowed to desert when they got outside Madrid, ir. 
 order that their officers might pocket tlie head- 
 money. There were no native Spaniards fit for 
 militiiry command. Berwick and A^endome succes- 
 sively led the forces of Spain. The royal guards 
 were in rags ; their pay was in arrear ; famine 
 stalked gaunt and ghastly in the royal palace itself 
 it was ther'jfore no wonder if the soldiers were 
 so ill-fed that they lived chiefly on the alms of the 
 eharilable, or else disbanded and took to the hill-sides. 
 
 Claioinloii, State rupery, vol. i. 275. 
 
XVI. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE \vt;;stERN NATIONS. VSi 
 
 1089—1702.] 
 
 Education was neglected ; the scliools and colloges ciimtkr 
 were shut up. On one occasion the p(»lice, unable 
 to obtain their arrears of pay, mutinied and pillaged 
 the capital. 
 
 When William III. came to the English throne, 
 the Hon. Alexander Stanhope was sent as ambassador 
 to Spain. He stayed there nine years. Lord Stanhope, 
 the historian of the Spanish succession war, has given 
 to the world a selection of his ancestor's letters, which 
 give the most vivid contemporary picture which we 
 possess of the state of Spain at the time of his 
 residence. The ambassador, Stanhope, in the course 
 of a few years' residence, acquired very naturally an 
 extremely low estimate of the people. AVhen we 
 remember the extraordinary levies of the emperor 
 and those of Philip his son, we hear with surprise 
 of the extraordinary exertions which Vv^ere required 
 to fit out a very smtJl force in the latter days of 
 Charles II. When the king, in 1G97, announced his 
 intention of marching to the relief of Saragoza, more 
 parade was made about the expedition than Philip 
 made about the Armada. " Five hundred horse are 
 raising here," writes Stanhope, " and all the saddlers 
 and tailors in town are set to work in all haste. 
 1,500 foot are also ordered to be raised, for which 
 and other charges of that expedition, many more men 
 being to be raised in other parts, the queen offers to 
 pawn her jewels, the Archbishop of Toledo to rob 
 several churches in Madrid, and also to make bold 
 with another treasure deposited in Toledo by a saint, 
 
 I. ;.•, kj 
 
 .. i^; 
 
 
 
 ■t^; 
 
 flt:Li^ 
 
 'f.-il 
 
11 , 
 
 . I 
 
 \': 
 
 
 ?:>■ 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 i. 
 
 ''•■'■■' 
 
 y[^ 
 
 
 428 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1G8U— 1702. 
 
 ^xvT^ a former archbishop, for some extraordinary exigency 
 — either of church or state." The king himself is 
 described as "so weak he can scarcely lift up his 
 head to feed himself, and so extremely melancholy 
 that neither his buffoons, dwarfs, nor puppet-shows — 
 all which have showed their abilities before him — 
 can in the least divert him from fancying everything 
 that is said or done to be a temptation of the devil, 
 and never thinking himself safe but with his con- 
 fessor and two friars by his side, whom he makes lie 
 in his chamber every night." * Yet this account 
 was written two whole years before his death, which 
 did not occur till 1700. 
 
 We have many glimpses of the extraordinary shifts 
 to which the court was put from want of money. In 
 1G93 the government bills sent to Flanders were 
 returned. The remedy adopted on that occasion 
 was seizure of all the effects of the famous Genoese 
 banker, Grillo. The ill-gotten supply did not last 
 long. A month or two later the king reduced all 
 salaries by a third, and confiscated all life pensions. 
 In 1G98, the superintendent of the royal revenue 
 formally announced that all branches of the royal 
 revenue were anticipated for many years, and that 
 he was unable tc provide the king with food ! The 
 Marquise de Villars, in her ' Memoires,' gives a 
 similar account of the condition of the royal house- 
 hold in 1681, seventeen years before. The servants 
 declared to her that they had not received for some 
 
 * Stanliopc to Earl of Portland. 11th Mar. 1698. 
 
^i 
 
 [1G80— 1702. 
 
 ly exig-ency 
 himself is 
 lift up his 
 melancholy 
 )et-shows — 
 fore him — 
 everything 
 the devil, 
 :h iiis con- 
 makes lie 
 ns account 
 ath, which 
 
 nary shifts 
 loney. In 
 iders were 
 it occasion 
 ■8 Genoese 
 d not last 
 educed all 
 
 I^ensions. 
 il revenue 
 
 the royal 
 , and that 
 'od ! The 
 gives a 
 ^al house- 
 3 servants 
 
 for some 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 4'20 
 
 1089—1702.] 
 
 time mst their accustomed r.atious eitlier of bread or Cuaitf.r 
 
 . XVI. 
 
 meat. " La faim," slie writes, " est jusqucs dans Ic ' — 
 palais." So the royal household appear to have been 
 in a chronic state of starvation. 
 
 In 1G99 there was a l)read riot in ^ladrid, in 
 which many people were killed. The ambassador 
 himself, as he writes a few days later, was obliged to 
 apply to the corregidor for a daily allowance, and to 
 send for it a distance of two leagues, with a strong 
 armed guard to prevent its being seized by the famish- 
 ing populace. 
 
 " My secretary, Don Francisco," he says, " saw 
 yesterday five poor women stifled to death by the 1099 
 crowd before a bidcehouse. In the midst of all these 
 horrors the prisoners in the Carcel de la Villa went 
 mad with hunger and broke open their prison, got 
 into the Alcalde's armoury, knocked off their fetters, 
 and then took refuge in the convents." 
 
 Then, too, came in flocks of beggars from the 
 country — 20,000 at the least. The most frantic 
 measures were adopted ; the coinage was debased 
 and the public creditors were ruined. Yet even 
 amidst all this misery, ambassadors had time to fight 
 for precedence, and the people crowded to the bull- 
 fights, where even grandees of Spain condescended 
 to risk their lives — not without the approbation of 
 the king. 
 
 " The sixth instant," writes Stanhope, in Nov. 1G97, 
 " being his Catholic Majesty's birthday, we had our 
 Fiesta de Toros. It was very unfortunate by many 
 
 . .■ ♦. 
 
 
 •ti 
 
 
 .'1«!.| 
 
 ■f.. i 
 
 
f'-'t 
 
 • / 
 
 r- 
 
 /{ • i 
 
 
 *- 
 
 \\ ■ 
 
 ] . . f ' 
 
 1 '' t 
 
 ■ 
 
 t ,' 
 
 1 
 
 ClIAI 
 
 XV 
 
 .1 
 
 ■ ^ ■ 1 
 
 t 
 
 ' 
 
 
 i 
 
 t 
 
 4;J0 HXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [IG89— 1702. 
 
 ;ter fatal ficciMents, four or five being killed upon the 
 place. What is most lamented is the death of Don 
 Juan de A'elasco, one of the Toriadores, whose leg 
 and thigh were ripped up by the bull's horn as far as 
 the groin, of which he died three days after. He 
 had newly had the government of Buenos Ayres 
 given him. Tlic king has made his son a titulo de 
 Castilla, and the queen has sent for his daughter 
 from Seville to be one of her dauias." 
 
 Tlie nobles, always disposed to turbulence, were 
 now more so than ever. Scenes resembling the Irish 
 faction fights, l)ut with more deadly weapons, were 
 of constant occiu'rence. A certain Conde de Cifuentes 
 having quarrelled with the admiral of Castile, was 
 banished by the king. Cifuentes challenged the 
 admiral, who refused the invitation. Such was the 
 state of the law that this nobleman, attended by an 
 armed })a "ty of his friends and retainers, ap2)eared for 
 weeks pulJicly in the streets of Madrid, and defied 
 all attempt.: to arrest him. Two thousand doubloons 
 were offered for him dead or alive. He was declared 
 a " bandito," and proclamation made by the common 
 hangman against any one who should liarbour him. 
 
 The king was at that time well enough to enjoy the 
 only sport he ever pursued — that of hunting. He, as 
 well as all the rest of Madrid, was exceedingly 
 amused at the terror which Cifuentes inspired in the 
 breast of the pusillanimous admii'al. " One day last 
 week," writes the aml)assad()r, "hunting the wild 
 boar, the boar pursued by n I'abble made towards the 
 
4 
 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIOXS, 131 
 
 ir,8V)— 1702.] 
 
 king; and tlic king called out to the almirantc to 
 have a care as Cifuentcs was coming !" 
 
 In October, lG91,the ambassador's chaplain died of 
 dysentery. There being no place assigned for the 
 burial of heretics, Stanhope applied to the corregidor 
 to know how he should dispose of the body. The 
 corregidor consulted with the President of Castile, 
 and finally assigned a retired field some distance 
 from the city, and appointed an officer to attend the 
 funeral on behalf of the authorities, lest it might be 
 supposed that a murdered man was being interred by 
 assassins. The biu'ial took place as authorized : the 
 body was sent out in the ambassador's coach, with a 
 party of armed servants and a Spanish alguazil. 
 
 No sooner had the English left, than by order of 
 one of the alcaldes, the body was dug up, the coffin 
 broken, the shroud torn off, and a jury of surgeons 
 summoned to view the corpse, on pretence that the 
 man had been murdered. The body was ultimately 
 returned to the ambassador's secretary. " lie might 
 have considered," writes Stanhope, "that I was in the 
 same difficulties how to proceed as at first, and that a 
 body which has been buried a day and a night, and 
 taken up again, will not admit of the Spanish phlegm 
 in resolving what is to be done with it. To conclude, 
 the body was again brought to my house, and I was 
 forced to bury it in my cellar. They had cut and 
 mangled it in several parts, and some not decent to 
 be named, and tore off most of the liair from liis 
 head." 
 
 ('iiArTF.n 
 XVI. 
 
 ■>' ' [ 
 
 m 
 
 '* 
 
 I 
 
 *-^ J. 1 1 
 
 ■•■■•'■>.■ 
 
 U' 
 
 

 V 
 
 \ 
 
 Chapter 
 XVI. 
 
 fi's- 
 
 
 m 
 
 432 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1689—1702. 
 
 Amidst such sights and sounds Charles II. lay 
 dying, while the emissaries of foreign princes quar- 
 relled almost in his presence for the succession to his 
 throne. The principal claimants were three : the 
 Emperor of Austria, the Dauphin, and the Elector of 
 Bavaria. The aunt of Charles II.* had married the 
 father of the reigning Emperor of Austria. The 
 eldest sister of Charlesf had married Louis XIY ., and 
 was mother of the Dauphin : his youngest sister J had 
 been the first wife of the reigning Emperor of Austria : 
 her only daughter had married the Elector of Bavaria. 
 The nearest in blood of the three claimants was 
 the Dauphin. To him, in the common course of 
 succession, would descend the moneirchy of Spain, 
 its dukedoms, countships, and lordships. But it was 
 not to be supposed for a moment that European 
 princes, who had established league after league for 
 the purpose of limiting the power of France, would 
 stand tamely by and see the Spanish and French 
 monarchies united. Such a union would raise a 
 storm from one end of Europe to the other. Even 
 at the time of the marriage of the infanta with 
 Louis this had been distinctly foreseen. Marie An- 
 toinette, at her marriage, had renounced all claims 
 to the Spanish succession. Her husband had 
 accepted her renunciation. He had sworn by his 
 honour, by his kingly faith and word, by the cross, 
 
 * Mary Anno, daugliUT of Pliilip III. 
 
 t Mary Antoinette, danplitor of Philip IV. 
 
 X Mnrgarct, (laughter of I'liilii) I v. 
 
 r 
 
XVI. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 433 
 
 1G89— 1702.] 
 
 by the holy gospels, by the mass, that he would keep Cmaiter 
 the renunciation sacred. The Cortes of Spain had 
 accepted the act. It was considered impossible that 
 the king could break the word so solemnly plighted. 
 Politicians were therefore at liberty to examine claims 
 less direct, but unbarred. 
 
 Margaret, on her marriage, had renounced her 
 right of succession; but her renunciation had never 
 been accepted by the Cortes, and Pliilip lY. had 
 mentioned her in his will as his successor, failing male 
 heirs. Her claim was therefore considered as o})en 
 at least to discussion. Though the emperor was but 
 distaiitly related to the Catholic king, his claims, such 
 as they were, had never been renounced. To allow 
 the Emperor of Austria to succeed would as surely 
 light up an European war as the succession of Louis 
 himself. The Electoral Prince of Bavaria excited no 
 jealousy, and his chance of the coveted succession 
 seemed best of all. 
 
 It was not in the nature of things that the domi- 
 nions which had been collected by Charles Y. and 
 Pliilip II. should long remain together. They were 
 brought together by the strong hand ; the strong 
 hand alone could keep them together. While able 
 princes remained upon the throne, the want of co- 
 herence in the monarchy was not perceived. But 
 when power was wielued at once with extravagance 
 and incapacity, the monarchy went to pieces. The 
 intense loyalty to the person of the sovereign, which 
 was one of the most marked characteristics of the 
 
 *i 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 2 F 
 
K'.f ' 
 
 K 
 
 
 •T '. 
 
 
 • V ' 
 
 1 
 
 » 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 434 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1689—1702. 
 
 Ohaitkb Spanisli character, still maintained its ground, and 
 — induced the Castilians to excuse signs of weakness 
 and imbecility wliicli in any other country would 
 have caused the downfall of the royal power. Every 
 Castilian was deeply concerned in the maintenance 
 and integrity of the monarchy. For Castile was the 
 very omphalos of the monarchy. Castilians enjoyed 
 viceregal power in the ])alaces of Peru and Mexico ; 
 the chief commands in the army and navy were 
 theirs ; they ruled in Naples, in the Milanese, in the 
 Netherlands. It was to Castile that Spaniards came to 
 spend, in splendid hos})itality, the wealth they had 
 amassed in other quarters of the empire. Dismember- 
 ment of the monarchy, or even decr"ase in its im- 
 portance, was a thought bitter to the Castilian soul. 
 It was evident that the claimant for the succession 
 most popular with the Spaniards would be he w4io 
 had the best chance of keeping the monarchy intact. 
 To such an one their loyalty would be trai^.sferred 
 entire. 
 
 Louis was anxious if he could not enjoy the whole, 
 to obtain a share. William, too, was of opinion that 
 a partition was the safest, and, indeed, the only fea- 
 sible plan. But it was foreseen that the Spaniards 
 would be furious when they heard that the dismem- 
 berment of their monarchy had been agreed upon. It 
 was resolved that the negotiations should be secret. 
 Holland, France, and En ?;land agi-eed to a treaty : 
 the young Prince of Bavaria was to succeed to the 
 throne of Spain, tlie American possessions, and tlie 
 
 :■! 
 
KXODUS OK TlIK WESTERN NATIONS. I.^". 
 
 IfiSn— 1702J 
 
 Notlierlaiids ; tlie emperor wns to hav'c the Milnnese ; 
 the diinpliin tlie two Sicilies. Secretly as the neo;o- 
 tiatioiis were carried o)i, they were known in AFadrid 
 almost as soon as thev were siji-ncd. Charles for a 
 moment exhibited the spirit of lils race, and ex- 
 pressed his ang'cr at the humiliating position in 
 which Spain was placed, lie determined to make a 
 will, leaving the monarchy entire to the Prince of 
 Bavaria. Within a few months the question became 
 more complicated than ever; for the Prince of 
 Bavaria, whose ^'uccessioii might have commanded 
 the consent of all the claimnnts, died at Brussels. A 
 second time the Doliticians of Paris and London 
 framed a treaty of partition. This was too nnich 
 even for the ))hk'gmatic blood of Charles. He dis- 
 missed the representatives of Holland and Spain 
 with every mai'k of displeasure. 
 
 The ])rize now seemed to lie between the houses of 
 Bourbon and of Austria. The king was in a state 
 of mental and bodily prostration. His digestion was 
 shattered, his constitution ruined, his mind a wreck. 
 He was kept alive on a diet of hens fed on vii)ers ;* 
 even that extraordinary dish disagreed- with him, for 
 the peculiar foi'mation of his teeth and jaws obliged 
 him to l>olt each morsel whole. He resorted to 
 witches and exorcisms, when he ought rather to have 
 tried a discontinuance of oUas and sweetmeats. 
 In a word, the king was a fatuous idiot luider the 
 absolute control of those who liapjx'nod lo surround 
 
 * Stiiiiliope's ( 'niTPspondcnoc. 
 
 2 !• 2 
 
 Ohaitf.u 
 
 xvr. 
 
 1701 
 
 'It 
 
 ^1 
 
i 
 
 m 
 
 siiii' 
 
 '1 36 EXODUS OF 'I'lIE WESTET^N NATIONS. 
 
 [1G89— 170'-'. 
 
 ^"vvi*^" him. A battle took place for the possession of Ijis 
 — person and the direction of his mind. The queen sided 
 with her own /oyal house : so likewise did the con- 
 fessor of the king and many of the ministers. On the 
 other side were the French ambassador, the Marquis 
 of Harcourt, and Cardinal Porto Carero, Arclibishop 
 of Toledo. There was no representative of other 
 European power<-j to interfere with the exercise of 
 Harcouft's diplomacy ; Louis had managed to divert 
 resentment from himself, and to fasten it on England 
 and Holland, whose representatives had in conse- 
 quence been dismissed from Spain. The queen and 
 her party worked strenuously; but the German 
 envoy. Count Harrach, made himself so unpopular 
 that he ruined all their plans. The marquis and the 
 cardinal were more than a match for the queen and 
 her German allies. Charles died in 1700, and left 
 the whole Spanish monarchy to the Duke of Anjou. 
 
 As soon as the contents of the King of Spain's will 
 were known, all was activity at A^ersailles. Louis 
 made no pretence of hesitation : he accepted the will 
 in favour of his grandson. His kingly w^ord, his 
 oath on the cross, the renunciation of his wife's claims 
 at the time of his marriage, were all forgotten. 
 Philip V. hurried to take possession of his new 
 dominions. Hardly a month elapsed before he was 
 on his way to the frontier. His brothers and the 
 great nobles of France escorted him. The Pyrenees, 
 Louis said, were barriers no longer. But Philip li[»d 
 neither tbe energy nor the tiilent wiiich the crisis 
 
XVI. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 437 
 
 1089—1702.] 
 
 required. Like all who had lived much wi^h Louis, Chai-ter 
 lie had become so accustomed to obey thfit he was 
 neither capable nor desirous of commanding". 
 
 As if this rupture of the Pjirtition Treaty were 
 not sufficient cause of quarrel with England, Louis 
 ridded another still more complete. James, the de- 
 throned king, was on his death-bed : Louis visited 
 him, and in presence of his courtiers promised 
 to recognize his son as King of England, Such a 
 declaration might have been wrung from a young 
 and generous prince, ovei'come at the sad spectacle 
 of a monarch dying in exile. Louis was not young. 
 His generosity, on this occasion at least, was rather 
 quixotic than laudable. Indeed it is not easy to 
 understand how such a master of diplomacy could 
 have committed so strange a blunder. Louis did not 
 for a moment seriously think of replacing the Pre- 
 tender on the throne whence his fjither had been 
 driven ; but he must have perceived that to proclaim 
 his sympathy so loudly was an insult to England 
 which would rouse the whole nation. William 
 was unpopular : his foreign policy was hardly 
 iniderstood. At the best it was rather acquiesced 
 in than approved. He might have found it diffi- 
 cult to arouse the warlike spirit of the nation on 
 the subject of the Duke of Anjou's inheritance. 
 The acknowledgment of the Pretender by Louis at 
 once gave the game into his opponent's hands. No 
 need now to search for a pretext, to explain a policy, 
 to leason, to persuade. A pretext was ready to 
 
 •U 
 
 <♦ 
 
 M 
 
- ^ 
 
 438 
 
 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 i 
 
 rC" 
 
 1^'^:^ 
 
 ■ I 
 
 [1^89—1702. 
 
 CiiAiTKK William's band at which every P]Tio:lish lieart would 
 XVI. . , . . 
 
 — ' throb and every ear tingle. The intelligence reached 
 
 him at the Loo. He instantly despatched two 
 
 couriers, one desiring- the Duke of Manchester to 
 
 leave Versailles without delay, the other ordering 
 
 that Poussiii, the French ambassador, should be sent 
 
 out of England. William was by this time near his 
 
 grnve; ^^ ^ iiealth was such that he could hardly 
 
 sper.u ,u )ve a whisper; his body was emaciated. 
 
 But 'V; v»'rit was as strono; as ever. From his 
 
 palace at St, TiOo he made a new coalition — one 
 
 which once and for ever destroyed the fear of the 
 
 overbalancing power of P'rance. Holland, GeiTiiany, 
 
 and Kngland signed the Grand Alliance in 1701. 
 
 William hastened to London, where he exerted the 
 
 last of his strength in preparing for war. lie 
 
 despatched the Earl of Albemarle to hasten matters 
 
 at the Hague. Scarcely had the envoy returned, 
 
 when the king, who a few days before had fallen 
 
 from his horse, died. Anne cpiietly succeeded him 
 
 on the tlirone, and within a few months war with 
 
 1702 France was declared by concert at London, Vienna, 
 
 ;uid the Hague. 
 
KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 439 
 
 1713.] 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 SPANISH COLONIES. 
 
 [1713.] 
 
 Council of the Indies — Character of Spanish ^' ^tlemcnt — Mode of life 
 iiMKing the Creole nobles — The Indians— he ir.erican Church — 
 A Spanish Mission — Inciuisition — Iievenuc 
 
 While the colonies of the En^;;' . h aid French were cmaitf.u 
 
 slowly extending their limits, tiie Lpaaish rule spread ' ' 
 
 rapidly from California to Pa. '^^ila. On the whole 
 continent of America, west and south of Louisiana, 
 no European nation, except Portugal, pretended to 
 dispute the exclusive title of Spain. Brazil was a 
 territory as large as the whole of Western Europe 
 put together ; but even that large deduction was 
 trifling compared with the enormous extent of terri- 
 tory that belonged to the Spanish crown. 
 
 There were no more conquests after the first half 
 of tlie sixteenth century, (^ortez was master of 
 Mexico by the year 1521 ; Peru, Quito, and Chili 
 were overrun by Pizarro by 1535 ; Terra Firma in 
 1532; New Granada in 153G. But it was long 
 before the Spaniards spread their settlements over the 
 vast country of which they had taken possession. 
 
f: ' 
 
 h ■ 
 
 - 'l 
 
 V 
 
 440 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 
 [1713. 
 
 Ch.\iti.;u The iiiterrial provinces, as tlie countries nortli of 
 
 XVII. 
 
 " — Mexico wore called, and the territories wliich are 
 now known as Patap^onia and Rio de la Plata, did 
 not, till many years afterwards, form part of the 
 Spanish dominions. Spain founded her right to the 
 American continent on the bull of Alexander VI., 
 which granted all lands discovered, or to be dis- 
 covered within certain limits, to Ferdinand and 
 Isabella. The king was in his American dominions 
 the sole source of honour or of power ; all authority, 
 ecclesiastical as well as temporal, was centred exclu- 
 sively in him. The leaders who conducted the 
 various expeditions, the governors who presided over 
 the different colonies, the judges who administered 
 the laws, even the ministers of religion, were all 
 appointed directly by him, and were removable at 
 his discretion. Pope Alexander VI. was naturally 
 unaware of the im[)ortance which the discovery of 
 America was destined to assume. He was ready to 
 oblige a dutiful son of the Church, even at the risk 
 of some small loss to her revenues ; he was therefore 
 not unwilling to grant the tithes of all the newly- 
 discovered countries to the crown of Castile. 
 Julius II. completed the sacrifice, which his prede- 
 cessor had parti v made, by conferring on Ferdinand 
 and his successors the rights of patronage, and the 
 absolute disposal of all benefices in America : thus 
 all authority, ecclesiastical as well as temporal, cen- 
 tred exclusively in the kings of Spain. The 
 machineiy of government was nrranged ujxm the 
 
 l^ 
 
EXODUS 0? THE WESTEUX NATIONS. 
 
 in 
 
 1713.] 
 
 fundamental maxim tl 'it evervthino: was done 1)V tlie Ciiaitku 
 power of tlie king alone, and under liis immediate — 
 orders. The supreme government of f^panisli 
 America was vested in a body of wdiich tlie k'uvj; 
 himself was the hend, and which held its meetings in 
 whatever place the sovereign happened for the time 
 to reside : it was called the Council of the Indies. 
 This celebrotcd Council was established within a 
 very few years of the first conquest, and, indeed, 
 before the conquest was yet com})lete : its jurisdiction 
 extended to every department, ecclesiastical, civil, 
 military, and commercial. All laws and ordinances 
 relative to the government and police of the colonies 
 were originated by it, and must be ajiproved by two- 
 thirds of its members before they were issued in the 
 name of tlie king ; the appointment to all offices 
 of which the nomination was reserved to the crown 
 was decided by it; to it the viceroys made their 
 reports, and consigned their gold; it dealt with the 
 schemes and plans of Castilian adventurers, who 
 dreamed of some new kingdom to be brought under 
 the sway of Spain ; it deliberated over the dark 
 plans of Ximenes and Quevedo, and loosed the 
 familiars of the Inquisition on their prey. 'J'he king 
 was supposed always to preside at the sittings of 
 the Council ; a chair was kept vacant for him when 
 he was not present. The Spanish monarchs exerted 
 all their power to decorate it with every splendom* 
 which coidd strike the imagination, or render it 
 formidable to their subjects on both sides of the 
 
I, , 
 
 r : 
 
 442 
 
 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 
 i 
 
 (itAn'KU 
 
 XVFI. 
 
 ■I ••' 
 
 [1713. 
 
 Atlantic. It would be unjust not to acknowledge 
 that, in spite of many absurd and some wicked 
 regulations, such measure of public virtue as existed 
 in America was owing to the influence exercised by 
 this august tribunal. As soon as the conquest was 
 completed, the Spanish monarchs divided their new 
 donn'nions into two vast kingdoms — tlie vicoroyalty 
 of Mexico, and the vicero^alty of Peru. It was not 
 till the increasing number of the Spani/. settlers 
 rendered it impossible to govern such extensive dis- 
 tricts from the two centres of Mexico and Lima, that 
 it was found necessary to subdivide the country into 
 other subordinate governments. A Spanish settle- 
 ment extended itself in a different manner from that 
 of any other nation. English colonies were agricul- 
 tural : the planters aspired to raise up farms and 
 homesteads in the wilderness ; they dispersed over 
 the face of the land, and settled wherever wood and 
 stream, valley and pasture, gave promise of future 
 markets and means of communication. French 
 emigrants congregated in feudal seigniories, where the 
 exigencies of military science required the establish- 
 ment of a j)ost to defend the frontier, or to aff'ord a 
 base for aggressive operations on the English or the 
 Indians. The Spaniards were attracted by the pre- 
 cious metals alone. Partly to be near the scene of 
 their labours, and partly for defence, they acquired 
 the habit of congregating in towns built in the 
 immediate neighbourhood of the mines : their society 
 assumed the character of an oligarchy, while the 
 
 ■4 
 
[1713. 
 
 ckiiowled^'o 
 nie wicked 
 3 as existed 
 xereised by 
 nquest was 
 
 tlieir new 
 viceroyalty 
 It was not 
 icU settlers 
 tensive dis- 
 Lima, that 
 ountry into 
 iiisli sQttle- 
 [• from tliat 
 3re agricul- 
 farms and 
 )ersed over 
 
 wood and 
 
 of future 
 French 
 , wliere the 
 
 estabh'sh- 
 to afford a 
 isli or the 
 y the pre- 
 e scene of 
 y acquired 
 ilt in tlie 
 oir societv 
 while the 
 
 KXonrs or thk \vi:sti;i;n xations. 
 
 \r. 
 
 i7i;j.] 
 
 Europeans tninied a «l<>niinaiit class in tlie midst of a 
 subject population. The (*reules fared little better, 
 and were little more considered, than the native races. 
 American ^^})aniards were deprived, bv reason of 
 their C^reole birth, of the best part of those privileges 
 which alone made life in America worth having : 
 though their blood might \)Q as pure Castilian as that 
 of any hidalgo of Ma<lrid, every avenue of distinction 
 was shut against them ; they were subjected by the 
 government to numerous and petty restrictions. 
 So systematically were they excluded from public 
 life, that the very clerks in the government o lices 
 were brought over from Si)ain. 
 
 The sett' mients of the Spaniards at the beginning 
 of the eighteenth century rarely extended far in- 
 land. There was a thin fringe of inhabited country 
 along the sea-coast and on the ])anks of gold-bearing 
 streams. A few cities were scattered among the high 
 table-lands of the Sierra Madre and the great Cor- 
 dillera. Peru and Chili were both enclosed between 
 the mountains and the sea : throughout their whole 
 extent, impassable deserts, ravines, and snow-clad 
 mountains stretched in lon<>: succession between one 
 settlement and another. The pojudation of Mexico 
 was rather more ecjually distributed. Even here the 
 cities were few and far between, with wide inter- 
 Ncning tracts of desert, in which the Spaniards were 
 chiefly represented by priests who lived among and 
 lorded ii ovoi' an oV>sequions ]>opulation r)\' liidians. 
 Ojilv tia tiers of S|i;iiiish birth, who by tlint ot' heav\ 
 
 ClIAlTKU 
 
 xvn. 
 
444 
 
 KXomiS OF TIIR WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 i 
 
 ■ . ( 
 
 CliAITK 
 
 XVI F. 
 
 [1713. 
 
 !i |)Mviiioiits liad boiic;ht peiTnissiou to wander, and 
 ivlif>'ions porsojis 1)olono;'i'no;' to the Indian missions, 
 could ^ive any account of the interior of the country. 
 A traveller, journeyin!!:^ for pleasure or instruction, 
 was a heinp^ unknown in a land where foreigners 
 were forl)iddeu to set foot on pain of death. The 
 accoinit given hy these privileged j)ilgrima, who 
 (HrasionallviTfive the world the benefit of their ohser- 
 vntions, described scenes and adventures unlike any 
 that could be encountered elsewhere. After leaving 
 a j^panish settlement, the wayfarer might ride many 
 hundi'ed iniles through forests and over deserts, ra- 
 vines, and ice-covered mountains, without seeing a 
 trace of the presence or habitation of man : at length, 
 when he had half persuaded himself that the furthest 
 out])ost of civilization was lejigues behind him, he 
 would come upon an cstancia, or gi-azing farm, tended 
 by a solitary shepherd; within the next few miles he 
 would find stations nearer together, and would dis- 
 cover that he was penetrating into an isolated centre 
 of busv life. Anon he would reach a stockaded town, 
 surroinided by the dwellings of native 8])aniards and 
 Creole grandees — dukes, counts, and marquises — the 
 owners of many a square league of territory ; " enco- 
 menderos" of many thousand slaves, who })ursued 
 their toil amid hideous mortality and suftering in the 
 neighbouring mines. 
 
 i^Jnormous as was the nominal wealth of these Creole 
 lords, their richer could ]>rocure few of the comforts 
 and none of the luxuries of life. Spanisn America 
 
 '^\ 
 
[1713. 
 
 ander, and 
 m missions, 
 lie country, 
 instruction, 
 i foreigners 
 eath. The 
 ^rims, wlio 
 tlieir obser- 
 unlike any 
 tcr leav'in_f^ 
 
 ride many 
 deserts, ra- 
 t seeing a 
 
 at lengtli, 
 be furtbest 
 d bim, lie 
 rm, tended 
 w miles be 
 would dis- 
 ited centre 
 ided town, 
 m'ards and 
 uises — tbe 
 y ; " enco- 
 
 j)ursued 
 •ing in tbe 
 
 ese Creole 
 3 comforts 
 
 1 America 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 445 
 
 i7i;{.] 
 
 bad no manufactures. A dozen sliins, twice a year, CiiAriKit 
 
 . xvir 
 carried all tbe European goods tbat tbe Americans ^ ' 
 
 were allowed to enjoy. Tbe prices demanded for 
 these coveted articles were excessive : to tbe oiiginal 
 cost was added an exorbitant charge for freight ; it 
 was still further augmented by tbe i)rofits of tbe 
 mono])olist exporting merchant at Seville, by the 
 monopolist importing merchant at Carthugena, and, 
 finally, by land transport of many hundred miles, on 
 tbe backs of mules or tbe beads of Indian slaves. 
 Except to the richest nobles, and to those in tbe 
 immediate vicinity of the trading ports, these succes- 
 sive enhancements of price amounted to prohibition. 
 
 Tbe Creole grandees lived in rude magnificence, 
 and valued themselves much on their hospitality, 
 which they considered as a pi'oof of tbe purity of their 
 Spanish blood. Frezier says, rjitber satirically, " The 
 most beggarly and meanest of tbe Europeans become 
 gentlemen as soon as they find themselves trans- 
 planted among tbe Indians, blacks, mulattoes, mes- 
 tizos, and others of mixed blood. Tbat imaginary 
 nobility causes tluiiii to perform most of their good 
 actions." It was, in truth, tbe main secret of their 
 mode of life, whicb exhibited a mixture of simplicity 
 and patriarchal hospitality with barbarous magnifi- 
 cence. Tbe house of every Spanish American was 
 c f n to all comers, who were welcome to remain as 
 long as their convenience or their avocations allowed. 
 Tbe licensed mercbatits of Bisciiy, who held most of 
 the inland trade in their hands, were thus enabled to 
 
 
 ■J I 
 
 

 u 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 ?'ti • 
 
 
 440 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 ■"%' 
 
 
 '•-^i:. 
 
 :;< ^ :].' 
 
 .,' I 
 
 vir ; 
 
 [i713. 
 
 The 
 
 ciiMTF.u travel imicli at small expense to themselves, 
 xvri. . 
 
 _" Creoles revenged themselves for their exclusion from 
 
 the offices of trust and emolmnent, which the Euro- 
 pean i^paniards entirely monopolized, by affecting a 
 supreme contempt for the intellectual powers of their 
 rivals. " ( 'avallos" — horses, was the uncomplimentary 
 name hy which they distinguished a Spaniard from 
 home.* But we are assured that they did not con- 
 sider it safe to give prominent expression to their 
 estimate of the mental capacity of their countrymen 
 in mixed society. Travelling and hunting were the 
 only laborious pursuits in which the Creoles took 
 delight. The latter is said by Ulloa to have been so 
 dangerous, that the sport could only be followed by 
 the most dexterous riders, the consequences of a fall 
 being generally fatal. The meet was ordinarily at 
 daybreak ; and the liorsemen, each accompanied by 
 his hounds, stationed themselves on the highest passes 
 of the moun(-ains, while the Indian beaters and tlie 
 footmen ranged the slopes, shouting to raise the deer. 
 The company extended sometimes, according to their 
 nund)ers, over foiu* or five leagues. UHoa declares 
 that the mo«t celebrated horses of Europe must yield 
 the palm to those of America, compared with whose 
 fleetness their boasted activity was but dull. Although 
 tlie jiwe wn'th which he describes the incidents of the 
 chase, perhaps points to the conclusion that Ulloa 
 was not a, good horseman, the animated description 
 wliich he gives of tlio rough country over which 
 
 * Vnyngf fii Aincriqiir. 
 
>. 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 44" 
 
 [.713. 
 
 The 
 
 Ives. 
 Tision from 
 I the Euro- 
 affecting a 
 ers of their 
 pHinentary 
 iiiarel iiom 
 id not con- 
 311 to tlieir 
 joiintiTiiion 
 ig were the 
 reoles took 
 xve Leen so 
 blknved ])y 
 ■es of a fall 
 rdiiiarily at 
 npanied by 
 ^'liest passes 
 n's and tlie 
 se the deer. 
 
 iiii; to their 
 
 loa (loclares 
 must yield 
 
 ^vith whose 
 Although 
 
 eiits of the 
 tliat Ulloa 
 description 
 
 )vei' wliioli 
 
 1713.] 
 
 American sportsmen rode, showed that tlieir huntiu'j; Chaitkk 
 
 . . . xvii. 
 
 must have been a manly and exciting pastime : — — 
 
 •' On the starting of any game, the horse which first 
 perceives it sets off, and the rider being unable to 
 guide or stop him, pursues the chase sometimes do'A'n 
 such a steep slope that a man on foot, Avith the 
 greatest care, could hardly keep his legs ; from thence 
 up a dangerous ascent, or along the side of a moun- 
 tain, that a person not used to this exercise would 
 think it much safer to throw himself out of the saddle, 
 than commit his life to the ])recipitate ardour of the 
 horse." * It is probable that the Spanish Americans, 
 living in the saddle almost from their cradle, and 
 pursuing no other occupation than the chase, may 
 liave had sufdcient control over tlie movements of 
 their steeds, and have be*en in a positi(m keenly to 
 enjoy the excitement of the sport. 
 
 So (piickly did tlie oHmate tell upon the constitu- 
 tions of Europeans, that even those who were bred 
 to labour in Spain, within a sliort time grew idle in 
 America. The siesta after dinner wasted a con- 
 siderable part of the day, and, in the towns, contri- 
 buted not a little to raise the price of workman 
 
 4> 
 
 The Creoles enjoyed the reputation of being fully a 
 match in making bargains with the Europeans; but 
 their constitutional indolence, and, still more, their 
 extreme vanity, which did not permit th(,'m to en- 
 gage in any transaction where the profit was not 
 large and the labour .small, threw most of the trade 
 
 H. ■ 
 
 (lyam' I 
 
 11 A I 
 
 ni'i'iiiiu 
 
448 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NA'J'lOiNS. 
 
 (»■ ,," 
 
 i 
 
 
 [1713. 
 
 Chajikb into tlie hands of tlie Biscayan pedlers, who travelled 
 — * lip and down the country, living free of cost at the 
 various haciendas, and buying '^p the produce of the 
 country, to be retailed at the semi-annual fairs of 
 Portobello and Yera Cruz. Cattle from his vast 
 estates supplied a Mexican or Peruvian grandee with 
 most of the necessaries of life. His Indians, armed 
 with their lassoes, brought him in as many wild bulls 
 or horses as he cared to have ; Indian women sj^un 
 and wove the llama hair that made his cloak, and 
 twisted the prairie grass into a broad-leafed sombrercj : 
 the enormous rowels of his spurs were rudely 
 fashioned with silver from his mines ; his saddle was 
 a double sheepskin, which served him for a bed at 
 i\\Q camping-ground ; his stirrups were gvent square 
 boxes of wood, or on grand occasioi;^ of silver; his 
 horse furniture generally was made aftui' the patterns 
 brought to America many yeuis befoi by the con- 
 querors. In the towns, the !»]■ r iM)l:Ue an*! other 
 parts of tlie harness were covbfed with ■ eales of solid 
 silver, sometiui; s ev^' with gold and jewels : in the 
 country districts. Uiost^ parts which tlie European 
 Spaniards made oi" a'on and silver, were copied l)y 
 the natives in horn and wood. Tlie Indistns soon 
 after the conquest learnt the use of horses, and be- 
 came extraordinarily expert. Frezii'r, who was in 
 Cliili in 1712, says that the horses brought from 
 Spain had multiplied to such an extent that the 
 IndiiUiH used them for food, " preferring iliem to 
 beef, wliich they said gave them the stomach-ache !" 
 
[1713. 
 
 lio travelled 
 
 cost at tlie 
 
 iduce of the 
 
 nal fairs of 
 
 •in Lis vast 
 
 raiidee with 
 
 ians, armed 
 
 y wild bulls 
 
 '^omeii spun 
 
 cloak, and 
 
 fl sombrero : 
 
 ere rudely 
 
 ; saddle was 
 
 )r a bed at 
 
 reat square 
 
 silver ; liis 
 
 the patterns 
 
 }y the con- 
 
 an-l other 
 
 dcs of solid 
 
 ('is : in tlie 
 
 European 
 
 copied l)y 
 
 di;nis socm 
 
 es, and be- 
 
 ilio was in 
 
 ujj;-ht from 
 
 t that the 
 
 2,' lliem to 
 
 iicli-ac.'hc !" 
 
 KXODUS OF Till': wkstF':rn nations. 
 
 ■1-1! I 
 
 1713.] 
 
 A horse wliieli was not of extraordinai'v beauty 
 would fetch but two or three crowns at La Conception. 
 
 If tlie «i;randee was too lazy to ride, troops of 
 slaves were ready to ci-rry liim in a " ser])('ntino," — a 
 hamniock of fine cotton, witli mo.s(|nito nets and 
 awnings, hung- on l»and)oo poles ; behind liiin van 
 negroes, carrying liis sword, nnd huge extinguislicr- 
 shaped umbrellas : you may sec a picture of one in 
 Monsieur Frezicr's " Voyages." In tlie mountains the 
 Creoles sometimes travelled on chairs slung on the 
 back of a single fndian, many of whom, if report bo 
 true, were "expended" in a. toil oiul- nmrcii. Vltld 
 liands cultivated just so much land as would su}»j»'\' 
 him and his household with food ; there was no market 
 for the surplus produce, so there was no inducement to 
 extended cultivation. At meals, the whole establish- 
 ment ate too-other, the masters handinji* (.vev tlirii- 
 sh.julders each dish well seasoned with burning " :'X( ," 
 or " pimiento," to the expectant servants behind. 
 
 Learm'ng was entirely uncultivated; few house- 
 holds could boast of the possession o*^" liooks or riiC 
 ability to read them; even the few who possessed t,!:o 
 requisite knowledge had few oppc nities of grati- 
 fying their tastes ; there were no mting-prcsses in 
 the American dominions of Spaii and thr energetic 
 surveillance of the ln(|uisition ]>. evented the admis- 
 sion of any works which migh' <xcite discussion or 
 inquiry. The sole occu[)ation ol' a (^'eole grandee 
 was the chase ; his relaxations were his ciu'ar, his 
 chocolate, itnd his siesta; thus ho dawdled awav his 
 
 r'liAi'rr.u 
 
 xvn. 
 
 VOL. I 
 
 2 (J 
 
f ' 
 
 450 
 
 KXOlMS OF 'I'llF, WKSTKIfN NATIONS. 
 
 i' ■ v 
 
 I , 
 
 i 
 
 CiiAni:i{ 
 XVII. 
 
 [1713. 
 
 time ill the iiiitlist of a liareiu of dusky ladies and a 
 crowd of " Mestizo "* cliiidreii. 
 
 Ill the towns were usually quartered a guard of 
 soldiers; nut the inglorious heroes who dreamed 
 away their time in remote Ameriean posts, were hut 
 iiidilVerent representatives of the famous l»attalions 
 who in old days had fought successfully against 
 nlmost any odds. The men were no more who had 
 vaiupiished the famous pikeinen of Switzerland and 
 the cavalry of France ; who had rushed with (\)itez 
 a£i*ainst Aztec and Indian warriors, that outnumhered 
 them hy three hundred to one ; the yellow jerkin was 
 now w^orn by men who ada[)ted themselves com- 
 pletely to the indolent securitv in which they lived. 
 Waited upon by crowds of Indians, dreaming away 
 life with endless "chica" cigars, and dice, their 
 business was no longer to hunt down Indians, but to 
 Avatch their own couiitiymen, on behalf of the govern- 
 ment to collect taxes, to prevent smuggling, and 
 bring to instant punishment any who should attempt 
 to establish any kiml of unniufacture. The Euro[)eaii 
 Spaniards formed an exclusive caste among them- 
 selves, and were t\nnteoted by no ties of affection 
 with the country of their temporary sojourn. Each 
 m;m was eager to get back to Spain, .'ind enjoy 
 the riches he had amassed in the full sunshine 
 of court favour, under the eye of the king in 
 Old Castile. For it was the Castilian and the 
 Castilian alone, for whom the full enjoyment of 
 
 * I'lTHOiis (»r iiii\i''i Spiiiiisli and Iiidinii Modil uci-c sn ciiIIlm 
 
S'S. 
 
 [1713. 
 
 adics und a 
 
 a guard of 
 ho drcaiiiL'd 
 ts, were but 
 IS battalions 
 iilly aii'aiiist 
 ore who liad 
 tzerland and 
 
 with Coitez 
 3utnumbered 
 w jerkin was 
 isclvcs COlll- 
 1 tlioy hvcd. 
 .'{iniing away 
 dice, tlieir 
 
 lians, hut to 
 
 the goverii- 
 ig'gling', and 
 oiild attempt 
 he European 
 mong them- 
 
 ot' allection 
 ourn. Each 
 and enjoy 
 uli sunshine 
 
 lie king in 
 ian and the 
 
 njoyiiicnt oi' 
 
 (' s(i callL'tl. 
 
 EXODUS or THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 4.-)! 
 
 17 1;).] 
 
 Spanish nationality was reserved. From among the 
 Castilians were selected the great nohles who ruled 
 ill the Netlierhinds, in Najtles, in the Sicihes, in 
 Franclie Comte, in tlie golden viceroyalties of Peru 
 and Mexico. All tiie ojlices of state, even in America, 
 were filled by Spam'ards of (31d Spain. The very 
 clerks in the government oftices were selected from 
 the favoured class. All, from the highest to the 
 lowest in the great hierarchy of oppression, made 
 liaste to be rich at the expense of the unhappy 
 natives, in order to get back to the goal of every true 
 Spaniard's jimbition. 
 
 It was obvious that when settlem 3nt begnn at so 
 many distinct centres simultaneously, it was not })0S- 
 sible that tlie boundaries should be very accurately 
 marked. Each new settlor. ; i-t, or village, was made 
 with the sanction of the ^v)yernnient, by whom a 
 corregidor was ap[)(>inted : the corregidory was 
 attached to a district under the command of an in- 
 tendnnt; the intendant, in his turn, reported to the 
 viceroy, generally a grandee of Spain. It was in 
 this way, as the country became settled, that new 
 governments were formed : intendeiicies swelled 
 into viceroyalties, and were removed, one by one, 
 from the central jurisdiction ; corregidorics became 
 subject to captain-generals or intendants : small 
 villages increased into great cities, with, municipal 
 institutions. The municipalities alone, of all the 
 gf>vernmental machinery of Spain, showed some re- 
 cognition ot the |)riiM'i])le of self-government and the 
 
 2 (J 2 
 
 CiiArrKii 
 XVII. 
 
 ••. ' I 
 
^ : 
 
 4."2 
 
 EXODI'S OF 'ITIK WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 
 i 
 
 ("lIAITKH 
 
 XVII. 
 
 ordinary ncliniuistrnti'nn of instico ; tlie miiiuti;i3 of" 
 internal o-overnment in the cities were intniHted to 
 "cabildos," assenil)lies consistiiif]^ of tlie alcMliles and 
 other oillicers of justice, tog'etlier witli a certain num- 
 ber of re^idors selected tVoni among the principal 
 inhabitants: tlie reg'idors were not selected by th<^ 
 people, but by the kiu";', from whom nominations 
 were obtained by purchase : a lari;"e portion of the 
 royal reveniies de})ended u]ton such-like i<^noniiiiious 
 vails. 
 
 The cities of B])ain were represented in the council 
 of Castile ; and in like manner the cities of iVmerica, 
 which did not possess cabilaos, were represented 
 in the council of the Indies. The old cabildos tliem- 
 selves were borrowed from tlie old municii)al insti- 
 tuti(ms of Spain. They were oriiji^in.ally established 
 in that country for the same reasons tliat impelletl 
 Louis le Gros to introduce communes into France, or 
 Henry \l\. to enlar<.!;e the power of the Commons in 
 Enj^land — namely, to curtail and counterbalance the 
 power of the nobility : these bodies, when they had 
 served their turn, were allowed in France and 
 Spain to fall into disuse : it is fortunate for I']n_i!;land 
 that the example was not followed in our country in 
 the way ihat has just been described. 
 
 Isolated patches of population sj)read themselves 
 over Mexico and IVru. The boundaries were not 
 noted, but farms and j^razing stations spread out from 
 the centre of each sej^arate conniiuin'ty, till the 
 wilderness was reclaini»'(|. In by far the greater 
 
miniitia; of 
 iitnisted in 
 ilcaMrs and 
 ji'tain luiin- 
 lO principal 
 tod 1)V tlio 
 loiniiiatioiiK 
 rtioii of the 
 <i;iiumiiii()us 
 
 the council 
 
 dF iVnioricn, 
 
 rcpivsonted 
 
 )il(los tliem- 
 
 icipal insti- 
 
 est;il)li.slR'd 
 
 it impelled 
 
 l^'i'aiice, or 
 
 onnnonw in 
 
 )alance the 
 
 1 they had 
 
 ranee and 
 
 >r l'in<>:land 
 
 country iu 
 
 iheniselvOR 
 ^ \vi>vo not 
 idont from 
 V, till the 
 lie g'reater 
 
 EXODUS (.)[■ TIIK WKSTKliN NATIONS. 4:,;'. 
 
 17 m.] 
 
 iiuml)er of instances the interveninc* coinitry was Cuvitiu 
 
 .. . , . *' XVII. 
 
 never siiHiciently recovered from the waste to maKe — 
 it worth while formally to run the l)0undaries. I5ut 
 as each village 'vvas established with the sanction of 
 the government, farms belonging to persons living 
 in that village w« re held to be w^ithin its limits; and, 
 as it was always possible to ascertain to whom a 
 frontier farm had been granted, there was no ditti- 
 culty in deciding to what cori'egidory the land be- 
 longed. 
 
 The whole central comitry, which l>elonged formally 
 neither to Mexico nor Peru, was called Terra Firma: 
 Mexico was divided into New Spain and Guatemala ; 
 the first under a viceroy, tlie second under a ca])tain- 
 general. A few years after the Treaty of Utrecht, the 
 old limits of Peru contained the viceroyalty of 
 Granada, the captain-gi'ncralship of Caraccas (now 
 the Republic of Venezuela), the captain-generalship 
 of t^hili, and, towards the end of the century, the 
 viceroyalty of La Plata, or Buenos Ay res. 
 
 It seemed, durinii; the first few years after the 
 conquest, that the aborigines of the maiidand would 
 hardly fare better than the Indians of the Mexican 
 and ( Jaribbean Seas ; but it was soon found that 
 unless economy of life was exercised in some small 
 degree, the inhaltitaiits and the mines would soon 
 UUUlo to an end together; for neither white man nor 
 negro could stand the labour that was re(|uired. 
 Kegulations, framed in a sjtirit of apparent mercy 
 (o the natives, wvav sent out from rJurope ; and 
 

 i 
 
 454 
 
 KXUDIJS OF THE WKSTEHN NATIONS. 
 
 [1713. 
 
 CuAi-rrH even in tlic onrly days after tlie con(|iiest, Spain 
 — could turn witli pride to l;i\vs res]i<>cting the treat- 
 ment of natives infinitely more humane than anv 
 that had ever been dreamed of either by the French 
 or English. 
 
 '• To do all men right," says Peter Cieza, in his 
 tiinels, " 1 must declare that all the Spaniards were 
 not guilty of thus misusing the Indians, for I have 
 often seen, and can affirm of my own knowledge, 
 that they were kindly treated by good and moderate 
 men, who, when they happened to be sick, would 
 bleed and serve them with tlieir own hands." Cieza 
 is a somewhat partial witness ; he further states 
 that " now no {Spaniard, though ever so great, dares 
 offer them (the Indians) the least injury ; that the 
 sovereign courts never fail to punish those who 
 wi'ong the Indians ; that they are on a level with 
 the Spaniards ; as free of their persons, and as ab- 
 solute masters of their estates, as they ; and every 
 townsln'p is appointed what moderate taxes they have 
 to ]>ay/' witli nnich more in the same strain. 
 
 The mass of the Spanish population was concen- 
 trated on the small table-lands and elevated valleys 
 of the great mountain chain which runs north and 
 south throu2;h the whole continent of America. The 
 first adventurers found in these plateaux, both in 
 Mexico and Peru, tribes of agricultural Indians, 
 who exhibited very advanced civilization. In after 
 years, the richest settlements of the Spaniards were 
 formed in the same districts which had been the 
 
 im 
 
[1713. 
 
 [Host, Spain 
 
 g the troat- 
 
 e tliaii aiiv 
 
 the Freuch 
 
 ■ieza, ill his 
 uiiards were 
 , for I liave 
 
 kii()wlecl<T^e, 
 1(1 moderate 
 
 sick, would 
 ids." Cieza 
 rther states 
 great, dares 
 y ; that the 
 
 those who 
 
 level with 
 and as ab- 
 
 aiid. every 
 s they have 
 liii. 
 
 ^as coneeii- 
 ted valleys 
 
 north and 
 erica. The 
 both in 
 il Indians, 
 In after 
 liards were 
 
 l)een the 
 
 KX(.>DUS 01" IIU': WESTEILN NATU.LNS. 
 
 465 
 
 1713.] 
 
 principal centres of native p()[»ulati()n. Throughoiil 
 its whole extent, the great backbone of America bears 
 gold : in the elevated valleys of the Aztecs and 
 Peruvians the S[)aniards came n])on stores of wealth, 
 such as their forefathers had dreamed of in vain : 
 compared witli the rich profusion now before them, 
 the mines of Ilispaniola sank into insignificance. 
 The first thought of the cbscoven-rs was to divide 
 Hie native population among the (oiKpiistadores, 
 and hurry tliein ofl' by troo[)s to labour in the 
 mines, i'cj)lacing them with others as socm as, in the 
 barl)arous slang of the time, they were " gastados" — 
 used Uj). Ihit waste of liie so tremendous could not 
 long be maintained ; epidemic diseases raged among 
 the slaves. The government of Castile had not yet 
 lost the head to will and the ]i()\ver to execite ; it 
 stei)ped in with well-meant though necessarily ex- 
 pcjrimental legislation. The Indians were first 
 divided among masters, who had a property in their 
 labour, but not in their persons. This })lan was not 
 successful : they were then distributed in " enco- 
 miendas," or districts, each eueoniciuhn'O taking the 
 Indians of his district under his })rotection, and ex- 
 acting from them a tribute or produce rent : this 
 succeeded little better than the other. For many 
 yeai's the native population were sul»ject lo the ex- 
 tremest l)rutality : no laws and no restrictions availed 
 to prcjtect the natives from the fiendish excesses of 
 the (\^n(piistadores and their immediate descendants: 
 a wise and moderate system was at length adopted, 
 
 ('iiAriK.n 
 XVI I. 
 
 t 
 
IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 
 /> 
 
 s'r t-T my Mr, 
 
 y. 
 
 C/i 
 
 
 1.0 
 
 I.I 
 
 1.25 
 
 IfriM IIM 
 
 I if IS 
 ? -- IIIIIM 
 
 U il.6 
 
 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 Corporation 
 
 iV 
 
 <^ 
 
 r 
 
 :\ 
 
 ^\^ 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 23 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSTER, NY. 14580 
 
 (716) 872-4303 
 
13 • 
 
 i 
 
 h'l 
 
 I i ■ 
 
 ! - 
 
 :< 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 h^ 
 
 'SK 
 
 45() 
 
 EXODUS OF TlIK WESTERN x\ATIONS. 
 
 [1713. 
 
 cnAi'TKit whicli restoi'i J tlio Indians to a state of comparative 
 
 XVII. 
 
 — comfort. But not even in after times, when their 
 lives Ijecame comparatively safe, did the government 
 ever contemplate making them free. 
 
 The policy of Spain was to keep the Indians in a 
 condition of perpetual minority.* Men of pure 
 Indian blood were incnpable of making legal con- 
 tracts ; they could not be pursued for debt : they 
 were placed under the immediate protection of the 
 king, to whom they paid a capitation tax, and of the 
 clergy, to whom they paid the dues of the church. 
 A mixed race soon arose, who shared their dis- 
 abilities in a minor degree : the number of female 
 emigrants from Old Spain, compared with the 
 number of men, was ah\ays so small that large 
 numbers of intermarriages took place between the 
 Spaniards and the natives-: the descendants of the 
 mixed marriages lost rank : every man's social po- 
 sition varied in proportion as he ap2)roached pure 
 white. The standard of purity was fixed, not only 
 by the customs of society, which were rigid, but by 
 the liiw itself : it required two generations of pure 
 white marriages to efface the stain of one mixture with 
 tlie Indian race : the American Spaniards who had 
 over so slight an admixture of Indian blood were ex- 
 cluded from all offices of trust under the state. There 
 was a numerous titled aristocracy among the Creoles : 
 they were possessors of large estates, transmitted by 
 " mayorazgos," or entails from father to son ; but all 
 
 "' Mc'i'ivak', [K '<, 
 
NS. 
 
 [17.13. 
 
 comparative 
 
 when their 
 
 government 
 
 [ndians in a 
 en of pure 
 ' legal con- 
 debt : they 
 3tion of the 
 , and of the 
 the church. 
 . their dis- 
 V of female 
 
 with the 
 
 that large 
 
 etwee n the 
 
 ants of the 
 
 social po- 
 ached 23ure 
 d, not only 
 [>-id, but by 
 ns of pure 
 ixture with 
 s who had 
 d were ex- 
 ite. There 
 e Creoles : 
 nuittcd by 
 n ; I Hit all 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 457 
 
 1713.] 
 
 tilis did not suffice to wipe off the stain of Indian 
 blood. 
 
 Protection such as that under which the Indians 
 lived, though it prevented the race from rising in the 
 social scale, or acquiring the character of free men, 
 still it was perhaps the best plan that could be 
 adopted to protect a timid and cringing people from 
 a masterful class dominant among them. To assign 
 the aborigines as wards to the crown, and, as far as 
 possible, to deal out erpial justice to both, was the 
 only way to prevent the Gothic settlers from destroy- 
 ing them. 
 
 As is now the case in British India, it was fnmd 
 that the European race, in a few generations, 
 dwindled and died. It required admixture with the 
 native blood to keep it alive at all : the second or 
 third generation from the Conquistadores altogether 
 lost the spirit of their forefathers, and sunk with 
 inconceivable rapidity to a position lower than that 
 of the aborigines themselves : it thus necessarily 
 came to pass that a succession of adventurers from 
 Old Spain formed a social aristocracy in the midst of 
 a degraded population, of which Mulattos, Quarterons, 
 and Quinteros were looked upon as little, if at all 
 better than the full-l^looded Indians. The "Criolios," 
 according to Gage, an English traveller who visited 
 S})anisli America as a missionary friar, in the time 
 of Cromwell, hated tlie Sjianiard of the old country 
 nidre I ban in Euro[)e tlie Spaniard hated tlic French- 
 man, or the I lollaiifh'r, nr ihe rmiuguese. lie de- 
 
 CuAITKIt 
 
 XVII. 
 
 
 f 
 
 
458 
 
 EXODIJH UF THE WEbTERX NATlONr^. 
 
 11 ' 
 
 i 
 
 h 
 
 '( 
 
 
 4 J 8 
 
 i 
 
 Chai'ter 
 
 XVI r. 
 
 [1713. 
 
 clares tlmt he had often heard them say " that they 
 woidd rather be suhject to any other prince than to the 
 Spaniard." On the occasion of a tunmlt in Mexico, 
 wlien the archbishop, Don Alonzo de Zerna, caused 
 the viceroy to fly for his hfe, the Creoles at once took 
 part witli the archbishop, and very nearly succeeded 
 in overturning the Spanish pov/cr. No Creole was ever 
 appointed viceroy, or, indeed, to any oftice of trust : 
 this would not be noteworthy, if the society in New 
 Spain had been, as in the English plantations, purely 
 democratic : it would be unwise to select one person 
 to hold an exalted station and enormous power from 
 among a society where all were theoretically equal ; 
 but in the Spanish colonies were men possessing enor- 
 mous hereditary wealth, and holding the highest titles 
 of nobility by direct descent from the purest blood of 
 Spain, yet excluded by arbitrary laws from even so 
 much as a clerkship in a government office. Had 
 not the deleterious elfect of climate, aided w^ith almost 
 magical rapidity the systematic policy of the Spa- 
 niards, the insults that were heaped upon the Creole 
 race would have produced frequent scenes of revolt 
 and bloodshed. 
 
 The nfitives of Mexico and Peru represented a 
 civilization as advanced, though less vigorous than 
 tliat of their invaders : there wjis consequently not 
 the same distaste as might otherwise have existed to 
 intermarriages : many of the largest estates were 
 ac([uired l)y adventurers who contracted alliances 
 willi (he families of great uali\e el.iefs, and were 
 
 ^ 
 
[1713. 
 
 "that they 
 i tlian to the 
 
 ill Mexico, 
 rna, caused 
 it once took 
 y succeeded 
 
 le was ever 
 ce of trust : 
 ity in New 
 ons, purely 
 one person 
 power from 
 jally equal ; 
 3ssing enor- 
 ighest titles 
 bst blood of 
 )m even so 
 ffice. Had 
 ^^ith almost 
 )f the 8pa- 
 the Creole 
 5 of revolt 
 
 resented a 
 )rous than 
 iiently not 
 existed to 
 tates were 
 i alliances 
 and were 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 459 
 
 1718.] 
 
 confirmed in their possession by tlie authorities of Ckaitii; 
 Spain. Many of the conquered race gave evidence ^ — 
 of very considerable abilities. Garcillaso and Torque- 
 mada were two of the best historians of the New 
 World ; one was a descendant of the Meas ; the 
 other a citizen of Tlascala : the preceptor of Velas- 
 quez the astronomer was an Indian. Nevertheless, 
 Spain offered very little encouragement to learning 
 on the part of her American subjects ; letters led 
 neither to distinction nor to wealth ; there was but 
 one exception : a constant supply of priests was 
 required, and though large numbers were constantly 
 brought over from Spain, it was found necessary to 
 supplement them by ecclesiastics of native birth. 
 There was little disposition to allow Americans to 
 visit Spain, it was therefore decided to establish 
 colleges where the students of divinity might pursue 
 tlieir preparatory labours : a university was esta- 
 blished in Mexico, and one at Lima; but for a long- 
 time the students at both those seats of learning con- 
 sisted only of those who intended to take orders ; it 
 was not till a late period that they began to influence 
 the taste or the intellectual calibre of the Spanish 
 Americans. The Sj^aniards were men of business. 
 Their fondest wish was to wring from their intendancy 
 or corregidory sufficient money to enable them to go 
 home and dazzle their relatives in Old Castile with a 
 siirht of their ma2:nificence. Thev had no time to 
 attend to learning, even if the familiars of the 
 rn([uisition had been less un})k'asantly curious about 
 

 400 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 
 1 
 
 '\y 
 
 1 
 ' ■ ! 
 
 ,! 
 
 i 
 
 ' [ 
 
 1 ■ ' 
 
 '■■ -i- 
 
 \ r ' ■ , 
 f 
 
 i \ 
 
 / 
 
 
 1 . 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 '■' i 
 
 . 
 
 Q.. 
 
 
 [1713. 
 
 CiiAi>Ti;u the orthodoxy of such books as miffht find their 
 
 XVII. 
 
 — way into the Cathoh"c king's American dominions. 
 A time arrived when, as Humboldt tells us, pro- 
 hibition stirred up curiosity, and induced such 
 numbers of Spanish Americans to devote themselves 
 to learning, that they Ijarned to look down with 
 contempt on the intellectual position of Spain : 
 when that time came, the day of independence for 
 the Spanish colonies was not far off. 
 
 It has been already mentioned that the church of 
 Spanish America was compL^tely emancipated from 
 the control of the pope. It is curious that men so 
 entirely devoted to the interests of the Catholic faith, 
 as the kings of the Austrian line, should have held 
 their exemption for so many generations, and liave 
 pertinaciously refused to give up the concession 
 which he had made to them. Eobertson, in his 
 history, speaks with great admiration of this limita- 
 tion of the papal jurisdiction : to it he attributes 
 " the uniform tranquillity which has reigned in her 
 (Spain's) American dominions." It is much more 
 likely that the exemption deprived the unfortunate 
 Indians of an efficient protector : the sole o])ject of the 
 temporal rulers, was to malce the church an engine 
 of their political system : those who remember how 
 nobly, during the middle ages, the ecclesiastics stood 
 up against the power of the nobles in favour of the 
 oppressed feudal serfs, may reasonably feel that the 
 entire subjection of the Spanisli American church to 
 I he civil [)()\vi!r was a great misfortune. 
 
 !■: 
 
[1713. 
 
 ; find their 
 dominions. 
 
 lis us, pro- 
 
 iuced such 
 tliemselves 
 
 down with 
 of Spain : 
 
 mdence for 
 
 e church of 
 pated from 
 lat men so 
 iholic faith, 
 have hehl 
 , and liave 
 concession 
 3n, in his 
 this Hmita- 
 attributes 
 led in her 
 Luch more 
 nfortunate 
 ject of the 
 an engine 
 mber how 
 itics stood 
 )ur of the 
 I that tlio 
 church to 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEKN NATIONS. 
 
 iCA 
 
 1713.] 
 
 The hierarcliy was estahUshcd in tlie same form as 
 in Spain, with its full train of archbishops, bishops, 
 and deans. There were three inferior grades: 
 " curas," " doctrineros," and " missioneros." Tbe 
 first, were parish priests in those parts of tlie 
 country which were settled by the Spaniards; doc- 
 trineros had charge of the Indians who were sul)jcct 
 to the Spanish government; missioneros were sent 
 forth to instruct and convert the rude frontier tribes, 
 who, secure in their mountain fastnesses, defied the 
 power of the conquerors. The revenues of the 
 church were enormous : churches, convents, monas- 
 teries, were to be seen in great numbers in every 
 city : — stately piles endowed with the offerings of 
 many pious generations, with rich stores of plate and 
 jewels, carved screens and elaborate altarpieces. 
 
 Hardly had the Spaniards overrim the country, 
 than crowds of monks and nuns poured in. While 
 yet the settlers were almost without the comfort of 
 female European society, convents were crowded with 
 Spanish ladies : even the Spanish monarchs were at 
 times alarmed for the result of that extreme infatua- 
 tion for monastic life that took possession of the 
 Spaniards in America. At first, no one but a Spaniard 
 of Old Spain could be admitted into a convent, so 
 that every person in every convent may l)e looked 
 upon as one withdrawn from the duties of active life, 
 just at the period when the demands of colonization 
 were most imperative. For example, in the two 
 capital cities alone of New Spain and I^eru, there 
 
 (]HAlTi:U 
 
 XVII. 
 
 t'i 
 
462 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 i 
 
 
 t'^yf^i'}^ 
 
 - ■■>. 
 
 • i 
 
 * 
 
 ,1 
 
 -I 
 
 f 
 
 j 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 \ 
 
 » ■ '. 
 t . 
 
 ! 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 i 
 
 [1713. 
 
 CiiAi'TEu were sixty-five religious liouses, besides a crowd 
 XVII. . '^ ^ . ' 
 
 — of hospitals, colleges, and parish clmrclies : when 
 
 Frezier was at Lima, the friars had taken up the 
 
 finest and greatest part of the city : the Dominicans 
 
 had four monasteries ; the Franciscans four ; the 
 
 Augustiiies four ; the Mercenarians three ; the 
 
 Jesuits five ; the Benedictines, Minims, and Brothers 
 
 of St. John, one each ; the Bethlehemites two. 
 
 There were also twelve convents of nuns.* In the 
 
 city of Mexico there were eighteen convents, of 
 
 wliich the Franciscans had four, the Augustines four, 
 
 the Dominicans two, «fec., and fourteen nunneries. 
 
 Torquemada, in his " Monarquia Indiana," esti- 
 mates the number of monasteries in New Spain at 
 four hundred ; and Robertson mentions in a note that 
 Plrilip III., in a letter to the viceroy of Peru, written 
 in 1620, declares that the monasteries of Lima cover 
 more ground than all the rest of the city put together. 
 
 The clergy held such enormous power for good or 
 evil, that any one who would understand the national 
 life of the Spanish Americans must closely observe 
 their character as a body : the secular priests were 
 mostly of Spanish birth ; it is a moot point whether 
 Indians were ever ordained at all. The rank and file 
 of those who volunteered to serve in the New World 
 were for the most part men who had small prospect 
 of advancement in their own country : a land as full 
 as Spain was of priests sending out the least pro- 
 mising members of such a very numerous fijld, was 
 
 * Fre/iicr's Voyage. lionnan Moub Atla>s. 
 
[1713. 
 
 is a crowd 
 ;lies : when 
 ken up the 
 Dominicans 
 
 four ; the 
 hhree ; the 
 rid Brothers 
 mites two. 
 IS.* In the 
 onvents, of 
 istines four, 
 nneries. 
 iana," esti- 
 w Spain at 
 
 a note that 
 iYu, written 
 Lima cover 
 Lit together. 
 or good or 
 he national 
 3ly observe 
 riests were 
 nt wliether 
 ,nk and file 
 ^ew World 
 11 prospect 
 and as full 
 ■ least pro- 
 i fold, was 
 
 KXOOUS (»F THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 468 
 
 17i:>..] 
 
 likely to furnish a considerable percentage of men of 
 whom no country could be proud. In truth, the 
 priests of the American church soon acquired an 
 unenviable notoriety : scandal was given more par- 
 ticularly by the monks, who really appear to have 
 cast off all sense of decency in the New World : 
 but the secular clergy, at least in the lower ranks, 
 were by no means clear. If we had received our 
 picture only from men like Gage,* who describes 
 his adventures with the glee of a schoolboy let loose, 
 and comments on tlie morals of his former brethren 
 with the proverbial acrimony of a deserter, we might 
 hesitate to accept it ; but grave historians of the 
 Iloman Catholic religion speak of the morals of the 
 Spanish American clergy in terms quite as severe 
 as Gage. Frezier, a man particularly zealous for 
 his own religion, Benzoni, Gentil, Correal, all follow 
 in the same strain. The Jesuit historian, Acosta, con- 
 siders the state of morals which he deplores a natural 
 consequence of permitting crowds of monks to leave 
 the retirement and discipline of the cloister, and 
 mingle again with the world. 
 
 All the authors who are strongest in their strictures 
 on the regular clergy, except the Jesuits from their 
 censure ; all admit that the members of that won- 
 derful society, bound by a discipline much more 
 perfect than that of any other, maintained an irre- 
 proachable demeanour in the midst of corruption, 
 and were ever ready as missionaries to venture, 
 
 * New Survey of the West Indies. 
 
 CirAITKU 
 
 XVII. 
 
Vi 
 
 1 ' 
 
 :, ^j 
 
 '^"'' ' ■■'if 
 
 464 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 I -f 
 
 [171.3. 
 
 (^riArTEK with their lives in their hands, among tlio most iiii- 
 ' — ' tameable and warlike tribes. It is right, in these 
 days, when among a particular class of Protestants 
 the name of Jesuit is but another and stronger name 
 for a liar, a synonym for everything that is sly, 
 underhand, deceitful, to call to mind tliat although 
 they were often used by unscrupulous superiors as 
 tools in the commission of many wicked acts, they 
 were also the boldest missionaries, the most eloquent 
 preachers, the most frequent martyrs among the 
 heathen. It is hardly possible to point to an Indijin 
 massacre, either in the French or Spanish settle- 
 ments, where the earliest victim was not a Jesuit. 
 It is by no means necessary to defend the Jesuit 
 code of ethics, or the adaptability of their marvellous 
 organization to political intrigue ; but if it was true 
 of any men that " they counted not their lives dear 
 unto themselves," it was true of the Jesuits. The 
 manners of the regular were even worse in general 
 than those of the secular clergy. The first missionaries 
 were monks, and the popes, as soon as the conquest of 
 each province had been completed, and its ecclesias- 
 tical establishment began to get into shape, allowed 
 the monks of the four mendicant orders to assume the 
 care of parishes as a reward for their zeal. These 
 men were exempted from all interference with 
 their proceedings on the part of the bishops of their 
 diocese ; they were subject only to the censures of the 
 superiors of their own orders : a great career was 
 thus opened to members of the regular monasteries of 
 
 s 
 
 ..A . 
 
rroxs. 
 
 [1713. 
 
 g tlio most un- 
 rig'] »t, in tliese 
 of Protc'wtaiits 
 stronger name 
 ig tliat is sly, 
 tJiat althoiigli 
 IS superiors as 
 3ked acts, tliey 
 most eloquent 
 rs among the 
 t to an Indian 
 Spanish settle- 
 not a Jesuit. 
 tid the Jesuit 
 eir marvellous 
 if it was true 
 eir lives dear 
 Jesuits. The 
 ■se in general 
 5t missionaries 
 le conquest of 
 its ecclesias- 
 lape, allowed 
 to assume the 
 zeal. These 
 erence with 
 lops of their 
 nsures of the 
 t career was 
 lonasteries of 
 
 EXODUS 0" TIIK WRSTEUN NATIONS. 
 
 40.5 
 
 i 
 
 1713.] 
 
 Spain. Two classes of monks hastened to avail Chapter 
 
 XVII. 
 
 themselves of the privileges oftered to them : rest- ^ — 
 less minds, who, conscious of great views and great 
 talents, pined under the monotony of cloister life, 
 eagerly seized the permission to make their escape. 
 The highest ecclesiastical honours of the New World 
 were open to them : they filled the pulpits of the 
 great cathedrals of Mexico, Panama, Lima : three 
 archbishoprics, thirty-two bishoprics, three hundred 
 and forty-six prebendaries, abbacies, chaplaincies, 
 headships of more than eight hundred convents, 
 were open to their ambition. It is not pretended by 
 their worst foe that these men did not well support 
 the dignity of their offices. iJut there was another 
 class — unhappy men who, either from ennui, or from 
 deliberate wickedness, or from disgust at a mistaken 
 vocation, or hating the restraint of monastic life, 
 eagerly seized the opportunity of escape ; they were 
 numbered by thousands : life beyond the limits of 
 the law, a benefice among mountains and streams, 
 far away from superior or prior, an exemption from 
 censure even from the wearer of a mitre, unless he 
 were also a dignitary of their own order — these 
 things offered an attraction which the worst class 
 of Spanish monks accepted as willingly, as the best 
 accepted their chance of a new and honoural)le 
 career. Thus it came to pass that while the seculars 
 dozed away existence, and the superior clergy were 
 for the most part men of iDlameless life, thousands 
 of unworthy priests, far away in the provinces, 
 
 VOL. I. 2 H 
 
 .4 
 

 
 400 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 ■ t 
 
 ■ ■ 1 , 
 
 
 . ■ 
 
 6- , 
 
 
 i., ' 
 
 1 . 
 • 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 [1713. 
 
 CnAPTEu lived a life that was the scorn and scandal of all 
 
 XVII. 
 
 — good men. 
 
 The Dominican monks and the Jesuits elected the 
 general of their order for hfe ; the generals of other 
 orders remained in office for six years. The snhjecta 
 of these generals were dispersed in provinces hoth in 
 the Old and New World : each province under the 
 charge of a provincial, elected by the provincial 
 chapters every three years. Early in the seventeenth 
 century, Spanish America was divided into many pro- 
 vinces, each of which was in the habit of electing, at 
 the triennial meeting of its chapter, a procurator to 
 proceed to Europe, and express, at the general chap- 
 ter of the order, the wants and requirements of his 
 province. The procurators were usually provided, by 
 way of adding emphasis to their requests, with very 
 considerable presents to the general, the pope, the 
 cardinals, and the nobles of Spain. Lucky was the 
 buccaneer who came across the procurator of a pro- 
 vince on his way to the general chajiter ; for, as Gage 
 pithily expresses it, " they are commonly the best 
 prizes met with." Amongst the business of a pro- 
 curator, one principal item always was, to make 
 arrangements for a fresh mission of his own order : 
 armed by the newly-elected general with a patent 
 as vicar-general for his province, the procurator — 
 generally an Indian friar* — presented himself and 
 
 * Gage, New Survey of the West Indies, p. 16. " Then the tauny 
 Itulian fryer being well set out with high coinmendations, and fairly 
 painted with flattorin<j; el()f2;ies, presents these his patents," &c., &:c. Ro- 
 
noNs. 
 
 [1713. 
 
 scandal of all 
 
 iiits elected the 
 tierals of other 
 The siihjects 
 evinces hoth in 
 nee nnder the 
 
 the provincial 
 he seventeenth 
 into many pro- 
 ; of electing, at 
 
 procurator to 
 J general cliap- 
 rements of his 
 y provided, by 
 jsts, with very 
 
 the pope, the 
 Lucky was the 
 irator of a pro- 
 !r ; for, as Gage 
 Lionly the best 
 iness of a pro- 
 was, to make 
 bis own order : 
 
 with a patent 
 e procurator — 
 d himself and 
 
 . " Then the tanny 
 sndations, and fairly 
 tents," &c., Sec. l\o- 
 
 EXODTTft OF THE WESTERN XATK^NS. 
 
 4f5- 
 
 Aie pope, from whom he received a 
 
 1713.J 
 
 his patent ^ 
 
 ])ull, authorizing him to se;ircli the cloisters of his 
 order, and take out such of the brethren as miglit 
 volunteer for the work : the arrival of a pope's com- 
 missary is described as a joyful day for such among 
 the young monks as were weary of their cloisters, or 
 for those who, lying under censure for some breach 
 of monastic rule, saw an opportunity of escape. 
 
 We have an account from the pen of one such 
 restless friar of the coming of a pope's commissary, 
 and the commotion that it excited in the Dominican 
 cloister at Xeres in Andalusia. The monk himself 
 was an Englishman of Roman Catholic family, who 
 had been sent abroad by his relations, to be trained 
 up as a Jesuit in Spain. The young man entertaining 
 an invincible repugnance to the four-cornered cap and 
 black habit of the Jesuits, took refuge with Domini- 
 cans, and thereby incurred the severe displeasure of his 
 father, who angrily told him that he would rather see 
 him scullion in a college of the Jesuits than general 
 of the Dominicans, and peremptorily ordered him at 
 once to take the vows of the order of St. Loyola. The 
 
 Chaiteb 
 XV IT. 
 
 bertson, Hist, of Amer. B. \ii., says that Indians were never ordained. 
 M. Clavigoro controverts this statement. Whereupon Robertson in a note 
 rejoined, and apparently had the best of *he argument. The statement of 
 Gage appears as evidence on the other side. Gage ouj,ht to know, as he 
 was himself, before becoming a Protestant, a missionaiy friar. His statements 
 in general are highly coloured by the proverbial zeal of a convert ; but in 
 this instance the infornio "ion is given incidentally, and is apparently trust- 
 worthy. In another place he expressly states that they had been kept 
 down and suppressed as much as possible, lest by their numerical supe- 
 riority they should •' prevail against those brought from Spain." 
 
 2 H 2 
 
;# 
 
 468 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 ■■ 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 . f 
 
 Chapter 
 XVJI. 
 
 R '-.•'< 
 
 i'^i- 
 
 M ; 
 
 Wl ■■ 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 ■ 
 
 [1713. 
 
 arrival of a pope's commissary offered an opportunity 
 of escape : tlie lad listened eagerly to the tale of one 
 Melendez, who had been deputed by the commissary, 
 Mattheo do h Tilla, to beat up for recruits in the Do- 
 minican convents of Andalusia. He was invited to " a 
 stately supper," at wliich the good Xeres sack was not 
 spared. " Bacchus metamorphosed ]\[elendez from 
 a divine into an orator, and made a Cicero in parts 
 of rhetorical eloquence ;" — and so on, according ro the 
 style of that time, till the young novice was fairly 
 enlisted, and sent off to Calos to await the departure 
 of the Indian fleet. The Dominicans, who preferred 
 to remain under rigid discipline at home, frowned on 
 the youthful missionaries who had made a different 
 choice. But the pope's bull was incontrovertible, and 
 the Andalusian cloister definitively left behind. The 
 monk regaled his recruits by the way with reading a 
 memorandum of the fish and flesh, the sheep, the 
 gammons of bacon, the fat hens, the hogs, the white 
 biscuit, the jars of Casalla wine, the rice, figs, olives, 
 capers, raisins, lemons, sweet and sour oranges, com- 
 fits, preserves,' conserves, and Portugal sweetmeats, 
 which he had provided for the voyage He told them 
 likewise that they should be made Masters of Arts 
 and Divinity on th^^ir arrival at Manilla. 
 
 Leaving their chests and books for the superior of 
 their convent to send after them, they set out for 
 Puerto de Santa Maria, travelling " like Spanish 
 dons on their little boricoes " (donkeys), and sleeping 
 at lught in stately convents. ()i> arriving at the 
 
ONS. 
 
 [171S. 
 
 ti opportunity 
 be tale of one 
 B commissary, 
 lits in the Do- 
 ; invited to " a 
 ^ sack was not 
 elendez from 
 cero in parts 
 cording' ro the 
 ice was fairly 
 the departure 
 ^vho preferred 
 e, frowned on 
 le a different 
 overtible, and 
 
 behind. The 
 ^ith reading a 
 he sheep, the 
 ip:s, the white 
 e, figs, oKves, 
 oranges, com- 
 ] sweetmeats. 
 
 He told them 
 
 asters of Arts 
 
 a. 
 
 he superior of 
 
 y set out for 
 
 like Spanish 
 , and sleeping 
 riving at the 
 
 EXODUS OF TUE WESTERN NATIONS, 
 
 469 
 
 1713.] 
 
 Puerto, Don Frederiu.ie de Toledo, the governor, Chaptek 
 
 . . XVII. 
 
 hearing of the arrival of four Indian apostles, en- — 
 tertained them royally at supper. The people turned 
 out into the streets to gaze upon men possibly des- 
 tined to martyrdom, and the galley-slaves in the port 
 " strove who should sound their waits and trumpets 
 most joyfully." Thus they proceeded on their way to 
 Cales. 
 
 One July evening, the admiral of the galleons 
 ordered a gun to be fired to recall stragglers, pas- 
 sengers, and mariners to their ships. A " crab- 
 faced English fryer," one Pablo de Londres, excited 
 the extreme wrath of our pilgrim by obtaining an order 
 for his arrest, on the ground that no English monk 
 ought to pass to the Indies, Englishmen having a 
 country of their own to convert. An empty biscuit 
 barrel and some friendly connivance on the part of the 
 sailors enabled the young missionary safely to elude 
 pursuit. The gallant ships went out one by one with 
 shouts and salutes, and good wishes waved to the out- 
 ward bound from balcony and pier-head. The fleet 
 consisted of forty-one sail, eight of them royal galleons 
 which were to convoy the merchant ships on their way 
 till all danger from Holland cruisers should be safely 
 passed. Of tlic rest, some were bound for various 
 ports of the isles of the ocean : but the main part for 
 A^era Cruz, the legal distination of the semi-annual 
 fleet. It may serve to show the scale on which Spain 
 carried cut her missions to say that in one of the 
 ships was a mission of thirty Jesuits for tlie Philip- 
 
 
y^ - w Q "' "■ 
 
 I i !i 
 
 
 470 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 0il\' 
 
 
 ill! 
 
 
 I, 
 
 [1713. 
 Chapter pine Islands. In another, the Dominican mission of 
 
 XVII 
 
 — twenty-four friars ; in a third, a Mercenarian mission 
 of twenty-fom- friars bound for Mexico. Th; t there 
 was no lack of friars even then in Mexico is shown 
 by the fact tha' these very twenty-four Spaniards, 
 were, on their arrival, set upon and maltreated by 
 the Creole Mercenarians of Mexico, on the express 
 ground there were enough Creole friars without 
 the admission of Spanish interlopers. At a certain 
 jDeriod of the voyage, the admiral of the galleons 
 withdrew his command and returned to Spain. 
 " The departure was most solemnly performed on 
 each side, saluting each other with their ordnance, 
 visiting each other with their cock-boats, the ad- 
 miral of the fleet feasting with a stately dinner 
 the admiral of the galleons," and so farewell with 
 salute of artillery and ceremonious rowing to and fro 
 of cockboats. Gallantly the fleet slipped down the 
 trades. Wearily the friars sought lelief from the 
 monotony of their voyage by catching dorado and 
 flying fish, " and such feasts and sports as are used 
 on shipboard." On the last day of July, the day 
 dedicated to Saint Ignatius, the Jesuits performed a 
 masque or pageant on board their ship. The \essel 
 was trimmed about with white linen, the flags and 
 topgallants were decorated with the Jesuit arms and 
 with pictures of St. Ignatius. All the morning the 
 fathers marched in solemn procession, singing an- 
 thems and psalms. " All this seconded by roaring 
 ordnance, no powder being spared for completing 
 
I 
 
 ONS. 
 
 [1713. 
 
 an mission of 
 arian mission 
 . Tlu'.t there 
 xico is shown 
 ur Spaniards, 
 Qaltreated by 
 the express 
 iars without 
 At a certain 
 the galleons 
 to Spain. 
 )erformed on 
 3ir ordnance, 
 )ats, the ad- 
 ;ately dinner 
 ■are well with 
 ag to and fro 
 sd down the 
 ief from the 
 dorado and 
 ^ as are used 
 uly, the day 
 performed a 
 The \ essel 
 le flags and 
 Liit arms and 
 morning the 
 singing an- 
 '. by roaring 
 completing 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 471 
 
 1713.] 
 
 that day's joy and triumph. All that night the Chapter 
 waits ceased not from sounding, the rigging was ' — ■*' 
 illuminated with lanterns, squibs and other fireworks 
 were let off, and the cannon saluted as before." 
 
 On the 4th of August came the feast of St. 
 Dominic. It was now the turn of the Dominicans. 
 Powder, squibs, waits, lights, and music enlivened 
 the night. The whole mission of the Jesuits, with the 
 captain and passengers of their ship, were invited to 
 " a stately dinner both of flesh and fish ; " after 
 which a comedy of the famous Lope de Yega was as 
 stately acted and set forth in shows and good apparel 
 as might have Ijeen upon the best stage in the court 
 of ]\Iadrid. Then a banquet of sweetmeiits, ere the 
 c(jckboats carried back the guests under the invariable 
 salute of " waits and chiefest ordnance." 
 
 One other incident of the voyage appears cha- 
 racteristij of the time. Towards the end ri August, 
 " the admii'al of our fleet, wondering much at the 
 slowness of our sailing, called to council the pilots 
 of all the shii)s, to know their opinion concerning 
 our present being and the nearness of land. The 
 ships therefore drew near to the admiral one by one 
 that every pilot miglit deliver his opinion." 
 
 Landing with much pomp u^ Vera Cruz, they 
 assisted in the gorgeous I'eception which was given to 
 the new viceroy of Mexico, who had been a passenger 
 in the fleet. The only remarkable thing in this 
 recei)tion besides banners, waits, canopies of state, 
 and such-like court milliuery, was u comedy which 
 
P-' 
 
 ^1! 
 
 
 KSm'' 
 
 WlB 
 
 ! 
 
 p 
 
 *■ 1 
 
 ( 1 
 
 i ; 
 
 ^ . 1 
 
 ■J 
 
 • 
 
 I " 
 
 1 f 
 
 
 i '■' 
 
 < 
 
 1 
 
 r .1' 
 
 :l 
 
 i 
 
 8 - ■' 
 
 ■f" 
 
 ? 
 
 I;C' 
 
 ' 
 
 
 I '■■' 
 
 : I' 
 
 I 
 
 ■ H ! 
 
 M-, i 
 
 47i! 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 [1713. 
 
 Chaiteb was acted by the townspeople m the cathedral 
 XVII. "^ r 1 
 
 — church. The " apostles," as they are called, after 
 two days' sojourn at St. Juan, started off on mules 
 for Mexico. At all the villages on the way the chief 
 inhabitants came forth on horseback to meet them, 
 bringing with them nosegays of flowers, and escorting 
 them in with trumpets and waits, singing men and 
 choristers, " who leisurely walked before us, singing 
 Te Deum Laudamus." In the market places, booths 
 of boughs were made and stores of refreshment, boxes 
 of conserves, diet bread, and chocolate, after which 
 sjDceches delivered by the chief Indians kneeling, and 
 kissing of hands, and so to the saddle again and away, 
 leaving blessings to a kneeling crowd that filled the 
 market place. Sometimes the company passed the 
 nights in Indian huts : more frequently they reached 
 the hospitable shelter of some cloister, where the more 
 sedate members of the party were scandalized at the 
 sight of cards and dice with which the friars passed 
 away their evenings, and the rich dresses and plate 
 owned by men who were sworn to poverty. At one 
 convent of tlieir own order the new missionaries 
 were still further shocked by troops of dancing girls, 
 whom the fathers boasted they had trained them- 
 selves. 
 
 Numerous as were the Creole monks, it was long 
 before they could succeed in making any persons of 
 American birth priors of the monasteries in Mexico 
 and Peru ; the provincials of the orders and superiors 
 of the convents were all from Old Spain. But a 
 
:oNs. 
 
 [1713. 
 ;Iie cathedral 
 called, after 
 off on mules 
 way the chief 
 o meet them, 
 and escorting 
 ing men and 
 e us, singing 
 places, booths 
 hment, boxes 
 , after which 
 meeling, and 
 in and away, 
 hat filled the 
 7 passed the 
 they reached 
 ere the more 
 ahzed at the 
 friars passed 
 es and plate 
 ty. At one 
 missionaries 
 mcing girls, 
 lined them- 
 
 it was long 
 r persons of 
 i in Mexico 
 id superiors 
 ill. But a 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 473 
 
 1713.] 
 
 great change took place at last in some of the pro- Chaptkb 
 vinccs : "Now lately," writes Gage in 1G25, "some — ' 
 provinces have got the upper hand, and have so filled 
 their cloisters with Criolios that they have utterly 
 refused to admit the supplies of Spanish missions 
 which were formerly sent unto them. In the pro- 
 vince of Mexico there are Dominicans, Franciscans, 
 Augustines, Carmelites, Mercenarians, and Jesuits, 
 whereof the Jesuits and Carmelites only prevail against 
 Criolios, bringing every two or three years missions 
 from Spain." In Guaxaca the Creole party was 
 predominant; but in Guatemala no Creole had ever 
 been provincial or prior. Peru was fully supplied 
 with monks principally of the Dominican order — all 
 Creoles : in Granada, in Carthagena, in Santa Fe, and 
 in Popayan, parties were pretty equally divided. In 
 Yucatan the Spanish faction prevailed. But in no 
 part of the Spanish dominions were the quarrels so 
 violent as in Mexico : in 1625 a mission was sent to 
 the Mercenarians, and so violent was the disagree- 
 ment between the Creole and Spanish members of the 
 brotherhood, that at the next election of a provincial 
 the friars drew their knives, and were only prevented 
 from cutting one another's throats by the personal 
 intervention of the viceroy, who arrived in haste at 
 the cloister and stopped the tumult. 
 
 From the earliest times the temper of the Spaniards 
 had been intolerant ; the establishment of the In- 
 quisition was therefore but feebly opposed. It was 
 introduced in the city of Seville in 1481 ; six Jews 
 
fi 
 
 - r- . -wgp.- 
 
 
 ' ■! 
 
 i 
 
 • 1 
 
 ■ -1* 
 
 ' » 
 
 ' - ' 'f 
 
 
 '/'■■' 
 
 ■ r ■' 
 
 H 
 
 J 
 
 '4 '. ' ' 
 
 I 
 
 
 , t 
 
 1* ' ,' 
 
 
 
 474 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 *•; 
 
 »1 1 
 
 ■ ■ i • ' ■ 
 ( 
 
 1 
 
 , ■ ■ ( , 
 
 1 , 
 
 !,Vi • 
 
 ■ 1 . 
 
 . 'i ; ' ■■ , 
 
 : - ' 
 
 
 i! 
 
 
 [1713. 
 
 Chapter Were bumed within four clays from the time of its 
 
 XVII 
 
 — establisliment. Mariana, the Spanish historian, re- 
 cords with thaiikfiihicss the blessings which he sup- 
 poses to have arisen from it : he declares it to be the 
 greatest possible terror to the bad, and the greatest 
 advantage to Christianity : he combats the idea that 
 the secresy of the tribunal militates against its justice : 
 many calumnies and frauds are thus, he says, avoided ; 
 as to the departure which it involves from the ancient 
 laws of the Church, the laws must conform to the 
 necessities of altered times : he states that seventeen 
 thousand men and women, of all ages and conditions, 
 hastened to reconcile themselves to the Church in the 
 first year of its establishment : two thousand were 
 slain.* Ferdinand the Fifth resolved on establishing 
 the Inquisition in the New World ; the Cardinal 
 Ximenez de Cisneros (to whom the king had confided 
 the charge of this matter) nominated D. Juan Quevedo, 
 Archbishop of Cuba, to be Inquisitor-general to the 
 Spanish colonies, then known under the designation of 
 the kingdom of Terra Firma, with the power of se- 
 lecting all the judges and officers of the tribunal : 
 Charles Y. extended it : D. Alphonso Manso, Bishop 
 of Porto Rico, and Fr. Pierre de Cordova, vice- 
 principal of the Dominican friars, were made in- 
 quisitors lor the Indies and the Isles of the Ocean. 
 The new Inquisition began to pursue the baptized 
 
 * Con esta esparanza, diccn so rocon^iliaron hasta dicz y sicte mil per- 
 sonas cutve hombres y mugcrcs dc todas cdades y cstados. Dos mil per- 
 sonas fucvoii quemadas, sin otro mayor uiur.cro dc los que se huycron a 
 las provingias comarcanas. 
 
 1516 
 
 1519 
 
[ONS. 
 
 [1713. 
 
 le time of its 
 historian^ re- 
 vhich he stip- 
 es it to be tbe 
 [ the greatest 
 the idea that 
 nst its justice : 
 says, avoided ; 
 •m the ancient 
 nform to the 
 bat seventeen 
 id conditions, 
 Church in the 
 loiisand were 
 1 estabhshing 
 the Cardinal 
 ^ had confided 
 uan Quevedo, 
 eneral to the 
 lesignation of 
 power of se- 
 the tribunal : 
 [anso, Bishop 
 Drdova, vice- 
 re made in- 
 )f the Ocean, 
 the baptized 
 
 'Z y siote mil per- 
 3S. Dos mil per- 
 [Ue ae huycron a 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 475 
 
 1713.] 
 
 Indians who continued to practise some of the cere- CuArTER 
 monies of their ancient idolatry ; the viceroy com- — 
 plained of the evil which such a system was likely to 
 create : he pointed out that the frightened Indians 
 fled into the interior of the country, and joined the 
 savage tribes who had not yet been sul)jugated by the 
 Spaniards : his representations caused Charles Y. to 
 forbid the Inquisition to practise their terrors on the 
 Indians. The Inquisition, however, paid no attention 
 to the prohibition, and continued to treat with the 
 utmost rigour the unfortunates who fell under their 
 hands. " Helas ! la voix du souverain se perdait dans 
 la vaste etendu des provinces americaines, au pre'- 
 judice des interets de la conquetc, pendant qu'on y 
 faisait servir la religion de pretexte aux mesures de la 
 plus affreuse intolerance."* 
 
 Philip II. resolved on putting the Inquisition of 
 America on the same footing as it was in Spain : in 
 1569 that prince sent a royal decree, in which it was 
 stated that, as the heretics disseminated pernicious 
 doctrines by means of books, and even by oral com- 
 munication, the Inquisitor-general had decided, by 
 advice of the supreme council, to name an inquisitor 
 and servants for America ; and the viceroys were 
 therefore ordered to give them every assistance, 
 and to assist them in establishing themselves on 
 the same footing in New as in Old Spain. This 
 resolution was put into execution without delay : the 
 inquisitors were received witli great pomp, first at 
 
 * Llorcnte. Ilistoiro dc 1' Inquisition. 
 
i. . '■ , 
 
 ■ , .'1 
 
 •l 
 
 47G 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 
 
 "■■ J 
 
 
 ■M t 
 
 1 m 
 
 [1713. 
 
 Chaiter Panama and tlien at Lima. At Lima they were 
 XVIT. , . . 
 
 — placed in possession of a house where they estabHshed 
 
 their courts, their offices, their prisons, and their 
 abode.* 
 
 Phihjo IL, on estabhshing the Inquisition in 
 Mexico, gave directions that such reguhxtions should 
 be made as would prevent any conflict of jurisdiction 
 between it and the other establishments of the holy 
 office. A new ordinance, at the same time, addressed 
 to the viceroy of Peru, regulated the procedure of the 
 Inquisition in Lima : in the following year these 
 plans were digested into a scheme which divided 
 the whole of America into three districts — one at 
 Lima, one in Mexico, and a third at Carthagena : 
 limits were assigned to each jurisdiction, and all sub- 
 ordinated to the authority of the inquisitor-general 
 and the supreme council of Madrid. It was some 
 years before an auto-da-fe took place in Mexico. It 
 1574 happened in the year of Ferdinand Cortez's death, and 
 was celebrated with such magnificence that eye-wit- 
 nesses wrote of it that it wanted but the presence of 
 ' Philip II. and the royal family to equal in splendour 
 the famous auto-da-fe celebrated at Saragossa in 
 1559. A Frenchman and an Englishman, condemned 
 as relapsed and impenitent Lutherans, were burned, 
 and eighty persons were " reconciled " who had been 
 condemned to penance, some as Jewish heretics, some 
 as followers of Luther and Calvin, some as bigamists 
 
 * Rccopila^ion de ludios, in which tlie laws on this subject are given, 
 especially liuok i. 
 
IONS. 
 
 [1713. 
 
 na they were 
 ley established 
 ns, and their 
 
 nquisition in 
 ilations should 
 of jurisdiction 
 ts of the holy 
 me, addressed 
 'ocedure of the 
 ig year these 
 rhich divided 
 ^ricts — one at 
 
 Carthagena : 
 1, and all sub- 
 lisitor-general 
 
 It was some 
 I Mexico. It 
 z's death, and 
 that eye-wit- 
 3 presence of 
 
 in splendour 
 Saragossa in 
 a, condemned 
 were burned, 
 ^vho had been 
 leretics, some 
 
 as bigamists 
 
 subject are given, 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 
 
 471 
 
 1713.] 
 
 or magicians. 
 
 Anions: the victims was a woman who Chaiter 
 
 declared that she, living in Mexico, could, within two 
 hours, by the use of magic, bring her husband, who 
 lived in Guatemala, to lier side. 
 
 Philip II. did not consider it sufficient to establish 
 the Inquisition on land : the great fleet of tlic 
 Catholic League, which, under Don John of Austria, 
 conquered the Turks at Lepanto, gave him the idea 
 of estabhshing a peripr'etic Court of Inquisition, 
 which should take cognizance of cases of heresy on 
 board captured vessels. It was at first objected to 
 this plan, that the jurisdiction of the Spanish king 
 did not extend beyond the limits of the Spanish 
 monarchy; but the zeal of Philip was not to be 
 baulked by such an obstacle : a bull was obtained 
 from the pope authorizing the G-rand Inquisition of 
 Spain to establish the new court, and to name its 
 judges and officers. It was first designated the 
 Inquisition of the Galleys : the title was afterwards 
 changed to the more comprehensive designation, 
 Inquisition of the Fleets and Armies. As one of 
 the principal objects of the Inquisition was to pre- 
 vent the introduction of heretical books into the 
 Spanish dominions, a new order was sent to the 
 officers of the holy office at those ports whence 
 foreign trade was carried on : the commissioner was 
 to visit every ship, to receive the declaration of its 
 captain, to register at the custom-house the chests 
 and bales of merchandise which were on board. At 
 Cadiz, the place of visiting commissioner became ex- 
 
 XVII. 
 
' 
 
 i 
 
 478 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEIIN NATIONS. 
 
 '■>(• 
 
 ii' 
 
 : ( 
 
 
 m 
 
 [1713. 
 
 CiurTER ceedingly lucrative : he was ordinarily accompanied 
 — by officers and familiars whose services he might at 
 any moment require : he was received with a salute 
 of guns : he was regaled with refreshments, and, as 
 it is hinted, with compliments of a more substantial 
 nature, to secure his report that nothing had been 
 found contrary to the export laws. 
 
 The colonial government, in no very long time, 
 became a machine of singular complexity : the king 
 had a right to the fifth of all gold and silver, but 
 the king's fifth became attenuated in proportion to 
 the number of hands it passed through. One of the 
 principal items of revenue was the sale of places ; 
 when an officer was appointed, a dozen others were 
 required to watch him : the taxes hardly produced 
 more than the expenses of collection. The whole 
 body of officials, from the highest to the lowest, 
 were in a constant state of quarrelling, greediness, 
 and misery. In the customs, in the mines, in the 
 revenue department, they united only for one 
 object — to plunder the king and his American 
 subjects : offices were so certain a road to wealth, 
 that they were often solicited without salary : around 
 every clerk sat a dozen human vultures, waiting 
 for him to die or be detected in a defalcation, in order 
 to scramble for his place. There was one and only 
 one instrument of orderly government — the eccle- 
 siastics. The result was that the church acquired a 
 far larger share of power than the civil government : 
 the strong arm of the law was but weakness, in 
 
IONS. 
 
 [1713. 
 
 y accompanied 
 OS he might at 
 I witli a sahitc 
 ments, and, as 
 ore substantial 
 Jiing had been 
 
 }ry long time, 
 xity : the king 
 and silver, but 
 1 j^roportion to 
 h. One of the 
 sale of places ; 
 en others were 
 ardly produced 
 n. The whole 
 to the lowest, 
 ing, greediness, 
 ) mines, in the 
 only for one 
 his American 
 road to wealth, 
 salary : around 
 Itures, waiting 
 cation, in order 
 IS one and only 
 Bnt — the eccle- 
 Tch acquired a 
 il government : 
 t weakness, in 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTEllN NATIONS. 
 
 470 
 
 I 
 
 1713.] 
 
 presence of the power wielded by the church and the Ciiaiter 
 
 Inquisition : spiritual and bodily terrors were both ' 
 
 in the hands of the hierarchy ; if accounts be true, 
 they were most unsparingb; wielded : the priesthood 
 was itself dependent on the crown, so that all 
 power, honour, and dominion centred in the crown, 
 less what men in office could plunder by the way. 
 From the lowest officer to the viceroy, from the 
 doorkeeper to the chiefs of justice, from the meanest 
 notary of the administration to the intendant, from 
 the porter of the cathedral to the bishop, all were 
 nominated by the king. Every employ of dignity, 
 honour, or power was given by the monarch, or in his 
 name, for ready money. 
 
 The pope had granted to the king the ecclesiastical 
 tithes : these were divided into nine parts : one for 
 the king ; two for the bishops ; two to the cathedral 
 dignitaries. The remaining four were divided again 
 into nine. One for the king ; four for the curates ; 
 two for repair of churches ; two for the foundation of 
 new benefices and hospitals. The king had also 
 many monopolies : he exacted tribute or protection 
 money from the natives. He had the proceeds of a 
 tax on sales — a tax known and hated in Old Spain 
 under the name of the " alcavala :" he shared in the 
 plunder of conquered tribes : he had a monopoly of 
 quicksilver, without which the mines could not be 
 worked. 
 
 The source of revenue next in importance to the 
 fifth of the produce of the mines, and the alcavala, 
 
h 
 
 480 
 
 EXODUS OF THE WESTRHN NATIONS. 
 
 i 
 
 
 B.; I 
 
 »i,- «1 
 
 . ^t 
 
 71? 
 
 [I7i;{. 
 CiiArTEB was the customs : the duties on mereliJiii(li/e amounted 
 
 XVII. 
 
 — ■ to thirty-four por cent ! Xor was tliis all : Arispe, an 
 inhabitant of Coaquila, in a memoir on the internal 
 provinces of Spain, states that European merchandize 
 passed and paid duty at tliirty difterent custom-houses 
 on its way from the port of landing- to Coaquila : 
 among taxes of minor im})ortance were the ship- 
 ping and landing dues, and the armada and ar- 
 madilla, a tax originally levied to raise and equip 
 light vessels for defending the coast against pirates, 
 and retained, as all other taxes were retained in 
 Spain, long after the necessity liad passed away. The 
 king had also the monopoly of tobacco, salt, ?nd 
 stamped paper, upon which the law compelled every 
 agreement both public and private to be written. 
 
 A government that thus made itself felt at every 
 turn could not .dl to be very oppressive : it could only 
 have been kept up in a very ignorant, a very scattered, 
 or a very poor-spirited population : the inhabitants 
 of New Spain were all three. "It did not suit the 
 policy of Spain," said the Buenos Ayrean manifesto 
 of independence, " that sages should rise up among 
 us." The Cabildo of Buenos Ayres was forbidden to 
 establish a mathematical school, on the ground that 
 " learning did not become colonies." Gil de 
 Lemos, the viceroy of Peru, went even further. He 
 told the collegians of Lima that " an American 
 should know no more than how to w^ite, read, and 
 say his prayers." Chemistry was forbidden in the 
 college of Santa Fe' de Bogota. Godoy, another 
 
< 
 
 STATION'S. 
 
 laiidize amounted 
 is u\\ : Arispe, an 
 I" on tlie internal 
 ean nicrcJiandize 
 nt cnstoin-hoiises 
 !i8- to Coaquila : 
 were tlie sliip- 
 annada and ar- 
 raise and eqin'p 
 against pirates, 
 ere retained in 
 ssed away. Tlie 
 :>acco, salt, pnd 
 ompelled every 
 be written. 
 If felt at every 
 e : it could only 
 very scattered, 
 le inhabitants 
 'd not suit the 
 •ean manifesto 
 :'ise up among 
 s forbidden to 
 ground that 
 s." Gil de 
 further. He 
 fin American 
 •ite, read, and 
 >idden in the 
 doy, another 
 
 EXODUS OF TIIK WESTKRX NATIONS. 
 
 481 
 
 1713.] 
 
 viceroy, forbade witli wliimsical perversity tlie study CnAriKu 
 of " Derechos de gentc " — the law of nations. — 
 Thus the deliberate policy of the government was 
 to keep the Americans ignorant in order the more 
 easily to enslave them : for the same reason caste 
 prejudices were encouraged. A partly coloured man 
 looked down upon a wholly coloured man, and a 
 white man looked with the most serene contempt on 
 both. The Spaniard who came over to make his 
 fortune by sitting in the antechamber of a Spanish 
 grandee till the incumbent of some office died and left 
 his i:>lace for sale, looked down u2:)on the S})aniard 
 as white as himself, who, having had the misfortune 
 to be born in the colonv, had become " cri(.)lio." 
 
 Amidst all this cruelty, injustice, poverty, misery, 
 murder, ignorance, superstition, there is but one 
 sight upon which the eye can rest with satisfaction. 
 It is not upon great viceroys, living in more than 
 regal splendour, with body-guards, and slaves, and 
 crowds of obedient vassals ; not upon the great 
 fathers of the church, honestly as many of them did 
 their duty ; not on the ignoble crowd of office-bearers 
 and office-seekers ; not on the tyrants over slaves in 
 the far-off mines of the Sierra Madre or Potosi ; but 
 on the missionaries, toiling on with brave hearts 
 in daily and deadly peril among the heathen. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 2 I 
 
tfmmmm 
 
 
 i 
 
 ;■( 
 
 ■=f^ . ' :/ 
 
 » . ■; 
 
 
 
 V" 
 
 1 ,ll 
 
 i' ' 
 
 5: ; 
 
 ./ 1' 
 
 I 
 
483 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 UTENDIX. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Table showing 
 
 the Number of TjAWS to wliicli the Royal Ass(.'nt was rofusi'd. 
 
 
 in enc 
 
 1 Year from 1836 to 1864 
 
 inclusive. 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 Uppor 
 Caiiatta. 
 
 Canada, ^'"i'^''-*- Scotla. 
 
 , 1 
 
 New 
 
 Hniiis- 
 
 \vii.:k. 
 
 \c\v. 
 
 liiiilid- 
 
 lalid. 
 
 I'rince 
 
 I'M. van! 
 i>lan.l. 
 
 '1'(IT,\I„ 
 
 
 1836 .... 
 
 
 1 
 
 .. 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 1837 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 — ■ : — 
 
 — — 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 1838 
 
 
 
 
 .< 
 
 . • 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 •• 
 
 2 
 
 1839 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 •• 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 1840 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 .. 
 
 •• 
 
 1 
 
 •■ 
 
 •• 
 
 •• 
 
 6 
 
 18-11 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 •• 
 
 , , 
 
 , J 
 
 1 
 
 1842 
 
 
 
 
 
 .. 
 
 
 .. 
 
 , , 
 
 , , 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 1843 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 1844 
 
 
 
 
 .. 
 
 
 
 
 , , 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1845 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 , , 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1840 
 
 
 
 
 .. 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 1847 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 , , 
 
 , , 
 
 , , 
 
 2 
 
 1848 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 1849 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 — 
 
 _ 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 1850 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 
 
 __ 
 
 — 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 1851 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 , , 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1852 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 , , 
 
 I 
 
 185.1 
 
 
 
 
 .. 
 
 
 . , 
 
 
 , , 
 
 "l 
 
 , , 
 
 I— ( 
 
 1854 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 
 1855 
 
 
 
 
 .. 
 
 
 
 . . 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 185G 
 
 
 
 
 
 .. 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 .. 
 
 . , 
 
 1 
 
 1857 . 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 ___ 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1858 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1850 
 
 
 
 : 
 
 1 
 
 ' 1 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 — ■ _ 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1860 . 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 — — 
 
 — 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1861 . 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — — 
 
 — 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 18G2 
 
 
 
 . 1 
 
 
 1 ■ ' ' 
 
 , , 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 1863 . 
 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 • . 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 18C4 . 
 
 
 
 j 
 
 — 
 
 1 [ 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 Since the Union of 1 ' 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 Upper one! Loworv 
 Ciinadi, 1810 .) 
 
 " 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 ■t 
 
 12 
 
 28 
 

 w 
 
 i 
 
 ?!' 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 I'KINTKI. BV WII.MAM CLOWES AND ««1N^ OTAMFOIID SfTKKKT 
 AND CITARINQ CKOSS. 
 
 'i 
 
 \ 
 
 ii%Mllll M^MfcaH^^,,^ 
 
») STKKKT